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M E M 0 IRS
ME
Of the CO U R T of
A U G V S T U S.
Continued, and completed, from the original Papers of the late
THOMAS
BLACKWELL, J. U. D.
PRINCIPAL of MARISHAL COLLEGE, in the Univerſity of ABERDEEN,
By JOHN MIL L S,' Eſq.
VOL. III.
L
ON N D Do ON:
Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand.
MDCCLXIII.
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THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
The
Earl of BUTE,
Knight of the Moſt Noble Order of the Garter,
1
Firſt Lord Commiſſioner of his Majeſty's Treaſury, &c. &c.
IN WHOSE CHARACTER
All the Great and Good Qualities which diſtinguiſhed Agrippa,
As a MINISTER, a FRIEND, and a PATRIOT,
Are happily united with
That liberal Patronage of Genius which has immortalized MÆCENAS ;
This THIRD and LAST VOLUME
of the late Dr. BLACKWELL'S
MEMOIRS of the Court of AUGUSTUS,
Containing the AMIABLE Part of that Emperor's Life,
i
*...","141.**
Is, with the utmoſt Reſpect, inſcribed, by
His Lordship's moſt obedient,
yu...
and moſt humble Servants,
March 16, 1763.
John Mills
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基
​M E MO I R S
2
OF THE
COURT of AUGUSTUS
BOOK X.
&
.
I
T is univerſally acknowledged, that the Happineſs of Na-
tions depends, in a great meaſure, upon their Governours,
whoſe Manners the People are rather more ready to imitate
than to obey their Commands. This ſhould render Men in
power equally circumſpect in private Life, as attentive to the D1-
ties of their public Stations. We are willing, it is true, partly
thro' cuſtom, or good-nature, to make allowances to our Rulers,
and with pleaſure ſee them, after undergoing Toils and Dangers
for the Public, indulge in eaſe and magnificence: but we ex-
pect moderation in the Uſe of them, and fail not to defpiſe, per-
haps to curſe the Leader, whoſe looſe example infects the Mo-
rals, or whoſe exceſſes. entail Miſery upon an over-burthened:
People.
After a Series of dreadful Calamities, ROME was now be-
ginning to take breath; and thro' the Influence of the wiſe
and learned Men that compoſed Cefar's Council, unhappy ITALY
Vol. III,
А.
$
Wass
B
1:1-3
2
MEMOIRS of the
: ...:
...
;
was reaſſuming a face of Joy, while the Affairs of the East
were running into Confuſion. M. ANTONY, from the Time
he had traiterouſly enſlaved his Country, having given him-
ſelf up to Drinking and Debauch, had minded no public Bu-
fineſs but thro' neceffity : -- every thing was managed with
the utmoſt Licentiouſneſs by his Creatures, and of confequence
all was in diſorder. Yet was he not ſo thoroughly loſt to a ſenſe
of Shame, as not to feel the diſhonour reflected
upon
his Govern-
ment by the Parthian Incurſions or not to be ftung by the
Victories, gained by Ventidius and his other Lieutenants in
his Department of the Empire. For another Soldier of fortune,
P. Canidius Craſſus, (who had a chief hand in ſeducing Lepidus's
Army, and gaining admiſſion to routed Antony), being ſent
to govern Bithynia and Pontus, had picked a quarrel with
Pharnabaze, the neighbouring King of Iberia ; and marching
thro’ Armenia by the ſame Route that Cn. Pompey had held be-
fore, firſt forced him to an Alliance, and then joining Armies,
had made a farther attempt upon his Neighbour, ZOBER King
of Albany. They were no petty Princes ; nor was it a ſmall Con-
queſt. IBERIA, called now by the Perhans Gourgiſtan*, and by
the Europeans Georgia, is a fertile Country, watered by the Kür
and many a navigable Stream. It was then finely cultivated,
full of Brick-built Towns, and public Edifices ; ſo that the Prince
could raiſe many thouſand Men in caſe of an Invaſion. The
Albanian was ſtill more powerful ; having faced Pompey the great
with an Army of fixty thouſand Foot and fourteen thouſand
Horſe. Theſe Conqueſts are but juſt named among Pompey's
Victories, thro'the irreparable Loſs of the MEMOIRS of his Ex-
pedition, writ by THEOPHANES his Companion and Secretary al-
ready
:
:
.
:.
:
* The Land of Unbelievers; from us imperitus, ſultus (the Appellation given by
the Mahammedans to Infidels), and plans a Country : tho’ others derive it
from sê Gawr, a Renegade, and others
from pohé Gaur, a low Flat, a Plain
Court of AUGUSTUS.
3
w
ready mentioned. CANIDIUS, affiſted by the Iberian Cavalry,
reconquered Albany, and took their King Zeber alive. A third
Lieutenant-General, C. Soffius, had been detached, after the ſur-
render of Samoſata, with four Legions, to eject Antigonus, and ſet-
tle Herod on the Throne of Yudea. The Bravery, Magnanimity,
and indefatigable Pains of the young Prince, powerfully aſſiſted
Soſſus to get the better of the obftinate Attachment of that Nation
to the Afmonean Family, and of their Averſion to an Idumean
Sovereign.
It was now running the third Summer ſince the Roman Se-
nate had faluted Herod King of tlie Jews, and proclaimed Anti-
gonus an Enemy. This Delay, and the Revolt of many Towns
during his abſence at Samoſata, made Herod now engage in more
deſperate Undertakings, than became a Leader of his experience,
and give leſs quarter than in former Campaigns. In many fierce
encounters he beat all that durft make head againſt him in the
field, then chaſtiſed the rebellious Cities, and advanced with.
his Forces to unhappy Jeruſalem. He ordered Works to be rai-
fed on the North of the Town, againſt that Part of the Wall
by which Pompey had broke in before. But, in the heat of the
Approaches, to the great ſurprize of his Captains, he left them
all of a ſudden, and made an excurſion to Samaria, in the ſame
manner as Henry IV. of France ran away from the Siege of la
Fere, to pay a viſit at Moncea?x to Mademoiſelle d'Etrées (la belle
Gabrielle), whom he made afterwards Dutcheſs of Beaufort.
What might be the true Cauſe of ſo ſtrange a Sally, in a forward
puſhing Temper, is hard to tell: whether a Guſt of Paſſion, or
ſome Surmiſe about the Ladies : certain it is, that Herod choſe
this opportunity while Soſpus was not come up with the main
Army, to go and conſummate his Marriage with the beauteous
Mariamne, who had been his Bride for three years ſince; before
his Voyage to Italy, and being declared King of Judea. He:
made it however but a by-work to the regaining his Crown and;
Kingdom: for quickly returning with a great Reinforcement out:
A 2.
ofi
4
MEMOIRS of the
.
:
of the Samaritan Territory, he joined Soſpus and the Legions
with thirty thouſand Men, and vigoroully preſſed the Siege of
Jeruſalem.
The Jews within made a deſperate defence. They perſuaded
themſelves, that GOD would miraculouſly appear for their re-
lief from an Army compoſed of Idumeans, Samaritans, Syrians
and Romans-Nations, whom they thought odious to Heaven;
and, in virtue of this perſuaſion, they underwent the greateſt
hardſhips, and did the boldeſt things Men are capable of per-
forming. But the Roman Diſcipline, and Skill in all the Branches
of the military Art, found nothing unſurmountable ; and, being
at the ſame time favoured by the Seaſon, the Works advanced
apace, in ſpite of the fierce reſiſtance of Men who little va-
lued their own life or limbs, ſo they might do miſchief to the
Enemy.
Yet, for all the Roman Addreſs and Idumean Bravery, the
Siege laſted five months, when at length a part of Herod's own
Life-guard were firſt ſeen to mount the Wall; and after them
Sofius's Troop broke in, and made way for the whole Army. The
City was taken that ſame day fix and twenty years it had been
taken by CN. POMPEY*. In the firſt fury of the Troops, the
miſerable Jews felt all the Ills which a Town carried by Storm
ſuffers from a foreign Army, or the more mercileſs hands of
their inveterate Country-men : But at laſt Herod interpofed ;
and, by Promiſes to the General, and Threats to the Soldiery, not
only ſaved the Remains of his Capital, but preſerved the Sanctity
of the Temple from profanation. The Romans and Syrians were
ruſhing into it, partly for plunder, and partly from a curioſity to
view the Arcana that were kept ſo religiouſly from vulgar Eyes.
They did not mind the King's Entreaties, nor regard his Threats ;
until
* Joseph, the Jewiſh Hiſtorian, ſays it was ſeven and twenty Years between
the two Sackings of Jeruſalem : but he has probably counted by the Hebrew Ka-
lendar, and included the Sabbatic Year, which began at the autumnal Equinox,
in the Month of Tisri, or September, A. U. C. DCCXVI.
:
Court of AUGUSTUS.
8
5
It was
until he charged them ſword in hand at the head of his own
Guards, and reduced them to a Senſe of their Duty.
Among the miſerable Spectacles of the Day was Antigonus,
lately the Idol of the Nation : who forgetting the Dignity of
his Birth and Station, threw himſelf down at Sofius's feet,
meanly begging for Life : nor did the Roman General keep to
the generoſity of a Victor or the humanity of his Nation ; but
received the unhappy Prince with an inſultive ſneer-called him
Miſs Antigoné, and ordered him immediately to be put in irons.
le afterwards led him to ANTONY who was lying with the Ar-
my at Antioch, and who, in conſideration of a vaſt ſum ſent by
Herod, gave orders that Antigonus ſhould loſe his head.
the firſt one ſtruck off by the Romans that had wore a Crown:
for his elder Brother Alexander, who was beheaded by Sciſio's
command, had not put on the Diadem. Dion ſays, that his
Head was put into the Furca, a ſort of Pillory, and his Body
ſcourged, before he was brought to the Block ; and the accurate
Strabo, in his much-regreted Hiſtory, afſigns the Reaſon of this
ignominious Execution, that it was the only Way .could be
thought of, to looſen the affections of the Jews from the Aſmo-
nean Race, and make them receive Herod as their King: for ſo
rooted was their hatred to him, that, even when put upon the
• Rack, they would not acknowledge him for their Sovereign.'
Yet he had a ſtrong Party zealous for his intereſt, and that among
the ſtricteſt Sect, the Phariſees; one of whom, by name POLL10,
propheſied, ſays Joſephus, his Eſtabliſhment on the Throne; and
was highly honoured by Herod; who did not fail to reward his
military Men, eſpecially the Romans, with great magnificence ;
and made Preſents to the General that were truly royal. Accord-
ingly, before his departure, Soffíus conſecrated a Crown of Gold
in the Temple of the LORD at Jeruſalem, in token of his ha-
ving ſettled a KING.
These Atchievements of Ventidius, of Canidius Craſſus, and
Sofius, againſt powerful or deſperate Nations, ſeemed to confirm
the
<
.
:
.
6
MEMOIRS of the
the young Ceſar's Obſervation, tbat be and his Collegue were more
fortunate by their Lieutenants, than when they commanded in perſon.
They ſpread the Terror of Antony's Arms over all Afia, from the
Euxine to the Red-Sea, at the ſame time that they reflected not
a little diſhonour on his perſonal Indolence. Along with this,
his vaſt luxurious Army, while idle, lay a heavy Burden upon
the exhaufted Provinces, and called for new Supplies of Plun-
der ; ſo that Honour combined with Intereſt to rouze, and
make him finally reſolve upon an Expedition to PARTHIA, and,
as he fondly hoped, the Conqueſt of that mighty Empire.
We obſerved, that this Expedition was in view at his laſt Part-
ing with CESAR, when Ottavia accompanied him in his Voyage
towards Greece. They touched at the Iſland Corfu in their way;
and from thence, either out of real regard for her Eaſe, or be-
ginning to weary of too uniform a Wife, he ſent back that ex-
cellent Woman with her own two Infants and Fulvia's Children,
under pretence that, at a diſtance from the dangers of War, the
would live more agreeably among her Friends at Rome. He then
proceeded thro? Greece to Syria, and began to call together the
whole Power of the Eaſt; fome Incidents having fallen out that
feemed to render the Conjuncture extremely favourable for an
Invaſion of Parthia.
No Prince could be more amazed, than Rodes * (the Con--
queror of Craſſus) was 'with the News of the Death of his Fa-
vourite Pacorus, the royal Youth who fell at the Attack of Ven-
tidius's Camp, and who was the Pride and Pleaſure of the old
King's heart.
He had lately heard that his Armies had ſubdued
all Syria, and over-run a great Part of the Province of Aſia, and
now made no doubt of his Son's beating the Romans, and return-
ing home in triumph: but inſtead of this, he was informed
of
1
* It is the fame Name, a little varied, with Herodes, fignifying mighty Princes
formidable Spoiler, from siny Hérozor, if the Aſpiration (which the Greeks
could not pronounce) be changed, it fignifies, brave, active, clever, from 370.
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
ng
&
of the total Defeat of his Army, and of the Death of the PRINCE:
he was ſeized with Aſtoniſhment. For ſome days he refuſed to
eat, or utter a word, Abſorbed in the Idea of his beloved Son,
he neither heard, nor faw, nor minded any thing beſides; but,
when he began to recover his Speech, it was only to call upon
Pacorus--to converſe with Pacorus *, to aſk him Queſtions as if
preſent, and liſten to his Anſwers.mmtill rocollecting he was no
more, he would burſt into tears, and fall into agonies and dif-
traction. At length, Grief and Neglect of himſelf brought
on a Dropſy, and along with it a new Care-the Choice
of a Succeffor from among thirty remaining Sons. This
Choice, either thro’ Priority of Birth, or the uſual Intrigues of the
Seraglio, fell upon the worſt and wickedeſt of Men, Pbraates it's
born of an obſcure Woman, tho' he had Children by a Princeſs
of Commagene. To him Orodes, weary of Buſineſs, of the
World, and of Life, reſigned his Crown, and in return, as the
Dropſy ſeemed to proceed but lowly in removing him, received
a Draught of Poiſon from his Succeſſor. But it produced a very
unexpected effect, purging off the dropſical humour, and reſtoring
the old King to health, only that he might witneſs the ſlaughter
of his nine and twenty fons by their elder Brother. He ex-
preſſed a proper Indignation, which drew an Order from the
Parricide to ſtiffle his Father with his Pillow. Many of the
prime Nobility met with the ſame Fate ; as did the Monſter's own
Child, who was grown up too nigh the Throne. In conſe-
quence of theſe horrid Doings, PARTHIA was in the utmoſt
confuſion; the ſurviving great Lords fled from Court, to take
Thelter under the neighbouring Princes; and the greateſt of them,
Moneſes,
S
* It fignifies glorious, or triumphant ; from si, Glory, a Triumph; a Name
not unlike the Title of the Kings of Egypt, by the Tranſpoſition of a ſingle
Letter, Pharcho (Pharaoh) fignifying, the Chief, the Prince, the Head of a.
Nation or Family
+ It is derived from the Syriac 1789, Phraat, Eminent Horſeman.
نع
.
1
8
MEMOIRS of the
#
Moneſes, took the route of Syria, and put himſelf under the Pro-
tection of Antony. He met with a diſtinguiſhed Welcome, and
had three Cities afſigned to him for his Entertainment ; in imita-
tion of the Appointments given to Themiſtocles, when that fa-
med Athenian took refuge at the Perſian Court. The Accounts
which Moneſes gave of the diſordered ſtate of Parthia, thro' the
cruelty of their favage King, made it appear an eaſy Conqueft;
and the Promiſes he made to guide the Army, and bring over:
whole Provinces from Phraates, determined Antony to make
the Attempt next Spring.
But while he was employed in preparing for ſo great an En-
terprize, and the tributary Princes were beginning to put their
forces in motion, there were not wanting ſome obliging Perſons
in his own retinue, who, to make themſelves gracious, or
prompted perhaps from Egypt, put him now and then in mind
of its neglected Queen-' the charming unhappy Woman, who loved
"bim-more than Life or Reputation-who ſubmitted, tho' a crowned
Head, to be called his Miſtreſs, while a baughty Roman Dame en-
joy'd the Honours of his conjugal State. Among theſe complacent:
People I ſuſpect the ingenious and diffolute, DeLLIUS to have
held the chief place. He had for ſome time been infeparable
from ANTONY, and was at the ſame time extremely acceptable
to Cleopatra ;--ſa acceptable, that there were Suſpicions of more
than common Intimacy between them: It is not, therefore, im-
probable; that he would employ his inſinuating Arts on this.oc-
caſion ; as he might hope, were his Maſter again obnoxious to
the Queen, to obtain greater Favours by her means than he could
expect in the ordinary way. Be that as it will, MARK Antony,
giddy and inconſtant-in a long habit of indulging his Paſſions,
was by his evil Genius perſuaded to lay hold of the thin pretence
of ſummoning the dependent Princes, and difpatch the court-
ly Fonteius CAPITO * intó Egypt, to command the Queen's
Attendance upon the Triumvir in Syria.
Wh.
4
CAPIToque fimul FONTEIUS, ad unguem
Fa&us homo, Antoni, ut non magis alter, amicus.
HORAT. Sat. Vi
Court of AUGUSTUS.
୨
no ;
'
We would be greatly miſtaken if we imagined, that the leaſt
grain of honour or mutual fidelity had ever entered into the
commerce of theſe Lovers; or that the Lady had kept within
the bounds of Decency in the Interval of their Amour :
ſhe was, as the grave PLINY calls her, Regina Meretrix, a royal
Whore ;
of ſuch Intemperance, as to proſtitute herſelf for
pleaſure; and of ſuch irreſiſtible Beauty, that many Gentlemen,
ftruck with her bewitching Face and Figure, were content-
ed to purchaſe a Night in her arms with the Loſs of their
Heads next morning. This is ſtrange; but not incredible.
Paſſion wound up to its height, and eſpecially the Paſſion of
Love, is capable of any Sacrifice. There are inſtances of Inamo-
ratos who have voluntarily killed themſelves in the height of
Rapture; and Cleopatra, drunk with power and pleaſure, was very
capable of exacting performance, and glorying in ſuch a Victim
offered to her Charms. It was therefore no delicate Paffion, but
mere Lewdneſs, that tied Antony to her; and both that and
Intereſt that made her feign love for him. We need not doubt
of her graciouſly receiving the polite Capito, and readily obeying
the welcome Call ; nor of her coming brighten'd up with all
the art and luxury of Love. Her firſt Progreſs to Cilicia, and
Interview with the Triumvir at Tarſus, made the greateſt noiſe,
as it was new ; but this ſecond Congreſs in Syria was more en-
chanting, tho' leſs ſplendid. Antony and She were perfectly
acquainted; the Queen eſpecially, well knew her Man, and
came prepared to indulge him in every wiſh of his heart: for
their Inclinations were quite of a piece ; equally wild, equally
profuſe and profligate, with only more Invention on her part,
to fall upon new and ſurpriſing methods of gratification. An-
TONY therefore forgetting the lovely Octavia, and diſregard-
ing the reſentment of her Brother, threw himſelf ſo entirely into
the arms of this Enchantreſs, that from the hour of this Meeting
he was no more his own Maſter, ſcarce took a right Step, or ſaw
a happy day in his after Life.
Vol. III.
To
B
IO
MEMOIRS of the
"...'...19:.?:
To underſtand the manner of his final Ruin, we muſt be duly
appriſed of the Peculiarities of the Perſon's Character who com-
manded him like a Child. For, beſides the Beauties and Ble-
miſhes already mentioned, CLEOPATRA was a Woman of infinite
Cunning, inſatiate Avarice, and relentleſs Cruelty. She found
the LORD of the eaſtern Empire her Slave, and thought the
ſhould of courſe be Miſtreſs of all his Dependants. She there-
fore faw nothing that was rare or excellent-no rich Revenue,
or precious Produce of any neighbouring Kingdom, but what ſhe
coveted ; and by ways and means obtained it, in whole or in part,
from her obfequious Lover.
The fine Paſture-Lands in upper
Cilicia, the noble Cedar-Woods above Sydra, the Iron Mines of
Amaxia, and adjacent Harbours for a Fleet (lying almoſt oppoſite
to the Mouth of the Nile); in ſhort, all the mountainous Cilicia
The obtained in a preſent from Antony, ſave the free City, famed
for its admirable Policy, SELEUCIA on the Calicadno. But this
was a Triffle ;--for as her Influence increaſed, the begged no-
thing leſs than one Gift of the two Kingdoms that border with
Egypt, ARABIA and Judea. This Demand did ſtartle Antony ;
who afked, fomewhat amazed, how that could be done, while
theſe Kingdoms were poffeffed by two brave Princes, his parti-
cular Friends ?-Why, Sir, ſaid the Queen with a deriſory
Smile, Is it not in your power to cut off their Heads, and diſpoſe of
their Dominions to whom you pleaſe? ANTONY was not as yet
quite ſo far gone as to commit the fuggeſted Barbarity; but ſuch
was the Aſcendant ſhe had over him, that ſhe forced him to
tear from both the Flower of their Revenues : the Balſam-bear-
ing Groves about Jericho *, from HEROD, and the Frankincenſe-
Fields of Saba, from MALCHUS. Then ſhe muſt have the Vale
of Palms about Damaſcus ; and, to reward her moderation in
not infifting for the two Kingdoms, the actually got poffeffion of
all
!:
ť
* The King, to prevent her Officers from getting footing in his Country,
thought fit to farm them himſelf, and paid the Queen a Rent of near L. 40,000
a year
**.*.**************...
Court of AUGUSTUS
II
................ ***
**
all Phenicia and the Hollow-Syria, excepting the independent
Cities of Tyre and Şidon, which ſhe ſtruggled hard to obtain.
In fuch a ſtate of Mind, and under ſuch Influence, did Antony
undertake the dangerous Parthian War. PHRAATES, no leſs fa-
gacious than cruel, knew the conſequence of Moneſes, and ſent to
offer him not only Security of Life and Fortune, if he would
return to his Duty, but the higheſt Honours and Truſt. The
Grandee inclined to accept, and it was not proper to hinder him
by force : Antony rather choſe to uſe him as a Tool, to lure the
Parthian by the Thew of a Treaty, which he propoſed to con-
clude, on condition the Eagles of the Legions, and eſpeci-
ally the ſurviving Priſoners, taken at the defeat of Craſſus, were
reſtored to the Romans. With theſe Propoſals, and very ma-
gnificent Preſents, he diſmiſſed Moneſes, and in the mean time
did not intermit his vaſt Preparations for the War. They were
ſuch as put all Aha in motion, and terrified the Nations beyond
Bactra and the Indus. He aſſembled juſt double the number of
Men, with which Alexander the Macedonian had paſſed the Hel-
lefpont, and put an end to the Perfan Empire. Sixty thouſand
Romans, heavy armed, attended with their Complement of ten
thouſand Horſe, ſeemed alone a Force capable of ſubduing all the
Eaſt: but when joined by ſo many auxiliary Princes, with their
whole collected Strength, it was ſcarce expected that an Enemy
would dare to look it in the face. Archelaus King of Cappadocia,
Amyntas and Caſtor Kings of Galatia and Paphlagonia, Polemo
King of Pontus, and Malchus the Arab, all of Antony's own crea-
ting, brought each his Quota of Men, out of which he picked
ſeventeen thouſand light armed, to ſcour the Country and pro-
cure intelligence; while his chief confidence was in the King of
the greater Armenia, ARTUASDES (or Artabazus *), the Son of
B 2
that
. It is one and the fame Name; the letter B put for the W of the Eaſtern
Tongues, which the Greeks ſupplied with B, or diphthong OY; writing indiſ-
criminately Βίργιλιος or 'Ουίργιλιος, Βάρρων or Ουάρρων: So 'Αρτεάσδης or 'Αρ-
Tabans. It ſignifies frong Lion or mighty Lord; from two Perſian Words, both
preſerved in the Arabic, vális potens, and when dominus, princeps.
ST
I 2
MEMOIRS of the
that Tigranes on whoſe head POMPEY had replaced the eaſy-
raviſhed Crown. This Prince furniſhed ſeven thouſand Foot,
and fixteen thouſand choſen Horſemen, acquainted with the Par-
thian manner of fighting, and thought no way inferior to them
at their own Weapons, the Bow and the Sabre.
The Troops of the ſeveral Nations were now filing off to-
wards their Rendezvous in Irak or upper Arabia, in order to paſs
the Phrath at the neareſt, when ANTONY ſent back the Queen
with a royal Retinue to Egypt, and took the leading of that for-
midable Army that made the Parthian Tyrant tremble on his
Throne. His Empire, reaching acroſs the Continent of Apa,
from the Caſpian to the Red-Sea, conſisted of eighteen King-
doms * : ſo they affected to call their Governments or Satrapies,
eleven of the upper, and ſeven of the lower Domaine ; in virtue
whereof the royal Title of Parthia was King of Kings f.
Theſe Provinces were inhabited by a fighting warlike People,
eſpecially the northern, and could pour myriads of Cavalry upon
an invading Foe: but the Fate of Pacorus and Barzapharnes, and
ſtill more his own Crimes, made PHRAATES almoſt deſpair at
the approach of the moſt tremendous military Body then in the
World. His Fears were vain--for the firſt Mover was vitiated
the
When the younger Cyrus was animating his Grecian Troops with the Pro-
ſpect of vaft Rewards, he told them, 'Esiv spīv, a čudpes, si dgan si malgúa
πρός μέν την μεσημβρίαν μέχρις ου δια καϋμα και δύνανται οικεν οι άνθρωποι
προς δε άρκον μέχρις όπε δια χειμώνα Τα δ' εν μέσω τέτων άπανία σα-
τραπέυεσιν οι βασιλέως φίλοι.
Gentlemen! The Empire of my Forefathers, Kings of Perſia, ex-
tends towards the South, to where Mankind cannot dwell for Heat-
« Northward it runs to where it is uninhabitable for Cold; and all that lies be-
tween theſe two is divided into Provinces, and governed by the Friends of
6 the King.'
ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝ. Αναβ. Κυρ. α.
* PERSAE, ſays Ammianus, Saporem, SAAN-SAAN appellabant, et Pyroſem,
quod eſt Rex Regibus imperans, et bellorum Victor. He ſays true ; shilgan
SHAHIN-Shah is juſt King of Kings, and joriy Firouz a Conqueror.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
13
-the General's Head, that was to direct its Operations, was
actually turned : Cleopatra ran conſtantly in it-ber Image, like
a magic Spell, danced before his eyes, and he thought of no-
thing but Frolic and Luxury. Inſtead therefore of employing
his great Capacity, and the military Skill acquired in a Life led
in arms, to conduct the grand Enterprize, he regarded it only as
a tranfient affair ; while the main Point he kept in view, was to
get bome to ſpend the Winter with CLEOPATRAi To accompliſh
this, ever thing was hurried, and of courſe every thing was miſ-
managed. Diſorder and Confuſion prevailed ; and a ſtill more
fatal Error effectually blaſted the Expedition. For the ſame
Abſence of Mind and Inattention to Buſineſs made him miſtake
an Enemy for a Friend, and commit the Route of the Army,
and in a manner the Direction of the Campaign, to a Traitor.
ARTUASDES, King of Armenia, in his heart hated the Romans,
as the Controulers of his royal·Sway, and Obſtacles to his extend-
ing his Dominion, like Mithridates his Grandfather, from Pon-
tus to the Archipelago. He fighed in ſecret for the arbitrary:
Rule of his Neighbours, the Median and Parthian Kings, Lords
of the lives and eſtates of their Subjects, and wiſhed, above all
things to throw off the reſtraint of the Roman Yoke.
But not
daring to avow his Sentiments, nor openly to join their Enemies,
he acted the Courtier to. M. Antony in appearance, while he:
meant to ſacrifice him and his Army to the Parthian.
WHETHER by intelligence from him or Moneſes, it appeared
that Antony's Diſſimulation was no Secret at the Parthian Court:
for, when he came to the Phrath, he found the paſſages for
ſtrongly guarded, that it was impoſſible to force them, and
trate that way into the Enemy's Country. Being therefore at a:
ſtand, Artuaſdes came, and offered to take the guidance of the
Army, and lead them thro' his own Territories, where, he ſaid,
they might refreſh, and then proceed to the Median Border. He
was truſted as a Counſellor and Guide ; and, inſtead of a thoufand
Engliſh miles, which is the diſtance between the ZEUGMA PAss,
ſeventy
pene.
**,
W.
Einar
14
MEMOIRS of the
feventy two below Samoſata, and the Limits of Atropatene, he led
the Roman Legions over horrid Mountains and thro' Defarts by
fo
many Circuits and Windings, that it proved juſt double the
way*
....
AFTER that terrible March, the chief Officers, Domitius Eno-
barbus, Munatius Plancus, Canidius Gallus, Titius the Paymaſter,
and 2. Dellius, adviſed the General to winter in Armenia, and
refreſh his haraſſed Troops ; ' to erect Magazines for the ſupport
of fo vaſt an Army-prepare new Carriages for the heavy
Siege-Machines, and take the field early in the Spring, before
- the Parthian Horſe could look out of their Winter-Quarters.
But no--that did not tally with his Schemes ; and tho' the Sum-
mer was far ſpent, he divided his Army ; left his Maſter of Ar-
tillery, Oppius Statianus, with the Machines, and ten thouſand
Men to guard them ; while he himſelf, with his whole Cavalry,
and the Flower of the Legions, advanced by forced Marches
thro' the Plains of Atropatene, as if, by main force, he had been
to trample down every thing before him.
When the Empire of Perſia was diſmembered after Alexan-
der's death, the bloody Wars into which Ambition involved his
Captains, left them little leifure to look after the remote Provin-
neither indeed had they ſufficient numbers, tho' daily re-
cruited from Greece, to graſp the immenſe Territories of the
Eaſtern Monarchy. It was then that the deſpiſed Parthian
grew into a powerful State, and it was then that Atropates, a
Perſian Satrape, Governor of Media, kept the Militia of his Pro-
vince in arms, and drove out the thin Macedonian Garriſons.
The mountainous Parts to the north, among the Skirts of
Mount Taurus, affording them many Places of Strength, he
was able to erect that Diſtrict into a Kingdom under the re-
nowned name of MEDIA ; and mixing in alliance, ſometimes
with
* Την από τα Ζεύγμάθος οδον-μέχρι τα άψαθαι η Αφροπατιωης, όκα-
κιχιλίων σαδίων, έποίησε πλέον ή διπλάσιαν η ευθίας, Αα ορών, και ανοδίων, και
κυκλοπορείας. .
ETPAB. B.6. IA,
!
ces;
1
7
Court of AUGUSTUS.
15
:
.
with the Parthian, ſometimes with the Armenian and Syrian
Kings, he grew to ſuch power, as to levy forty thouſand Foot,
and ten thouſand Horſe in his own Dominions. But as his
Neighbours on either hand were ſtill more powerful, the Median
Politic was to be ſtrictly connected with one, while at war with
the other. The reigning Prince (of the ſame name with the
Armenian King) was at high variance with him; which made
him throw himſelf into the Parthian's arms; while his Enemy
perſuaded Antony to make a circuit, and attack Parthia thro'
Atropatene, where he put every thing to fire and ſword.
The allied Kings did not immediately advance and give him
battle: they let him firſt tire his Troops with ſultry Marches
and bad Quarters, and then ſit down, unprepared as he was, before
the ſtrong Town of Praaſpa *, whither the Median Prince had
convey'd his Seraglio and Treaſure at the firſt news of the Roman
Invaſion. Here he was fatiguing and loſing his beſt Men, in
rolling, for want of machines, ſuch a vaſt Bank of Earth to fur-
mount the Wall, as that by which General Patrick Gordon ena-
bled the late CZAR to take Afoph, when the two Kings, inform-
ed of Oppius' being left behind, detached a Body of Cavalry to
attack him. Artuafdes, tio' in the neighbourhood, did not ſtir
for his relief, nor ſend him the leaſt Intelligence : ſo that to-
wards evening, he was ſuddenly ſurrounded, overpowered, and
Alain ; and with him ten thouſand Romans, pierced with Arrows,
lay dead upon the Field. For they gave no quarter ; and a foot-
Soldier could but ill eſcape from the Parthian Horſe. The only
Priſoner they made was Polemo King of Pontus, whom the Me-
dian releaſed for a vaſt Ranſom. The Siege-Engines that
loaded three hundred Carriages, and among the reſt the famous
Battering Ram, of fourſcore foot long, they broke in pieces and
burnt, and after this Exploit marched back to join their
Maſters.
WE
1
It is pure Perſian, from cubša Rider, and wild a Horſe.
16
MEMOIRS of the
" ****, ?X :.'. 327..
6
3
*
We have a brief relation of the Events of this War in Plu-
tarch's Life of Antony ; but our Entertainment had been higher,
if either the original Hiſtory of it, writ by the noted Dellius,
who made the Campaign in perſon, or if STRABO's Parthian
Memoirs had reached our times. For Plutarch, who extracted
that
part of his Story from theſe Authors, tells it but curſorily,
and Appian has lamely tranſcribed him. STRABO, for inſtance,
lets us know, that Gaza the Capital of Atropatene ſtood in a
Plain, near to which was W ERA a Citadel built on a high
• Rock, where the King of Media kept his Family and Treaſure:
that Antony laid ſiege to this Fort, and, after he raiſed it, had,
according to Dellius an Eye-witneſs, three hundred Miles to
(march to the River Araxes, which divides Armenia from Atro-
patene But Plutarch and his Tranſcriber make no mention
of Wera: they ſay, that Antony beſieged a great City Praaſpa
(or Phraata) whither the Royal Family and Jewels had been
.convey'd.' Wherefore waving the Detail of the military Ope-
rations, which belong not properly to my Subject, I will only
endeavour to give a general Idea of the Expedition, and obſerve ;
that the fame Cauſes contributed to defend the Parthians from
the Roman Legions, that have rendered the Conqueſt of that
fame Country: (modern Perfia) impracticable to the Ottoman Ar-
mies for theſe four, or five hundred Years. The Turkiſh Troops,
tho' a bordering People, are fatigued and ſtarved before they
paſs the large waſte Tracts that ly between them and the rich
inland Provinces of Perfia. Sickneſs too ſeldom fails to ſeize
them in conſequence of fatigue and bad feeding, when the freſh
Perhan Army, far ſuperior to them in Cavalry, begins to hem
them in, to cut off their Proviſions, and keep them in play, till
Winter's Approach make the commanding Baſhaw think how
he can ſecure his Retreat.
THIS
* ETPABO2N. B.6. TA. WERA, from the Arabic psg a feep high Rock; if
from, a Place heated by reflected rays. Perhaps it has appeared like a Rider
upon Gaza, and both have conjunaly been called PRAASPA the HORSEMAN.
$
>
Court of AUGUSTUS.
17
This was the caſe of the Roman Army before Praafpa about
the middle of September ; when PHRAATES, on the other hand,
afraid of his Cavalry's diſperſing at the firſt fall of Snow, lily
ordered them to permit the Romans to forage more freely--to extol
their Bravery, and wonder they fiould chuſe to make war upon a
· Prince who held them and their General in ſuch admiration. This
Fetch had the wiſhed effect : ANTONY, threatned with fa-
mine, and making Now progreſs in the Siege, ſent ſome of his
chief Officers to treat with the Parthian King, who received
them in high ſtate, ſitting on a Throne of gold, and twanging the
firing of his Bow, while they were offering peace, on condition the
Enſigns and Priſoners taken at Carrae from Craſſus were reſtored.
Phraates, not without reaſon, reproached the Romans with
treachery and avarice, and, in few words, bade them forbear
talking at preſent of the Eagles and Priſoners—but that if Antony
pleaſed to depart, he ſhould be furniſhed with proviſions, and might
march home without moleſtation. Neceſſity left him no choice ; he
decamped in ſuch hafte as to leave his Works thrown up before
Praaſpa to be burnt by the Median Garriſon. For two days he
marched unmoleſted; but the third he was ſurrounded by the
perfidious Parthian, and attacked on all ſides at once. He was in
the midſt of the Solitudes of Atropatene, deſerted by his falſe
Friend Artuafdes (who had returned to Armenia), and expoſed to
the united efforts of the Parthian and Median Power. In the
courſe of this miſerable March, they made eighteen different at-
tacks
upon
the Roman Army, and almoſt always by ſurprize. At
evening, morning, noon ;-at the Fords of Rivers and Paſſes of
Mountains they haraſſed the ſtarving Legions, and left them not
an hour of ſecure repoſe. Antony's Scouts came in out of breath,
and had ſcarce made their report, that the Enemy was at hand,
when a ſhower of Arrows confirmed the truth of it. In this
terrible condition they marched three hundred miles in one and
twenty days, ſo deſtitute of Proviſions, that the eighth part of a
Peck of Wheat was ſold for thirty ſhillings, and Barley-bread was
Vol. III.
С
bought
18
MEMOIRS of the
bought with its weight of Silver. In fine, ANTONY and his
whole Army had certainly periſhed, but for two of the Barbarians
themſelves ; the one was a Mardian * acquainted with Parthia,
but now in the Roman ſervice, and who had behaved well in the
unhapppy Engagement at the Machines. He came to ANTONY,
and told him, not to return by the way he had come thro' the naked
Plain, where he would infallibly periſh with hunger and thirſt-but
to take his way thro' the Mountains on his right hand, where he
would find Streams and Villages, and be leſs expoſed to the Parthian
Squadrons ;mand for ſecurity of his good Intentions, he allowed
himſelf to be bound, and in that condition led the way towards
Armenia.
Besides Famine, Foes and Thirſt, they met with other unex-
pected Diſaſters by the way:for being forced to feed
upon
all
forts of Roots and Greens, they happened upon a poiſonous Herb
of an extraordinary nature : thoſe that eat of it were ſeized with
madneſs, and then expired vomiting Bile. When it began to ope-
rate, they loſt memory of every thing, and knowledge of
every
body-One ſole buſineſs they mindedom to dig up and turn over
every Stone they could perceive on the ground. The Fields
were full of People ſtooping down, and removing Stones,
who in a little time fell a vomiting and dropt down dead *
ANTONY was ſtruck with the unheard-of Calamity, and the Par-
thians at the ſame time preſſing on him harder than ever, he
was heard repeating to himſelf in anguiſh, O the ten thouſand lime
the ten thouſand! He had reaſon : the March of that handful of
Greeks from the heart of the Perſian Empire, in ſpite of ſurround-
ing Armies of three bundred thouſand Men, is among the ſhining
Proofs of the Superiority to which glorious LIBERTY raiſes a
Nation:
An Uſbeck Tartar.
+ The ingenious Dr. TOURNEFORT has not deſcribed this Plant in the Ex-
curfion he made into Media to viſit Mount Ararat, where Noah's ARK is ſaid to
have reſted after the Deluge; but he paints a part of the Country between it and
the Araxes thus
des campagnes fiches, pierreufes, incultes, et fort defagreables.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
19
:
Nation : It is the triumph of Freedom over Slavery, of Wiſdom
over Folly, and, in one word, of VIRTUE over Vice. Rivers,
Rocks, and Mountains, guarded by hoſtile Nations, in vain op-
poſed their Paſſage to their loved Native-Land : Under the con-
duct of an Athenian Philoſopher (a real Philoſopher, joining
Action to Thought) they broke thro' every Bar, ſurmounted
every Obſtacle, until they got a fight of the Sea, that filled
them with inexpreſſible ecſtacy. Nor did ever glorious Deed
find a better Hiſtorian, than this has done in the perſon of its
Hero, the all-accompliſhed XENOPHON, the preſervation of whoſe
Works (a moſt precious Monument of Antiquity) is an equal
Happineſs to Life and Learning.
The other falutary Service came originally from Moneſes, and
was performed by Mithridates his Nephew. The Parthians had
feigned to leave off farther purſuit, and return home before Win-
ter : they had covered their diffimulation with ſo many civil Ex-
preſſions and Profeſſions of admiring the Roman Diſcipline and
Valour, that ANTONY was again deceived; and was about to leave
the Route thro' the Mountains where he heard there was no
Water, and take that thro' the Plain. But the night before he was
to deſcend, a Gentleman came to the Camp, and called for an
Interpreter that could ſpeak Syriac or Parthian. ALEXANDER,
a Native of Antioch, Antony's great Acquaintance, was ſent
out, to whom he firſt told who he was, and at whoſe deſire he
came ; and then pointing north-weſt, aſked if he ſaw that Ridge
of high Hills at a diſtance ? He ſaid he did-Well, replied
· Mithridates, at the foot of theſe the whole Partbian Army lies
« in wait for you. The Road by the Plain leads thro' them; and
they hope that, having deceived you with profeſſions of Peace,
you will leave the dreary March thro' the Mountains, and fall
into the ſnare-It is true you muſt lay your account with
* Toil and Thirſt to which you have been no ſtrangers ; but tell
* ANTONY from me, that, if he quit the Hills, the fate of
CRASSUS will inevitably attend him.
BUT
**
• V********
<
C2
20
MEMOIRS of the
M
But the moſt dreadful Calamity that befel Antony during the
whole Expedition, was owing to the avarice and brutality of his
own Troops. He had long accuſtomed them to Robbery and
Plunder; and being now reſtrained by the Parthian Bow-Men
from ravaging abroad, they thought fit to exerciſe their Talents
upon one another.
In the dead of the night a Cry reached the General's Tent, as
if an Attack had been made by the Enemy upon the Camp ; and
ſending out to know what was the matter, he was told, that all
was in confuſion, and no reſiſtance making by the Legions ſur-
priſed without their Arms. The Cry approached nearer and
nearer, and at laſt coming from his own Baggage, he
gave
all
for loft, and calling Rhamnus, a ſturdy fellow he had lately manu-
mitted, he made him ſwear to run him thro' with bis Sword, when he
gave the command, and then to cut off his Head—I ſuppoſe, that he
might neither be taken alive, nor known and inſulted, like Cral-
ſus, after his death. The Officers were ſtanding about him in
tears, and the faithful Tartar their Guide was aſſuring them they
were not far from a freſh River, when ſome of the Tribunes en-
tered, and told him the Attack was from no Enemy-but that a
number of their own Ruffians had firſt murdered their Comrades
for their Money,—then had riffled the Baſt-Horſes and Carriages,
and laſt of all had fallen upon his own Baggage, and cut his maffy
Tables, and Plate in pieces, and ſhared it among themſelves.
This was done in the midſt of their fierceſt Enemies, and in the
utmoſt Incertainty whether they ſhould ever get home, to enjoy
the fruits of their Villainy.
Such a thing was never heard of under the Commonwealth.
It would have been thought the moſt incredible and monſtrous
Impiety; when it was not known; that a common Soldier, ſtand-
ing Centry over the Spoil of the richeſt Town, had ever pilfered
the ſmalleſt Triffle ; but delivered the whole faithfully over to
the public Diviſion. It was one of the grievous Effects of the
contempt
+
Court of AUGUSTUS.
21
Å
1
contempt of the Laws, and bribing Armies, introduced by
JULIUS CESAR: for the unlooſing the Pins of the auguſt Frame
of the Roman REPUBLIC, the chief of which was their Military
Diſcipline, muſt needs be attended with diſmal Convulſions, and
involve its Deſtroyers in the public Ruin.
From this hurried hapleſs Expedition ANTONY ſcarce brought
back two thirds of his Men; for having got ſafe over the Ara-
xes, he muſtered his Army, and found twenty thouſand Foot, and
four thouſand Horſemen amiſling; one half of whom had periſh-
ed by Sickneſs and Want, and the other fallen by the Parthian
Arrows. His weak State made him diſſemble the Treachery of
Artuafdes, and his wild Pallion loft him other eight thouſand of
his Soldiers, frozen to death on the Mountains by the intenſe
Cold, while, hurrying home to Cleopatra thro' the deep Snows of
Armenia, he arrived himſelf, with a very thin Retinue, at a Port
in Phenicia called the white Village, between Berytus and Sidon,
where the Queen had appointed to meet him. While he wait-
ed her arrival, it appeared how little he was in his own, and how
much in her power. He could take no reſt, nor poſſeſs himſelf
for an hour : ſometimes, to drive away care, he ſat down to
drink ; but was ſcarcely ſet, till ſtarting up, he ran to the Houſe-
top, whence he had a view of the Sea, to look for the Queen's
Fleet. She arrived at laſt, bringing Cloaths and Money for the
Troops, or at leaſt what he diſtributed in her name ; and then,
as if he had been himſelf in her pay, She led him back to EGYPT,
to paſs the remainder of the Winter at Alexandria.
This Expedition, undertaken in contempt of Treaties, thro'
mere thirſt of Gold, met with the Succeſs it deſerved : and that
Succeſs gives riſe to a curious Queſtion,' Why Craſſus and Antony
· ſhould fail in an Enterprize, where firſt Ageflaus and Xenophon,
(and then Alexander and Ventidius, with much ſmaller Armies
· had been victorious ?' It is elegantly touched in a Review of the
Lives and Characters of the CESARS, written by the Emperor
JULIAN; a Piece of great Genius and Judgment! He introduces
the
.
22
MEMOIRS of the
the grand Uſurper JULIUS CESAR claiming the preference, not
only over all his Countrymen, but venturing to deride Alexan-
der's Conqueſt of the Perſian Empire, as of a weak unwarlike
People. The Macedonian firſt anſwers, that his. (Ceſar's)
* boaſted Wars in Gaul were nothing but Preparations to oppreſs
* his Country; than which nothing could be more villainous and
deteſtable,' and then tartly aſks, · If the conqueſt of Perha
were ſo contemptible an Atchievement, inform me, pray Sir !
how is it, that you Romans have not been able to maſter one
ſmall Province above the Tigris, in a War of three hundred
years ? Shall I tell you the real Cauſe it is the Perfan Ar-
rows that keep you at a bay; of which you may be pleaſed to
aſk news at your Favourite and Pupil in the Art military, Marc
Antony. Here Julian leaves it ; who, while he was writing,
had his Perſian Expedition in view, where he loſt his Life, after
obtaining a glorious Victory. The reaſon of the different
Fate of the Generals I conceive to have been this: that in the
three Battles of Granicus, Gangamela, and Illus, with Alexander,
and the two at the Cilician Paſs and Aleppo with Ventidius,
the Perhans ſtood firm, fought hand to hand, and endeavoured to
bear down their Enemy by dint of Sword.
In this way of
fighting their Armour and Exerciſe were both inferior, and they
were beaten of courſe. But had they brought no foot Soldier
into the Field, and poured their multitudes of northern Horſe
round the ſmall Grecian and Roman Armies of twenty or thirty
thouſand Men, with orders to fly when attacked, and turn upon
the Retreat-to ſtraiten, harraſs, and ſtarve them in their barren
Plains, it is more than probable, that Alexander and Ventidius
would have fared no better than Crafus and Antony. It was the
PERSIAN Pride and Inexperience that made them face the Spartan
and Macedonian Phalanx; as the Defeat of Craſſus and of Saxa
betray'd Pacorus into a ſtanding Combat with the Legions.
It is almoſt needleſs to take notice, that none of Antony's
matters were a ſecret at ROME. His Relapſe into Cleopatra's
chains,
Court of AUGUSTUS. .
23
chains, and the bad effects of it upon his Affairs, particularly up-
on the Parthian Campaign, were perfectly known to Cefar and his
Friends: and thoſe who are acquainted with Life and with the
Paſſions of Men in power, will eaſily imagine what effect the News
had
upon
them. Piqued at the Affront offered to his Siſter, CE-
SAR faw there was no confidence to be put in his Collegue's
Friendſhip: but as things were not ripe for an open Breach, he
diſſembled his Reſentment, and joined in decreeing Thankſgivings
to the Gods for Antony's Victory over the Parthians, -as the late
LEWIS XIV. uſed to order TE DEUM to be ſung in the Church
of Notre-Dame, upon a Defeat.
These Feſtivals were otherways not unwelcome: for, after
the Death of Sextus Pompey at Rome, the proſpects of Peace
and good Order, from the reiterated Profeſſions of the
young
Cesar, ſo tranſported the remaining Romans, that, in his return
thro' the Cities of Italy, they received him with extraordinary
almoſt divine Honours; they conſecrated him in every Town at
leaſt among their tutelar Genii, and if Praiſe and Gratitude. :
could operate upon his Nature, gave him the greateſt Incite-
ments to become truly good. He had never taſted ſuch joy
as upon the final Reduction of Sicily. The War had hung
long, and been full of ſo many diſtreſsful circumſtances on
his ſide, that he ſeems at laſt to have loſt all patience ; and in one:
of the Storms that ſwallowed up his Ships, he broke out into
Blaſphemies (would a Roman Prieſt ſay), · That, in ſpite of the :
* God of the Sea, he would make good his Victory! One:
would even ſuſpect, that he had half-believed Pompey's pretenſions ,
to be the Son of Neptune, when, at the next great Games, he
forbid the Statue of that God to be carried in proceffion thro'm
the Circus along with the other Deities; as if he meant to dem
prive him of his Divinity. But from this ſtate of Anguiſh and
Deſpair, what Raptures muſt a compleat: Victory afford?. He
did not however formally triumph over his hereditary Foe, as he
was a Roman Citizen ; but elate with the pleaſing Conqueſt, he
ordered MEDALS of gold and ſilver to be ſtruck, having on one:
fide
.
&
24
MEMOIRS of the
1
ſide the Buſt of DIANA, the tutelar Goddeſs of the Port of Syra-
cuſe, and the Front of the Temple on the other. Within it ſtood
a Trophy bearing an Anchor and Helm of a Ship ; on the Cor-
nilh, Imp. Cesar, and in the Pediment, the Tria Crura (three
Legs), the known Emblem of the triangular Ine. Others of
theſe Medals, particularly one which I ſaw of ſilver, have the
ſame Portico and its Attributes on one ſide; but the reverſe, in-
ņead of the Buſt of Diana, bears the Tria Crura at large, with
Eares of Wheat between them, expreſſing the Fertility of the great
Granary of Rome. Join to theſe another Evidence of the deep
Impreſſions which the varied Scenes of Danger, Diſtreſs and Via
ctory muſt have made upon the Mind of CESAR. In Sicier
he had beheld the Forces of the four great Leaders in the
Empire, aſſembled by ſea and land: there he had ſeen S. Pom-,
pey at the ſummit of naval Power, and Lepidus at the head of an,
hundred thouſand Men. This was the Theater of the grand Dra-,
ma of Fortune, where he had been a Spectator of her ſovereign
Sway, and ſeen her Favourites precipitated into perdition by very
different, or rather contrary ways: for within a few days of one
another, he ſaw both Pompey and Lepidus tumbled from the height
of Grandeur*: but the firſt flying from an Enemy's Army, and
the inſignificant Lepidus from his own. Theſe Scenes, I ſay, but
eſpecially the dreadful Night of Rain, Thunder, Earthquake, and
Eruptions of Fire from Mount Etna (when without Tent or
Equipage, he was forced to ſtand till day-break under the hollow
of a Gallic Targe) left ſuch traces in his fancy, that no ſooner was
he at leiſure to indulge it, and, according to the prevailing mode,
try his Vein in Poetry, than he produced a Work in heroic Verſe,
whoſe Title and Subject was SICILY. Pity it ſhould have
periſhed ! We would both have had a curious ſpecimen of Ceſar's
Genius, and ſtriking Pictures of the Whirl-pools Scylla and Cha-
rybdis, of the Cliffs, Caverns, Volcanos, and other natural Wonders
of the moſt diverfified Iſland in the World.
IN
SENECA, N. Q. IV.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
25
In conſequence, therefore, of the Sicilian Victory, which
ſeemed to promiſe laſting Tranquillity, Cesar was in high
fpirits, and his Court was full of Mirth and Entertainments.
At the ſame time, as there was no appearance of any Dir-
turbance in the Spring, the Miniſters found leiſure to attend to
the Embelliſhments of Life,--to ſtudy the finer Arts, the Ofspring
of Learning, and to pay ſome court to the Mother. In effect,
the Prince himſelf, the prime Miniſter, the leading Men in the
Senate, and all ſhining Characters then in Rome, were remarkable
for Scholarſhip. B
But, to be able to judge of the general Taſte
of that Age, and to diſtinguiſh the particular Manner of the
ſeveral Authors that adorned it, it will be neceſſary to take a
comprehenſive view of the Roman Literature, and for that
pur-
poſe, to trace it, in the next Book, to its genuine Source.
VOL. III.
D
BOOK
TA
1
BOOK XI.
F
OR the firſt five hundred Years from the Foundation of
ROME, Arms and Agriculture had been the chief Em-
ployments of the Citizens*: nor can any two in the
whole Circle of human Affairs, be more properly joined to-
gether. A ſturdy labouring Youth, bred in rural fobriety and
toils, makes the hardieſt Soldier, whom the diſtreſſes and hard-
ſhips of a Campaign fend chearful home to the culture of his
Farm. The Plowman feeds the Army; and in return, the Ar-
my protects him in the exercife of his healthful Trade, and in
the enjoyment of the fruits of his Labour. The old Romans
were a rough hardy People ; of men of Action and great bodily
Strength, who knew nothing but the few plain Precepts of
Huſbandry, and the Points of their military Diſcipline. Nor
were they ſo much occupied in ſtudying the Theory even of
theſe, as in putting them tightly in practice. Perils from abroad,
and Want at home left little room for curious Speculations. We
accordingly find the Names of the moſt illuſtrious Families to
have ſprung originally from Agriculture: the Fabri from Beans,
the LENTULI from Lentiles, the Cicero's from Vetches ; as each
excelled in cultivating that particular Legume. In the noble Ju-
nian Family, the beſt Manager of Oxen got the Name of Bubul-
CUS :
* Vol. I. page 137
+ Intonfus Cato, Curius incomptis capillis, Intonfi avi, are the common Epi-
thets. There was no Barber in Rome for the firſt four hundred and fifty Years;
when P. Ticinius Mena brought them firſt from Sicily. The elegant Scipio firſt
ſhaved every day : Julius Cefar and Auguftus gave a Sanction to the
Mode, which
has continued ever ſince.
4
Court of AUGUSTUS.
27
cus: Even in their holieſt Rites, nothing was ſo facred as cat-
ing together of the ſame confecrated Corn* Pulſe and Salt was
their pureſt Sacrifice ; and, in their Marriage-Ceremonies, a Cake
was carried in folemn Proceſſion before the Bride, a cuſtom
which prevails, in one ſhape or other, in moſt countries in Eu-
rope to this day. Among the firſt Romans, an ill-plow'd Field
was obnoxious to a cenſorial Puniſhment; and when they called
any Perſon a good Huſbandman, it included every good quality,
and was thought the very higheſt Commendation. Nor did the
Diſtinctions of Rank, and the Honours of the State, take their riſe
from any other Fountain. The Roman People was originally
divided into Town-TRIBES and COUNTRY-TRIBES: of the for-
mer there were only four, denominated from the Parts of the
City which they inhabited, the Suburran, Palatine, Colline and ES-
quilian Tribes; into any one of which it was a diſgrace to be
transferred from a Rustic Tribe, becauſe of their Infamy thro'
Lazineſs. It was Huſbandry that ſupplied all their Wants :
they took their repoſe and ſleep upon wholeſom Mattreſſes of
Straw, and named Honour itſelf Adorea, as a meaſure of Corn
was the Reward of Bravery ut. In this way of Life, and with
theſe Manners, the ancient Romans had not only abundance of
Bread-corn without importing a Buſhel from abroad ; but
Wheat was incredibly cheap in Rome, tho' their Farms were
ſurpriſingly ſmall. The famed Manius Curius, after adding a great
Tract to the Roman Territory, ſaid in a public Speech, that
• he was a pernicious Member of the State, who could not be
* contented with ſeven Acres of Land; which was the Meaſure
aſſigned to the Commons, after the expulſion of the Tarquin-
Family.
WHAT
D 2
* Confarreatio: $APPAIKA apud Dionyſ. Halicarn.
+ Quid debeas, O ROMA, Neronibus,
Teftis Metaurum flumen, et ASDRUBAL
Devictus, et pulcher fugatis
Ille dies Latio tenebris,
Qui primus alma riſit ADOREA.
HORAT.
28
MEMOIRS of the
#
What then, ſays the intelligent Pliny, whom I am partly
tranſcribing, what could be the Cauſe of ſuch vaſt Fertility ?
Why the arable Grounds were then manured by the hands
of Magiſtrates and Generals; and the Soil, it ſhould ſeem, de-
lighted in a laurelled Share and a triumphal Plowman. But the
real reaſon was, that theſe great men managed their Huſbandry
with the ſame Spirit they conducted their Armies, and laid out
their Fields with the ſame judgment they pitched their Camps----
as indeed every thing proſpers beſt that is done by the Maſter, or
at leaſt under his eye.
The firſt News of his voted Honours
found the famed Attilius Serranus buſy fowing his Field
with his own Hand; whence he had his celebrated Name *
QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS was plowing his four paternal Acres
in the Vatican Hill (now alas ! in different hands), when the pu-
blic Serjeant came to notify to him that he was elected Dictator.
They ſay he found him next to naked, and his Face quite
beſmeared with duft; when, after a Pauſe, Cover your Body,
' ſaid the Serjeant, that I may deliver the Decree of the Senate and
· People of Rome. And can we wonder, that Mother Earth
does not now teem with the ſame Crops, when ſhe is tilled by
the hands of Slaves, dug by ſhackled feet, and overlooked by
ſtigmatized Faces ? Will the reluctant Labours of Jail-Birds
working under the Scourge, produce the ſame effects as the
per-
fonal Pains of the Maſter, and the watchful Care of the Father
of the Family ? Let us liſten to ſome of their common Maxims,
that will paint their Manners better than any Deſcription. He
• is a thriftleſs Farmer, ſaid they, that buys any thing which his
· Farm can produce. He is no good Huſbandman, who does any
Work in the day-time that can be done in the night, except in
ſtormy
Parvoque potentem
Fabricium ; vel te fulco, SERRANE, ferentem.
VIRGIL.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
2.0
<
Normy Weather.
He is a worſe one who does on work-days,
what he may do on holy-days ; and the worſt of all, who
in a clear ſky, works within doors, rather than in the field.
The fineſt Manure for a Farm is the Eye of its Maſier ; whoſe
Villa, they ſaid, fhould invite him to the Country, as his Face
does more good to his Fields, than his Back-parts. The Women
too had their ſhare of the Labour; for, wbere the Kitchen-Gar-
den is in diſorder, there muſt, they ſaid, be a worthleſs Houſe-wife;
as it belonged to the Miſtreſs to provide for the Family, who
muſt be ſupported from the Shambles, if Vegetables failed:
A Life led in the intenſe Labour which ſuch Precepts ne-
ceffarily imply, and interſperſed with frequent military Toils
when the exigencies of the State called to arms, is as incompa-
tible with Study and Literature on one hand, as with Luxury
and Lazineſs on the other. But, even when this their Virtue
had produced plenty at home, and reſpite from Wars abroad;
they employed their Leiſure in no curious Purſuits ; but in acqui-
ring the uſeful knowledge of their own Laws, and communi-
cating it to their Dependents. A noble Roman's Gate was
thrown open by fix in the morning; he himſelf was ready to
receive his conſulting Clients, and direct them in the Forms of
the Courts, and management of their Affairs till nine, when he
put on his Senatorial Robe, and walked down to the Forum, to
attend their, and his own Buſineſs * In this way of living, the
Romans were a frugal, conquering, high-difciplin'd People ;
but quite illiterate, and ignorant, to a proverb, of what did not
concern their own immediate affairs. Action and Execution em-
ploy'd both Heads and Hands, and made a learned Roman a ſort
of Miracle..
AMONG ſuch Men, if there were any ſparks of Knowledge,
they lay lurking in the Books of the Pontificial Law, wrapped up
in
Romae dulce diu fuit et ſolenne, recluſa.
Mane domo, vigilare; clienti promere jura
Majores audire, minori dicere-
HORAT
............., imisa.
30
MEMOIRS of the
?
in Superſtition, and a myſtical Philoſophy handed down from
NUMA, which was afterwards embodied with the Tuſcan Diſci-
pline. We will ſoon have an opportunity to illuſtrate the latter,
along with the Roman ReliGION; but the Story of Numa's
Books is extremely curious, and belongs immediately to our
ſubject.
In the Grounds, ſays Livy, of Lucius Petilius a Scrivener, at
the foot of Janiculum (now Montorio in the Traſtevere), while
Day-labourers were trenching a little deeper than ordinary, they
hit upon two Coffins of Stone, eight foot long and four foot
broad, having their Covers bound with Lead, and each inſcribed
with Greek and Latin Letters ; importing that the one contained
the Body of Numa Pompilius ſon of Pompo, King of the Ro-
mans, and that the other contained his Books. By the Advice
and in preſence of his Friends, Petilius opened the Coffins, and
found that which was ſaid to contain the King's Body entirely
empty : in the other were two Bundles, wrapped about with
Match-Rope or Candle-Wick, conſiſting each of ſeven Books,
not only entire, but fair and freſh as if newly writ. The firft
ſeven contained the Pontificial Law, in the Latin Tongue: the
others were writ in Greek, and contained ſuch Doctrines of
Wiſdom and Knowledge as prevailed in the Age of Numa.
The Credibility of this Story depends, principally, upon the
faith of an old Writer, Caſus Hemina. In the fourth of his
Ann als he tells, with ſome variation of Circumſtances, that it
was one Cn. Terentius who dug up the Coffins, and found the
Books laid upon a ſquare Stone, wrapped quite round with
Candle-Wicks, and placed in the middle of the Coffin ; that
they were of the Egyptian Plant Papyrum, of which that won-
derful Structure they called Charta, was firſt made
had been rubbed with Cedar Oil, which preſerved them from
moths and rotting, tho they had lain upwards of five hun-
dred and thirty Years ; for ſo long it was from the Death of
Numa to the Conſulate of P, Cornel. Cethegus, and M. Bebius
Tamphilus,
e ;
that they
Court of AUGUSTUS.
31
Tamphilus, when the Coffers were diſcovered. But Hemina ap-
pears to have been miſtaken in the Name by the ſequel of the
Story, which demonſtrates how ſtrangely the Romans ſtood af-
fected towards Learning, even in the Year DLXXII, when
their Conqueſts of the Grecian Towns in Italy (Crotona, Naples,
and Tarento), the Poffefſion of Sicily, and Intercourſe with the
Attalic Kings, had taught them to ſpeak Greek by rote rather than
Study ; juſt as we ſpoke French under our Henrys and Edwards,
in virtue of our Conqueſts in France. For Petilius, continues
Livy, having entertained himſelf and his friends with the per-
uſal of Numa's philoſophic Pieces, they became the Subject of
public Converſation ; and QUINTUS Petilius, who happened.
to be then Town-Pretor (that is, exerciſing the Office of Lord
high Chancellor in Rome), borrowed them of his Secretary Lu-
cius, as a Curiofity. But, having read over the Contents
of the ſeveral Treatiſes, and perceived that they preſcribed
Rites for unloofing men from the Ties of Religion * ; he called his
Secretary, and told him, that he intended to commit the Books he
had borrowed of him to the flames: but that, 'before he executed his
intention, if he (Lucius) conceived that he had any Right or Re-
Source to reclaim them, he might freely profecute it without incurring
his diſpleaſure. Lucius Petilius applied to the TRIBUNES, who,
thinking themſelves no proper Judges, referred the matter to
the Senate. The Pretor then aſſured the Fathers, that he
was ready to make oath, that it was not meet that theſe Books
ſhould be read, or preſerved; when the Senate, without farther
Inquiry, reſolved, “That the Pretor's proffered Oath was ſuffi-
cient ground of ſatisfaction, and therefore ordained that the
· Books ſhould be publicly burnt with all expedition, and ſuch a
"price paid for them to the Poffeffor, as ſhould ſeem good to
X: Petilius the Pretor, and to the major part of the Tribunes of
the People.' That Price the Secretary declined receiving, and,
an
:: *.'
- 1 * * * in tit. **** ****......*wide with...' : **** tarixirgi
:: S
... Wow, die
Eos libros effe diffolvendarum religionum.
LIVIUS.
1......**************
7
32
MEMOIRS of the
4
an Under-fervant of the Prieſts having made a fire in the Fo-
rum, the Books were burnt, the firſt grand Aſſembly, in ſight of
the whole People of ROME !
TWENTY years thereafter, the ſame dread of Learning and
averſion to Philoſophy, fill prevailed among the Romans. Up-
on a Motion made by M. Pomponius, Town-Pretor too, the Se-
nate paſſed a Vote, “That whereas mention had been made of
' certain Perſons, called Philoſophers and Orators, the Fathers
gave it as their opinion, that the Inſpection of that Affair
< ſhould be committed to M. Pomponius, who ſhould take care,
as it appeared to him for the Good of the Common-wealth,
i and conſiſtent with his Duty, that ſuch Perſons should not be
ſuffered to ſtay in Rome.
But an Edict of the CENSORS, about that time, Cn. Domitius
Enobarbus; the Admiral's Grandfather, and L. Licinius Craſus,
gives the moſt lively picture of Roman Roughneſs. It ran thus :
· Whereas it hath been reported to Us, that there are Men now
in Rome who have ſet up a new ſort of Education, and have
· aſſumed to themſelves the Name of Latin Rhetoricians, to
whoſe Schools the Youth reſorts, and fits idly ſpending the
whole Day: We therefore announce and declare, that our
· Forefathers have already appointed what they would have
their Children to learn, and what Schools they would have
* them to frequent. As for theſe Novelties, which are introdu-
ced, contrary to the Practice and Cuſtoms of our Anceſtors,
• they neither appear right in themſelves, nor do We approve:
* Wherefore we think it our Duty to acquaint both thoſe who
keep the ſaid Schools, and thoſe who frequent them, with our
cenſorial Opinion, that they abſtain from ſuch Practices for the
future.
UNDER theſe ſtrong Prejudices, LEARNING ſtole upon the
Romans, if I may ſo ſay, againſt their will. It firſt crept in by
the door of Superſtition, which introduced the rude Beginnings
of the Stage. In modern Times it would ſcarce be thought
credible,
Court of AUGUSTUS.
33
credible, that Religion ſhould be the Parent of Plays; but it held
true, both at the birth of the old Roman Theater, and likewiſe of
the modern Italian, when Europe was regenerated from Barbarity.
It was on ſuch high Feſtivals as Eaſter and Chriſtmaſs, that the
ſtroling Italian Actors repreſented Adam and Eve, Abraham and
Ifaac, Moſes and Pharaoh; and that the French Comedians iſſued
their Play Bills, for the whole Asts of the Apoſtles to be play'd in
a Carneval. Theſe, it is true, were afterwards ſuppreſſed by the
wiſdom of that auguſt Body the Parliament of Paris.--But
Plays continued a part of the Roman Religion while their State
lafted, and took their riſe in this manner.
About the CCCXC Year of the City, a Peſtilence raged long
at Rome, of which the famed Furius Camillus died, five and
twenty years after he had reſcued it from the Gauls. They tried
every
method of Cure that could be deviſed; but finding the
fury of the Diſeaſe nothing diminiſhed either by human nor
divine Preſcriptions, they abandoned themſelves to Superſtition ;
and, among other Propitiations of the Wrath of Heaven, Stage-
Plays were ſaid to be introduced. It was a new Sight to a warlike
People who had only ſeen the Games in the Circus; and the Be-
ginnings of this foreign Entertainment were like thoſe of moſt
other things, very inconſiderable. A few Players, or rather
Dancers, were procured from Tuſcany, who without any words
or poetical Compoſition, without any Astion adapted to a Character,
only danced to the Flute after the graceful Tuſcan manner. Theſe
the Roman Youth began afterwards to imitate on their Feſtivals,
and amid their dancing to jeer one another in a rude extemporary
Strain, to which they adapted the Gambols of their Dance *
This manner of diverting the Multitude being favourably recei-
VOL. III.
E
ved,
welches
1
Agricolae priſci, fortes, parvoque beati,
Condita poft frumenta, levantes tempore feſto
Corpus, et ipſum animum, ſpe finis dura ferentem,
Tellurem porco, Silvanum lacte piabant.
Feſcennina per hunc inventa licentia morem
Verſibus alternis opprobria ruſtica fudit,
HORAT.
magar
34
MEMOIRS of the
ved, and poliſhed by frequent Practice, the Performers began to
abandon their former rude Raillery in alternate Lines, and to
act premeditated Satyrs, that is, miſcellaneous Pieces, writ in verſe,
and ſet to the Flute, which they pronounced with geſtures be-
fitting the Character and Subject. A few years thereafter,
LIVIUS ANDRONICUS, a freed-man of the celebrated Sali-
nator *, was the firſt who from mere ſatyrical Dialogue, ſet to
muſic, ventured to introduce a Fable or Plot into his poetical
Performance. The Poet and Player were then one and the
ſame Perſon (as was in our own Country the admired Mr.William
Shakeſpear); and had the double taſk of ſinging or ſaying the
Verfes, and of dancing or acting the Character which they de-
fcribed. Andronicus, Livy's Slave, was a native of GREECE ,
whoſe Genius and Learning not only procured him his Liberty,
and made him Tutor to his Maſter's Children, but raiſed him
afterwards to be the Favourite of the Roman People: for ſo de-
lighted were they with his Performance on the Stage, and ſo
charmed with a ſolemn Hymn of his Compoſition, which the
ſudden turn of the ſecond Punic War made them firmly believe
the Gods had beard t, that they aſſigned to him a Porch of the
Temple of Pallas on the Aventine hill, where he might repre-
ſent his own Plays, and where his Scholars and Admirers might
erect Statues in honour of the Poet. Yet his Pieces muſt either
have been wond'rous fimple; or he muſt have aſſumed many
different Characters in their recital ; ſince he himſelf was for
ſome time the ſole Actor, aſſiſted only by the muſic of a Flute.
The
* See VOL. I. Page 68.
+ He ſeems to have made the FIRST Tranſlation of Homer's Works into Latin;
unleſs his Odyssey be the Name of a PLAY. See A. Gell. Lib. VII. $ 2.
I CARMINE Di ſuperi placantur, CARMINE Manes.
HORAT.
I take this to be the Hymn which his Nameſake, Titus Livius the Hiſtorian,
ſays ſeven and twenty young Ladies were getting by heart, to ſing it in ho-
nour of Juno, when the Lightning glanced upon her Temple: they afterwards
fung it walking in proceffion, and dancing to their own muſic: the Hiſtorian
with his uſual Candor adds, that perhaps, in that rude age, Livy's Verſe might
Jound ſweet to the ear; but would now appear harſh and 'uncouth, were it repeated.
2
จ
Court of AUGUSTUS.
35
The Progreſs from this extreme Simplicity to the vaſt Pomp
of both the ancient and modern Theater deferves our Attention.
The Romans having got this firſt Taſte of the Stage, grew ſo
fond of Andronicus and of his Plays, that they perfecuted him
with perpetual acting; and recalled him ſo often to ſing his own
Compoſitions, that at length bis Voice broke, and he was forced to
beg leave to introduce a Youth, who ſhould ſtand before the
Muſician, and sing the recitative Part for his relief. When
this was granted, it was obſerved, that the Poet (that is, the
Player) performed the Piece with more Spirit, and repreſented
the Paſlions with a more lively Geſture than formerly, as he
was not now obliged conſtantly to ſtrain his Voice ; and from
thence the Cuſtom of having one to bear a Part, and ſing to the
Players, was firſt introduced, and nothing but the DIALOGUE
was left to be ſpoke by the chief Actor *
Few things have been more miſunderſtood than the Riſe of
ancient Plays, and few Paffages have more tortured the Critics
than this Account of them from the Hiſtorian Live, which I
have endeavoured to make intelligible. It will be ſtill clearer, if
we reflect, that M. Dacier's curious Remark of the ſimilar Origin
of the Greek and Roman Drama is certainly true ; that both aroſe
from the rude Mirth of Clowns dancing on holy Days; from
their extemporary Scoffs in alternate Verſe, (an Image of which
we have in VIRGIL'S III. and VII. Paſtoral), came firſt to be
formed a VARIED TALE, or Satyr, in which theſe Scoffs were
included, and which the Droll or Player fung to the ruſtic Meet-
ing, while at the ſame time he acted the Parts as they occurred in
the Tale or Song. Would any of our modern Ballad-Singers take
an old hiſtorical Dittay (ſo our Forefathers called a Song ſet to
muſic), where the introduced Perſons upbraided, threatened, or
fought with one another, and fing it to their motely Audience, act-
ing the Parts as they went along, it would be preciſely the pri-
mitive
นมันยิ่ง คอนเนอร์ ไม่นะ เสียงแม่ไม่แน่นอน วัดวังand it.dek-/พัดเมนท์แมน
จองใช้งาน
ได้ 4.44
E 2
* Inde ad manum cantari hiſtrionibus coeptum, DIVERBIA que tantum ipforum
voci relicta.
T. Livii Lib. VII.
36
MEMOIRS of the
mitive Greek and Roman Comedy. This manner of acting continued
long in Greece, even in the politeſt Times; and when their The-
ater was reſounding with thoſe maſterly Draughts of Nature
made by Eſchylus and Sophocles, it ſtill admitted the Epic or nar-
rative Rhapſodiſts, who ſung a Tale from PANYASiS or HOMER,
and acted the characters as they went along. The deep and ſur-
priſing effect which this ſeeming-ſimple manner of performing
had
upon the Audience, is exquiſitely painted in Plato's Ion, a
Dialogue ſo inſcribed from the Name of the Rhapſodiſt, who
there talks in the true ſpirit of his Profeſſion.
The Year after Livius Andronicus had preſented his firſt
Play, that is in CCCCX, was Q. Ennius born in a little Greek
Town, called Rudié, near Tarento. For the firſt Roman Poets were
either genuine Grecians, or Natives of the Greek Cities founded on
the eaſt and ſouth of Italy. Such was the famous ſatyrical Co-
median, Nevius, born in Campania, and Ennius' Nephew, Pa-
cuvius, born at Brindiſ ; the punning PLAUTUS was of Sarfina ;
and the ſmiling Terence, though a Carthaginian, ſeems to
have early imbibed the Grecian Literature. C. Cecilius, the
grave
Comedian and Critic, was formed by Ennius, in the ſame manner
as Mr. Racine was modelled by the great Corneille, and Congreve
by Mr. Dryden; while the ſublime Accius had Pacuvius firſt for
his Maſter, and then for his Companion ; writing together like
Fletcher and Beaumont. Hence it is eaſy to conclude, that theſe
Writers would take the firſt Plans of their Plays from Grecian
Originals, and principally from the buffoonilhı ſatyrical Authors of
the old Comedy. This appears, both from the Names of their Plays
ſtill upon record, which are generally greek, eſpecially their
Tragedies, and from the ſtories of their Lives and Adventures.
ENNIUS ſaid he had three hearts or ſouls, becauſe he
could ſpeak three Languages, latin, oſcan, and greek : and
that, according to the Pythagorean Doctrine of Tranſmigra-
tion, he was the fifth from Euphorbus. His firſt Plays were upon
Livy's Plan, anſwering exactly to the Inſcription put with
great
propriety by the learned Ben. Johnson upon his Poetaſter and
ſome
Court of AUGUSTUS.
37
ſome other Pieces, A COMICAL SATYR. He likewiſe wrote
Hymns, and Tragedies borrowed from the Greek, many of
whoſe Titles are upon record. But his chief Work was an He-
roic Poem of the Wars of the ROMANS, particularly the Con-
queſt of Etolia and the ſecond Punic War. He divided it into
Campaigns, and therefore called it ANNALS; the twelfth and
laſt of which he wrote in the ſixty ſeventh Year of his Age. It
was a Poem of high Spirit, full of daring Metaphors, and expreſs-
ed in truly martial Language: for Ennius was not only an inge-
nious, but a brave and worthy Man. He was firſt brought to
Rome by the ſevere Cato when Queſtor in Sardinia under
Scipio, and whom he had the honour afterwards to teach Greek,
when that rigid Senator opened his eyes at fixty, and ſaw the
neceſſity of the Learning he had deſpiſed. But before that Con-
verſion, Ennius had followed the great Conſul Fulvius NOBI-
LIOR into Etolia, was Tutor to his fon,--and at laſt became al-
moſt Companion of the beſt and greateſt Perſonage Rome ever
produced, I mean PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIP10, ſurnamed
the African*. The Conqueror of Hannibal was the Hero of
Ennius' Poem; and is painted by him in two ſtrong Lines,
that leave an Idea of exalted Merit :
cui nemo civis neque hoftis
Quivit pro factis reddere op'rae pretium.
whoſe Deeds defy his Friends-defy his Foes,
In Good or Ill to make him a Return.
Les habe mich bereits seit einen bestemte times besteht
Eminence of Character, like a Loadſtone, attracts Envy ; and
in free States ſeldom eſcapes poetical Petulance. Cn. Nevius, in
the
Apud Senec. Ep. CVIII.
• Tullius Cicero has done more honour to Homer and Scipio by two ſhort
diſintereſted Queſtions, than his longeſt Panegyrics have done to Pompey, and
Cefar : Numquis igitur (ſays he of Scipio Africanus) talis fuit? Was there ever
ſuch another Man? And of the Poet, At certe nullus fimilis Homeri. Surely
20 body was ever equal to HOMER.
De DIYINAT. Lib, IL
38
MEMOIRS of the
the height of Scipio's Power and Reputation, dared to bring a
juvenile adventure of his upon the Stage, and introduce a Youth
fcreening his own frailties by fo great an example.
No wonder I fould be a ſlave to Love,
Since he whofe Head is juſly crown'd with Glory,
Whoſe warlike Arm has gather'd many a Laurel,
Whom Fame now carries on her Wings, and Nations
Proclaim tke firſt of Men—was by his Father
Led kome in deſhabille ſnatch'd from bis Miſtreſs
.
+
The moſt amiable Part of Scipio's Character was his Tempe-
rance and Moderation ; and that Virtue never ſhone brighter
than in the reſtoration of the beauteous Celtiberian Bride to her
Lover and Huſband. Scarce an Author who has mentioned the
Reduction of Spain or Conqueſt of Carthage, but has celebrated
the Self-command of the youthful Victor ; and the admirable
Repreſentations of that glorious Action by Carrache and Pouſſin,
have contributed to keep alive the Fame of it in modern Times.
Yet upon the authority of the ſatyrical Nevius, whoſe Abuſe
of the greateſt Men ſent him ſometimes to poetize in Priſon,
one ſole Writer (Valerius of Antium) ventured to diſcredit the
Fact, and to affirm, that Scipro did not return the captive-Lady,
but kept her for his private Pleaſure. In this Affertion Valerius,
who loved to contradict, * ſtands alone; and the Adventure de-
ſcribed in the Verſes, ſupppoſing it to be real, ſerves only to in-
hance the Merit of the young Hero's after-Moderation.
The Favour of two ſuch Perſons as Fulvius and Scipio, is
at once a convincing Proof of the perſonal Worth of the Poet and
of the Taſte of his Patrons for Learning. That Taſte muſt have
made fome progreſs in Rome, when Fulvius at his return from
his Etolian Expedition could build a Temple HPAKAEI MOTEA-
TETHI, TO HERCULES Preſident of the Muses, and dedicate in it
the
#
• Vid. A. Gell. Lib. VII. § 19.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
39
;
..
the Statues of the Nine, which he had brought over from Am-
brucia, now Larta, the Capital of Epirus, and royal Seat of
Pyrrhus. We owe the exact knowledge of this Fact to Eu-
menius the Rhetorician under Conſtantius, * who, in his Speech for
repairing the Schools of Autun and Cleves ruined by the Baccau-
da (Banditti or Outlaws) explains the protection given by Her-
cules to the Muſes in the warlike character of the Grecian Hero
but it was the Egyptian and Phenician Hercules who ruled and
protected the melodious Train ; and whom we now know to be
the ſame God with the Grecian APOLLO. But this Temple to
Hercules and the Muſes, ſo early reared by a Roman Cenſor, ha-
ving fallen to decay, was repaired and beautified, and a magnifi-
cent Portico added by the good Lucius PHILIP, Father-in-law to
the young Cefar, and Grandfather to the greateſt Beauty that ſhone
in Rome. I mention the Portico, as it is frequently alluded to
by the ſubſequent Poets, and the Lady, the celebrated MARCIA,
as her Relation to Philip and by him to Ceſar, illuſtrates the
otherwiſe obſcure Concluſion of Ovid's Fasti, the moſt learned
and uſeful of that Poet's Works. Theſe Faste were a kind of
Ritual, or biſtorical Calendar, indicating the dies faſti et nefafti,
that is, the Feaſts, the holy and inauſpicious days thro' every
Month of the Year, together with the Reaſons of each ſacred or
civil Inſtitution. How early they were kept on record in Rome,
is difficult to fix: I take Numa's CARMEN SALIARE, or the
Hymn ſung by the dancing Prieſts of Mars on the firſt day of
the new Year, to have been the ORIGINAL of this ſacred
Calendar, as it expreſſed the Nature and Attributes of every
God in Numa's Ritual ; among whom the Name of Venus did
not appear, which they afterwards received from the eaſtern
Tuſcans of. HORACE pretends that the Language of it was not
intelligible
* His Salary was 600,000 nammi ; or almoſt L. 5000 a-year.
+ CINCIUS, in eo libro quem de Faftis reliquit, aitne in carminibus qui-
dem Saliorum, Veneris ullam laudem, ut caeterorum Coeleftium ce'ebrari.
Cincio etiam Varro conſentit, affirmans, ne ſub regibus quidem nomen Veneris
apud Romanos vel latinum vel graecum fuiſſe. MACROB. Saturn. Lib. I. $12.
40
MEMOIRS of the
intelligible in his time ; and we may believe him But it
might be ſtill intelligible in the days of Ennius, whoſe Patron,
the Etolian Conqueror, dedicated in his Temple of the Muſes,
A Book of Fasti*, which I ſuppoſe has been of Ennius' Com-
poſition. That the Temples were the ancient Repoſitories of
Learning, and eſpecially of public Records, is generally known.
Thoſe kept in the Shrines of the East are celebrated by all
Hiſtorians ; and we have valuable Abſtracts of them preſerved in
the Collection of our ſacred Scriptures. When CESAR was
beginning to repair the decay'd Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he
found an old Inſcription upon à Linnen-Thorax or Breaſt-plate,
importing that Cornelius Coſſus was Conſul, when with his own
* hand he killed the faithleſs Fidenian King, Tolumnius, and hung
up his opima Spolia (prime Spoils) the ſecond after Romulus,
to this Deity £ :' and Licinius Macer frequently quoted a Manu-
ſcript writ upon Linnen-Cloth, containing a Record of the Roman
Magiſtrates, laid up in the old Temple of the Goddeſs Juno
MONETA I, or the Montreſs, in which was likewiſe the Roman
Mint, that gave riſe to the Name of Money. In the ſame man-
ner Ennius' hiſtorical and theological Work was laid up in the
Temple of the Preſident of the Muſes. He had the honour, as I
ſaid, to be brought firſt to Rome by the keen and inflexible
CATO; which Cornelius Nepos affirms to have been an Acqui-
ſition equal to a Triumph. Yet that ſame Cato could afterwards
in
open Senate reproach Fulvius Nobilior with having (among
other things tending to relax their military Diſcipline) carried
ſuch looſe people as Poets and Players in his retinue to a Pro-
vince full of War and Bloodſhed. How ſhall we reconcile
theſe?
* Nam Fulvius Nobilior in FASTIs, quos in aede Herculis Mufarum pofuit.
MACROB. Saturn. Lib. I. $ 12.
+ AugustUM CESAREM ingreffum aedem Feretrii Jovis, quam vetuftate
dilapfam refecit, in Thorace lintea ſcriptum legiffe, &c. T. Liv. Hiſt. Lib. IV.
| Tum veteres Annales-MAGISTRATUUM LIBRI, quos linteos in aede
· repofitos Monetae Macer Licinius idemtidem citat,
IBID.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
41
theſe? By ſuppoſing that CATO imagined the Mobile of Rome
might be lawfully entertained at their public Shews by a Perſon,
whom it did not become a Roman Conſul (ſupreme in matters
civil and military) to make his Companion, or carry along to a
dangerous Campaign. No doubt this would be an Article of
Accufation againſt the mild Scipio: for he too had ENNIUS
conſtantly in his Train in his laſt Expeditions ; nay ſo much did
he love and admire the Man, that in his latter Will he coin-
manded the Poet's Statue to be placed upon his Tomb. The
great Genius, and the agreeable Friend deſerved it; if Love and
Admiration have any Merit: for beſides his chief Work, of the
Punic War, where this Hero appeared in cvery Page, ENNIUS
ſeems to have writ a Panegyric on his private Virtues, which he
inſcribed SCIPIO, and to which Horace refers in his Diſcourſe
upon Satyr addreſſed to Trebatius. We may therefore conclude,
that what the Roman Bard felt, and ſaw, and acted, that he painted
in his martial Poems. Had they reached our Times, and his
Battles eſpecially been compared with thoſe deſcribed by other
peaceful Poets, I cannot doubt but they would have appeared
like living Originals beſide a laboured Picture.
In the under-Parts of his Poetry, ſuch as the Artifice of Com-
poſition and poliſhing his Verſe *, I am willing to believe that he
may
have failed; and that, after ſome daring Strokes of Genius,
he
may have left his artleſs Work pretty much unfiniſhed. This
gave occaſion to Virgil's celebrated but not very polite Saying,
if it be indeed his, that he was gathering Gold from Ennius' Dung-
bill and to Horace's Obſervation, that he ſet out with great
Magnificence, but ſeemed little ſolicitous to perform his Promi-
ſes in the ſequel, or to approve his Soul's pretended tranſmigra-
tion from Homer. But taken all together, he was a truly ſublime
Poet, and the Man, according to a great Judge,
qui primus ameno
Detulit ex Helicone, perenni fronde coronam.
Vol. III.
F
Who
Caeterum nitor, et fumma in excolendis operibus manus, magis videri poteft
temporibus, quam ipfis priſcis Poetis defuifle, ſays the candid QUINTILIAN.
;
3
42
MEMOIRS of the
Who firſt from blooming Helicon brought down
Of never-fading Leaves a Laurel-Crown.
The Spirit of his Epitaph, of his own compoſition, is truly
manly; and with his Talents and Learning, his Probity and
Fortitude, and eſpecially his Acquaintance with all Parts of civil
and military Life, I do not wonder, that for all the Roughneſs
of his Stile, he ſhould have been reckoned the HOMER of
Rome, and the genuine Painter of the Spirit and Manners of a
conquering People. The Romans were ſo formed upon his
Stile, that Seneca, who affected to laugh at what he could not
attain, calls them Populus Ennianus, an Ennian Nation ; and ſays,
that both Cicero and Virgil were obliged, contrary to their own
Judgment, to employ antiquated Terms, in complaiſance to the
reigning Ennian Taſte*: and yet, ſo late as Trajan, we find the
People flocking to the Theater in Pozzuolo to hear Ennius' Works
publicly read by a Perſon of a clear Voice and diſtinct Pronounci-
ation, who called himſelf an Ennianiſtt. This perfectly agrees
with the Character which HORACE ſays he bore among his
Countrymen, of being wife, and brave, and another HOMER; Ia
Character to which we do not ſufficiently attend, becauſe of
the ſubjoined Sneer which I have juſt mentioned: but I will
give a grand Preſumption that it was real, from his Deſcription
of a Man of worth, where it was generally believed he fat to his
own Picture. He introduces a great Roman juſt taking leave of
the Council, and retiring from the Buſineſs of the Day, to dif-
burden and refreſh himſelf at home-He recites à part of
his Speech in public, and then adds, in ſtrong natural Language,
Thus having ſaid, he calld the man he lov’d,
His Gueſt, Companion, Friend ; to whom be wont,
T'unboſom freely every Care and Thought ;
And at the cloſe of each revolving Day
With Him to canvaſs every point that paſs’d
In
* Apud A. Gell. Lib. XII. § 2.
+ Ibid. Lib. XVIII. $ 5.
I ENNIUS et ſapiens, et fortis, et alter HOMERUS.
Ad AUGUST
Court of AUGUSTUS.
43
.
In Field or Forum, or in folemn Senate.
To him quite open, weighty Things and fight-
Both Jeft and Earneſt, good and bad be truſted-
Or ſoothing Sentiments, or Paſſions fell,
Delights, Diſgufts th' Effufions of bis heart.
This Partner of bis Pleaſures and bis Cares
Bore in bis Breaſt a Soul no Gold could bribe
To do a wicked Deed: mild-unſuſpicious
Yet quick, Sagacious, ſweetly entertaining :
Of flowing wit and Language, on occaſion ;
But wiſely-learned, not of many Words :
And tho' deep ſkilld in Story, and a Maſter
Of Manners, new and old-tho vers'd in Laws
Both human and divine, who well could keep
His Talents in fubje&tion ; and as Time
As Place and Perſons callid, could either ſhine
In Strains of varied Science, -or fit pleaſed
In unaffeEted Silence-
Here, ſaid the elegant Critic Elius Stilo, ENNIUS deſcribed his
own Character, and painted the high place he held in the Eſteem
and Familiarity of the incomparable SCIP10*_a Place that in
my
opinion does almoſt equal honour to them both ; as it is at once
a Proof of the Merit of the Man of Letters, and of the ſuperior
ſterling Worth, if I may uſe the Term, of his illuſtrious Patron.
Many a Dignitary looks big without doors, whoſe private Life
will not endure a Scrutiny ; and many a State-Pageant, by means
of certain connexions, is decorated with Power and Places, who
cannot bear the piercing eye of a Man of Parts and Learning.
The Tinſel falls off at the firſt Search, and ſhews the ſecret Bald-
neſs and Deformity“But Scipio and Ennius are mutual
Vouchers for one another’s Parts, Probity, and ſuperior Manners.
I have given a more particular account of this Poet and of
Livius Andronicus, becauſe I look upon them as the firſt Parents
F 2
of
Apud A. GELLIUM, Lib. XII. $ 4.
44
MEMOIRS of the
at
er
of Learning among the Romans. For the public Entertainment
received from their Plays (which were generally ſtrong rough
Sketches from Grecian Originals) became of courſe the ſubject
of People's Converſation at home, and thereby diffuſed the
Grecian Learning, -raiſing a Curioſity to hear ſtill more of
the Characters and Adventures of the Heroes whom they ſaw re-
preſented.-thence the common Phraſe, that appears ſo ſtrange
to us, DOCERE FABULAM, to teach the Roman People a Play ;
that is, to inform them of the Hiſtory upon which the Tragedy
turned, of the Characters of the chief Perſons concerned, and of
the Moral or Leſſon that was to be drawn from the mighty
Event. For their Plays were not calculated merely to divert and
amuſe ; or they ſtood expoſed to cenſure if their aim was no high-
er *: they were originally ſevere, and inſtructed to their very
Prologues. What honour does it to the lively laughing Plautus,
or rather to the Taſte of his heroic Audience, that at the end of
the firſt Act of his Ciſtellaria, or Comedy of the CASKET, he
could (contrary to dramatic Rules) introduce a ſecond fort of
Prologue, who in going off the Stage, durſt venture to turn,
and thus accoſt the Spectators?
ROMANS! adieu !
Health, Happineſs, and VICTORY attend
you
Gain'd by true Virtue-Go-war, as you are wont
Proteet your old Allies-acquire new Friends
Increaſe your Aidsbring home Applauſe and Laurels
Tread down Rome's Foes ; and with your well train'd Legions,
Take vengeance on the falſe oft-vanquiſh'd Carthaginian.
How nicely does this Deduction of Facts agree with Horace's
Account of the Riſe of Learning in Italy? GREECE when ſub-
dued, ſays he, made a conqueſt, in her turn, of the ſavage Con-
queror, and introduced Arts and Sciences into ruſtic ROME. Ву
this
Ergo non fatis eft riſu deducere rietum
Auditoris-
[like Laberius]
Geſtit enim nummum in loculos demittere; poft hoc
Securus, cadat an recto ftet fabula talo-
-ſays Horace of
fome looſe Plays of Doſſennus, calculated merely to raiſe Laughter.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
45
9
this means the rugged Stile of the primitive Ages gave way, and
clowniſh Satyr was baniſhed by Politeneſs : but yet for ma-
ny a day there did, and do ſtill remain, deep Prints of our firſt
Ruſticity : for it was late ere the Romans began to apply to the
Grecian Literature; and found leiſure, after the Wars with Car-
thage, ta conſider what good uſe could be made of Theſpis, Eſchy-
lus, and Sophocles, the Grecian Tragedians. Then they proceed-
ed to attempt Tranſlations of them into latin, and were hugely
pleaſed with their own ſucceſs : · For our Genius, ſays that
able Judge, is keen and noble, breathes abundance of the tra-
gic Spirit, and takes no unhappy Alights of its own: but we
· cannot endure the Labour of correcting, and are ſhy to bloc
'a fair written Page.'
It is no great Compliment to my Country, to ſay, that one
would almoſt think that Horace had been painting the Britiſls
Genius, while he deſcribed the Roman; and had their old Tra-
gedies been preſerved, their Achilles or Alcmæon, their Iphigenia
or Andromache, and compared with our own, we would have
found our ſublime Ennius in Shakeſpear, and our learned Pa-
Cuvius in Ben. Johnſon.
But hear now another ingenious, tho' perhaps not impartial
Apology for the long illiterate Romans. The Biaſs that appears
in it reflects no diſhonour on the great Author ; for if there is
ſuch a thing in the world as a venial Sin, it muſt ſurely be Parti-
ality to our native Country,
'It was always my Opinion, ſays he, that we Romans
either invented more happily than the Grecians, or that we
'much improved whatever we thought worth borrowing from
them. For as to our Manners and the Conduct of Lifethe
Life
management of our Families and private Concerns, we un-
• doubtedly govern them better than they. With reſpect to the
Commonwealth, every body knows that our great Anceſtors tem-
pered it with Laws and Cuſtoms ſuperior to thoſe of their States.
· Our Military I need not mention in which the Romans
outſtrip them both in perſonal Bravery, and infinitely more in
« the
1
46
MEMOIRS of the
*the general Diſcipline. In other things, which are rather at-
tained by the Strength of Nature and Genius than by Learning,
there is no Nation, Greeks or Barbarians, that can compare
* with us. For among what People was there ever found ſuch
Conſtancy, ſuch Gravity and Greatneſs of Soul.-ſuch Probity
and Truth, as to come in competition with the Romans ?
"GREECE forpaſſed us indeed in Knowledge, and in all Sorts
* of Learning, in which it was eaſy to obtain a Superiority
' which no body diſputed. For without doubt the firſt Sort of
* learned Men in the World were the Poets; and Homer and
Hefiod flouriſhed before the building of Rome, as Archilachus
was contemporary with its Founder. But among Us, that Art
* made its appearance much later ; for Livius ( Andronicus) pre-
· ſented his firſt Play the CCCCX Year of the City, and one
before Ennius was born, who was elder than Nevius * and
Plautusimmi-And even when it did appear, the Character of
Poet was but in low eſteem ; as is evident from that Speech
of Cato, where he reproaches M. Nobilior with having car-
* ried Poets with him into his Province. (every body knows
• that Ennius had attended him into Etolia.) Now the leſs
Regard that was paid to Poets, the leſs cultivated was their
* Art; tho' at the ſame time the Men of Genius in that way
amongſt us have come nothing ſhort of the Grecian Glory.
· But had it it turned to the honour of FABIUS, for example,
" that tho' a Patrician he was an able Painter, can we imagine
there would not have been many Parrhahi and Polycletes at
· Rome? It is Honour that cheriſhes the Arts, and the Hopes
of Glory that inflame the noble Ambition to excel ; ſo that in
every Nation tbat Profeſſion is always at the loweſt ebb,
which is the leaſt eſteemed. To underſtand Muſic, both vocal
e and inſtrumental, the Grecians thought a high Accompliſh-
iment : wherefore Epaminondas, in my judgment their greateſt
Patriot, is ſaid to have ſung admirably to the Lute as The-
miſtocles
* Nevius exhibited his firſt Play in the DXIX Year of Rome, having ſerved
fome Campaigns in the firſt Punic War, which began Anno CCCCXC, and
lafted full four and twenty Years.
<
<
*
Court of AUGUSTUS.
47
2
;
miſtocles, fome years before, was reputed ill-bred for having re-
* fuſed to play at an Entertainment. Greece of conſequence
• ſwarmed with great Muſicians every body learned to fing
'or play ; and he who did not, was thought to have had a lame
· Education. Among them Geometry too was in high repute, and
accordingly their Mathematicians are the nobleſt in the world
· whereas we circumſcribe that Science, and confine it to the
· Practice of menſuration, or to improve a Method of reaſoning.
On the other hand, the Romans, who deſpiſed the Painter,
'the Muſician, the Mathematician, quickly welcomed the Orator,
"-of little or no Learning indeed at the beginning, tho' agree-
able by a native Fluency but in proceſs of time they like-
ways became learned: for Galba, Africanus, and Lelius, are
handed down to us as Men of Learning; and Cato, who pre-
'ceeded them, was a Perſon of great Study and Knowledge.
• After theſe came Lepidus, Carbo, and the Gracchi ; and
then a ſucceſſion of ſo many great and learned Men (Craſſus,
Antony, Philip, Curio, Hortenſius, &c.) that we yield little or
nothing to the Grecians. PHILOSOPHY, I muſt acknowledge,
· has been neglected till now *.
I SHOULD be unwilling to ſift this Compariſon too narrowly;
or canvaſs the Colours by whoſe Glare the great Orator has
brought the beſt and braveſt indeed, but ſurely the moſt unin-
ventive of all Nations, to figure with the Inventors of the finer
Arts, and the Authors of the chief Sciences that yet exerciſe
the Genius of Men. I will not therefore aſk what Art it
was that ever the Romans invented nor why Poets appeared
ſo early and originally in Greece, and only late and lame
Copies of them in Rome, nor why Phidias or Apelles were
almoſt adored in Athens, while Fabius t and Pacuvius were con-
temned by their Co-temporaries? Waving theſe Queſtions,
(to
which every one acquainted with the Hiſtory of the two
Nations,
. TUSCULAN. Lib. I.
Sordido Nudio deditum ingenium, ſays the mean Flatterer Valerius Maximus.
LIB. VIII. $ 140
48
MEMOIRS of the
DORUS.
Nations, will form his own Anſwer), I would obſerve, that añ
Attempt to put the Romans, upon a level with the Grecians in
point of Learning and Science, is rather more prepoſterous, than
comparing the Greeks to them, in point of civil or military
Glory. For Ageſilaus approaches nearer to Pompey, and Dion
to Brutus (tho', God knows, both widely diſtant) than the
Roman Iinitators do to their Maſters in all ſorts of Literature.
LET us therefore return to the true Tract of the Roman Im-
provement pointed out by HORACE, and imagine what effect
the Example of the eminent Men above mentioned, as Patrong
of Learning, muſt have upon the public Taſte, when joined to
the Charms of a lately opened Theater ? Its Progreſs was ſo
quick, that in the compaſs of half a Century from their firſt rude
Efſays, the Comedies acted upon their Stage were tranſlated from
the moſt perfect Grecian Models, MENANDER and APOLLO-
From that Period, Rome was no more an illiterate
Town. Their Language, the Latin, tho' a very corrupt Dialect
of the Greek, yet retained ſo much of the original Caſt of the
Mother-tongue, as made them learn it with facility, and rea-
dily adopt theſe greek Terms which the Poverty * of their native
Speech could not ſupply.
It was then there aroſe a Race of Poets, generally of the dra-
matic fort: for ſays the knowing Servius Sulpitius et,
The ſecond War with Carthage marks the Time,
When the celeſtial Muse firſt wing’d her way
To bumanize the rugged ſavage Breeſt
Of martial Romans
Then Cecilius, Terentius, Plautus, and Doſennus were writing Co-
medies; while Nevius, Accius, and Pacuvius--were Tragic Authors.
the
* Patrii Sermonis EGESTAS.
LUCRET.
Quanta verborum nobis (Romanis) paupertas, imo egeſtas fit, nunquam ma-
gis quam hodierno die intellexi—nullo modo id latinè exprimere poflum
damnabis anguſtias Romanas, fi fcieris unam fyllabam eſſe quam mutare non
poſſum.
[TO ON]
SENECA, Ep. 58.
Punico bello fecundo, Mufa pennato gradu
Intulit ſefe bellicofam in Romuli gentem feram.
Ş
+
)
Court of AUGUSTUS.
49
the former borrowed from Menander, Diphilus, Apol-
lodorus, Polidius, and Alexis the latter from Theſpis, Eſchy-
lus, Sophock's, and Euripides. When I ſay borrowed, I uſe
the word in its ſtrict ſenſe : for the Roman Plays were for moſt
part looſe bold Tranſlations of the Grecian; which founded well
enough by themſelves, but could not bear the Trial of being
compared with their Originals * Perhaps from this general Rule
we may except the ſmooth and delicate TERENCE, whom I
take to have been the beſt Tranſlator, after Virgil, that ever co-
pied an elegant Pattern ; and yet a great Judge, and Maſter of
both Languages, calls him but half a MENANDER ; and allowing
him ſupreme Purity of Stile, Sweetneſs of Dialogue, and Plea-
ſantry of Humour, complains of his want of Spirit and Fire for
With the Works of theſe ingenious Men were the Ro-
mans entertained and inſtructed, when a Writer of a new Species
ſtarted up, to correct their Taſte, and refine their Morals.
This was the lively Lucilius the Satyriſt, who entertained his
Readers at the expence not only of all his Predeceſſors in Poetry I,
but of his Cotemporaries who had any thing remarkably abſurd
in their Manners. It was he that gave a turn to the general
Taſte, who introduced a new kind of Wit, and ſet the Pattern
which the moſt elegant Writer of the Age began now to copy.
This makes it neceſſary that we ſhould be acquainted with the
Character of the Man, and the Nature of his Compoſitions.
CAIUS LUCILIUS was of a very noble Family, and tho' a
younger Brother, inherited a fair Fortune. His Niece, Lucilia,
VOL. III.
G
married
See a Compariſon of a Play of Cecilius inſcribed PLOTIUS, with the Ori-
ginal of Menander in A. Gellius, Book II. $23.
AFRANIUS, Togatarum Scriptor, in eâ Togatâ quae Compitalia inſcribitur, non
inverecunde reſpondens arguentibus, quòd plura fumpfiffet a MENANDRO, ' Fateor,
• inquit; ſumpſi, non ab illo folummodo, ſed ut quiſque habuit quod conveniret
¢ mibi.'
MACROB, Saturn. VI. $1.
+ Jul. CAESAR apud Sueton. in Terentii vita.
| Neque magno intervallo poftea Q. Ennius, et juxtà Caecilius et Terentius, ac
ſubinde Pacuvius, et, Pacuvio jam fene, Accius ; clariorque tunc in poëmatis eorum
obtreet andis LUCILIUS fuit.
A. Gell. Lib. XVII. $ 22.
50
MEMOIRS of the
.
į
married to Pompeius Strabo, became the Mother of POMPEY the
GREAT* He had himſelf the martial Education of the old
Romans, having ſerved from his youth in the Cavalry under the
younger Scipio of to whoſe Eſteem and Friendſhip he was not ſo
much recommended by his noble Birth, as by his Genius and
admirable Humour. In effect, LUCILIUS was an Original ; a
Writer of ſuch ſtrength and rectitude of Mind,ếof ſuch keen-
neſs of Temper and flowing Wit, as fitted him to ſtrike out a
new Road never trode by Poet before I.
He was happy
in falling into thoſe Times when this Genius was peculiarly
cheriſhed by the boundleſs Liberty of the Roman State, which
never ran higher either in Speech or Action. The Grecian Lite-
rature too had been lately received to give him rangelame
Copies had been made of their Standard- Authors --LUXURY,
after the ruin of Carthage and plunder of Corinth, was beginning
to creep in, and afford him ample materials of Cenſure ; while
his knowledge of the world, and living in high familiarity with
the firſt and beſt men in Rome, kept his Pen ſteady, and his
Judgment found. He attacked Vice wherever he found it : no
outward Shew or Subſtitution, and much leſs could Eminence of
Birth or Station ſecure the baſe Prieſt, th’immoral Peer, or
purſe-proud Plebeian from appearing in their proper colours.
It is allowed that Ennius, Pacuvius, Accius, and other Poets
had compoſed dramatic Pieces before, under the name of SATU-
RAE, or Miſcellanies ; but they were jumbles of Proſe and Verſe,
being for the moſt part, · DIALOGUES in doggrel, fitted to the
• rude Mirth formerly deſcribed, that gave riſe to the ROMAN
• DRAMA.' LUCILIUS improved upon this Model ;
-he ba-
niſhed
* Fuit hic Cn. Pompeius, genitus matre LUCILIA, ftirpis Senatoriae.
VELL. Paterc.
Infra LUCILI Cenfum.
HORAT.
+ Celebre et LUCILII nomen fuit, qui ſub P. Africano, Numanting bello eques
militaverat.
IDEM.
I
cum eft LUCILIUS auſus
Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem. HORAT. Serm. II. Sat. I.
1
Court
51
of AUGUSTUS.
niſhed the Profe, poliſhed the Verſe, introduced himſelf,
his Friends, his Foes, as Speakers, and applied the whole to
the reformation of Manners*. This he chiefly did by painting
the beſt Characters, a Cato, a Scipio, a Laelius, as Patterns of
Virtue, and by laſhing Rutilius Lupus, Mutius Scaevola, Caccilius
Metellus t, Publius Gallonius (the Sturgeon-Eater) for their noto-
rious Vices,-their Irreligion, Fraud, and Senſuality. Nor among
theſe did he ſpare himſelf, but frankly confeſſed his Foibles, and
painted his own Life and Adventures with the ſame impartial
Pen.
It would be ſuperfluous after this to ſay, that he was the
Terror of Fops of every Species : but ſuch was the Dignity with
which his Virtue and ſuperior Underſtanding inveſted him, that
in a free State, where the popular Party was daily gaining ground,
he dared to be the Champion of Truth, and in his Writings not
only arraigned the Body of the People as degenerate, but attacked
them Tribe by Tribe, for becoming diffolute, falſe, venal, and
fawning I. It was hy this Integrity that he indeed merited a
Character, which has been affe&ted by ſome modern Poets, of
being,
To Virtue only, and its Friends, a Friend ||.
Let us hear how feelingly he talks upon the exalted Subject.
Methinks I hear you aſk me, WHAT IS VIRTUE ?
Virtue's the Standard, and the gen'ral Teſt
G 2
Which
* Haec quae Satyra dicitur ejuſmodi fuit, ut in eâ, quamvis duro et veluti
agreſti modo, de vitiis civium, tamen fine ullo proprii nominis titulo carmen effet.
Quod primò Lucilius novo confcripfit modo, ut Poesin inde faceret, id eft, unius
carminis plures libros.
Æl. Donat. de Tragoed. et Comoed.
+ Qui magis hoc Lucilio licuerit aſſumere libertatis quam nobis ? cum
etiamſi odio par fuerit in eos quos laeſit, tamen certè non magis dignos habuerit,
in quos tantâ libertate verborum incurreret. C. TREBON. Ep. ad Cicer.
I PRIMOR ES populi arripuit, POPULUMque tributim.
HORAT.
| SCILICET UNI AEQUUS VIRTUTI, ATQUE EJUS AMICIS.
52
MEMOIRS of the
I
be
..,
Which tries and ſcans the real Worth of Things.
To ev'ry Object it aſgns its due;
Teaches what's noble, uſeful, honeſt, ſtreight-
Our real Goods and Ills. on t'other ſide
It marks what's baſe, and brings ſure loſs of Fame.
Virtue alone ſets bounds to our Purſuits :
It weighs th’ intrinſic worth and uſe of Wealth,
Fixes the meaſure of accumulating ;
Points out the Ends of Power ; Jews the falſe Glare
Of Honours, dazzling to a vulgar Eye.
The virtuous Man, an open Foe to Fraud
Declares againſt the greateſt tow'ring Villain-
Befriends unalk'd the Good, the Wiſe, the Worthy :
Them be admires, afts, and cheriſhes;
In every Struggle fands their firmeft Friend.
In port, true Virtue deems our Country's Cauſe
The firſt beſt Object of our Care ; and next
Our Parent's Int'reſt and our own the laſt *.
This then is the noble light in which the Roman Satyriſt
appeared; the ſame, that in a higher ſphere brightned the Cha-
racter of the Cenſorial Cato. Both declared war againſt bad
men of whatever rank or quality. CATO by Impeachments
of powerful Criminals inexorably purſued, -whether fraudulent
Treaſurers, rapacious Governors, or corrupt Judges, was the
Guardian of the PUBLIC Good : LUCILIUS, by giving no
quarter to Vice, to Fraud, or to any thing immoral, was the
great Check on their private Manners. The Confidence of
both was founded on no thin pretenſions, or ſtarched hypo-
criſy ; but on conſcious Worth, Innocence of Life, and Integrity
of Heart of. How elſe could they poſſibly have bore up againſt
the
* Apud LACTANT. de C. D.
Quid refert dictis ignofcat MutIus,an non?-
Sic vetus ille Cato dignum quemcunque laceſlim
Appellare; quòd ipfe fibi non conſcius eſſet. PRISCIAN, Lib. X.
१
Court of AUGUSTUS.
53
upon them?
'
mu-
the torrent of Envy which this Conduct brought pouring down
them? Cato was paid home in his own way, having been
no leſs than fifty times accuſed before different Tribunals; tho
as often honourably acquitted. Had he heard the Maxim,
that has paſſed into a Proverb among his diffolute Countrymen,
l'ivete e laſciate vivere, LIVE and LET Live, he would
have cried out, that it was a flagitious Stipulation for
tual Indulgence in Villainy: for he continued to bring over-
grown Tranſgreſſors to juſtice, and impeached Servilius Galva
when full ninety years of age.
Nor did Lucilius quite eſcape :
for tho' he laſıed Lupus, Metellus, and other notorious Rogues,
with impunity *, yet having criticiſed all the preceeding Poets,
and ventured to cenſure the Players, one of the latter reſolved to
take his revenge on the Stage, and, in a ridiculous Character
he was playing, publicly named Lucilius the Satyriſt.
The
Poet was piqued, and proſecuted the Actor for Defamation.
The Affair made a noiſe, and the Cauſe was carried on with
much warmth on both ſides, before C. COELIUS the Lord
high Chancellor ; who, after a full hearing, acquitted the Player,
and diſmiſſed the Parties without Coſts of Suit f.
The Loss of Lucilius' Works is extremely to be regreted, as
it has for ever deprived us of the moſt compleat Draught of the
ancient Roman Manners, and at the ſame time, of the Model of
thoſe inimitable Pieces written by the Miniſter's new Favourite,
HORATIUS Flaccus, under the title of Sermones or Conver-
ſations. Plautus and Terence tranſlate grecian Plays, or plainly
copy grecian Characters.
But LUCILIUS drew from the Life,
and painted genuine Roman Originals; and with ſuch juſt and
maſterly Strokes, that both his Co-temporaries and many of the
ſucceeding Generations thought him the PRINCE of all Poets that
ever
• Numlaefo doluere METELLO
Famofisque Lupo cooperto verfibus?
HORAT,
+ CICERO (vel Auctor) Rhetor ad Herenn. Lib. II.
.
:
::
:
..
54
MEMOIRS of the
ever bad writ *. Such a Prejudice in favours of an Author
who hits our Humour by giving us back our own Ideas, is not
uncommon. I have met with ſome ingenious Frenchmen, ſo
charmed with La Fontaine's Sallies, that they preferred him to
the Writers of their own and of every other Nation. LUCILIUS
bad great Vivacity, infinite Humour, Language at command,
and great acquaintance with the Grecian Maſters: but his Fort
lay in a ſuperior Knowledge of Life and Manners. In theſe he
Thone-thefe he deſcribed, were they high or low, vicious or
virtuous, in their proper ſtile in the file employ'd by the
Perſons who practiſed them. VIRTUE appeared with her
native Dignity in his Draught, and ſhew'd his great Friends,
Lelius and Scipio, in the moſt amiable point of Light t. At
the ſame time, it is ſcarce poſſible to draw any thing ſtronger
than the Sketches of his vicious Characters: his Rogue, his
Glutton, his Courtezan, his Procureuſe, appear rather grofs,
even in thoſe ſcattered Fragments of his Works that have been
preſerved by Quotations, and which the ſagacious Fanus Doufa
has happily enough patched together I. But this high Spirit
and
:
SATYRA quidem tota noſtra eſt, in qua primus infignem laudem adeptus eſt
LUCILIUS; qui quofdam ita deditos ſibi adhuc habet amatores, ut eum non
modo ejuſdem operis auctoribus, ſed omnibus Poëtis, praeferre non dubitant. Ego
quantum ab illis, tantum ab HORAtio diffentio, qui Lucilium fuere lutulentum,
et eſſe aliquid quod tollere poflis putat; nam et eruditio in eo mira, et libertas, atque
inde acerbitas, et abundè ſalis.
QUINTIL. Lib. X. $ 1.
+ Quin ubi ſe a vulgo et ſcena in ſecreta remorant
Virtus SCIPIADAE, et mitis ſapientia LAELI,
Nugari cum illo, et diſcinati ludere (a), donec
Decoqueretur olus, ſoliti.
HORAT.
(a) The Servants happening to enter the Dining Room after the Table
was covered, but before Dinner was quite ready, found.C. Laelius (the ſecond
Man then in the Empire) running from Couch to Couch, and Lucilius purſuing
with his Napkin twiſted in his hand, to buffet him for ſome Trick he had
put upon the Poet.
I Under the title of Centones LUCILIANI, publiſhed with the Fragments of
Lucilius, by Francis Doufa, his Son, Anno MDIIIC.
1
ܕ
1
--
Court of AUGUSTUS.
55
and theſe glowing Pictures were not ſet off with great Delicacy,
or a very ſmooth Stile: it was more correct and poliſhed than
his Predeceſſors ; but there inferior Ornaments were incompatible
with the Characters he drew, and the Language of his Times *.
The want of them was overpaid by the Learning of a Gentle-
man, much Pleaſantry, and, above all, by a deep Daſh of the old
Roman Humour, which he poſſeſſed in ſo eminent a degree, that
PLINY ſays it began with Lucilius in writing t, and CICERO
affirms it almoſt expired with bim I. It muſt needs do ſo, as the
perfeet Liberty of Speech and Sentiment, which produced and fed
it, muſt have been firſt quaſhed by the Change of Manners || that
quickly enſued, and afterwards totally buried under the ruins of
the Commonwealth. After all, ** the chief Charm in Lucilius" '
Writings, to the bulk of Readers, was the genuine picture he
drew of himſelf, the frank Confeſſion of his Inclinations, the
Acknowledgment of his Faults, the Accounts of his Adventures
good or bad, and in ſhort, a true and ſpirited Repreſentation of
his whole Life : freſh from Buſineſs he ran to his Pen, while his
Fancy was yet warm, his Paſſions ſtill awake, as elated with
ſucceſs or depreſſed by miſcarriage. Theſe he faithfully related,
and made his Remarks on them with the ſame freedom as
if he had not been the Actor, or had the leaſt intereſt in the
matter ; and by the delight he gave the Public, made it
appear
that there is nothing ſo pleaſing to the human mind, as Nature
and Truth. Why do we read the ingenious Montaigne with ſuch
high reliſh, and eagerly follow him thro’ the mazes in which
his
• Cum flueret lutulentus, erat quod tollere velles.
HORAT
+ LUCILIUS--qui primus condidit ftili NASUM. PRAEF, Hift. Nat.
Morier, fi praeter TB (Papirium Paetum) quenquam reliquum habeo in quo
poffum imaginem antiquae et vernaculae feſtivitatis agnofcere. Cicer. Ep. Fam.
See VOL. IL Note t.
** Sunt Lucili fcripta leviora, ut urbanitas ſumma appareat, doctrina medi-
ocris.
Cicer, de Fin. Lib. I.
*
56
MEMOIRS of the
É
his Fancy roves ? becauſe he paints himſelf, and gives us back our
own Feelings more happily expreſſed, than we ever ſaw them
elſewhere. Je dois mon Pourtrait au Publique, 'I have promiſed
'my Picture to the Public', ſays that amiable Writer, and faith-
fully has he kept his word. This indeed was the chief Merit of
the firſt Memoir-Writers, who related their own Adventures, and
by painting Paſſions and Perſons, intereſted the Reader in their
Fate and Fortunes. The Applauſe with which their Works
had been received, produced a Swarm of loofe Novels,
Lives, &c. that have been juſtly rejected as fpurious Productions:
but let any Man of Genius, treading in Montaign's or Lucilius'
Steps, paint himſelf truly, and I will engage he ſhall meet
with a favourable Reception. Some beautiful Touches of this
fort
appear thro' Sir William Temple, and Sir Thomas Brown's
Works, and make the chief Beauties in the little elegant Efſays
publiſhed under the title of the SPECTATOR. If they are not
read with the ſame Reliſh, nor raiſe the ſame Admiration as the
former, it is that they are timorouſly drawn, and faintly. co-
loured under the influence of modern Politeneſs - a
a Cauſe
agreeable enough in common Life, but enervating in characte-
riſtic Compoſures.
The high Reputation acquired by Lucilius procured him
many Imitators, among whom Albutius, a Man of prime Learn-
ing, held the firſt rank *. 'Tis true the Marian Calamities, the
Italic and Servile Wars, left no leiſure in the Age which imme-
diately ſucceeded, to court the Muſes, or liſten to their Song: but
in the interval between theſe and the Ceſarean Rebellion, the Ata-
cian Varro, Ampius Balbus, and latterly the brave Trebonius, had
all tried their Talents in Satyr, and left Pictures of Men and
Manners that would have thrown great light on the Hiſtory of
that diſtinguiſhed Period, had they eſcaped the Stroke of TIME.
For they were Men of Genius, and Spirit, who wrote with the
manly
L. ALBUTIUS, homo apprime doctus, cujus Luciliano charactere funt Li-
belli,
M. TER, VARR. de R. R. Lib. III,
Court
57
of AUGUSTUS.
manly freedom becoming the Cauſe of Liberty in which they
were embarked. It was now taken up by the acute HORACE, a:
nice Judge of Characters, who exerciſed it under the protection
of a powerful Miniſter.
Lucilius his Pattern, among other Incidents of his Life, had
deſcribed a Journey he made from Rome along the rich Coaſt of
Campania, by Capua and Naples all the way to Reggio on the
Sicilian-Streight. Horace was ſoon found out to be the worthy
Man and agreable Companion his Friends Virgil and Varius
had deſcribed him, and was now honoured with Mecenas' Com-
mands to attend him in a Progreſs quite acroſs Italy to Brindiſi,
and to meet him upon the road at Terracina. He and Cocceius
were going Plenipotentiaries on the momentous affair of adjuſt-
ing Differences, and healing the Suſpicions ariſen between M.
Antony and the young Gefar, which they happily terminated
by the Peace of Brindiſi above related. Nothing can be neater
than Horace's Account of this long Journey. It is told in very
familiar, and yet elegant Terms; and being among the firſt
Pieces of this kind which he publiſhed, when he was ſcarce ſix
and twenty, it both ſhews upon what foot he lived with the Mi-
nifter, and what kind of Men made up this ſelect Retinue.
HORACE ſet out from Rome attended by Heliodore, a Profeffor
of Eloquence, whom he calls by far the learnedeſt of all the
Grecians. I ſuppoſe he has held the ſame rank in the Miniſter's
Family, as Apollodore the Pergamenian did in the Prince's *; it
being ſcarce probable that Horace could. yet afford to keep in his
houſe a learned Grecian for his Companion. They undertook this
Journey before the Peace of Brindiſ was concluded; that is, about
two years after Philippi, when the Tribune commanding under
Brutus had been ſtript of his ſmall paternal Eſtate, and for his
Subliftence had been reduced to purchaſe an Under-clerkſhip
in the Treaſury :. for ſo I underſtand Suetonius t in the Sketch
Vol. III.
H.
he
* Homme de Lettres.
+ Veniâ impetratâ, SCRIPTUM QUAESTORIUM comparavit,
58
MEMOIRS of the
he has given of the Poet's Life. This Gentleman, Heliodo-
rus, is no where elſe mentioned, that I know of: perhaps he
may have died young, before he produced
before he produced any Work to preſerve
his memory ; ſince, but for this little Touch of Horace's Pen,
his own Learning, however extenſive, would not have ſaved him
from oblivion. .
MECENAS and Coccerus were going, as I ſaid, upon ſo weighty
an Affair, that the Fortunes of their reſpective Maſters, and the
Fate of the Empire depended upon their Negotiation : yet we find
them in no hurry-no poſting to Brindiſi ; but their Progreſs
liker a Jaunt of Pleaſure than the diſpatch of Plenipotentiaries.
They generally rode but one Stage a-day, took their own ele-
gant Villas in their way, where they entertained by turns
if the Maſter's Family happened not to be there at that time, he
only lodged the illuſtrious Company ; but the neareſt Houfe-
keeper ſupplied the Kitchen. They refuſed no Amuſement on
the Road ; we find Mecenas going to Tennis after a long
Day's Journey (no Sign of a fatigued Traveller or a weak
Conſtitution), in which neither of the Poets choſe to bear a
part. Horace's Eyes were but tender, and Virgil's Digeſtion
weak. The ridiculous Enſigns of Power, affected by the Re-
corder of a little Country-Town, and ſome local Miracles, afford-
ed them new mirth; while the Encounter of Sarmentus, a Buf-
foon in Mecenas' Train, with Cicerrus, another Groteſque belong-
ing to Cocceius, furniſhed laughter for a whole evening. But
the Circumſtance in the whole narration that chiefly ſtruck
me, is the different manner in which the Poet relates his meeting
with the great Man, and with his fellow-Poets. A modern
Bard, we may preſume, who had been commanded to meet an
Ambaſſador, and attend him as his Companion, would have
principally dwelt upon the auſpicious Dey,--perhaps accumulated
all the honour and happineſs of the Tale on the bleſſed Hour,
when his EXCELLENCY firſt joined them. It is here quite
otherwiſe. · At Terracina, ſays HORACE, while I was anoint-
ing
Court of AUGUSTUS.
59
<
ing my ſore eyes, Mecenas arrived, and along with him Cocceius
. and Fonteius Capito, a thorough-polite man*, and in the higheſt
favour with M. ANTONY. From thence we proceeded to
Fundi, and bad ſoon the pleaſure to leave it, ſneering at
the Trappings of their wrong-headed Recorder-in his purple-
edged Gown, with a broad Galloon down his Breaſt, and a
· Pan of live Coals carried before him in proceſſion. That
evening, pretty weary, we reached Formié the Seat of the Ma-
· murran Family t, where Murena lodged the Company, and
Capito furniſhed the Table. But the next day dawned by far
· the moſt agreable ;. for at Sinueſja † we were joined by Plotius
• Tucca, Lucius Varius, and Virgilius Maro-than whom the
• Earth bears not better men, nor to whom any body has greater
* obligations than myſelf. - lord! what embracing there was
among us! what a Flow of joy, and Effuſion of heart! never,
. while in my fenſes, will I put any thing in the balance with a
delightful Friend! There is both Diſcretion and Dignity in
ſuppreſſing, or in touching gently upon Circumſtances that might
favour of Vanity; and the Exerciſe of theſe rare Qualities, in
fome meaſure accounts for this uncommon Phenomenon, of a
great Stateſman travelling with four such Literati in his Train.
AMONG Perſons of this Turn, equally acquainted with Bu-
fineſs and Learning, Men and Manners muſt be frequently the
H 2
Subjects
• VOL. III. page 8.
+ Hence the Epithet which Catullus uſually beſtows upon the prodigal Ma-
murra, Julius Cefar's Favourite, Decoctor Formianus, the Bankrupt of Formié.
I SINUESSA was another Baiaea Place of gayety and pleaſure. It like-
ways allured People of delicate Conſtitutions mollitie coeli et ſalubritate aquarum,
by the Mildneſs of the Air, and the celebrated hot Springs, which, long before
Martial's days, were uſed for diſſolute Purpoſes (a): for in this place the Monſter
Tigellinus was wallowing in debauchery, when OTHo ſent to take off his Head.
Was VIRGIL here uſing theſe Baths, to cheriſh a fickly Habit ? or had he
rather come from Naples (his uſual Retreat not far off) to meet his Patron at
Sinueſia, becauſe, next Stage, the Road to Brindiſi quits the Coaſt, and taking to
the left thro' the Hills, leads by the Bridge on the Volturno to Beneventum ?
(a) Luo. II. Epig.
*
60
MEMOIRS of the
7
Subjects of Converſation ; and Horace, who was particularly
quick both in his Paſſions and Perceptions, has accordingly
preſented his Patron with ſome curious Draughts of the various
Characters and Purſuits which diverſify human Life. It is re-
markable, that the firſt of his Odes or Songs, the firſt of his
Satyrs, and the firſt of his Epiſtles, are all of this ſort ; and all
the three addreſſed to MECENAS. The Poet therefore, in wri-
ting his Diſcourſes or Converſations, was at once indulging his own
Genius, and adapting his Productions to the Taſte of his Patron.
Knowledge of Characters is the prime Requiſite both for jud-
ging of other men's Conduct, and for regulating our own: who-
ever excells in it, is capable of the higheſt Employments, and
qualified to deal with all ſorts of Perſons : for Characters, ſpring-
ing from inclination, and marked by a purſuit, are the imme-
diate Offspring, and therefore the ſure Teſt of our Morals; fo
that the very learned and judicious Writer *, who has laboured
moſt ſucceſsfully to make theſe compoſitions of Horace intel-
ligible to our Countrymen, had good reaſon to affirm, that his
Satyrs and EPISTLES contain a perfect Syſtem of Prudence
and Morality ; being the fineſt Collection of Precepts for the
• Conduct of Life, that all Antiquity can boaſt of.' This is a
high Encomium let us ſee whether it be well founded..
We are told by the great Maſter of Morals,' that Men generally
( take to one of three kinds of Life: they either give them-
• ſelves up to pleaſure ; follow public buſineſs; or ſpend their
* time in Study and Contemplation. Under theſe, continues he,
• there is yet another ſort of a Life to be conſidered, that of a
• Money-maker, whoſe ſole Aim is accumulating Wealth ti?
This
.
* Mr. William Duncan, Profeſſor of Philoſophy in the Univerſity of Aberdeen,
whoſe exact Tranſlation of the Satyrs and Epiſtles of Horace, with learned Notes,
was unfortunately printed as a ſecond Part to the Odes, &c. tranſlated and com-
mented by a very different Hand.
* Οι γαρ καθολικοί βίοι μάλισα τρεις εισίν ο τε καθ' ηδονήν, και ο πολιτικός,
και τρίτος και θεωρητικόςέσι. δε και άλλος βίος εν αυτοίς θεωρέμενος, και το χρημα-
τις ικ8. ,
Παραφρασ. ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛ, προς Νικομαχ. Β,
Court of AUGUSTUS.
61
6
This Obſervation is taken from Fact, and a wide View of human
Affairs :-of a piece with it is the philoſophic Arrangement
of the good-things ſought after, or the Enjoyment propoſed from
each kind of Life ; which the ſame Moraliſt, or his accurate In-
terpreter *, ſays muſt be likewiſe of three forts : · For all our
Acquiſitions and Enjoyments either relate immediately to the
· BODY, or to the Mind, or to exterior circumſtances, which the
Philoſophers called Things WITHOUT us.
In a Run of Pleaſure, or a Hurry of Buſineſs, the multipli-
city of ſucceeding Objects that play before our fired Imagination,
ſeems incapable of being reduced to order, and ranged under a
few ſimple heads : but when that heat is over, cool Reflection
and a calm View of Life, let us ſee the Truth and Juſtneſs of
the comprehenſive Diviſion. If Horace therefore, in his
Draughts of Men and Manners, has amply and artfully treated
of theſe four kinds of Life, and ſearched into the three Ends or
Purpoſes propoſed in purſuing them if he has inimi-
tably ſhewn the Uſe and Abuſe of Pleaſure, Power, Knowledge,
and Wealth-may we not return the Compliment which he
pays to Homer t, and pronounce him a compleat Moraliſt ?
But that every one may judge for himſelf, here are the Sub-
jects of his Converſations, in one compendious View. They are
divided into two Books, the firſt containing ten, and the ſecond
eight Satyrs.
BooK FIRST.
Sat I. Of the Choice of Life various Characters Uſe
and Abuſe of Money.
II. Of Pleasure: Danger and Indecency of high Intrigue.
III. Of FRIENDSHIP. Indulgence to Friends: Life (not
Theory) the meaſure of Things.
IV. Of
*****
one date with my world
externa som Du ingen
• Suppoſed to be ANDRONICUS the Rhodian, publiſhed by Dan. Heinſius, with
a Tranſlation.
4
Qui quid fit pulcrum, quid turpe, quid utile, quid non,
Plenius ac melius Chryfippo ac Crantore dicit. Epift. II. ad Lollium.
62
MEMOIRS of the
:
IV. Of Poetry. Satyr. LUCILIUS-HORACE himſelf.
V. A JOURNEY to Brindif-Accidents in common Life.
VI. Of NOBILITY. Grandeur troubleſome: Sweets of In-
dependency.
VII. A LAW-Suit, 'or Scolding between a well-matched
Plaintiff and Defendant: falfe Eloquence, ending in
a Pun *.
VIII. Of SUPERSTITION. Spells. Priapus and the Witch.
IX. The PRATER. Impertinence in Converſation. (le
Facheux).
X. A DEFENCE of Sat. IV. Criticiſm. Characters and
.
Excellencies of contemporary Poets.
:
TA
BOOK SECOND.
Sat. I. The ſame SUBJECT. Eflay-writing. Character.of Lu-
ciliusa-Horace's own.
II. Of TEMPERANCE. Table-Luxury: honeſt Ofellus.
III. Of STOICISM: Folly, a certain pitch of Madneſs
wonderfully exemplified. Horace's own Errors in Life.
IV. Of EPICURISM. Receipts in Cookery philoſophically
delivered.
V. Of LEGACY-HUNTING. The Will-Catcher and his
Wiles deſcribed.
VI. THE WISH-private LIFE rural Retirement
City and Country Mouſe.
VII. Of Falfe GALLANTRY, and ill-founded PRIDE, op-
poſed to real VIRTUE and Self-command.
VIII. A ridiculous FEAST. Abuſe of Riches. Abſurdity
of high Entertaining.
Now if we review theſe Subjects with attention, we will
find, that they run either upon the management of our Plea-
fures, which in the abſtract ſtile you may call the good things
of
--
See Vol. II. page 48, 49,
*
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
63
of the Body; or upon Conduct toward our Superiors, Friends, and
Dependants, which may be conſidered as exterior Circumſtances;
or finally they relate to Learning and Knowledge, particularly to
Poetry and characteriſtic Writing, that delineates our Paſſions
and Principles; which therefore properly belongs to the Under-
fanding. Take human Life, then, in what light you pleaſe, and
compare its Duties and Errors with theſe elegant Draughts of
the Roman Poet, you will find them follow it in its principal and
pleaſanteſt Scenes.
Sound Sense is the grand Source of writing well,
ſays this candid Critic, and adds a memorable Proof of his Al-
ſertion ; - to be convinced that it is ſo, continues he, Go, read
the Works of the Socratic School, that is, the Writings of
Xenophon and Plato: from them you muſt learn the Duties
we owe to our Country, to our Parents, and to our Friends,
' to be qualified to paint Characters according to Nature:
Would you therefore know the real Compaſs and Extent of
theſe CHARACTERISTICS, take any approved SYSTEM of Mo-
RALS in your hand, but eſpecially the firſt and beſt that I
yet
know to be publiſhed, which bears the name of Nicomachus to
whom it was addreſſed *; or if that divine Work be not within
reach, take Cicero's Abſtract of it and of Panetius' Treatiſe
upon
the ſame Subject t.--compare their Contents with the Subjects
of the Satyrs, and (ONE grand Point excepted) you will equally
find Directions for every part of your Conduct. They are given
in various ways; by Precept, by Example, but principally in the
moſt difficult but moſt delightful of all the methods of Inſtru-
ction, that of Painting and Ridicule a method that deeply attach-
es the Reader, and wins his Conſent, by intereſting his own
Judgment, and appealing to his own Taſte for the Truth of the
Concluſions which it leaves him to draw, after having turned
out to his view the right and wrong sides of Life, and raiſed
approbation or diſlike by bare Repreſentation.
IN
APIETOTEA. H9ixūv após NIKOMAX. + De OFFICIIS.
Start *, ne nobene Saying the res van 3.6
so in the
...ints
64
MEMOIRS of the
$
In this delicate Art Horace excelled : his Pictures are all juſt,
Colouring exquiſite, and laid on in the happieſt Language that
ever flowed from a Poet's Pen : and as by this means, among
all the Roman Authors, his Writings are the Sources from which
a Gentleman, living in Court or Country, purſuing Pleaſure, im-
merſed in Buſineſs, or addicted to Learning, may draw the great-
eſt inſtruction and delight, I hope the following Obſervations,
tending to illuſtrate their excellency and ſpread their influence,
will not be unſeaſonable.
And firſt, his moral Lectures (if that be not too grave a
word) are rendered amiable by a very eſſential, tho' often ne-
glected qualification, their Good-Nature and Pleaſantry. They
are frequently delivered in ſome ludicrous Character-a Virtuoſo
run mad ", a ſhrewd fententious Slave of, or a ſubtile Kitchen-
Philoſopher I; they are, beſides, enlivened here and there with
thoſe ſtrokes of humour, and little Extravagancies that are pro-
per to prevent our flagging on pure preaching and dry Morality.
It is ſurely no good Conduct in the Managers for Virtue, to give
her ſuch a ſtern mercileſs Aſpect as to frighten the gay,
the
young, the good-natured, from daring to approach her. Perfius,
Juvenal, and the greater part of the modern Satyrifts, ſeldom af-
ford us a Smile; or when they do, it comes with ſo much dif-
dain and Arrogance, that it has no chance to pleafe, nor conſe-
quently to correct us. It muſt be allowed, that the groſs unna-
tural Vices which they attack, require a harſher Tone, becauſe
the caſe-hardened Offenders in theſe, having forgot to bluſh, are
proof againſt a Jeſt: and it being the buſineſs of Satyr firſt to
laugh Vice out of countenance, or if, thro' impudence and pro-
fligacy, that cannot be done, its next work is to render it odious
and frightful : But in chuſing notorious Rogues, Rakes, Thieves,
or Men of the moſt abandoned Characters, as Objects of their
Satyr, they have rather followed the Authors of the old
rude Comedy, than the Pattern here ſet them by this refined
Cenſor
• DAMASIPPUS.
DayUS. I CATIUS,
$
Court of AUGUSTUS.
65
Cenſor of Manners : and ſtill, when they touch upon the ſame
Subject with him, it is in a very different way. Criminal In-
trigue, and Table-Luxury, have been the ſtanding Butts of Satyr,
conſtantly laſhed by almoſt every Writer of that ſpecies; yet
take the pieces in which Horace expoſes the Ridicule of theſe
dangerous and deluſive Follies, and compare them with the hi-
deous Pictures drawn by Perſus and his Afociate, you will find
they conſider them in quite different views, and ſcarcely imagine
you are reading upon the ſame ſubject. It is paſt doubt, that
every
Vice is attended with ſo much genuine Folly, that it needs
only to be ſtript of its Tinſel, and ſhewn as it is, to make it look
filly, and us aſhamed of it: but if beſides its own Deformity,
we dreſs it up like a Saracen's Head, and endeavour to inhance
its native Uglineſs, it is odds but we take it for a Maſque indeed,
and believe its real Viſage not ſo deformed as the officious
Repreſentation.
I SAID there was one grand Point, on which our Poet could
not keep pace with the Moraliſts : Ariſtotle, Panetius, and Cicero,
had all the happineſs to live in free States, and the Roman had
a chief hand in preſerving one ſo: of courſe they employ a great
part of their Writings in explaining and enforcing the Duties we
owe to our COUNTRY. But here our Poet is defective-not
for want of capacity or good-will, but thro' a fatal neceſity to ab-
ftain from the exalted Subject, -a neceſity impoſed upon him
by the Times and his own condition. Ariſtotle, it is true, witneſs-
ed the Attempt made upon the Liberties of Greece by the artful
Philip; as Cicero compoſed his admirable Work, addreſſed to
his Son, during a lucid Interval that ſeemed to have ſurmounted
the Uſurpation. But the Stagirite had been converſant with
better Models than his own Country produced, or his Pupils
Government could afford; elſe he could never have had thoſe
diftinet and beneficent Views of Society, or felt that public affe-
Ction we call Patriotiſm, whoſe beauty he has ſo exquiſitely
VOL. III.
I
deſcribed :
66
MEMOIRS of the
deſcribed * : whereas the unfortunate Horace, tho' early em-
barked in the Cauſe of Liberty, foon ſaw the bright morning
overcaſt, and produce a diſmal tempeſt of Tyranny and lawleſs
Rule, in which he was himſelf a deep Sufferer. No wonder
then, if we find, in his firſt Productions, no encomiums of a
Paſſion, which tho' the moſt glorious and elevating that warms
the human Breaſt, ran directly counter to the Spirit and Tenor
of the newly-uſurped Government. .
Let us bear with this piece of Diſcretion in the lately-pardon-
ed Poet; and remember that by ſeconding the falutary views
of the humane Mecenas, and the generous Agrippa, he was even
now approving himſelf a worthy, as well as a wiſe Man: for
afterwards, when things were better ſettled, and a milder Spirit
prevailed in Public, we ſhall find him endeavouring, as a pro-
feffed Patriot, to make ample amends.
After two or three looſer Eſays, he carried Satyr to
its perfection ; and in ſo far as it regards the conduct of
private Life, remains, unrivalled by any ancient or modern
Writer. I have already pointed out the Advantages which in
part account for this ſuperiority, the noble Pattern he imi-
tated, the high Company he kept, his quick perception of Cha-
racters, and equal acquaintance with Books and Men. But he
ſtands in nothing ſo much alone, as in Good-nature, and that
ſmiling Eaſe with which he adminiſters medicine to a ſickly
Mind. Not only the two noted Ancients already named,
but all the Moderns who have attempted Satyr, are ſadly ſerious :
the bitter and bigotted Salvator Roſa never unbends his angry
Brow: Boileau's natural Temper was ſharp, nor was Mr. Pope
averſe to Severity. It is true, they have both taken up the other
manner with great ſucceſsbut it is either when they have
Horace
* In all Antiquity, I know nothing that in fublime Sentiment, nervous Expreſ-
ſion, and Strength of Colouring, furpaſſes an Ode on VIRTUE, aſcribed to Ari-
Stotle. ΑΡΕΤΑ ΠΟΛΥΜΟΧΘΕ-ΓΕΝΕΙ ΒΡΟΤΕΙΩΙ, &c.
5
Court of AUGUSTUS.
67
+
Horace in view, or are copying Tafoni, Cervantes, or ſome
other of the burleſque Writers.
Two peculiarities more diſtinguiſ. Horace's Compoſures :
firſt, they are genuine dramatic Repreſentations, like ſo many
Scenes of a Comedy: the greater number are ſtrictly ſo, and the
two or three that appear narrative and declamatory, yet intro-
duce Perſons and Characters in the Narration. They are of the
ſame kind, both as to matter and form, with thoſe Socratic Pie-
ces which he recommends as the fountains of Senſe and fine
Writing. An Author more ennobled by his learning and virtue
than by his high birth, has ingeniouſly remarked, that every one
of Plato's Dialogues is a ſort of MORAL MIRROR, into which
no man can look ſtedfaſtly without ſeeing his own real Face, and
if frequently conſulted, will likewiſe Thew him the Viſage wore
by every one of his acquaintance. Horace's Discourses are
vaſtly elaborate in this reſpect, and wrought up to a ſtrict Con-
fiftency of character and ſentiment.
A NOBLE Venetian, who by ſtaying long in BRITAIN had ac-
quired an eſteem for the fair Sex not very common in his own
Country, ſtarted an Objection on this ſubject which will ſet it in
the cleareſt light. 'I cannot conceive, faid he, how ſo delicate
'a Writer as Horace, ſhould in his fifth Satyr * have ventured
to abuſe the moſt ſhining female Character in all Antiquity,
• and repreſent the virtuous Penelope as capable of the loweſt
proſtitution. The very Language he uſes on this occaſion, is
foul, and the Image to which he compares the Heroine is
groſsly ſhocking t. Is not this treſpaſſing againſt the Truth of
· Character, and irreconcileable to his own Precepts ?'
A Gentleman in the company obſerved, that Horace, tho' ſu-
premely well bred, and ſtrictly adapting his ſtile to the Speaker,
I 2
has
• Book II.
+ Ut Canis a corio numquam abfterrebitur uncto.
Ulysses is introduced conſulting Tirefias by what ways and means he may
repair his broken Fortunes, and grow quickly rich? The old Bard bids him hunt
for Legacies ; and among other arts, proſtitute his WIFE.
.
1
:::'::.
68
MEMOIRS of the
ܐ
;
has yet many ſtrong, perhaps we would ſay coarſe Expreſſions,
hatched, to be ſure, under the high liberty of the Roman State,
and which had probably crept into his compoſitions from the
Fountains whence he drew, Lucilius' Writings, or more li-
centious Authors of the old Comedy that what is called Po-
liteneſs has no fixed Standard, but varies ſo much in different
ages and countries, that ſome Moderns have ſtript the rude An-
cients of all pretenſions to Gallantry. You know, St. Evre-
mont finds it only in Petronius, and in two or three of the Odes
of Horace * while other French-men cenſure even your Tasso
and GUARINI, and pretend to give proofs of their being groſs
Writers on the ſubject of Love f.
SIGNIOR G-----NI allowed that Politeneſs had no ſtandard
but Good-nature ; and that the fantaſtic french Writers of the
laft
age wanted to make their own national Foppery the general
Model of Manners but ſtill he inſiſted that here was a
palpable Inconſiſtency with the eſtabliſhed character of Penelope,
exaggerated in very indecent terms; and looking to a known
admirer of the Poet and no enemy to the Fair, aſk'd him, How
he could almoſt idolize an Author who had ſo inſulted the moſt
accompliſhed of Woman-kind ?
When you take that Piece of my Favourite again in
your hand, ſaid the Perſon to whom he put the queſtion, do
him the juſtice to conſider it as a Continuation of the XI. Book
of Homer's Odyſley inſcribed NEKTIA, or the State of the Dead
juſt as the admired Fenelon has grafted his Adventures of Telema-
chus upon an Epiſode of the ſame Poet: conſider too the Pur-
poſe of it-to expoſe a piece of mean Corruption which was be-
ginning to prevail, and which ſoon after came to a ſhameful
height, that of courting the childleſs Rich by the loweſt and
worſt of arts I: for the regard formerly paid to Virtue being
now,
* A la reſerve d'Horace en quelques odes, Petrone eſt peut-être le ſeul
de l'Antiquité, qui ait fçû parler de Galanterie.
+ Pria-ch'jo le mie arme, nel ſuo ſangue non tinga. Aminta di Tasso.
Vir bonus et pauper, linguaque et pectore purus,
Quid tibi vis VRBEM qui Fabiane petis ?
Qui
:
;
** Minigo
Court of AUGUSTUS.
69
now, after the loſs of Liberty, transferred to Pomp and Wealth,
Money was become the grand Purſuit at Rome--every body
hafted to be richno matter how, ſo you were but rich ; and
the moſt expeditious and ſecure method of acquiſition, (after a
ſtop was put to plundering) being by bequeathed Eſtates, Will-
catching became a Profeſſion, and (like Fortune-hunting lately
in Britain) a public nuiſance and ſcandal *. To expoſe the
baſe Artifices they employed, and make the Trade at once
odious and ridiculous, the foil of the moſt ſhining Characters was
neceſſary; as their contraſt ſet the deformity of it in the moſt
ſtriking light : and what more ſhining Characters than
thoſe of Penelope and Ulvſjes ?
Ay-but he ſhould have kept to theſe Characters-ob-
ſerved the proper meaſures of probability--and not repreſented
the heroic Ulyſſes as capable of acting the Scoundrel, or the
virtuous Penelope of playing the----- !
The raiſed Tone of
Voice, and Vivacity of the Venetian's Looks, made this Sentence
be received with a loud laugh-after which the Poet's
Advocate modeſtly begged leave to tell him,
· That Ulyf-
ſes was repreſented, even by Homer himſelf, as not at all averſe to
receiving gifts, and extremely intent upon accumulating wealth of :
nay,
Qui nec leno potes, nec commiſſator haberi,
Nec pavidos triſti voce citare reos:
Nec potes uxorem cari corrumpere amici,
Nec potes algentes arrigere ad vetulas ;
Vendere nec vacuos circum palatia fumos,
Plaudere nec Cano, plaudere nec Glaphyro:
Unde miſer vives?
MARTIAL. Lib. IV. Ep. 5.
• An tu Arruntium et Aterium et caeteros, qui captandorum teftamentorun
artem profeli funt, non putas eadem habere quae deſignatores et libitinarios vota?
Senec. de Ben. VI.
+ When ſet on ſhore by the Pheacians in Ithaca, and (as he thought) in ha-
zard of his Life, his firſt care was to number the Preſents he had received, leſt the
Seamen ſhould have pilfered any thing while he was aſleep; and afterwards,
when Penelope was making trial of her Suitor's generoſity,
γήθησεν δε πολύτλας διoς ΟΔΥΣΣΕΥΣ
Ούνεκα των μεν δώρα παρέλκετο-
PAY...
the
70
MEMOIRS of the
::
C
:
nay, that there were not wanting Writers who had formally attack-
ed Penelope's Chara&ter, and endeavoured at leaſt to leave it
dubious, whether the Princeſs of Ithaca, like our great Queen
ELIZABETH, were really ſuch a Pattern of Virtue as Homer
paints her, or whether she had impoſed upon the world, and made it
• believe ber a Saint while she indulged in ſecret, and was indeed
ia Sinner * :
a
whereas Horace introduces Ulyffes bimſelf (who
should know beſt) doing full juſtice to his excellent Confort, and
ſtrongly aſſerting her ſuperior Prudence and unblemiſhed Chaſtity fo.
• Wit, he ſaid, required fome grains of allowance, and is never ob-
ſerved to ſhine brighter, than when it makes free with exalted
· Characters----beſides, Sir, remember that the Infinuations in
prejudice of this admired Lady are put into the mouth not only of
an old Soothſayer, but of a blind one, and who loſt his hght for a
barſk Judgment paſed in a tickliſh point upon the Sex in general.
-An old Man, ſaid the Italian (pauſing---and
weighing the words), an old Man and a blind one too!
Why, that may poſſibly acquit the Poet I.
It is the chief Boaſt of the Muſes, to make the Lyes they tell
reſemble Truth. CONSISTENCY of Character is accordingly the
Maſter-piece of Poetry, which is ſeldom reached if the
Foundation at leaſt of the Fiction be not laid in Facts, or
if the Poet have not real Perſons in his eye while he is drawing
Characters. Without this, the warmeſt Fancy and wideſt Ge-
nius cannot guard him againſt flips in compoſition,ếnor fe-
cure him againſt ſome wry feature or unhappy touch, betraying
the
* Quid inquiris,-an PeneloPA impudica fuerit, ac verba fuo faeculo de-
derit ? an Ulixem illum eſſe quem videbat antequam ſciret ſuſpicata fit.
Senec. Epiſt. 88.
7
Putas ne
Perduci poterit tam frugi, tamque pudica;
Quam nequiêre proci recto depellere curſu?
# In bocca di Vecchio, dice VS ed anche di cieco-cieco vecchio !
---ahi queſto si, baſta per iſcufar il Poeta.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
71
men med, men polo
the deceit, and beſpeaking human Infirmity. The ſecond Pecu-
liarity of Horace's Pieces is therefore eaſily perceived, as being
cloſely connected with the firſt. The Rise of his Satyrs was
rial; and the Perſons to whom both they and his Epiſtles are
addreſſed were not fictitious. They are founded upon ſome
Incident that actually happened, or upon ſome Relation in life
that really exiſted, and are accordingly framed and adjuſted to
their ſituation at that time. It was this that enabled him to paint
ſo true, to make his introduced Perſons ſpeak with ſuch conſiſtent
Propriety, and to obſerve himſelf the proper meaſures of famili-
arity or deference. I ſhould write a Commentary on his
Works, were I to point out the Proofs that every where occur of
the truth of theſe Obſervations: but I cannot avoid taking notice
of one happy effect of this way of Writing, which we may call
a moral Drama. By introducing various Characters, and making
them talk each in their own ſtile, you put a PERSON be-
tween you and the PUBLIC, and out of his mouth can ſay
many things which you could not have ſaid ſo well, or poſſibly
not ſaid at all from your own. With what grace could Horace, for
inſtance, have recounted his own foibles and follies, in
compa-
riſon of the Virtuofo newly converted to Stoiciſm? Or how
could he have removed the falſe glare of Wealth, and ſo de-
cently diſplayed the Enormities of the Great, as in the perſon
of a ſagacious Valet perfectly acquainted with his Maſter's pri-
vate life? It is needleſs to add, that to draw ſuch a character
juſtly, the Poet muſt have been ſo too. He now lived much at
Court; from which however he made frequent and long elope-
ments to his rural Retirement, to enjoy plain Nature, faunter
in the Woods, or contemplate among the ruins of a Temple
gone to decay. He had his Friends and his Enemies, both as a
Courtier and an Author had a new dependance upon a
Miniſter a ſmall Fortune to manage, and a greater to
make ;- beſides an iraſcible Temper, and a large ſhare of
more laſting Paſſions. Theſe give great Openings into Life,
and
** .:"
91...
..!!!
74€ 207
.
72
MEMOIRS of the
and when joined with the Maſters he conſulted *, and the Mo-
dels he followed, produced thoſe wondrous Draughts of Men and
Manners that have ſtood the teſt of Ages, and ſtill command
admiration and love.
An ingenious French-man lately named, ſays the reading Sene-
ca's Morals rather indiſpoſed than excited him to Virtue,
that he felt an averfion to what that Writer recommends, and
a liking to what he diſſuades; that the gloomy pains he takes
'to prepare us for Death made him paſſionately fond of Life,
• while his haranguing in praiſe of Poverty made him figh for
the vaſt wealth amaſſed by the Moraliſt. So prepoſterous an
effect affords no prejudice in favour of the Writer's Sincerity;
it ſeems to ſpeak his Virtue rather acquired than natural, --rather
aſſumed to ſerve a purpoſe it, than really dictated by his heart:
whereas Horace's ſoftned Reproofs, and artful methods of con-
veying Advice, produce a very different diſpoſition.com -You
begin to read with pleaſure you ſmile-turn all Attention,
find out yourſelf
—bite your lip, throw down the book,
take it eagerly up, read anew-and bluſhing reſolve to
become a better Man.
HOMER, ſays the Father of Criticiſm, thro' all his Works
ſpeaks but very little in his own perſon—juſt enough to in-
voke his Muſe, and introduce his Actors, whom he paints more
exquiſitely by the Speeches put in their mouths, than by direct
Deſcription. The ſame thing holds ſtrictly true of Horace in
theſe mimic Converſations, who tho' occupying the leaſt poetical
quarter of Parnaſſus, I mean Satyr, and Nily declining the
name, is yet, in the ſtrict ſenſe of the word, a Poet. His Friend
Fufcus
Services
* When he went into the country, the Authors he carried with him were
Plato and MENANDER-EUPOLIS and ARCHILOCHUS: the two former as
ſources of Wiſdom and models of Dialogue; the latter for the ſtrength of their
Stile and Sentiment,-keen ſtrokes of Wit and Ridicule, without much Morality.
+ Seneca-inſtituta prioris potentiae commutat: prohibet coetus falutan,
tium, vitat comitantes; rarus per urbem, quafi valetudine infenſa, aut fapientiae
Studiis dominaretur,
Tacit. Ann, XIV.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
73
..
A
Fufcus Ariftius ferves him to ſet forth CRISPINUS the everlaſting
Prater. Fundanius, the comic Author, deſcribes the extravagant
Dinner given by Nafidienus Rufus (a rich Fool, ambitious to
be thought a Man of taſte) to Mecenas, and his motely Train.
Trebatius, the celebrated Lawyer, whom Mr. Pope transforms in-
to Dr. Arbuthnot, gives him handles, by his prudent advice, to
juſtify his conduct as a Satyriſt. Fabulous Perſons, like Tireſias
and Priapus, turn Preachers of Morality; and even his own Father
bears a part in the ſatyrical Drama. They are each amiable in
their Way ; but none of them come up to Davus, the ſententious
Valet; and much leſs to Damafippus the pragmatical Stoïc, whoſe
Character far ſurpaſſes that of Cervantes' witty and learned Mad-
man, the Licentiate Vidriera *
When he firſt began to write, Lucilius was in poſſeſſion of
the higheſt reputation as a Poet. Horace openly attacked him,
and raiſed the indignation of his Admirers. He allowed him
great Worth, Wit, and Learning, but cenſured him a little
ſharply, as a looſe, incorrect, and verboſe Writer. This Judge-
ment was not ratified by Poſterity: Lucilius continued the po-
pular Author, and was in every body's hands; while his Rival
became the favourite of the ſelect Few. In ſome ſenſe, it is ſo
ſtill; for tho' the degrading his Works into a School-Book has
enabled every Smatterer to quote Horace, he is not thoroughly
underſtood by the majority of Latin-Scholars t.
Plans of his beſt Pieces ſuppoſe no ſlender acquaintance with Hi-
ftory, Philoſophy, and various Literature; and his Art in conduct-
ing them is too fine to be perceived, and his Sentiments too un-
common to be reliſhed by the learned Vulgar. In vain have we
recourſe to Tranſlations made by ingenious and learned Men :
VOL. III.
K
Dacier
1
The very
* ExeMPLARES de Mig. de Cervantes, Novela V.
t'I muſt confeſs, that the delight which Horace gives me is but languiſhing (be
pleaſed pill to underſtand that I speak of my own Taſte only). He may raviſh
6 other men, but I am too ſtupid and inſenſible to be tickled,' ſays even the ingenious
John DRYDEN ; who prefers Juvenal's ſounding verſe to the nicely-touched
Characters and refined Compoſition of our Poet.
74
:
MEMOIRS of the
>
Dacier and Duncan may have perfectly underſtood him them-
ſelves; but it is beyond their power to transfuſe the ſpirit and
elegance of the Original *.
2
After tracing this branch of Learning from its firſt Riſe to its
higheſt perfection, we ſhall conclude the Reſearch with a view
of the State of the other parts of Poetry at this period and
point out the prime Favourites of the tuneful Train, who felt the
happy raptures of an inſpiring Muſe: and that Account we can
take from no better hand than from Horace himſelf.
3
ABOUT the Dccxix year of the City, and the twenty eighth
of Ceſar's age, the Summer after Sextus Pompey's death and Anto-
ny's return from Parthia, Horace was writing his miſcellany Dif-
courſes and in the end of the firſt Book gives the following
Sketch of the State of Poetry, and its Profeſſors at Rome.
The Beginning of that Century had ſeen Lucretius, Catullus,
Calidius, and Cinna fitting on the ſummit of Parnaſſus; but after
the death of Calidius who ſurvived the other three, L. VARIUS
was in poſſeſſion of the character of the greateſt Epic Poet. He
is acknowledged as ſuch both by Virgil and Horace : and yet, it
is ſtrange, no Work of his has ſurvived nor has even the
Name reached us of any of his Epic Compoſitions. His Tragedy
(Thyeſtes) which he publiſhed ſome years after this, procured him
the Reputation of an eminent Tragic Writer, and a Poem on
CESAR, ſtill higher favour as a Panegyriſt: but I can find no
mention of any of his other Works_nor aſcertain on what Per-
formance his Epic Reputation was founded. Without doubt,
he muſt either have publiſhed ſomething of that nature before
Horace had wrote his Satyrs ; or at leaſt have read to his Friends
fome
-
?
1
Serene and clear harmonious HORACE flows,
With Sweetneſs not to be expreſs'd in Proſe.
I, who have ſerv'd him now theſe twenty years,
Scarce know my Maſter, when that Dreſs he wears.
ROSCOMMON.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
75
ſome parts of an Heroic Poem he had then on the anvil. There
is an artful way of ſhowing abilities that makes ſome men ap-
pear capable of Productions, to which at bottom their Genius
is not equal : witneſs the celebrated Mr. Conrart, the firſt Se-
cretary to the French Academy, who, without publiſhing any one
thing of his own, found means to paſs all his life for a perſon of
ſuperior capacity and judgment.
IN TRAGEDY,--the Palm was given to the well-known Apnius
Pollio; and C. Fundanius, Brother-in-law, I believe, to M. Varro,
was allowed to have the happieſt Genius for Comedy. Beſides
other Productions of the ſeverer Drama, publiſhed during the
civil War *, Pollio had an intention to make that War itſelf the
ſubject of a Tragedy, and to bring the great Actors in it, Pompey,
Cato, Curio, and Cefar, each in his proper character, upon the
ſtage. He had been deeply engaged in it himſelf,—was intimately
acquainted with all the Chiefs, and therefore perfectly qualified
to paint Characters, and narrate Tranſactions: he meant to do
both ; having likeways compoſed a Hiſtory of that unhappy and
calamitous War. This was publiſhed, and admired ; but as for
the Tragedy, he ſeems to have taken the ſame perſon's advice,
who allows him here to be the firſt Tragic Poet t, but who, in
a wonderful Ode addreſſed to him much about this time,
warns him plainly of the danger of treating ſo tickliſh a ſubject :
· The Blood ſpilt in the cruel Struggle was yet warm, and the
· Wounds not yet cloſed the greateſt Men were by ſome Tie
or other all intereſted in the fatal Cataſtrophe :-would he
' venture to play with ſuch dangerous Materials, or dare to tread
upon Ames that covered a devouring Fire ? or ſuppoſing that
· he had actually compleated the hazardous Draught, might it not
be proper to defer the publication ---to apply his great talents
K 2
" and
en yeni mahnya dan tentu akan sangat
.
• PRETEXTAM, fi voles legere, Gallum Cornelium, familiarem meum poſcito.
C. A. POLL. ad CICER.
+
-POLLIO Regum
Facta canit, pede ter percuſſo.
....................
76
MEMOIRS of the
' and powerful influence to reſettle the State; and when that
' was accompliſhed when paſſions had cooled, and men's
' minds were returned to their wonted quiet, then he might
reſume the Athenian buſkin, and, like Sophocles, paint the
Crimes of Kings, big with miſchief and miſery *.' But Pollio,
tho' placed at the top by Horace, was ſoon ſurpaſſed by ſucceed-
ing Tragic Writers; and the delightful comic Scenes of Funda-
nius were no longer-lived than Varius' Epic Poems.
But after pointing out the diſtinguiſhed Favourites of the
Heroic, Tragic, and Comic Muſe, the Precedency in two ſpecies of
Poetry ſtill remained to be diſpoſed of, Paſtoral and Satyr. The
ſupreme Sweetneſs and Pleaſantry of the former he aſſigns to
VIRGIL, who for certain had then publiſhed nothing conſide-
rable but his Eclogues ; and he himſelf claims the chief talent
for Satyr, preferably to VARRO the Atacian, Author of the
Argonautic Expedition. That famed Poem was promiſed the
admiration of ages by a very able Judget; and yet the exalted
Genius that produced it, had, it would ſeem, but ill ſucceeded in
ſatyrical Compoſures. Theſe were the eminent Writers.
The Judges of writing, and Readers of taſte, who tho' not pro-
feſſed Authors, both compoſed themſelves, and judged with can-
dour of others, were chiefly theſe following. Cilnius MECE-
NAS, the Patron of polite Learning led the van ; then Plotius Tuc-
ca, Fufcus Ariſtius, and C. Oétavius, no leſs remarkable for Pro-
bity, than for his abilities in Literature. He was probably the
Son
:
Motum, ex Metello conſule, civicum,
Bellique caufas, et vitia, et modos;
Ludumque Fortunae, graveſque
Principum amicitias, et arma,
Nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus,
Periculofae plenum opus aleae,
Tractas, et incedis per ignes
Suppofitos cineri dolofo. HORAT. Lib. II. Ode I.
t
VARRONEM, primamque ratem, quae neſciet AETAS.
OVID.
1
et probet haec OCTAVIUS optimus HORAT.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
77
..::...
Son of Pompey's Admiral, (who fought againſt Julius Cefar in
the Theſalic, African, and Spaniſ Wars), and Father, perhaps, of
the famous Glutton P. Octavius, who rivalled even Apicius, and
carried off in triumph the huge Mullet ſet to ſale by Tiberius'
order *
But among the reſt, two great Perſons are mentioned
by Horace with a peculiar mark of diſtinction of Meſala Corvi-
nus, and Afinius Pollio ; Men of great perſonal dignity, who ſtood
upon their own bottom, and tho not mixing with the Knot of
Ceſar's Intimates, were rather more reſpected for their Remains of
Patriotiſm. Meſala's Brother, the faithleſs Publicola, is likewiſe
mentioned as a Judge and Patron of Learning. Surely he muſt
have been much reformed ; or his Party-Merit with M. ANTONY
which had lately raiſed him to the Conſulſhip I, muſt have
covered the crimes of his youth ll, and made his Name ap-
pear not unworthy to ſtand with his eminent Brother's. Some
others of the young Nobility, who had not fallen at Philippi, nor
been facrificed on the horrid Perugian Altar, make up the liſt
of Horace's Friends ; Servius Sulpitius, the great Lawyer's Son,
and Lucius Bibulus, the Admiral's; the candid Furnius, Antony's
Miniſter ; and a young Man of great genius, C. Valgius (who
was honoured with Meſſala's confidence, and afterwards thought
almoſt another HOMER **), is now only ranked with VIRGIL,
among
$
7
• He gave quinque H.S. (almoſt forty guineas) for this Fiſh; which, they fay,
weighed four pounds and a half, ---double the uſual ſize. Senec. Ep. XCVI.
+
Ambitione relegatâ, Te dicere poffim,
POLLIO, TE MESSALA, tuo cum fratre.
HORAT.
# He was made Conſul four years before his Brother Meffala Anno U. C.
DCC.XVII. along with the great Negotiator Cocceius Nerva ; and having abdica-
ted the Supreme Magiftracy (I know not for what reaſon), was ſucceeded by.
MUNATIUS PLANCUS, now one of Antony's chief Confidents. Fasti CAPITOL.
| See Vol. II. page 14. and 107.
Eft tibi, qui poſſit magnis ſe accingere rebus,
VALGIUS; eterno propior non alter HOMERO,
ſays the modeft and elegant Albius Tibullus to VAL. MESSALA, Lib. IV. El. I.
G
Nu
78
MEMOIRS of the
among the Judges of Poetry. Neither of theſe Sons of the
Muſes had as yet taken thoſe flights that carried them afterwards
over the heads of all their contemporary Poets.
But as no Profeſſion can be much honoured without producing
many Pretenders, wherever Wit is regarded, there will be abun-
dance of Witlings ; and one good Writer rewarded, raiſes a mul-
titude of Scriblers. Theſe Excreſcences, tho' the ſpawn of vanity
and indigence, never fail to ſpring along with the liberal Arts.
Conſcious of their own inſufficiency they generally herd together,
and club wits to bear down any Merit that eclipſes their own.
The Men therefore of true genius, whom we have named, had
for their Detractors a Sett of pert Poets, Muſicians, and Court-
fycophants, who made ſome ſort of figure, and therefore re-
quire our notice.
The Conqueſt of Greece had firſt civilized the rude Romans,
and the Conqueſt of Asia ſoon after corrupted them. The Gre-
cian Colonies early ſettled along that delicious Coaſt, and the
Inhabitants of the adjacent iſlands, had felt the power of the
enervating clime ; and the Macedonian Conqueſt having peopled
the in-land cities of Aſia with new ſwarms, they too quickly
learned the vices of the ſoil. They were now conquered by the
Romans in their turn, and became the chief inſtruments in taint-
ing the manners of their Maſters. It was the Afatic Greeks
that were the Miniſters of their Pleaſures, and who knew but
too well the unhappy art of joining elegance to luxury. They
aſſumed all characters, and exerciſed all profeſſions. The Men
of activity and addreſs applied themſelves by the moſt artful
flattery to gain the confidence of the Roman Magiſtrates: then,
as Publicans, or Financiers, they farmed the Revenue of their
Province, and became immenſely rich, notwithſtanding the ma-
gnificent Preſents they were obliged to make to the ſucceeding
Governours, and Bribes to their Minions. Of this rank was the
noted PHAME AS, a neceſſary Man to Julius Cefar, and very
gracious with all his Favourites. Phameas had the prettieſt taſte
in
*
-
:
w
Court of AUGUSTUS.
79
in ordering a Table, of any Man in Rome *, and was bleſt with a
Grandſon of ſtill higher accompliſhments. He had a Cauſe
depending before the Pretor, in which he had procured, I ſup-
poſe by Hirtius and Panſa's means, a promiſe from Cicero to
appear and plead for him. He accordingly came of a morning
to that great Man's houſe, told him his Cauſe was to be called
tbat very day, and hoped he would attend to defend it. CICERO
ſaid, • he was ſorry it ſhould have ſo happened ; but he, (Pha-
• meas) well knew the deep obligations he lay under to P. Sex-
TIUS, who in a Cauſe of a higher nature was to be acquitted or
condemned that ſame day, and whom he could by no means
deſert ; but as the time of calling his (Phameas') Cauſe was not
• fixed by Law (which was Sextius' caſe), if he pleaſed to bring
• it on any other day, he would not fail to appear and patronize
« him.' This Anſwer the old Gentleman thought fit to take
in extreme ill part ; and having informed his Grandchild, the
famous TIGELLIUS, (who was neceſſary to Ceſar's Pleaſures in
another way), they both railed ſo bitterly againſt CICERO, that his
Friend Fabius Gallus thought it his duty to write to him of their
Infolence. He anſwered, ſome time ago, when I was ſaid to
be all-powerful in Rome, there was not ſuch reſpect paid to me by any
body as I now meet with from every one of Ceſar's intimate Friends,
except this one Manthat, I reckon a real happineſs-not to be
obliged to bear with a Fellow of a more peſtilent nature than his
native Climate (Sardinia), and one whom Calvus has in his Satyrs
bound over to eternal infamy. But Phameas knowing that
he has a pretty kind of Piper, and no bad Bagnio-keeper, to his
Grandchild, preſumes upon his merit with our Maſters at. So much
for
• Nec tamen eas coenas quaero ut magnae reliquiae fiant; quod erit, magnifi-
cum fit et lautum : memini te mibi PĦAMEAE coenam narrare -tempe-
ries fiat ; caetera eodem modo.
Cicer, ad Pap. Paet.
+ Ille autem qui ſciret ſe nepotem bellum Tibicinem habere, et fat bonum Un-
dorem, diſceflit a me iratior. By the word UNCTOR, I cannot doubt but that
Cicero
+
80
of the
MEMOIRS
................:
for Sale-Slaves from Sardinia each more rogue than t'other *:
You ſee, Sir, my Caſe; and the groundleſs Infolence of that wou'd-be
Sycophant up.
Tigellius had a fine Voice, play'd admirably on the Flute,
had great acceſs to the fair Sex, which he complacently employ-
ed to oblige his Friends. But beſides theſe uſeful talents, he
had pretenſions to Poetry, affected the character of a Wit, was
profuſe, capricious, and unequal, as if he had been a real one.
The Eſtate left him by Phameas, and the Liberalities of two
Princes, enabled him to make a figure.--he kept a good Table,
where amidſt Fidlers and Witlings like himſelf, Varius and
Virgil, Horace and Pollio, were run down for paultry Poets,
while Bavius, Mevius, Criſpinus, Fannius, Hermogenes, Demetrius I,
Tigellius, and their Cabal (whoſe abilities reached no farther
than perhaps a Song in the manner of Calvus and Catullus),
paſſed for the true Sons of Apollo.
Had theſe Poetaſters been quite obſcure, perhaps they might
have eſcaped the ridicule that Virgil and Horace have for ever
affixed
Cicero meant to expreſs the greek term AAEINTHE, the diſcreet Perſon who rub-
bed and anointed the Gentlemen, and latterly the Ladies (a), after they came out
of the Bath.
(a) Callidus et *** digitos impreſſit ALIPtes,
Ac ſummum Dominae femur exclamare coegit. Juv. Sat. VI.
* SARDINIA was conquered by the Conful T. Manlius, betwixt the firſt and
ſecond Punic War. There was little Booty but Slaves—and of theſe Sempronius
Gracchus fent afterwards home ſuch a multitude, that the Public Cryer, weary of
telling their country and qualities one by one, as was uſual at the ſale, bawled out,
Sardos venaleis, alium alio nequiorem, which paſſed into a Proverb, and is here ap-
plied by Cicero to Phameas and his Grand-child.
+ Iftius SALACONIS iniquitatem. Salaco fignifies a Fellow who aſſumes a
State he has neither Fortune nor Merit to ſupport: ſuch as we daily fee hanging
on about great Men's houſes, and ſome of them preciſely with the ſame qualifica-
tions as Phameas, Pimps, Publicans, and Connoiſſeurs in french Cookery.
# Fannius, Hermogenes, and Demetrius, appear by their names to have been of
grecian Extract, like Tigellius. Has Nero's execrable Miniſter, Tigellinus, been a
Deſcendant of this Tigellius ?
Court of AUGUSTUS .
81
i
Ž
affixed to their Names: but as it conſtantly happens, they join-
ed Petulance to bad Poetry, an ill Heart to a rhyming Head
and having at the ſame time their circle of Admirers, like * * *
or Frelon, they became conſiderable enough to be marked for
Fools by the pens of the firſt Poets in Rome. M. Bavius died
ſoon after this, baniſhed to Cappadocia ; nor did Tigellius long
ſurvive him. Mevius Gallus was ſent abroad with the ſatyri-
cal Song writ by Horace, that gives reaſon to ſuſpect his Perſon
to have been as nauſeous as his Morals were corrupt. In the
firſt of theſe reſpects, he has not probably been reſembled by
his Siſter, who was a Woman of Gallantry. The Roman
Ladies did not change their maiden Name when they married ;
ſo that Mevius' Siſter kept that of Mevia Galla in her married
ſtate : we would have called her Mrs. Galls.
She was ſuſpect-
ed of an affair with Plancus, who made a much better figure
at the bar than he had done in the field ; and, now that the
Courts of Juſtice were re-eſtabliſhed, reſided for the moſt part at
Rome. Plancus was warmly engaged in the cauſe of a Friend,
and wanted to marr the Evidence on the other ſide by putting a
troubleſome Witneſs out of countenance ; and therefore, tho'
he knew well that the fellow was a Leather-dreſſing Cobler,
with a ſolemn air he put the queſtion to him, What Buſineſs he
followed? and received an anſwer that might have convinced
Plancus, that as there was no paſſing for a great Captain without
Courage, nor for a Patriot without Integrity, he muſt not pre-
tend to play the Cenſor (as he afterwards did), without a ſuitable ,
Life and Converſation *.
Vol. III.
L
To
* MUNATIUS PLANcus in judicio forte amici, cum moleftum teſtem de-
ſtruere vellet, interrogavit, quia Sutorem ſciebat, quo artificio ſe tueretur ? ille ur-
banè refpondit, GALLAM SUBIGO. Sutorium hoc habetur inſtrumentum, quod
non inficeté in adulterii exprobrationem ambiguitate convertit ; nam Plancus in
Mevia Galla nuptâ male audiebat.
MACROB.
* Buſineſs, Sir! ſaid the Cobler:' 'Ay Buſineſs-What is your Trade or
• Employment ?' 'My uſual Employment, anſwered the Droll, is the ſame with
your's; We both dreſs GALLS.
82
ME MOIRS of the
To compenſate the Petulance of Tigellius and his Cabal,
HORACE not only met with the applauſe he deſerved from the
able Judges juſt mentioned, but received a particular Mark of
Eſteem from the Prince himſelf. Mecenas had put ſome of his
Poet's miſcellany Converſations into CES AR's hands, who was ſo
pleaſed with their Turn and Taſte, and ſo perſuaded that they
would ſtand the teſt of ages, and prove immortal, that he wiſhed
to appear in them to Futurity. He therefore did their Author
the honour to write a Billet to him; which he concluded, after
a due commendation of his Satyrs, with the following humo-
rous Sentence, Let me tell you, however, that you have fallen
under my Diſpleaſure-becauſe you do not addreſs thefe Dif-
courſes principally to Me, and give me the chief mare in the Dia-
logue. Are you afraid it ſhould hurt you with Poſterity, if it
appeared that you had lived with me in fome Familiarity?
Horace was too courtly to interweave the Prince in any
converſation with himſelf; and perhaps found it difficult to do
it properly, with Mecenas or his other Miniſters. It was a
delicate Undertaking, to introduce Perſons on whom all Man-
kind had their eyes, converfing in a manner worthy of them.
He therefore waved Cefar's Character in his Satyrs; but addreſſed
the admirable Diſcourſe to him, by way of LETTER, which
contains the fineſt Hiſtory of Learning, and the juſteſt Criticiſm
of Roman Poetry, that was ever yet publiſhed *
;-
* Cum tot fuftineas et tanta negotia folus, &c.
BOOK
BOOK
XII.
T
I
;
HO'the Miſeries entailed upon the Romans by the civil
Wars ſeemed to be now at an end, and that nothing
but public Shews and private Feaſting was to be ſeen at
Rome, yet neither the young Cefar's Ambition, nor the State of his
Affairs, permitted him to remain long inactive.
His Collegue
M. Antony's vaſt Armaments filled him with apprehenſions, and
his own mutinous and inſatiate Army lay a heavy burden upon
him in time of Peace. He was, beſides, in the height of Life,
when it did not become him to fit idle at home with Livia
and the Deſigns he had by this time formed of eſtabliſhing his
Power, made it proper to ſeek military Reputation in ſome other
way than the effuſion of Roman Blood. To obtain theſe ends,
and at once cut out work and make proviſion for his Troops,
he muſt think of ſome Expedition, if poſſible not too far from
the unſettled Seat of Empire: and the reſtleſs Tribes of Dalmatia
offered him a known field of Action, juſt on the oppoſite Adria-
tic Shore.
In the happy times of Rome, under the Conſular Government,
their Arms had acquired Glory in Dalmatia. Its hardy Inhabi-
tants living in the Woods, and addicted to Robbery, had attacked
their Illyrian Neighbours, when become tributary to the Romans ;
who according to their conſtant Maxim, did not fail to march to
the aſſiſtance of their Allies. The Conſul Marcius Figulus laid
ſiege to their Capital Delminium. It ſtood on the top of a ſteep
Rock, which rendered it inacceſſible to the battering Ram, and
a Scalade impracticable. He had therefore recourſe to an inven-
tion, not unlike our Bomus, or red hot Cannon Ball. Having
fitted
L 2
84
MEMOIRS of the
.
.
:
:
fitted Stakes of dry Wood to his Croſs Bow Machines, he ſet the
ends of them on fire ; then ſhot from the Engine, they flew bla-
zing thro' the Air, and falling upon Timber-Buildings, quickly
laid the City in alhes. It was not rebuilt. Salona; a Sea-
port, lying conveniently for trading to Italy, became the Capital
and was filled with Roman Merchants: Here Cecilius Metellus
paſſed a peaceful Winter, and led a mock-Triumph over the
Dalmatians in the Spring. But theſe warlike People reſumed
their Arms during the Ceſarean Confuſions, and totally routed
Gabinius, who had deſerted Pompey the Great, and was leading
thro' their Country ſome raw Legions to Cefar. After the Dicta-
tor's Death, they fell upon his deformed Inſtrument C. Vatinius,
killed his Lieutenant Bebius, and forced himſelf to take refuge in
Durazzo, where M. Brutus ſtript him of his Command. All
Macedon and Illyria, long happy under the Conſuls, were well
affected to Pompey and the Commonwealth, and lent willingly
their aſſiſtance to Brutus and Caſpus in their attempt to reſtore it
to liberty. But Asinius Pollio, firſt a Ceſarean, and now,
which was equivalent, an Antonian General, while commanding
on the eaſt coaſt of Italy, had Dalmatia almoſt in his view : and
it is not to be doubted, but that his active Spirit, and high Ambi-
tion would put him upon forming deſigns of conqueſt and tri-
umph in that country when he came to be Conſul himſelf.
There ſtood a Town in the heart of it, called Parthium, which
gave name to a Tribe, the Parthinians: theſe, allured by
the Broils among the Triumvirs, or encouraged underhand
by Pollio's Emiffaries, took arms according to his wiſh,
and having laid waſte all the low country about Durazzo, they
marched to Salona, put the Roman inhabitants to the ſword, and
drew all Dalmatia to take part in expelling their Invaders. It
was in ANTONY's Department of the Empire ; and with his con-
ſent, if not by his expreſs orders, Pollio led the Army he had
commanded for five years, to quell the Inſurrection. He was
now a Leader of great Experience, having had many trials of
good
1
No
Court of AUGUSTUS.
85
good and bad fortune in War. He had fought but too ſucceſs-
fully under Julius Cefar and Marc Antony ; but was fairly beaten
by Sextus Pompey, when ſent to ſucceed Carrinas in Spain. He
had thewn his back at Milan and Foligno to Salvidienus and Agrip-
pa, and was forced to ly upon the defenſive until the Peace
of Brindiſ. With this experience he paſſed over his Army into
Dalmatia, and in ſeveral Onſets (for I can ſcarce call them Bat-
tles) diſſipated the bodies of the Natives that oppoſed him; then
laid ſiege to their Capital Salona, which he took; and having
ſtript the Inhabitants of their only Poffeffions, their Arms,
Lands, and Flocks, returned triumphant to Rome, in the end
of the year.
In the Memoirs which the young Cefar wrote of his own
Lifc, this Expedition and Triumph of a man whom he did not
love, was, I apprehend, ſurred over : and the Conqueſt only
mentioned, without naming the Conqueror, or ſo much as the
conquered People. · I find, ſays Appian, (ſpeaking from this
. Record of Ceſar's own Performances), that another Dalmatian
Nation was ſubdued by the Romans, but cannot aſcertain which
• it was (it has been the Parthinians); for Ceſar, who got the
name of Auguſtus, relates only his own, not other Men's Atchieve-
ments.'
ASINIUS POLL10 was a very extraordinary Perſon. Du-
ring the three civil Wars, in all which he bore high command,
he had effectually improved the opportunities they afforded of
making money: he had too much profited by the forfeited
Efates at the cruel Proſcription, and now, when commanding
in chief, he abſorbed thc Wealth of Nations. At the head of
this immenſe Fortune, he aſſumed high State, and ſupported a
Character which he had aimed at from his firſt entering upon
Buſineſs in the days of Freedom and the Common-weal. When
ſcarce one and twenty, he managed the Impeachment of Caius
Cato the incendiary-Tribune, with ſuch Spirit and Eloquence,
that the Speeches he then made were long read with the Ad-
miration
* 책
​86
MEMOIRS of the
miration already mentioned. In ſhort he ſo acted the indepen-
dant Patriot, as to be ranked by Tully with MARCUS CATO for
his love of Liberty and Virtue *. But in purſuing this ſteady
courſe of the beſt Ambition, he had incurred the diſpleaſure
of many powerful Citizens, and particularly created to himſelf
ſome dangerous Enemies among Pompey's intimate Friends. To
ſhelter himſelf from their threatned Reſentment, he was driven
(as he affirms) to take ſide with Ceſar againſt his will f : but in
the midſt of party-violence, on occaſions where he could act
freely, he
gave ſignal proofs of moderation and humanity. At
Ceſar's death, the fame Diſpoſition (or more intereſted Mo-
tives ) made him offer his Army and Services to the SENATE :
and now he held ſuch a conduct, as became the Prop of a ſinking
State. A man of ſpirit, who ſhews a regard for his Country and
the Laws amid the diſorders and rapine of an Uſurpation, is
almoſt adored by the Public : all good Men turn their eyes upon
him, and in their eſteem and their affection he acquires a Digni-
ty and Weight beyond the power of Arms to beſtow on a Ty-
rant, or his Favour on his Tools. But ſuch a Man was POLLIO
during the Triumvirate. His high Merit with M. Antony, and
low Opinion of the young Cefar, rendered him almoſt indepen-
dant : for preſuming upon the mighty ſervices he had done the
former, and undervaluing the Irreſolution and Inequality of the
latter, he dared to act up to the CONSULAR DIGNITY ;-he
reſtrained violence, adminiſtered juſtice, and afterwards marched
with his Legions to govern and to conquer, as if he had been
ſtill under the Common-wealth. But this was not all, for along
with
* Quintus filius, mirus civis ! ut tu Catonem vel Afinium dicas.
Cic. ad Attic. Ep.
it Cum non liceret mihi nullius partis eſſe, quia utrobique magnos inimicos
habebam, ea caftra fugi in quibus plane tutum me ab infidiis inimici ſciebam non
futurum. Compulfus eò quo minime volebam, ne in extremis eflem, plane pericula
non dubitanter adii.
C. Afin. POLLIO ad Cic.
I See Vol. II. page 311.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
87
with theſe ſuperior Talents, Pollio was unacquainted with no
one of the finer Arts *; he was allowed, as we have heard, to be
a Judge and Maſter in Poetry and Eloqence,-he had great Viva-
city, and a happy Turn of Humour ſuited to all Places and Per-
ſonst. We accordingly find him an early Favourite with the
greateſt Geniuſes of his Age, Licinius Calvus, Valerius Catullus,
Cornelius Gallus, and in his turn, the Protector of Horace and
of Virgil.
While ſhining with this double luſtre, a Patriot in public, a
Patron of Learning in private,__while ſubduing Provinces, and
preparing for Triumphs, Quintia his Lady was delivered of a
Son, and filled his Family with new joy, and his Friends with
congratulation. At that conjuncture did Virgil compoſe and
preſent him with the celebrated Birth-day ODE, which ſtill bears
his Patron's name. It has occaſioned great ſpeculation ; chiefly
becauſe ſome well-meaning Fathers of the primitive Church will
needs have it to be a divinely-inſpired Prophecy of our Saviour's
Nativity . That did not happen till more than forty years af-
ter Herius Saloninus was born : nor do I know any religious
end which Virgils Eclogue ſerved, except the very ſuperfluous
one of miſleading the credulous Fathers in their faith, and giving
them a Subject on which to flouriſh. If, beſide the bewitching
Charm of its Poetry, it did ſubſtantial ſervice, it was to confirm
Pollio in his Patriot-Principles, and prompt him by || exquiſite
Praiſe to exert himſelf in putting a ſtop to the Calamities
of
motor honden en in
sy
***
En enim lepórum
Difertus puer, ac facetiarum, ſays the witty CATULLUS
of Pollio to his wrong-headed Brother Afinius Marrucinus.
+ De Pollione Afinio, feriis jociſque pariter accommodato, dictum eſt, Ele eum
omnium horarum hominem.
QUINTIL. Lib. VI. § 4.
LACTANT. Lib. V. $ 7.
AUGUSTIN.
$ ETEEB. Kovsavloră Bios.
Ep. 156. ad Martian.
| At fimul heroum laudes et facta parentis
Jam legere, et quae fit poteris cognoſcere Virtus.
88
MEMOIRS of the
:.*'), ***********
:
;
of the Empire. It is written in Pollio's own Stile-ſtrong,
conciſe, ſublime, ſtarting from Image to Image, with delicate
but unexpreſſed Connections, and ending abruptly when you
leaſt expected the Concluſion *.
Virgil, as I formerly obſerved, had not only a native Flow
of Verſe, but was extremely learned, and perfectly verſed in Anti-
quity. He had all the Grecian Doctrine of the Sphere of full in
his view, and appears, even in his Paſtorals, acquainted with
the Tenets peculiar to the ſeveral Sects of Philoſophy and Reli-
gion. The moſt illiterate Roman had heard of the Sybilline
Verſes and the four Ages of the World, named and characte-
riſed from the four Metals, were known to their Children.
A ſtep farther leads to an ingenious Speculation which will
give us the true Key of this famous Prophecy, and teach us
to look upon it as an elegant Rapture, more proper for Poets
to imitate, than to be preached upon by grave Divines.
It is a general Opinion prevailing in every age, that the pre-
ceeding Generation was more virtuous and happy than the preſent :
you will hardly meet with an old Man who does not believe
the People among whom he lives far inferior in Stature, Senſe,
and Manners, to thoſe with whom he paſſed his youth. This
Perſuaſion makes way for the belief of another STATE of
THINGS,__a happy Period when none of the Vices and Mife-
ries were known, that now afflict unhappy Mortals. A Tra-
dition of this nature gains eaſy belief, and ſcarce needs any
Proof but a TALE to make it be generally ſwallowed. It has
been caſt into various ſhapes, poetical, hiſtorical, and religious,
by the Retainers to the ſeveral Profeſſions, and has been
variouſly
Pollio-numeroſae vivacitatis haud parvum exemplum.-QUINTIL.
Aſinii Pollionis falebroſa et exiliens compofitio, et ubi minimum expectes re-
lictura.
Seneca, Ep. C.
In medio duo figna Conon,-et quis fuit alter
Deſcripſit radio totum qui gentibus ORBEM;
Tempora, quae meffor, quae curvus arator haberet.
ECLOGA III.
4
Court of AUGUSTUS.
89
variouſly modelled to ſerve their different purpoſes. They have
accordingly borrowed from one another not only the poetical
Imagery of the four Ages, but a philoſophical Account of the
primitive Fabric of the World, its fatal change to the worſe,
and their hopes of its returning in courſe to its former bleſſed
Condition *
The ancient Sages, particularly the Pythagoreans and their
Platonic Followers, inculcated the Doctrine of ONE GRAND PE-
RIOD, containing two leſſer Periods ; ' in the firſt of which the
World was governed by God himſelf, and the adminiſtration
' of all things was carried on by Genii, or good Spirits, under
· his immediate direction. It was then there was neither winter
· from the Heavens nor war upon the Earth--that the untilled
· Ground poured forth her treaſure, and furniſhed neceſſaries
· in plenty both to Man and Beaſt: But in the ſecond Period,
they ſaid God had left the UNIVERSE (created originally ſenſi-
VOL. III
M
tive
Quello penſava, mentre piu s' interna
la mente mia, vedere mi parve un MONDO
Nuovo, in etate immobile et eterna:
e'l Sole, e tutto 'l Ciel' disfare a tondo
Con le ſuc Stelle ; ancor' la terra e'l Mare ;
e rifarne un piu bello e piu giocondo.
In this new WORLD there was to be
Non alcun Mal; che ſolo il Tempo meſce,
e con lui ſi diparte, e con lui viene :
Non haur' albergo il Sol' in Tauro o'n Pefie,
per lo cui variar noftro lavoro
Hor' naſve, bor' mort, et bor" foema et hor' crefce.
F. PETRARCA. Triomf,
In the ſame Strain fings the greateſt Engliſh Poet:
Some ſay he bade his angels turn aſcanſe
The Poles of Earth twice ten degrees and more
From the Sun's Axle: they with labour puſhed
Oblique the centric Globe, to bring in change
Of Seaſons to each Clime: elſe had the Spring
Perpetual ſmiled on Earth with vernant flow'rs
Equal in Days and Nights.
MILTON,
..","..
90
MEMOIRS of the
+
• tive and rational) wholly to itſelf; and Men to their own
foreſight and prudence, to provide for themſelves in the beſt
manner they could. Theſe two Periods, continued the Sages,
' are perpetually to ſucceed one another; ſo that when the le-
• cond Period is at an end, then, by a certain ſtated Revolution
• of things in Heaven, and things in Earth, the celeſtial Bodies
return to their primitive poſitions—the UNIVERSE regains its
firſt conſtitution, and the ENIATTOE METIETOE (or grand
· Circumvolution) begins anew.*' The poetical Sub-diviſion in-
to four Ages, painting the gradual decay of Nature and dege-
neracy of Mortals under the metaphor of Metals, makes no ef-
ſential Alteration in the general doctrine of the grand Reſtora-
tion. The End of the Iron-age, ſays the Poet, prophened by the Cu-
mean Sybil, is now come ; the mighty Period begins to ſpring from
on high.---
--now unſpotted Juſtice reviſits the earth, and Saturnian
days begin to fine on the ſons of Men.--While You are CONSUL
Pollio! Jall the honoured Period commence, from Your Con-
ſulſhip we mall date the Series of its bliſsful Progreſion uf.
Here we find the real Clew that will guide us thro' the Maze
of Virgils Pollio ||. Inattention to the high Character which
that
ITAATSN iv TIMAISI.
t Ultima Cumaei venit jam Carminis aetas.
Magnus ab integro faeclorum nafcitür ordo.
Jam redit et VIRGO, redeunt Saturnia regna.-
Teque adeo, decus hoc aevi, Te Consule inibit
POLLIO!-et incipient magni procedere menſes.
I The Compliment paid about this time to Pollio by Virgil's Friend, HORACE,
(Lib. II. Ode 1.) is of the ſame high Import, and adapted to the ſame Patriot-
character. He is not only the Refuge of the illuſtrious unhappy Perſons oppreſs’d
by the Triumvirs, but the ORACLE of the SENATE, the SUPPORTER of the
State, and ſhining with the Honours of the DALMATIC TRIUMPH,
Infigne moeſtis PRAESIDIUM reïs,
Et conſulenti, POLLIO CURIAE
Cui laurus aeternos honores
Dalmatico peperit triumpho,
Mox, ubi PUBLICAS RES ordinario, &c.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
gr
that great Man ſuſtained, and to the noble part he acted as a
Reformer of the State, a Moderator and even a Check upon
the
flagitious Triumvirs, has milled ſome learned Men to apply it to
Auguſtus, and others to a much higher Meaning. But under
Pollio's Conſulate the young Cefar had but juſt drenched the
horrid Perugian Altar with Patrician Blood, and was writing Li-
bels againſt Pollio himſelf: neither is it at all needful, when
Rome, and the Poet's eminent Patron afford an apt and ample
Solution, to go a hunting after Myſteries in Paleſtine or Judea.
Asinius Pollio therefore, excelling in arts and arms, had
reduced the Dalmatians to a very low State. He threw down
the Walls of their great Sea-port Salona (now Spalatro), diſpeo-
pled the Remains of Dalminium, -ſtripped the Inhabitants of
their Paſture-lands and Flocks, and at laſt forced the whole Na-
tion to deliver up their Weapons of War *. But it was not
in their nature to be long quiet. In the ſpace of three or
four years, they had provided themſelves with new Arms, and
began to iſſue forth from their Woods, and deſcend in ſcattered
Bodies from their Mountains to plunder the new Poſſeſſors and
annoy the Roman Colonies. Here was Employment for CESAR's
Veterans, who, as they had been lately the Scourge of their
Country, were now become the Terror and Torment of their
Maſter. Their Demands were exorbitant and endleſs; they
made mutiny after mutiny; and, in the height of their fury,
put their Leader more than once in hazard of his Life. War in
ſo rough a Country, and with ſo hardy a Race as the Dalmatians,
Croatians and Stirians, was no improper Exerciſe to tame them.
Their Moraffes and Mountains, their thick Woods and Forts
built
her er en svo
M 2
• In the accurate STRABO's Deſcription of this Country, we read,
ΔΑΛΜΙΟΝ δε, μεγάλη πόλις, ής επώνυμον το έθνος. μικρών δ' έποίησε ο Να-
σικάς, και το πεδίον μηλόβοτον, δια την πλεονεξίαν των ανθρώπων.--fo that Dal-
matia has been a conftant Scene of War. This Nafica was the famous Scipio, ,
wbom the Senate judged to be the Best MAN IN ROME; and fo beloved
by his Fellow-Citizens, as to be called Corculum.
92
MEMOIRS of the
built upon Rocks, could let them ſpend the Fire that was
dangerous in the Suburbs of Rome. His firſt Intention was, to
have carried them over to Africa, to repreſs the diſorders ariſen
in that ill-governed Province ; and he had actually gone ſo far as
Sicily on his way: but the news of the Dalmatians being in
arms, made him prefer a leſs diſtant Campaign.
It proved
however both laborious and bloody. The Natives had rendered
their Country, which was naturally rugged, next to impaſſable,
by cutting the Woods, and encumbering the Roads, ſo as ſcarcely
the Legions, and far leſs the heavy Carriages, could paſs over.
The Romans were then forced to change their route, and march
thro' another Valley, when the Enemy ruſhed out of the Woods,
attacked them fiercely in flank and rear, and were not repulſed
without many wounds. After this haraſſed March Ceſar pene-
trated into the heart of the Country, and laid ſiege to Metulo,
the Capital of Japodia, (a bordering Nation of the Dalmatians.)
Metulo ſtood on a woody Mountain, including two pointed Hills
within its walls, with a Valley between them. It was defended
by a Garriſon of three thouſand pick'd Men, who fought with
fury rather than courage, and gave a thouſand proofs of the
higheſt contempt of death and wounds. In the firſt Attacks
they tumbled the Romans from their ſteep Walls headlong into
the ditch ; and when a Baſtion was begun to be reared to equal
the Walls, they fallied out inceffantly, interrupted the Work,
and killed many of the Workmen :
of the Workmen : ſcarce had one Party been
repulſed by the Legion on duty, and retired into the Town, when
another Party broke out, fell upon the other ſide of the Baſtion,
and pulled it to pieces, burning the Timbers uſed in raiſing it.
But this was not the worſt: for during the diſaſtrous War at
Fhilippi, (not a great many Miles from Metulo) * having found
ſome of the great Machines which the Romans uſed for ſhooting
Stones and heavy Darts, they had brought them into their City,
and now play'd them with ſucceſs againſt Cefar. They forced
him to retire from the Wall, abandon the begun Baſtion, and
make
* Vol. II. page 137.
ma
Court of AUGUSTUS.
93
make Preparations at a greater diſtance for attacking the Town
in another manner.
Ir was by a Tower of Wood, going upon Wheels, and co-
vered with raw hides to ſecure it from Fire. When with im-
menſe labour it was puſhed to the foot of the Wall, a folding-
bridge, ſuddenly thrown from the Top of it, enabled the Sol-
diers to advance to a more equal Combat: Many Machines
had been burnt, and many Attempts baffled by the Beſieged,
who repaired their Breaches over-night, and when one Rampart
was pulled down, had another reared by the next morning.
Cesar therefore, under the protection of his Tower, built two
long Platforms where the Wall was loweſt, and fitted four
Bridges to throw from them to the Battlements : when all was
ready, he ordered a Legion to make a circuit, and attack with
ladders the oppoſite ſide of the Town, to draw off the Garriſon ;
then he mounted himſelf the wooden Tower, from whence he
had a full View of the Action, gave the ſignal to throw the
Bridges, and begin the Afault. The Metolians always alert,
quickly perceived the Stratagem-regained their Poſts, and
made a noble defence : for while ſome of them were repelling
the Aſſailants, others who had hid themſelves without, ſuddenly
ruſhed from either ſide, and with long armed Poles and Scythes
unhinged one of the Bridges, and tumbled it with all the Troops
on it into the Moat. From that they flew to the ſecond and
third, and ſerved them in the ſame way, all under Cefar's eye.
He commanded a Body to advance upon the fourth Bridge,
and once more to renew the Attack ; but three Repulſes with
ſo much Blood and Ruin,----and the Sight of their Com-
panions miſerably cruſhed to death, ſo damped their courage,
that they flatly refuſed to go on. At this pinch CESAR did the
braveſt Action of his whole Life. He ſnatched a Shield from a
Soldier, and, attended only by Agrippa and Luceius, with two
of his Guards Iolas and Hiero, he reſolutely mounted on the laſt
Bridge to renew the fight. The daring example and danger
of
94
MEMOIRS of the
..
of their Leader, filled the Troops with confuſion and remorfe.
They flew to ſupport him in ſuch multitudes, that the Bridge,
unequal to their weight, came down with horrid Craſh, and
precipitated its armed Load from the top of the towering Wall.
Some periſhed in the fall, others were maimed, and Ceſar him-
ſelf was taken up wounded in his right Leg and both his Arms.
As the whole Army had ſeen him lead on this Attack, and alſo
the fall of the Bridge, his firſt care was to prevent the Pannic
which the ſuppoſition of his Death could not fail to ſpread among
the Legions. He therefore remounted the wooden Tower, ac-
companied by the chief Field-Officers, and ſhewed himſelf to
the Soldiery, who now doated on him, and willingly obeyed his
Orders to build immediately another Bridge. The Sight of that
new Preparative ſtruck the Metolians; they thought it in vain to
make farther reſiſtance to a Man undaunted by ſo many diſa-
ſters, and ſent Deputies next morning with the five hundred ho-
ſtages he had demanded, promiſing to admit a Garriſon into the
Citadel, while they, with their families, retired into the lower
Town. This was punctually executed; but the day there-
after, when a Roman Tribune fent them word that they muſt lay
down their arms, they were in great conſternation
and having
ſuddenly aſſembled their Wives and Children in their ſpacious
Town-hall, they let the Tribune know, that if he offered the
leaſt Injury, they would ſet fire to the place, fell their Lives as
dear as they could, and leave him nothing but Ruins.
fiſted in his purpoſe to diſarm them ; which they prevented by
a ſudden and deſperate Attack in the night; they ſurpriſed the
newly admitted Garriſon, maſtered the Citadel, and put every
man in it to the ſword. After this, having neither hopes of Par-
don, nor of being able to hold out againſt Cefar, in rage and
deſpair, they ſet fire to the public Building where they had their
Wives, Children and Effects a general Frenzy ſeized the
Citizens-many of the Women killed themſelves—ſome threw
their Children alive into the flames; others firſt ſtabbed their
Infants,
3
He pera
Court of AUGUSTUS.
95
Infants, and then toſſed them in the faces of the ſoldiers ; even
the Priſoners and Hoſtages, who were ſafe in the Roman Camp,
catched the madneſs, and ruſhed upon death : ſo that, like un-
happy XANTHUS *, the great and populous Metulo pe-
riſhed by the hands of its own Inhabitants, and not a Veſtige re-
mained of the Capital of that brave People.
Cesar ſpent ſome days in receiving the Submiſſions of the
other Towns, and ſettling his new Conqueſt; (for theſe Tranſ-
alpine Tribes had never yet bore the Roman Yoke ;) and then
marched northward in queſt of more Glory and Plunder. If
there was a Blemiſh in the Character of an ancient Roman, it was
carrying the Love of their Country too far: for ſo they could
extend their Empire, and raiſe the Fame of Rome, they were not
over-ſcrupulous about the Cauſes of declaring War. Some few
of their greateſt men might be Exceptions from this Rule: A
Catulus might diſſuade, or a Scipio decline an unjuſt Enterprize ;
and a Cato might ſolemnly give his opinion, that the rapacious
Cefar ſhould be put in chains, and given up to the Nations he
had cruelly and cauſeleſsly invaded ; but the general Run of the
Conſular Times, was the Aggrandizement of ROME at the
expence of her Neighbours.
The bordering Gauls and ambitious Carthaginians had in a
manner forced the Romans, after they had maſtered Italy, to make
their firſt Conqueſts in France, Sicily, Spain and Afric. Then
the encroaching Kings of Macedon and Syria drew their Arms
into Afa and Greece. From theſe Countries POMPEY the Great
carried them all over the Eaſt, to the Kúr, the Araxes, and Eu-
phrates. But all this while the Nations living among the Alps,
almoſt at their doors, remained unſubdued ; and much more
the wild Tracts to the north, lying along the Danube, whoſe
names they ſcarcely knew, tho' within fix or ſeven days march
of ITALY. There was no Union among their Inhabitants ; they
frequently made Incurſions in ſmall Parties into the adjacent Pro-
er, ; *
vinces ;
. VOL. II. p. 42.
4
96
MEMOIRS of the
а.
vinces ; but never joined in one Body to make head againſt the
Romans. This was the true Reaſon of their remaining ſo long
unmoleſted, and accounts for what was matter of wonder to
an ancient Writer,--that ſo great Armies of Romans pould paſs
and repaſs the Alps, marching into Gaul and the farther Parts of
Spain, without ever touching the numberleſs Tribes dwelling among
theſe Mountains ; and that even Julius Ceſar, a fortunate fighting
Commander, ſhould ſpend ten Winters in Gaul with the ſame negleet
of theſe plundering Highlanders.
It does indeed appear ſtrange : but has not the ſame thing hap-
pened in Great Britain ? Have we not waged many foreign Wars,
and ſent many Fleets and Armies to the moſt diſtant parts of the
Globe, while the mountainous Tracts of our Ifland remained unci-
vilized, if not unſubdued ? It is within theſe few years, in the
humane and happy Reign of GEORGE II. that the Officer of a
civil Court dared to go among them to execute the Laws; and
even within my Memory, we were much better informed of
Tranſactions in America or the Eaſt-Indies, than of what was
paſſing within fourſcore miles of us in the Highlands of Scotland
and Wales. Till of late, the Attention of the Government was
not forced to turn itſelf that way; which, it is to be hoped, will
be now continued to ſo important an Object, as a large and im-
provable Tract of our Country, full of a hardy People, hitherto
indeed a Thorn in our Side, but who, with the Continu-
ance of the ſame Attention and good Uſage, cannot fail of foon
becoming a ſound piece of our Dominions, and a great addition
to our native Strength.
But as this was the Campaign in which CESAR gained more
perſonal Honour (if I may ſo ſpeak) than in any other of his Life,
let us try to retrieve both the Scene of Action, and the Series of
his Condu&t from obſcurity.
On the South-ſide of the Danube a vaſt Ridge of Mountains
run from weſt to eaſt almoſt parallel to the Courſe of the River.
They branch out from the Alps at the head of the Adriatic, and
reach
Court
97
of AUGUSTUS .
manage
reach thro' Auſtria, Hungary, and ancient Thrace, all the way
to the Euxine Sea. On the ſouth of theſe Mountains lies Epi-
rus, and Macedon, with the bordering barbarous Tribes often
mentioned in the Grecian Hiſtory: to the north lay the Illyrian,
upper and nether Pannonian, and then the Dardan and Mefian
Kingdoms, ſtretching down to the mouth of the Danube. Theſe
now comprehend the lower Auſtria, Stiria, part of Hungary,
with Servia, Bulgaria, and the weſtern Provinces of Turkey in
Europe: they lie, I ſay, on the ſouth-ſide of the Danube ; for
the north-Bank was poſſeſſed by the Dacians, Getes, and Germans,
who were not reckoned within the Roman Empire.
THE
very
laſt Skirt of the Alps, that ſhuts in the Gulf of Ve-
nice, and from a high Mountain, Aibi or Alpi, (which perhaps
gave its name to the whole Range) ſpreads itſelf in a long
declivity to the north-caſt, was the proper Seat of the Japy-
dians; a half-Celtic half-Illyrian Nation, inhabiting from the
Adriatic Shore all the way to Pannonia and the Danube.
Cesar had juſt demoliſhed Metolo their Capital, and their
northern Frontier, according to Strabo, was Wendo, the Ger-
man Wien, and our Vienna. That exact Author ſays they were
furious Warriors; but, as we have heard, totally reduced by the
young Ceſar. From Aquileia, the laſt town of Italy on that
fide, a Waggon-road of fifty miles leads over Mount Ocra, the
fiatteſt of the Alps, to Nauporto ; as does another from Trieſte,
(the ancient Tergefte), to the Lugean Lake. The Corcora, a navi-
gable River, runs near Nauporto, which receives Goods from Italy
and Dalmatia, and carries them into the Save ; that great
Stream again joins with the Drave, and both falling into the
Noar, receive the Colap, with which they form the famed
Inand SEGESTE *. and then all the five ſwell the Doniaw
VOL. III.
N
Stroin
• It is now known by the names of ZYGSA, or LANDSPURG. Among the
ingenious Men whom MATTHIAS CORVIN King of Hungary (the Mecenas of
the North) invited to his Court, was the famous ANTONIO BONFINI,
an Italian Gentleman of great Genius and Learning. He viſited Landſpurg in
perſon, and gives an ample account of the Situation of Siskia, and its magni-
ficent Ruins, in his admirable Decades, or HISTORY of Hungary, in xLv Books.
98
MEMOIRS of the
Ström * (ſo the Germans call the Danube) with the Tribute
of a thouſand hills.
It appears from this Sketch of the Coun-
try, how nedr the Illyrian Nations lay to the SEAT OF EMPIRE;
and what convenient Inlets there were into this new Conqueſt.
For this Peninſula, formed by the Confluence of ſo many
navi-
gable Rivers, with a fortified Town Siſkia (now Siſaken) came
to be the head-quarters of the Romans in their northern wars.
In the firſt they had waged with the Illyrian King Gentius, and
the ſubſequent Dalmatian Expeditions, the Armies of the Re-
public had twice paſſed through the Segeſtan Territories ; but
without impoſing tribute or treating them as a conquered
People. The Segeſtans, who interpreted this moderation as the
effect of Inability or Fear, had probably ſent Succours to their
Japidian Neighbours, or ſome way taken part in the War. How-
ever it were, Ceſar, under colour of chaſtiſing them, marched
into Pannonia, a wide and woody Country-t, inhabited by a very
numerous People.
The Pannonians had no Towns, nor any general Policy.
The Tribes lived ſcattered and independent like the Indians ;
ſo that tho' they were brave to fierceneſs, and could bring a
hundred thouſand fighting men into the field, they were no
formidable Enemy. Ceſar entered their Country in a peaceful
manner, reſtraining his Troops from violence, or even pillaging
the Rows of Huts abandoned by the Natives, who had betaken
themſelves to the Woods ; but finding in his progreſs, that
they ſent no Deputies, and frequently fell upon the Stragglers
from his Camp, he began to burn their Hovels, and in a
March of eight days, laid every thing waſte with fire and ſword.
WHEN
* The original Name of the Danube is the ſame with that of the TANAIS ;
Don being the Appellation of many Rivers over Europe. It is compoſed of
THON, or DHON as the Germans found it, and Aw, their common word for
Water, DONAW.
+ Inde glandifera Pannoniae, quâ mitefcentia Alpium juga per medium Illy-
ricum molli in dextra ac laeva devexitate confidunt.
PLIN. Lib. III.
min
::.. .
*
Court of AUGUSTUS.
99
२
j
When he approached to Siſkia, an Embaſſy met him, to know
his purpoſe and pleaſure. He aſſured them, that he came with
no hoſtile deligns againſt their State ; that he meant to uſe them
as Allies againſt the Dacians and Germans beyond the Danube
and therefore only required ſuch a quantity of Corn for his Ma-
gazines, a Fort to garriſon, and a hundred Hoſtages for that
Garriſon's ſecurity in his abſence. The Men of chief rank in
the City thought theſe Conditions not unreaſonable, and were
beginning to execute them, when the Indignation of the Popu-
lace roſe at the ſight of the Hoſtages going out to Cefar : they
firſt began to inſult them, and when the Legion approached that
was to garriſon the Citadel, they flew in a rage to ſhut the Gates,
and appeared in arms on the Wall. A Siege enſued of courſe,
which proved both laborious and bloody. The City SISKIA
was almoſt begirt with two navigable Rivers. The Colap ran
juſt under the ſtrong Wall, and the Save at ſo little diſtance,
that the Interval was fortified with a deep Trench and a Paliſade
within it. The Place muſt be attacked both by land and water,
and Cefar was under a neceſſity of ſending for Boats to the Da.
nube, which he brought up the Save, and thence into the Colap,
to beleaguer the whole Town. But this could not be done
without ſome fierce Encounters on the River ; in one of which
the famous Sea Officer, remarkable for Bravery and changing
Maſters, received his death's wound. It was POMPEIUS MENAS,
POMPEY the Great's Freed-man, and his Son Sextus' chief Ad-
miral : he had deſerted four times between Sextus and the
Having deſtroyed their freſh-water Fleet,
Ceſar, no Novice in Sieges, encompaſſed the City with a Trench
and a Wall : then he began to erect his Platforms, which the
beſieged attempted to pull down in many Sallies, and then
to burn, with fire thrown from the Walls : but being fru-
ſtrated in both, their laſt hope was placed in a Body of their
Countrymen, who they heard were coming to their relief.
Againſt theſe Cesar marched in perſon ; and having ſurpriſed
them
young Cefar.
ast
N 2
$
--
..........4:1::
100
MEMOIRS of the
them by an ambuſh, killed the greater part, and put the reſt to
flight : yet the reſolute Siſkians continued to defend their Walls ;
they held out a full month againſt the moſt expert Army, and
the beſt Generals then in the world, M. Agrippa, Statilius Tau-
rus, Fufius Geminus, Cornelius Gallus, not to mention Cefar himſelf:
nor did they ſurrender (like the brave BLAKENEr late Gover-
nor of Minorca) till they were overpowered in a general and
bloody Affault. Then the Citizens of Segeſte firſt learned to
beg for mercy, which Ceſar was become too wiſe to refuſe :
he not only gave them their Lives, but a part of their City to
live in ; having only impoſed ſuch a Contribution as he thought
they were able to bear, and left Fufius Geminus, perhaps a Twin-
ſon of old Calenus, with five and twenty Cohorts, about fif-
teen thouſand men. It was toward the end of Autumn when
he took his way towards Italy with the reſt of the Army: but
he had not gone many days, till a Report reached his Camp,
that the Segeſtans had ſuddenly taken arms, and cut off Geminus
with the whole Garriſon left in Siſkia. He immediately faced
about, and by great marches regained Pannonia, upon whoſe
Confines he learned, that the News (as frequently happens)
were but half true. The Segeſtans had indeed riſen, and killed
ſuch of the Romans as they could catch without their Works : but
the tables had turned next day, when the Garriſon fallying out of
the Citadel, attacked and carried the Town, and put the greater
part of the Inhabitants to the ſword. Cefar then took his route
homeward thro' Illyria ; but the fate of the Japidians not ha-
ving deterred the other wild Dalmatian Tribes inhabiting the
Candavian Hills above Apollonia, the Place of his own Studies, they
met him in arms to the number of twelve thouſand hardy Men.
In effect, they had not laid them down for more than ten years :
for tho' we be uncertain whether they bore the Name of Ki-
nambers or Cambeans, it was they who deſtroyed the five Cohorts
(three thouſand men) under the luxurious but brave Gabinius,
and who now hoped to do the ſame to Cefar. They had no
fortified
***
more
WELT
Court of AUGUSTUS.
IOI
fortified Town of their own that could contain or ſupport ſuch
an Army; but marching ſuddenly down the Hills, they ſeized
upon a ſtrong Place PROMONA, a Liburnian City; and to carry
on their Affairs regularly, choſe an experienced Leader, WERSO,
for their General. He immediately ſet about fortifying the
Town, caſt up a vaſt Ditch and Rampart, and with great ſkill
and foreſight placed ſtrong Parties on the Tops of the ſteep Hills
that werbang the Town, in order to keep his communication
open with the high Country, and have a view of every Move-
ment of the Enemy in the Plain. When the Roman Army
found the Dalmatians in this poſture, it appeared there would
be more occaſion for Skill than main Force to reduce them.
For ſome days, therefore, Ceſar made a ſhew of opening an
immenſe Line that ſhould encompaſs both the Town and
the fortified Rocks behind it, which reared their Points like ſo
many Turrets to the ſky. This Attempt was the ſubject of
much deriſion among the Dalmatians ; but while they were full
of the belief that the Romans were engaged in a vain and endleſs
Work, Cefar pick'd out a ſtrong Detachment of his beſt Men,
whom he ſent in the dark to hide themſelves in the Woods,
with urders to get above the fortified Hills, and attack their
Guards next night, with full confidence of being well ſupport-
ed from below. He was obeyed--the farther Guards were
catched alleep, and hill after hill was abandoned or taken : a ſud-
den Terror ſeized the Dalmatians, who thought they were ſur-
rounded on all hands; and theſe ſtationed on the higheſt Rocks
were afraid of being excluded from Water, and therefore ruſhed
down to take refuge in Promona. The two Hills neareſt the City
ſtill held out, which Ceſar did encompaſs with a Circumvalla-
tion of five Roman miles, in hopes of taking them by famine, if
not by aſſault. But while he was intent upon the Siege, a new
saiſed Body of Dalmatians marched to the relief of Promona,
under another Chieftain, TEUTIN, whoſe Name is but once
mentioned in Hiſtory. Celar prevented their near Approach to
his
102
MEMOIRS of the
his Camp ; he attacked and touted them on the Mountains,
and from what threatened him with diſhonour and diſappoint-
ment, he found Succeſs and Victory. For the Beſieged
who had been prevented by the quick March of the Roman
Army from compleating their Fortifications, or raiſing them
to a proper height; now jumped down from their Rampart
when they ſaw their Confederates engaged on the heights, in
order to ſecond their Efforts in raiſing the fiege. This proved
their Ruin : for being beat back with great laughter, and flying
precipitantly into the City, the Romans entered pell-mell over
the half-finiſhed Work, and cut off a third Part of their Army:
the reſt betook themſelves to the Caſtle, at the Gate of which
Ceſar placed a Cohort on guard, while he lay with the Pretorian
Band and a ſelect Legion in the City. They kept quiet in the
Caſtle for three nights ; but the fourth they made a fierce ſally,
which ſo aſtoniſhed the ſtationed Cohort that they Niamefully
abandoned their Poſt. The Legion on duty quickly repulſed
the Dalmatians into their Caſtle, which was ſurrendered the
next day. But the Cohort that loſt its honour underwent a ſe-
vere Puniſhment: it was firſt decimated by lot, and fixty men
put to death ; then the Officers, who were doubly guilty, were
again decimated ; and laſtly two of the ſix Centurions were made
Examples, and condemned to loſe their heads. The reſt of the
Cohort were ordered to be fed with Barley-meal inſtead of
Wheat, while the Army continued to keep the field.
Thus Cesar returned victorious from a toilſome Campaign.
But neither the Acquiſition of more Glory, nor the gaining the
Hearts of his Army, could prevent his finding new Reaſons of
Diſquiet and Anxiety at home. No Ties but Wiſdom and Vir-
tue can laſtingly bind two Men ſharing the ſupreme Power.
When Ambition and Envy rule, their moſt evident Intereſt can
ſcarce make them hang together. Antony and Cejar were too
well acquainted to put any Truſt in one another's Probity or
Friendſhip ; and the former had too mean an opinion of his
young
Court of AUGUSTUS.
103
..::. ::.
&
is not an opastetuer une seul din serie pour
young Collegue to lay himſelf under the leaſt Reſtraint, or be
at any pains not to offend him.
Let us conſider his Behaviour,
which naturally leads us back to the Affairs of the East.
Tho' ANTONY had hurried home from his Parthian Expedi-
tion with ſuch impetuofity, as to loſe eight thouſand of his Men
among
the Snows; and tho' after his Arrival he had abandoned
himſelf wholly to Cleopatra, he ſtill retained a deep Reſentment
of the Armenian King's Treachery; and as he could well diſ-
ſemble when he pleaſed, he reſolved to employ Artuafdes' own
Arts to ruin him. For this end he pitched upon a plauſible
perſuaſive man, Q. Dellius, very well verſed in the Affairs of
Aſia, to go Ambaſſador to the Armenian Court.
Dellius was
diſpatched with Affurances of the Continuance of the Triumvir's
Efteem and Friendſhip to his Ally the King of Armenia ; but
was at the ſame time inſtructed to let him know, that as he
. had been ſuſpected, no doubt wrongfully, it would be
proper,
to ſhow his Innocence, that he came and put himſelf in the
power of the Roman General, and afterwards clear his Honour,
and wipe off the leaſt Imputation, by ſubſtantial ſervices againſt
their common Enemy. In this caſe, he was to promiſe him
the beſt Reception when he arrived, and ſuch ſplendid Recom-
pences,-ſuch Acceſſions of Dignity and Dominion as were fit for
a King to receive, and to be given by the Lord of the EASTERN
EMPIRE. Conſcious Guilt kept the Armenian long irreſolute;
but at laſt, upon Antony's advancing with a powerful Army in
the Spring, partly thro' terror of his Arms, and partly by the
perſuaſions of Dellius, the King reſolved to truſt himſelf to the
Roman Gencroſity, and marched with a Royal Retinue into An-
torzy's Camp. He was received with all the Demonſtrations of
Honour due to his Rank, and treated with great Splendor ; be-
ing in appearance at full liberty to go or ſtay as he pleaſed.
The Pretence of this new Expedition towards Armenia (un-
dertaken after the Interval of a Year, in which Antony had
done little but frolicked with CLEOPATRA) was the ſame with
the
:
1
104
MEMOIRS of the
.
the former War againſt the Parthians-revenging the Death of
Craſſus--recovering the Roman Enſigns and Priſoners-retaliating
the Succours ſent to Pompey againſt Cefar, and to Caffus and
Labienus againſt the Triumvirs. Theſe Reaſons were ſpecious :
but the real Motive was juſt the ſame as formerly, a Thirſt of
Gold, now mixed with Revenge for the Armenian's Treachery.
Accordingly a Track of Rapine marked the March of the Ro-
man Army ; and thro'out all Syria and upper Cilicia, where-ever
there was any thing to plunder, nothing was to be ſeen but
Ruins and Deſolation. The moſt ſacred Places were not ſpared ;
even Venus ANAITIS*, the revered Temple of the Eaſt, was
plundered, and the Object of the deepeſt Devotion, the Statue
of the Goddeſs, of folid Gold, was carried off by a Bologneſe
Veterant. This holy Place was of great Antiquity ; inſomuch
that the Image of the Goddeſs, who in their opinion animated
and governed the Univerſe ll, was ſaid to be abſolutely the
FIRST Statue of beaten Gold that was ever dedicated in a
Shrine. It is ſcarce poſſible to deſcribe the profound Reverence
with which it was worſhipped by all the Nations round about,
or the Veneration paid to the ſupreme Pontif who miniſtred
to this Divinity. He was next in honour to the King, and had
a rich and wide Domaine around the Temple, with a numerous
Train of conſecrated Servants, eſpecially young Women, who
received Strangers hoſpitably, and exerciſed unreluctant their
Profeffionin devotion to the Goddeſs.
WHEN
* This Epithet of Venus, unintelligible to the Greeks and Romans, is pure
Syriac ; and comes either ſimply from XMIX ANITTA, Woman, Female Nature,
or compounded from 1o Grace and x33x WOMAN:
*3 WOMAN: the Greeks loſt the
Aſpiration, as in ANNIBAS. See Vol. II. p. 57.
+ Vol. I. page 369.
| See a Deſcription of her Power in the wonderful Introduction of LUCRE-
TIUS' Poem, OF THE NATURE of THINGS.
om
Court of AUGUSTUS.
105
.
:
...::: -
::
When this Temple was rifled by the Army that ſhould have
been the Protection of the Provinces, the Prieſts did not fail to
give out, nor the People to believe, that the Officer who had
ſacrilegiouſly dared to pull the Goddeſs from her Sanctuary had
been ſuddenly fruck blind, and remained a Monument of divine
vengeance. Inſtead of that, he roſe to ſuch a rank, and lived
in ſuch affluence, as to be able to entertain the young Ceſar at
dinner after he was Maſter of the Empire. The Report had
ſpread in the Roman Army, as well as among the Natives, of the
Plunderer's having been puniſhed by Blindneſs, and was the
ſubject of converſation at Table ; when the Veteran being aſked,
whether he was really the Perſon who had carried off the Golden
Statue ? frankly confeſſed he was ; adding, that Ceſar had juſt
dined upon the laſt Leg of the Goddeſs *.
At the head of theſe rapacious Bands ANTONY entered Armenia
(whoſe King was in his Camp) as if only to march thro’ it againſt
the Parthians; but with a firm Reſolution to avenge himſelf
of its Prince, and enrich his Troops with its Plunder. He
therefore drew near to the Town and Caſtle where the Royal
Treaſure and Jewels were kept, in an amicable manner, in
hopes of being received as a Friend; but found the Gates ſhut,
and the Walls manned, to repell force by force, if any were
offered : he ſtormed-called for Artuafdes, aſked if he meant
to treat the Romans as Enemies? and if not, to command the
Garriſon inſtantly to open the Gates. Whether Artuaſdes di-
rectly refuſed to give ſuch Orders, or whether the Commander
of the Garriſon, who knew his real Intentions, refuſed to obey
them, is uncertain : but however it were, Antony had the King
immediately ſeized and put in chains. Then he began openly
to plunder the Country, and to avow the new Alliance into
which he had previouſly entered with the Median ARTU-
ASDES, this Prince's greateſt Enemy.
:
:
:
VOL. III.
O
For
..
.:
• C. Plin. Lib. 33. $ 5.
106
MEMOIRS of the
For as he had been fatiated with fighting and fieges in theſe
wide Countries the former year, ANTONY reſolved to employ a
double Artifice, and, beſides circumventing Artuafdes, to make,
if poſſible, a Breach between the allied Kings, and ſecure the
Conqueſt of Armenia by the aſſiſtance of the Median Power.
In this attempt he was both favoured by fortune, and admirably
ſerved by POLEMO, whom he had made King of Pontus. We
muſt be better acquainted with this brave and wife Man, who
roſe, like old Deiotarus, to the higheſt honours by perſonal
merit, and whoſe incomparable Queen diſcovered qualities truly
royal, that none throughout all the Reign of Auguſtus.
POLEMO was of Grecian Extraction, being the Son of Zeno,
the leading Man in Laodicea, a free City which we formerly
mentioned. His Father's Oppoſition to Labienus and the Par-
thians brought his Family firſt into favour ; and the ſervices
per-
formed with great perſonal Bravery by the Son, made Antony
(who was ſenſible of ſuch Accompliſhments) caſt his eyes
upon the young Man, as a fit Perſon to ſucceed MITHRIDATES,
Julius Ceſar's Minion, enriched with Dežotarus” Spoils. Where-
fore, at the partition of the eaſtern and northern Provinces, ſoon
after the fatal Victory at PHILIPPI, he ſettled POLEMO
King of Pontus and Gadilone. The young King attended as an
Auxiliary in the Parthian Expedition, was taken Priſoner by the
Median Horfe at the defeat of Statianus' Detachment, and,
while in the cuſtody of their Prince, laid the foundation of
that acquaintance that now enabled him to become a ſucceſsful
Negotiator for Antony. But this negotiation had been greatly
facilitated by the ill uſage which the Median King had received
from the Parthian Tyrant, his Ally. Like the Lion in the
Fable, PHRAATES had feized upon all the choiceſt Parts of the
Booty gained from the Romans, had left Artuaſdes a very incon-
fiderable ſhare, anſwered haughtily when he complained, and
ſent his home to Praaſpa in high diſcontent, but not knowing
how to obtain redreſs. While he was in this diſpoſition POLEMO
arrived
ves
Court of AUGUSTUS
107
ti
2
arrived at his Court, with high Offers from the Roman Triumvir
not only of powerful Protection, and of grand Additions on
either ſide to his Dominions, but of Affinity and Kindred by the
marriage of the young Princeſs his daughter, the beauteous
'Jotape, to Ptolomy, ANTONY's ſon by Cleopatra. The Offers
were tempting—Artuafdes accepted, and the Spring before An-
tony moved from Alexandria, to his no ſmall contentment, Po-
LEMO brought him a Ratification of the Treaty with the Median
King.
But along with the Aſſurances of this Prince's Friendſhip,
Polemo brought another picce of important News, that the Par-
thian Affairs were in the utmoſt diſorder--that the oppreſſed Gran-
dees bad taken arms againſt their Tyrant PHRAATES ; had driven
him out of the Kingdom, where yet he had a Party that was tear-
ing the Empire with a civil war. But tho'the Opportunity was
every way inviting, the Remembrance of the Toils he had un-
dergone, and the Riſques he had run laſt
year,
and eſpecially
the Habit of Luxury growing upon M. ANTONY, got the better
of the Roman Paſſion, the Love of Fame, and kept him like an
enchanted Knight in the Queen's Palace in Alexandria. To
ſhew the real Temper of his Mind at this time, how little he
was his own Maſter, and how much the Property of Cleopatra,
it will be neceſſary to lay open the Secrets of two Courts, and
repreſent a Scene acted by ſome of the firſt Perſonages then in
the world.
CONSIDERING the Connexions of the two Triumvirs, and the
conſtant Intercourſe between Alexandria and Rome, we need
make no queſtion of Octavia's being exactly informed of An-
tony's flagrant Irregularities, nor of the grief with which a wiſe
Woman, who loved her Huſband's Honour and Intereſt, would
receive the ſhameful News. But her Sorrow was filent, and
her Tongue never uttered a ſyllable that ſavoured of complain-
ing, or that reflected upon her Conſort : on the contrary, the
was at great pains to ſoften her Brother, who highly honoured
her,
.
O 2
.:.:.:.:.
" " ...-
108
%
MEMOIRS of the
her, and had a proportionable Reſentment of her Wrongs :
• Antony, ſhe ſaid, among many valuable qualities, had an
unhappy Weakneſs with reſpect to Women, and was unlucki-
ly fallen into a very artful one's hands-from whence, how-
ever, with his (her Brother's) aſſiſtance, the hoped once
(more to recover him; and therefore, if he would be pleaſed
' to let her have a Body of Men fit to recruit ANTONY's Life-
Guards, with Cloaths for his Army, and proper Preſents for
his Favorites, ſhe was reſolved to undertake a Journey
« to her Spouſe, and do her utmoſt to prevent the terrible
Conſequences which his preſent courſe of Life threatened
to bring on her and the Roman State.' CESAR, with re-
doubled admiration of his Siſter's Virtue, and deteftation of the
Man who could abuſe ſo much Sweetneſs, gave way to her ſol-
licitations; and OCTAVIA having, with the help of Domitius
and Pollio, picked out two thouſand choice Men, richly armed,
and provided Store of Cloathing and magnificent Preſents, ſet
fail in the Spring from the Tiber, and ſteered towards Athens.
The News of her Approach, and intended Meeting with her
Huſband, threw Cleopatra into racking diſquiet: the dreaded
every thing from ſo accomplifhed a Rival.the Charms
of her Perſon, the Sweetneſs of her Temper and Man-
ners, heightened by the faireft Character, and backed by the
weight of her Brother's Power : —if, along with theſe, the
ſhould have acceſs to employ the melting Endearments of the
conjugal State, ſhe made no doubt of her reclaiming ANTONY,
and that ſhe herſelf muſt be finally undone : wherefore, to
prevent their Meeting if poſſible, the cunning Queen laid aſide
her mirth and frolics--fhe quitted by degrees the rakiſh man-
ners that had formerly captivated the Triumvir, and now aſſu-
med a ſoft languiſhing Air, like a Virgin deeply in love ; The
brought down her Body with thin Diet- looked faintiſh and
pale-took care to be often catched in tears, which the pre-
tended to be anxious to hide.he gazed on her Lover with
wonder,
for
Court of AUGUSTUS.
}
10g
X
wonder, when he entered her Apartment, and her obedient
eyes ſuffuſed and melted as he was going away: at the ſame
time, Perſons of a certain Trade, never wanting about Courts,
beſet him inceſſantly, in behalf of their incomparable Lady, and
obfequiouſly preſumed to chide him for Ingratitude. Could
he be fo bard-bearted and barbarous, as to abandon a Princeſs who
lived upon bis Smile-who had given kerſelf wholly up to his Pleaſure
*wbo, tho' a great Queen, and born to command Nations, thought
ber molt glorious Title to be ANTONY's MISTRESS ſo she could but
Jee bis Face and enjoy his Company--but who, if driven from his
Preſence and left forlorn, would moſt aſſuredly put an end to her days
before his Return. In ſhort, theſe truſty Inſtruments ſo wrought
upon his Weakneſs, that immediately after touching at Syria,
he wrote to his Wife, not to advance farther than Athens, as he
was obliged to repaſs into Armenia on a freſh Expedition againſt the
Parthians: and then, tho' his Army was aſſembled, and, upon
POLEMO's ſucceſsful Negotiation and ſeaſonable News, immenſe
Preparations were made, yet he finally threw up the Ex-
pedition, diſappointed his new Ally the Median Prince, and
haſtened back to Alexandria, leſt CLEOPATRA Mould die of
Grief, or do ſome violent thing in his abſence.
This was the fatal Step that hurried him to his Ruin :-he
loſt the faireſt Opportunity of acquiring immortal Glory by the
conqueſt of the Parthian Empire, and could ſcarce avoid a
Breach with his Collegue after ſuch Contempt poured on his
Siſter, nor a conſequent civil War.
With filent grief the injured OCTAVIA perceived that the
Parthian Expedition was all a Feint ; and that her blinded Huſ-
band was reſolved to ſacrifice her, and her Brother's Friendſhip,
to his Egyptian Miſtreſs: yet ſtill ſhe bore with the cruel Treat-
ment; and inſtead of failing away in diſcontent, or ſo much as
reproaching him with his miſbehaviour, The only wrote back,
defiring to know, Where he would be pleaſed to have the Things
delivered which me bad brought from Rome for his ſervice? This
Letter
NithikZon w++ Twistakes. fast
S** 3........
sd,
II
MEMOIRS of the
Letter was carried by Aquilius Niger, the fame, I ſuppoſe, who
afterwards wrote Memoirs of the Life of Auguftus, and who in
delivering his meſſage did juſtice to the Merit of Ottavia.
Her Huſband heard him without emotion ; the Praiſes of a
lovely Wife had no effect upon a Man accuſtomed to debauch
from his youth, and who was now plunged in two ſtupifying
Vices, daily hard drinking, and many a lewd Commerce beſides
with CLEOPATRA: he therefore flooped to receive the Preſents The
had brought, at the fame time that he poured diſhonour and
neglect upon the beſt Wife and moſt beautiful Woman of
her age.
When the returned to Rome, her Brother, provoked out of
meaſure, would have had her come and live with him in the
Palace : but ſhe went directly to, what ſhe ſtill called, her
HOME, that is to Antony's Houſe ; where ſhe attended his Af-
fairs, entered into the Intereſts of his Friends, and took care
of the Education of his Children, as if he had not offered her
the leaſt Indignity.
If ſhe made any diſtinction between his
Children by Fulvia and her own, it was by treating thoſe more
tenderly, and beſtowing more liberally upon their Education
and Equipage.
She had a large and lovely Family : two
Daughters and a Son (the noble Marcellus) by her firſt Huſ-
band * ; Antony's two Sons (Antyllus and Jülus) by Fulvia, and
her own two little Daughters, juſt paſt their Infancy. Her ex-
emplary Conduct was the ſubject of converſation in all compa-
nies: it filled Rome and Italy with deſerved admiration, and,
very contrary to her Intentions, did infinite miſchief to her de-
luded Huſband. What a Barbarian muſt he be, ſaid they,
how blind to Beauty and Merit, that can abuſe ſo divine a Crea-
ture? He muſt be quite gone, 'twas anſwered, ſunk in the
loweſt dregs of Vice, that can prefer a Proſtitute to the Pride
of her Sex, the matchleſs Oétavia !
I
* See Vol. II. p. 326.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
$
I ſcarcely believe that ANTONY's lawleſs Life had left him
any
Friend fo faithful as to hazard his diſpleaſure by informing him
of the public Odium under which he was fallen. He was fur-
rounded with Flatterers, Cleopatra's Creatures, who talked of
nothing but his unexhauſted Treaſures and irreſiſtible Power.
Regardleſs therefore of Infamy at Rome, and deſpiſing his Bro-
ther-in-law, who indeed had no ſuch Body of an Army as his
own, he lived in a continued Courſe of Riot and Profuſion.
The Queen and he vyed together which ſhould lay out moſt
money on an Entertainment. She pretended to laugh at his Feaſts
as mean and ſordid : and it came to a formal Wager, that on
one Dinner ſhe ſhould ſquander to the amount of near ninety
thouſand pounds: nay, to ſurpriſe them the more, fhe would only
take till to-morrow to provide it: the polite Plancus, a great
Favorite, who had gone that year to Alexandria, was choſen
Judge. She accordingly prepared a royal Dinner indeed, not to
loſe the day ; but nothing above Antony's uſual Table, who was
in high ſpirits, and every now and then aſking with a fneer the
Price of the Diſhes. The Queen bid him have patience, for
the fixed Sum was to be the Price of her own Deſert; and
after Supper, it is a known Story, that a ſecond Table was ſet
before her with only a Goblet of Vinegar, when putting up
her hand to her Ear, and taking the Pearl of immenſe Price
that hung in it, the diffolved and drank it up; ſhe was about
to do the ſame to its fellow, when Plancus laid his hand
upon
it, and pronounced Antony fairly vanquiſhed (which paſſed for
an Omen) and ſaved the remaining Jewel. Theſe Pearls were
reckoned Wonders of Nature, having paſſed thro' the hands
of the richeſt Kings of the Eaſt: that preſerved by Plancus was
afterwards cut in two, and ſerved for Pendants to the Pantheon-
Venus.
BY ANTONY's conſtantly reſiding in Egypt, and the confe-
quent Reſort of Romans of higheſt Rank, ALEXANDRIA was
become the Capital of the Eaſt. The neareſt bordering King-
dom
$
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..
.
4
?
+
VW................ ... ................
La
TI2
*
$
MEMOIRS of the
dom was that of Judea, whoſe Courts partly infected by its
fplendid Neighbour, and partly by the magnificent Turn of its
new King, was become more elegant and gay than ever it had
been known. HEROD, deſervedly called the Great, (if Cou-
rage and Conduct can juſtify that Title) was in the height of
Life; his young Queen, the wondrous Mariamme, in the full
bloom of her Beauty.
The Queen's Mother Alexandra, the
King's Mother Cypris, and his Siſter Salome, were graceful high-
ſpirited Women. Old Hircanus was returned from Parthia.
His grand-child by the Mother, and grand-nephew by the Fa-
ther, Ariftobulus (Mariamme's Brother) was beyond diſpute the
fineſt Youth of the Age. Theſe royal Perſons, ſurrounded with
Herod's Captains and Miniſters, gave his Court an air of Gran-
deur that might have adorned a much greater Empire. But this
Exterior of Proſperity and Pleaſure was not found at bottom:
a Crown has its Thorns, and the regal Purple often covers an
aking heart.
The Queen-Mother ALEXANDRA, married to the eldeſt ſon
of that Ariftobulus who was depoſed by Pompey, and herſelf of
the royal Afmonean Line, being Hircanus' daughter, had ambi-
tion equal to her Birth, and above her preſent ſituation. She
ſecretly contemned her ſon-in-law Herod as of ignoble Blood,
and looked on him as the Uſurper of the Rights of ber Children.
She was ſo unwiſe as to tincture them with the ſame ſentiments;
and, upon ſome ſlight occaſion, when Salome the King's ſiſter
was aſſuming State, Mariamme had the imprudence openly
to remind her of her mean Deſcent. From hence aroſe, firſt
a ſpiteful Pique, daſhed with mutual ſcorn, which grew
to a ſtanding Rancour among the Women ; while the King was
unhappily placed between the Inſinuations and Whiſpers of
his own Kindred, the Complaints of Alexandra, and the
Murmurings of his haughty Queen. Royalty is ſuſpicious ;-
and a recent Settlement, apprehenſive of every Guſt that might
overturn it. HEROD privately placed Spies over his Mother-
in-
?
Court of AUGUSTUS.
113
in-law and her ſon, to obſerve their ſmalleſt motions, and
acquaint him with what they were daily doing. The ſagacious
Princeſs ſoon perceived it, and made proportionable Returns
of hatred : uneaſy and reſtleſs, under ſuch reſtraint, the ven-
tured to touch a tickliſh String, and complain of the unworthy
Ulage lhe received at Herod's hands to Cleopatra, his known and
powerful Enemy. He held his Crown folely by Antony's fa-
vour, whoſe Lieutenant-General, C. Sossius, had reduced Jc-
rufalem, and in conſequence of his Victory had, by Antony's
permiſſion, led a Triumph over Judea in Dccxvii. ANTONY
was wholly under the influence of a Woman, who coveted He-
rod's Kingdom, and longed for an opportunity to deſtroy him.
The complaining to her was therefore touching the King in
the tendereſt part, as it tended to fap the immediate Foundation of
his Throne: he reſented it, -as we may ſuppoſe ; but checked
the natural Violence of his Temper ; and both not to exaſperate
matters, and from Love to Mariamme, prudently ſtilled his Ven-
geance againſt the Mother.
It ſo happened, towards the end of this inactive Summer *
that Dellius's Affairs called him into Judea, where he was
welcomed by Herod as the great Friend of his Maſter, and
treated with ſurpriſing magnificence. But Dellius's predomining
Paſſion, the Love of Pleaſure, fixed his whole attention upon
Alexandra's two Children, Ariſtobulus and Mariamme, whom he
conſidered as maſter-pieces of Nature. He entered into the
familiarity and confidence of the Queen-Mother, the Fountain
of ſo much Beauty, liſtened to her complaints of hard uſage
from the King; and did not depart from his own Character
or Practice t, in directing her to have Pictures drawn of the
VOL. III.
Р
young
:
Aº. U.C. DCCXVIII.
+ Κυίντον Δέλλιον, ΠΑΙΔΙΚΑ ποτέ 'Αλώνια γενόμενον.
AIN. p. 9.
114
MEMOIRS of the
young Prince and his Siſter, and to ſend them by himſelf to the
TRIUMVIR, who after he had ſeen them, would be able to refuſe
her nothing. This was done ; and Dellius, in preſenting the
Portraits of the matchleſs Pair, failed not to expatiate upon
their perfections : they did not ſeem, he ſaid, to be of mortal
• Race, but looked like the Offspring of Heaven, the Children of
Fome Demi-god or Hero ; '-and ran on in raptures, wanting to
entangle his Maſter in a purſuit of new Pleaſure. Tho' Antony
was not averſe to a Love-Affair of any fort, he did not care
impudently to command Herod to ſend him his new-married
Wife ; but he wrote for her Brother ; deſiring, if it were not
inconvenient, to ſend the Youth under a proper Eſcorte to Alex-
andria.
This Deſire, importing a Command, filled Herod with much
perplexity: the Triumvir was all-powerful-eaſily captivated,
and openly abuſed his Authority to ſatiate his ſhameful Paſſions :
Herod, at laſt, determined not to obey, nor venture a Youth royally
defcended, in the very Bloom of Life (juſt turned ſeventeen) in
the hands of ſo diffolute a Man; and therefore returned this
Anſwer ; that ſuch was the feditious Temper of the Jewiſh
• Nation, and ſo great their Propenſity to Change, that the whole
Country would fall into confuſion if Ariftobulus ſhould but ſet
« his foot out of the Kingdom. After this, the Spies ſet upon
the Queen-mother were doubled, and the Guards enjoined to
keep ſo ſtrict a watch, that it was difficult for her to ſend
any
letter or meſſage unknown to the King: but as Neceſſity is
inventive, a Muſician was found, who undertook to convey her
letters to her new Protectreſs, CLEOPATRA: by his means the
bewailed her unhappy ſituation, 'that ſhe was nothing bet-
ter than a Priſoner of State, confined with her hapleſs Son to
the Palace, not daring to ſee Company, nor allowed to keep
« a Servant of their own chooſing ; and not only their Actions,
• but every Word and Look watched and reported to their
haughty Maſter.
IN
6
q
Court of of
115
AUGUSTUS.
In this diſtreſs, Cleopatra adviſed her to take her ſon, and,
if poſſible, make her eſcape with him from Judea to Egypt,
where ſhe ſhould find an Aſylum in her Palace, and powerful
Protectors in herſelf and in Antony. Immediately a Plot was laid
for the evaſion of the Queen-mother and of the young
Prince:
they were to be laid in two Coffins, and carried out of Town as
dead perſons by their conſcious Servants. Horſes ſtood ready
at the Gates to convey them to the neareſt Shore, where a Ship
waited to waft them to Alexandria. The Deſign was only en-
truſted to a few faithful Domeſtics, one of whom, Esop, took
aſide a known Confident of the Queen-mother, by name Sabbio,
and talked of the affair to him as no doubt privy to the Plot.
Sabbio was ſuſpected to have dipt a little in the Conſpiracy againſt
the brave Antipater, Herod's Father, who was poiſoned by
Malichus, and was in ſuitable diſgrace with the Son. But now
he fondly embraced ſo fair an opportunity of recovering the
royal Favour, and going directly to the King, informed
him of his Mother-in-law's intended Elopement to Cleopatra.
HE.ROD permitted the royal Perſons to be decently laid in
their Coffins_brought down ſtairs, and carried thro' the Court-
yard: but at the Palace-gate the Biers were ſtopped by the
King's Officers ; the Mother and Son taken out of their Cales,
and brought gently back to their former Apartments. The
Rage, the Shame, the Torture of Mind that ſeized the violent
Alexandra, will not be eaſily imagined :-as for Herod, tho'
infinitely provoked, and no leſs deſirous to chaſtiſe ſo heinous
an Attempt, he put on an air of magnanimity and mildneſs,
and treated the whole adventure as the Freak of a reſtleſs Female ;
while in reality a Dread of Cleopatra, the chief Accomplice,
bound
up
his hands from puniſhing her Correſpondent.
But theſe repeated Efforts of the ambitious Mother were
productive' of diſmal conſequences. The new King of Judea
could not think that he fat firm on his Throne, while Ariftobulus
the Heir of the Afmonean Line continued in Life ; and therefore
P2
with
duhet
116
MEMOIRS of the
with equal cunning and cruelty, created him firſt High Prieſt,
to diſguiſe his Intentions, and then took care to have him ſuf-
focated under water by ſome of his French Guards, in a Pond
where he had been enticed to ſwim *.
No Tears which Herod could ſhed (as he is ſaid to have
wept plentifully at the News), nor the aſtoniſhing Pomp and
Expence which he diſplayed at the Funeral, could blind Alex-
andra, or hinder her from perceiving the Hand that dealt this
mortal Blow in the dark. She was forced, however, to lock up
her Indignation, and put on the appearance of ſilent Sorrow;
but in the bitterneſs of her ſoul, the wrote the mournful Tale,
and, by her truſty Muſician, conveyed it to Cleopatra. The
Egyptian Princeſs, glad of any opportunity to ruin Herod, un-
dertook this Cauſe with the ſame ardor as if it had been her
own : ſhe
gave her Lover no reft ; but was perpetually preſſing
him to avenge the death of a royal Youth, on an ingrateful Traitor,
who poſſeſſed the Throne belonging by right to the unhappy Prince he
had bafely murdered. By continually urging him, and exagge-
rating the Indignity of the Deed, ANTONY was at laſt ſo far
impreſſed, that, being a third time on his way to Armenia, he
ſent a Summons to HEROD to attend him in Laodicea, in order to
clear himſelf of the Murder of Ariftobulus, which was laid to his
charge. I ſuppoſe Antony choſe to come with the Queen by Sea
from Alexandria, to ſave a toilſome March thro' the Defart; and
pitched upon Laodicea as a Landing-place, both for its excel-
lent Harbour, and the delicious Wines produced on the Skirts of
Mount-Caſi *, to which he was exceſſively addicted.
AN
* Πέμπέθαι μεν έν ο παίς δια νύκλος εις Ιεριχίλα: έκά δε κατ' ενθολήν το
των ΓΑΛΑΤΩΝ βαπτιζόμενος εν κολυμβήθρα τελευτά. . ΙΩΣ. αλ. α.
* The vaſt Mountain that riſes gently from Laodicea, by an Aſcent of Xix
miles, to where it overhangs Apamea in towering Rocks that have given occa-
fion to its Name x2 CASA, which in Syriac fignifies HARD.
It muſt not be confounded with a fandy Promontory of the fame Name
hópos Divádns exporneia [ww the Boundary of Egypt, of which Lucan ſpeaks,
deſcribing
Court of AUGUSTUS..
117
An Army coming to invade Judea would have carried leſs
Terror than this Summons : however, as there was no choice but
to obey, Herod having put his young Queen and the Kingdom
under the tuition of his Uncle Joſeph, with the terrible Com-
mand (the effect of Love in its worſt shape) immediately to
ſtrike off Marianme's head, if he himſelf ſhould fall a facrifice
to Cleopatra, he ventured on the dreadful Journey. No height
of Paſſion can juſtify the inhuman Order left by Herod ; but
ANTONY's wild Character was the immediate Cauſe of it. The
King, who knew that he had been informed of Mariamme's
tranſcendant Beauty by Dellius, and that he had been ſtruck
with her Picture, made no doubt, if he were dead himſelf, but
ſhe would fall a prey to the Triumvir's Lewdneſs; of which he
could not bear the Thought. At his arrival, he found Cleopatra
was to attend the Roman General quite thro' Syria, and forboded
no good from her Company. Indeed ſhe did her utmoſt to
irritate Antony, and procure the King's Deſtruction. But He
rod's own Preſence and princely Behaviour, the magnificent
Preſents he brought from Jeruſalem, and the ſpecious Footing up-
on which he put his Conduct, blunted the edge of her malice,
and ſecured to him at this time both his Life and Crown.
did not become, he ſaid, fo great a Man as Marc ANTONY,
· who beſtowed Kingdoms at his pleaſure, to inveſt any
Perſon
' with Royal Power, and then find fault with him for uſing it
better, in that caſe, not to have made him a King in name,
· while in reality a Subject ;
-but as he had deemed him
worthy to wear a Crown, and entruſted him with the regal
Authority, he ſhould permit him to exerciſe it as the Exi-
gencies
" It
<
deſcribing the Morning when Achillas intended to kill Julius Cefar *; and where
ſtood the Monument of human Inftability, the TOMB of POMPEY the GREAT.
This laſt could ſcarce be denominated from CASA, Hard, which it was not ; but
has probably been ſo called from ?? Kazzi, a Boundary, which it was, be.
tween Egypt and Idumea.
LUCIFER a Calia profpexit Rupe.
118
MEMOIRS of the
* gencies of his Government required : that the ſame Maxim
I would hold with reſpect to all the other Princes, Allies of the
· Romans ; ſince it was not even CLEOPATRÅ's Intereſt to have
• her Adminiſtration too narrowly canvaſſed, nor be obliged to
give other account of her Actions than-Reaſons of State.'
Antony long ago prepoſſeſſed in Herod's favour, allowed of
his Defence ; he embraced him as his Friend-made him fit
on his Tribunal as an Affeffor in Judgment-had him every day
at dinner,, and at all Parties of Pleaſure at night, till he retired
late to the Queen. ſo that the King returned to Jeruſalem
with increaſe of honour, and with better founded hopes of poſ-
ſeſſing his Kingdom, even in ſpite of the graſping Cleopatra.
To counter-balance this Contentment, he found at his return
his Court and Family in the utmoſt diſorder. The Ladies left
under his Uncle Joſeph's management, had proved too cunning
for their Guardian : Mariamme, ſpirited up by her artful Mo-
ther, had, by the moſt winning Behaviour, gained the good
man's heart, and then, by an affected diſbelief of Herod's Love,
and a Strain of female Banter (ſays my Author *) had drawn
from him the dreadful Secret-the bloody Order that was to be
executed in caſe of Herod's Death. It had two ſides, and
would be viewed by the Queen and her Mother only on the
worſt: wherefore, upon a flying Report's being ſpread in town
of Herod's Condemnation at Laodicea, they had over-perſuaded
their ſimple Keeper to leave the Palace, and fly with them to the
Roman Legion that guarded it. They were actually on the point
of executing a Reſolution, which would have ſet all Jerufalem in
an uproar, when Letters arrived from Herod, informing them
of the Honours he had received from Antony, and the conſequent
Security of his Crown. This ſtopt their career : but he was no
fooner
B
* Εξειρωνευομένων δε ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΙΩΣ τες λόγες, και μάλιςα της Αλεξ-
άνδρας--προηχθη Ιώσηπος και τα πει την εντολήν εξειπείν.
APX, 16.
:
Court of AUGUSTUS.
119
ſooner come home, than his Mother CYPRIS took care to inform
him of Alexandra's Contrivance to abandon his Royal Palace, and
put herſelf and her daughter under the protection of Julius the
commanding Tribune; and his reſentful Siſter, Salome, eclipſed
and ſcorned by Mariamme, wickedly accuſed her own Huſband
Foleph of criminal Converſation with the Queen.
HEROD was doubly ſtartled-a Storm of jarring Paſſions a-
roſe in his Breaſt-which his Love to Mariamme would have at
laſt ſurmounted, if in one of the Paroxiſms of that Paſſion ſhe had
not haughtily reproached him with the barbarous Order left to kill
ber. It was then he fell into the moſt violent Rage-he ſtamp-
ed and roared, and rolled himſelf on the ground, tearing his hair
in inexpreſſible Agony. He took Joſeph's betraying the terrible
Secret as undoubted Evidence of a criminal Familiarity; and
without farther Proof, or ſo much as ſeeing the unhappy Man,
he commanded him to be inſtantly led to execution--- Alexandra
was put in chains; and with a hard Struggle he reſtrained himſelf
from paſſing the fatal Sentence upon his loved Mariamme.
Theſe violent Fits do miſchief only, like a Hurricane, in the heat
of their fury: they ſubſide on the ſhorteſt delay, and the con-
trary Affections reſume their power. I am however apt to think
that Cleopatra’s Arrival in Judea ſoon after this, might contribute
to compoſe theſe Diſtractions at Court, and aſſiſt the King to
curb his Reſentments againſt Alexandra.
In her Progreſs with Antony towards the Euphrates, already
mentioned, ſhe had put all Syria in diſorder. With equal art
and malice, ſhe had patched up Accuſations againſt the little
Princes and States, that when they were dead or deprived, the
might obtain their Dominions in a Gift from her Lover. Thus,
beſides the vaſt Donations which I formerly enumerated, the
perſuaded him to kill LYSANIAS Prince of Chalcidene, under
Mount Libanus *, as if he had been in league with the Parthians,
and
* LEBANON, or, as the Greeks altered it, LIBANUS, ſignifies the White
Mountain, from 12 LABAN albus, as it was always covered with Snows, which
even in ſummer were carried down to Tyre for ſale.
I 20
있
​MEMOIRS of the
and then received his Dominion, as an Addition to her Syrian
Territories, which (excepting the free Cities Aradus, Tyre and
Sidon) comprehended the whole Country from the Eupbrates to
the Eleutherus (now the Velana) the River that divides Plenicia
from Celeſyria, and empties itſelf a little above Tripoli into the
Mediterranean Sea.
After taking leave of her Roman Lover, the made a
Tour thro? Syria to viſit her new Acquiſitions ; and having taken
poſſeſſion of the delightful Cities of Apamea and Damaſcus, ſhe
took Judea in her way to Egypt, where ſhe, who had the life
and death of thouſands in her power, was little aware of the
riſque lhé ran of her own. As a great Queen, and Miſtreſs of
the Lord of the Eaſt, ſhe looked down upon the petty Princes,
his Vaffals; and tho' ſhe muſt needs be ſenſible that HEROD
knew her malice and treachery, ſhe fearleſs entered his Domi-
nions like his Sovereign; nor did he fail to receive her Majeſty
with great ſubmiſſion and magnificence. She was a ſtrange
unaccountable Woman. Could it be believed, that on the foot-
ing ſhe ſtood with Antony and with Herod, ſhe ſhould have
thought of a Love-affair with the latter? and yet it is certain,
that in his own Court ſhe made open and undiſguiſed Propoſals
to the King of Judea ;--- Whether from a mere looſe Inclination
for fo graceful a Man, or with an Intention to draw him into
a ſnare, and effectually ruin him with Antony. But inſtead of
anſwering her Paſſion (if ſhe had one) Herod called his moſt
intimate Friends together, and with them entered into deep
conſultation, Whether having Cleopatra in his power, he should
not improve the favourable moment, and do all Mankind, and
Antony himſelf, a ſervice, by putting ſuch a public Peſt privately
to death ? His own Intereſt and Revenge ſtrongly inclined him
to the Affirmative; but his Privy Council, of a very different
opinion, repreſented to him with great earneſtneſs, that in
· his preſent favourable ſituation, it would be very unwiſe to
expoſe himſelf and his Kingdom to imminent danger,--that
Antony
TANTRA
Court of AUGUSTUS.
I 21
;
<
Antony would never bear it, were the Advantages of it ſet
ever ſo plain before his eyes : that the Indignity of loſing
· his loved Cleopatra by murder and treachery would inflame
his Paſſion to ſuch a height, that nothing which Herod could
offer as an Apology would appear tolerable: — the Attempt
· being made upon a Queen of the higheſt Rank and Dignity
(of her time and the Arrogance and Preſumption of it being
more than ſufficient to efface any advantage that could be
" reaped by her death-eſpecially as it was in his power gently
to evite the ſnare which the Traitreſs laid for him, and in-
· ſtead of bringing inevitable ruin on himſelf and his Family,
'to put a decent face on the matter, and ſend the Woman away
honourably to Egypt. Herod was convinced; and in lieu
of the intended Priſon and Aſſaſſin, he made her ſumptuous
Preſents, and conducted her to Damietta, the ancient Pelufum
and Frontier of Egypt on the ſide of Judea.
Antony in the mean time having gone up to Armenia, and
decoyed their treacherous King, as was formerly related, was
not for all that immediately Maſter of the Country.
The Armenians, while their King was Priſoner, took his Son
Artaxias, and put the Crown upon his head, that they might
act under the Royal authority; nor did the Youth, tho' ſcarce
ſeventeen, bely their hopes : he marched at their head-faced
the Roman Army, and actually joined battle. But being beaten,
as might be expected, he fled to Parthia ; and then ANTONY
in conjunction with his new Ally, ravaged Armenia at his lei-
ſure. In vain did the Median Prince repreſent to him the diſ-
tracted ſtate of their moſt powerful Enemy; he would give
himſelf and his Army no trouble in a freſh invaſion of Parthia,
and Phraates' apprehenſions at the approach of the Legions
were diſappointed to the better : It appeared that the ſole purpoſe
of the Expedition had been to plunder Armenia, and hurry
home with the ſpoils to CLEOPATR A.
Q
I
+
.
I 22
MEMOIRS of the
I KNOW nothing in ancient Hiſtory ſo like the Feats per-
formed by Knights-errant *, as Antony's Behaviour at his return.
He entered Alexandria (as he ſhould have done Rome) in a
triumphal Chariot, with the King and Queen of Armenia and
their younger Children bound in filver-chains. Soon after
a grand Theater was raiſed, and a Throne of Gold was ſet
upon a Bale overlaid with Gilver for CLEOPATRA. When ſhe
was placed, the King of Armenia and the royal Family were
brought forth, and ordered to pay their humble Obeyſance to
her Majeſty, with many promiſes if they complied, and threats
if they refuſed; neither of which produced any effect: the
King and his Confort would not debaſe themſelves : they did
addreſs the Queen, but called her plain Cleopatra, without
deigning to make ſubmiſſions, or implore her favour : a Deport-
ment which gained the Eſteem and Condolence of the Public
to theſe royal Perſonages, and procured them much harſh
Uſage from their Keepers.
But his Egyptian Miſtreſs, not ſatisfied with this piece of
Pageantry, perſuaded him ſoon after to a more ſubſtantial Dif-
play of his Paſſion and her Power. Since their Commerce
began, which was almoſt eight years, Cleopatra had bore three
children, two Sons and a Daughter, whom Antony believed to
be his own.
Tho’ both he and the trampled upon all Laws,
yet they ſo far complied with cuſtom, or perhaps with the pat-
tern ſet by Julius CESAR, as not to give their Children Roman
Names, but called them, as illegitimate, by the Mother's Family.
For Cesar had not allowed his natural Son by the Queen, now
about fourteen years of age, to be named Julius, but with a
greek termination, formed from his Sirname, he was called
Ptolomy-Cefario: much in the ſame way, Antony gave his Twins
the
* Como el famoſo ESPLANDIAN mandò àlos que avia librados, que fueſſen à
Coſtantinopla, agradecer à la hermoſa LEONORINA hija del Emperador, la mer-
ced de ſu Libertad. AMADIS de GAULA (the Standard of Romances) Liv. v.
ch. 25. parody'd by CERVANTES, Lib. iii. cap. 22. of Don QUIXOTTE.
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
123
the names of Ptolomiy ahd Cleopatra, along with the romantic
Appellations of the Sun and the Moon beſtowed upon them,
in imitation of This and Oſiris the Egyptian Gods: their younger
Brother was called Alexander-all three, by the names com-
mon to the Lagean Family.
To do honour to theſe Youths, and exalt their Mother above
the reſt of Womankind, a high Feſtival was proclaimed at Alex-
andria ; a ſecond Theatre was erected in the midſt of the Forum,
adorned with amazing magnificence. Lofty Thrones were ſet
under Canopies of the richeſt Workmanſhip for Antony and Cleo-
patra, and on either hand, Chairs a little lower for the Queen's
four Children. Hither the royal Company proceeded in folemn
Pomp from the Palace, and when they were fet, it is ſtrange to
tell, that M. Antony, one of the three Men appointed to ſettle
the Roman State, roſe up and made a ſpeech to the Egyptians,
as if he had been in the Capitol. The chief import of it was
to perſuade them, that Cleopatra had been Julius Ceſar's lawful
Wife, and that Ptolomy-Ceſario was his legitimate Son and right-
ful Heir, in oppoſition, no doubt, to an adopted Stranger whom he did
Then turning to Cleopatra, he faluted her Queen
of Kings, and her eldeſt Son Cefario, King of Kings; affign-
ing to them at the ſame time Egypt, Cyprus, and the ancient
Domaine of the Lagean Race : As for his own Children by the
Queen, he proclaimed PTOLOMY King of Syria and Afia, from
the Euphrates to the Helleſpont ; CLEOPATRA was to have the
Kingdom of Cyrene in Afric for her Dowry, and their Brother,
ALEXANDER, was by way of anticipation, declared King of Ar-
menia and Parthia, all the way to the Indies, againſt theſe Coun-
tries ſhould be conquered by his Parent. Not a word of his
children in Rome, his two ſons by Fulvia, and two daughters by
Octavia, who by this deed were in a manner diſinherited, and
cut off from their paternal ſucceſſion. Nor was he contented
with acting this pompous Farce at Alexandria, but was ſo in-
toxicated with power and pleaſure, as to tranſmit an authentic
Q2
Copy
not name,
7
1
I 24
MEMOIRS of the
Copy of this his Settlement of the Eaſtern-Empire to ROME,
that it might there be ratified by a Decree of the Senate and
a Vote of the PEOPLE.
It is true, Domnitius and Pollio, Capito and Cocceius, were too
wiſe not to ſuppreſs it, and would never allow it to be produced
in any Court; but being publicly known, and induſtriouſly
ſpread by Ceſar's Friends, it effectually co-operated with his
Armenian, or rather Eg yptian Triumph, and Contempt of Oeta-
via, to ruin his Intereſt in Rome, and perſuade the Citizens
that he was no longer a Roman in his heart, but become ſuch
a Barbarian and lawleſs Tyrant as they fancied the greater part
of Kings to be, and particularly the Kings of the Eaſt * The
Commons eſpecially, always fond of Shews, took particular of-
fence at his triumphing in Alexandria, and carrying the ſpoils
and honours purchaſed by Roman Blood, and due to the Capital
of the Empire, among a motely Multitude, the Ofscourings
of Egypt and Greece. They even believed a Report, which his
Collegue did not diſcountenance, That CLEOPATRA had em-
ployed Sorcery to make him ſo much her Slave ; and that, by
means of ſome magic Spell or poiſonous Draught, ſhe had, as
the Vulgar ſay, bewitched him; by which they meant, that ſhe
had depraved his Underſtanding, and robbed him of the Uſe
of the high Faculties with which he was born.
I am apt to believe, that this Witchcraft was nothing elſe
than the gradual Effect of a long Courſe of Debauchery, to
which he was more and more addicted : a Head over-heated
every night with wine, turns lumpiſh and dull-It loſes the
finer Perceptions, and the reliſh of elegant pleaſure ; retaining
only that of the groffeſt Gratifications. The Opinion, how-
ever, that ANTONY was bewitched, generally prevailed. The
great
* When ſome people were commending EUMENES King of Pergamus, as
a good man, and a Friend to the Romans, Perhaps he is ſo, faid old Cato;
but by nature that Animal they call a KING is a carnivorous Creature. Qúces pèr
τέτο το ζώον ο βασιλεύς, σαρκοφάγος έσί. IIAOYTAPX, M. Kalwv.
Weiteres
Court of AUGUSTUS.
1 25
up in
great Lucullus, they knew, had dy'd of a Philtre or Love-potion
adminiſtred by a jealous Miſtreſs; as did Lucretius the admired
Poet, in the flower of life. Caligula's Madneſs was afterwards
aſcribed to the ſame fort of draught ; as indeed the myſtic Li-
quor of Elezſinian Ceres *, and the dreadful Cup given to dan-
gerous Noblemen in the Mogol's Court of, leave no doubt of the
power of Potions over the human Conſtitution.
Antony was
therefore believed at Rome to be no more himſelf; but a fort
of animal Machine, acting by the ſole Will of Cleopatra ; a
Belief which mixed Contempt with the hatred of his other
Vices, and was a poiſonous Ingredient,--of the worſt con-
ſequence to a Man in power.
AFTER paſſing the Winter in revelling and riot, he went
in the Spring, for the laſt time, to finiſh the plunder-
ing of Armenia in reality; but gave it out that he was now to
attack Parthia in conjunction with his Median Ally. What he
might have attempted, had he been free from other Cares, is
uncertain ; for a Man given up to his Paſſions, like a fluctuated
body, knows not whither they will drive him: but he ſoon
received News from Rome that called him to act on a different
Scene. From the time of his ſending back Octavia with dif-
honour and neglect, Ceſar perceived there was no more con-
fidence to be put in his Collegue, and that a final Breach was
inevitable. But knowing ANTONY's weight in the Senate, and
eſpecially his root with the Soldiery, he was cautious how he
came to an open Rupture ; but caſt about how he might plau-
fibly throw the blame of their Diffenfion upon Antony, and ſe-
cure Power and Popularity to himſelf. He therefore loſt no
opportunities to exaggerate his Encroachments upon their com-
mon Prerogative; and, their Correſpondence not being yet
broke off, he both wrote his Complaints, and fully inſtructed his
Miniſters, whom he ſent on purpoſe to Alexandria. Thus the
Diſguſts
* ΚΥΚΕΩΝ. Ορά Κλημ. Στρωμ. 1ο
id.
+ M. Bernier Hiſt. de la Cour du Gran. Mogol.
126
MEMOIRS of the
Diſguſts hung for ſome time, like a gathering Cloud, before
they burſt into a Storm; and were managed like a civil Differ-
ence between Citizens, by Memorials and Reſcripts paſſing back-
wards and forwards, which came at laſt to be made public,
and ſubmitted to the Judgment of the People.
I know of no Offence or Accident that was the immediate
Cauſe of the War * The Characters of the Leaders, their For-
tunes and Situation ſufficiently account for it. Antony was
haughty and overbearing; a heavy Partner in the diviſion of
Power, and carried things with ſo high a hand, that Ceſar muſt
have been long ſince weary of him, and graſp greedily at an
opportunity of getting rid of him. ANTONY, on his part, had
given him many handles : he was doubly drunk with wine and
power; and fell into all the enormities which attend that Vice
in a leading Man ſtridly watched by a ſober and ſubtle Rival.--
He committed unheard of Diſorders, diſobliged his beſt Friends,
and ſquandered his immenſe Revenue with amazing Profuſion ;
for he was capable of any Exceſs in his liquor ; and often
treated the greateſt Romans with cruel and wanton Inſolence.
This, co-operating with his blind Paſſion for the rapacious
Queen, cut the finews of his Power, and paved the way for his
final Ruin : for he came at laſt to place his chief Pride in being
a ſtrong Drinker : and ſo far forgot himſelf as even to write a
PANEGYRIC upon EBRIETY, in which he enumerated the Feats
that Liquor had enabled him to perform. It has been publiſhed
I judge not long before the deciſive Stroke was to be ſtruck be-
tween him and his adverſary, and by Thewing while he was revel-
ling in Greece that his head was turned, and his heart corrupted,
he diſpoſed Men to believe the black Stories which Ceſar's Friends
were
* The Duke de la ROCHEFOUCAULT, among his other Paradoxes, affirms,
that the Asian War, which turned the World upſide down, was the Effect of
Jealouſy about a Miſtreſs; for which Affertion, after the utmoſt pains, I can
find no foundation in Hiſtory.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
I 27
were propagating with great induſtry *. He had long al-
lowed the frothy Afatics to call him Father BACCHUS;
but it is certain that he now actually aſſumed the Habit and
Enfigns of the God of Wine; and rode thro' the Streets of Ale-
xandria in an open Chariot drawn by Tygers, his Head crowned
with Ivy, his feet dreſſed in Buſkins, and holding a Thyrſus (a
Spear twiſted round with Vine-Twigs) in his hand. At other
times he appeared in the Dreſs of an Eaſtern Monarch, holding
his golden Scepter, a Sabre by his fide, and cloathed in a Robe
of regal Purple claſped with coſtly Gems; and at laſt he
clapt a Diadem on his head, that CLEOPATRA might be kiſſed
by a King.
When two Princes, from pique or intereſt, are once deter-
mined to break, Reasons are ſought by way of parade ; and ge-
nerally meet with the diſregard they deſerve. The Oracle utter-
ed by the preſaging Spirit of Marcus Brutus, (enlightened by calm
Virtue even in the Plains of Philippi), was now accompliſhing,
* that the ſame flagitious Paſſions which had driven Antony and
« Cefar to deſtroy the Conſtitution of their Country, would ſoon
after ſet them at variance between themſelves, and make them
more bitter Enemies to one another than they had been to the
· Friends of Liberty and the Common-wealth ti? It is proper,
however, that we know the Plea of either party, and what vio-
lations of Faith or breaches of Friendſhip each laid to the charge
of the other.
AND
c
* M. Antonius avidifſimè apprehenderat hanc palmam (Ebrietatis) edito etiam
volumine de ſua Ebrietate ; quo patrocinari fibi aufus, approbavit planè, ut equidem
arbitror, quanta mala per temulentiam terrarum orbi intuliſſet: exiguo tempore
ante praelium A&iacum id volumen EVOMUIT; quo facile intelligatur ebrius jam
ſanguine civium, et tanto magis eum ſitiens ; namque et haec neceffitas vitium comi-
tatur, ut bibendi conſuetudo augeat aviditatem. Plin. Lib. XIV. $ 22.
+ Μ. Ανθώνιος--προσθήκην εαυτόν οκλαδίω δέδωκεν και' ών μη νυν ηττηθή
μετ' εκείνε, μικρόν ύσερον εκείνω μαχείται. ταύτα μεν εν καλώς αποθεσπίσαι
προς το μέλλον έoικεν ο ΒΡΟΥΤΟΣ.
Πλουταρχ. :
22
€*
1 28
MEMOIRS of the
1
And firſt Antony, as is the cuſtom of Aggreſſors, complain-
ed, that in the diviſion of Italy among the Veterans, Ceſar
had defrauded his Army of their due ſhare, and filled it with
« his own Troops. II. “ That having driven SEXTUS POMPEY
"out of Sicily and Sardinia, he had ſeized theſe INands as his
"own Property. III. That having of his own Authority, with-
"out conſent of his Collegue, diveſted LEPIDUS of the trium-
« viral Power, he had ſent Statilius Taurus into AFRICA to take
poſſeſſion of his Armies and Provinces without Maring them
" with bin who had an equal title to both. IV. That in the diſa-
• Atrous War, which he had long unfortunately waged with Sex-
“ tus Pompey, he had borrowed of him (Antony) ſeveral Squadrons
“ of Ships for which he had never thought fit either to account,
" or to reſtore.” He therefore demanded ſatisfaction in all theſe
points,-the Eſtabliſhment of his defrauded Veterans, the half of
Africa, Sicily and Sardinia, an Equivalent for his Ships of War,
and the half of the Legions which Cefar had lately raiſed in Italy,
which, by agreement, was to remain the common Recruiting-
country for them both.
To the firſt of theſe Articles, Cesar, provoked by the Con-
tempt lately put upon his ſiſter, anſwered jeeringly, That the
Veterans whom Antony had called and kept in the Eaſt, could not
'be fettled in Italy; nor was there any reaſon they ſhould, as
they had Media and Parthia, and the other Countries they
had conquered by their Proweſs under ſo mighty a Leader,
• which were more than ſufficient to contain them. To the fe-
• cond and third, That having defeated Sextus Pompey in fair War,
i and ſtripped Lepidus of a Command he was abuſing with in-
folence, Ceſar poſſeſſed their Provinces in right of Conqueſt,
· which yet he was ready to divide with Antony, as ſoon as he, on
· his part, had ſhared his new Acquiſitions of Egypt and Arme-
nia with him. To the laft, That he had ſent back no leſs than
ſeventy of his borrowed Ships, who had landed moſt oppor-
tunely at Proconnefus (now Marmara) or his Lieutenant Titius
(
to
Court of AUGUSTUS.
129
' to catch S. Pompey, and cut off his Head : that it was Antony's
own fault if he did not recruit in Italy, which lay alike open
'to them both, and from whence he (Cefar) had often ſent him
greater bodies of men and of warlike Stores than were ſufficient
' to over-balance thoſe Ships that had periſhed in the Sicilian War.
THE Diſtance between the Places of Reſidence of the two re-
maining Triumvirs, and their leading out their Armies, after the
Roman manner, to fome Expedition in the Spring, prevented Ce-
far's laſt Anſwer from reaching Antony till near mid-ſummer,
when he had got upon the Banks of the Araxes, and was about
to invade Parthia, with his new Ally the King of the Medes : and
as its Tendency was very plain, he immediately countermanded the
movement of the Army, and ordered CANIDIUS GALLUS his
Lieutenant General, to take ſixteen Legions, (about eighty thou-
ſand men) and facing about, to march directly down thro' Afia
to the Sea-Coaſt. The Invaſion of PARTHIA was once more
laid aſide: he contented himſelf with exchanging ſome legionary
Soldiers, for a Body of Median Horſe from Artuaſdes he added
the leſſer Armenia to Polemo's dominion, as a Reward for paſt,
and Incitement to future ſervices; and then having, as I ſaid,
received the young Beauty, JOTAPE, from her Father, his ſon
Alexander's future Spouſe, ANTONY hafted after his great Army
that was marching under Canidius.
To give his Conduct an air of Moderation at Rome, and add
weight to his Complaints againſt Ceſar, he had ſubjoined to them
a formal Declaration, That as the laſt five years of their Triumvirate
were about to expire, he was ready to lay down that extraor
ordinary
Power, to reſtore the Government to the SENATE and People of
ROME, and betake himſelf to the legal Honours of his Country, if his
Collegue Ceſar would do the ſame. This Declaration coſt him no-
thing, while he was at the head of his Armies in diſtant Provin-
ces--no more than the formality of entering upon the Conſulſhip
the firſt day of the year Dccxix, and immediately reſigning it in
favours of his friend Sempronius Atratinus. But CESAR, who was
R
7
at
1
130
MEMOIRS of the
>
at Rome, could not make the Same-Declaration without actually
difarming, or appearing to mock the Senate: all he could do was,
to imitate the ſecond part of the Farce, (for it was no better) and
profeſs himſelf a Candidate for a legal Magiſtracy. According-
ly the firſt day of Dccxx, he was formally choſen Consul, aſ-
ſumed the twelve Bundles of Rods and Axes, proceeded in ſtate
to do facrifice in the Capitol, with his obſcure Collegue Volcati-
us Tullus, an old Soldier of Julius Ceſar ; and after ſitting an hour
or ſo, in the Curule Chair, he abdicated his high Office, which
was exerciſed by L. Autronius Petus for the firſt part of the cur-
rent Year.
The Apprehenſions of an approaching Rupture with his law-
leſs Collegue, naturally produced two effects: they made him
take every method he could deviſe to gain the affections of the
Senators, and the general good-will of the Roman People; but
they turned his chief attention upon the Army; and to increaſe
and exerciſe his Troops, was the grand concern of the preſent
Conjuncture. He again marched in perſon into Dalmatia, now
a known Country, almoſt wholly ſubdued, but ſo rough and im-
practicable, that the few remaining unconquered Tribes rendered
it a good School of War for hardening the new-raiſed Legions *.
In the end of the former Campaign, he had laid ſiege to a
ſtrong Place, Setovia, which a great Body of the Natives came to
relieve. They attempted to force their way thro' the Roman Works
into the Town, and it coſt an obſtinate Struggle to repel them :
Ceſar, doing his duty as a General and a Soldier, received ſuch a
Stroke with a ſtone on his right Knee, as confined him to his
bed for many days, and made him leave his ſecond General Statilius
Taurus to carry on the War. Taurus took the fure but flow me-
thod of ſtarving the Setovians into a Surrender: they held out till
the beginning of the Spring, when Cefar, after reſigning his Con-
ſullhip of two hours, returned in haſte to Dalmatia to finiſh the
Conqueft.
* Interim CAESAR, ne res diſciplinae inimicifima, Otium, corrumperet mili-
tem, crebris in Illyrico Dalmatiaque expeditionibus, patientiâ periculorum, bel-
lique experientiâ durabat exercitum,
Vell. P. Lib. II.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
131
Conqueſt. The Setovians, hemmed in by a Chain of Winter-
Encampments, (which reſembled ſmall fortified Towns, and cut
off all communication with the neighbouring Country) were
preſſed with famine, and glad to ſubmit to Ceſar in perſon. He
had the honour to recover the Roman Enſigns loft with Gabini-
us, and to receive ſeven hundred of their nobleſt Youths, as Ho-
ſtages of the future fidelity of their Parents * After the true
Glory which he had gained in conquering ſo wide and warlike
a Country as Dalmatia, Pannonia and Illyricum, inhabited by
fierce hoſtile Nations, almoft bordering with Italy, CESAR might
have juſtly entered Rome on a triumphal Char: nor were the
Senators flow in voting that Honour to him, which they had al-
lowed to his Lieutenants the former year. Old Norbanus, who
commanded at Philippi, had triumphed from Spain, where he
had been Proconſul; and the riſing Officer (of no family, but
great perſonal Merit) Statilius Taurus, having been diſpatched,
as was told, in the ſame capacity to Africa, after the Depofiti-
on of the inſignificant Lepidus, took poffeffion of it in Cesar's
name without coming to Blows, and led a bloodleſs Triumph
out of that ravaged Country, at the ſame time that C. Soſſius had
ſolemnized his Conqueſt of fudea f. But Cesar's Thoughts
were turned upon more important matters than Show and Pa-
rade.He wiſely poſtponed his Illyrian Triumph-all he did in
that way was, from his Share of the Spoils of the conquered
Towns I to rear a noble and laſting Monument of his Magnifi-
cence; it was a QUADRUPLÉ COLONNADE, including an oblong
Square, conſiſting of a double Tire of ſtately Pillars, whoſe
Interſtices were adorned with Statues and Pictures done by the
greateſt Grecian Maſters ||.
R2
IT
ATOOTQQ Iaaugıxãr. + TABULAE CAPITOLINAE. I De MANUBIIS.
U Its vaſt Extent appears in an anonymous Deſcription of the Ruins of Rome,
written in the xı century, and publiſhed by the learned Mabillon, Tom. iv. p. 502.
of his ANALECTA. Bufalini and Bellori imagine Juno's Temple to be now
the Church of Sancta GALLA, and St. NICHOLAS to have occupied the
Temple of "Jupiter, both within the PORTICO.
132
MEMOIRS of the
ma
*
.
It was quite open below, which gave it the Name of a Por-
T100,--but the VASE above contained a large and curious Li-
brary, with retiring Rooms for private reading, public Halls for
reciting, --Schools for teaching, and all the Conveniences and
Allurements to Study, each of them more elegantly fitted up
than another. I have not been able to ſatisfy myſelf as to the
exact Dimenſions of this prodigious Edifice ; but it will aſſiſt
us to form an Idea of its Grandeur, if we figure to ourſelves fix
ſtately Buildings ſtanding in the Area of it, (three of a-ſide)
Temples, Courts, common Halls, all adorned with Paintings
like the Portico itſelf between theſe, and quite around,
were practiſed lovely Walks, ſome under Cover, ſome in the Sun,
others in the Shade, according as the Seaſons of the Year requi-
red. To do honour to his deſerving Siſter OCTAVIA,--to
comfort her under unmerited Injuries, and perhaps to ſpite her
infatuated Hufband, he called it from her Name, the OCTAVIAN
PORTICO: here, among the other Decorations, he hung up
the Enſigns of the Cohorts cut to pieces under Gabinius by the
Dalmatians, which he had newly recovered ; and that auguſt
Fabric long remained one of the chief Ornaments of the Cam-
pus Martius, in the neighbourhood of ROME.
DURING the Interval of ſuſpence, while both Parties with-
out noiſe, were carrying on the Preparations for this impending
War, nothing could be more prudent than the Behaviour of the
artful CESAR. Whether the conſtant Converſation of the Men of
diſtinguiſhed Worth and Learning, with whom he was ſurround-
ed
ROMAE opera Cephiſfodori (filii Praxitelis) ſunt Latona in Palatii delubro:
Venus, in Aſinii Pollionis monumentis ; et INTRA OCTAVIAE Porticus, in Ju-
nonis AEDE, Aeſculapius et Diana-Similiter in CURIA OCTAVIAE, quaeri-
tur de Cupidine fulmen tenente. Nec Sauron atque Batrachon obliterari con-
venit, qui fecere TEMPLA Octaviae Porticibus INCLUGA, natione ipfi Lacones.
-ad Octaviae vero Porticum Apollo Philifci Rhodii (laudatur) in DELUBRO SVO.
Ejuſdem Praxitelis eſt et CUPIDO objectus a Cicerone Verri, ille propter quem
Theſpiae vifebantur, nunc in Octaviae SCHOLIS poſitus.
C. PLIN. Lib. xxxvi. cap. V.
Court of AUGUSTU S.
133
*
ed, had really wrought a Change on the young Tyrant, or
whether he found it his Intereſt to have it ſo believed, it is cer-
tain that he put on the moſt plauſible Appearances, not only of
Lenity and Moderation, but of REPENTANCE for his former
Cruelties. he made the young CICERO, who had driven
him into the Bog at Philippi, Edile and Pretor ; he redoubled
his Careſſes to the approved Patriot M. MESSALA, who had beat
his Troops and plundered his Camp that ſame day: he had
lately ſent that great Man to command in Gaul, and humble the
SALASSI-Savoyards who neſtled among the faftneſſes of the
Alps, and defied a regular Army to curb their Robberies. It
was indeed no eaſy Talk; they were fierce, cunning, and knew
the advantages of their Situation : but being withal very cove-
tous, tho' MESSALA was forced to winter among them, and
wanted Wood both for fire, and to renew, his military Ma-
chines, and the very Weapons of the Legions, they were ſo
fooliſh as to furniſh him with both for money
In the Spring
he ſurrounded them with impregnable Camps ; -ſhut them up
in the Valley d'Aoſt, until famine made them cry
for mercy.
The Conqueſt was ſo important, being the moſt commodious
Pass from Italy into France and Spain, that Cefar afterwards ſet-
tled a favourite Colony in it of his ſuperannuated Guards, which
he therefore called Augusta PRAETORIA; —too long a Name
for the barbarous People to pronounce ; and which at the Break
of the Empire they corrupted into Aost, that now denomi-
nates the Paſſage over the Alps thro' Piedmont.
AFTER ſuch an Atchievement, the Leader who conducted it
had a good title to the honour of a Triumph : but MESSALA
was above Show and Oftentation~he acquired ſolid Glory by
refuſing that glittering Proceſſion, which many now courted and
obtained with little or no military Deſert f. At his Return,
CESAR
& See Vol. I. page 364. line 10. where read, and made MessALA when Conful.
* Αλλοι δε και ελαχίσην τινα αρχήν έχουλες, και ΕΠΙΝΙΚΙΑ διεπράττοντο σφίσι,
δι μέν παρα * Ανωνίε; οι δε δια * Καισαρος ψηφίζεο. AINN. B.6. peste
134
MEMOIRS of the
Cesar expreſſed the higheſt fatisfaction with his Conduct, and
the moſt perfect confidence in his Probity and Friendſhip; which
is the more ſtrange, that this eminent Perſon was, in modern
file, but an indifferent Courtier :-tho’ I have had the honour to
know Miniſters: under GEORGE II. who reſembled their great
Maſter, and were truly honeſt. Men. But MessALA * would dif-
Jemble in nothing, nor také a fingle
. Step in Buſineſs, which he did
not think.warranted by Law and the Practice of the Common-
wealth.
During the diſorders of Italy, foon after his Return from the
Eaſt, of his Nobility, Popularity and great Parts, made Ceſar wiſh
to intruſt him with the Government of Rome in his abſence,
and to make him Guardian of the public Peace.--accordingly
he received a Commiſſion from the Triumvir, creating him PRE-
fect of the City, and giving him the ſame Juriſdiction in Ita-
ly which a Governor had in his Province, that is, all Power mi-
litary and civil.. MESSALA was at firſt perſuaded to accept of
the Commiſſion-; but in a few days, having better conſidered the
Nature of it, he brought it back to Ceſar, and formally refign-
ed an Office, which he affirmed was not LEGAL in itſelf, nor
conſiſtent with the Constitution of Rome I. The Commiffion
was
* MESSALA CORVINUS, primus praefe&tus urbis factus, ſexto die magiſtratus
fe abdicavit, INCIVILEM poteftatem effe conteftans. EUSEB. CAEs. Chronic.
+ VOL. II. p. 241.
# If MESSALA CORVINUS would have accepted of a Temperament or Palliative,
his own perfect Knowledge of Hiſtory could not have failed to ſuggeſt, That the
Prefecture of the City was an old Magiftracy, created for the better and more de-
cent Celebration of certain folemn Feſtivals, particularly thoſe termed the LA-
TIN GAMES: and he was the loweſt Magiſtrate that had the Power of calling
arid conſulting the Senate. M. VARRO ap. Gell. Lib. XIV. But Ceſar put
all civil and military Power in his hands; to ſuppreſs Riots, quell Conſpiracies,
in a word, to ſeize and put to death whom he pleaſed. This was a new Office
under an old Appellation, which MESSALA could not digeſt: as indeed the Pre-
fecture of Rome, exerciſed by the Prefe&tus Pretorii (General of the Guards)
came in its natural courſe to ſwallow up all other Offices; and the Perſon poſſeſs-
ed of it made and unmade Emperors at his pleaſure:
Court of AUGUSTUS.
135
was then made out for MécenAȘ, who, tho' good in the main,
was not troubled with ſuch Scruples ; and who made the beſt
Apology for accepting an irregular, but neceſſary Juriſdiction,
by the mild and humane Exerciſe of it for almoſt ten Years.
THE NAME therefore of ſuch a Man as MESSALA had a
growing Virtue in it to fan&tify the Cauſe he eſpouſed; to which
if we add his perſonal Bravery, and Character as a General, that
rendered him of ſuch conſequence in the day of a deciſive Battle,
we ſhall be able to account for Cesar's not only bearing with
his inviolable Attachment to Liberty, but his courting him to
declare againſt Antony, by all the methods he could deviſe.
But let us do juſtice to this fame transformed CESAŘ, and not
aſcribe all the appearances of public Virtue which he put on at
this juncture, merely to views of Intereſt and the Neceſſity of
his Affairs ; they, no doubt, powerfully co-operated towards his
Converſion.-but I am greatly miſtaken if by this time his hard
Heart were not really touched, and his mercileſs Nature begin-
ning to melt into Humanity, if he did not wiſh to become
truly good, and to purſue falutary Meaſures from Inclination as
well as Intereſt. Messala's embarking ſo cordially in his
Cauſe, is a certain Proof that he believed fo; and I have a grand
Preſumption to produce that he was not miſtaken.
AMONG thoſe Friends of M. BRUTUS who ſurvived Philippi,
and who put themſelves either under Enobarbus', the
young
Ci-
cero's, or Meſſala's Protection, was the Hero's Companion, and
Man of Letters, STRATO, a Native of Egea, whom we mention-
ed on a mournful occaſion. He now held the fame Rank in
Meſala's Family and Friendſhip, as he had done in Brutus's :
who not contented with perpetually talking to Cefar of the ſupe-
rior Virtue of his heroic General, Marcus Brutus, one day aſked
an audience in his Cloſet; and having obtained it, he walked
in, holding Strato by the hand-whom he preſented to Cesar
with many Tears; and this is the MAN, Sır, ſaid he, who did the
lajt
ز
1
136
MEMOIRS of the
sh
laft Office to my adored BRUTUS ; -- and whoſe approved Fidelity to
his great Maſter, makes me beg leave to recommend him to your Eſteem
and Protection. Cesar mingled his Tears with Meffala's, em-
braced the brave Strato, gave him the Command of ſome Ships
of War at Astium, when his noble Behaviour fully anſwered the
Patriot's Recommendation * But this is not all.
Amid the many Scenes of Perfidy and Cruelty acted at the
horrid Proſcription, there had appeared ſome Inſtances of Duty
and Affection of Servants towards their Maſters that were ama-
zing. Among the reſt a Grecian who had ſerved in the noble
Funian Family and been enfranchiſed, took his profcribed Maſter,
and in ſpite of the Triumviral Terrors and Premiums, concealed
and provided for him till the Fury of the Maſſacre was abated.
Of this Fidelity Ceſar was certainly informed, and whether now
or not long afterwards is not of moment; but inſtead of inflicting
the Puniſhment denounced againſt the Abettors of the profcri-
bed, he ſent for the faithful Servant, T. Junius Philopemen, and,
along with a handſome Preſent, promoted him to the Dignity
of a Roman Knight, or, as we would ſay, nobilitated and made him
a Gentleman.- Join now to theſe generous Deeds, that all the
Friends of Liberty that remained in Rome, were invited by Ceſar,
I cannot properly ſay, to Court, which was not yet compleatly
formed, but to take a ſhare in the Government, and as free Ro-
mans, to enter upon the Honours of the Common-wealth ; ſuch
as C. Flavius, Publius Sextius, Antiſtitius Vetus, Pompeius Sabinus,
with many others, ſome of them the Sons of the Martyrs of
Freedom, and others who had themſelves bore Command un-
der Caſſius and Brutus ;-put theſe things together, I ſay, and it
will require a great Degree of Suſpicion not to believe him a
better Man.
I
* HAOITAPX. év Bpërų. STRATO became ſo eminent, that his Effigies
was engraved and worn in Rings like thoſe of the greateſt Romans. One of
theſe, in a Chalcedone, (a thoughtful mild Figure) was in the curious Collection
of the late Baron STÖSCH.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
137
I OBSERVED that the footing on which the Collegue-Triumvirs
had lived for ſome time was extremely precarious : while Anto-
ny kept true to Oétavia, and paſſed the fun-fhine days of his
Life, bleft in her Love at Athens, I believe their mutual Diſtruſt
was lulled aſleep; nor was there for ſome time thereafter,
while he lived with her in Italy, room for much Diffidence,
tho' Diſguſts might intervene: But no ſooner had he ſent her
back from Corfu, and diſpatched the courtly Capito into Egypt
to conduct Cleopatra to Syria, than the mutual Confidence of
the Chiefs broke, and each watched the other as a dangerous
Rival. For it cannot be too much inculcated, That nothing but
the Tye of immediate Intereſt can keep Men of no honour long
united; and that is perpetually varying: Witneſs the Treaties
and Counter Treaties, the Alliances and Guarantees entered into
and broken almoſt every year by moſt Powers in Europe, GREAT
Britain alone excepted, whoſe Liberty and Independency
ſupporting the Principles of Honour of her King, hath for many
years ſet an Example of Faith and Virtue to the World.
The Good and the Wiſe in every Country act from a ſteady
Principle that cements their Love and Friendſhip, and makes it
durable : But neither the high Familiarity in which the Trium-
virs had long lived, their gaming, debauching, murdering and
robbing together; nor the Affinity they had contracted by
double Tyes *, could beget a thorow Confidence between them.
Every new acceſſion of Strength to the one alarmed the other ;
as every Diſaſter gave a ſecret Joy. The vaſt Preparations made
by Antony for his Parthian Expeditions filled Cefar with Appre-
henſions that were only diſſipated by the accounts of his Cala-
mity or Miſcarriage.
In this ſtate of Diffidence, the important News reached Rome,
That the intended Invaſion of PARTHIA was dropt for this Year ;
and that Antony's truſty General Canidius Gallus was actually
VOL. III.
S
marching
* Ceſar's young Daughter by Scribonia was betrothed to Antyllus, Antony's
eldeſt Son.
138
MEMOIRS of the
-
marching thro' Cilicia with fixteen Legions for the Sea-Coaſt,
whence they might land in Italy before the end of Summer.
It filled Cesar with inexpreſſible Anxiety : He had no Army
that durſt look the Antonians in the face, being catched in a
mannner unprepared, as he had laid his account when Antony
had reached the Araxes, that there would be no ſudden Rupture
between them, nor conſequent military Preparations till the next
Spring. He had reaſon to be afraid : No General of his time
was ſo beloved, or rather doated on by the Soldiery as M. ANTONY.
This appeared in the height of his diſtreſs, when ſurrounded by
the Parthian Squadrons in Adiabene. He himſelf gave all for
loft ; and intended to appear to the Army which his Raſhneſs
had miſled in a mourning Habit. That his Friends oppoſed :-But
when he ſaw Fabius Gallus his Lieutenant-General brought back
with four Arrows ſticking in his Breaſt-when he ſaw three
thouſand of his beſt Men lying dead on the field, and five
thouſand carried away in their Wounds, he could no longer
contain his Tears; but went about from Tent to Tent, bewail-
ing their hard fate and his own. It was then that the ardent
Affection which his Army bore him ſhone brighteſt : The two
Legions that had given way, offered themſelves to be decimated,
or to ſubmit to any Puniſhment he ſhould be pleaſed to inflict;
ſo they might not ly under his Diſpleaſure, but have an opportu-
nity given them to expiate their Crime at the expence of the
Enemy. The Wounded, ſtruck with his condeſcenſions and
ſympathy, entreated him to keep up his Spirits-to go and
i take care of himſelf :--That if HE were well, all would be
! well; but if he ſhould fail, his Army would be undone.
The Reaſons of this inviolate Attachment are not difficult to dif-
cover : M. ANTONY was a compleat Soldier : all the brave and
bold in the heat of youth, all the patient and ſtrong in riper
years, whether addicted to Pleaſure or eager for Wealth, ranged
themſelves under his Banners : Theſe he treated in ſuch a
manner, that high and low, Officers and Soldiers, were ready
to
Court of AUGUSTUS.
139
to do or ſuffer any thing to pleaſe their beloved Leader. His
noble Birth, his majeſtic Preſence, his ſoldierly Eloquence, his
open Heart, and more open Hand--but above all, his eating,
drinking, joking and toiling as they did,--and his taking part in
their Follies as well as their Fortunes, rendered him juſt the IDOL
of bis Army. All this CESAR well knew ; and farther, that this
formidable Power was in the hands of a Man, who, when once
rouzed and put upon his mettle, perfectly knew how to uſe it.
The Chief whom Julius CESAR had entruſted with the Com-
mand of his right Wing at the Battle of Pharfalia, and who for
near fourteen years had been acquiring military Experience in
many a hazardous Campaign, muſt appear very formidable in the
height of his Skill and Authority.
At the ſame time Affairs at home were in no better poſture
than thoſe abroad. All the ITALIANs, except the lately in-
truded Veterans were greatly indiſpoſed towards Cesar, and ab-
horred the Thought of a new civil War. Rome in particular
was ſwelling with diſcontent, and ready to burſt into Sedition
and Tumults: for what with ſome great and expenſive Works
lately undertaken by Cefar, what with ſumptuous Shows for the
entertainment of the People ; but above all the Demands of his
inſatiate Army kept his Coffers low and the Treaſury empty.
To enable him therefore to make the very firſt Preparations for
ſuch an impending War, he was under a neceſſity of having
recourſe to one of the odious methods of raiſing Money that was
employed after the Proſcription, and again lay on a Land-Tax
on the Citizens, and a Poll-Tax on the Freed-men all over Italy.
The former were to pay a fourth part of their yearly Rent, that
is, five ſhillings in the Pound, and the latter, an eight of their
Capital Stock.
The civil Wars raiſed by Julius Ceſar, which had continued
raging with ſome ſhort intervals for near fifteen years, had ſwept
off the main body of the old Roman Citizens : The bulk of the
People that now inhabited Rome were infranchized Slaves and
S 2
their
:
140
MEMOIRS of the
A
their Deſcendants, who had no intereſt in the War, and who
being preffed with a cruel Tax were ready to take any the moſt
violent methods to evade it-They caballed in great Bodies, not
without the knowledge of many landed Gentlemen up and
down Italy; and at laſt fet fire to the City itſelf, in order to
throw every thing into Confuſion. The Fire was firſt ſet to the
Buildings that ſurrounded the Great Circus ; thence it raged
until the Flames catched the ancient Temple of CERES, and in-
volved the adjacent Structure conſecrated to Hope in the ſame
Conflagration. At the ſame time the Rioters' appeared in arms
in many open places of the City, and the Inſurrection might
have riſen to a dangerous head, if the Prefect of Rome, CILNIUS
Mecenas, had not exerted his unlimited Power, and ſent ſome
armed Cohorts to attack and diſperſe them. They reſiſted; and
not a little Blood was ſpilt up and down the City, eſpecially all
around the burning Circus, ere they were finally quelled.
After this their Accomplices in the other parts of Italy, who were
ready to have ſeized upon ſome ſtrong Places, and declared a-
gainſt Taxes and Ceſar, were glad to difſemble, and to pay
(tho' with great inward grudging) the heavy Rates impoſed on
their Eſtates. Had Antony landed his Legions in any port of
Italy, while the Inhabitants were in this Temper, (which his
numerous Fleet and the unprepared ſtate of his Enemy made an
eaſy Enterprize), CESAR muſt have been totally undone; and I
make no doubt has often viewed the Probability of his own
Ruin with Terror and Amazement.
But he met with relief from a quarter he little expected, and
his Fears of being attacked that year were at laſt blown over.
CLEOPATRA was ſent for to meet her Lover in his way to the
lower Coaſt, and ſhe made ſuch hafte, that by the time he had
croſſed Armenia from the Araxes, ſhe and her royal Retinue
were ready to receive him on the Cilician Border. I ſay Royal,
becauſe it ſhould ſeem ſhe had brought the Treaſures of Egypt
and the Wealth of Nations along with her. The Train of Men
and
है
Court of AUGUSTUS.
141
and Carriages neceſſary to convey theſe, beſides the infinite
Tools and Miniſters of all ſorts of Luxury that accompanied
her, could not amount to leſs than ſome thouſands of Men.
I believe ſhe never undertook a Journey with ſo much com-
placency :—not for any
Love ſhe bore to her Gallant, (for a Lady
of ſuch extenſive Pleaſure could take no tender Attachment),
but ſhe now though'therſelf in a fair way of attaining the top
of her Wiſhes, and of being nothing leſs than Mistress of the
World. To fhew therefore Antony's Captains the Spirit of
the Woman in whoſe Cauſe they were to draw their Sword,
and what they might expect from her royal Magnificence, The
invited him and his chief Officers to dine in her wondrous
Tent. It contained twelve Dining-rooms, each of which were
filled with Tables of maſſive Gold; and not only the various
Courſes were ſerved up in the ſame metal, but every Veſſel and
Inſtrument uſed at the Feaſt was of Gold, and many of them ſet
with precious Stones and adorned with curious Workmanſhip.
The Tapiſtry was of the fineſt Purple, enriched with Em-
broidery, and every thing ſo immenſely ſumptuous, that even
ANTONY was amazed at it, and could not help expreſſing his
Surprize at the fight of ſo much Magnificence. The Queen
ſmiled; and · Do you then think, Sir! this Night's Service ſo very
* extraordinary? He ſaid, he did think it very extraordinary: Well,
reply'd the Princeſs, I make you a Preſent of it entire and deſire
you and your Friends will come and dine with me to-morrow at the
* ſame hour.' The whole rich Furniture then of that prodigious
Tent was moved to Antony's Pretorium, who came next day
attended with his Grandees, in ſome ſort of ſuſpence about the
manner of their Reception. It was ſuch a Diſplay of Splendor
and Opulence as made the preceeding day's Feaſt appear a very
moderate Entertainment. But it amazed them out of meaſure,
when, in the height of their mirth, the Queen declared,
- That
7
" 늘
​142
MEMOIRS of the
• That the preſented every Gueſt with the Couch of Gold on
· which he had lain, the Table and its rich Coverings, with
* the Goblets and every Utenſil he had uſed at Dinner.' And
when the illuſtrious Company was to break up, the chief Per-
ſonages had magnificent Ghairs and Chairmen attending to carry
them home, which remained their Property, and the greater
part had Horſes richly capariſoned, with their Grooms, and every
Gueſt without exception had a Negro Boy with a Flambeau to
light him home; all freely gifted by CLEOPATRA*
AFTER this we need not wonder at what MESSALA had re-
corded in thoſe Memoirs of Philippi, Sicily and Astium, whoſe
loſs we juſtly lament, as a proof of the high pitch of Effeminacy
and Profuſion to which Antony had arrived, “That all the In-
• ſtruments in his Bed-chamber, even thoſe deſtined for the
• loweſt uſes about his Perſon, were of pure Gold-a Crime,
ſays that virtuous Roman, of which even CLEOPATRA might have
been afhamed! His natural Prodigality, that had made him a
Bankrupt before he was ſeventeen, joined to the Tides of For-
tune that had flowed upon him, and eſpecially his living ſo long
with the moſt rapacious and waſteful of Woman-kind, had wore
out the traces of Roman Manners, and thrown him into every
ſort of Licentiouſneſst. He would not, we may ſuppoſe, make bard
Marches after taking up CLEOPATRA: They advanced as their
Conveniency or Pleaſure permitted thro' the rich Aſiatic Towns
to EPHESUS, the richeſt and moſt luxurious of them all, where
not
* Των δ' ηγεμόνων, εφ' ή έκασος, κατέκείο κλίνη, και τα κυλίκια; καθώς ταϊς
τρώμνοις έμεμερισα, έκασω φέρειν επέτρεψε και κατά την άφοδον, τους μεν εν αξιώ-
μασι Φορεία συν τοϊς κομίζεσι, τοϊς πλέψοσι δε, κολαργύροις σκευαϊς κεκοσμημένες
ιππες, πάσι δε λαμληροφόρες παιδας αιθίοπας παρέςησε.
ΑΘΗΝ. Δειπνοσοφ. βιβ. Ε.
+ M. ANTONIUS, vir perdundae pecuniae deditus, vacuuſque curis niſi in-
ftantibus.
Fragm. SALLUST.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
1 43
not only the ſeveral Columns of his Army, and the Auxiliary
Forces of the Tributary Kings had been appointed to rendezvous,
but his whole Naval Strength was to be collected, conſiſting of
eight hundred Sail with their neceſſary Tenders, two hundred of
which were furniſhed by Cleopatra. Yet they did not give them-
ſelves ſo wholly up to Frolic and Feaſting, but that a very
ſerious affair was debated in Council at Epheſus.
THE noble Domitius Enobarbus had almoſt ſuch a Character
in Antony's Party as Meſſala had in Cefar's. He was much the
beſt Man that ever had been produced in that great and powerful
Family. Tho' very gracious with Antony, he ſo preſerved the
Dignity of a Roman, as never to ſalute the Queen as his Miſtreſs*,
or by any other Name than plain CLEOPATRA! This great
Perſon, ſeconded by the other Romans who underſtood the Dif-
poſition of Italy and Rome, perſuaded Antony to ſend this Egyptian
Princeſs directly home until the great Affair ſhould be decided :
a ſtep, they ſaid, which would be attended with falutary con-
fequences, as it would ſtop the Mouths of his Enemies, and
leave him more diſembarraſſed to carry on the War. ANTONY,
who quickly perceived what was for his own Intereſt, let the
Queen accordingly know, “That ſhe muſt prepare to ſet ſail for
· Alexandria, and there in ſafety wait the iſſue of the War.
She received this Meſſage as ſhe would have done a Sentence
of Baniſhment. Should her Lover be left in the hands of his
Roman Friends, eſpecially Domitius, Furnius and Cocceius, who
were all in good habits with Ceſar, She juſtly ſuppoſed they
would endeavour, as formerly, to mediate an Accommodation :
That at the ſame time the Virtue and ſuperior Charms of
OCTAVIA would be again employed to retrieve her bewitched
Huſband,
*Δεσποτις or Δεσποινα, which implies fuch a Sovereignty as a eattern Mafter
or Miſtreſs have over their Slaves, was the uſual Stile in the Fgyptian, and all
the eaſtern Courts, with which I ſuſpect Plancus, Titius, Dellius, Solius, to have
complied.
144
the
MEMOIRS of
Huſband, and bring him by the baits of honourable Pleaſure to
a due ſenſe of his true Intereſt, and the genuine bottom of his
Power Thought that put the Egyptian on the Rack, and
threw her from that fummit of Sovereignty to which ſhe had
already mounted in Imagination, upon preſumption of her Lover,
or, (as the now called him) her Huſband's never queſtioned
Victory. However, as the Meſſage came directly from the
Triumvir, ſhe did not find it proper to oppoſe it perſonally, or
give a downright denial ; but the looked among his Followers
for ſome fit Inſtrument to ward off this impending blow. At
laſt ſhe pitched upon Canidius Gallus' the ſenior General, whoſe
Services and blind Obedience had recommended him to Antony,
and whoſe Love of Money had made him obnoxious to Cleopatra.
It was not difficult for her, who had ſo great an aſcendant over
the Chief, to make intereſt among the Members of his Council,
to have the matter brought again upon the carpet. When Do-
mitius and Cocceius Nerva did not fail to infiſt and preſs the
Queen's immediate departure for Egypt, CANIDIUS then took
the counter part, and declared himſelf of a quite contrary Senti-
ment. · He thought it, in the firſt place, both unjuſt and impru-
dent to drive from them a Princeſs whoſe Treaſures and Maga-
o zines contributed more to the War than any three of the other
Auxiliary Kings; neither was it, he ſaid, by any means adviſeable
! to diſhearten the EGYPTIANS, the moſt numerous and zealous of
• their Allies, who were the Flower of their Fleet, as the fending
away their Queen would infallibly do. That if he might ſpeak bis
! mind freely, he ſaw no Prince among thoſe who had armed in
their Cauſe to whom Cleopatra was inferior in Underſtanding or
Capacity: That ſhe had given many proofs of it in the Government
of a great Kingdom and its large Dependencies for fifteen years ;
as indeed in the company and converſation of ſo great a MASTER,
she could not miſs acquiring a ſuperior Skill in the Arts of Peace
• and War, of which, he hoped, they were too wiſe to deprive
• themſelves.
THE
C
!
<
6
Court of AUGUSTU S. .
145
a
}
I
an
The-artful Canidius foon gained his point For, ſays
“ the ſuperſtitious Plutarch *, FATE had decreed that. Ceſar
66 ſhould have ALL." Cleopatra was not only allowed to
ſtay ; but the infatuated Antony, whilſt his Troops, furniſhed
by all the Kings, Princes, and Nations of the Eaſt, from Egypt
to the Euxine Sea, and from Armenia to Illyricum, were af-
ſembling; croſſed over with her to the Iſland of Samos, there
to abandon himſelf to equally ill-judged and ill-timed Rejoic-
ings. Thither all Singers, Dancers, Buffoons, Players, Mu-
ſicians, &c. were, by proclamation, commanded to repair :
nothing was minded but Feaſting and Diverſion ; ſo that whilſt
Grief, and dread of the approaching Calamities filled the reſt
of the World with Tears, Mirth and Pleaſure ſeemed to have
taken
up
their reſidence at Samos. Every City within the li-
mits of Antony's Government was ordered to ſend thither an
Ox to be ſacrificed; and the Kings who attended him vied with
each other, which ſhould make the moſt ſumptuous Enter-
tainments, and give his Favourite the greateſt Preſents. Such
was the height of their Luxury and Extravagance, that it be-
came a common Queſtion among the Spectators, What they
would do by way of Triumph after the Victory, who made fuch Re-
joicings at the Opening of the War op?
When theſe Feſtivals, which laſted ſeveral days, were over,
Antony ſent his Players to Priene, there to wait his Orders,
whilſt he himſelf proceeded to Athens, where he lived after his
uſual Manner, ſpending his whole time in Luxury and Volup-
tuouſneſs. Another object then buſied Cleopatra. „The
Honours which OCTAVIA had received in that City (for her
Virtue had raiſed the Admiration of all Greece, and juſtly
merited every Mark of the higheſt Veneration), excited the
Jealouſy of the Egyptian Queen.Senſible that the ſame
Diſtinctions could never be conferred on her for the ſame Rea-
fons, ſhe ſubſtituted in their ſtead Careſſes, and external tokens
Vol. III.
T
of
* In Anton.
+ PLUT. ibid.
+
1
146 MEMÒ IR S of the
$
}
of Favour towards the Athenians, who, always fond of Aatter-
ing the Great, decreed her, in return, Honours beyond the
Condition of Mortals, and ſent this Decree to her, at her
Houſe, by a Deputation of their Citizens ; at the Head of which
Antony, being free of Athens, officiouſly put himſelf, and
meanly harangued her, with fulſom Compliments, in the name
of the People. But he had done more than this before, at
Alexandria.
Thé Titles he had there given to her and to her Children ;
the large Provinces he had diſmembered from the Empire, in
order to augment her Dominions, and conſtitute new States for
his newly created Kings; his barbarous Treatment of the vir-
tuous Oétavia ; and his now acknowledging Cleopatra as his
Wife; were Steps which rankled the Heart of every Roman;
and of which Ostavius, perſonally provoked at ſeeing Cefario
ſet
up in oppoſition to him, as the Son and Heir of Cefar, took
every advantage to exaſperate the People againſt Antony, who,
on his fide, was not more ſparing of him.Among other
things, Letters were written by Antony, and induſtriouſly hand-
ed about, by way of Manifeſto, in which not only the Con-
duct, but the Perſon and Character of Cefar were attacked with-
out reſerve.
He repreſented him as a perfect Profligate ;
“ That having cruelly divorced his firſt Wife Scribonia, for no
« other Reaſon than her complaining of his too great Attach-
• ment to his Miſtreſs, he had torn Livia Druſilla from the
o Arms of her Huſband; and not ſatisfied with that Mixture
“ of Inſult, Lewdneſs, and Cruelty, employed his Friends in the
“ odious Office of ſtripping and inſpecting ripe Virgins and mar-
“ ried Women for his Service, as if they had been ſtanding for
o ſale in a Slave-market : nay, that in the height of his unbridled
" Paffions, he had forced a Lady of the firſt Quality out of a
• Room full of Company, in the preſence of her unhappy Huf-
“ band, and after ſome time brought her back, with her Face
" and Ears glowing, and her Hair all in diſorder. With
* what
+
$
Court of AUGUSTUS. 147
..:
;
6 what Face, ſaid he, can ſuch a Man find fault with my Love
• for Cleopatra, whom I acknowledge as my lawful Wife ?"
Antony's artfully offering, which he never intended in reality,
to abdicate the Triumvirate, as being a Magiſtracy too powerful
and abſolute in a Republican State ; was as deſigningly anſwered
by Oétavius's taking the Conſulſhip, tho' but for a few Hours
and by his declaring, at the ſame time, that he was alſo ready
to reſign the Office of Triumvir, provided his Collegue came to
Rome, and made his Reſignation in that City, the Centre of
the Empire, and of all public Authority; where alone it could
be done with ſafety to either Party, by their both laying down
their Power at one and the ſame time * This Propoſal ſeemed
very reaſonable; though Oétavius knew full well, when he
made it, that he ran no riſk of its being agreed to by his Rival,
who, even if he had been free from Cleopatra's Fetters, would
not have ventured to come to Rome, where he was ſure of be-
ing over-powered by Cefar's numerous Faction.
These Diſputes between the two Triumvirs occaſioned
long and violent Debates in the Senate; for Antony ſtill had a
conſiderable Party there, and the two Conſuls then in Office,
Domitius Enobarbus and C. Sofius, were intirely devoted to him :
but with this difference, that Domitius, having learnt by Ex-
perience the Danger of appearing zealous on ſuch Occaſions,
behaved with great Moderation and Reſerve : whereas Sofius,
who had always been attached to Antony, and enjoyed a con-
ſtant Flow of Happineſs, ſhewed all that Pride which naturally
reſults from a long Series of good Fortune." He openly
oppoſed Oétavius ; upon whoſe keeping away from the Senate,
to avoid being expoſed, Sofius would have paſſed a Decree
very hurtful to his Intereſt, if the Tribune Balbus had not
prevented it.
Ar length Oetavius, judging that his Abſence might be im-
puted to Fear or Weakneſs, and being at the ſame time un-
willing
* Liv. Epit. CXXXI.
K
T 2
$
148 MEMOIRS of the
2
willing to make uſe of Force, or to ſeem to lay any Conſtraint on
the Senate, went thither, and ſeated himſelf between the two
Conſuls; but with the Precaution of being attended by a Num-
ber of his Friends, armed with Poignards under their Robes.
There he began with a modeſt Declaration, and an artful Apo-
logy for his Conduct : after which he inveighed bitterly againſt
Antony, and Sofius, who was preſent, pretending to convict
them of ſeveral Attempts againſt him and the Republic.---He
was heard with Attention : but obſerving that this Speech was
not attended with the leaſt Mark of Approbation, he appointed
another Day, on which he ſaid he would produce ſuch Proofs,
as would ſet Antony's Deſigns in a full and proper Light. The
Conſuls, thinking it indecent for them to liſten quietly to ſuch
an Accuſation of Antony, when they durſt not well ſhew their
Refentment againſt it, left Rome privately, without waiting for
the Day appointed, and went over to Antony, accompanied by
ſeveral Senators.
Octavius, glad to get rid of all the Friends of Antony,
rather than have them remain in Italy, ready, perhaps, to ſtir
up Diſorders when he might be abſent or buſied in War, ſeized
this Opportunity to make an artful Shew of Moderation, by
publicly declaring that he had not the leaſt Intention to de-
of thoſe who wiſhed to join Antony; and that all ſuch
as choſe to follow the Example of the Confuls, were at full
liberty to depart as ſoon as they pleafed. Almoſt all the Friends
and Relations of Antony took him at his word. The noble
Pollio, who had not meddled in the leaſt with Antony's Con-
cerns ſince the Treaty of Brindiſi, where he acted as his Pleni-
potentiary, being too conſcious of his own Worth to condeſcend
to make his Court to Cleopatra, and too grave to countenance
her riotous Proceedings, remained quiet in Italy; not thinking
himſelf at all obliged to take part with Antony in the Quarrel
that was now breaking out. But at the ſame Time, judging
it would be indecent for him to carry Arms againſt his old
Friend
tain any
>
2
!
N
+
Court of AUGUSTU S.
149
Friend and Benefactor, he remained neuter: and when Oc-
tavius propoſed to him to attend him in the War, he flatly
refuſed it, ſaying, I have ſerved Antony better, perhaps, than he
has rewarded me : but as the Favours I have received at his Hands
are more known than the Services I have done him, I will therefor:
wait the Event of the War, and run the riſk of becoming the Prey
of the Conqueror *
The King of the Medes ſoon had Cauſe to repent his new
Alliance with Antony. Supported by the Roman Legionaries,
which this laſt had left him in Exchange for ſome of his Me-
dian Horſe, he gained a Victory over the Parthians, and over
his Rival Artaxias, whom they protected. But Antony, re-
calling his Troops, and not fending back thoſe he had re-
ceived in return, Artuafdes was vanquiſhed, taken Priſoner,
ſent to Alexandria, and there made away with, juſt before the
Astian War began, by Directions from Antony ; whom he had
formerly betrayed to the Parthians, and who was now afraid
he might eſcape and join Oétavius, with whom there were
ſtrong Suſpicions of his being in Correſpondence of Armenia was
thereby'reſtored to Artaxias, and Media fell under the Domi-
nion of the Parthians. Such was the End of Antony's vaſt
Projects with regard to the Upper Afa!
THOUGH both the Triumvirs were now making great Pre-
parations for War, ſome poſſibility of a Reconciliation might
perhaps ſtill remain ; when Antony, exaſperated by the Reports
of thoſe who had left Oétavius and gone over to him, and urged
to it without doubt by the haughty Cleopatra, took a Step by
which he for ever loſt the Affection of every Roman. During
his Stay at Athens, he ſolemnly divorced the virtuous OCTA-
VIA, and fent proper Officers to Rome to drive her out of his
Houſe. She obeyed without complaining, and retired to her
own
* Mea in Antonium majora merita funt, illius in me beneficia notoriora. Ita-
que diſcrimini veſtro me ſubtraham, et ero præda victoris. VELL. II. 86.
+ STRAB. Lib. XII.
150
MEMOIRS of the
..".
.
own Houſe, taking with her all his Children, except Antyllus,
his eldeſt Son by Fulvia, who was with his Father. She only
lamented her hard Fate in being looked upon as one of the
unhappy Cauſes of a civil War: but Men of Penetration well
knew that her Brother's unbounded Ambition, which, not fa-
tisfied with one half of the Roman Empire, aſpired at the
whole, was the only real Cauſe. The Romans, who were Spec-
tators of this affecting Scene, pitied her ſevere Misfortunes
and Antony's extreme Weakneſs; eſpecially ſuch of them as had
ſeen Cleopatra, who was no way preferable to Oktavia, either
for Youth or Beauty.-
. Infatuated in every reſpect, he now
loſt in Diverſions and Debaucheries with his Egyptian Enchant-
reſs, the precious Opportunity, which never more occurred, of
attacking, and probably ruining, Oétavius before he was ſuf-
ficiently prepared, when all Italy was in the utmoſt Rage, and
ready to take Arms againſt him *. But Antony's Delays gave
him time not only to allay the Ferment, but alſo to win the
People over to his ſide, and raiſe Forces nearly equal to thoſe
of his Enemy.
By divorcing Ostavia and marrying Cleopatra, Antony com-
mitted two capital Errors. -By the firſt, he irretrievably loſt
the Friendſhip of his Collegue, which it appears by his Let-
ters he thought might be ſtill kept up: and by the ſecond, he
entirely forfeited the good Opinion of the Romans; who, tho'
they allowed their Great Men as many foreign Miſtreſſes as
they pleaſed, looked upon his marrying the Queen, and giving
her the Rights of a Wife, as a proof of a total Alienation, and
that he was, in his Heart, no longer a Roman. Beſides which he
manifeſtly tranſgreſſed a plain Law, that defined legal Matrimony
to be only between a Roman Man and a Roman Woman of,
and
* P. 140.
+ Legitimæ funt Nuptiæ, fi Romanus Romanam nuptiis intervenientibus, vel
conſenſu ducat Uxorem.
CAII INSTIT. Lib. I. Tit. IV. De MATRIMON.
.
Court of AUGUSTU S. 151
and forbid it with Foreigners or Slaves *; in the fame manner
as it is prohibited in the Jewiſh Law of.
DURING Antony's Stay at Athens, many of his Friends, be-
ing ill uſed by Cleopatra for oppoſing her Deſign of attending
him in the War, forſook him, and went over to Octavius : in
particular, two of his Privados (as the Spaniards call Favour-
ites), PLANCUS, the Uncle, and Titius the Nephew, left
him. This was an Acquiſition of great conſequence to Ce-
far.-PLANCUS whoſe Character has been already touched on
was, for ſome time, one of Cleopatra's Sycophants, and privy
to all Antony's Intrigues ; debaſing himſelf to the meaneſt Em-
ployments about him, even to the writing of his Love-Letters
to the Queen and to other Women. Though he had been
Conful, Commander in Chief of an Army, and Governor of a
Province, he was not aſhamed to appear at the Egyptian Court
ámong common Actors, Buffoons, and Stage-Players; Wretches,
whoſe Birth was as mean as their Profeſſion. At a public En-
tertainment, to curry favour with the Queen, he took upon
him to perſonate Glaucus ; and having painted his Body green,
danced quite naked on the public Stage, upon his Knees, with
a Crown of Reeds upon his Head, and trailing behind him
the tail of a huge Filh. This Behaviour, ſo unbecoming a
Man of his Age and Quality, made him appear contemptible
even in the Eyes of the Egyptians. This Contempt, together
with Antony's reproaching him with ſome Extortions he had
been guilty of, and for which he was under apprehenſions of
being puniſhed, made him take the firſt Opportunity to go
1
1
over
* Cum Peregrinis et Servis Connubium ne eſto.
Ibid.
+ Exod. C. XXXIV. v. 16. compared with I. Kings, C. XI. v. 2. would
induce one to think that this Law was not univerſal againſt all Foreigners, but le-
velled againſt the neighbouring Nations, the Ammonites and Moabites, who did
not meet Iſrael in their Journey. How elſe could MosEs marry firſt an Arab, and
then an Æthiopian, or Moor, if, as ſome think, they were different perſons ?
I Vol. II. p. 85.
152
MEMOIRS of the
over to Oktavius. Such, ſays Velleius *, (who had an oppor-
tunity of knowing Plancus extremely well, and who paints very
naturally) and not Love of the Public, nor Eſteem of the beſt
Party, were the Motives which determined him to leave An-
tony.
Nor is it difficult to reconcile this Account with
that of Plutarch to ; for it is not at all improbable that Plan-
cus might adviſe ſending away Cleopatra from the War, and
that Antony's Anger on that account might burſt out into thoſe
Reproaches, which were but too well founded.
-Titius,
the Nephew, lies under a heavy Suſpicion of Ingratitude to a
Benefactor, S. Pompey, who had faved his Life, and whom
he, it was thought without order, put to Death in return. Hc
was of a fačtious Family. His Grandfather, by profeſſing to
tread in the Steps of Saturninus, the furious Tribune, and ſet-
ting his Picture in the moſt conſpicuous part of his Houſe,
gained ſuch Popularity, as to dare to promulgate an Agrarian
Law, which required all the Eloquence of C. Antony, (the
greateſt Orator in Rome) and weight of the Conſular Power, to
ſuppreſs.--His Father, M. Titius, bred under Julius Cefar, had
gone through, as one of his Captains, all the Scenes of Iniquity,
Rapine, and Murder, that neceſſarily happened in the Den
ſtruction of Liberty, and making way for a lawleſs Uſurpation.
The firſt Account we hear of this Youth is as Lieutenant to
the flagitious Dolabella ; then as the Tribuue who preferred the
mock-Law authorizing the Triumvirate. After this, he en-
tered into Ceſar's Service, where, being taken priſoner by Me-
nodore in the Sicilian War, he was carried to S. Pompey, who
gave him his Life, and uſed him as a Friend. He returned to
Rome upon the Peace of Miſeno, and followed the profuſe and
debauched Antony's Fortunes in Aſia, where he became his
Lieutenant-General. In that Capacity he is faid to have per-
petrated the unbidden Murder of Sextus Pompey. At leaſt it
was certainly believed to have been ſo, at Rome ; for the Odium
lay
* Lib. II. §. 83.
+ In Anton.
1
Mag
Court of AUGUSTUS. 153
#-
4
lay ſo flagrant upon him, that having by Extortion and chang-
ing Maſters accumulated ſo much Wealth, as to be able to give
Shews to the People, he was hiſſed and hooted out of one of
them by the Spectators, who could not contain their In-
dignation at its being exhibited in the Theatre built by Pom-
pey the Great. Yet, as one acquainted with the Eaſtern
Provinces, he was again made Prefect of Syria by CESAR, and
had the honour to hold a Congreſs with Phraates, the Parthian
Tyrant; and in Cefar's Name to receive the Eagles and En-
ſigns taken from M. Craſſus, along with the King's own Sons,
as Hoſtages in appearance, but in reality to ſcreen them from
the Vengeance due to their Father's Cruelties.
· It is not impoſſible but this may have been the daring Pin-
daric Poet mentioned by Horace in a paffing Compliment, and
perhaps criticized by him in the inimitable Ode addreſſed to
M. Antony's youngeſt Son by Fulvia-But as the Titian Fa-
mily was numerous, I ſhould rather imagine the Poet to have
been a Grand-fon of the famed natural Orator, C. Titius,
whom Cicero declares to have arrived at as great a pitch of Elo-
quence, as it was poſſible for a Roman to attain without the
Grecian Culture and much Study. His Speeches were ſo full
of Wit, of pretty Tales, and Pleaſantry, that they ſeemed to
have dropped from an Attic Pen. He tranſplanted that ſame
Wit into ſome Tragedies which he publiſhed, and ſhewed great
Acuteneſs--but marred the Majeſty of the Buſkin.
The Tribune, of whom I am ſpeaking, was a ſharp loqua-
cious Fellow, but diffolute in his Manners and Deportment.
His Geſture and Action, in defending Cauſes, was ſo much
marked with theſe effeminate Motions, that the Managers of
the Theatre contrived a lewd ſort of a Dance, which they
termed Titius* -and one Day when he was lamenting his
Fate, to tell Truth and never be believed, like Caſſandra-
· Tis true, ſaid the witty Conſul, You are a Caſſandra ; and I
Vol. III.
U
6 could
:
* Cic. in BRUTO.
154
MEMOIRS of the
>
could name a good many Oilean Ajaxes, who have taken
you
« Priſoner *.'
WHATEVER may have been the real Cauſe that made theſe
two Men, Plancus and Titius, leave Antony, Oétavius, without
troubling himſelf about that, received them with great Demon-
ftrations of Friendſhip and Affection; and they, according to the
uſual Practice of Deſerters, who, to juſtify their own Conduct,
never fail to blame the Party they have left, railed violently in the
Senate againſt Antony, and laid a thouſand atrocious things to
his Charge. Plancus, in particular, accuſed him of ſo many
Crimes, and with ſuch extreme Bitterneſs and Venom, that
Coponius, an ancient Pretor, could not help reprimanding him
ſeverely, by ſaying to him, This Antony muſt certainly have be-
come a very bad Man the Evening before you left him t.
OCTAVIUS liſtened to theſe Accuſations with great Satisfac-
and Cluvius, one of his Partizans, ſeconding what had
been ſaid, urged many new ones, all of which ſprung from An-
tony's mad Paſſion for Cleopatra. He alledged, among other
things, that he had given her the noble Library of Pergamus,
conſiſting of two hundred thouſand Volumes; that he had ſuf-
fered the Athenians to ſalute her, in his preſence, by the Titles
of Queen and Miſtreſs ; that frequently whilſt he was giving
Audience to Kings and Princes, he received Love-Letters from
her, which he read before them; that one Day, when Furnius,
a Perſon of conſiderable Rank, and the moſt eloquent among
the Romans, was pleading before him, Cleopatra happening to
appear, croſſing the Forum in a Litter, Antony left the Aſſembly
to follow her; and laying his Hand upon the Litter, went with
her. Theſe Reproaches would, perhaps, be thought trifling
now-a-days ; but they were judged to be ſo ſerious among the
Romans, that it was not by attempting to extenuate, but by de-
nying
tion ;
5
* Cic. de ORAT.
+ Multa, mehercle, fecit Antonius pridie quam tu illum relinqueres.
VELL. II. 33
Court of AUGUSTUS. 155
t
&
nying them, that ſuch of Antony's Friends as ſtill remained at
Rome undertook to excuſe him.
But nothing pleaſed Ostavius better, or gave him more oc-
caſion of Triumph, than Antony's Will, the Purport of which,
highly injurious and diſhonourable to the Roman People, he
was informed of by Titius and Plancus, who had ſigned it as
Witneſſes. This Will was lodged with the Veſtals, who, up-
on Oétavius's demanding it, anſwered, That they could not de-
liver it up without a facrilegious Breach of the Truſt repoſed
in them ;* but that Oétavius might, if he thought fit, come
and ſeize it himſelf. He did ſo; and after having read it over
in private, and marked thoſe Places which he thought moſt
for his Purpoſe, he read it in full Senate, and then before all
the People.
-Antony therein declared, that Cefario, Ceſar's
Son by Cleopatra, was born in lawful Wedlock, and therefore
was the true Heir of Julius Cefar: and that he himſelf was
married to Cleopatra ; to whom, and to her Children, he be-
queathed enormous Gifts, not of Money or Jewels only, but of
whole Kingdoms and Provinces of the Roman Empire : and,
which ſhocked the Romans moſt of all, he ordered that his
Body, wherever he ſhould die, even tho' at Rome, ſhould be
ſent into Egypt, to Cleopatra, there to be buried as ſhe ſhould
direct.
OCTAVIUS, tho' in reality more piqued at the firſt of theſe
Articles, which tended to diſpoſſeſs him of the Inheritance he
held only as the adopted Son of the Dictator, artfully laid the
greateſt Streſs upon the laſt, as the moſt intereſting to all the
Romans; to whom, ſaid he, the greateſt of Indignities was of-
fered by the Directions therein given for Antony's Burial, and
who were to be robbed of their fineſt Provinces, to enrich a fo-
reign Princeſs, a declared Enemy to Rome.---Theſe Facts, in-
diſputably proved from an authentic Inſtrument, eſtranged from
Antony the Minds of many, who had, till then, pleaded his Cauſe
with great Zeal: and even at this time ſome of his Friends
boldly
U 2
156 MEMOIRS of the
boldly declared, that they thought it an extraordinary and un-
precedented way of Proceeding, to puniſh a man in his Life-
time for what was not to be put in Execution till after his .
Death.
ANTONY's Friends, obſerving how much the People began
to be diſguſted at him, had recourſe to Prayers and Intreaties
to them; and in the mean time ſent Geminius, one of the
Party, to make a laſt Effort with him, and let him know,
that, unleſs he altered his Conduct, he was in Danger of be-
ing deprived of the Office of Conſul, to which he had been
named for the enſuing Year, of being ſtripped of all his Go-
vernments, and declared a public Enemy. Geminius's Arrival
alarmed Cleopatra, who, looking upon him as a Spy ſent by
Ottavia, did all that lay in her Power to diſoblige him, af-
fronting him perpetually, and placing him always at the loweſt
End of the Table, where he was made the conſtant Butt of her
inſulting Rallery. Geminius bore it all with great Patience, in
hopes of finding, at length, an Opportunity of talking with An-
tony in private. But at laſt being called upon, in the middle
of a numerous Feaſt, to declare what had brought him to
Athens ; The Buſineſs I come upon, ſaid he, is not of a nature to
be talked of over a Bottle: one Thing, however, I am charged by
your Friends to tell you, which you may bear as well drunk as ſober:
Your Affairs will bear a much better Face, if you ſend Cleopatra:
back to Egypt * Antony was in a Paſſion ; but Cleopatra, with
an affected Coolneſs and a malicious Sneer, anſwered, You have
done very wiſely, Geminius, to tell us this important Secret before
it was extorted from you on the Rack! A few Days after, Gemi-
nius, dreading the Effects of Cleopatra's Anger, made his eſcape,
and returned to Rome, whither he was followed by many of
Antony's Friends, no longer able to bear the ill Uſage they re-
ceived from the imperious Queen. Among theſe, Plutarch
mentions particularly M. Silanus, who was afterwards Ostavi-
us's
* Plut. in Anton.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
157
us's Collegue in the Conſulſhip; and 2. Dellius, (Antony's firſt
courtly Ambaſſador to Cleopatra) whom he calls the Hiſtorian,
but who is better known by the Title which Meſſala gave him,
of the Vaulter for of the civil Wars, becauſe he had left Dola-
bella for Cafíus, Caffus for Antony, and now Antony for Octavius.
Seneca the Father quotes ſeveral very gallant Letters of his
writing to Cleopatra.- Towards the latter End of the time that
he was with Antony he diſpleaſed the Egyptian Queen, by ſaying
at an Entertainment, where the Wine was not to his mind, that
Antony's Friends were ſerved with Vinegar, while Sarmentus,
(one of Cefar's Buffoons, mentioned by Horace I,) drank no-
thing but Falernum at Rome. CLEOPATRA was ſo offended at
this Joke, that ſhe ordered DELLIUS to be privately murdered :
but he, being informed of her Deſign by one Glaucus, her
Phyſician ||, ſaved himſelf by Flight. This, at leaſt, is what
he ſaid ; perhaps to excuſe his Perfidy.
ROME
+ DESULTOR ** bellorum civilium.
Sen.Suafor. I.
** A Metaphor taken from an Exerciſe in Horſemanſhip, long diſuſed, but
Tately revived by the famous Mr. JOHNSON, particularly in the environs of Lon-
don.The Rider uſed to take four or fix Horſes, according to his ſtrength, and,
at full gallop, in a Ring, jump from Horſe to Horſe till he had rode them all.
Mithridates King of Pontus uled to drive eight, ſome ſay twelve, courſers in this
manner. - This Rider was called Deſultor ; the Epithet wittily given by Mef-
ſala to Dellius, and ſo happily applied, that it ſtuck to him for ever.And here
we cannot but obſerve in juſtice to our modern Deſultor, Mr. Johnſon, whom
we could not miſs this fair Opportunity of introducing, that if he has not yet.
equalled the Monarch of Pontus by riding ſo great a number of Horſes ; he ſeems,
if we are rightly informed, to have furpaſſed him in the ſuperior Dexterity of rid-
ing upon his Head.
I. Lib. I. Sat. 5. where the Poet gives a deſcription of a Combat between
him and another Buffoon called Cicerrus. He was one of thoſe Youths whom the
Romans called Delicia, Mignions.
ll Beſides Glaucus, Cleopatra had another Phyſician, named DIOSCORIDES, a:
Native of Anazarbus, who got the Epithet of Diofcorides pards from the multi-
tude of Wens on his face. He wrote twenty-two Volumes, all on medicinal
Subjects, and greatly eſteemed.
SUIDAS in Nom.
:
1
158 MEMOIRS of the
dhe
tt
30
ROME ecchoed with Complaints and Reproaches againſt
Antony. His old Adverſaries, as well as thoſe who had lately
deſerted his Party, all joined in condemning him ; and his own
Conduct was ſtill more hurtful to him than all the Speeches
that were made to his Diſadvantage. A Slave to Cleopatra, he
ſeemed to have no other Will than that of his Queen, who
had the aſſurance to promiſe herſelf the Empire of Rome ; and
who, when ſhe wanted to confirm a thing by Oath, ſwore by
the Laws ſhe would dictate in the Capitol to the whole Uni-
verſe. She had already a Roman Guard, the Soldiers of which
had her Name engraved upon their bucklers.This gave
Oetavius ample Foundation to make the Romans fear that An-
TONY, in caſe he remained Conqueror, would ſubject them to
CLEOPATRA, and transfer the Seat of the Empire from Rome
to Alexandria.-Antony ſeemed intirely to have forgot that he
was a Roman. He had now quite laid aſide not only the
Manners and Maxims, but even the Dreſs of his Country;
frequently appearing upon a Throne of Gold, clothed like an
eaſtern Prince, glittering with Purple and precious Stones, a
Median Sabre by his ſide, a golden Sceptre in his hand, and,
if we may believe Florus, a Diadem upon his head. He had
aboliſhed the Uſe of the old Name of Pretorium, which figni-
fied, with the Romans, the Tent and Apartment of the Ge-
neral in Camp, or the Habitation of the ſupreme Magiſtrate
in the Provinces, and ſubſtituted in its ſtead BALIAEION, a royal
Tent or Habitation ; as if he had yielded the Pre-eminence
and Right of Command to Cleopatra. In ſhort, in the ſame
manner as Cleopatra gave herſelf out for the new Isis, and af-
fumed to herſelf the Attributes of that Goddeſs, in the Pic-
tures and Statues that were made for her; fo Antony would be
painted, or repreſented in Braſs or Marble, at her ſide, with
the Symbols which characteriſed Osiris.
Antony, as if he had induſtriouſly ſtudied to render him-
felf odious to the Romans, at laſt completed his Ruin. Deta-
vius
3
Court of
159
of AUGUSTUS.
3.
vius obtained a Decree, depriving him of the Conſulſhip he
was to have enjoyed the following Year, and of all Command
in the Commonwealth, which he had already given up to a
Woman.---With his uſual Policy, he would not ſuffer him to
be declared a public Enemy; either becauſe he durſt not carry
matters to that Extremity, on account of the Friends which
Antony had ſtill at Rome ; or to keep up to that Syſtem of Mo-
deration which he had preſcribed to himſelf ever ſince his Vic-
tory over Sextus Pompey.----If Antony had been declared an
Enemy to the Public, all thoſe that were attached to him,
among whom were ſeveral Perſons of Diſtinction, would have
been involved in the ſame Condemnation.----But Oétavius was
ſo far from wanting to loſe them, that he was glad, on the
contrary, to leave them an Opening to come over to him.
In conſequence of this Syſtem, all things being ready, WAR
was declared only againſt CLEOPATRA, The Proclamation
was made with all the uſual Ceremonies, and the Romans put
on their military Garb, as for an imminent Danger, which
greatly intereſted the Safety of the Republic..----OCTAVIUS
then made a Speech to the People, in which he told them,
That ANTONY, enchanted by a Sorcereſs, was no more him-
ſelf; the Drugs and Philtres adminiſtered to him by Cleopatra,
having deprived him of his Reaſon: ſo that the chief Conduc-
tors of the War againſt them would be. Mardion, the Eunuch,
and Pothinus; Cleopatra's Tire-woman Iras, and her Maid
Charmion*, who were already become Antony's Counſellors, and
Prime Miniſters of State:
THIS
6
* Επει δε παρεσκείας ο Καϊζερ ικανώς, ψηφίζεται Κλεοπάτρα πολεμείν, αφελέσθαι δε της αρχής
Αντώνιον ής εξήςη γυναικία και προσεϊπε Καϊζας 'Ως Αντώνιο» μεν υπό φαρμάκων ουδ' εαυτέ κρατούη ;
πολεμάσι δε αυτούς Μαρδίων και ΑνύχG- και ποθεινός και Ειρας η Κλεοπάτρας κουρεύτρια και Κάρμιων υφ
αν τα μέγιστα δικείται της Γεμονίας. .
ΠΛΟΥΤΑΡΚ. Αντώνιο».
Theſe Maids of Honour ſeem to have been Syrians. BOCHART, from Tzetzes,
(Chil. 6. Hift. 44.) obferves that ’Espres ſhould be wrote Lasipa or Tasipee, coming
from
}
160
MEMOIRS of the
This Shew of Moderation in favour of Antony, who was
not once mentioned in the Declaration of War of, tended only to
render him contemptible, and at the ſame time more reproach-
able and odious; ſince, without being perſonally attacked, he
was now to fight againſt his Country and Fellow-Citizens, for a
ſtrange Woman. He ſaw through his Enemy's deſign, was
exceſſively provoked at it, demanded a new Oath, and ſwore
ſolemnly at the head of his Army, that he never would make
either Peace or even a Truce with Oétavius. He added, but
without any real Intention to perform his promiſe, that he
would abdicate the Triumvirate within two Months after the
Victory.--His Soldiers preſſed him to take fix, which, with
much ſeeming Reluctance, he at length agreed to.--Ostavius,
on his ſide, engaged all Italy, by Oath, to ſerve him in the
War againſt Antony. Only the City of Bologna, which had
always been under the Protection of Antony's Family, aſked
and obtained leave not to enter into this League againſt its
Patron.
· The whole of this Year, the ſecond peaceable one that Rome
had enjoyed ſince the Ending of the Sicilian War, paſſed in
formidable Preparations between the two rival Triumvirs,
without any actual Hoſtilities committed on either ſide. But
juſt before the Sword determined their reſpective Claims, whilſt
their Fleets and Armies were formed, and almoſt ready to en-
gage,
from Taïr a Bird; and Xapurwv, Xapurar or Xapusēm, from na Charm a Vine, and
NJY Juno, a Dove, of the Species called 'Oivas Vinago: he might eaſily have added,
That the Eunuch Mardion was of the ſame Nation, and had a Name very much
befitting his Station, from the Chaldee oto Marat or Marad, to ſhave, make
bald, to ſmooth and poliſh. The Girls Names would certainly be abbreviated at
Court; and if they were to be tranſlated, we ſhould call the one Miſs Bird, the
other Miſs Dove ; and the two Gentlemen, Mr. Smooth, and Mr. Lovely.
Theſe Names give us a ſmall Taſte of the Strain and Manner of that luxurious
Court. The laſt Name is Greek, from IlodQ, Love, Deſire.
+ Horace has imitated the Reſerve of his Patron in this point, by not fo
inuch as once mentioning the Name of Antony in the many Lines he has written
upon this War.---VIRGIL has been leſs circumſpect.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 161
...
gage, a paper War broke out between the two Generals,
who wrote very ſharp and reflecting Letters to each other. Oc-
tavius reproached Antony with the Prodigality of his Entertain-
ments, and his Intrigues with Cleopatra Antony, on the other
hand, reminded Oétavius of his famous Banquet of the twelve
Gods (a Scene, it muſt be owned, far more fcandalous than
any thing that Antony had ever been guilty of), and of his
many
other notorious Acts of Lewdneſs; to which he added
the Charge of Cowardice, founded on his Behaviour in all the
Battles at which he had been preſent. The young Cefar,
nettled at this laſt Accuſation, anſwered, That it was child-
iſh to fight any longer with the Pen; but that if he would
ap-
proach at the Head of his Army, he ſhould be ſuffered to land
in Italy without Moleſtation, that his Fleet ſhould have ſafe
Ports, and his Land-Forces Ground enough to encamp on,
and put themſelves in Order of Battle. In Return to theſe
Bravadoes, Antony, though much the oldeſt of the two, chal-
lenged his Rival to a ſingle Combat ; and ſent him word, That
if he declined the Challenge, he was ready to meet him at the
head of his Army in the Plains of Pharſalia, where Ceſar and
Pompey had formerly decided their Quarrel.
In the mean while, Oétavius made the moſt of the time,
which the ill-judged Delays of his Adverſary afforded him, to
ſtrengthen his Fleet and Army, and guard againſt the Commo-
tions which his Abſence might occaſion in Italy. He had the
more reaſon to be afraid of theſe, as he knew that Antony,
whom the opulent Countries of Aſia and the Eaſt furniſhed
with immenſe Riches, had ſent conſiderable Sums to Italy, and
even to Rome itſelf, in order to re-animate the Courage of his
old Friends, and, if poſſible, gain him new ones. This de-
termined OEtavius to diſtribute a Donative to his Soldiers, to
ſtrengthen their Fidelity againſt any Attempts that might be
made to corrupt them; and, at the ſame time, he placed
Troops in ſuch Places as he ſuſpected, or were expoſed to the
Vol. III.
X
In-
162 MEMOIRS of the
$
t
Inſults of the Enemy. His Fleet and Army were aſſembled at
Brindiſi, and towards Autumn Antony arrived at the Iſland of
Corcyra, where he again miſſed a fair Opportunity of greatly
annoying his hitherto not well prepared Enemy : for ſome of
Cefar's Veſſels, fent out only for Intelligence, appearing upon
the neighbouring Coaſt, he imagined that Oétavius's whole
Fleet was at Sea, and thereupon retired towards Peloponneſus,
put his Troops in Winter-Quarters, and ſpent that Seaſon him-
ſelf at Patras.
Such was the Situation of Affairs when O&avius took poſ-
ſeſſion of his third Conſulate*, having for his Collegue the
great MESSALA, who was ſubſtituted in the Room of Antony.
In the Beginning of the Spring, the Armies began to move,
and the Seas to be covered with the gathering Fleets. ANTO-
NY's Preparations were great and fplendid, ſuitable to the Power
of the Man who poſſeſſed the largeſt and richeſt Half of the
Roman Empire. He had upwards of an hundred thouſand
Foot, and twelve thouſand of the very beſt Cavalry, under his
Command, beſides the additional Aſſiſtance of ſeveral auxiliary
Kings, who brought him their choiceſt Troops, more in Num-
ber than he found afterwards he had any uſe for. Among
theſe were Tarcondemus King of Upper Cilicia, and his Son Phi-
lopater, Rhymetalces the Thracian, Mithridates of Commagene,
Deiotarus the Galatian, ſurnamed Philadelphus, Bocchus, or Bo-
gud, King of Mauritania, Jamblicus the Arab, and the bold
Amyntas King of Pamphylia and Lycaonia. Theſe, with Ar-
chelaus of Cappadocia, who owed his Greatneſs to Antony and
his Mother, came all in Perſon to aſſiſt the Man of whom they
held their Crowns and Kingdoms; beſides Polemo, who, from
a private Man, had deſerved the Royalty of Pontus. Herod
the Jew, of the ſame Character, and another Arabian Prince,
Malchus, not daring to leave their own Provinces, ſent Men
and Money to Antony. Herod ſent him what Troops he could
ſpare,
* A. U. DCCXXI.
>
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. 163
{pare, and twelve thouſand five hundred Buſhels of Corn : and
Cleopatra, as in truth ſhe had moſt Intereſt in the Undertaking,
furniſhed two hundred Ships, three hundred and ninety-ſeven
thouſand five hundred Pounds (dopúpie Taharra) in Money, for the
Payment of the Troops, and Proviſions for the whole. War.
The Athenians too were very zealous on his ſide. His long Stay
among them, and their Diſlike to the Name of Cefar, attached
them to Antony, who had ſeveral of the old ſtaunch Pompeians
in his Camp; among whom were Caſſius of Parma, and Domi-
tius Enobarbus.
CLEOPATRA's Alliance was of more conſequence, and the
Weight The threw into Antony's Scale much greater than is
commonly attended to. The Miſchief ſhe did in the Courſe
of the grand. Tranſaction, has obliterated her otherwiſe pow-
erful Afliſtance.--It is true, her Troops were of no great Sig-
nificancy; being of ſuch a Character as the Pope's Guards, or
our City trained-Bands. But her Marine chiefly failed the
Fleet;. The repleniſhed the military Cheſt with her Treaſures,
and cloathed the Legions with her Manufactures. Nor was
the Counſel of fo ſuperior a Genius as Cleopatra to be underva-
lued, as appeared by her amazing Projects, and the maſterly
Methods ſhe took to obtain her own Ends. It is allowed that
her Pride, her Inſolence, her Lewdneſs, and other unbridled
Paſſions, frequently defeated the Effects of her great Under-
ſtanding : but had the been joined with another Leader than a
beſotted obſequious Lover, who would have checked the Exor-
bitances, and improved the Advantages of her Alliance, it
might have proved ſuch an Addition of Power and Stratagem,
as might have determined the Fate of the War.
Octavius's Forces were aſſembled at Brindiſi and Tarentum,
and with them all ſuch as were moſt diſtinguiſhed, and had
the greateſt Influence among the Orders of Senators and
Knights. He purpoſed to employ the Knights in actual Ser-
vice, and to ſecure the Fidelity of the Senators, by keeping
X2
ſeveral
164 MEMOIRS of the
9
ſeveral of them about his Perſon. At the ſame time he was
glad to Thew openly to the whole World, that the Chiefs and
Body of the Roman Empire were unanimouſly intereſted in
Support of his Cauſe.He had no foreign Princes in his Ar-
my; which amounted only to eighty thouſand Foot, but was as
ſtrong in Cavalry as the Enemy's :--nor had he more than two
hundred and fifty Ships; which were much ſmaller than thoſe
of Antony, but better built, more nimble, and far better man-
ned with Sailors and Rowers, who underſtood how to work
them perfectly well : whereas the large Hulks of which An-
tony's Fleet conſiſted, ſeemed built merely for Shew and often-
tation, were half empty, and had neither Pilots nor Mariners,
but Men who had been forced into the Service, many of whom
had never ſo much as ſeen the Sea ; ſuch as Huſbandmen, Carri-
ers, and even Boys preſſed in Greece, which had been exhauſted
long before: nor could a ſufficient Number be foundeven of theſe.
Every part of the Roman Empire was now in motion.
Antony's Dominions reached from the Euphrates and Armenia as
far as the Ionian Sea ; and to theſe vaſt Regions muſt be added
Egypt and Cyrenaica. Ostavius had on his fide Africa, from the
Diſtrict of Cyrene, as far as the Great Sea, Spain, Gaul, Illyri-
cum, Italy, and the Iſlands of Sicily and Sardinia. But Italy
did not ſupply him with Forces only :-it was alſo a great Sup-
port, and a very advantageous Ornament to his Party, as Vir-
gil expreſſes it, when, deſcribing the Battle of Aetium, ſo
much celebrated by the Poets of thoſe Days *, he repreſents,
on one side, Ostavius + (who had obtained the Title of AU-
GUSTUS
* HORACE, Epod. IX. OVID, Metamorph. Lib. XV. and Propert. Lib.
IV, Eleg. 6.
+ Hinc Auguſtus agens Italos in proelia Cæſar,
Cum Patribus Populoque, Penatibus et magnis Dîs.
Hinc ope barbaricâ variisque Antonius armis.
Victor ab Auroræ populis et littore rubro,
Ægyptum, viresque Orientis, et ultima fecum
Bactra vehit; fequiturque, nefas ! Ægyptia conjux.
VIRG, Æn. Lib. VIII.
--
Court of AUGUSTUS. 165
GUSTUS at the time when the Poet wrote this) leading
Italy to the Fight, accompanied by the Senate and People, the
Houſhold Gods of Rome, and the tutelar Deities of the Empire ;
and, on the other, Antony dragging after him a Train of motely
armed barbarous Nations, Egypt, the Eaſt, Bačtria, and, to
complete the Ignominy, an Egyptian Wife, who followed, or
rather commanded him.
OCTAVIUS, in embarking his Troops, took particular Care
to imitate the wife Example of his great Uncle Julius, in not
ſuffering his Ships to be loaded with uſeleſs Hands, or ſuper-
fluous Stores; but carefully regulated the Number of Slaves
each Officer or Senator was to take with him, and the Quan-
tity of Proviſions.
When every thing was ready for the general Departure, he
detached Agrippa with a numerous Squadron to harraſs the
Enemy. That brave Commander acquitted himſelf ſucceſsfully
of his Commiſſion : he made Deſcents on ſeveral Parts of
Greece, took ſome Towns, and among others Methona, now
Modon ; in the Defence of which Bocchus, King of Mauritania,
loſt his Life. But the moſt important Exploit of Agrippa, in
this Expedition, was his ſeizing a large Convoy of Proviſions
and military Stores, which was coming to Antony from Syria
and Egypt.
After this happy Opening of the Campaign,
Agrippa rejoined Oétavius, who thereupon ſet ſail with all his
Forces, and landed his Troops at the Aceraunian or Thunder-
Hills, now called the Mountains of Chimera, with Orders to
march along the Coaſt as far as the Ambracian Bay, now the
Gulph of Larta, about fixty Miles on this ſide of the Gulph
of Lepanto, where the naval Power of the Turks was broken
in MDLXXI.--He then took poſſeſſion of Corfica, which
the Enemy had abandoned, and ſoon after failed himſelf with
his Fleet towards the Bay of Ambracia.—This Bay, which is
full of good Ports, is ſafe from all Storms, and the Country on
each Side is very fruitful. Two Necks of Land, the Souther-
moſt
3
concen
166 MEMOIRS of the
1
moſt called the Promontory of Astium, on which ſtood the
City of that Name, and the Temple of the Asian Apollo ; and
the other, now called Cape Figalo, remarkable for the Town
of Nicopolis, now Preveza, built there by Ostavius, in Me-
mory of his Victory, form this Bay, the Entrance of which is
about a Mile over.
ANTONY's, or rather the Egyptian Fleet lay at anchor before
Aftium, where his Army was alſo encamped, near his Ships,
when Octavius, croſſing the Ionian Sea, ſuddenly ſeized
upon
a little Fort and Harbour in Epirus, called Toryne ; which ſe-
cured him a Retreat on the Eaſtern Coaſt, in caſe of Need, and
proved of great Advantage to him for watering his own Fleet,
and harraſſing Antony's, as it commanded the North Bar of the
Bay. The next Morning, as ſoon as it was light, he appeared
off Aetium with his Ships in Order of Battle; and, in his turn,
miſſed an opportunity of ruining his Enemy. Antony's Men
were already ſo diſcouraged by Cefar's taking Toryne, that it was
with Difficulty he, and Cleopatra, who affected to make a Joke
of the Loſs of that Place, kept them from mutinying; eſpe-
cially as a great Number of his Land-Forces, and particularly
the Legions under Canidius, were not yet arrived, and, at leaſt,
one Third of his new Sailors, unaccuſtomed to the Sea, had
peo
riſhed with Hardſhips and Diſeaſes. Had Octavius, therefore,
attacked Antony now, when he had but very few Soldiers on
board his Vefſels, he muſt certainly have gained an eaſy and
complete Victory. But Antony's Addreſs faved him from this
Danger. Suſpending all the Oars of his Ships in ſuch a Man-
ner, that their Blades appeared in the Air on both sides of the
Veffels, he armed all his Rowers and Mariners like Soldiers,
placed them upon the Decks, and with that falſe Shew of
Force failed up into the Mouth of the Gulph, as if he had
been, in all Points, prepared for an Engagement. Cetavius,
deceived by this Stratagem, retired, and fell to fortifying his
Camp upon the North Side of the Gulph of Ambracia, by
drawing
Court of AUĠ U STU S.
167
sh
drawing three Lines of Communication from it to the Port of
Comarus, upon the Ionian Sea.----Antony occupied the two Points
which commanded the Entrance of the Gulph, ſo that he
could eaſily go in and out when he pleaſed : his Camp was ex-
tended in the Plain below Astium, and ſeparated from that of
the Enemy by the Breadth of the Gulph.
The two Armies remained ſome time in this poſition, Oc-
tavius endeavouring to bring Antony to a Battle before his Re-
inforcements were arrived, and the other as ſtudiouſly avoiding
it till they had joined him. That done, Antony grew bolder,
tranſported Part of his Army to the other Side where the Ce-
ſareans were, and there formed a new Camp, leaving, how-
ever, the main Body of his Troops in the old one near Attium.
Ostavius then ſeemed leſs ardent to engage : but whilft he him-
ſelf remained quiet, he had always ſome Detachments at work,
both by Sea and Land. In order to harraſs Antony, and ob-
lige him, if poſſible, to quit his Poſt, he ſent ſeveral Bodies
of Troops into Greece and Macedonia ; and Agrippa, by his
Order, having put himſelf at the Head of a powerful Squadron,
attacked and carried, in full View of Antony's whole Fleet, the
Town and Illand of Santa Maura, the ancient Leucas, (famed
for the Lover's Leap) and ſoon after the adjacent Cities of Pa-
tras and Corinth.
While the Camps were thus oppoſed to one another, Ti-
tius perſuaded Oétavius's General, Statilius Taurus, to give him
ſome Troops of Horſe for a Sally he intended to make; and de-
ſcribed the Deſign ſo to him, that he reſolved to join in the
Attempt. Accordingly they fell ſuddenly upon Antony's Ca-
valry, and routed them ; and whether they took Philadelphus
the Cappadocian Priſoner, or found means to talk otherwiſe to
him, I know not, but they brought him over with all his
People to Cefar.----Titius muſt have been of his Acquaintance
while he was in high Favour with Antony, and could therefore
perſuade him the more effectually. Agrippa's Succeſs, and the
Beha-
72
A
1
168 MEMOIRS of the
Behaviour of Cleopatra, made the Balance now incline to Oc-
tavius's Side, and ſtaggered the Fidelity of a great many of An-
tony's Friends : for, foon after Philadelphus had left him, an-
other of his Favourites, the well known Dellius, followed his
Example; and the Kings Deiotarus and the brave Amynta's
were likewiſe ſo happy as to change to the ſafeſt Side. Deſer-
tions, even of very illuſtrious Perſons, became frequent; but
none gave ſuch Pain to Antony, or ſuch Joy to Ceſar, as that
of Domitius Enobarbus, the beſt Man that ever was of his
Name. His Reputation was ſo great, that being named Lieu-
tenant-General for the War, he was preſſed to ſet up for him-
ſelf by the beſt of Antony's Friends, who were alhamed of Cleo-
patra, and yet would not join his Enemy. He was then in a
very uncertain State of Health, which is thought to have been
the Reaſon why he could not venture either to accept, or flatly
refuſe the Offer made him; and therefore, to rid himſelf of
the Pain of Irreſolution, and, perhaps, from the Fear of An-
tony's Reſentment, ſhould he diſcover what had been in agita-
tion, but moſt certainly provoked beyond meaſure by Cleopa-
tra's Haughtineſs, he threw himſelf into a Boat, tho' at
that
very time ill of a Fever, and paſſed happily over to Osta-
vius, who received him and all the reſt with high Marks of
Favour, and prognoſticated good Things to himſelf from theſe
Preludes. Antony, highly provoked, gave out, that Domitius
had left him only becauſe he could not bear the Abſence of a
Miſtreſs, Servilia Naïs, who was in Italy; but at the ſame
time, contrary to Cleopatra's Advice, he generouſly ſent after
him all his Equipage, Friends, and Servants. Domitius's Death,
which happened a few Days after, ſeemed to confirm the for-
mer of theſe Opinions, and to ſhew that Antony had publiſhed
that Story, only to diminiſh the Infamy of being left by a Man
of ſuch Weight and Character *. Tho' he did not live to be of
any perſonal Service to Oétavius, yet his Example weakened the
Eſteem
* Suet. NERO, S. 3.
Kh
4
Court of AUGUSTU S. 169
볼
​21
Eſteem of the Party he had abandoned, and was an Inducement
to others to do the ſame. Of this Number was Rhymetalces
King of Thracia, who drew upon himſelf á fevere Reproof from
Cefar. Being at Supper, one Evening, in Cefar's Tent, with
ſeveral others of the ſame Quality, he drank till his Tongue
became quite ungovernable, and talked of the Merit of his
leaving Antony, and the Value that Cefar ought to ſet upon his
Alliance, till there was no longer any bearing of him : upou
which O&tavius, taking a Goblet in his Hand, drank to another
of the royal Company who had been his conſtant Friend. For
my part, Sir, ſaid he, I love á Treaſon with all my Heart, but I
have no great Opinion of the Traitor *.
THESE Defertions both exaſperated Antony; and drove him
to Acts of Cruelty. Whether with or without Cauſe, I will
not pretend to ſay, he ordered Jamblichus, Prince of a Tribe
of Arabs, to be racked to Death; and being informed that 2.
Pofthumius, à Senator, intended to leave him, he barbarouſly
ſet a Mob of Ruffians upon him, who tore' him in pieces.
Truly to be pitied now, if Vice and Folly deſerve Commiſera-
tion, Antony, by one of thoſe ſtrange Turns which violent Paſ-
fions frequently take, paſſed on a ſudden from one Extreme to
another. He began to ſuſpect even Cleopatra of no leſs a Crime
than a Deſign to poiſon him ; and, full of this Idea, he ordered
every Thing that was ſerved up to be taſted before him. The
Queen laughed at his Fears'; and, to cure him of them, one
Day that they were feaſting together, and grew pretty warm
and merry, each of them being crowned with Garlands, The
took off her Chaplet, the Edges of the Flowers of which had
been dipped in Poiſon, and propoſed, as a new Frolic, that they
ſhould drink their Garlands. The Propoſal was immediately
agreed to, and the Flowers were ſtripped off and thrown into
the Bowl; which Antony was carrying to his Head, when the,
clapping her Hand between it and his Mouth, ſaid to him,
VOL. III.
Y
국
​+
5
" I ain
Εγω προδοσίαν φιλω, προδότας δ' ουκ έπαινω.
ΠΛΟΥΤ. Αποελγμ.
170
MEMOIRS of the
or
service
“ I am the Perſon, my dear Antony, againſt whom you take this
" new Precaution of having Taſters. Think you that, if I
“ valued Life without you, I ſhould want either Opportunities
“or Contrivance to accompliſh what you fear ?" Then ſend-
ing for a Malefactor, who was under Sentence of Death, The
made him drink up the Wine, and he expired immediately *.
-A Jeſt of this kind would have made a very diſagreeable Im-
preſſion on a Man naturally ſuſpicious : but, with Antony, it
ſerved only to renew his former blind Confidence in Cleopatra.
At length Canidius arrived with the reſt of Antony's Legions,
and, ſeeing the Danger nearer, changed his Mind, or at leaſt
his Language, with reſpect to Cleopatra ; adviſing his General
by all means to ſend her back, not to truſt his Fortunes to a
Sea-Engagement, but to retire into Thrace or Macedonia, there
to decide the Quarrel with his Land-Forces, to which Dicomes
King of the Geta was ready to join a great Army.
" It will
or not, ſaid Canidius to him, be any Diſparagement to you to
quit the Sea to Cefar, who, in his Wars with Pompey, has:
“ gained ſo great Experience in maritime Affairs. But it will
« be renouncing both Senſe and Reaſon for you, who are the
“ moſt experienced Land-Officer in the World, to make no
“ other Uſe of your well diſciplined and ſtout Troops, but to
diſperſe them on board ſeveral Ships, and render them uſe-
« leſs in the Defence of a Navy..What can be more abſurd,
“ than to depend upon the Sea and Winds for a Victory, which
“ the Valour and Experience of your Soldiers, whom
“ tried in ſo many Dangers, leave you no Room to doubt of
by Land !”-Theſe ſolid. Reaſons would certainly have
prevailed with Antony, if he had ſtill been capable of judging
for himſelf; but he ſaw nothing but by Cleopatra's Eyes, nor
determined upon any thing but by her Directions.-Dreading
the Fatigues of Marches and Encampments, and determined at
all Events not to leave him, the ſtrongly oppoſed Canidius's Ad-
vice,
* PLIN. Lib. xx. Cap. 3.
you have
1
1
Court of AUGUSTU S. 171
4 TSL
vice, and prevailed on Antony, with whom her Words were
Oracles, to hazard the Empire and his Life in a Sea-Fight.
Even then, ſays Plutarch, ſhe was revolving in her own Mind,
not how ſhe might moſt effectually aſſiſt Antony to obtain the
Victory ; but how ſhe might, when all was loſt, make her
Eſcape with the greateſt Safety.
ANTONY having now, out of a ſhameful Complaiſance for
Cleopatra, and againſt his own Opinion, as well as that of all
his Officers, determined to put the Event of ALL upon a Sea-
Engagement, went often from his Camp to the place where
his Fleet rode at Anchor ; fometimes alone, and ſometimes at-
tended only by a few particular Friends, not ſuſpecting any
Danger. One of Oftavius's Slaves having obſerved him, ran
immediately to his Maſter, and told him, that he had ſeen An-
tony walking without any Diſtruſt, and flenderly attended,
from his Camp to the Sea-Side. Upon this Oétavius, the ſame
Night, ordered a Party of choſen Men to croſs the Gulph,
which, as I ſaid before, was very narrow at the Entrance, and
lie in wait for Antony on the Neck of Land which led from his
Camp to the Sea. His Orders were executed with ſuch Se-
crecy, and the whole Affair was ſo well conducted, that had
it not been for the Impatience of ſome Soldiers, who diſcovered
themſelves too ſoon, Antony had been ſeized, and an End
put
to the War without ſhedding a Drop of Blood : for they took
the Officer who walked juſt before him, and it was with the
utmoſt Difficulty that he himſelf eſcaped, by running with all
his Speed.
As the Number of Antony's Mariners was not ſufficient for
all his Ships; and as he knew the Effeminacy of the Egyptians,
who, he doubted, would be ready to turn their Backs as foon
as the Fight began; he burnt all their Veſſels, except fixty,
which he left as a Guard for the Queen. He then picked out
his beſt Gallies from three Ranks of Oars to ten, and put on
board them twenty thouſand legionary Soldiers and two thou-
fand
Y 2
:
:
174
MEMO IR Ş of the
is
fand Archers.--While they were embarking, an old experi-
enced Centurion, who had fought long under Antony, and
bore the Marks of many a fierce Encounter, could not endure
the Thoughts of being transformed into a Marine; but, as
Antony paſſed by, called to him alaud, ſaying ; * Noble Gene-
ral! When was it that ever this old Body of mine, or this truſty
Sword, failed you, that you betake yourſelf to theſe vile. Logs of
Wood for. Şecurity? Let the daftardly Egyptians and Phænicians
Sculk between Boards at Sea; but give your Legions a fair Field and
firm Ground to ſtand on, where we will eitbex die or gain the Vic-
tory. Antony made no Anſwer; but with a Motion of his
Hand and Head, ſeemed to bid him take Courage, that all
would be well; and ſo paſſed forwards, having himſelf no good
Opinion of the Poſturę of his Affairs, as plainly appeared from
his Behaviour towards his Pilots, who were for leaving their
Sails behind, as being of no Uſe in an Engagement: but he or-
dered them to take them all, ſaying, We muſt not let one of the
Enemy eſcape; which was putting a good Face upon a bad
Çayſe.--Cefar left: all his Sails behind, being prepared for
nothing but Action,
It was a Pięce of the higheſt good Fortune to Ottavius, that
the Conteſt was, by the ill-fated Counſels of Cleopatra, and
contrary to the better Opinion of Antony himſelf, who had
long wavered in his Plan, turned from a Land-War to an En-
gagement by Sea. Octavius had neither Troops nor Generals
equal to Antony's. Canidius, Sofius, Ventidius, and indeed moſt
of the old experienced Commanders, bred under Julius Cefar,.
ftuck by Antony, whoſe Auxiliaries were triple, the Number of
Oɛtavius's; and he himſelf far outſtripped him as a General.
On the other Hand, he had no Admiral equal to, Agrippa ; and
tho' his Ships were larger, yet neither his Rowers. nor Mari-
ners were fo. expert or trained as Ceſar's, to whom the Con-
queſt of Pompey had partly formed, and partly brought the beſt
Sear
* Plut. in Anton..
é
that
1
Court of AUGUSTU S. 173
Seamen of the Empire. To theſe Advantages in favour of
Octavius, muſt be added another, of very great Importance to
his Cauſe.Antony's Wildneſs, and the ruinous Courſes he
purſued, on one Hand, and Ceſar's comparative Sobriety and
legal Conduct for ſome time paſt, on the other, had at laſt de-
termined the noble and upright MESSALA to give the Sanction
of his Preſence to this Expedition, and accompany Cefar to the
War. It was a grand Acquiſition, both as a General and a Pa-
triot. Oétavius was ſenſible' of its great Value; and happening
one day to expreſs his high Satisfaction, That tho' he had been
his fierceſt Enemy at Philippi, yet he was now his firmeſt
Friend, he received the celebrated Anſwer, dictated by ſupe-
rior Virtue, You will always find me, CESAR, upon the Side of
the COMMON-WEALTH.
ANTONY ranged his Fleet before the Mouth of the Ambracian
Gulph, near the Shore; giving the Command of the right
Wing to Gallius Publicola, that of the left to Sofius, and truſt-
ing the Center to Marcus Oétavius and M. Jufteius. He him-
ſelf had no particular Poſt, chuſing to go about from one place.
to another, according as his Preſence fhould be neceſſary..
CESAR's Fleet was drawn up over againſt that of Antony, but
farther out at Sea. His right was commanded by M. Lurius,
and his left by L. Aruntius, both under Agrippa, who com-
manded in chief, and upon whom the whole Action entirely
depended. The great Melala had alſo a Command in this
Fleet; but it is not certain what that Command was.
Ostavius himſelf, ſurrounded by a Number of little Boats ap-
pointed to carry his Orders, by way of Aids-de-camp, his
Poft, as well as that of Antony, was to watch the Events of
the Battle.
The two Land-Armies, ſimple Spectators of the Engage---
ment, were drawn up on each Side of the Bay; that of Antony.
commanded by Canidius, and that of Octavius by Statilius Tau-
rus, encouraging the two Fleets which were going to engage.
WHILST:
As to
moet
174 MEMOIRS of the
menti
WHILST Agrippa was drawing up his Ships in line of Battle,
and giving the neceſſary Orders, an Accident happened, which
gave new Spirits to his Maſter. He was ſacrificing, after the
pious Manner of the Romans, before the Battle ſhould begin,
when the Victim appeared to have a double Gall, which Part
being ſacred to Neptune, and the Powers of Moiſture, the Aruf-
pex inſtantly aſſured him of a naval Victory * ; and thereby
gained as much Credit to his prophetic Art, as ever Romiſh
Prieſt did to the Reliques of any Saint by a feigned Miracle t.
-That Day, and the three following, the Waves were ſo
boiſterous, that the Fleets could not poſſibly engage : but on
the fifth, the Sea being calm, the deciſive Action enſued. Tho
Antony offered Battle, he had no mind to be the firſt that at-
tacked; but ordered his Commanders to receive the Enemy
without ſtirring, lying ſtill, as if at anchor, and as cloſe to the
Shore as they could.-This Day, ſaid he to them, going about
from Ship to Ship, I expect the Empire of the World from your
Valour ; and I promiſe you Rewards anſwerable to ſo noble a Con-
queft. Oétavius, or rather his chief Admiral Agrippa, obſerv-
ing Antony's Situation with Surprize, and thinking it not ad-
viſeable to attack him ſo near the Land, where the Nimbleneſs
of his Vefſels and the Skill of his Seamen would have been but
of little Advantage, ſtopped about a Mile ſhort of the Enemy,
and continued in that Poſition till Noon; when a gentle Gale
ſpringing up, Antony's Men, impatient of farther Delays, and
truſting
* Plin. Hiſt. Nat. Lib. xi. §. 37-
+ PLUTARCH tells us that another fortunate Omen was reported to have hap-
pened to Oétavius, prognoſticating his Victory. As he was going out of his
Tent, ſays the Story, at break of Day, to viſit his Fleet, 'he met a Countryman
driving an Aſs; and being moved with Curioſity, or rather Superſtition, he aſked
the Man's Name. My Name, replied the other, is Eutyches, and my Aſs is called
Nicon. The firſt of theſe Names in Greek ſignifies happy, and the other Conqueror.
This, we are told, ſeemed ſo lucky an Omen to Oétavius, that he no longer
doubted of Victory; and when he afterwards erected a Trophy in that place with
the Beaks of the Ships he had taken, he cauſed two Statues of Brafs to be like-
wiſe fet up, one repreſenting the Man, and the other his Afs.
In Anton.
i
Court of AUGUSTUS.
175
truſting to the Bulk and Height of their Ships, put their left
Wing in motion. Agrippa beheld this with
Agrippa beheld this with great Satisfaction,
and ordered his right Wing to fall back, in order to draw the
Enemy as far out as poſſible, that his light Galleys might have
an Opportu nity of ſurrounding Antony's heavy Ships, whoſe
vaſt Size, and want of Hands in proportion to their Rates, ren-
dered them unwieldy and unfit for Service.
The Battle began about two o'Clock in the Afternoon of the
ſecond of September *, and laſted till almoſt Night. It was
of a ſingular Kind.----I have elſewhere obſerved, that the Sea
Engagements among the Ancients were principally dreadful by
the furious Shock of the encountering Ships, which ran down
and daſhed each other to pieces with all the Force and Rapidity
that Oars could give them; and for that end they had their
Prows plated with Braſs and prominent Beaks of Iron. The
better Rowers had an Art of ſweeping off a Tire of the Ene-
my's Oars, which diſabled the Veſſel ; and ſometimes while
the Marines were fighting from the Deck, others were buſy in
boring Holes 'twixt Wind and Water to ſink the Ship. The
Unwieldineſs and Bulk of Antony's Ships rendered the firſt Sort
of Combat impracticable, and made the Action more like a Land
Battle, or rather the Attack of a Fort, than an Engagement at
Sea: for three or four of Auguſtus's light Gallies would beſet
one of the Enemy, and one of them try to bruſh off her Oars,
another to bore her Sides, a third to ſet her on fire, and all of
them to board her, as in a general Affault of a fortified Place;
while the Antonians, like Men defending their Walls, threw
Stones and Weights to cruſh the Beſiegers, and caſt out Chains
with grappling Irons to catch hold of a Veſſel, fix her to their
Side, and maſter or ſink her. Spears, Darts, and Javelins,
were employed on both sides with equal Rage and Obſtinacy.
While they were fighting thus, Agrippa ordered Aruntius to
extend his left Wing, and endeavour to hem in the Enemy;'
upom
* A. U. C. DCCXXI.
$
+
176 MEMOIRS of the
upon which Publicola advanced to prevent it: but as by this
Motion he left the main Body unguarded, Agrippa bore down
upon it, and put it in ſome Diſorder. The Fleets had been
thus engaged for near two Hours, with as fair a Proſpect of
Succeſs for Antony as for O&tavius, when, on a ſudden, Cleo-
patra, no longer able to bear the Noiſe and Terror of the Bat-
tle, and ſtruck with the thought that ſhe might perhaps be
taken priſoner, and would in that Caſe be carried to Rome as a
Captive, gave the Signal to her Ships to hoiſt fail and be gone;
and in ſo doing gave the World to the young Ceſar : for this
was the Loſs of the Day, and the Ruin of Antony. The Egyp-
tians were obliged to-fail thro' the Middle of the engaged Fleets,
before they could gain the Ocean; by which they diſordered
their own, and made their Enemies ſtand a while aſtoniſhed,
at a loſs to think what could be the Meaning of this extraor-
dinary Motion. Antony, whoſe Centre was now in Diſorder,
expected ſome gallant Action from the Queen, who had
brought him into his preſent Danger. Inſtead of this, without
ſo much as attempting to aſſiſt him, ſhe and her Squadron, fa-
voured with a ſtrong Gale at North-Weſt, ſteered their Courſe
towards Peloponnefus---There was nothing very ſurpriſing in
this Behaviour of Cleopatra, who, as if ſhe had come to the
Engagement only in order to fly, had taken care beforehand to
embark all her valuable Effeéts. But what follows is ſcarcely
credible :--the brave Antony, a Soldier bred, and hardened in
the Field, forgetting where and what he was, no ſooner heard
that Cleopatra was gone, than abandoning the Men who were
fighting and dying in his Cauſe; he forſook his Admiral, ſtep-
ped into a Frigate, and, attended only by two Friends, made
all the fail he could after his Egyptian Miſtreſs. A Lover's
Soul lives in another's Body.----Cleopatra, ſeeing him come, or-
dered the Pavilion of her Galley to be hoiſted up.
He went
on board of it without ſeeing her, or being ſeen by her. She
was on he Poop, and he went to the Prow, where he remained
alone
A
}
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 177
on.
alone, leaning his Elbows on his Knees, and his Head on both
his Hands, as one overwhelmed with Shame and Anger. His
abandoned Fleet continued the Fight with great Bravery after
they had loſt their bewitched Leader.' Only a few of them, in-
deed, knew at firſt of his having left them: but Oétavius took
care not to let any be long ignorant of it, going himſelf from
Ship to Ship, telling them, that Antony was gone, and aſking
them for whom they fought fo obſtinately. Still their Attach-
ment to their General, and their Love of Glory, were ſo
ſtrong, that they would not liſten to any Terms, till at laſt
the Sea beginning to run very high, and to ſhatter their Vef-
ſels, fatigued with reſiſting at once the Enemy, Winds, and
Waves, they ſubmitted to the Conqueror as Night was coming
The Number of the Slain did not exceed five thouſand;
and the Number of Ships taken amounted to three hundred.-
It is allowed by all, ſays Velleius, thất Antony's Soldiers acted.
the Part of a brave General, and their General that of the moſt
cowardly Soldier.-They were ſo obſtinate, and maintained the
Diſpute ſo late, that Gefar, tho' he was not far from the Shore,
thought proper to lay all Night on board his Ship. In
the mean time, he detached Mecenas with a Squadron in Pur-
ſuit of Antony and Cleopatra ; but he foon returned, and then
ſet out immediately for Rome, in order to take upon him his
new Office of Prefect of the City, and of all Italy.
Antony's Land-Army ſtill remained unconquered, and in a
Situation to give Octavius a great deal of Trouble. Neither
the Officers nor Soldiers of that Army could for ſome time be
brought to think it poſſible that their General, who had ſo
often ſeen Fortune in all her Shapes *, and been accuſtomed to
Changes, had abandoned nineteen Legions of invincible Infan-
try, and twelve thouſand of the very beſt Horſe. They therefore
imagined he would ſoon appear again from ſome Part or other,
to put himſelf at their Head, and give them an Opportunity
VOL. III.
Z
af
" PLUT. in Anton.
*
$
178
MEMOIRS of the
mar
of ſhewing their Fidelity and Zeal for his Intereſt and Service.
But after waiting fome Days, keeping in a regular Body tho
quite ſurrounded on all Sides, they were at length convinced
of the Truth of what had ſeemed abſolutely incredible to them,
by Antony's ſending from Tænarus, where he had ſtopped, an
Order to Canidius to bring him his Legions into Afa by the
Way of Macedonia.---Even then they continued firm, and ac-
tually put themſelves in readineſs to march ; rejecting all Oeta-
vius's Sollicitations, who preſſed them to ſurrender :- till at
laſt, reduced to great Diſtreſs, in want of every thing neceſſary
to ſupport Life, and forſaken by Canidius and all their chief
Officers, who fled privately in the Night, they liſtened to
Terms, and yielded to the Conqueror on the ſeventh Day after
the Battle. From this memorable Victory, which rendered
OCTAvius fole Maſter of the whole Roman Empire, Dion Caf-
fius *, Suetonius, and after them Aurelius Victor, and Eutropius,
date the Years of his Reign.
NOTHING, one would think, could now. hinder Octavius
from purſuing his vanquiſhed Enemy with all poſſible Dili.
gence.
In this he would have imitated the Example of his
Great-Uncle, who, after the Battle of Pharſalia, immediately
followed Pompey, without allowing him to recover himſelf.
But this Ceſar was far from being ſo active in War as the Dic-
tator Julius. On the contrary, the Praiſes of Circumſpection of
were his favourite Theme, to enforce which, he had always
ſome proverbial Expreſſion ready; ſuch as the Greek Adage,
Haſten fowly; or a Verſe, the Senſe of which is, that A Gene-
ral had better be too cautious, than too raſhs; or Cato's Saying In
That which is well enough done, is quickly enough done. He was,
doubt
* Lib. LI. in init.
| Nil minus in perfecto duce, quam feſtinationem temeritatemque convenire
arbitrabatur. Crebro itaque illa jactabat,
Σπεύδε βραδέως, &c.
'Ασφαλής γαρ ες' αμείνων, ή θρασύς στρατηλάτης.
Sat cito, fi fat bene.
Sueton. Lib. II.
$
Court of AUGUSTUS 179
doubtleſs, perſuaded on this Occaſion, that Antony was reduced
to fo low an Ebb, that a Delay of a few Months could not
poſſibly enable him to retrieve his ſhattered Fortune ; and there--
fore thought it prudent to turn his Attention to Objects nearer.
Home, and in themſelves of great Importance.
His firſt Care was to return Thanks to his favourite and tu-
telar Deity APOLLO, one of whoſe moſt celebrated Characters
among the Romans, particularly in the Auguſtan Age, was that
of the ACT IAN* This God had long been worſhipped on
the Promontory of Astium, or Leucatè, where he had a famous
Statue, which ſtood very near the Place from whence deſpond-
ing Lovers were to take their Leap t, and ſo high, that it was
viſible a good way out at Sea, and ſerved for a Land-Mark to
Mari.
CG
APOLLO was not only ſuppoſed to aſſiſt Octavius in the Battle of Aflium, but
alſo in that of Philippi, againſt Brutus; as we learn from a Paſſage in Valerius
Maximus ; (which, by the way, ſhews that there were Sortes Homericæ of old, as
well as Sortes Virgiliana.) M. Bruti dignus admiſſo parricidio eventus omine de-
fignatus eft: fiquidem poft illud nefarium opus natalem fuum celebrans, cum
Græcum verſum expromere vellet, ad illud potiffimum Homericum referendum
animo tetendit; Anna fe reomp Ponov xot Arles exčlanov vroç." qui deus, Philippenfi acie,
a Cæſare & Antonio figno datus, in cum tela convertit. Lib. I. c. 5.
As Oétavius was ſo particularly obliged to the Apollo of Actium, he built onc
Temple to him on the Spot, and another afterwards within the Confines of his
own Houſe, on the Palatine Hill, at Rome. This Houſe was called the Palatiuni,
a Name then peculiar to it, but which afterwards became a general Appellation
for all royal Houſes : and the noble Figure of Apollo, which ſtood in the Temple
he built there to the Attian Apollo, was from thence called the Apollo Palatinus.
This Statue was a Work of the famous Scopas, as Pliny informs us, (Hist. NAT.
Lib. XXXVI. C. 5.) and was not ſo ambiguous as that of the Apollo at Aetium ;
this in the Palatium repreſenting the God ſolely under his Character of Lyriſtes,
that is to ſay, in his flowing Robe, and as actually playing on his Lyre.
+
Quoniam non ignibus æquis
· Ureris, Ambracias terra petenda tibi.
Phoebus ab excelſo quantum patet adſpicit æquor;
Actiacum populi, Leucadium que vocant.
Z 2
Hinc
the
80
MEMOIRS of the
Mariners *, by whom this APOLLO was very much revered.
Oktavius, before his Engagement with Antony.off this Cape,
had addreſſed his Devotions to him for the Victory.This
made him fo celebrated among the Roman Poets: notwithſtand-
ing which, it is ſomewhat difficult to determine exactly what
fort of Appearance Apollo made under the Character of the Ac-
tian or Leucadian God.
His Dreſs, on this Occaſion, ſeems to
have been of a mixed Kind; partly that of the Apollo Venator,
and partly that of the Apollo Vates or Lyriſtes. At leaſt, the
Poets in general give him a Bow of in his Hand; and on a Me-
dal I of Auguſtus he appears with the long flowing Robe of the
muſical Apollo. Tho' this Confuſion of his Attributes and Cha-
racters be very uncommon, yet it is met with in ſome other
antient Repreſentations of this God ll. The Names of Vates
and Lyriftes were given to him indifferently, in his poetical
Character ; Muſic and Poetry being one and the ſame Profef-
fion in the earlieſt Ages of the World.
Octavius next turned his Attention to the great Number
of Troops with which he was ſurrounded. Remembering
into what Danger he had been put by forty-five Legions
united in Sicily, after the Defeat of Sextus Pompey, and the
forced
Hinc fe Deucalion, Pyrrhæ ſuccenſus amore
Mifit, & illæfo corpore preſlit aquas :
Nec mora, verſus amor tetigit leniffima Pyrrhæ
Pectora-
Sappho to Phaon. Ovid. Epiſt. XV. 1. 170.
* Mox & Leucatæ nimboſa cacumina montis ;
Et formidatus nautis aperitur Apollo.
VIRG. Æn. III. v. 170.
+ PETRON. ARBIT. V. 115. VIRG. Æn. VIII. v. 706. PROPERT. Lib. IV
El. 6. v. 57 & 68.
$ In Oiſelius's Thef. ſelect. Numiſm. Pl. 37. Fig. II.
H PLINY, ſpeaking of the Works of the celebrated Leontius at Rome, men-
tions one in which he had made Apollo killing the Python ; and at the ſame time
dreſſed as a Muſician.
HIST. NAT. Lib. XXXIV. C. 8.
#
3
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. .
181
forced Abdication of Lepidus ; and juſtly apprehending a ſimilar
Effect, in a now fimilar Caſe, from that Boldneſs with which
Soldiers are naturally inſpired by a Confidence in their Strength
and Numbers; he judged it neceſſary, in the firſt place, to di-
vide Antony's Army. To this end, he gave the old Soldiers
Leave to depart, and incorporated the reſt into his own Legions:
nor would he keep even theſe all together ; but ſent away, as
quick as poſſible, the Veterans into Italy, there to expect their
promiſed Rewards, reſerving about him only ſuch as had
not yet finiſhed their Time of Service.------From theſe, he had
reaſon to expect Submiſſion. The Hope of a rich Spoil, which
they promiſed themſelves in Egypt, was a powerful Motive to
preſerve their Fidelity. But ſtill fearing left thoſe he had ſent
into Italy ſhould grow impatient at not receiving the Rewards
their long Services intitled them to, (which he was not in a
Condition to pay them at that time) and low the Seeds of Dif-
cord among the Italians, oppreſſed with grievous Impoſts ; he
wiſely ordered all the new Taxes to be taken off, and remitted
three Months Arrears, which were then due. Theſe Indul-
gences were gratefully received, and gained him the Affections
of all the People.
Mecenas was already in Italy, and Oétavius had great Con-
fidence in his Abilities: but as this Miniſter choſe to remain
in the Order of Knights, he had not that Splendor of Titles
which impoſes upon the Multitude. Oétavius therefore took
the farther Precaution of ſending thither M. Agrippa, who,
being adorned with the greateſt Honours, was more likely to be
reſpected.
The Fate of the Priſoners taken in this Battle, and that of
the ſeveral Kings and Nations who had affiſted Antony, was an-
other important Point, which ought to have been ſerioully con-
ſidered-But Ceſar was not accuſtomed to end any of his Wars
in the manner his Father had done. --Alexander, who had be-
trayed his Brother Jamblichus to Antony, and been the Cauſe
of his Death, was indeed the only Prince that ſuffered capitally
3
on
h
?
182
MEMOIRS of the
on this Occaſion. Oétavius kept him Priſoner till his Triumph,
where he was led in Chains, and afterwards beheaded. As for
Jamblichus's Kingdom, the Victor gave it many Years after to
his Son. He deprived the young Philopator, Tarcondemus's Son,
of his Kingdom; but gave it afterwards to the younger Brother,
who bore his Father's Name. Archelaus's Obligations to
Antony, I ſuppoſe, excuſed his taking part with his Bene-
factor: for he was pardoned and confirmed in his Kingdom.
Of the illuſtrious Romans, Partizans of Antony, Oétavius par-
doned fome, at the earneſt Requeſt of his Friends and his Mo-
ther Mucia. Among theſe were & Sohus, who, after being
a long time concealed by his faithful Friend Aruntius, obtained
a Pardon, at laſt, thro' the Interceſſion of that Friend; M.
Scaurus, a Brother of Sextus Pompey, faved by the Prayers of
Mucia ; and C. Furnius, pardoned at the Sollicitation of his
Son, of whom Seneca has recorded a very memorable Expreſ-
ſion on this Occaſion. “ CESAR," ſaid he, with a fine turned
Compliment to OCTAVIUS,
- This is the only Cauſe you ever gave
me to complain.I muſt now live and die ungrateful.”
Another Inſtance of his being moved by the Force and Merit
of the Prayers of a Son interceding for his Father, is thus
handed down to us by Appian. While he was at Samos, foon
after this Battle, advancing towards Syria and Egypt, he held
a Council to examine the Cauſes of ſome remaining Priſoners
who had been engaged in Antony's Party. Among theſe, there
was brought before him an old Man, named Metellus, op-
preſſed-with Years and Infirmity, disfigured with a long Beard
and neglected Head of Hair, and very ragged in his Cloathing.
The Son of this Metellus was one of the Judges. Struck with
the Appearance of the Priſoner, and examining him narrowly,
he at length knew him to be his Father : upon which he ran
up to him, and embraced him, weeping bitterly; and then,
returning towards the Tribunal, “ CESAR, ſaid he, my Father
« has been your Enemy, and I your Officer. He deſerves to be
as puniſhed, and I to be rewarded. The Fayour I deſire of you
66 is,
an
#
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 183
“ is, either to ſave him on my Account, or to order me to be
put to Death with him." All the Judges were touched with
Compaflion. Octavius himſelf relented, and granted old Me-
tellus his Life and Liberty, tho' he had reaſon to look upon
him
as his implacable Enemy.
THESE Acts of Generoſity did honour to Octavius, and
gained him the Hearts of many. But ſtill that arrant Flat-
terer Velleius is not the leſs wrong in pretending *, that the
Cruelties which he committed in the Beginning of the Trium-
virate, and after the Battle of Philippi, were all forced, and
that the Blame of them ought not to fall upon him, but upon
his Collegues. All hiſtorical Records bear witneſs, that he
was by far the moſt violent and bloody-minded of the THREE.
-His different Conduct after the Battle of Astium proceeded
from the Difference of Conjunctures. At the Time of this de-
ciſive Action, all the Heads of the Republican Party were
taken off, and he had reaſon to hope that the Partizans of An-
tony, who were accuſtomed to ferve oné Maſter, would eaſily
ſubmit to the Laws of another, who ſhould better deſerve their
Affection, which he now politicly reſolved to endeavour to ſe
I ſay politicly : for all the Actions of his Life, notwith-
ſtanding the great Benefits that really accrued from them to the
Public, were artful and deſigning; and that his Temper was
naturally cruel to Exceſs, he proved, immediately after the
grand Battle of A&tium, in fuch a manner, as greatly dimi-
niſhed the Merit he might otherwiſe have claimed from the
above, and ſome other Deeds of Humanity.--He pardoned,
as I ſaid, ſome of the illuſtrious Romans who had fided with
Antony ; but he wreaked his Vengeance upon others of them
with the utmoſt Inhumanity. Several of them were ſlaughtered
in cold Blood. Among the reſt, the young Curio, ſon to Ce-
far's great Enemy, and afterwards his great Friend, the famous
Curio, who was killed fighting for him in Africa, was put to
Death of : and Aquileius Florus the Father, with his Son, of the
ſame
*VELL. II. 66. .
+ Id. ibid. 86.
cure.
f
oleh
1
184 M E MOIRS of the
.
5
ſame Name, were ordered to caſt lots for their Lives. The Youth
could not bear the Indignity of the Order; nor diſpute a Survi-
vance with his aged Father, but haſtily ſtretched out his Neck
to the Executioner ; and the miſerable Parent, unable to endure
the Sight, took a Dagger, and in Deſpair and Agony plunged
it into his own Boſom,
The Adventure of Marcus and Barbula, as related by Ap-
pian, is too ſingular not to be taken notice of. Barbula, an old
Friend of Antony's, and one who had ſerved under him at the
Battle of Philippi, purchaſed, after that Battle, one of the pro-
ſcribed, who had diſguiſed himſelf like a Slave, in order to ſave
his Life. This pretended Slave, whom that Author calls by
the Name of Marcus, being employed by his Maſter' in dif-
ferent Offices, acquitted himfelf with an Addreſs and Probity
which ſpoke him of much higher Rank than that he affected
to appear in. Barbula endeavoured to get the Secret out of
him, by promiſing, that if he was among the Number of the
proſcribed, he would cauſe his Name to be eraſed out of the
fatal Liſt. Marcus ſtill concealed his real Quality, and followed
his Maſter to Rome. There he was known by one of Barbula's
Friends ; and his Maſter, in purſuance of his Promiſe, by his
Intereſt with M. Agrippa, obtained a Pardon for Marcus, who
thereupon attached himſelf to Oétavius. Some Years after this
happened the Battle of Actium, in which Marcus and Barbula
were ſtill on different Sides; the former fighting for Octavius,
and the latter for Antony. After the Battle, the Scene be-
tween them was inverted. Barbula could not contrive a better
Method of ſaving his Life, than by diſguifiug himſelf like a
Slave. Marcus purchaſed him, pretending he did not know him,
and, in his turn, by his Intereſt with Ostavius, faved the Perſon
who had before ſaved him. Appian adds, as a farther Circum-
ſtance in which their Fortunes reſembled each other,
ſome time after, they were Companions in the Conſulſhip; that
is, by Subrogation; for their Names are not found in the Liſt of
the Conſuls in ordinary.
BOOK XIII.
that,
&
&
Court of AUGUSTUS
185
In the end
BOOK
XIII.
c
A
*
AN
NTONr had not been long on board of Cleopatra's
Galley, when he obſerved that he was purſued by ſome
of Ostavius's light Ships; upon which he tacked about to face
his Enemies, moſt of whom then fell back: but one, more
impetuous than the reſt, ſtill advancing, ſhook his Lance at
him in a threatening Manner from off the Deck. 6 Who art
• thou, cried the fugitive General to hiin, and why doſt thou
• thus obſtinately purſue me?' I am, replied the other,
fiercely, EUTYCLES the Lacedemonian, brought hither by
· Ceſar's Fortune to revenge my Father's Death *. However,
the Laconian, inftead of actually attacking Antony, turned about
and fell upon another Galley, which he took, together with a
Vefſel richly laden with Plate and Furniture; and failed away
with his Prizes. Antony then returned to his former melan-
choly Poſture, and continued ſo three Days, without ſeeing
Cleopatra, till he arrived at the Promontory of Tænarus, where
the Queen's Women, who were extremely well qualified for an
Office of this kind, reconciled them, and Things went on as
before. At Tænarus he had an Account of the total Defeat of
his Fleet: but believing his Legions ſtill held out, he wrote to
Canidius to retreat with them through Macedon into Afa, in-
tending to renew the War there, and reſolving, in the mean
time, to retire into Africa.
In the midſt of theſe Misfortunes, ſtill preſerving his wonted
Magnificence and Generoſity, he ſingled out one of his largeſt
Vol. III.
A a
Ships,
+
* His Father, by Name LACHARES, had been ſentenced to death by Antony,
for Robberies, and other Crimes.
han er
**
$
:
-
186 MEMOIRS of the
Ships, laden with a vaſt Treaſure of Plate and Money, and gave
it to his Friends, defiring them to ſhare it among them, and
take care of themſelves. They, for ſome time, refuſed it with :
Tears in their Eyes, and begged to follow him : but he, after
comforting them with the utmoſt Sweetneſs and good Nature,
and thanking them for their. Fidelity and Affection, inſiſted
on their not involving themſelves farther in his Misfortunes, and
fent them away with Letters to Theophilus, Governor of 'Corinth,
whom he intreated to conceal them till they ſhould be able to
make their Peace with Cefar. He then went with Cleopatra
to Paretonium, a Town of Egypt, the Frontier of Cyrenaicum,
where they parted, the Queen proceeding to Alexandria, and
Antony remaining behind; continaally ruminating on his Mir-
fortunes, without any other Company than Ariſtocrates, the
Greek Orator, and his incomparable Friend Lucilius ;--the ſame:
who feigned himſelf Brutus at Philippi.
REPEATED Inſtances of Infidelity and Ingratitude, experi-
enced from Domitius, Dellius, Plancus, Herod, and many
others, had given Antony a Diſguſt to Mankind, which was.
now greatly increaſed by the baſe Behaviour of Pinarius Scar-
pus.
I have reaſon to believe that this Scarpus had been a very
ſubmiſſive Courtier*.--He was of the Pinarian Family, one of
Julius Cefar's Grand-Nephews, and wrought hiinſelf ſo far into
favour as to be made Prefect of Afric, the bordering Province
with Egypt, and be intruſted with the Troops that were de-
figned for its Security in caſe of Diſorder. Antony ſent to him;
and Scarpus, not contented to refuſe him Admittance, murdered
his Meſſengers ;- facrificing at once the Ties of Friendſhip and
Law
There is a Medal ſtruck by him (a) with the Head of Jupiter Ammon; and
inſtead of the God's Name, ANTO.COS. TII IMP.IIII. On the Reverſe, a
Victory with a Garland; and before her ANTONIO. AUG. Behind, SCAR-
PUS.IMP. It has been upon ſome ſmall Atchievement in Afric that he was
faluted Imperator, when the Roman Honours turned cheap.
(a) Urfini Famil. Rom... 21.
KA
Court of AUGUSTUS.
1879
++
28
how
·Law of Nations to his Hopes of Recompence from the Victor,
to whoſe Lieutenant, Gallus, he delivered up Cyrene and his
Troops. Some of the Soldiers, who teſtified their Diſpleaſure
at this Proceeding, met with the ſame Fate ; at which Antony
was ſo filled with Rage and Deſpair, that he-ruſhed to his Sword,
and would have put an-End to his Life and his Sorrows toge-
ther, had he not been prevented by Ariſtocrates and the faith-
ful Lucilius, who then carried him into Egypt:---There lic
found Cleopatra, who plainly foreſaw that the Forces of Egypt
could not withſtand the united Power of the Roman Empire,
bufied in the fingular and unheard-of Project of dragging her
whole Fleet over the Iſthmus of Suez into the Red-Sea, in
hopes of thereby ſaving herſelf in another World with all her
Treaſures, which now were immenſe": for the Alexandrians,
who had long hated her, having vented their Diſcontent with-
out Reſerve during her Abſence, ſhe put ſeveral of their princi-
pal Men to death, confiſcated their Poſſeſſions, plundered thoſe
ſhe left alive, and even pillaged the Temples.----Some of her
Veſſels were actually tranſported from one Sea to the other ;
but the Arabians having burnt them, Antony, who arrived at
that time, and believed that his Land-Army under Canidius
was ſtill faithful to him, perſuaded her to abandon her Deſign,
which was ſo full of Difficulties, and endeavour to defend the
Avenues of Egypt by Sea and Land *.
CLEOPATRA, not yet deſpairing, and willing to try every
Means to extricate herſelf from the Danger ſhe was in, followed
his Advice, and made all Sorts of Preparations for War; hoping
at leaſt that the ſhould thereby, at all Events, certainly obtain
the better Terms from Octavius. She alſo ſollicited foreign Af-
fiftance from every Prince that the thought would help her ;
and it was then that, to make up Matters with the King of the
Medes in particular, ſhe cauſed Artabazes King of Armenia, his
Enemy, to be put to Death, and even fent him his Head.
A a 2
IN
.
3
+ Dion. CASSIUS, Lib. LI. p. 446. Plur, in Anton.
1
188
MEMOIRS of thao
.....
*
In the mean time Antony, plunged in Melancholy, chagrined
at every thing he ſaw, having a ſtill more gloomy Proſpect be-
fore him, and meeting with nothing but reiterated Ingratitude
and Infidelity from thoſe who ought to have been moſt ſtrongly
attached to him, quitted the Town and all his Friends, and
Thut himſelf up in a ſmall lone Houſe, which he had ordered to-
be built in Hafte upon a Mole in the Sea, near the Pharos *.
There he paſſed ſome Time, refuſing to ſee any one, and de-
claring, “ That he intended to imitate Timon the Miſanthrope zi
" that being ill treated, like that Athenian, by the Ingratitude:
" and Perfidy of his Friends, he would, like him, renounce: alli
" Commerce with Mankind."----But he ſoon grew weary of
this Way of Life, ſo little ſuited to his Character, and the
fame Chagrines which had made him recur to it, inade him al-
fo abandon it.-Canidius arrived at Alexandria, to inform
him in perſon of the Revolt of the Army lately under his Com-
mand. He likewiſe received Advice, that Didius, whom he:
had made Governor of Syria, had declared againſt him : that
Herod had ſubmitted to Oétavius : and that all the Kings and
Princes to whom Cleopatra had applied, had refuſed to lend the
leaſt Aſiſtance to the conquered Party. Theſe diſagreeable Ti-
dings, coming almoſt all together, inſtead of finking Antony;
as might naturally enough have been expected, produced a quite
contrary Effect. Loſing all Hope, he diſclaimed all Care; and
ſeeing his Misfortunes too great to be reinedied, reſolved
to make the moſt of his remaining Time. Accordingly, quitting
his Retreat, he returned to Cleopatra, and gave himſelf up anew
to Pleaſures and Diverſions. It is difficult to tell why he
took the Route of Egypt rather than to his noble Army under
Canidius, which he did not think had deſerted him, ſays Plu-
tarch ts
* Josephus, in telling the Fable of Arifiaus, calls the artificial Bank which
joined the Pharos to the main Land, ĉarasced sov xãucco It had a Bridge, under
which the Sea paſſed, and is deſcribed by Ceſar, or rather Hirtius, De Bello
Alexandring.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 189
tarch -f, till, after he had built his Tiuoverov, that general him-
felf brought the News of the Loſs of his Troops. ---Whom God
has a mind to deſtroy, ſaid the Ancients, he deprives of Under-
ſtanding Antony ſeems to have been ſtupefied by a Series of
Riot and Misfortunes, and, both in the Sea-Fight at Astiuni
and after it, to have acted like a Man that little knew, or little
cared what became of him.
CLEOPATRA's two eldeſt Sons, Cefario and Antyllus, coming
juſt at this time to the proper Age of aſſuming the manly Robe, on
which Occaſion it was the Cuſtom of the Ancients, both Greeks
and Romans, to celebrate this Advancement of their Children
from Infancy to an Age when they began to be accounted a
Part of the Republic, favoured his Reſolution to return to his
former Courſe of Magnificence and Pleaſure,, by offering him
an Opportunity to treat the Alexandrians; which he did for fe-
veral Days together, with Concerts, Balls, and Entertainments,
He thought to ſtrengthen his Intereſt, by ſhewing two Succeſ
ſors, who were already in a Condition to ſupply his Place, and
revenge his Cauſe. But this Precaution was of no ſervice to
him, and ſoon proved fatal to the Youths..
ANTONY and Cleopatra, at the Beginning of this Acquaint-
ance, had eſtabliſhed a Society, under the Title of THE INI-
MITABLE LIFE. They now aboliſhed it, and formed a new
one, which they called, An ENGAGEMENT TO DIE TOGETHER.
Their friends ſubſcribed their Names upon a Scroll, as if they
were reſolved to die with them ; and they prepared themſelves.-
for Death, by all the Amuſements capable of baniſhing it from
their Thoughts, by Pleaſures,, extravagant Expences, and ex-
cefſive Intemperance..
CLEOPATRA, however, whilft ſhe gave into every Diverſion,
was ſerioufly employed in trying Means to procure herſelf a Death,
equally quick and gentle, in caſe the ſhould at laſt be reduced
to what Extremity. She made. Trials of all Sorts of Poi-
fons,
+ In ANTON..
!
:..11.'
wo
+
lly
fixed upon
IGO MEMOIRS of the
ſons and venomous Creatures, upon Criminals, and obſerving,
for ſhe was always prefent herſelf at theſe Experiments, that
thoſe which killed ſuddenly cauſed violent Pains, ; and that
thoſe which were more gentle in their Effect operated but
Nowly; ſhe at laſt, as Plutarch informs us*, fixed the
Alp, whoſe Sting, or Bite, immediately brings on a lethargic
Heavineſs, benumbs the Senſes, and occaſions a ſpeedy Death,
without convulſive Agonies. This, therefore, the reſolved. upon,
as her laſt Reſource. The Woman who had fucceſſively
commanded the two Lords of the World, CESAR and "ANTONY ;
who had been entertained at Rome, by the Dictator, almoſt as a
Goddeſs; who had receiyed immenſe and incredible : Donations
from the Dictator ; could not think of being dragged in Chains
after the Victor's Chariot, and entering the City, like an hum-
ble Captive. She knew the hạrd Fate of triumphed Monarchs
carried to Rome. Perſes, Syphax, Jugurtha, Ariftobulus, and
Artuafdes, were before her Eyes ; rather than undergo whoſe
Treatment, any, Extremity was eligible.
OCTAVIUS, afrer ſettling at Samos thoſe Affairs which
ſeemed to him to require the greateſt Diſpatch, went to Athens,
to viſit the Seat of Arts and Learning. Here he ſhewed all
manner of Reſpect to the City, and was himſelf initiated in the
Solemnities of both its Goddeſſes, MINERVA and Ceres : but
we have not the Name of the Doctor, or Hierophant, who
pefimo
formed the Ceremony.
These 'Initiations were over all-Greece, whither they had
come, either from Egypt or Thrace, with the famous Orpheus.
There was a celebrated Order for Sanctity and Miracles in Sa-
mothrace, whither the Lacedemonians, when they were Maſters
of Greece, uſed to ſend a General yearly, becauſe it had the
Command of Pontus.-_When Antalcidas went thither in that
Quality, he was invited to be a partaker of the Cecemony, and
conſented: but being alked by the Prieſt, according to ancient
and
* In ANTON.
+
>
wow boots
Court of AUGUSTUS. 191
and modern Manner, What was the worſt Thing he ever did
in his Life ? he replied,
" As for that, whatever it was, you
“ need not inquire ; ſince your God, doubtleſs; knows it" *.--
This I likewiſe take to be the Temple where Ceſar's Father,
Oétavius, conſulted the Fate of his Son, and had for Anſwer,
that the Youth whoſe Fortune he wanted to know would one
Day be LORD OF THE Worldt.
ATHENS was protected by the Fame of its former Atchieve-
ments, while a free State, and by the Arts and Learning which
ſtill flouriſhed in it. After its Fleets and Armies... which had
awed and protected Greece, and been the-Terror of the Perſian
Empire, were gone, the ingenious and learned Men who re-
foried to it, Hiſtorians and Philoſophers, the Diſtributers of
Fame, gave it a Conſideration above the inoſt powerful Cities
under the Protection of Romeu
Upon his Arrival at this famous City, Oétavius, far from
maltreating the People of Greece, becauſe they had affifted his
Enemy, relieved their. Miſery by diſtributing among them the
Proviſions, which remained after the War : an Affiftance
which came very opportunely; for this Country had been terri-
hly plundered, not only of Riches, Men, and Cattle, but even
of Food.--We may judge of the Manner in which it had
been harraſſed, from the Account which Plutarch gives, from
his Great Uncle, with regard to the Town of Cherſoneſys, all
the Inhabitants .cf which, he ſays, had been -obliged to carry
upon their Shoulders a certain Meaſure of Grain as far as Antivo
cyrus on the Gulph of Corinth, and were even driven along with
Whips. They had performed this once, and were ready to ſet
out the ſecond Time, when the News of Antony's Defeat ar-
rived. This was the ſaving of that unfortunate Town.-An-
tony's Soldiers and Superintendants filed, and the - Inhabitants
ſhared the Corn.
FROM
* ΠΛΟΥΤ. Αποφθεγμ. Λακωνικά,
+ Sueton. Octav. §. 94.
5.
192
MEMOIRS of the
#
From Athens Ostavius paſſed into Aha, and was preparing
to advance, when he received Advice, by-repeated Couriers
from Agrippa, that his Veterans at home threatened a Revolt, to
prevent which his Preſence was abſolutely neceſſary. It was
then Winter; and Ottavius had taken poſſeſſion of the Conſul-
Thip for the fourth Time, in which he choſe for his Collegue
Marcus Craſſus, Son of the famous Crassus, and, if we may
believe Dion, formerly attached to the Party of Sextus Pompey,
and afterwards to that of Antony.
OCTAVIUS immediately ſet fail, notwithſtanding the Dan-
gers of the Seas in that tempeſtuous Seaſon. He was twice
overtaken by a Storm, in which he loft ſeveral of his Ships.
That which he was in himſelf was ſhattered, and her Rudder
broke to pieces. However, he arrived ſafe at Brindiſi, where
he was met by all the Senators, Knights, and Magiſtrates, ex-
cepting two Pretors, and two Tribunes of the People, who were
ordered by a Decree to remain in the City, to keep it quiet,
Innumerable Crowds of the People flocked to ſee their Maſter,
the Conqueror of ſo many Enemies, and the laſt that remained
of ſuch a Number of Competitors.--The Mutineers were
diſconcerted by his Arrival, and a ſingle Look of his, ſays Ta-
citus *, ſpread Terror among thoſe Legions to which he owed
the Victory of Aetium. However, as their Demands were rea-
ſonably founded, he partly complied with them ; diſtributing
Money, and allotting Lands to the oldeſt of the Soldiers : tho'
neither the Circumſtances of the Times, nor the Condition of
his Finances allowed him to diſcharge all that was due to them.
But in the mean time, to make them ſenſible of his good Inten-
tions, le expoſed to public Sale all his own Effects, and thoſe
of his principal Friends, who readily offered their Affiſtance.
-We may readily ſuppoſe that nobody had the boldneſs to
purchaſe any thing: and this was what Ostavius truſted to.
By
* Annal. I. 42.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
193
1
By this fpecious Conduct he ſhut the Mouths of the Murmu-
rers, and reduced them to wait with Patience till he ſhould be
able to pay them all he had promiſed.; which he afterwards did,
by means of the Treaſures he brought from Egypt when he
conquered that Country.
These Tranſactions took him up no more than thirty Days,
at the End of which he returned to Afa with all Speed, to find
his Enemy, and put the laſt hand to his Victory by completing
the Deſtruction of Antony. Dion ſays that he wanted in this
Voyage to avoid the Promontories of Peloponneſus, near which
he had before been overtaken by a Storm, and that, to this end,
his Ships were tranſported over the Iſthmus of Corinth.--They
muſt have been very light indeed, if ſuch an Operation could be
executed eaſily. But however that may have been, Ostavius
foon
got back to Afia, from whence he advanced towards Egypt
with his victorious Troops.
Ture Iſſue of the Astian War had already produced great
- Alterations in thefe Countries, and in all the Eaſtern Parts of
the Roman Empire. They had now been governed by Antony
.for near-twelve Years ; during which time, tho' he had often
fleeced them very ſeverely, and done many extravagant Things,
yet the noble, open Manner in which he treated the chief Men
of thoſe Parts, and the ſplendid Uſe which he made of the vaſt
Sums he had extorted from them, made them ready to forgive,
and almoſt admire him.--The large Aſſiſtance they had given
him when he was preparing for the War, was now like to coſt
them dear : Wherefore all the Princes depending upon the Ro-
man Power went to wait on the Conqueror at. Rhodes, and make
their Peace with him. Among theſe, none could have leſs
hope of Pardon than Herod, King of Judea.—His extraordi-
nary Behaviour at this Juncture, and the high Place he held
even to his Death in Cefar's Friendſhip, make it proper to re-
fume his Story
Vol. III,
Bb
HEROD
3
194
MEMOIRS of the
ژ
HEROD had received the Kingdom of Judea from Antony,
whoſe Party he now forſook. But he forſook it neither as a
Traitor, nor a Coward : for, cruel as he was, his eminent
Qualities had juſtly merited him the ſurname of the GREAT.
He abandoned Antony, when he ſaw that. Antony himſelf aban-
doned all care of his own Intereſt* Herod was not at the
Battle of Actium, being then engaged in a War in Arabia,
which the ambitious Cleopatra had ſet him upon, in hopes of
his conquering that Country ; after which the intended to get
rid of him, and to poffeſs herſelf of that Conqueſt, with his
Kingdom of Yudea, of both which Antony had made her a
Preſent of. But Herod eſcaped her Snares, and returned victo-
rious.—He had alliſted Antony with Men, Money, and Pro-
viſions ; and given him excellent Counſel, had he but had Re-
ſolution to follow it: for he advifed him, in his Letters, to
ſend away Cleopatra, if he intended to win the Battle ; and,
in cafe he loft it, to retire into Egypt, and defend the Avenues
to that Country. On his Return from Arabia, he went to An-
tony, and exhorted him not yet to deſpair ;, at the ſame time,
plainly telling him, that he had but one Way left to retrieve
his Affairs, which was by getting rid of Cleopatra, who was
the Cauſe of his Misfortunes, and who would not fail to ſacri-
fice him to Ceſar : That he muſt therefore prevent her De-
figns, and, by her Death, ſecure to himſelf the Kingdom of
Egypt, where, with the Troops he ſtill had left, he might ſtop
the Victor's Progreſs, and perhaps re-eſtabliſh his Fortune.---
Herod had a double View in giving this good Advice : that of
ſerving a Friend, whom he eſteemed ; and that of being re-
venged on Cleopatra for her Intention to procure his Death in
the Arabian War, and for her Endeavours to ſtrip him of his
Dominions. But Antony, unable to bear the Thought of
parting
* Plut. in Anton.
† Joseph. Antiq. Lib. XV. C. 1o. & de Bell. Judaic. L. I. c. 15:
3.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
195
parting with his dear Cleopatra, rejected every Meaſure of
which that was made a Condition : Upon which Herod,
plainly ſeeing that there could no longer be any Safety for him
in the Party he had hitherto eſpouſed, went to Ołtavius at
Rhodes.--He appeared before him without a Diadem, but
with all the other Marks of Royalty ; and ſpoke to him like a
King who came to offer him his Friendſhip, rather than as a
Supplicant who begged his Favour. Frankly acknowledging
his Attachment to Antony, with all that he had done, and
wiſhed to do for him ; " Cefar,” ſaid he *, “ it was Antony
" who made me King of the Jews ; and I confeſs that I have
employed in his Service that Fortune which I received from
“ him. I will even own to you, that if the War againſt the
« Arabians had not hindered me, you would have ſeen me in
• Arms, fighting againſt you. However, I aſſiſted him both
“ with Troops and Proviſions to the utmoſt of my Power.
66 Since his Misfortune at Actium, I have not abandoned
my
« Benefactor, to whom, being no longer able to be an uſeful
Ally, I have diſcharged the Duty of a faithful Counſellor,
by repreſenting to him, that the only way to retrieve his
56 Affairs, was to put Cleopatra to Death ; in which caſe I
*6 offered him my Wealth, my ſtrong Places, my Troops, and
my
Perſon, to help him to carry on the War againſt you.
- But Cleopatra's Charms have made Antony deaf to all my
66 Counſels; and God, who has been pleaſed to give you the
Victory, has hindered him from hearkening to my ſalutary
66 Advice. I am therefore conquered with Antony, and my
66 Throne is overturned together with his Fortune.I preſent
* myſelf before
you,
without other Hope than in my Vir--
« tue; expecting, however, that you will conſider what Friend
" I am, and not whom I have ſerved." Etavius, pleaſed
with this Speech, bid Herod reſume his Diadem, granted him
his Friendſhip, and confirmed him in the Poſſeſſion of his
B b 2
Kingdom,
* Joseph. Antiq. XV. 10. & de Bell. Jud. I. 15.
any
196 MEMOIRS of the
.
Kingdom, to which he ſhortly after added the States of Zem.
nodorus.
After thus obtaining Pardon for himſelf, Herod ventured to
aſk it for another. Alexas, or Alexander of Laodicea in Syria, ',
had held a diſtinguiſhed Rank at the Court of Antony and
Cleopatra. No one of the Greeks was more powerful in his
Time ;, tho? he had not advanced himſelf by the faireſt Means.
He had been one of Cleopatra's Tools to captivate Antony, and
deſtroy whatever good Sentiments. Reaſon might ſometimes.
ſuggeſt, to him in Favour of Octavia. Antony, who confided
greatly in his Zeal and Talents, ſent him from Alexandria to
Herod, to try to keep that Prince ſtedfaſt in his Intereſt. But-
in vain do the Great expect Fidelity from the Miniſters of their
Pleaſures. Alexas betrayed Antony, and remained with Herod."
He even preſumed ſo far upon the Protection of the Jewiſh
Monarch, as to appear before Octavius : but his Expectations -
were foon diſappointed. His crimes were of a Nature not to
be forgiven. Oétavius ordered him to be loaded with Chains, -
and ſent to his native City of Laodicea, where he was put to..
Death in the Sight of all his Cờuntrymen *.
HEROD returned with Speed to his Dominions, in order to
be ready to receive Oktavius, who was to paſs through Judea in
his way to Egypt. He received him magnificently at Ptole.
mais, where he treated him, and an hundred and fifty of his
Friends, in a moſt ſplendid Manner, and ordered Wine and
Meat to be diſtributed to all the Soldiers. After this; he made
Octavius a Preſent of eight hundred Talents; and ſent Carriages
with a Quantity of Water ſufficient for the Uſe of the whole
Army, to an arid Defart which the Troops were obliged to
croſs before they entered Egypt. Theſe Things gave the Ro .
mans an high Idea of Herod, whoſe Soul, ſaid they, was much
greater than bis Kingdom.
WHILE
REA
PLUT..
wordt
:
Court of AUGUSTU S. r97
While the Flames of Love were fanned by gawdy Expecta-..
tions, Cleopatra had expreſſed the utmoſt Affection for Antony :
But ſhe never had ſuch a Regard for him as was Proof againſt
the Temptations of Vanity and Ambition :--Much leſs did
his Adverſity awaken in her Sentiments of real Tenderneſs.
Could ſhe have found any way to ſave herſelf without him, or
even at his Expence, the certainly would have done it.
In this View, ſhe flattered herſelf with Hopes of making an
Impreſſion on Oétavius. Though older than him, her Charms
were not yet faded. She was not forty; and with the Dexterity
ſhe had acquired in the Art of Pleaſing, after having captivated
the Son of Pompey, the Great Cefar, and Antony, ſhe did not
deſpair of adding to thoſe Conqueſts that of her young Con--
.
But the attacked a Man as artful' as herſelf ; tho-
roughly guarded againſt the Artifices of her Sex, who never
could make him do a Thing contrary to his Intereſt. He ſaw"
through her Wiles, and diſſembled with her in Return; intend-
ing to make Uſe of her to get rid of Antony ; and afterwards>
to ſeize on her Kingdom, her Treaſures, and her Perſon. This
mutually double Deſign muſt not be loſt Sight of in their fu--
ture Proceedings.
OCTAVIUS entered Egypt on the side of Syria, while
Cornelius Gallus, who ſeems to have ſuperſeded Scarpus in his
Command in Lybia and Cyrene, entered it on the other. In
this Situation, Antony and Cleopatra tried to appeaſe Ostaviusn
but without Succeſs. They ſent three different Embaſſies to
him, and even went ſo far as to offer to reſign all, and lead a.
private Life in. Athens, or any other Place, which he ſhould
ap-
point; only defining that the Kingdom of Egypt ſhould be
given to Cleopatra's children. Though Cleopatra joined her.
.
Ambaſſadors with Antony's, yet ſhe gave them Inſtructions to...
treat ſeparately for herſelf, and ſent privately by them to Oeta-.
vius a Sceptre, a Crown, and a Chair of Gold, as Tokens
that ſhe reſigned all her Authority to him. Octavius accepted
Cleopatra's
.
198 MEMOIRS of the
8
$
Cleopatra's Preſents, and anſwered her Ambaſſadors, in public,
That if the Queen of Egypt would lay down her Arms, and
reſign her Kingdom, he ſhould then conſider whether ſhe ought
to be treated with Rigour or Mercy: but privately he promiſed
her Impunity, and even her Kingdom, in caſe ſhe would kill
Antony *.
*. As for Antony's Ambaſſadors, he would not ſo
much as ſee them, though they carried him a great Quantity of
Gold, and delivered up to him, as a Preſent from their Maſter,
2. Turulius, a Senator, one of Ceſar's Murderers, and Antony's
moſt intimate Friends. Oɛtavius received the Gold, and put
Turulius to Death ; but abated nothing of his Rigour againſt
Antony, to whom he gave only diſcouraging or ambiguous
Anſwers. Cleopatra too, on her Side, impoſed upon Antony, and
did all the could to deceive Oelavius. Antony alone acted with
Sincerity, and went ſo far as to offer to kill himſelf, provided
the Queen might be ſpared :—While ſhe, at that very Time,
was liſtening to Propoſitions for betraying him, and even of
putting him to Death.
When I ſay that Antony acted with Sincerity, I mean only
with Regard to Cleopatra; for his Conduct to Ottavius was full
of Treachery, if it be true, as Dion Caſſius ſays, that the Am-
baſſadors whom he ſent to negotiate with him, carried large
Sums deſtined to debauch his Troops, or even to bribe Villains
to affaffinate him.
CLEOPATRA's Intelligence with Oétavius appeared by her
Reception of his Freed-man Thyrſus, who had been artfully ſent
to perſuade her, that her Charms had made a great Impreſſion
upon Ceſar. The Queen of Egypt, who wiſhed for nothing ſo
much, liſtened attentively to his Diſcourſe, and had ſuch long
and frequent Interviews with Thyrſus, that Antony, whoſe open
Heart ſcarce knew what Suſpicion was, at length, grew unea-
fy, ſeized the Negotiator, ordered him to be ſeverely whipped,
and then ſent him back to his Maſter. Reflecting, however,
6
on
+ Dio. Cass. Lib. LI. p. 447.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 199
2
- f
on what he had done, he ſent a Letter of Excuſe the next Day
to Oétavius, telling him, that his Temper being foured and
eaſily exaſperated, thro' his Misfortunes, he could not ſuffer
the Inſolence of a Freed-man, who affected to affront him :
“ But,” added he, “ if you are offended, it is in your Power to
“ be revenged. I deliver to you Hipparchus, whom you may
“ treat in the fame manner as I have treated Thyrſus.”—This
Revenge would have been ſingular enough, and entirely in
Favour of Antony ; for Hipparchus had deſerted his Party and
gone over to the fortunate Side,
CLEOPATRA, by ſo much the more capable of counter-
feiting outward Appearances, as ſhe felt nothing within, was
alarmed at Antony's Suſpicions, and ſpared neither Careſſes, nor
Marks of Deference and Submiſſion to remove them. Her
Birth-day and that of Antony happened to be near one another,
and fell about the Time I am now ſpeaking of. She let her
own paſs unnoticed: but when Antony's came, the celebrated
it with ſuch extraordinary Magnificence and extravagant Pro-
fuſion, that Numbers who came thither poor, were enriched
for the reſt of their Lives.
In the mean time, the Operations of the War went on,
though ſomewhat ſlowly. Gallus, with the Legions which
Scarpus had delivered up to him, took poffeffion of Paretonium,
the Key of Egypt on the Weſt Side, as Pelupum was on the
Eaſt. Antony, whoſe Forces were ſtill conſiderable both by
Sea and Land, wanted to recover that important Place, and
therefore marched againſt it; fondly imagining, that as ſoon as
he fhould ſhew himſelf to Gallus's- Legions, who had former-
ly ſerved under him, their Affection for their old General would
be revived. But, fatally unfortunate in all his Enterprizes, as
foon as he approached the Walls, and began to exhort the
Troops to return to their firſt Oath, Gallus crdered all the
Trumpets to ſound, in order to hinder Antony from being
heard, and then ſallied out upon him and gained a ſmall Ad-
vantage.
Ý
..
200
MEMOIRS of the
vantage.
To add to his Misfortunes, his Fleet entered the
Port of Paretonium, which Gallus had left open on purpoſe,
but with Chains ſtretched below the Water, which, being raiſed
up by the help of Machines as ſoon as the Veſſels were got in,
blocked up the Mouth of the Harbour. The Fleet, thus caught,
was preſently attacked on all Sides, from the Sea, the Shore,
.and the Town. Antony loſt a great many Veſſels in this une-
qual Engagement, ſome being ſunk, and others burnt, ſo that
he ſaved but very few.
A Ser of Men, of mean Station, but whoſe Zeal and Fi-
delity does not the leſs deſerve to be commended, might have
been of Service to him at this Time, had not his unhappy Ex-
pedition againſt Paretonium deprived him of their Afliftance.
A Company of Gladiators, trained up at Cyzicum by his Orders,
with a View to the Games he purpoſed to give after defeating
Ostavius, for he had. made no Doubt of obtaining the Victory
at Astium, marched through all Aſia, in ſpite of the Oppoſition
they met with from thoſe Kings and Princes who had deſert-
ed Antony, and arrived in Syria; where Didius, another De-
ſerter of the ſame Cauſe, ſtopped their Paſſage, though he could
not overcome them. From thence they informed Antony of
their Situation, and intreated him to come and put himſelf at
their Head.----But he preferred marching to Paretonium, and,
unaccountably, neglected even to ſend an Anſwer to theſe
'brave Fellows, who, wearied with Delays, and looking upon
his Silence as a Refuſal of their Offer, at laſt came to an Agree-
ment with Didius, upon Condition that they ſhould not be
obliged to fight any more in the Amphitheatre, but ſhould re-
main in Daphne, one of the Suburbs of Antioch, till Oétavius
ſhould give Orders concerning them. They were afterwards
Yeparated, and incorporated in different Legions, in order to
diſperſe and deſtroy them.--A Treatment ill ſuited to their
generous Behaviour.
OCTAVIUS, in the mean Tiine, arrived before Pelupum,
near
+
tu
Court of AUGUSTUS.
20I
near the Spot where Damieta now ſtands, whoſe Strength, en-
forced by a numerous Garriſon, might have ſtopped him a long
while. But Seleucus, then Governor of the Place, immediate-
ly gave it up, in conſequence of private Orders from Cleopatra,
who, having loſt all Hopes of Safety from Antony, and flatter-
ing herſelf with being beloved by Ostavius, wanted to make a
Merit to the Conqueror of her Treachery towards him whoſe
Misfortunes ſhe had occaſioned. This Event gave Antony ſtrong
Suſpicions of Treachery, notwithſtanding all his Blindneſs :
but fich was his Infatuation ſtill, that the artful Queen foon
diſſipated them, by delivering up to him the Wife and Children
of Seleucus.
From Pelufium, Oetavius advanced towards the City of Alex-
andria, ſituated on the Weſtern Mouth of the Nile, and encainped
near the Hippodrome ; depending on his Intelligence with Cleopa-
tra, as much as upon his Army. Two Days after Ceſar had in-
veſted the Place, Antony made a vigorous Sally at the Head of
his Cavalry, ruined the Works of the Beſiegers, and beat them
back to their Camp. But this was a laſt Effort of expiring Vir-
tue: For inſtead of improving his Advantage, and thinking
ſeriouſly of defending himſelf by obſerving Cleopatra's Actions,
he flew to her immediately after the Battle, threw himſelf at
her Feet, with his Armour on, and kiſſed her Hands. The
Palace reſounded with Acclamations, as if the Siege had been
raiſed; and Cleopatra, who fought only to amuſe Antony, or-
dered a magnificent Entertainment, at which they ſpent the
Remainder of the Day and all the enſuing Night. Antony per-
ceiving in the Hall an Officer who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf
greatly in the Engagement, beckoned to him, and made him fit
down by him ; whilſt Cleopatra, to gain him to her Intereſt,
made him a Preſent of a Head-Piece and Breaſt-Plate of Gold,
finely wrought ; after which ſhe ſent him that very Night, to
Ceſar, to let him know what Steps ſhe intended next to take.
Theſe were, to deliver up her Fleet, and with it Antony, if the
VOL. III.
Сс
could
--
202
MEMOIRS of the
could make him fall into the Snare. To this End, ſhe pre-
tended a great Deſire that her Ships, on board of which the
had put none but Alexandrians and Phenicians, ſhould try their
Fortune againſt thoſe of the Enemy. Antony, who knew no
Will but her's, conſented to the Propoſal, and at Day-break of
the firſt of Auguſt drew up his Land-Forces on the neighbour-
ing Hills, from thence to view the Combat. The Fleet failed
out of the Port in good Order :--but how great was his Alto-
niſhment when he ſaw the Egyptian Veſſels ſalute thoſe of
Oétavius, and return with them into the Harbour. At the
ſame time his Cavalry.deſerted him. He then tried an Engage-
ment with his Infantry, but was defeated : upon which he flew
back to Alexandria, vowing revenge on Cleopatra, by whom he
had been thus baſely betrayed.
Just before the Battle, Antony had fent a Meſſage to Oéta-
vius, challenging him to end the War by a ſingle Combat, but
was anſwered coldly, that if he fought for Death, there were
others Methods enough to procure it.
Whilst Antony was advancing againſt his Enemy, the
treacherous Queen, apprehending the Conſequences of his juſt
Reſentment, eſpecially during the firſt Tranſports of his Wrath,
retired to a magnificent Tomb, which ſhe had built for herſelf,
amidſt the other Monuments of the Kings of Egypt. She had
before ſent thither moſt of her valuable Effects, particularly
her Gold and Jewels, with Quantities of Perfumes, aromatic
Woods, Torches, and other Combuſtibles, of which a Pile
was made, as if ſhe had intended to burn herſelf with her
Riches. She now ſhut herſelf up in this Place, the Door of
which was ſtrongly defended with Bolts and iron Bars, and
cauſed Antony to be told, that, preferring an honourable Death
to a ſhameful Captivity, ſhe had ended her Days amidſt the
Remains of her Anceſtors. If Dion Caffius be right in think-
ing ſhe did this in order to rid Oétavius of his Rival, as well
knowing that he loved her to ſuch Exceſs as not to be able to
furvive
Court of AUGUSTU S.
203
i
ſurvive her, it muſt be owned that this perfidy was ſtill more
atrocious than all ſhe had done before.Certain it is, that
Antony, always too credulous, eſpecially when the Character or
Welfare of Cleopatra was concerned, inſtantly paſſed from
the moſt violent Anger, to as great Melancholy and Deſpair ;
and, ſtruck with the Idea of her Death, reſolved to kill himſelf.
He retired immediately into his Chamber, put off his Armour,
and, full of his former Paſſion, which a Moment's Reflection
on Cleopatra's Behaviour might have cured him off, fent for
one of his moſt faithful Slaves, named Eros, from whom he
had ſome time before extorted a Promiſe to kill him, whenever
Fortune ſhould drive him to this laſt Extremity. He now
called upon him to keep his Word. The Slave took up a
Sword, as if he was going to ſtab his Maſter, but plunged it
into his own Bofom.--I commend thee, Eros, cried Antony,
ſeeing him fall at his Feet ; inſtead of doing that Office, which
your Regard for me would not permit you to perform : you ſhew
me the Example. --He then drew his Sword, ran it into his
Side, and fell back upon a Couch. The Wound was not irn-
mediately mortal ; and the Blood ſtopped after he had lain ſome
time upon his Back.
He was in this Situation, racked with Anxiety of Mind and
Pain of Body, when Diomedes, one of the Queen's Secretaries,
came from her to propoſe his being removed to her Tomb ;
for ſhe had been inſtantly informed of his raſh Action.--In-
dignation would have filled the Breaſt of any other Man, at
finding by this Meſſage how fatally he had been deceived with
regard to Cleopatra's Death : but Antony expreſſed only Joy at
hearing that ſhe was ſtill alive, and earneſtly begged to be car-
ried to her.----_The Difficulty was how to get him into her
Tomb; for He would not hy any means ſuffer the Door to be
opened, for fear of being ſurprized by ſome of O&tavius's Party.
She therefore went to a Window, and threw down Cords,
with which ſhe and two of her Women, the only Perſons ſhe
Cc 2
had
1
t
1
204
MEMOIRS of the
".
had taken with her, drew him up. Never was a more moving
Sight.-Antony, covered with Gore, and in the Agonies
of approaching Death, was ſuſpended in the Air, ſtretching his
Hands towards Cleopatra, and frequently in Danger of falling;
whilfta Number of Spectators, anxious and trembling, encouraged
Cleopatra, whoſe utmoſt Strength was exerted, 'till at length,
with the Help of her two Attendants, ſhe hoiſted him up to the
Window, took him in her Arms, and carried him to her Bed. -
I do not know that this Picture, which is drawn by Plutarch,
has been executed by any great Painter : nor could I readily
name a Subject in all Hiſtory better calculated to diſplay the
Skill of an able Maſter.
CLEOPATRA, who but a few Hours before, did not
ſhudder at the Thought of offering Antony's Head to Cefar, in
order to preſerve her Kingdom, could not now behold him in
the Agonies of Death, without being penetrated with Grief.
Embracing him with all the Tenderneſs of real Affection,
and bathing him with Tears, the called him her dear Lord,
her Prince, her Huſband, and uttered the moſt mournful Ex-
preſſions, while the cut off his Hair, according to the Super-
ftition of the Pagans, who imagined that Ceremony gave Eate
to ſuch as died a violent Death *. Antony, lifting up his Eyes,
begged
(
4
* So VIRGIL, in his high-wrought Deſcription of the Death of DIDO..
Tum Juno omnipotens, longum miſerata dolorem,
Difficileſque obitus, Irim demiſit Olympo,
Quæ luctantem animam nexoſque reſolverat artus.
Nam, quia nec Fato, merita nec Morte peribat,
Sed miſera ante diem, ſubitoque accenſa furore,
Nondum illi flavum Proſerpina vertice crinem
Abſtulerat, Stygioque caput damnaverat Orco.
Ergo Iris cruceis per cælum rofcida pennis,
Mille trahens varios adverfo fole colores,
Devolat, et fupra caput adftitit: Hunc ego Diti
Sacrum juſſa fero, teque iſto corpore folvo.
Sic ait, et dextra crinem fecat : omnis et una
Dilabſus calor, atque in ventos vita recefſit.
ÆNEID. Lib. IV. I. 693-
!
is
Court of AUGUSTU S.
205
begged of her to be comforted, aſſured her that he died happy
ſince he died in her Arms, and that he thought it no Ignominy
for a Roman, as he was, to be conquered by a Roman. Then,
exhorting her to ſave her Life and Kingdom, if ſhe could do it
with Honour, and adviſing her to beware of the Traitors of her
own Court, as well as of Cefar's Attendants, Proculeius alone
excepted, in whom ſhe inight ſafely confide, he expired in her
Arms,
Such was the End of ANTONY, in the fifty-fifth Year of his
Age; juftly eſteemed the greateſt General of his time, till,
captivated by Cleopatra, he ſuffered his Courage to be ener-
vated by the Pleaſures of her Court, and after loſing all his
former Glory, loſt at laſt his Life, through a weak and Mame-
ful Deſpair. His good Qualities were great ; but his Vices
greater. He was naturally open, humane, and liberal : but
theſe principles of Virtue, not being ſupported by a ſound,
firm, and enlightened Reaſon, were often overpowered by the
Violence of his Paſſions, ſo far as to make him give way to
the moſt odious Cruelty, and ſometimes degenerated even into
Weakneſs. Born to be governed by Women, he was a fta-
grant Inſtance of the Infatuation, Slavery, and endleſs Diſaſters,
which a fooliſh Love for the underſerving of that Sex never
fails to produce.--His natural Character was almoſt ſuch
another as that of a modern General, (4---) who diſ-
played his in his Government of Minorca. Only Antony, tho'
rude among the Romans, was more poliſhed both by Letters
and Converſation.--But both were Soldiers, both rapacious,
both Swearers, both Drinkers, and both abandoned to Lewd-
neſs.--It is no ſmall Compliment to the Modern, to compare
him to M. Antony.
ANTONY was ſcarcely dead when Proculeius arrived ; for
while the wounded General was carrying from his Chamber to
Cleopatra's Tomb, one of his Guards, named Derceteus,
catching up the Sword with which he had ſtabbed himſelf,
6
ran
1
,7
206
MEMOIRS of the
3
*
.
ran to Oétavius, told him what paſſed, and produced the fatal
Steel tinged with his Rival's Blood. Oxlavius ſhed Tears ; but
ſtill leſs ſincere, I doubt, than even thoſe of his Great-uncle
Julius, after the Death of Pompey. He affected to bewail the
melancholy Fate of a Brother-in-Law, and a Collegue, with
whom he had been connected in the Management of ſo many
great and important Affairs : and, in order to juſtify himſelf,
he aſſembled his Friends, and read to them the Letters which
had paſſed between him and Antony; defiring them to obſerve
how reaſonable his Propoſals had always been, whilft Antony's
Anſwers were full of Pride and Haughtineſs. After this farce
was ended, he ſent Proculeius to Cleopatra, with orders to try
every means to get her into his Power, eſpecially by aſſuring
her, that ſhe had nothing to fear from him, for that he would
take care of her and her Children.-The Truth is, that he
was afraid of loſing the Treaſures the had conveyed to her
Tomb, and greatly wiſhed to adorn his Triumph with a Cap-
tive of her Diſtinction.
CLEOPATRA would not confer with Proculeius, except
through the Bars of the Gate, which was well ſecured. She
demanded the Crown of Egypt for her Children : but Procu-
leius adviſed her to truſt to the Victor's Generoſity. In the
mean tiine, he took particular Notice of every Thing about the
Place; and while Gallus, who came with a ſecond Meſſage
from Octavius, purpoſely ſpun out the Converſation with Cleo-
patra at the Gate, one on the outlide and the other within,
Proculeius and two So'diers, with the Help of a Ladder, got
in at the Window through which Antony had been conveyed.
He immediately ran to the Gate ; and one of Cleopatra's Wo-
men crying out, “Unfortunate Princeſs, you are taken alive !"
She turned about, and ſeeing Proculeius, attempted to ſtab
herſelf with a Poniard which hung at her Girdle. Proculeius
catched hold of her Arm, wreſted the Dagger from her, and
examined her Cloaths to ſee that the had no other Weapons,
3
or
į
.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
207
*
or any Poiſon, concealed about her ; telling her, that ſhe was
unjuſt both to herſelf and to his Maſter, in wanting to deprive
him of the Opportunity of ſhewing his Clemency, and in en-
deavouring to make the moſt gentle of all Conquerors pats for
an implacable Enemy, unworthy to be truſted.---- Ostavius,
being informed that Cleopatra was taken, ordered Epaphroditus
to carry her to the Palace, and there to watch her very care -
fully, without loſing fight of her a Moment, leſt lhe Mould
kill herſelf : but in every other reſpect, to ſhew her the great-
eſt Deference, and do all he could to ſoften her Captivity.
CESAR's Behaviour now fully verified the ancient Maxim,
which the great Maſter of Life recommends as an Oracle :
By Converſe with the Knowing Princes become Wife *.
At his Entry into Alexandria, he did ſuch an Honour to
a learned Man, as has few Parallels in Hiſtory. He entered
the City, holding Areius by the Hand, and when the Alexan-
driūns were expecting every thing that was dreadful in Victory
and Revenge, he mounted tie Tribunal, without quitting his
hold of the Philoſopher, and told them in his ſententicus Way,
that he was ſenſible what they deſerved from him; but that
he pardoned them, and would ſpare their City ; firſt, becauſe
of its Beauty; next, out of reſpect for the Memory of Alexan-
der, its Founder of ; and laſtly, for the ſake of Areius, their
Fellow-Citizen, and his Friend I. -Such was his Regard
for Men of Learning, who are in fact the Heralds of the
Great,
* ΣΟΦΟΙ ΤΥΡΑΝΝΟΙ ΣΟΦΩΝ ΣΥΝΟΥΣΙΑΙ. .
IIAATON say. Where he quotes this Line as from Euripides ; while it
is ſtill extant in a Tragedy of Sophocles, called the Locrian Ajax.
What a
handle of Triumph to a little Critic ! But either the Verſe may have been in
both Places, of which we have many Inſtances; or it may have been a Sli, of
a Great Man's Memory, no way derogatory to his Superior Knowledge.
+ JULIAN's Superftitious Fondneſs for Serapis has made him ſubſtitute that
God, inſtead of this Hero, as the Founder of Alexandria.
I PLUT. Apothegm.
f
!:
+
208 MEMOIRS of the
WE
Great, the means by which their Actions are configned to Im-
mortality. His Eſteem for Philoſophy made him think it
an Honour to himſelf to have a Philoſopher's Head on the
Reverſe of his Medals. M. Spanheim * gives a fine Head of
PLATO, which, he ſays, is ſtill extant on the Reverſe of a
Greek Medal of Auguſtus.
The Conqueror now redoubled his Complaiſance to the
captive Queen, ſending regularly to inquire after her Health,
and deſiring to know wherein he could be of Service. To
which ſhe, well knowing what Value to ſet upon theſe Com-
pliments, anſwered, that ſhe only deſired leave to bury her
deceaſed Antony. Several Afatic Monarchs, who had received
cither their Dominions, or other great Favours, from that Ge-
neral, had already begged leave to pay their laſt Duty to their
Benefactor, by performing his funeral Rites. But Oétavius
ſeferved this Conſolation for the Queen of Egypt, who cauſed
his Body to be embalmed with the richeſt Spices of the Eaſt,
and erected to him a magnificent Mauſoleum among the
Tombs of her royal Anceſtors.
The Series of Grief which Cleopatra had undergone, added
to the Contuſions ſhe had given herſelf upon her Breaſt, brought
on a Fever, which ſhe reſolved to make a Pretence of to ſtarve
herſelf to Death, under Colour of obſerving a Regimen necef-
ſary for her Diſorder. Her Phyſician, Olympus, from whom
Plutarch had this Particular, was in the Secret. But Oétavius,
having diſcovered her Deſign, ſent her Word, that her Children
ſhould ſuffer for it, if The neglected the Means of recovering
her Health. Unable to reſiſt this Menace, ſhe ſubmitted to a
proper Treatment, and was cured.
OCTAVIUS then ſent to deſire leave to wait on her
Ceremony by which he hoped the better to maſk his real
Deſign. He was introduced into her Chamber, where ſhe was
lying upon a Couch, with nothing on her but a looſe Robe.
As
a
* In JULIAN, p. 73
Court of AUGUSTU S. 209
As ſoon as he entered, ſhe roſe up haſtily, and threw herſelf at
his Feet. Her Misfortune's had emaciated her, and, in ſome
Meaſure, foured her Countenance : Her Hair was diſhevelled,
her Voice trembling, her Complexion pale, and her Eyes caſt
down; the Marks of the Blows ſhe had given herſelf were ſtill
viſible on her Bofom, and her whole outward Form plainly
ſpoke the deplorable Condition of her Mind." Yet her natural
Beauty, and the noble Sprightlineſs of her Looks, had not
entirely forſaken her ; but even through theſe diſadvantageous
external Appearances, alluring Charms might ſtill be diſcovered
in all her Motions. Oétavius deſired her to reſume her Seat,
and ſat down by her.
CLEOPATRA had prepared herſelf for this Interview,
which ſhe greatly deſired, and now reſolved to make the beſt
Uſe of, to found the Conqueror. Apologies, Intreaties, and Al-
lurements were recurred to, but equally in vain. She began
with attempting to juſtify herſelf, and to throw the Cauſe of the
War entirely upon Antony, whom, ſhe ſaid, ſhe was forced to
obey : but Oétavius eaſily refuted thoſe Excuſes, and ſhewed
her that ſhe was wrong in every Article. She then ſubmitted
to implore his Clemency :-but, a Moment after, changing her
Tone and Subject, ſhe ſhewed the young Cefar ſeveral Por-
traits of his Great-Uncle, which ſhe had hung up in her
Chamber, and read to him ſeveral tender Letters which ſhe
had received from that Dictator ; frequently interrupting the
Diſcourſe with mournful Complaints, and Reflections on her-
felf. Of what Service, cried fhe, can thoſe Letters be to me,
which that Great Man honoured me with? Why could not I die
with him ? Then, recovering herſelf, and addreſſing O'Etavius,
Oh, ſaid ſhe, I find him again in you : He revives for me in your
Perfon. Oétavius was no Stranger to this Language : but he
remained ſo firm againſt every Attack, that Cleopatra was obliged
to return to Affairs of Buſineſs.
AFTER thanking him for the Compliments, which Procu.
VOL. III.
D d
leius
4
:
210 +
::.. ..:
ru
국
​if
MEMOIRS of the
leius had made her in his Namė, and which he himſelf had
been pleaſed to confirm, the told him, that, in return, the
would deliver to him all the riches of the Kings of Egypt; and
with theſe Words The preſented him an Inventory of her Trea-
ſure, which gave riſe to a ſingular Scene : for Seleucus, one of
her Stewards, having alledged that the Inventory was not juſt,
and that ſhe had fecreted certain Jewels, which he mentioned,
ſhe flew into a violent Paffion, ſtarted from her Couch, and
catching him by the Hair, gave him ſeveral Blows on the
Face. Oetavius ſmiled at this Sally, and deſired her to deſiſt:
What, Sir, ſaid ſhe, whilft you do me the Honour of viſiting me
in this melancholy Situation, is it not provoking that one of my
Slaves ſhould dare to affrant me in your Preſence ? And even
what he ſays were true ; can it be ſuppoſed that I fhould keep
for myſelf, thoſe Ornaments which no longer ſuit ny Fortune ?
Or could I be blamed for preſerving fome Preſents to offer to
Livia and Octavia, in order, by their Means, to obtain Indul-
gence from you ? Oétavius, pleaſed with this Speech, becauſe it
looked as if ſhe did not think of deſtroying herſelf, bid her
keep what ſhe had reſerved, and aſſured her, that he fhould en-
deavour to oblige her in every other thing, even beyond what
ſhe herſelf could hope.
It is very plain, that Cleopatra hoped, at this Interview,
to work Cefar firſt to Pity, and then to Love.---Every part
of her Dreſs, Appearance, and Behaviour, tended to one of
theſe two.Her Fury againít her own Servant ſhewed the
moſt outrageous Temper ; and ſhe appears toſſed in a Whirl
of Paſſions throughout the whole Vifit.Indeed her Fate
depended upon the Succeſs of her Wiles, and the immediately
read it in Cefar's Eyes. He endeavoured to diſſemble in his
Words ; aſſured her of the kindeſt Treatment, becoming her
royal State, and the Splendor of her Family; and preſſed her
to take care of her Health, and to command him in every
Thing The deſired. But while he ſpoke, ſhe obſerved that he
6
never
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 2II
never once raiſed his Eyes from the Ground, nor looked her
in the Face. Perhaps he thought it the ſureſt Way of ordering
his Looks, to ſhew neither Anger nor Love :--Or rather, con-
ſcious Guilt, and a formed Deſign to deceive, produced this
Effect; which was a certain Evidence to the Queen, that the
was undone, and could not make the leaſt Impreſſion upon his
Heart.
CLEOPATRA kept a Correſpondence with Dolabella, a
young Roman of high Birth, and attached to Ostavius, but
who, out of Compaſſion, or perhaps a ſtronger Motive, in-
tereſted himſelf in her Misfortunes. He privately informed
her, according to their Agreement, that Ostavius was pre-
paring to return to Italy by Land, through Syria, and that
The was to be ſent off in three Days, with her Children.
Upon this, the deſired leave of Ostavius to offer Libations
on Antony's Tomb; which being granted, the repaired thither
with her two faithful Attendants, embraced his Coffin, bathed
it with her Tears, and invoked his Spirit to witneſs that ſhe
would ſoon rejoin him. She then returned home, bathed, and
ordered a great Dinner to be prepared, during which a Pea-
ſant brought her a covered Baſket. The Guards ſet about her
under Pretence of Honour, but in reality to watch all her Mo-
tions, aſking what it was, he opened it, took out the Leaves
at the Top, and ſhewed them ſome Figs. They admired their
Size and Beauty, and let him paſs, not ſuſpecting that he car-
ried any Thing elſe.
As ſoon as ſhe had finiſhed her Dinner, ſhe gave Epaphro-
ditus a Letter, fealed, to deliver to Cefar; then ordered every
one to leave her, except her two Women, who immediately
ſhụt the Doors of her Apartment. Oétavius, upon opening
the Letter, found in it nothing but lamentable Intreaties, Cleo-
patra requeſting, as the greateſt Favour, to be buried beſide
Antony. Eaſily apprehending what this ſignified, he at firſt
thought of going to her himſelf; but a Moment after, judged
it
Dd 2
II"
1
.
212
.* *MEMOIRS of the
IR
it more proper to ſend ſome of thoſe who were about him, to
examine what had paſſed. They ran with all Speed, and
found the Guards quiet at their poſts, not in the leaſt ſuſpect-
ing that any Accident had happened : but upon their entering
the Chamber, they ſaw Cleopatra lying dead upon a gilded
Bed, arrayed in her royal Robes. Of the two Women who
waited upon her, Iras lay dead at her Miſtreſs's Feet, and the
other, Charmion, already ſtaggering, and hardly able to ſupport
herſelf, was putting the Diadem on Cleopatra's Head. This is
finely done, Charmion ! cried one of thoſe who came in, with
great Emotion. Yes, replied ſhe, it is finely. done, and worthy
a Princeſs deſcended from ſo many Kings. On pronouncing theſe
Words, ſhe fell down and expired.
CLEOPATRA died at the age of thirty-nine, after hav-
ing reigned twenty-two Years ; during fourteen of which, par-
taking in Antony's good Fortune, ſhe ſaw all the Kings and
Princes of the Eaſt glory in being allowed ſervilely to cringe
before her. Ambition, the Motive of all her Actions, made
her vainly hope to triumph over the whole Roman Empire,
and reign in the Capitol *.--Impelled by that fatal Paſſion,
ſhe had made War upon her eldeſt Brother, poiſoned a ſecond,
and ordered her Siſter Arfinöe to be murdered. The Abuſe,
which ſhe made of Antony's Confidence, during the many
Years they lived together, and his extreme Indulgence towards
her, is an atrocious Piece of Ingratitude, which the crowned
with
dum Capitolio
Regina dementes ruinas,
Funus & Imperio parabat.
Says HORACE, in the laſt (a), but not leaſt beautiful, of ſix Odes, which he
compoſed upon the ending of the War between Octavius and Antony. The
Poet ſeems here to triumph with the Conqueror : Though we may obſerve ia
this, as well as in all the other Odes of his writing, on the Subject of the Civil
Wars, which had deſolated the Republic for many Years, a conſtant Tender-
neſs and Care for the Perſon of Antony. All the Indignation of the Poet
falls upon, Cleopatra.
(a) Lib. I. Od. 37
-
Court of AUGUSTUS. 213
::::T",
1
*
with the blackeſt Perfidy, by betraying to an Enemy the Per-
ſon whom ſhe feigned to love more than her Life.-----And,
that ſhe might partake of every Kind of Shame, ſhe had the
Mortification to ſee her Advances to Oɛtavius rejected, and
thoſe Efforts by which ſhe tried to kindle in him a Paſſion, in
which, till that Time, ſhe had always triumphed, repulſed
with Contempt. Her Haughtineſs attended her even to her
laſt Moments, which the choſe to accelerate, rather than ſub-
mit to adorn the Triumph of her Conqueror* __With her
fell the Egyptian Monarchy, which had ſubſiſted two hundred
and ninety four Years, under thirteen Kings of the Family of
the Lagida. She was buried near Antony, according to her
Deſire, and after the Manner of the Egyptians : her own
Subjects being charged to direct her Funeral with a Magnifi-
cence becoming ſo great a Queen, at the Expence of OEtavius, ,
who likewiſe finiſhed the Tomb which ſhe and Antony had
begun to build for themſelves, and ordered an honourable Se-
pulture for the two faithful Women, who had accompanied
her to her Death.
How wild ſoever Cleopatra's Conduct might be, yet her
high Spirit and Capacity, her Grandeur and extenſive Terri-
tories, made the famous Zenobia, the Queen of the Eaſt, boaſt
that ſhe was deſcended from the Ptolomies and Cleopatra, and
lay Claim to their wide Dominion.
Though Oétavius, now without any Sort of Rival, and in-
conteſtably Maſter of the Roman Empire, ſhewed, in general,
a Clemency ſuitable to his high Fortune, yet he exerciſed ſuch
Rigours, as he thought neceſſary for his Security. Among
theſe
* Deliberatâ Morte ferocior:
Sævis Liburnis fcilicet invidens,
Privata deduci fuperbo
Non humilis Mulier triumpho.
HOR. ib.
Where, by the way, the Poet artfully mentions theſe veſſels, becauſe they
were particularly ſerviceable in gaining the Victory, in Compliment to his Pa-
tron Mecenas, who commanded that Squadrou.
2
A
214 MEMOIRS of the
theſe was the Execution of Antyllus, (ſo called as a Deſcendant
from Hercules) the eldeſt of Antony's Sons by Fulvia. The
unfortunate Youth was delivered up by his Preceptor Theodore.
Neither the Statue of Julius Cefar, which he claſped in his
Arms ; nor his being betrothed to Julia, by the Treaty con-
cluded at Tarentum, could ſave him. The Wretch who be-
trayed him, when he ought to have preſerved his Life, even at
the Expence of his own, foon brought upon himſelf, by a freſh
Crime, the Puniſhment due to his Perfidy: for while the
Soldiers were preparing to behead Antyllus, Theodore ſtole from
him a valuable Jewel, which hung at his Neck ; Search was
made for it, and the Thief denied it : but he was preſently
convicted of the Fact, and crucified.
CLEOPATRA, a little before her Death, thinking to
fave her Son Cefario, whom ſhe had by the Dictator Ceſar,
intruſted him to the Care of one Rhodon, with Orders to carry
him to the King of Ethiopia. But the baſe Traitor, in Hopes
of a Reward, brought him back to Oétavius. A Council was
aſſembled, to deliberate upon the Fate of this unfortunate
Youth, when Areius, who had the Honour to fit as a Mem-
ber, being aſked his Opinion, anſwered, alluding to part of a
Line of Homer,
Away with many ChiefsmaOne Head is beſt
THOUGH this Anſwer has more the Air of a Courtier than
of a Patriot, yet it was found Advice at Bottom ; as in the
low State to which Vice and Venality had reduced the Re-
public, there was now little Proſpect of its ever recovering its
Liberty, and many Chiefs of oppoſite Factions would only
have ſerved to rend the miſerable Remains by new Struggles
for perſonal Power Though, indeed, there was no great
Occaſion
* Homer ſays, (II. II. I. 204.) oủx égalèr moundsgavin, But Arcius
turned it in this Manner to Octavius,
Ουκ αγαθών πολυκαισαρίηέις καίσαρG» 'σω.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
215
***
#
Occaſion for very cogent Reaſons to induce Oxlavius to make
away with a Man, who diſputed with him the Quality of
Cefar's Son.Ceſario was therefore put to death.
The Statues which had been erected to Antony were
thrown down after his Death *, by Virtue of a Decree of the
Senate, paſſed when CICERO's Son preſided as Conſul. A
very ſingular Circumſtance, and which was remarked by all
the World as a Kind of Confolation to the Manes of Cicero,
whoſe Son gave the laſt blow of Infamy and Vengeance to his
Enemy and Murderer. For the fame Decree ordered, that
whatever had been enacted in Favour of Antony ſhould be
aboliſhed ; that his Birth-Day ſhould be ranked among the
unfortunate Days; and that none of his Family ſhould ever
aſter bear the Name of Marcus *.-I muſt here obſerve,
that Oétavius ſeems to have deſired to waſh off the Reproach
of his Ingratitude towards Cicero, by the Regard which he
fewed to his Son.--Young Cicero, after the Battle of Phi-
lippi, retired at firſt to Sicily, to Sextus Pompey. It is probable
that he returned to Rome after the Battle of Miſeno ; and thus
being in a Situation to receive Ostavius's Favours, he was firſt
made Augur, and afterwards advanced to the Conſulſhip,
which he held from the thirteenth of September, to the firſt
of November, in the Year I am now ſpeaking of I.
The Statues of Cleopatra. would not have been more re-
ſpected than thoſe of Antony, if her generous Friend, Archi-
bius, had not preſerved them from being deſtroyed, by giving
QEtavius a thouſand Talents ; about two hundred and twenty-
five thouſand Pounds of our Money.
ANTONY left ſeven Children by three different Wives.
He had by Fulvia, Antyllus, and Julius Antonius; by Ottavia,
two Daughters, both named Antonia ; by Cleopatra, two Sons,
Ptolomey and Alexander, and one Daughter, named Cleopatra
after
• VELL. Lib. II. c. 86.
Civil. Lib. IV. Dio. & PLIN,
+ PLUT. in Cic. APPIAN. de Bell.
I U. C. DCCXXIII.
는
​.
personen
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;
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216 : MEMOIRS of the
after her Mother. We have already ſeen the melancholy Fate
of Antyllus. As to the reſt, Oétavia, who continued always
faithful to the Memory of an ingrateful Huſband, took them
under her Care, and educated them with her own Children;
performing the Office of a Mother to them all.
made Julius Antonius her Son-in-Law, by giving him in
Marriage Marcella, whom ſhe had by her firſt Huſband, Mar-
cellus. Oétavius, who ſpared him, perhaps becauſe he liked
his Name better, or thought his Temper leſs dangerous, than
that of his elder Brother, gave him his Father's forfeited
EſtateCleopatra, ſurnamed Selene, or the Moon, had, for
her Portion, Part of the Kingdom of Cyrene, and was married
to the younger JUBA, the moſt amiable and moſt learned
King of his Time. We are not told what became of Ptolomy
and Alexander, any farther than that the Conqueror ſpared
their Lives.---The eldeſt of Antony's Daughters by Octavia
married Domitius Ahenobarbus; and the other, diſtinguiſhed
by the Name of the Younger Antonia, but ſtill more ſo by
her Beauty and Virtue, became the Wife of Druſus and the
Mother of Germanicus.-By theſe Alliances, Antony's Porte-
rity arrived at the ſovereign Power in Rome ; Caligula his
Great-Grand-Son, Claudius his Grandſon, and Nero, who de-
ſcended from him both by his Father and Mother, being ſuc-
ceſſively Emperors, and his Deſcendants. For Domitius, the
Father of this laſt, was Antony's-Grand-Son ; and Agrippina,
his Mother, was Antony's Great-Grand-Daughter.
The JUBA, Second of the Name, who married CLEOPA-
TRA SELENE, was ſon of Juba I. and Grandſon of Hiempfal,
both Kings of Numidia.--->The elder Juba had eſpouſed the
Cauſe of the Great Pompey; but, after the Death of that
Affertor of Liberty, he was defeated by the Dictator Julius,
who reduced his Kingdom into a Province dependant on the
Romans, in the Year DCCVIII. The Hiſtorian Salluſt was
the firſt Governor of it. The dethroned Monarch, unable
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217
to brook his Diſgrace, prevailed on Petreius, the Companion
of his Misfortunes, to put an End to his Sufferings and
Life *.---The younger Juba, then an Infant, was made one
of the Ornaments of the Victor's Triumph at Rome, where he
was educated, and attached himſelf to Oetavius, who, upon his
marrying Cleopatra, gave him the two Mauritanias, and Part of
Getulia.By this means, he continued the Poſterity of Mafi-
niſa.-Ptolomy, whom the Wretch Caligula put to death,
was their Son.
JUBA was a great Naturaliſt, and extremely curious ; but,
I ſuſpect, a little credulous, as Pliny t, who has borrowed
largely from him, and who ſays that his Knowledge rendered
him ftill more illuſtrious than his Crown, mentions his aſſerting
in a Letter to Caius Cefar, that a dead Man was brought to
Life by the Virtue of an Herb which grows in Arabia.A
Country, it would ſeem, always productive of Miracles.---
He likewiſe ſays, that Semiramis was fond of a Horſe, and
that her Paſſion roſe to the Height of Paſphae's for her Bull.
The Plant Euphorbium is ſaid to have been firſt diſcovered,
and ſo named, by him, from his Phyſician Euphorbius
Certain it is, that he was a moſt amiable, and very learned,
Prince. Both Pliny I and Athenæus & mention ſeveral Works
of his writing.
OCTAVIUS's Clemency, upon the taking of Alexandria,
was not confined to Antony's Family alone. Moſt of the ſur-
viving Romans, who had followed that unfortunate Chief, were
pardoned ; Hiſtory mentioning only three of them, Caſus of
Parma, Canidius, and the Senator Ovinius, who were puniſhed
with Death.
L. Nafidius, Sentius Saturninus, Minutius Thermus, C. An-
tiſtius Vetus, and the other Champions of Liberty, had ſtuck
VOL. III.
Еe
by
* Sueton. in Cæſ. FLORUS, Lib. IV. c. 2. Plut. in Pomp. & Cæſ.
Dion. Lib. XLIII. & feq.
+ Lib. XXV, c. 7.
$ Ubi
fupra, & Lib. V. c. I.
$ Lib. III. IV. & VII.
W
1
218 MEMOIRS of the
by S. Pompey after his Defeat, and accompanied him in his
Flight to Afa: but finding him inconſtant, and wildly bent
on making War without Men or Ships, they abandoned him,
and went over to Antony. Even Libo, his Father-in-Law,
and Fannius Cepio his Favourite, forſook him.All theſe
bad either left Antony before the Rupture, or made their Peace
with Oetuvius after it; except the brave CASSIUS OF PARMA,
who had retired to Athens, where he ſtill diſdained to become
a Suppliant to Cefar, and held Life too cheap to purchaſe it by
a Meanneſs:w. Though, indeed, his Quality of one of Cefar's
Murderers would have barred the Way to Forgiveneſs, had he
fought it. Whether VARIUS had any particular Pique
againſt Cafius, I cannot tell - Both being learned Men, and
of different Parties, they may have drawn their Pens, as well
as their. Swords, againſt one another, and fo improved the
Party-Spirit into a perſonal Enmity.Varius was now
pitched upon to execute, methinks, the unpleaſant Office of
cutting off Caffius's Head ; and as his Writings, which were
very numerous, though Horace * gives us no very favourable
Idea-of his Talents in this Way, were ſuppoſed to be full of
the Roman Spirit, Love of Liberty, and Deteſtation of the
Uſurper, it was thought ingenious to uſe them, and the Boxes
which contained them, as Materials for a Funeral Pile to their
Author... If Varius took pleaſure in overſeeing this Execu-
tion, he has been ſufficiently puniſhed by a Stain fixed on his
Memory, as if he had sofen from Caſſius's Papers, a Sketch of
that Tragedy on which his Reputation as a Poet came princi-
pally to depend.
GANIDIUS deſerved his Fate, as a Traitor to his late
Maſter, and a Tool to Cleopatra. His Behaviour in his laſt
Moments
--
Quale fuit Caſsî rapido ferventius amni
Ingenium ; capſis quem fama eft effe libriſque
Ambuftum propriis.
SAT, L. I. Ion
*
Etruſci
Court of AUGUSTU S. 219
prefer
Moments was even cowardly.Ovinius' was a fawning,
worthleſs Sycophant to Cleopatra, and debaſed the Senatorial
Dignity, with which he was inveſted, fo far as to accept the
Place of Keeper of her Wardrobe ; an Office which was looked
upon as ſervile among the Romans.
The Great Pompey had generouſly deſtroyed Sertorius's Pa-
pers ; and the Dictator Ceſar had magnanimouſly imitated him
in that Reſpect, after his Victory over Metellus Scipio; to re-
move from thoſe who had been connected with the unfortu-
nate Party, all Fears of being called to an After-Account
Oétavius wanted to have the Honour of fo glorious an Action,
whilft he had not the Spirit to deſerve it. He declared, that
he had burnt all Antony's Papers: but at the ſame Tíme, with
his uſual Artifice and Cunning, he carefully preſerved the great-
eſt Part of them, and made no Scruple to uſe them afterwards
to ſerve his Ends *.
His Conduct was more ſincere with regard to the Fo-
reigners he found at Alexandria, among whom were Sons and
Daughters of moſt of the Kings and Princes in Alliance with,
or dependent on, Antony, who had kept the former as Hoſtages,
and the latter to gratify his brutal Paffions.
The Conqueror
treated them all with great Gentleneſs, ſending ſome of them
back, making ſuitable Marriages between others, and detain-
ing ſeveral ; but without uſing thein harſhly: 'Jotafa, who
had been intended for one of Antony's Sons, was conducted
honourably to the King of the Medes, ther Father, who had
courted Ottavius's Friendſhip for ſome Time. But Artaxias,
King of Armenia, could not obtain the Liberty of his Sons,
becauſe he had maſſacred the Romans who remained in his
Country.
Whilst Octavius was at Alexandria, he viſited the Tomb of
Alexander the Great. Dion ſays he even ſaw his Body, and
that the Tip of the Noſe, on which he laid his Finger, was
Ee 2
inſtantly
* Dio. Cass. Lib. LII.
pad
8
+
220
MEMOIRS of the
inſtantly reduced to DuſtymoThe Teſtimonies of Veneration
which he ſhewed to the Aſhes of that Conqueror *, the
Flowers which he ſtrewed upon his Monument, and the Crown
with which he adorned it, are Circumſtances much more
worthy of Remembrance. The Alexandrians wanted like-
wiſe to thew him the Tombs of the Ptolomies: but he refuſed
it, telling them, that he was curious to ſee a King, and not
Dead Bodies.--His Anſwer to them, when they propoſed
his viſiting Apis, was ſtill more ſolid and judicious. I am ac--
cuſtomed, ſaid he, to honour the Gods, and not an Ox.
EGYPT, now a conquered Country, and a Roman Pro-
vince, afforded: Ostavius ſuch immenſe Riches as enabled him
not only to diſcharge all he owed to his Soldiers, and to give
thoſe who followed him in this laſt Expedition a Gratuity of
an hundred and fifty Denarii (about fix Pounds). a Man, by
way of Compenſation for the Plunder of Alexandria, which
he would not allow them to ranſack ; but alſo to repay what :
he had borrowed for ſupporting the War, with magnificent
Rewards to the Roman Senators and Knights who had aſſiſted
him. The vaſt Treaſures of the Ptolomies. had been greatly
augmented by Cleopatra, whoſe rapacious Hand ſpared not even
what was moſt ſacred in the Temples. The Reproach of theſe
Sacrileges fell upon her, whilſt Oétavius enjoyed the Profit of
them: to which was added a prodigious Sum paid by the
Egyptians, as an Acknowledgement for their Pardon.--A
manifeſt Proof how much Rome was enriched by the Conqueſt
of Egypt, reſulted from her Commerce. The Funds doubled
their Value, and the Intereſt of Money fell from twelve to four
per Cent.---Part of this Effect muſt, indeed, be attributed
to the general Peace and Tranquility which was now eſta-
blithed
Thé Acquiſition of Egypt was an Object of infinite Im-
portance ; not ſo much for the immenſe Wealth which it con-
veyed
Suet. Aug. f. XVIL
*
K
A
*
i
Court of AUGUSTUS. 22 I
1
---
į
第
​veyed to the Capital, as that it became the Granary of Rome,
and chief Means of its Subſiſtence during at leaſt four Months
of the Year. The Head of the Empire was greatly increaſed,
like our own Metropolis : but the Body, Thanks to Heaven,
was very unlike Britain ; being in a ſtarving Condition, laid
waſte by the Civil War. The public Domain, deſtined for the
Nouriſhment of the Romans, had been ſquandered by Julius
Cefar, Antony, and OEtavius himſelf.-Campania was divided ;
-Sicily diffipated by Grants to Favourites; and the Farms of
Italy were turned into Groves of Pleaſure, while her Fertile
Fields lay waſte for want of Hands to till them *_In a
little Time, ROME came to depend upon Alexandria for Bread';
and the Arrival of a Fleet from that Port was like a Vifit from
Heaven to
CESAR, who foreſaw this Dependance; and intended to
make Egypt likewiſe a Prop of his Power, ſequeſtrated it from
the other Provinces, and deviſed a peculiar Policy by which it
ſhould be governed. In the firſt Place, it was to have no
other Prefect, than a Procurator or Steward.No regular
Magiſtrate, Pretor, or Pro-Conſul was to be entruſted with it,
or enter it with Enſigns of Dignity.--No Senator was ſo
much as to ſet his Fcot in thrat Province, without expreſs Per-
miſſion of the Emperor. This afterwards gave Tiberius a
Handle to reflect ſeverely upon the noble Germanicus I, who,
without other Deſign, than indulging a refined Curioſity, and
viewing its rare Antiquities, had made a Progreſs through
Egypt in a very popular Manner.
We have a beautiful Account of this Country in the younger
Pliny's Panegyric upon the excellent Trajan. " EGYPT,
ſays he, uſed to boaſt its Production of Grain without the
• Affiftance of Showers from Heaven. For being conſtantly
“ overflowed by its own River, and watered by no other
“ Fountain than its propitious Stream,, it was clad with ſuch
never-
, + SENEC. Epiſt. 78. I TACIT; Hift. Lib. II.
* TACIT.
r*
I
7
222
MEMOIRS of the
« never-failing Crops, as to contend with the moſt fruitful
“ Spots of the Univerſe. But this very Country, by an unex-
“ expected Drought, became, not only l-lefs productive, but
“ totally barren. The languid Nile. lay groveling within his
Banks, and thoſe happy Fields he uſed to overflow were
« covered with parched Duft. ; It was then that Egypt wiſhed
« for Clouds in vain, and in vain looked up to the ſcorching
Sky: The Parent of their Plenty was himſelf ſhrunk ups
* and left Famine and Death to inhabit wherever he did not
“ come. Under this Calamity, Egypt implored the Afliſtance
“ of our Prince, and felt her Miſeries no longer than he
« had Time to ſend her Relief. It was anciently taken
* for granted, that Rome could not be nouriſhed or ſupported,
" but by the Stores of Egypt; and that inſolent airy Nation
or uſed to boaft, that the Romans, their Conquerors, muſt de-
pend upon them for Food; that their living or ſtarving
« muſt proceed from their River, and paſs through Egjiptian
“ Hands. But now we have refunded them their Wealth,
a and the Nile has found a new Employment, in importing
so' thoſe Stores he ufed to ſend abroad. Let then the Egyptians
“ know, that, inſtead of providing for our Suſtenance, they
only pay their Taxes. That their Sabjection is convenient,
is but not neceſſary for the Roman People. Let the Nile hence-
« forth, if he thinks fit, keep within his Banks, and roll
“ down a ſcanty Stream all the Year round : It is of no Con-
ſequence to Rome; -for even to Egypt herſelf, fáve that her
“ empty Ships, ſuch as they uſed to be in their Return, will
« fail from the Tyber laden and full.”
What Tacitus * calls the Arts of Auguſtus were in nothing
more apparent than in the Government of Egypt. Senſible
of the Advantages with which a Governor of that country,
rich, inexhauſtible, difficult of Acceſs, and full of a fickle and
mutinous People, might, eſpecially if of an ancient Family,
diſpute
Lib, XII.
co
1
}
Chat
Court of AUGUSTU S. 223
1
diſpute the ſupreme Power, even with the Chief of Romé; he.-
conſidered who, among all his Friends, was the fitteſt Perſon
to diſcharge the mighty Truſt; and at laſt pitched upon the
celebrated CORNELIUS GALLUS.His Spirit, Experience,
and Addreſs, rendered him capable of moving in ſo high a
Sphere.His Services deſerved it; and his Birth and Rank
(he being but a Roman Knight) removed all Fear of his
making a bad Uſe of his Power. Alexander had formerly been
ftruck with ſimilar. Apprehenſions, and had taken Precautions
againſt the Danger, by dividing the Authority among ſeveral
Perſons * To prevent the Effect up of the reſtleſs and re-
ditious Spirit of the People, Oktavius would not allow them
either. Senate or public Council in Alexandria, though almoft
all the Towns in the Empire enjoyed this Prerogative. Nor
did he eſtabliſh in Egypt the fame general Form of Govern-
ment as the Romans introduced into their new Conqueſts,
which had always fome Thing of the republican Turn. This
country was governed according to the monarchical Syſtem ,
and the Roman Prefects repreſented its ancient Kings. Theſe
Regulations were paffed into a Law, and ſettled as a Maxim
of State S.
Severe as theſe Meaſures might feem to be, Egypt enjoyed
under the Roman Government á Happinefs to which ſhe had,
till then, been a Stranger. Her laſt Kings had been a Set of
Monſters, cruel, tyrannical, Contemners of the Laws, and ne-
gligent of the Welfare of their Subjects. In Spite of all its
natural Advantages, the Country was very unhappy. The
Canals for conveying the Waters of the Nile, ſo neceſſary for
fertilizing the Soil, and ſo beneficial for the inland Trade of
the Kingdom, were quite choaked up with Mud. Ostavius
made his Troops cleanſe them, and cut new ones; by which
the Air was purified, Commerce revived, and Alexandria, the
general
}
w
.
of Dio;
* ARRIAN. Lib. III.
Tacit. Annal. II. 59
I STRABO.
3
There
su
+
U
}
224'
MEMOIRS of the
general Magazine of all Nations, the Chaioriwhich connected
the Eaſt with the Weſt, was: rendered the ſecond City of the
Univerſe ; a Rank which ſhe held ever after, till the Building
of Conftantinople.
TOWARDS the End of the 'fine Seaſon he left Egyptz croſſed
Syria, and went into Afia, to paſs the Winter there ;--in order
to eſtabliſh Tranquillity, as well as his own Authority, in thoſe
vaſt Countries, which had not yet formally, ſubmitted to his
Laws. To make them immediately ſenſible of the Difference
between his Government and that of Antony, he replaced in
their Temples, the Statues, which his Riyal had taken from
them, to ſatisfy Cleopatra's Avariçe; a Reſtitution, which the
Attachment of the Greeks to theic Religion, and their Love for
the Arts, rendered extremely agreeable to them.
Whilst Ostavius was buried in ending the grand Diſpute,
and ſettling the Conſequences of the: Alexandrian Victory;
PHRAATES, King of the Parthians, elated by the Succeſs of
his Arms againſt Antony, gave ſuch a looſe to his Pride and:
Cruelty, that his Subjects expelled him, and ſet up Tiridates
in his Stead. The dethroned King had recourſe to the Scy-
thians, who lent him Troops, with which he returned into his
Kingdom, where a Ciyil Wan enſued. Both Parties requeſted
Octavius's Affiſtance: but he knew his own Intereſt too well,
not to be pleaſed at ſeeing the Forces of a powerful Empire,
the only Rival to that of Rome, deſtroy each other by their in-
teftine Feuds. He therefore anſwered, that he was too much
taken
up with his own Affairs, to be able then to attend to
theirs. Phraates afterwards overcame Tiridates, who there-
upon fied into Syria, with one of his Enemy's Sons, whom he
had taken Priſoner. Both Princes ſtill applied to Cefar; Tiri-
dates preſſing him to re-eſtabliſh him upon the Throne, and
promiſing in that caſe, to become his Vaffal; and Phraates de-
manding of him to deliver up Tiridates his rebellious Slave,
and to ſend back his Son. But Oétavius, liſtening to'neither
of
2
3
3
Court of AUGUSTUS.
225
of their Demands, promiſed Tiridates a ſure Refuge in Syria,
and reſolved to take with him Phraates's Son, as an Hoſtage to
Rome, whither he was preparing to return.
He would have been in very great Danger there, if the watch-
ful Mecenas had not prevented it. Paulus Emilius Lepidus, an
impetuous Youth, had formed a Conſpiracy to aflaffinate him at
his Arrival. He ſaw in him the Deſtroyer of all his Rela-
tions and Supporters, and intended to revenge, by his Death, his
Father, the Triumvir, whom he had ſtripped of his Poffef-
ſions; his Uncle, M. Brutus, whom he reduced to kill him-
ſelf; and, according to Dio *, his once Father-in-Law, M.
Antony, a recent Victim of the Conqueror's Ambition. We
have no full Account of this Conſpiracy, nor can I ſay who were
the Perſons concerned in it. ----As to this Daughter of Antony,
who, Dio ſays, was married to young Lepidus ſoon after the
Death of the Dictator Cefar, ſhe is no where elſe mentioned
in Hiſtory, and muſt have died before the Time I am now
ſpeaking off; for we do not find her among the Children which
Antony left at his Death; and the Wife of Lepidus, when he
conſpired, was his own Couſin, the young Servilia.--Mece-
nas got Scent of the Plot, but took no Notice of it till he had
full Proof againſt Lepidus, who was then ſeized, convicted, and
put to Death. His Wife Servilia reſolved to follow him to
the Grave: whereupon her Friends, perceiving her Deſign,
took from her every Inſtrument with which they thought ſhe
could hurt herſelf, and watched her very cloſely ; but ſhe
choaked herſelf by ſwallowing live Coals out of a Chafing-
Diſh f.This is the Source of the Miſtake concerning the
celebrated Porcia, Cato's Daughter and Brutus's Wife.
THE Conſpirator's Mother, Yunia, Siſter of Brutus, was in
cluded in the criminal Proceſs, and Mecenas wanted to ſend her
to Ottavius to be judged by him ; or, at leaſt, demanded ſuffi-
cient Bail for her Appearance whenever ſhe ſhould be called
VOL. III.
Ff
upon.
. Lib. XLIV.
+ VELL, PATERC. Lib. II. $. 88.
*
226 MEMOIRS of the
upon.Here is a remarkable Inſtance of the Inſtability of
Human Affairs.---The Conſul before whom the Proſecution
was carried on, and who was to determine it finally, was one
who had been proſcribed. Appian* calls him Balbinus.
Old Lepidus, one of the three Authors of the Profcription, was
obliged to implore the Protection of this very Conſul, having
fallen into ſuch Diſcredit, that he could not find any
Perſon
to be Security for his Wife. He frequently waited before
Balbinus's Door, without gaining Admittance; and when he
wanted to approach the Tribunal, the Lictors puſhed him back.
At laſt, forcing his way in, and addreſſing himſelf to Balbinus ;
The Proſecutors af my Wife and Sons faid he, acknowledge my
Innocence, and do not even accuſe me of being an Accomplice with
either of them.--As. to you, it was not I who proſcribed you ;
though I now ſee above me ſeveral whom I did profcribe.-
Conſider the Changes of Fortune to which all Mankind is ſub-
ject.com --Behold Lepidus, now a Supplicant before you.
Touched with this Sight, either accept me as Security for my
Wife, or ſend me with her, bound, to Ceſar. The Conſul was
ſo moved by this Speech, that he excuſed Junia from giving
Bail.
The Senate did not wait for the entire Defeat and Death of
Antony to decree his Conqueror Honours, which might have
been premature. Immediately after the Battle of Aftium, an
Order was publiſhed for his triumphing over Cleopatra ; and it
was farther reſolved, that two triumphal Arches ſhould be
erected for him, one at Brindiſi, and the other in the Forum at
Rome ; that the Prows of the Ships taken at Actium fhould be
conſecrated in the Temple erected to Julius Ceſar; that Games
fhould be celebrated every five Years in Honour of Oétavius ;
that his Birth-day, and that on which the News of his Victory
arrived at Rome, ſhould be kept as Feſtivals ; and that the
Veſtals, the Senators, and all the Citizens of Rome, with their
Wives
* BELL. CIVIL. Lib. IV".
&
#
Court of AUGUSTUS.
227
turn.
Wives and Children, ſhould go out to receive him at his Re-
The Crowns and Statues decreed him, were innumera-
ble.The Death of his Rival became a Motive of farther
a
Homage to his good Fortune. A new Triumph was decreed
him on Account of his Conqueſt of Egypt; for it was particu-
larly obſerved, as a Point of Delicacy and Decency, in the
Titles of the Triumphs, not to mention either Antony, or the
Romans who had followed him. The Senate likewiſe ordered,
that the Day on which Alexandria was taken ſhould be cele-
brated as a Feſtival, and ſerve as 'an Epoch from which the
Egyptians ſhould date their Years.---The Tribunician Power,
which had never been given to any perſon who was not actually
a Tribune, was alſo offered him,' with the extraordinary Prero-
gative of extending it a Mile beyond the Walls of the City,
within the Circuit of which the Authority of other Tribunes
had always been confined ; but he refuſed it: And, though
offered again afterwards, would not accept it, till he abdicated
his eleventh Conſulſhip, as I ſhall have Occaſion to obſerve.
He was, however, in ſome Meaſure, acknowledged Chief of
the Republic, by an Order that his Name ſhould be added to
thoſe of the Senate and People, in the Prayers and Vows which
were offered up for the Safety of the State ;f-and, on the firſt
of January, his Collegue in his now fifth Conſulſhip, with the
whole Senate, ſwore to obſerve his Decreeś :-A Homage
paid only by Subjects to their Sovereign.-Among other
Diſtinctions, he was allowed to encreaſe the Number of
the Prieſts as much as he pleaſed ; a Right which hoth he and
his Succeſſors made ſuch ample Uſe of, that the Number of
thoſe in Rome, cloathed in facerdotal Robes became ſo great,
that, Dio ſays, it would have been difficult to keep a Regiſter
of them all.
The Spirit of Flattery feldom knows any Bounds. Not
content with heaping on him all the Honours a Mortal could
receive, the Romans already aſſociated him with their Gods,
F f2
ordering
228 MEMOIRS of the
*
ordering his Name to be inſerted with theirs in the Hymns
which were ſung at the moſt ſolemn Feitivals, and, as Horace
informs us, in one of his Odes, written ſeveral Years after the
Time I now ſpeak of, but alluding to it in ſome Parts, en-
joining Libations to him, as a tutelar Deity of the Empire, at
the End of all their public or private Feaſts * O et avius.
accepted moſt of theſe, and ſome other Honours ; tho'he de
clined the Tribuoician Power, for the preſent, as I ſaid before,
and declared abſolutely that he did not deſire the whole Num-
ber of the Citizens ſhould go out to meet him at his Entry into
Rome. Not only the Titles which had Power annexed to them,
but even thoſe which were merely honorary, pleaſed him in
ſeveral Reſpects. His Vanity was flattered by ſo many Teſti-
monies of Veneration, and he knew that whatever heightens
the Majeſty of the Law-giver in the Eyes of the People, dif-
poſes them the more readily to obey him..
THE Attention of Mankind was now fixed upon him, and
the Happineſs and Miſery, both of Nations and of Individuals,
already depended on his Will.
This made him the Subject
of all Converſations, and the minuteſt Things about his Perſon
and Family, Things that would have remained in perpetual
Obſcurity without the Philippic, the Attian, and the Alexan-
drian Victories, were canvaſſed with extreme Curioſity. He
was now too great and good to be the Son of a meer Man:
But his Mother Atia going once to a .Feaſt of Apollo at Mid-
nights
Quiſque
alteris (a):
Te menfis adhibet Deum :
Te multâ prece, te proſequitur mero.
Defuſo pateris;. & Laribus tuum
Miſcet numen, uti Græcia Caftoris
Et magni memor. Herculis.
Lib. IV. Od. 5.
(a) The Romans uſed two Tables in their Entertainments : the firſt für
Meat, the ſecond for Fruits ; at which. laſt they ſung Hymns, and performed
their Libatians.
7
#
A
Court of AUGUSTUS. 229
V
night, ordered her Chair to be ſet down in the Temple, until
the other Matrons ſhould aſſemble; and happening to fall aſleep,
a great Snake immediately crept into the Chair, and in a little
Time came out again. Atia, when ſhe awaked, before ſhe
would enter upon the ſacred Ceremony, purified herſelf, as if
The had juſt riſen from her Huſband's Einbraces, and found a
Mark of a Snake upon her - Body, as if it had been painted,
which could never be rubbed out: for which reaſon, from that
Time forward, ſhe diſcontinued going to the public Baths
with the other Ladies.-->She proved with Child, and bore
Auguſtus in the tenth Month after. His Father Oktavius was
detained, by his Wife's being in Labour, from going at the
uſual Hour to the Senate, then bufied about Catiline's Confpi-
racy: but coming late, and the cauſe of it being known, P.
Nigidius Figulus, the great Tuſcan Haruſpex and Aſtrologer,
aſked him the Hour and Minute of the Birth, and after a little
Pauſe, aſſured the Father, that the LORD OF THE WORLD
was born. The ſame Thing was afterwards confirmed to him
by the Prieſts of Bacchus, as I hinted before, when he was
leading his Army through Thrace. He went to conſult the
Oracle among the Barbarians, in the Grove of Liber Pater,
conceșning his Son'; and pouring Wine upon the Altar, accordi
ing to the Form of their Ceremonies, ſuch a Flame aroſe from
it, as mounted over the Top of the Temple, and blazed
toward Heaven ; an Omen which never happened before but
to Alexander the Great only, when he was doing Sacrifice at
the ſame Altar.---The Night following, Oétavius dreamed
he ſaw his Son of a larger Stature than that of Men, holding
a Thunder-bolt and Sceptre in his Hands, arrayed like omni-
potent Jove, with a radiated Crown upon his Head, and
drawn in a laurelled Chariot by twelve Horſes whiter than
Snow.The uncommon Fortune which attended this Son
made theſe Things paſs current with many : For if there be
any one very extraordinary Thing about a Perſon, there is a
great
to per
230 MEMOIRS of the
great Propenſity among the Bulk of Mankind to believe many
more.---Nor is it important to which Side the wonderful
Quality leans; to great Grandeur, or great Humility. An
half-naked Hermit, with a long Beard, a Girdle of Ropes,
and a Pilgrim's Staff, commands as much Admiration as a
private Man that riſes to a Diadem.-
The old crooked King,
Lewis the XI. believed ſincerely that his bon Homme, Franc
Martotilo *, whom he brought from Patole in Calabria, could,
by his Prayers, ſave him from Death :--And the Man who
had loſt the Uſe of his Arm, believed there was ſuch Virtue
in Veſpafan's Foot, that if he would but tread upon his Arm,
it would become whole ; and was cured accordingly. p.:
Under Auguftus, many people, it is true, doubted of ſuperna-
tural Conceptions : but many likewiſe believed them; and the
diſcreet Courtiers talked of the Emperor's Mother Atia, as
Dionyſus the Halicarnaſſean does of Romulus's Mother Ilia's
Pregnancy by the God Mars.
• What Opinion, ſays he,
• we ought to entertain concerning ſuch Stories ;' whether we
“ Thould deſpiſe them as mere Human Tranſactions aſcribed
" to God, who is incapable of any Operation unworthy of his
pure, incorruptible, and bleſſed Nature ; or whether we
ought to receive theſe Traditions, as believing that the
“ Eſſences of every Kind of Being in the Univerſe are dif-
“ fuſed throughout the Whole, and that there is an inter-
«s mediate Nature betwixt the mortal and immortal Species,
“ which the Genii or Spirits inveſt, and which, mixing ſome-
6 times with Gods, and ſometimes with Men, begets the
“ Heroic Race; I have not Time to enquire at Preſent, and
“ remit the Curious to what Philoſophers have ſaid upon
the
- Subject I."
A STORY
* See PHILIP DE COMINES.
+ TACIT. Hift. Lib. IV.
I C' πως μεν ουν χρή περι των τιώνδε δόξης έχειν, πότερον καηαφρονείν ως άνθρω-
πίνων δικημάτων έκ θεους αναφερομενων, μηδέν αν το θες λειές Γημα της αρ-
$ Jagro
2
us
Court of AUGUSTUS. 231
A STORY commonly received at Rome, about the Birth of
Scipio Africanus, would pave the Way for the Supernatural
Conception of O&tavius, and is thus told by two of his learned
Courtiers, Appius and Hyginus *. The Mother of Scipio Afri-
canus had been ſo long barren, that her Huſband deſpaired of
having Iſſue by her. But happening to ſleep apart from him
one Night, a huge Snake was ſeen ſtretched on her Bed the
next Morning. Amidſt the Cries and Terror of the People,
who firſt beheld it, the Creature diſappeared ; and, upon the
ſtricteſt Search, could not be found in the Houſe. This Acci-
dent her Huſband related to the Aruſpices, as a Prodigy; and
after conſulting the Gods by Sacrifice, they anſwered, That
Children were portended to his Family. Accordingly, ſhortly
after, the Lady was found to be with Child, and brought
forth, in the tenth Month, this Scipio, who conquered Han-
nibal, and broke the Power of Carthage in the ſecond Punic
wart.
OCTAVIUS artfully permitted the Story about his Mother
Atie's having conceived him, not of her Huſband but of the
God Apollo, who retired from her Bed in the Form of a Snake,
to be propagated through the Empire. It was not inculcated
by his Friends or Miniſters, and far leſs refuted ;-but ſuf-
fered to take its Chance, and operate where it might on the
Belief of the People. I make no Doubt, but he and his Fa-
vourite Mecenas have had ſeveral Sneers in private at the loving
Snake his Father, whom yet they treated with Decency in
public ; without breaking through the thin Veil which covers
Propriety of Conduct in tender Points, and thereby conſtitutes
both
θαρτα και μακαρίας φύσεως ανάξιον υπομενον» ή και ταύτας παραδέχεσθαι τάς
ισορίας, ως ανακεκραμένης της απάτης ουσίας το κόσμο και με αξυ τε θεία και τα
θνη Γένοις υπαρχίσης φύσεως, ην το δαιμονων φύλον επέχει, τότε μεν ανθρoπoις
τοή δε θεοίς σσιμιγνύμενον, ήρώον φυνας γενG, δυσε καίρG- εν ώ παρόντι διασ-
κοπείν, αρκει τε ως φιλοσοφοις περί αυγών ελέχθη.
ΔΙΟΝΥΣ. Αλικαρν, Αρχαιολ. βις, Α.
* De Vitâ & Rebus illuſtrium Virorum, + A, GELE. Lib. VIII. S. Io.
ز
V
***
232
MEMOIRS of the
both Prudence and Good-Manners.The Perſuaſion would
help to fill the Multitude with Admiration of their God-
begotten Prince, and conſequently to keep them, and the
diſtant Provinces, which it would ſoon pervade, in their Duty
of Obedience. It is fhrewdly obſerved by the acute Lucian,
that the Story of Olympia's Affair with Jupiter Ammon was of
great Service to her Son towards carrying on his own.-In
the ſame Manner, CESAR, without affirming that he was the
Child of Apollo, ſeemed to encourage the Opinion that he was,
by affecting a particular Veneration for, not to ſay Imitation
of, that God; and, by appropriating the Ground Right of
ſeveral Houſes contiguous to his own, which had been bought
up to enlarge it, to the Erection of a moſt magnificent Temple
to his ſuppoſed Parent Deity *.
He certainly was much obliged to his Mother Aria, a
Lady of Spirit and Prudence, who had given him an excel-
lent Education ; and the Tincture he retained of both of her
Language, which was very pure, and her polite Manners,
proved no ſmall Ornament to him in the Courſe of his Go-
vernment.
To the Deſire of imprinting in the Minds of the People
a high Idea of his extraordinary Merit, and thereby fit them
the better for implicit Obedience, may be imputed his Suffer-
ing the Provincials to erect Temples to his Father and to him.
He himſelf had, indeed, firſt raiſed a Temple to JULIUS
in Rome ; and at the Time I am now ſpeaking of, he conſented
that the People of Afa ſhould build one to him at Epheſus,
and the Bythinians another at Nice, to pay Honours to him
in
* Vell. PATERC.
+ Genus eloquendi ſecutus eſt elegans & temperatum.
SUETON. Ostav. 86,
Ac non folum ftudia moreſque, fed remiffiones etiam Luſuſque Puerorum,
Sanctitate quâdam ac Verecundiâ temperabat. Sic Corneliam Gracchorum,
ſic Aureliam Ceſaris, fic ATIAM Augufti Matrem præfuiſſe Educationibus ac
produxiffe Principes Liberos accepimus.
F, QUINCTIL. de Orat. Dialog,
!
Court of AUGUSTUS.
233
in the ſame Manner as was done at Rome ;; to corroborate which
'the Romans eſtabliſhed in thoſe Provinces were ordered to per-
form their religious Worſhip in theſe Temples, with the Na-
tives of the Country. Though the deceaſed Cefar could
reap no Advantage from any Homage of this kind, it in ſome
Meaſure reflected on his Son, who repreſented him ; and, go-
ing only a ſingle Step farther, the. Afatics and Bythynians,
after building Temples to Julius, erected others to OCTA-
VIUS, in the Towns of Pergamus and Nicomedia. The City
of Rome, which had been long worſhipped as a Goddeſs *,
was aſſociated with him, by his Order, in theſe divine Ho-
nours. The Odium which might otherwiſe have reſulted
therefrom, was by that means taken off ; though indeed the
ſame Honours had been paid to ſimple Pro-Conſuls of. He
was more reſerved with Regard to Rome, where he never ſuf-
fered
any Place to be conſecrated for his Worſhip. In the
Provinces, the Contagion of Flattery, than which none is
more infectious, ſpread ſo widely, that, in a ſhort Time, non
thing was ſeen but Temples, Solemn Games, and Sacerdotal
Colleges, erected in Honour of the MASTER OF THE UNI-
verse I; and theſe Temples were generally more beautiful
and ornamented than thoſe of the antient Divinities, whom a
modern and viſible God eclipſed. The moſt magnificent of
all was reared to OEtavius, under the Title of The Protector
and Patron of Sailors, by the Alexandrians, a People exquiſite
at Flattery. It ſtood oppoſite to the Haven, and was a ma-
jeſtic Structure, full of Donatives, Statues, Pictures, and re-
fulgent with Silver and Gold. Without, it was adorned with
Courts, Porticos, Libraries, Walks, Terraſſes, Groves, and
Arbours, finiſhed with the greateſt Art, and at a vaſt Expence ş.
Pleasing as theſe Diſtinctions were, they flattered Ofta-
vius leſs than two other Decrees of the Senate, the Objects of
VOL. III.
which
GS
+ SUET.Aug. 52.
Philo ad Caium.
* Liv. XLIIL 6.
§ Philo Jud. Tego II 9:06.
1
:
2
MEMOIRS of the
234
hi
1
:
1
which were very uncommon, and ſuch as did him fingular
Honour, even for the Delight he took in them.
The firſt of theſe ordered the Temple of Janus to be ſhut,
as a Token of Univerſal Peace: for a few Diſturbances raiſed
by the Trevians in Gaul, and the Cantabrians in Spain, did
not deſerve the Name of a War.---The Romans were highly
delighted with this Ceremony, which had never been per-
formed but twice ſince the Foundation of the City ; the firſt
Time in the Reign of Numa ; and the ſecond, after the firſt
Punic War. Oelavius might therefore well be fond of the rare
Honour of ſhutting the Gates of War, as Virgil calls them *
Beſides which, he was fenſible that the Glory of reſtor-
ing Peace to the Univerſe far excelled the Splendor of the
greateſt Conqueſts.
The other Decree renewed, after a long Interval, a pacific
Ceremony called the Augur of Safety, which, Dio tells us,
was a kind of Divination, by which the Romans pretended to
inform themſelves whether the Gods approved of their requeſt-
ing the Safety and Happineſs of the Nation : for they did not
think it lawful even to put up that Petition, unleſs they had
previouſly the Permiſſion of Heaven. The firſt Magiſtrate in
Rome, conſulted Aruſpices with this. Intent of, and the Day on
which he performed this religious Office; muſt be a Day of
entire Peace, on which there was neither any Body of Troops
ſetting out for War, nor an Enemy's Army in the Field, nor
any military Preparations going on, nor Apprehenſions of a
Battle. This Ceremony had been performed for the laſt Time
thirty-four Years before, in the Conſullhip of Cicero, when
Pompey happily terminated the War againſt Mithridates. Not
a Day had paſſed ſince, on which it was poſſible to perform
the Augur of Safety, by Reaſon of the continual Wars, either
foreign or domeſtic. This dhews why Oktavius was glad of
}
an
* Æn. Lib. I. v. 29. & Lib. VII. V. 607.
Maximum Prætorem,
+ FESTUS, in vor.
2
Court of AUGUSTUS.
235
*
an Opportunity to renew it. He was accordingly declared,
not only verbally, but by a public Inſcription *, dated in his
fifth Conſulſhip, THE SAVIOUR OF THE REPUBLIC.
And in ſome Senſe he was ſo ;- but from what, or from
whom ?
-From the Rapine, Barbarity, and Deſolation,
committed by his own, and Antony's, Ruffians, partly by their
expreſs Command, partly by their Permiſſion, over all the
Provinces of the Empire :-From thoſe Affaffins who had
helped him to cut the Throats of the beſt and worthieſt of
Men, to trample on the Laws and Liberty of his Country, and
wallow in Debauchery and Blood.
These Evils were, however, ended now, and he returned
to Rome a quite different Man. He entered the City in
Triumph, and was received as the Guardian of the State, amidſt
the repeated Acclamations of all the People.-
---No Man knew
better how to improve this Diſpoſition. ---He had been taught
by many fad Examples, among which his Father's Fate oc-
curred ſtrongly to him, that the Romans would not be inſulted
with Impunity ; and he well knew, that, notwithſtanding all
the Maſſacres he had committed, either in the Field or in the
City, there ſtill were Men, even of his own Party, who would
not ſtand tamely, and ſee their Country deſtroyed.---Inſtead
of violating the Laws, as before, he therefore took them under
his Protection now ; when it was indeed his Intereſt that they
ſhould be obſerved. -Eaſy of Acceſs, and affable in Conver-
fation, he wore a Countenance in Public, in which the Smiles
and Graces ſtrove to outſhine each other. Mildneſs had the
Aſcendant, even where his Intereſt diffauded it; and the Wel-
fare of the Empire, of which he had in a manner the Tuition,
without aſſuming any invidious or illegal Title, became the
principal Object of his Care.
THIS
* SENATUS-POPULUSQUE. ROMANUS. IMP. CÆSARI. DIVI.
JULI. F. COS. QUINCT. COS. DESIG. SEXT. IMP. SEPT. RE-
PUBLICA. CONSERVATA.
SIGON. Comm. in Faftos.
.
G g 2
maneno
236
MEMOIRS of the
1
This Behaviour met with the Acknowledgement it deſerved.
A Garland of Graſs, -a Reward which was never given but to
the Man who, by his. Conduct or Valour, had reſcued the
Army or City from impending Ruin, was decreed him by the
Senate
.--Its value may be judged of, by the Example of
L. Siceius. Dentatus, who had fought and conquered in one
hundred and thirty Battles, had received fourteen Civic Crowns,
and but one of Graſs.---The great L. Sylla received ſuch a
one from his Army.
THREE Triumphs awaited the Conqueror's Return. The
firſt was over the Dalmatians, Pannonians, Japyde, and other
neighbouring Nations, to which were joined in the Title of the
Triumph, the Morini, a People of Gaul, and the Suevi, of
Germany, whom his Lieutenant Carinas had ſubdued. The
fecond was for the Victory at Astium, and the third for the
Conqueſt of Egypt.
· WE have no very accurate Deſcription of theſe Triumphs :
But there can be no Doubt of their having been extremely
magnificent, as every Part of the then known World contri-
buted to embelliſh them. With the Spoils of the vanquiſhed,
were carried Crowns and other Gifts, which the Allies of the
Romans were accuſtomed to offer on ſuch Occaſions, as a Tri-
bute of Acknowledgement and Congratulation. Theſe were
followed by the Triumphal-Chariot of Oétavius, whoſe Vic-
tory was greatly enhanced by his Youth ;. for he was then only
entering into his thirty-fifth Year. The State Horſes were
mounted, that on the right by Marcellus, Nephew to Oétavius,
and deſigned by him for his Succeffor, in cafe he ſhould not
have Heirs of his own; and that on the left by Tiberius, the
Son of Livia, then about fourteen Years of Age. After the
Chariot marched the Conſul Potitus, who had been elected in
the Place of Apuleius ; then all the Magiſtrates, with the Or-
naments of their Dignity, and all the Senators, who had fol-
lowed Octavius in the Wars, and contributed to his Victory,
cloathed
.
1
Court of AUGUSTUS. .
237
moto
cloathed in their proper Robes. The Troops, diſtributed into
Legions and Cohorts, cloſed the Proceſſion. Thoſe Officers
and Soldiers, who had received Military Rewards, of whom
the Number was great, carried the Signals of their Valour,
the Glory of which reflected upon their General. Agrippa
fhone above all the reſt by his Sea-green Standard, which Okta-
vius had given him as a Proof and Monument of his Share in
the Victory at Aetium.
CLEOPATRA was intended to have been the principal
Ornament of the Triumph over Egypt, which was the moſt
magnificent of all. The Spoils of that Kingdom were pom-
pouſly diſplayed, and, to ſupply the Want of her Perſon, a
Picture was carried, in which ſhe was repreſented lying on a
Bed, with an Aſp fixed to her Arm. Her Children, Alexander
and Cleopatra, were led Captives. Their Brother Ptolomy died
probably after the taking of Alexandria.
AMONG the other Captives led in Triumph on this Occaſion,
was Adiatorix, Prince of Heraclea, (now Elegri) in Pontus,
with his wife and three Sons.--He had received his Digni-
ty from Antony, and, a little before this War, had fallen
upon
and murdered in the Night, the Romans, who, as Coloniſts,
inhabited a large Part of that City. He pretended Antony's
Orders, or, at leaſt, his Permiſſion, for this Barbarity.
After the Triumph, a very rare Inſtance of Magnanimity ap-
peared among the Brothers. Ceſar ordered that the Father
and the eldeſt son, Dyteutus, ſhould loſe their Heads.----As
the Soldiers were leading them to Execution, the ſecond Bro-
ther told them they were miſtaken, for that he was the eldeſt.
The other contradicted him, and a glorious Struggle enſued,
which of them ſhould die for the other. Neither would yield,
until the miſerable Parent interpoſed, and perſuaded the elder
to give up the Honour to his Brother, whoſe Years, he ſaid,
rendered him leaſt fit to protect his diſconſolate Mother, and her
youngeſt Boy ; and accordingly the ſecond actually ſubmitted
2
to
238 MEMOIRS of the
to the Blow. After their' Death, Ceſar, being informed of
what had paſſed, was extremely moved, and, admiring their
Virtue, took Care of the Survivors. He made Dyteutus High-
Prieſt of Comana in Pontus-That Dignity had been beſtow-
ed by Julius Cefar upon Lycomedes, juſt before the Phar-
nacian War ; but he, following Antony's Fortunes, was now
diſplaced *
ADIATORI X was deſcended from one of the Tetrarchs of
Gallo-Grecia, or Galatia, a State founded by the great Body
of Gauls, from about Toulouſe, who penetrated into the leſſer
Afa, and there divided themſelves into four Principalities ;
whence their Names TetçégX01. The chief of theſe were the
Textoſages, who ſettled upon the Banks of the Halys, and re-
built the Greek City Ancyra, now Angora, or, as the Turks
pronounce it, Angour. Theſe Gauls unhappily took Part with
Antiochus againſt the Romans, and were therefore attacked by
the Conſul Manlius, as Confederates with an Enemy. They
were firſt defeated at Mount Olympus, and afterwards their
chief Town Angora was beſieged and taken by the Conſul.
Their four Tetrarchies were reduced by himn to three, then to
two, and were at laſt united in the Perſon of the Great Ally of
the Romans, King Deiotarus. He was ſucceeded, ſays M.
Tournefort, (I believe inaccurately) by his Miniſter and Se-
cretary Amyntas ; and at laſt Lelius Marcus, (perhaps M. Lol-
lius) ſubdued all Galatia under Auguſtus.--Deiotarus
joined Brutus and Caffius, and conſequently drew upon his
Country the Arms of Antony and Ceſar. -The Conqueſt of
the Homonadenſes coſt Auguſtus great Trouble.--A noble
Monument was raiſed to him in Angora; but whether by
Amyntas, or by the People of that City after his Death, is un-
certain. It was their Town-Houſe, or ligulavérov, of which a
ſtately
* Dio, L. LI. calls him Mode10 that was put in his Room ; and, L. LIII.
he calls bim Mind @u, and ſays that his Kingdom, the Leſler Armenia, was
given to Archelaus, after his Death.
1
Court of AUGUSTUS. 239
ſtately and elegant Veſtibule ſtill remains, the greateſt Piece of
Antiquity in Afia. On the sides of this grand Entry, the
LIFE of Auguſtus was engraved in fine Language and fair
Characters. It is now almoſt effaced, partly through Time,
and much more by the Country-People forcing out the Bars
of Copper, which claſped together the Marble, and thereby
tearing away Letters and Words, and making great Holes in
the Wall. We owe the Preſervation of this noble Monument
to Antonio Veranzi, Biſhop of Agria, (and Ambaſſador from
the ingenious and excellent Emperor, ſo ill uſed by the un-
gracious Popes, Ferdinand II. to Conſtantinople,) who co-
pied it in the Year 1492, in his Paſſage through Angora. He
gave it to his Nephew Fauſto Veranzi, who communicated it
to Charles L'Ecluſe, (Clupus the Botaniſt and Antiquarian)
from whom Leunclaius received it. Through his Hands it
paſſed into James Gruter's great Work of Inſcriptions, and from
thence into Gronovius's Collection. Theſe were the People
to whom St. Paul wrote.
OCTAVIUS's Triumphs were beheld with Pleaſure by the
Romans, the ſenſible Part of whom obſerved a great Difference
between him and Antony, and, as they muſt have a Maſter,
thought Fortune had uſed them very favourably in giving them
the ableft and wifeſt of the two. The common People were
more and more gained by his Attention to indulge them, ånd
by his vaſt Munificence :-For, as I before obſerved, he repaid
all the Money they had advanced him, and remitted the Ar-
rears of their ląſt Taxes. He alſo excuſed the Towns of Italy
from furniſhing Crowns, which they had been uſed to preſent
to Triumphers, or any other Conſideration in Lieu of them.
Not content with theſe Proofs of Tenderneſs and Moderation,
he added to them immenfe Diſtributions of Money. He
four hundred Seſterces, (21. 75. uid.) a Head, to the lower
Claſs of Citizens ; and after beſtowing this Gift in his own
Name, to all who were above the Age of ſeventeen ; he ex-
3
tended
He gave
240
MEMOIRS of the
16
☆
tended it to the Children in that of Marcellus *. The Soldiers,
to the Number of one hundred and twenty thouſand, received
each of them a thouſand Seſterces, (about 71.); and upon
ſending them to the Colonies, he gave large Sums to the
Towns and Countries where they were ſettled. This Favour
was not confined to Italy alone, but extended alſo to the Pro-
vinces, which had never before experienced ſuch Kindneſs.
These Liberalities were a poweſul Allurement; and the
happy Tranquillity, which was now reſtored after ſo many
Troubles and Misfortunes, diſpoſed all Ranks of Men to love
the Author of the public Felicity, and to prefer bis Govern-
ment to a tumultuous Liberty, the Source of ambitious Pro-
jects for the Great, and of Calamities for the People.
OCTAVIUS's Triumphs were celebrated in the Month of
Auguſt 4, and laſted three Days; after which Carrinas and
Autronius Pætus triumphed, the former over the Morini and
the Suevi, and the latter over Africa.--Autronius's Exploits
muſt not have been very inconſiderable, though we have not
the Particulars of them, ſince OEtavius, whoſe Lieutenant he
was, did not comprehend him at all in his Triumph.. -As
to thoſe of Carrinas, they adorned the Triumph of his Ge-
neral, before they procured the ſame Honour to himſelf.-
Dio obſerves that his Father had been proſcribed by Sylla, and
that conſequently the Son was excluded from all Offices and
Honours by the Laws of the ſame Dictator. He nevertheleſs
obtained every Thing that a Roman could deſire; the Con-
ſullhip, and a Triumph.--A farther Example of the Incon-
ftancy of Fortune, whoſe various Changes produce deſireable,
as well as adverſe Events.
The whole Month of Auguſt was ſpent in Feaſts and Re-
joicings. Oetavius, after his Triumphs, dedicated a Temple to
Minerva, another in Honour of his adoptive Father, and a
grand Building, which he called the Palace of JULIUS,
deſigned
* LAPIS ANCYR.
+ In the Year of Rome, DCCXXIII.
..
Court of AUGUSTUS. 24.1
deligned for the Aſſemblies of the Senate. In this Palace, he
conſecrated a Statue of Victory, which ſtill remained in the
Time of Dio, according to whom his Intention was to ſignify
by this Monument, that he had obtained the Right of Supreme
Command by Victory and Arms. The Temple of Minerva,
that of Julius Cefar, and ſeveral others, were enriched with
precious Ornaments brought from Egypt. Among theſe,
a golden Statue of Cleopatra was erected in the Temple of
Venus, and the Image of this Goddeſs was decorated with a
Pair of Ear-Rings, made of a Pearl of Immenſe Value cut in
two, Fellow to that which Cleopatra diſſolved in Vinegar, and
ſwallowed, in one of her mad Frolics with Antony.----But
the greateſt Part of the Riches which were the Fruits of his
Victory, Oétavius placed in the Capitol. Dio ſays he even
cauſed a Decree to be paſſed in the Senate, by which all the
Treaſures formerly amaſſed there were ordered to be removed
as prophane and polluted, (but I cannot imagine in what Re-
ſpect) in order to make Room for his more valuable Offerings.
I am apt to think this was alſo the Time when he made the
prodigious Gift mentioned by Suetonitis *, of fixteen thouſand
Pound Weight of Gold, and to the Value of one hundred and
fifty Millions of Seſterces (898,538 1.) in Jewels, offered, at
once to Jupiter Capitolinus.
To ſtamp the greater Solemnity on the Dedication of the
Temple of Julius Ceſar, he treated the People with all kinds
of Games and Shews ; Horſe and Chariot Races in the Circus;
Combats of Gladiators, in which one 2. Vintelius, a Senator,
was fool-hardy enough to loſe his Honour, and hazard his
Life; Chaces of wild Beaſts brought from foreign Countries,
among which a Rhinoceros and a Sea-Horſe are particularly
mentioned ; and, laſt of all, Combats between the Suevi and
Daci, the former made Priſoners by Carrinas, and the latter
taken at Astium among Antony's Auxiliaries.
VOL. III.
Hh
Το
* In Aug.
242 MEMOIRS of the
To theſe various Shows and Diverſions, Octavius added one
of which he himſelf was particularly fond, and which is ele-
gantly deſcribed by Virgil *. It was called The Trojan Game,
and conſiſted of Horſe-Courſes, performed by the Children of
the prime Nobility. They were divided into different Squa-
drons, according to their Age; and, at the Games I now ſpeak
of, Tiberius commanded the firſt Squadron -.---- O&tavius
was pleaſed with this Exerciſe, as Ceſar had been before, be-
cauſe it encouraged the Opinion that the Julian Farnily was
deſcended from Æneas; though, in Fact, it is juſtly doubted
whether that Trojan Prince ever was in Italy I. On this is
founded an effential Difference between the two greateſt Poets
of Antiquity.--Homer's Tale, however embelliſhed in its
Circumſtances, is founded on ſtrict hiſtorical Truth.--The Ge-
nealogies of his Heroes, and his Accounts of their Families, are
all conſiſtent Facts.--No Incongruity, or claſhing of Times,
Perſons, or Places, through the Iliad or Odylley. The antient
Authors quote his Verſes as Proofs of Facts with reſpect to
the exact Hiſtory of ancient Apa and Greece. It is aſtoniſhing
what yaft Pains VIRGIL has taken to imitate him in this Par-
ticular, how cloſe he follows him, and labours inceſſantly to
adapt his own Story to the Truth of Hiſtory. But having
planned out the Æneid to raiſe the Honour of the Romans above
the Grecians, and to flatter the Ceſarean Family; the Crook-
edneſs, if I may ſo expreſs it, of that Intention, has warped
his whole Poem, and forced him to depart from hiſtorical
Truth. Thus, to make the Romans of Trojan Deſcent, he
brings Eneas into Italy; and to account for the Ruin of Car-
thage, he, in Hatred of the Carthaginians, makes him debauch
its Foundreſs, who did not live till Ages after the Trojan War.
But HOMER has a famous Prophecy concerning Eneas.
-That Almighty JOVE now hated the Race of Priam, and
that
+ SUET. Tib. 6.
• Æn. Lib. V. v. 548.
I See BOCHART's Differtation,
5
Court of AUGUSTUS.
243
that thenceforth Eneas ſhould reign over the Trojans, and after
him his Children's Children, and their Poſterity.--As Homer lived
long after the Time of Eneas, we can ſcarce ſuppoſe that he
would keep to Truth through all the reſt of his Poem, and
depart from it on this ſole Point, a Point which he muſt have
thoroughly known, as the State both of Troy, Greece, and the
ÎNands was conſtantly in his View, while he was ſinging their
Fates, and the Atchievments performed by preceding Genera-
tions in thefe Fields of Fame. - We muſt therefore necef-
ſarily ſuppoſe that the Arrival of the Son of Anchiſes, and the
Deſcent of the Alban Kings from a Dardan Stock, is mere
Fiction : Or, if there were any Mixture of Irojan Blood among
the Founders of Rome ;-If the YULIAN Family came in-
deed originally from that Nation :—That it muſt have been by
ſome later Migration ; and confequently the Stories ſo circum-
ſtantially related by Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus, and other Hiſto-
rians, of Eneas's Progreſs and Adventures, are at beſt apocry -
phal and traditionary.
During all the Time of the Games, the Senators kept open
Tables, to which every one that paſſed by was invited, in the
ſame Manner as was practiſed on other Occaſions of public
Feſtivals.---The Joy of theſe Feaſts was however ſomewhat
diſturbed, though they were not interrupted, by an Indiſpofi-
tion of Oétavius, whoſe Health was always very delicate. He
deſired that the Shews inight continue, though he was not
able to be preſent at them, and appointed others to preſide in
his Stead.
Not content with theſe temporary Rejoicings, he reſolved
to tranſınit to Poſterity more laſting Monuments of a Victory,
which had rendered him Maſter of the World. To this
End, he enlarged and embelliſhed the Temple of APOLLO on
the Promontory of A&tium, and increaſed the Splendor of the
Games which had been celebrated there from Time immemo-
rial, in Honour of that God; at the ſame Time ordering,
H h 2
pro-
*
}
244 MEMOIRS of the
Š
probably to prevent their being abuſed, the common Conſe-
quence of too frequent Repetitions, that, inſtead of being per-
formed
every third Year, as they had uſed to be, they ſhould
from thenceforth be celebrated only once in five Years. He
incloſed with Walls the Camp he had occupied there, and
formed it into a Town, which he called Nicopolis, the City of
Vistory. To people it, Inhabitants were tranſported thither
from Ambracia, and ſome other neighbouring Places, which
had been almoft ruined by the Wars between the Macedonians
and the Romans in that Country. He granted the Nicopolitans
great Privileges, and among others that of ſharing in the
Council of the Amphy&tions, an ancient and reſpectable Tri-
bunal, where all Greece was repreſented by twelve Deputies of
the principal States. This Town became afterwards
very
flou-
riſhing, and was improving daily at the Time when Strabo
wrote.
The Spot where Oétavius's Tent had been pitched was
diitinguiſhed from the Reſt of the Town, being ſurrounded
with a Wall of Hewn-Stone, adorned with Prows of Ships
taken in the Engagement, and conſecrated by the famous
Statue of the Astian Apollo, mentioned before *, which ſtood
in the open Air, without any Covering. - In Egypt, where
the grand Conteſt had been finally decided, he built a ſecond
Nicopolis, upon the Ground where he fought againſt Antony
before Alexandria, and there inſtituted Games like thoſe at
Actium.
OCTAVIUS was now arrived at the Height of his Wiſhes.
The Methods by which he had attained them were con-
fidered in very different Lights, even by the diſcerning Part of
his Cotemporaries; of whoſe Sentiments, on both sides, at
the Time of his Funeral, Tacitus
. has given is the following
View t:
“ His Admirers ſaid, That his filial Piety to his
“ Father Cefar, and the Neceſſity of the Republic, where the
“ Laws no longer governed, had forced him into a Civil War,
which,
+ ANNAL. Lib. I. 9 & 10.
1
1
. Vol. III. p. 179.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
245.
로
​which, whatever be the firſt Cauſe, can never be begun or
" carried on by juſt and gentle Means: that, to be revenged
on the Murderers of his Father, he had indeed made many
great Sacrifices to Antony, and many to Lepidus : but that,
“ when Lepidus was ſunk in Sloth, and Antony loft in Senſua-
lity, he found that the Government of one Perſon was the
only Remedy for the Misfortunes of his Country, fatigued
" and worn out by Diſcords which could not be reconciled.”
But others, who were leſs diſpoſed to judge favourably of
Oétavius, alledged on the contrary, “ That the Defire of re-
venging his Father, and rectifying the Diſorders of the State,
“ were mere Pretences; that the Ambition of Reigning was
- his real Motive; that, with this Spirit, he had inticed a Body
“ of Veterans into his Service, by Bribery; and, though but a
private Youth, without any Character of Public Authority,
“ levied an Army. That, with this Spirit, he had debauched
“ and bought the Roman Legions under the Conſuls, while he
“ was falſly feigning a Coalition with Pompey's republican
Party: that, ſoon after, when he had ſurreptitiouſly procured
“ from the Senate, or rather uſurped, the Honours and Author
rity of the Pretorſhip ; and when Hirtius and Panſa, the
" two Conſuls, were ſlain, he ſeized both their Armies ; that
• it was doubted whether the Conſuls fell by the Enemy, or
“ whether Panſa was not killed by pouring Poiſon into his
“ Wounds, and Hirtius murdered by his own Soldiers; and
“ whether the young Ceſar was not the Contriver of this bloody
“ Treaſon. That he had extorted the Conſulſhip by Terror, in
ſpite of the Senate ; and turned againſt the Commonwealth
Arms, with which the Commonwealth had entruſted
“ him for her Defence againſt Antony. That his cruel Proſcrip-
“ tions, and the Maſſacre of ſo many Citizens
many Citizens; his ſeizing from
“ the Public, and diſtributing to his own Creatures, ſo many
• Lands and Poffeffions, a Violation of Property, not ſo much
as pretended to be juſtified even by thoſe who gained by it,
<< could
" the very
:
*
246 MEMOIRS of the
tor
“ could certainly admit of no Kind of Excuſe. That his facri-
- ficing the Lives of Brutus and Caſus to the Manes of the
" Dictator, might be forgiven him, though it would have been
« more to his Honour to have let the public Good prevail over
“ his perſonal Enmities ; but that he had betrayed the
young
" Pompey by an inſidious Peace, and Lepidus by a falſe Shew
" of Friendſhip. That his Conduct had been the fame with
regard to Antony, whom he had deceived, firſt by the Trea-
“ ties of Tarentum and Brundufium, and then by the Marriage
“ of his Siſter Oftavia; a fraudulent Alliance, which, at laſt,
46 coſt him his Life.”
Widely different as theſe two Opinions are, there is Truth
in both ; eſpecially in the laſt, which ſpeaks Ostavius's real
Deſign in arming againſt his Country. He had now ſub-
ducd it, and was become ſole Maſter of the whole Roman Em-
pire ; whilſt his artful Management, and the Appearances of
Moderation which he put on, ſeemed to promiſe him Security
in his Uſurpation : for he had abſolutely gained the two moſt
numerous Bodies in the Empire. The Soldiers he had bribed
with immenſe Donatives, both of Money and Lands; their
Poſſeſſion of which depended on his continuing in Power. The
common People he cajoled with public Shews, Entertainments,
Diſtributions of Corn, and a Form of their old Privileges. It
was no longer the ſame impatient, independent Race, that had
ſtruggled with the Patricians for their Share of Power, and
with all Nations for Conqueſt. - It was an idle, venal, prating
Crew, that loved to faunter in the Forum, and frequent the
Theatres ; to talk about Players, Racers, Gladiators ; or can-
vaſs the Conduct of a Leader, at Home, without ever making
à Campaign themſelves. Such a Multitude was eaſily foothed
by the artful Ceſar. Nor did it, in Reality, make a great Dif-
ference to ſuch daftardly Creatures how they were governed,
whether by legal Magiſtrates, or illegal Uſurpers. Give
them but their Shews in the Theatre and Circus, and monthly
Supply
1
--
Court of AUGUSTUS. 247
Supply of Proviſions, it was all one to the degenerate Mob.
But there was a third Body in the State, which deeply felt the
Change ; being ſtript of the moſt glorious Rights which Birth
and Rank beſtow upon Men. Theſe were the young Nobility,
the Merits of whoſe Anceſtors had, beſides the general Privilege
of being born Free, acquired an acknowledged Claim to the
firſt Honours at Home, and the conſequent Commands of Kings
and Kingdoms abroad. They now found themſelves quite ſunk
and depreſſed; in effect little better than Slaves.-No Acceſs
to Power or Places but through the Pleaſure of one Man, for-
merly their Equal, now their LORD:
--No Reſpect abroad;
no Clientſhips of Princes or Provinces; no Laurels to be
ga-
thered in diſtant Climes, but by the arbitrary Direction of an
arrogant Maſter.--Men like theſe might juſtly make Osta-
vius tremble, when he reflected on the Steps by which he had
attained his exorbitant Power. The Fate of his Uncle Julius,
killed in the Midſt of the Senate, by the very Perſons whom
he thought inoſt devoted to him, might well be continually
preſent to his Mind, and make him fear the Riſe of another
Brutus, who, to reſtore LIBERTY to his Country, would
think it a meritorious Act to ſtab him on a Throne :--For,
he was now revolving in his own Mind, whether he ſhould not
even declare himſelf the King of thoſe whoſe TYRANT hè
had been from the very beginning of the Triumvirate. Theſe
Apprehenſions of Danger, which his natural Propenſity to
Fear was far from leſſening, abated for a while the Fire of his
Ambition, and made him reſolve to ſet about artfully obtain-
ing the Sanction of the Nation for a Continuance of the Power
which he had hitherto moſt unjuſtly exerciſed. His firſt Pre-
tence for taking Arms, to revenge the Murder of his Uncle
and adoptive Father, was now at an End.' Antony's Attempts
to rival him, which were alledged afterwards as a Reaſon for
continuing in Arms, could no longer be pleaded, ſince Antony
was dead ; and all the Terms fixed for the Duration of the
Trium-
248 MEMOIRS of the
7
Triumvirate had long been expired *. For at leaſt three Years
paft Oétavius had exerciſed the ſupreme Power, in virtue only
of the Conſular Magiſtracy, in which he had taken Care to be
continued. But now, with that refined Cunning which directed
all his Actions, he reſolved to feign a Deſire to abdicate the
Authority of Governinent, as a Step by which he ſhould re-
move all Imputation of Inſincerity, and of which he knew
Creatures were numerous enough to prevent the actual Exe-
cution.
To give this Farce the greater Air of Sincerity, he began
with privately conſulting his two chief Miniſters, and moſt in-
timate Friends, Agrippa and Mecenas; defiring them to give
him their candid Opinion, whether he ſhould reſtore the Com-
mon-wealth to its ancient State, or retain the ſovereign Power.
---Wild and prepoſterous ! to talk of reſtoring the ancient
Common-wealth, after he himſelf had deſtroyed the genuine
Romans, and extinguiſhed their Spirit. It was like firſt mur-
dering a brave Man, inangling his Corpſe, and then trying to
bring him to Life. The real Revival of the ancient Spirit and
Manners would foon have ſent him and his Court to keep
Company with Tarquin the Proud, or Julius the Uſurper.
Forms, therefore, the Shew and Phantom of the old Republic,
avere all that could be recalled ; nor could even they be
pres
ferved but for a while : For never did a Crew of more fawning
obſequious Slaves diſgrace a Nation, than this Man left to his
Tyrant Succeffor, for a Senate.
The long Speeches which Dio of puts into the Mouths of
Agrippa and Mecenas at this Conſultation about laying down
the Government, are undoubtedly feigned I by that malevolent
Writer. The Truth is that AGRIPPA, ſenſible of that Glory
only which is acquired by great Actions, openly declared for a
generous
:
*
* Suet..§. XXVIII.
4 Lib. XLII.
Such was alſo the Opinion of the learned Lipfius. Excurſ. ad TAC.
Annal, Lib. III.
3
7
Court of AUGUSTUS. 249
;
generous Abdication. He fet before Oétavius all the Dangers
which attended a Domination inſupportable to a free People';
to Men educated in a Common-wealth ; and, after inſtancing
the Examples of Sylla and Julius, exhorted him to thew the
Univerſe, by reſtoring LIBERTY to his Country, that the only
Motive for his taking up Arms had really been to revenge his
Father's Death.
Bụt Mecenas, without expatiating much on the brilliant
Parts of a Crown, took Ostavius by his Foible, FEAR, and
repreſented to him, That he had done too much to go back
that, after ſo much Bloodſhed, there could be no Safety for him
but on the Throne; and, that if he diveſted himſelf of the
ſovereign Power, he would immediately be attacked and
pur-
ſued by the Children and Friends of the many illuſtrious Per-
ſons, whom the Misfortune of the Times had forced him to
facrifice to his Safety.
The Abbé de St. Real obſerves, that each of theſe Miniſters
ſpoke according to his own particular Intereſt. Aprippa,
brave Warrior, of conſular Dignity, and judged worthy of
triumphal Honours, would have held the firſt place in a Re-
public.-Mecenas, a Man of Letters, an elegant Writer, and
an experienced Courtier, could not expect to ſhine, or make a
great Figure, but under the Protection of a Prince, who ſhould
place an entire Confidence in him.--This Obſervation, ſome-
what malicious, is not ſupported by any ancient Authority; and
its Author may, perhaps, not be the fitteſt Perſon to give it
Weight. Though very ſenſible in many Things, he is apt to
be too bold in his Criticiſms, is fond of Paradoxes, and appa-
rently inclined to praiſe whatever cotemporary Hiſtorians
have thought blameable, and to blame what they have praiſed.
OCTAVIUS had taken his Reſolution before he conſulted
his Miniſters, whom he thanked equally for this new Proof of
their Zeal and Fidelity in ſpeaking their Minds ſo freely. He
then declared in favour of Mecenas's Advice, modelled in ſuch
VOL. III.
I i
Manner
250
MEMOIRS of the
Manner as might ſkreen bim from the Charge of Violence and
Uſurpation. -The Story of his having Recourſe to Virgil, in
his State of Irreſolution, whether to keep or reſign his Power,
is probably feigned, in order to do Honour to the Poet. Had
it been told of Varius, a Man of Buſineſs and Activity, as well
as Learning, it would have been more plauſible. That Cefar
admired Virgil's ſublime Verſification, and loved his Modeſty,
I make no doubt ; but he had lived too far from Affairs, and
was too much a Bard to be an Oracle in Politics, and con-
fülted on the moft tender and weighty Point that could poſſibly
be ſtarted in the Courſe of a great Monarch's Life.The
Man who refuſed a forfeited Efate offered him by the Prince,
who has placed MARCUS as ſupreme Judge in Heaven, to give
Laws to the Juſt, and determine the Rewards and Puniſhment
of Good and Bad, could fcarce adviſe Octavius to enſlave his
native Country
The Reſt of Ottavius’s fifth Confulſhip, and the whole of
his fixth, were ſpent in fitting the Minds of Men, and the Cir-
cumſtances of Things, for the intended Change. Games and
Shews of all Sorts, Gifts and Generoſities to the People, pub-
lic Buildings for the Ornament of the City, were Arts which
he began to practiſe ſome Years before, and continued in theſe,
to make his Government be the better reliſhed. The reſtoring:
of the Senate to its ancient Luftre, by clearing ic of a Number:
of unworthy and unqualified Members, wiro had crept in
during the Confuſion of the Civil Wars, and were a Diſgrace
to the Majeſty of that auguſt Body; now. became a particular
Object of his Care : nor could be take a Step more pleaſing to
judicious Men, or better caleulated either for the public Wel-.
fare, or his own private Advantage: For whilft he was thus
forming a good Council;, able to afft him in the Fatigues of
Government, his real Deſign: ſtill remaining ſecret, he might
ſeem to act in Conſequence of a Deſire to abdicate his Power,,
and to put the Republic in a Situation to do without him.
IN
--
Court of AUGUSTUS
251
.
In fact, a thorough Reformation of the Senate was greatly
wanted. The Dictator Cefar firſt leſſened its Dignity, by ad-
mitting into it, without Diſtinction of Birth, Rank, or hardly
of Country, Men whoſe fole Merit often was their having
ſerved him in ihe Execution of his wicked Deeds. The Evil
increaſed under the Conſulate of Mark Antony, who would
ſell a Seat in the Senate to any Purchaſer that offered *; and as
he pretended to act in Conſequence of certain written Inſtruc-
tions, found among Julius's Papers after his Death, the Senators
thus inade were called out of Deriſion, Charonites of, or Senators
of Pluto's Creation, becauſe they owed their Elevation to à
dead Man. The firſt lawleſs Triumvirate carried this Abuſe,
as well as every other, to an enormous Height : For, inſtead of
three hundred, at which the Number of Senators had been
fixed from the Days of the Elder Tarquin to thoſe of Sylla;
they amounted to above fifteen hundred in the Times of this
laſt and of Julius Cefar, and now exceeded a Thouſand ; the
reſt having periſhed in the Wars. Ostavius would gladly
have reduced them to their original Number : but as that
could not be attempted without too much Difficulty and Dan-
ger, he reſolved to bring them down only to fix hundred,
agreeable to the laſt Law made in this Reſpect. Upwards of
four hundred were conſequently to be diveſted of their Digni-
ties : a Talk neither eaſy nor ſafe, eſpecially juſt at the Cloſe
of a Civil War, when the Minds of Men were yet in a Fer-
ment, accuſtomed to Intrigues, Conſpiracies, Murders, and
Teady to recur inſtantly to the moſt violent Extremities.
However, ſuch was the Importance of this Reformation, that
it even outweighed Oétavius's Fears; and he himſelf, aſſiſted by
the noble-minded Agrippa, who was ever ready to help him to
preſerve the Power he had not been able to prevail on him to
reſign, drew up a new Liſt of ſuch as were moſt proper to be
continued Members of the firſt Aſſembly in the World.
I i 2
He
* Plut. in Anton.
+ Sueton. in Aug. 9. XXXV.
252
MEMOIRS of the
* te
He proceeded in this Work, not as Cenfor, for, I know not
why, he never took upon him that Office, but as Superinten-
dant and Reformer of the Laws and Manners; a Title firſt
invented for the Dictator Gefar.
The great Difficulty was how to make this Regulation paſs
with thoſe that were to be excluded ;--how to correct its Bit-
terneſs by proper Palliatives. This required all Octavius's Art,
with the Help of which he happily ſucceeded. An Exhorta-
tion to the Senators in general, without pointing at any in
par-
ticular, requeſting that ſuch among them as were conſcious of
the Impropriety of their ſitting at the Head of the Nation,
would do themſelves Juſtice, immediately produced fifty volun-
tary Reſignations. Theſe were highly commended, and this
firſt Succeſs enabled him, either by Authority or by preſſing
Solicitations, to make an hundred and forty more follow their
Example. Some honorary Privileges of the ſenatorial Dignity
were continued to them all ; but with a Diſtinction in Favour
;
of thoſe who had modeſtly reſigned without any Sort of Com-
pulſion.
I do not know whether Oetavius carried this Reformation
any farther now. Dion ſays nothing more, unleſs it be, that he
forced one 2. Statilius to give up the Office of Tribune of the
People. Probably the Fear of making too great a Number of
Malecontents at a Time, when it was eſſentially his Intereſt to
be well with every one, might ſtop him for the preſent: but
he reſumed the fame Deſign twelve Years after, and then com-
His extraordinary Precautions while this Affair was
in Agitation; ſhew how great he thought the Danger: for he
never went to the Senate-houſe, during the whole Time, but
with a Coat of Mail under his uſual Garment, and accompa-
nied by ten of the ſtrongeſt, and moſt truſty Senators, who
formed a Guard around his Perſon whilſt he preſided. His
Name was placed at the Head of the Liſt of Senators, and he
took the Title of PRINCE OF THE SENATE: a Title without
3
Functions ;
pleted it.
um
Court of AUGUSTUS. 253
शा
Functions; but pleaſing, as it called to Mind ſome Idea of the
ancient Republic, of which he affected to preſerve a Refëm-
blance, whilſt he was deſtroying the Reality.
No Man ever followed inore cloſely than the artful Oetuvius
a Syſtem of Conduct once judged ſuitable to his Intereſt. His
preſent Aim being to keep up all the outward Appearances of
the republican Forms, whilſt he in fact ſettled himſelf more
and more in a monarchical Authority, he took particular Care
in his ſixth Conſulate, which he entered on in the Beginning
of the Year of Rome, DCCXXIV, to imitate in many Things
a Conſul of the old Commonwealth. He ſhared the Faſces
with his Collegue Agrippa, and took the uſual Oath at the
Expiration of his Office; in which he afterwards continued
himſelf the five following Years, that he might have' a legal
Title to be at the Head of the Republic.
One Part of his ſecret Plan was to advance Agrippa ſo that
he might be a Support to him. With this View he inarried
him to his Niece Marcella, Siſter to young Marcellus. Hiſtory
does not ſay whether Agrippa was a Widower, or whether, to
contract this Alliance, he repudiated Pomponia, by whom he
had a Daughter, married to Tiberius.
It ſeems indeed as if both Mecenas and Agrippa married in
the Year 723. Mecenas to his firſt and only Wife, and Agrip-
pa to his ſecond ; which laſt Event may account for the jocoſe
Concluſion of one of Horace's Odes *, addreſſed to that great
and grave Miniſter.
Miniſter. Cornelius Gallus had ſurely not offended
Ostavius when he made him Governor of Egypt. Therefore
Agrippa had not then divorced Atticus's Daughter, and her
Gallant, 2. Cecilius Epirota, had not been received into Gal-
lus's Family, which was the chief Crime laid to his Charge.
Now Atticus died on the laſt day of February, 722; and
Ceſar had contracted his Son-in-Law Tiberius to Agrippa's
Daughter, Atticus's Grand-Child, at leaſt a Year or two before
Atticus's
ore
. Lib. I. Carm. 6.
F
2:54
MEMOIRS of the
w
Atticus's Death: She muſt therefore have been a mere Infant
at that Time ; for Agrippa was not married to his firſt Wife
till after the Peace of Brindih in 716, by Means of Antony,
then Huſband to Octavia ; and if ſhe brought him a Daughter
the firſt Year, the Bride could be ſcarce a Ycar old when the
Marriage Contract was paſſed, and the Bridegroom muſt have
been about ſeven or eight, if born, as is generally thought, on
the 14th of November, 712.---This Marriage was, (which
rarely happens in ſuch Caſes,) afterwards conſummated. Vip-
fania bore him a Son. They were mutually happy,—when
political Reaſons tore them aſunder, and Tiberius, upon Agrip-
pa's Death, was forced to marry JULIA.
EVERY Part of Octavius's Conduct now tended viſibly to the
public Good. His fixth Conſulſhip was diſtinguiſhed by ſignal
Acts of Prudence, Wiſdom, and Generoſity. Many Senators,
whoſe Fortunes were not anſwerable to their Rank, Merit, and
diſtinguiſhed Birth, were liberally aſſiſted by the Young Cefar,
who, by this Means, preſerved to the Republic one of its con-
ſiderable Magiſtracies, the Curule Edility, for which there had
been but few Candidates of late, and ſometimes none at all.
It was exceſſively expenſive, on Account of the Games and
Shews, with which the Ediles were in a Manner obliged to
treat the People, in order to gain their Favour : but as that
Favour was no longer of any Service towards making a For-
tune, or obtaining Promotion in the State, ſince the Altera-
tions in the Government; an Office fo burthenſome, and no
way advantageous, was generally declined; inſomuch that,
more than once, Rome being without Ediles, the Pretors had
been obliged to officiate in their Stear. The public Treaſure,
which had hitherto been kept by the Queftors, from whoſe
Youth great Inconveniencies had often reſulted (for the Quer-
torſhip was the firſt Office through which the Roman Youth
paffed, in order to attain higher Dignities,) was now put into
the more proper Hands of two ancient Pretors, under whom
the
$
4
$
Court of AUGUSTUS: 255
the Queſtors were, probably, continued in Places of conſidera
able Honour, though of leſs important Truſt. But this juſt
Care of the Finances of the State never degenerated into pri-
vate Hardſhip or Oppreffion :--On the contrary, Ostavius
remitted all the Debts then due to the public Treaſury, and
even burnt the Vouchers for them. To crown the whole, he
magnanimouſly confeſſed the iniquitous Tyranny of the Trium-
virate, and, by one Edict, annulled and aboliſhed all the Acts
of thofe unhappy Times, all that himſelf and his Collegues in
the Triumvirate had done and ordained unto the Time of his
Sixth Conſulthip, which he intended to make the Æra of the
Renewal of the Laws, of good Order, and of public Hap-
pineſs.
HAVING thus made the Romans fenfible how much a well-
regulated Monarchy was preferable to a turbulent Liberty, and
fhewn them how much the Happineſs of the State depended.
on his Government; he thought he might ſafely venture on
fuch farther Steps as were neceffary to give a legal Sanction to
the Authority he had uſurped, and hitherto maintained by
Force. He wiſhed to owe it to the unanimous Conſent of
thofe over whom it was to be exerciſed; and therefore, fecure
as he now was of the Affections of the People, he reſolved to
truſt the Iffue of his grand Deſign to a public Declaration of
his pretended Deſire to reſign the ſupreme Power.
in Execution in the very Beginning of his ſeventh Conſulſhip,
which the illuſtrious Agrippa was again his Collegue.
On the ſeventh of January in the Year of Rome, DCCXXV,
having communicated his Deſign to ſome of the Senators on
whom he could moſt depend, he went to the Senate-houſe,
and formally declared that he abdicated the ſupreme Power,
and reſtored it to the Senate and Roman People, to whom it of
right belonged. He read, to this purpoſe, as was his Cuſtom,
a Speech, certainly not like that which Dion gives him, full
of haughty Arrogance, frivolous Vanity, and an Affectation.
of
{
This he put
&
256 MEMOIRS of the
of pompous Expreſſions, ill ſuiting the Character of Ottavius,
who always aimed at Solidity, and deſpiſed empty Sounds.-
The more he was ſenſible that the Step he was taking might
be ſuſpected, the more he endeavoured to appear ſincere. He
ſpoke the Language of a Man who really intended to abdicate ;
exhorted the Senators to make a proper Uſe of the Power,
which he reſtored to them; and ended with wiſhing and fore-
telling Proſperity to their Government. -Thoſe, who were
in the Secret, applauded ; the reſt were greatly embarraſſed.
The Clear-fighted ſaw through the Myſtery, but dared not
ſpeak. Of thoſe who thought Oétavius meant what he ſaid,
ſome were pleaſed, and glad to think they were going to be
freed from the Yoke of Servitude : Others, whoſe Fortune
depended on the Family of the Cefars, or who, weary of
Troubles and civil Diſcord, wilhed only for Peace and public
Tranquility, all Hopes of which centered in Oétavius, were
really afflicted to think of his Reſigning, leſt their Country
ſhould be re-plunged into thoſe Miſeries from which he alone
had been able to deliver it.
Amidst this Diverſity of Opinions, all agreed in preſſing
him earneſtly to deſiſt from a Reſolution ſo fatal to the public
Repoſe. Many Arguments were not neceſſary :--He
foon yielded ; but, at the ſame Time, annexed to his Conſent
certain Reſtrictions, which, while they added a Shew of
Modeſty, were no way prejudicial to his well-combined am-
bitious Plan.
DecLARING then, that out of Deference to the Will of the
Senate, ſo ſtrongly urged, he undertook the general Direction
of the Affairs of the Republic, he added, that his Intention
was not to bear ſingly all the Weight of Government, but to.
ſhare the Provinces with the Senate and People ; ſo that ſome
ſhould be under their immediate Direction, and the reſt under
his. In this Diviſion, he expreſſed a Readineſs to take to his
Share, ſuch as were moſt liable to Tumults and Seditions, and
the
3
no
Court of AUGUSTUS .
257
.
the Frontiers expoſed to Incurſions from foreign Enemies ;
leaving to the Senators thoſe whoſe peaceful State would let
them enjoy the Sweets of Command, without its Uneaſineſſes
and Alarms.--A ſpecious Pretence to have all the Forces of
the Empire at his Diſpoſal ; whilſt the Senate, having the
Care only of unarmed Countries, would be without Troops,
and conſequently not able to give him any Umbrage.All
the Provinces were ſplit into a great many more Prefectures
and Governments than had been formerly, when they were
under the Conſular Juriſdiction.--It was alſo ſafer for him,
that no great Man ſhould have the Command of ſuch rich
Countries, as the Proconſuls and Pretors had before. To
his own Provinces he ſent Governors of what Quality, and
with what Powers, he pleaſed; but thoſe of the People were
intruſted to none but Men of the Pretorian or Conſular Dig-
nity. Theſe laſt were only Civil Magiſtrates, whilſt the for-
mer, though called no more than Pro-Pretors, were inveſted
with a military Authority.--The Provinces in the Depart-
ment of the Senate were, Africa, that is to ſay, the Country
around Carthage and Utica ; Numidia ; Apa properly called,
comprehending the ancient Kingdom of Pergamus ; Greece,
then more commonly called Achaia ; Dalmatia ; Macedonia
Sicily ; Crete and Cyrene ; Bythinia and Pontus ; Sardinia and
Corſica; and in Spain, Bætica: The Governors or Prefects of
theſe Provinces were appointed in the old Courſe, after a gra-
dual Riſe through the Dignities and Magiſtracies of the Com-
monwealth. Oétavius réſerved to himſelf the Reſt of Spain,
divided into two Provinces, Tarragon and Lufitania ; all Gaul,
comprehending the Narbonneſe and Celtic, which then began
to be called the Lyonnefe ; Aquitania ; Belgia ; and the Upper
and Lower Germany, that is to ſay the Country on the left of
the Rhine, from about Baſle down to the Mouth of that River.
Cælo-Syria, Phænicia, Cilicia, Egypt, and the Iſland of Cyprus,
fell alſo to his Lot in the Eaſt. To all theſe Cefar named his ,
Vol. III
Kk
own
ز
}
258 MEMOIRS of the
own Governors or Lieutenants, and often exchanged one or more
of them with the People, as ſuited his Views or Conveniency.
ITALY is not mentioned in this Account, becauſe it was
not conſidered as a Province, but as the Queen and Miſtreſs of
all the Provinces, and continued to be governed as before.
All its Inhabitants were Citizens of Rome; and each People,
each Town, had its Magiſtracy, who, in Affairs of more than
ordinary Moment, had Recourſe to the Senate and Magiſtrates
of Rome, or to the Head of the Empire. Nor are the Countries
not immediately under the Domination of the Republic included
here : For the whole Empire comprehended ſeveral Cities and
Nations which were free ; and Kings, ſuch as Herod in Yudea,
and Juba in Mauritania. Theſe Kings and Nations were not
reputed Subjects, though they were dependent on the Romans,
and lived under their Protection. In ſucceeding Times, all theſe
Countries were by Degrees reduced into Provinces, and uſurped
by the Emperors.
Such was Oétavius's firſt artful Reſerve, with reſpect to
the unbounded Power now given him by the Senate. To
this he added, but ſtill with the fame Intent, another Limita-
tion, cqually calculated to blind thoſe who did not know him
thoroughly. He would not accept the Power of Government
for more than ten Years; and proteſted, with his uſual Sinceri-
ty, that if he ſhould be ſo happy as to reſtore the Affairs of
the Republic in a ſhorter Time, he would not wait the Expi-
ration of that Term to reſign.-But theſe were only Pro-
miſes ; little regarded by Cefar, when his Intereſt was at Stake.
At the End of the ten Years, he found Means to be continued
in the ſupreme Authority, ſometimes for five, ſometimes for
ten Years more, and, in that Manner, kept it all his Life.
His Succeſſors, who came to the Empire without
any
Limita-
tion of Time, retained ſome Marks of theſe decennial Re-
newals, by celebrating folemn Feaſts every ten Years, as for a
Continuation of the Sovereignty in their Perſons.
3
THE
}
Court of AUGUSTUS.
259
The Diviſion of the Povinces between Octavius and the
Senate was ſettled on the 13th of January, and on the 17th,
he received the Appellation of AUGUSTUS.—-—Plancus, un-
doubtedly in Concert with him, firſt propoſed it, and the Se-
nate folemnly conferred it on him. He was not ſorry to
take a new Name, which, at the ſame Time that it was a
Title of great Diſtinction, implying ſomething ſacred, and, as
it were, allied to the Deity, was neither odious, nor favoured
of Tyranny, and might Help to obliterate the Remembrance
of the paſt Deeds of OCTAVIUS.' He once thought of Ro-
mulus, as a Name proper to create Reſpect for him, as for a
ſecond Founder of Rome.But Romulus was a deſpotic KING,
who had drawn upon himſelf the Anger and Revenge of the
Senate :--Ideas which it was by no Means adviſeable to awake.
The higheſt Title he ever took to himſelf was that of Prince,
which, in the Commonwealth, ſignified the Man, who, by his
Merit, and other Circumſtances, bad the greateſt Influence
upon the public Affairs ; the firſt or prime Man of the Commu-
nity *This name was legal, or rather cuſtomary : the
greateſt and trueſt Friends to their Country having borne it one
after another t.
The old Roman Spirit, quaſhed by Marius and Sylla, man-
gled by Craſus, Pompey, and Ceſar, and extinguiſhed by Le-
pidus, Antony, and O&avius, was now quite effaced, and the
Affairs of the Empire aſſumed a new Face.---Though a Se-
ries of Injuſtice, Cruelty and Oppreſſion, had filenced the
Laws, and overpowered the Struggles of expiring Liberty ;
yet the Rights of the Senate and People ſtill remained, ready
to affert their Claims whenever that Violence ſhould ceaſe.
But now, to ſuch Lengths had the artful Ostavius led them by
K k 2
Degrees,
* Cuncta, nomine PRINCIPIS, ſub imperium accepit. Tacit. Lib. I.
+ When young, and during the Time of his being Collegue with Antony,
he ſtruck ſeveral Medals with the bare Inſcription, DIVI F. wanting to be
known as Julius's Son, rather than under any other Deſignation ; and com-
monly put it after his Name, before his other Titles.
260 MEMOIRS of the
Degrees, they themſelves voluntarily ſealed thre Ruin of the
COMMONWEALTH, and finally rivetted the Chains he had long
been preparing for them.---The Edict of the 7th of January,
by which the Senate diveſted itſelf of the Adminiſtration of the
ſupreme Power, and transferred it to the USURPER, crowned
his Wiſhes, by giving him the long-defired Sanction of an uni-
verſal Conſent, and ended the Exiſtence of the ROMAN REPUB-
LIC. For, though Hiſtorians are ſilent on this Head, there is
no Room to doubt, but that this Decree of the Senate was con-
firmed by the Suffrages of the People, folemnly aſſembled.
Oétavius was too wary and circumſpect to omit ſo eſſential a
Formality; and, indeed, I am ſtrongly of Opinion, that the
famous Royal Law, by which the whole Power of the Senate
and People was transferred to the Emperors, was firſt paſſed on
this
very
Occaſion *
BOOK
* It is not, indeed, exprefly faid by any Author, that this Lex Regia, or
Royal Law, mentioned in Juſtinian's Digeſt (a), was paſſed in a ſolemn Aſſembly
of the People.-Gravina (6) has recorded a conſiderable Fragment of the Act by
which all the Powers that Auguftus, Tiberius, and Claudius enjoyed, were given
to Vefpafian ; and many of the Learned have thought that this Act, which was
renewed on every Occaſion of a new Emperor, is the Royal Law in queſtion.
But, as the People had ſcarce any Kind of Share in the Adminiſtration after
Tiberius, it is much more likely, that the Act by which the Empire was con-
ferred on Veſpaſian, was only a Decree of the Senate. I allow it to be true, that
no ancient Record remains to prove that the People conferred the ſupreme Au-
thority on Auguſus: but the Fact ought not to be rejected for that Reaſon, and
the Conjecture on which I build ſurpaſſes a bare Probability. What ſets it
beyond all Doubt, is, that when Auguſtus, three Years before his Death, raiſed
Tiberius to an Equality of Power with himſelf, Velleius ſays exprefly (c), that
this was done by the Authority of the SENATE AND ROMAN People, and Sue-
tonius (d) mentions a Law paſſed on that Occaſion by the Conſuls.
Ulrisus Huber is certainly wrong in pretending (e) that the Supreme Power def-
potic was given to Auguftus immediately after his Return from conquering Antony.
(a) Præf. I. Dig. 8. 7. & Lege quod Principi, 1. Digeft. de Conſtit. Princ.
(0) De Imperio Romano.
(c) Lib. II. c. 3.
(d) Tib. . 21.
(*) Digreſſiones Juſtinianæ. Lib. I. c. 25. 27.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
261
Во о к
XIV.
ROM
OME, and the dependent Provinces, had been long in
a tumultuous, fluctuating, and exhauſted State, agitated
and torn by Ambition and its Attendants, and uncertain who,
at laſt, would be their Maſter.---This grand Point was now
determined, and the Eyes of the World were once more fixed
upon a CESAR.-Weary of the cruel and inhuman Strug-
gle, Men were glad to think of Tranquillity and Peace on
any Terms.But what was, in ſome Reſpects, happy for
the People of thoſe Times, may, perhaps, prove tireſome to
the Readers of their Hiſtory. The Subject is now quite varied.
No more grand Preparations for Wars, Shocks of Parties or
Paffions, or intereſting Stories of Dangers and Eſcapes : No
more glorious Struggles for Liberty and Laws, nor generous
Sacrifices for the public Weal. The Uniformity of an abſo-
lute Government, Court Stories and Intrigues, Suſpicions, Ac-
cuſations, Trials, and other Concomitants of peaceful Times
in a new-modelled State, will be the principal Topics of the
enſuing Part of theſe Memoirs. -Though the old Spirit does
not yet ſo intirely and ſuddenly vaniſh, but that the Remains of
it may ſtill, ſometimes, afford Entertainment. It is not in-
ſtantly that a Nation, once haughty and imperious, is brought
to implicit Humility and Obedience.
JULIUS CES AR's Rebellion againſt his Country, and the
Rapine and Forfeitures which followed his Succeſs, gave the
firſt Shock to the Laws, and made Property precarious through
the Empire. But the enſuing Tyranny of the Triumvirs, the
horrid Profcription, and the final Diſaſter at Philippi, annihi-
lated
6
262 MEMOIRS of the.
alla
lated Justice, and ſubſtituted the Sword of the Veterans in
the Place of the Twelve Tables, and the Pretor's Curule
Chair. Violence had reigned over the world for upwards of
fifteen Years : the Ideas of Right and Wrong feemed to be
effaced, and every Tool of the Triumvirs,ấevery bold Ruf-
fian in their Legions, poſſeſſed what he could by Murder, Ra-
pine, Cozenage, and Extortion from his Betters. Theſe Scenes
of Miſøry were ſpread through every Province; and there was
ſcarce a private Family in the Empire, but felt the univerſal
Scourge, and had Reaſon to curſe the Day on which Julius
and his three Diſciples were born.---But now, Law and
Right began to reſume their Authority :-Property became
again ſtable and ſecure.
Many ingenious Men, particularly Italians, Spaniards,
French, and other Foreigners, who have been brought up un-
der Monkiſh Tutors, Jesuits and Friers, talk wildly of the
Roman Affairs (for of the Greek they know little,) for no other
Reaſon than that they have drawn their Notions of them from
ſtrange Sources. They are generally taught a Compend of the
Roman Hiſtory, compiled by ſome reverend Scribe, and
peep
into ſome of the Roman Authors, eſpecially Poets ; after which
they are hurried away, for their greater Advantage, to the
inore edifying and inſtructive Study of the Latin Fathers and
modern Caſuiſts.Thus you ſhall find a Man of Senſe in
Buſineſs, who would be aſhamed to quote any but the moſt
approved Authors of his own or neighbouring Nations, gravely
producing Scraps of ſuch judicious and important Perſons, as
Tertullian, Auguſtin, and Arnobius, to ſupport their Opinion
about RoMAN AFFAIRS
.--Such is the ſquint-eyed Direc-
tion of Gentlemen's Studies, when committed to the Popiſh
Clergy-_They want, by all Means, to turn the Attention
of Men from Life and Nature, and eſpecially from great and
magnanimous Life, and its Perfection LIBERTY.
The learned Abbé Vertot makes the whole Life of Auguſtus
proceed
} 을
​Court of AUGUSTUS. 263
into every
1
proceed upon an uniform Plan of Politics, laid down long be-
fore hand, juſt after Ceſar's Death, when he was but eighteen,
and ſteadily purſued by him through the reſt of his Life.
That to this Plan he owed his Grandeur, and to no Contin-
gencies, or Series of Events, which contributed to his Exalta-
tion. But this is pure Illuſion--a fine Dream, built upon
the Reſult of a thouſand unforeſeen Events, not one of which
it was in the Youth's Power to hinder or procure.
After the Battle of Aetium, and the Reduction of Alexana
dria, Mecenas's chief View was to preſerve the Life of the
Conqueror, and render his Government durable, by making it
mild, and raiſing his Reputation above the reſt of Mankind.
For the firſt, he had. Spies in all Corners, to pry into
Aſſembly, and watch the Motions of the People; and for the
ſecond, he had Orators, Poets, and Hiſtorians; whilſt Au-
guftus, dreading his Father's Fate, trembled at the Thought of
the Ides of March.-Every Heir of a noble Family might be
a ſecond BRUTUS; and, in Effect; Antony, more bold and
leſs ſelfiſh, had often reproached him, That it was his Fault
alone that the Republic was not reſtored.
Upon his Return, therefore, from completing his Conqueſt
of. Antony, and in ſettling the Affairs of the Empire, inſtead
of appearing more haughty and aſſuming than before, he took
the ſame Step as the Norman Conqueror did after his Victory,
which was to take a ſolemn Oath to govern according to the
eſtabliſhed Laws.
GREAT States, as well as private Men, are apt to run from
one Extreme to another. The Hypocriſy and Preciſeneſs
affected by the Faction which wreſted the Government out of
the Hands of the Parliament in 1642, and the Miſchiefs which
enſued, had almoſt thrown this Nation into Irreligion and
Slavery after the Reſtoration:---- Juſt ſo the Cruelty and Vio-
lence under which the Romans had groaned during the Courſe
of a long and dreadful civil War, made them willing to bear
with
철
​264
MEMOIRS of the
19
tenants.
with
any
Dimunition of their Privileges, and ſit down con-
tented with any Sort of Government, rather than be again
plunged into the ſame Miſery.
In this Spirit, they by Degrees gave away what remained
of their Liberty, if any Thing yet remained beyond the bare
Name, in complimenting the new MONARCH, (for ſuch AU-
GUSTUS was now become in Fact, though he artfully avoid-
ed being called ſuch) with every Title of Diſtinction, whe-
ther merely honorary, or accompanied with real and extranr-
dinary Power. He was declared IMPERATOR (from whence
our Word Emperor); not in either of the limited Senſes in
which it had been uſed in the Time of the Republic, when it
denoted only a General of an Army, or, at moſt, a victorious
Chief ; but as Generaliffimo of all the Forces of the Empire,
and Head of all other Commanders, who were only his Lieu-
. A Power which no Citizen had ever enjoyed, at leaſt
ſo fully, while the Commonwealth ſubſiſted. Pompey came
the neareſt to it, when, in the War againſt the Pirates, he re-
ceived the Command of all the maritime Forces of the Romans,
and of all the Seas; to which was afterwards added, in the
War with Mithridates, the Command of all the Armies in the
Eaſt. Auguſtus might, indeed, have inſtanced this, to ſhew
that the Dignity conferred on him was not abſolutely new and
unprecedented ; to which he might likewiſe have added, that
the Power he was now inveſted with, of governing diſtant
Provinces and Armies by only ſending his Orders to them, had
been exerciſed, particularly in Regard to Spain, by the ſame
Patriot, who, without quitting Rome, or at leaſt Italy, had
governed that great Province, and all the Legions in it, as Pro-
Conſul and Commander in chief, by his Lieutenants, Afranius,
Petreius, and Varro.
THE EMPEROR was abſolute in all military Affairs. He
alone could make War or Peace, and levy Men and Money.
The Sword was in his Hand, and he ſwayed it over every In-
dividual
3
.
8
1
.
麥
​Vol.III.p.264
&
.
.
:
.
.
$
9
1
i
4
参
​司
​Court of AUGUSTUS. 265
3
.
*
dividual in the Empire. This Title, to which ſuch vaſt Pre-
rogatives were annexed, foon came to be conſidered as a par-
ticular and ſpecial Mark that the fovereign Power was veſted
in Auguſtus and his Succeſſors; but, being quite military, it
ſhewed that the Origin of this new Government was founded
in Force of Arms. The Soldiery were too ſenſible of this ;
and too ſoon availed themſelves of it, to commit the moſt
enormous Crimes. “ Thus,” ſays one of the moſt illuſtrious
of the Prelates of France *, " as the Republic had its unavoid-
is able Weakneſs in the Jealouſy between the People and the
66 Senate; fo the Dominion of the Cefars had its Foible, in
" the Licentiouſneſs of the Soldiery who made them Cefars."
Auguſtus endeavoured to remedy this Evil, by ſeeming to
make the Army ſubordinate to the Laws : for his receiving
from the Senate the Right of commanding their Armies was
an Acknowledgment that the civil Power was ſuperior to the
military ---But the Reality appeared through this flimſy
Diſguiſe.
The General of an Army uſed to have at his Command one
Pretorian Cohort, made up of his Friends, young Volunteers
of noble Families, and truſty Perfons noted for their Bravery
and Attachment to the Conſul or Pretor, whoſe Guard they
were, and about whoſe Perſon they fought :--but they never
dared to ſet their Foot in Rome without Permiſſion of the Se-
nate. It was during the civil Wars, when all Order was over-
thrown, that they were firſt quartered in the City ;--and the
Generals (military Tyrants) increaſed the Pretorian Cohorts,
ſo far, that Auguſtus had no leſs than nine of them in Rome,
as Props of his illegal Power. To theſe Rullians, who proved
afterwards the Peſt and Ruin of the Roman Empire, the Senate
now officiouſly ordered double Pay, to encourage them the
more zealouſly and faithfully to watch over the Safety of their
PRINCE.
Vol. III.
LI
THE
els
.
* BOSSUET. Hiſt, Univerſ.
266 MEMOIRS of the
Wei
The conſcript Fathers likewiſe ordered, that the Gate of his
Palace ſhould be conſtantly adorned with a Laurel, and over
that a civic Crown; as a public Acknowledgement of Grati-
tude towards the Conqueror of the Enemies of the State, and
the Preſerver of its Citizens *
One of the Months of the Year had already received a new
Name, in Honour of the Dictator Julius. The ſame Diſtinc-
tion was now decreed in Favour of AUGUSTUS, whoſe Name
it was reſolved to give to the Month of September, in which
he was born : But he preferred the preceding Month, for the
Reaſons mentioned in the Deliberations of the Senate, thus
recorded by Macrobius. As IT WAS IN THE MONTH HI-
THERTO CALLED SEXTILIS, THAT THE EMPEROR CESAR
AUGUSTUS TOOK POSSESSION OF HIS FIRST CONSULSHIP,
THAT HE CELEBRATED THREE TRIUMPHS, THAT HE
RECEIVED THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE OF THE LEGIONS,
which occupied The JANICULUM, THAT HE REDUCED
EGYPT UNDER THE POWER OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE,
THAT HE PUT AN END TO ALL CIVIL WARS; IT AP-
PEARS, THAT THIS MONTH IS, AND HAS BEEN, A MOST
HAPPY MONTH TO THIS EMPIRE.
THE SENATE THERE-
· FORE ORDAINS; THAT THIS MONTH SHALL HENCEFORTH
BE CALLED AUGUST.With what abject Meanneſs does
the Senate here gloſs over that daring Deed of Oxtavius,
when, after raiſing the Siege of Mutina, he traiterouſly turn-
ed againſt his Country thoſe very Arms with which She
had intruſted him to oppoſe the Incroachments of M. Antony,
and wickedly forced his Way into her Capital !
-With
this fatal Event, began the lawleſs Power of the young
USURPER.
Amidst this Profuſion of Honour and Reſpect, quite con-
formable to the then Situation of Minds, one Sextus Pacuvius,
Tribune
* There are ſtill extant fome Coins of Auguftus, with the double Symbol of
the Laurel and Civic Crowns, and the Legend OB CIVEIS SERVATOS.
A
Court of AUGUSTUS. 267
..
Tribune of the People, rendered himſelf remarkable by an
egregious Piece of Flattery. He declared, in a full Affembly
of the Senate, that he was determined to devote him ſelf to
Auguſtus after the Manner of the Spaniards, Celtes, and Ger-
mans, and exhorted the reſt of the Senators to do the ſame.
By this Cuſtom, a great Number of Clients attached their
Fate to that of ſome great Man, and bound themſelves by Oath
to live and die with him. Auguſtus put a Stop to the Tri-
bune’s Propofal, but could not hinder him from running to an
Aſſembly of the People, whom he harangued to the fame
Effect; after which, going from Street to Street, he compell-
ed thoſe he met to devote themſelves with him to Auguftus.
He offered Sacrifices, and made public Rejoicings on this Oc-
caſion, and declared, in an Aſſembly of the People, that he
conſtituted Auguſtus his Heir in equal Shares with his Son :
As he had not any Thing, the Object of his Liberality was
rather to receive than give. Nor was he diſappointed in his
Expectation ; for Auguſtus rewarded his Adulation, and there
by ſhewed that it was not quite ſo diſagreeable to him as he
would have had it thought.
In Times of Liberty a Man depends upon himſelf. It is
then that each makes his own Fortune. It is then that a Man's
Talents, his Eloquence, his ſuperior Spirit, his Capacity in
the Cabinet or Field, his Conſtancy, Integrity, and a thouſand
Virtues, have both Incentives and Room to diſplay themſelves,
and operate for his and his country's Glory. Upon theſe he
depends : From theſe he hopes for honeſt Fame, Protection
from Injuries in Life, and an honourable Memory.- But
the fatal Reverſe was come. Men, inſtead of founding their
Hopes upon their own, now uſeleſs, Virtues, were taught to
hang them upon the Will of another. Their eyes were turned
upon their Maſter and his Minions. From them they were
taught to expect Protection to their Perſons and Families; and
by their good Pleaſure were Honours, Commands, Provinces,
DUAL 1 2
and
268
MEMOIRS .
of the
;
and Power to be diſtributed.---This Turn given to the At-
tention of Men, from themſelves, and the Laws, to the Will
and Pleaſure of another, produced Modern Roman Politeneſs
that is, Fawning, Falfhood, and Diffimulation.
The civil Wars which enſued immediately after Julius Ee-
far's Conqueſt of Gaul, had hindered the Romans from eſta-
bliſhing in that Country the ſame Order as reigned in their
other Provinces. Auguftus, having now acquired a legal Title
to command, went thither *, numbered the People, took an
Account of their Poſſeſſions, regulated the Tribute they were
to pay, extended the Boundaries of Aquitcine from the Pyre-
nean Mountains and the Garonne, which limited them before,
to the Loire, and publiſhed, in a general Aſſembly of the
States, held at Narbonne -t, the Laws by which they were to
be governed.. The Gauls were at Peace when Auguſtus ar-
rived among them, but had been at War a ſhort Time before,
as appears by. Meſala's Triumph this Year. He had chaſtiſed
fome of them, not yet accuſtomed to the Yoke, near Adour,
and the Pyrenean Hills; but as we have no particular Account
of his Exploits, they might, perhaps, not be conſiderable :
For Auguſtus was ready enough to grant the Honours of a
Triumph to his Lieutenants I.
His Deſign in going to Gaul was ſaid to be, to croſs over
from thence to Britain ; but Things ſeeming to take a peace-
able Turn on this Side, the intended Expedition was dropped,
he marched towards Spain, and at Tarracona, now: Arragon,
took Poffeflion of his eighth Conſulſhip. $, in which Statilius
Taurus was his Collegue.
CESAR had ſpent the Fire of his Youth in the civil Wars.
and well it might be extinguiſhed, as he had been engaged in
no leſs than ſeven of them, beſides his Expedition into Dal-
matia, 1. Mutina againſt Antony. 2., Sicily againſt Sextus
- Pompeus
* A. U. DCCXXV.
+ STRABO, L IV.
Suet. in Aug. XXXVIII.
$ A. U. DCCXXVI.
i
1
3
*
Court of AUGUSTU S. 269
*
.
Pompey, when Salvidienus Rufus was beaten. 3. Philippi.
4. Perufum. 5. Sicily, when his Fleet was wrecked. 6. Sicily,
when he beat Pompey. And 7. Actium, which required two
Campaigns. The whole of theſe Wars took up twelve Years.
When he returned from Alexandria, he was a little fet-
tled, grew cautious, was unwilling to riſk much, and there-
fore choſe rather to employ the Troops in thoroughly con-
quering the old Provinces, eſpecially fuch as lay neareſt to
Ituly, than in far diſtånt and dangerous Searches of new Lau-
rels, like his adoptive Father Julius. This brought a con-
venient domeſtic Caution into all his Counſels, and moderated
his Deſigns and Enterprizes.. Britain was talked of, as a Con-
queſt which would add to his Glory; and Horace, the Echo
of the Court Language, has painted it out as a Field of Lau-
rels to Ceſar:-But this Ceſar never attempted it.
A BRITON, who, at preſent, has more Cauſe to love bis
Country than
any other European, may wonder that the Ro-
mans ſhould be ſo indifferent about our Iſland as they were for
a long while ; and particularly that Auguſtus ſhould not en-
deavour to complete the Conqueſt begun by his Father.---
But how muſt it humble his Pride, if he be one of thoſe,
whom a noble Writer calls Patriots of the Soil, to hear that
the Romans made ſo little Account of it, that, when they
could eaſily have conquered it, they deſpiſed the Acquiſition,
and choſe to content themſelves with a ſmall annual Tribute,
rather than have the whole Produce of the Iſland, at the Ex-
pençe of keeping in it one Legion, and a few Cohorts; that
is, about ſix or eight thouſand Men.---To ſay the Truth, it
was not very valuable at that Time; being almoſt uncultivated,
and not a Town on the whole Iſland. What the then Inhabi-
tants called a Town, was a large Part of a Wood furrounded
with Stakes, and great Trees laid between, in the Area of
which they built Hovels for themſelves and their Cattle, to
Ahelter them for ſome Short Space, till they moved for grazing
.
AIS
W
.....
WY:
.
270
MEMOIRS of the.
to another Quarter. Julius Cefar had made two Deſcents into
Britain, but was obliged to return quickly to Gaul; firſt, by
the News of freſh Commotions among the newly conquered
Tribes, and, what touched him nearer, fome Diſguſt among
that Part of his Troops which he had left behind : After-
wards, he was forced back by the Loſs of a conſiderable Part
of his Fleet, deſtroyed by a high Tide and Storm at the full
of the Moon, which daſhed to Pieces forty of his ships.-
He went thither principally to have the Honour of being the
firſt who attempted an unknown Country, and to raiſe his
Name in Rome, as the Man who had extended the Liinits of
the Empire beyond the Ocean, as in fact he did *:--Ano-
ther Motive was more particular. He was fond of Jewels,
and all Sorts of curious Toys, which he frequently gave to his
favourite Ladies. Pearls were then the great Mode, and
there was a Fiſhery of them in Britain ; partly on which Ac..
count he was ſaid to have viſited this Iſland. He uſed to weighi
them with his own Hand, and, as was related beford, made a
Preſent of one of them to his beloved Servilia, worth, or, to ſay
better, valued at Sexagies HS-near 50,000 l. Let his Motive
have been what it will, he came twice to Britain, and fought
both Times with his uſual Fortune. But as he was in Purfuit
of greater Deſigns than the Conqueſt of ſuch naked Barbarians
as we then were, he haſtened away, and may be rather faid
to have threwn Britain to the Romans, than to have conquer-
ed it.
AMBITION is the genial Vice of great Minds. To it we
owe the Brighteſt Actions that illuſtrate the Records of Time.
But this Paſſion acquires double Strength in the Breaſt of
a Man who has riſen from a low Origin to an exalted Station ;
eſpecially if he owes his Riſe to his own Courage and ſuperior
Abilities.
* Eone nomine, Imperator unice
Fuiſti in ultima Occidentis Inſula?
CATULL; ad Cæfarem.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
271
e any a
Abilities. Such a Perſon muſt have an Unuſual Share of
Self-Denial, if he does not think that the fame Talents and
Addreſs which at firſt brought him out of his primitive Obſcu-
rity and raiſed him above his Peers, may ſtill raiſe him higher,
and, with a proper Improvement of the Opportunities afforded
by a tottering State, enable him to mount the Pinnacle of
Power.---Fortune has given ſo much :-Why may the not
give more ?-Why not all ?-Her Wheel is in perpetual Mo-
tion, carrying Crowns and Kingdoms now aloft, and anon
precipitating them into the Duft.What hinders me from
mounting the revolving Orb, as well as another ?-_And no
Matter, if I but gain the Top, whether I ſafely ſtand, or have
a glorious Fall.
Such were the Sentiments of CORNELIUS GALLUS, if we
believe Dion Caſſius, and fome other Writers, who ſay, that
this firſt Prefect of Egypt, after harraffing and oppreſſing the
People under his Government, and quelling ſeveral Inſurrec-
tions, particularly a Rebellion of the rich Province of The
bäïs, whoſe Capital, the famous THEBES, with its hundred
Gates, he plundered and deſtroyed; was ſo intoxicated with
Proſperity, that he cauſed his own Exploies to be engraved on
the Pyramids, and Statues to be erected to him all over the
Country ; to which is added, that when heated with Wine
and Rioting, he frequently took very unbecoming Liberties in
ſpeaking of his Benefactor Auguftus, and, at length went fo
far as even to conſpire againſt him. But as we are no where
told who elſe was concerned in this Conſpiracy, how far it was
cumſtances whatever relating to it; the whole of this Story
appears to me a malevolent Fiction.-Indiſcretion over his
Bottle ſeems to have been his deepeſt Guilt. Had there been
any Thing more, the unfortunate OVID, while humbly ſuing
for his own Pardon, would not have dared to ſay, That talk-
3
et ing
5
272
MEMOIRS of the
ing intemperately in his Wine was the Cauſe of his Ruin *
Some unguarded, and probably too haughty, Expreſſions, have
been picked up by a falſe Friend, and carried to the Prince.
Yet this very Man (if the Piece which bears his Name be
really of his Compoſition) has elegantly expoſed that common
Frailty, and warned others againſt what afterwards proved his
Ruin.--He had a curious Cup, whoſe Engraving repreſented
Tantalus purſuing in vain the flying Liquor ; upon which he
made his Poem.
While Gallus was Governor of Egypt, where the great
Paper Manufactory was, near Memphis, he gave Orders for
making a particular Sort, which was called Clarta Corneliana,
from his Name. The largeſt and beſt was called Auguſta Regia,
in Honour of Auguſtus at, who, among other Things, might be
offended at this ſmall Piece of Rivalſhip.
GALLUS was recalled, and Petronius ſent in his Stead.
This laſt, having diſobliged the Alexandrian Mob, was attack-
ed by ſeveral Thouſands of them, who ruſhed upon him with
Sticks, Stones, and whatever came to hand: but he, with only
the Handful of Soldiers he uſed to keep about his Perſon,
ſtood their Shack, killed ſome of them, and diſperſed the Reſt.
Egypt and the Eaſt were ſo unwarlike, that Elius Gallus,
who ſucceeded Petronius, was likely to conquer all Arabia Felix,
when he marched againſt that Country with a Part of the
Roman Garriſons in Egypt, had he not been betrayed by
Syllæus.
When Gallus returned to Rome, one Elius (ſome call him
Valerius) Largus, who had been his Intimate, became his Ac-
cuſer ; and, for the Crimes he was charged with, Auguſtus for-
bid him the Court, and baniſhed him from all the Provinces of
his
* Nec fuit opprobrio celebraffe Lycorida. GALLO,
Sed linguam nimio, non tenuiſſe mero.
:TRIST. Lib. II. El. 1. V. 445,
# Isid. Orig. Lib. VI. C. 1O. De Cartis.
Et
Court 273
of of
AUGUSTUS.
.
his Department. His Friends immediately forſook him, Ac-
cuſations were multiplied, and the Senate, taking Cognizance
of the Affair with far greater Severity than the Emperor had
done, condemned Gallus to Baniſhment, with Forfeiture of his
whole Eſtate.- Unable to bear this Ignominy, he killed
himſelf. Auguftus ſeemed greatly afflicted, and a very fine
Saying is attributed to him on this Occaſion, if it was fincere :
“ I am the only one, faid he, that is not allowed to be angry
“ with my Friends to what Degree I pleaſe *.”—Gallus was
about forty Years of Age, when he periſhed. He had been
intimate with Auguſtus, and, I doubt not, diſliked his Uſurpa-
tion, and deſpiſed all the great Men in Rome, for allowing him
to be their Maſter. twitter
Let us conſider Things in their genuine Light.--Corne-
lius Gallus had the ſame Title, in Point of Law to be Prince
even in Rome, that is, the First Man in the Empire, as Caius
Ostavius Murder and Violence had raiſed the latter who
had no more Right to command than any other Roman.
GALLUS ſaw him unequal in his Paſſions, fearful beyond
Meaſure, at other Times raih and daring, and miſchievous
in both of He ſaw him envious and ſuſpicious ; depending
upon Accidents, and regulating his Conduct by the Turns of
Chance ; Night therefore in his Friendſhips, and abandoned
in his Morals. He knew that the Barbarities committed by
him under the moſt ſhocking Circumſtances in the Trium-
virate, as they had made his Name terrible, ſo they had ren-
dered it odious to the beſt of the Romans; and perhaps did not
know, being abſent in Egypt, that a total Change of Manners
VOL. IIS.
and
Conqueitus eſt, quod fibi foli non liceret Amicis, quatenus vellet, iraſci.
SUET. Aug. LXVI.
+ Οκαζιανφ- επεισέρχεται, πολλά αμειζων ώσπερ οι χαμαιλέονήες χρώμα]α
κι νυν μεν ωχριών, αυθις δε ερυθρων γεινόμενων, έήαμέλας και ζοφώδης και συνιε-
pils évélo MIUJIS 'eus dogoditev nej zásilas-jó Esiauv@, Babal! lol, të
πανζοδαμε το και θηρίου! Τίπολ’ άρα θεινόν ημας δρ Γάσεται ?
M m
Ιουλ. ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΣ,
:
:
1
274
MEMOIRS of the
K
and Maxims had already begun to wipe off the Stains of his
former Crimes ; nor was he aware that the Appearance of
Mildneſs and Clemeney in a Prince, the Sweets of Peace, the
Fruits of Juſtice, and returning Laws, juſt begun to be taſted
by a miſerable exhauſted People, would make them very averſe
to replunge themſelves into Violence and Blood for the Sake of
a new Maſter.---An abſolute Court, is, at beſt, a Grave
where Merit is buried. It is well if it eſcape a worſe Return.
Gallus’s long and weighty Services were forgot; whilſt
his undaunted Heart, and great Capacity for Affairs, gave a
cutting Edge to his Jeſts upon Cefar, who deeply felt, and never
could forgive them; as is plain from his giving Virgil to un-
derſtand, that he would pleaſe him much in effacing that Part
of his Book of Huſbandry *, which contained an Encomium
on Gallus.
The Poet could not but comply; and to make
it up, put in the Epiſode of the Shepherd Ariſtaus, which,
though extremely beautiful, does not, I doubt, makė Amends
for the Loſs of the Picture of Cornelius Gallus.
AMONG the Men of Genius whom the polite and generous
Gallus loved to have about him, was PARTHENIUS, the elegiac
Poet.--He wrote in a Strain fo inimitaby ſweet and flowing,
as to be Tibullus's Pattern._-While in Gallus's Retinue, he
became of courſe acquainted with Virgil, and their recipro-
cal Merit foon produced an Eſteem and Intimacy. Maro ap-
plied to him as his Maſter ; and not only learned the Structure
and Elegance of the Grecian Poely from Parthenius, but lite-
rally tranſcribed fome of his Verfes into his own Works f.
PARTHENIUS was either a Native of Myrlea, a Town
in Bithynia, or of the neighbouring City Nicea, (where was
held the Council which gave à Sanction to our Creed.) He
was taken Priſoner by Cinna, as a Subject of Mithridates, was
brought to Rome, infranchized, and admitted into the Fami-
liarity
* The End of his fourth Book of Georgics.
Macrob. Lib. V. c. 17.
Court of A UGU S TU S. 275
liarity of the greateſt Men. Though his Genius inclined him
to Elegy, yet his fertile Muſe produced Works in various Sorts
of Verfe. His Compoſitions were marked by a peculiar
SWEETNESS, ſuch as we admire in the divine Petrarch; and
that Sweetneſs was peculiarly fitted to his Subjects. His first
Eſſays, written in the Height of Youth and Pleaſure, were
addreſſed to the Queen of Love; and his beautiful little Trea-
tife, intitled The Loves of the Heroes, was infcribed to Gallus *
But his later Productions were funeral Elegies on the amiable
Arete, and afterwards an Encomium on her Virtues
---He
muſt have been an happy Man, ſince this loved Miſtreſs was
his Wife, and his Fondneſs for her Memory could inſpire
Sentiments admired by Poſterity. He lived to a great Age,
having reached the Reign of Tiberius of, who was ſo delighted
with his Verſes, that he collected all his Performances, as fu-
perior to the Productions of any of the then modern Poets, and
ſet up his Statue, with thoſe of Rhianus and Euphorion, two
Writers of the fame Claſs, in his Library.
When we view Horace and Virgil
, Tibullus and Ovid, as
POETS, they appear elegant, ingenious, and ſublime. Yet
they are but Imitators, and in their chief Excellencies the
Grecians were their Maſters.
M m 2
THE
..
* His Addreſs to Gallus, who was himſelf a Poet, differs pretty much from
the Epiſtles dedicatory now in vogue. It runs thus :
< SIR,
:
“ Being of opinion that this Collection of Love-Diſaſters could be no where
more properly addreſſed than to you, I ſend it, reduced to as narrow a Com-
“ paſs as was in my Power. It will help you to underſtand ſome Things which
" are but hinted at by the Poets; and, you may employ the greateſt Part of the
* Incidents in Elegy, or Epic, as you may judge convenient: for having re-
“ trenched the fuperfluous Circumſtances with which they are commonly re-
“ Jated, you will be able to form a truer Judgment of them, than when you are
«s led into Ambiguities. They are collected in the Form of Memoirs, upon
« which other Works may be formed, and, as is my Duty, are now offered
" to You, by
SIR, &c."
+ SUIDAS in Parthen.
3
276 MEMOIRS of the
:
The nobleſt Monument of the Magnificence of the Ptolo-
mean Kings, was the immenſe Alexandrian Library, conſiſting
of ſeven hundred thouſand Volumes.It was a Point of
Rivalſhip between them and the Attalic Princes, which ſhould
have the greateſt and moſt curious Collection of Books.
Paper was then the Manufacture of Egypt; and to fruſtrate
his Rival, Ptolomy, ſomewhat enviouſly, forbad the Exporta-
tion of it. But Emulation is ingenious: For, to ſupply the
Want of Paper, and fill the Pergamenian Library with more
laſting Volumes, Attalus contrived Parchment, called Charta
Pergamenia. His Library came to Rome, as part of his Le-
gacy to the Romans. But that vaſt Magazine of Literature at
Alexandria, collected by Ptolomy Philadelphus, to whom, by
the bye, we principally owe the Propagation of Judaiſm, and
conſequently of Chriſtianity, (as appears from the ACTS of
the Apoſtles,) by his procuring the Books of Mofes to be
tranſlated into Greek, was burnt by Julius Cefar, not of De-
ſign, but in Self-Defence againſt Achillas's Treachery* ; the
Fire catching it from the Arſenal. Among the Records of
Ages, then conſumed, was the Original Copy of the Tranſla-
tion of the Jewijſ Scriptures by the feventy-two Elders, from
thence commonly called the Septuagint ; and, ſurely, with it,
a fair and correct Copy of the Law, the Prophets, and other
Writers, from which they made the Tranſlation. What re-
mained, was given by Antony as a Prefent to his inſatiate
Miſtreſs Cleopatra ; after whoſe Death, this famous Library
was reſtored by CORNELIUS GALLUS H.
I KNOW not whether it was by Gallus's Aſſiſtance, or that
of ſome of the ſucceeding Governors, that Auguftus brought
the famous Alexandrian Obeliſks to Rome.He placed one
of them in the Circus, and the other in the Campus Martius.
The firſt was upwards of 125 Feet high, beſides the Bafe, of
the fame Stone; and the Ship which carried it was thought ſo
wonderful
* AUL. GELL. Lib. VI. S. 17.
+ STRABO.
an
Court of AUGUSTU S.
277
.
:
ca an. This, to me, is a farther Proof thar Gallus was
wonderful a Piece, that Auguſtus laid her up for a Shew, in
the Arſenal at Pozzuola. The ſecond was nine Feet leſs, but
rendered more remarkable by the Ingenuity of Manlius the
Mathematician, who ran a Pavement from the Baſe of it, equal
in Length to the Height of the Obeliſk. Upon this Pavement
its Shadow fell, equal likewiſe to its Height, on the longeſt Day,
when it was Noon at Rome. Afterwards, it decreaſed daily,
by Degrees, marked in the Pavement by Plates of Braſs at
certain Diſtances; and, on the contrary, increaſed, according
to the Length of the Days and Nights. Manlius, who is pt
pro-
bably Manilius the Mathematician, put a gilt Ball upon the
Top of this Obeliſk, in order to collect and aſcertain the
Shadow, which varied ſometimes, as it came from the Point
of the Stone. He was thought to have taken this Hint
from the Form of the human Head, and its Effect in Light
and Shade.
The ſervile Senate ordered ſolemn Thankfgivings to the
Gods for the Diſcovery and Suppreſſion of Gallus's Conſpiracy,
as it was called ; as if he had been a public Enemy, on the
ſtopping of whoſe Plots the Safety of the State depended.
An Example of Flattery too much imitated and enlarged
upon under the ſucceeding Emperors. But neither this De-
cree of the Senate, nor the Protection of the Prince, could
screen the Accuſer from the juſt Indignation of all good Men.
He was deteſted as a Traitor to his Friend ; and looked upon
as a Wretch againſt whom one could not be ſufficiently guarded.
PROCULEIUS, chancing one Day to meet Largus in the Street,
immediately clapt his Hand before his Noſe and Mouth; to
fignify, that it was not faſe even to breathe in the Preſence of
rather guilty of Folly and Giddineſs, than of any real Crime ;
for had he actually conſpired againſt his Prince, the Perſon who
detected his Deſigns would have been thought to act the Part
-
:.
a
of
3
4
xood
.
.
278
MEMOIRS of the
1
a
of a good Citizen, and not that of a Traitor. His unhappy
End was the Blot of Auguſtus's Life-like Alexander's killing
Calliſthenes.
THAT perfect Model of a good Minifter, M. AGRIPPA,
ever ready to give his Prince the beſt of Counſels, 'and con-
ſtantly ſolicitous for the public Welfare, finiſhed this Year *
great Work, begun by Julius Ceſar, and conſiderably advanc-
ed by Lepidus, but interrupted by the civil Wars. This was
the Parks, as they were called, for the Uſe of the Tribes and
Centuries in the general Aſſemblies of the People. At firſt,
they were only of Wood, without any Covering, till Julius,
whilſt he was making war in Gaul, formed a Plan to build
them of Marble, to cover them in, and to build fine Porticos
around them. Cicero, who then affected to live with Cefar on
the footing of a Friend, was to have had the Direction of this
Work, jointly with Oppius. We know not how far Cefar’s
Deſign was carried into Execution. Dion Caffius ſays, that
Lepidus built the Body of the Work, but only of Stone.
Agrippa added the Ornaments, Incruſtations of Marble, fine
Carvings, and exquiſite Paintings; and, by a ſolemn Dedica-
tion, gave this Building the Name of the Julian Parks, in
Honour of the firſt-Cefar, who projected the Work, and of
Auguſtus, under whom it was completed.
The next Year, he finiſhed the PANTHEON, one of the
Wonders of the World, for Beauty (ariſing from the ſimpleſt
Symmetry), and for Duration. According to Pliny's Account,
Agrippa dedicated this Temple to. Jupiter the Avenger; and
according to Dion Caffius of, to Mars, Venus, and Julius Cefar.
But the general, and moſt probable Opinion is, that it was
conſecrated to Cybele, and all the Deities I, whoſe Statues
were erected in it. To theſe, Agrippa would have added that
of Auguſtus imBut he had the Modeſty to refuſe accepting of
divine Honours within the City. Agrippa therefore placed
his
*
+ Lib. I. c. 2. I PLATINA, in Bonifac.
# DCCXXVI.
A
*
Court of AUGUSTUS .
279
put a very
his Statue, and his own, in the Veſtibule : That of Julius
Cefar, long ſince deified, was confecrated within the Temple.
The antient Inſcription, (M. AGRIPPA. L. F. COS.
TERTIUM. FECIT.) ftill extant over the Portico, does not
imply, as ſome have miſtakenly imagined, that this Building
was finished in Agrippa's third Conſulſhip (for that was two
Years before, viz. in 725), but that he had been thrice Conſul
when it was completed.
This magnificent Structure is an hundred and forty Feet
bigh, and about as much in Breadth. The Roof is curiouſly
vaulted, void Spaces being left here and there for greater
Strength. The Rafters, forty Feet long, were once plated
with Braſs. There are no Windows in the whole Edifice :
|
the Top of the Roof *. The Walls are eighteen Feet thick t.
and either of ſolid Marble, or incruſted on the Inſide. The
Outſide of the Front was formerly covered with Plates of
gilded Braſs, and the Roof with Plates of Silver ; inſtead of
which there now is Lead. The Gates were of Brafs, of extra-
ordinary Size, and exquiſite Workmanſhip 1. This Temple,
which was damaged by a great Fire in the Reign of Titus, and
afterwards repaired and beautified by Adrian and Severus, has
fuffered little Alteration, though now near eighteen hundred
Years old, except in the Loſs of its ancient Ornaments, and that
inſtead of aſcending to it by twelve Steps, as formerly, the
fame Number is now deſcended at its Entrance. OH OH
BONIFACE IV, Biſhop of Rome, under Phocas, ob-
tained a Gift of the Pantheon from that profligate Man,
and having, in the Year 60g of our Æra, thrown out all
the Statues of the Gods (which his Succeſſors are eager--
ly raking out of the Rubbiſh), and well purified it with
Prayers and holy Water, conſecrated it, inſtead of Cybele
and
..
* FABRICII Roma, c. 9. + NODOT, Relation de la Cour de
Rome, p. 460. u I MARLIAN, Lib. VI. c. 6.
280
MEMOIRS of the
1451, that
and her Offſpring, to the Virgin MARY and all the SAINTS;
whence, and from its ſpherical Form, its modern Name of
Sta. Maria della Rotunda. An Inundation of the Tiber, by
which a great Part of Rome was laid under Water, on the Eve
of St. Andrew's Day, in the Year 1422, Martin V. being
Pontiff, reached the great Altar of this Church, but did not
much hurt the Building. About the Year
great
Patron of Learning among the Popes, THOMAS SAR-
ZANO, who took the Name of Nicolas V. obſerving that the
Materials, not the Fabric, of the Roof were going to decay,
covered it cloſely with Lead *. To this great Man, and mag-
nificent Prince, we owe the firſt Revival of Learning in the
Weſt, after ſix hundred Years of Ignorance and Barbarity : for
he picked out ingenious Men, and beſides giving thein high
Encouragement to ſtudy and teach at home, he ſent the moſt
learned of them over the different Parts of Europe, with Mo-
ney and Orders to ſearch out and buy up all the antient Greek
and Roman Authors they could find.---Then the facetious
Poggi the Florentine firſt diſcovered QUINTILIAN; then
Enos of Aſcoli found Horace's famed Interpreter PORPHY-
RIO, together with the Works of the ſignal Epicure API-
cius, which Platina publiſhed afterwards with a Piece of his
own On good Eating, but which he inſcribed De Sanitate
tuenda, where he endeavours to out-do the famous Roman.--
Another Circumſtance, which contributed very greatly to the
Reſtoration of Learning, and which likewiſe happened under
this Pontiff, was the fatal Cataſtrophe of the GREEK EM-
PIRE, when Conſtantinople was taken by the Turks of The
learned Men who then left that Country, and took Refuge
in Italy, brought with them their Books and Knowledge,
and thereby completed the Reformation of the Weſt : after
which, ſome of the Popes themſelves, particularly Eneas
A
SYLVIUS,
* PLATINA, in Nicol. V.
+ It was taken on the 29th of May, 1453, by Mahomet II.
Court of AUGUSTUS 281
.
SYLVIUS, under the Name of Pius II. became eminent in Elo-
quence and Learning.
I CANNOT quit the Subject of the Pantheon, without giving
the following Extract from Dr. Middleton's juſtly admired
Letter from Rome *
“ The nobleſt Heathen Temple now remaining in the
World, is the Pantheon, or Rotonda ; which as the (modern)
Infcription over the Portico informs us, having been impiouſly
dedicated of old by Agrippa to Jove, and all the Gods, was
piouſly re-conſecrated by Pope Boniface IV. to the bleſſed Virgin,
and all the Saints. With this fingle. Alteration it ſerves as
exactly well for all the Purpoſes of the popiſh, as it did for the
pagan Worſhip, for which it was built: For, as in the old
Temple every one might find the God of his Country, and ad-
dreſs himſelf to that Deity whoſe Religion he was moſt de-
voted to ; 'tis juſt the ſame Thing now : Everyone chufes
the Patron he likes beft ; and one may fee here different Ser-
vices going on at the ſame Time, at different Altars, with
diſtinct Congregations around them, juſt as the Inclinations of
the People lead them to the Worſhip of this or that particular
Saint."
“ And what better Title can theſe new Demigods ſhew to
the Adoration now paid them, than the old ones, whoſe Shrines
they have uſurped ? Or how comes it to be leſs criminal to
worſhip Images erected by the Pope, than thoſe which Agrippa,
or that which Nebuchadnezzar ſet up? If there be any real
Difference, moſt People, I dare ſay, will be apt to determine
in Favour of the old Pollefors: For thoſe Heroes of Antiquity
were raiſed up into Gods, and received divine Honours, in Ac-
knowledgement for ſome ſignal Benefits they had been the
Authors of to Mankind; as the Invention of Arts and Sciences,
or of ſomething highly uſeful and neceſſary to Life: Whereas
of the Romiſh Saints, it is certain that many of them were
VOL. III.
Nn
never
Page 32
282 MEMOIRS of the
Wow
never heard of, but in their own Legends or Fabulous Hiſtories;
and many more, inſtead of any Services done to Mankind,
owe all: the Honours now paid them, to their Vices or their
Errors : Whoſe Merit, like the Story of Demetrius in the
Goſpel, was that only of raiſing Rebellions in Defence of their
Idol, and throwing whole Kingdoms into Convulſions for the
Sake of some gainful Impoſture."
A NOBLE Temple now erected to Neptune, as an Acknow-
ledgement for Auguſtus's Victories at Sea ; public Baths, adorn-
ed with fine Paintings and Statues ; and many other ſtately
Buildings, calculated for the Convenience of the Inhabitants
of the Capital of the World, were added to the
the many more
with which Agrippa had embelliſhed Rome, while he was
Edile, in the Time of the Republic ; Monuments of ſuch Mag-
nificence as no other Subject, and ſcarce any Emperor, ever
equalled.
AUGUSTUS, in his eighth Conſulſhip, re-opened the
Temple of Janus, on Account of different Wars *, the most
important of which was with the Aſturians and Cantabrians,
in Spain. He again had Thoughts of marching againſt the
Britons, who, after ſeeming diſpoſed to acknowledge his Laws,
had taken a different Turn, and refuſed to ſubmit to the Con-
ditions he propoſed. But the Motions of the Salafi, at the
Foot of the Alps, and of the Spaniards, were thought Objects
of greater Conlequence. He therefore ſent Terentius Varro
Murana againſt the Salafi, and, taking to himſelf the Spaniſh
War, entered on his ninth Conſulſhip at Tarracona. M. Ju-
nius Silanus was his Collegue; but I cannot ſay whether he
had remained in Spain the whole of this Year, or whether he
returned to Rome for a few Months.
In new Conqueſts, it is very common to leave a rough
mountainous Corner of the Country unſubdued. When
Gaul had been many Years a Roman Province, and filled with
Roman
* Dio & OROS. VI. 21.
q
Court of AUGUSTUS. 283
:
Roman Colonies, the Inhabitants of the Alps, the Griſons,
Swiſs, Savoyards, and Piemonteſe, were ſtill untouched.
When Aha was an old Conqueſt, the Mountains of Cilicia re-
mained in Liberty.---The fame Thing happened in Britain,
both in the Roman Conqueſts, and the Saxon and Daniſh In-
vaſions. The Hills of Scotland and Wales afforded a ſecure
Retreat to the old Inhabitants puſhed from the Plains, and
accordingly retain to this Day a People of different Language
and Cuſtoms from the reſt of the Iſland, though undoubtedly
of the fame Stock and Mother-Tongue. But this has hap-
pened no where more remarkably than twice in Spain. The
Romans had battled for the Dominion of that Country near
two hundred Years, and yet the Mountains in Cantabria,
Aſturias, and Biſcay, remained in Poffeffion of the Natives,
who made frequent Incurſions into the adjacent Provinces.
Thoſe Natives then were, what they ſtill are, equally cunning
and bold * ---Nor would there be a People more terrible in
Europe, had not the Ravages of abſolute Power, and the on-
happy Diſcovery of the Indies, at once depopulated and ener-
vated thoſe Provinces, which formerly ſwarmed with hardy
and induſtrious Inhabitants.
The War againſt the Salaf required neither great Efforts
nor much Time. Muræna finiſhed it in one Campaign, in
which, after ſome flight Advantages, he completed by Trea-
chery a Victory began by Force. Under Pretence of levying
the Contributions which the conquered had ſubmitted to, he
diſperſed over the whole Country, Troops who ſeized the un-
fortunate Salafi, when they leaſt expected it. Forty-four
thouſand Captives, thus taken, among whom were eight thou-
fand able to bear Arms t, were ſent to Eporedia, now Yvrée,
N n 2
z
bellicoſus Cantaber.
HORAT. Lib. II. Od. 2.
« En matières de brigues et menées (ſays Cardinal D'olat, ſpeaking of the
« Spaniards), ils furpaſſent toutes les autres Nations ; et quoiqu'en d'autres
6 choſes ils ſoient avares, néanmoins en celles-ci ils ſont plus que liberaux."
Liv. 1X. Lett. 359.
+ STRABO, L. IV.
..
284 MEMOIRS of the
ty Years.
a Roman Colony, and there fold, with the expreſs Condition,
that they ſhould be carried into remote Countries, and not be
allowed to gain their Freedom before the Expiration of twen-
A Colony was ſettled in the Country to keep the
Reſt of the Inhabitants in Awe: Three thouſand of the Pre-
torians remained in the Place where Muræna's Camp had been,
and there built a new Town, called Auguſta Prætoria, now
Aoſta, the Capital of the Dutchy of that Name.
As Muræna was only the Emperor's Lieutenant, the Ho-
nour of his Victory belonged to Auguſtus ; and accordingly the
Senate, for that, and ſome trifling Advantages gained by M.
Vinicius over a few Germans, who had killed ſome Roman
Traders, decreed him a triumphal Arch, with Trophies, to be
erected on a Summit of the Alps The Ruins of this
Monument are ſtill to be ſeen, as is ſaid t, near Monaco, in a
Village called Torpia ;--perhaps a Corruption of the Word
Tropæa.
AUGUSTUS met with far greater Difficulties in the Spa-
niſs War; and even ſucceeded but badly while he, command-
ed in Perſon: For the brave and active Cantabrians harraſſed
him continually by ſudden Attacks, without his being able to
gain any deciſive Advantage over them, becauſe they kept
cloſe to their Mountains, where they were ſure of a ſafe Re-
treat. The Fatigue he underwent, and the Vexation he felt
at not ſucceeding, threw him into a Fit of Illneſs, which
obliged him to retreat to Tarracona. His Diſeaſe proved lin-
gering
* This was not, however, executed till ſome Years after ; as appears from
the Inſcription preſerved by PHny (a), where, among the People named as ſub-
dued by the Roman Arms, are ſome who were not conquered till the Year 737,
ſuch as the Camunians and the Vennoneti by P. Silius, the Breuni and the Genauni
by Druſus. Beſides, the Title of High-Prieſt is given to Auguſtus in that In-
ſcription ; and he had-it not till 739, twelve Years after the Time here ſpoken of.
+ CLUVER. Ital. Antiq. Lib. IX.
(a) Lib. III, c. 20.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 285
gering and tedious :-Reports of his Death flew to Rome, and
upon that Occaſion it did appear how much he was now be-
loved. An univerſal Confternation ſeized the Citizens;
Marks of the ſincereſt Anguiſh broke from them, and could
not be reſtrained, but by certain Accounts of his Recovery *.
In the mean Time, the Enemy, emboldened by the Em-
peror's Abſence, ventured to give the Romans Battle, and were
defeated. ---No Country ever coſt the Romans ſo much Toil
and Blood to conquer, as Cantabria, (now Biſcay.) They
had long been Maſters of the open Places, and of the Provinces
on the Coaſt, while the Mountains were full of an un-fubdued
and almoſt unknown People. Antiftius, Furnius, Taurus,
and even Agrippa, were ſent againſt them, took ſeveral of their
Towns, and at laſt purſued them through their moſt rugged
Receſſes. Joined to this, while they were thus vigorouſly
puſhed by Land, a Roman Fleet harraſſed their Coaſts by fre-
quent Deſcents.At length, they were driven to a Moun-
tain of near the Minho, and ſurrounded without a Poſſibility of
eſcaping. There, finding themſelves attacked on all Sides,
they deſperately reſolved to relinquiſh Life, rather than ſub-
mit to the Conqueror : And accordingly, great Numbers of
them ſtabbed, burnt, or poiſoned themſelves; for they are ſaid
always to have carried Poiſon about them, as a Reſource againſt
any Reverſe of Fate. Mothers ſmothered their children,
to ſave them from Captivity; and among thoſe that were taken
was a young Boy, who, having picked up a Sword, was
ſeen
* It was at this Criſis that Horace compoſed his admirable Ode,
Divis orte bonis, &c.
LIB. IV. Carm. 5.
where the Love and Veneration of the Romans for Auguftus, and the Impa.
tience with which they longed for his Return, are ſtrongly and moſt tenderly
expreſſed. We may take it for a general and never failing Rule, that
whenever this Poet mentions the Public, it is always in the current Stile of
the Court, in the very Words of the Prince, if poſſible, or in thoſe uſed by
the foundeft Part of the Miniſtry.
+ OROSIUS calls it Medullius,
286
MEMOIRS of the
;
féen to kill his Brother and all his Relations, by his Father's
Order. In like Manner, a Woman killed all that were Pri-
foners with her *.
This haughty Nation being thus ſubdued, Auguſtus, to
ſoften their Ferocity, forced them down from their Moun-
tains, where they only grew more and more ſavage ; and, after
ſelling Part of the Priſoners, took Hoſtages from thoſe he left
in the Country, and fixed their Abode in the Plains.
The Aſturians defended themſelves with almoſt equal Ob-
ſtinacy, but were at length over-powered by Auguſtus's Lieu-
tenant Carifus.--They were treated like their Neighbours,
forced into the Plains, and compelled to cultivate their Lands,
and work their Mines, ſome of which proved fo valuable,
that this Country was a Sort of Peru to ancient Rome.
To ſecure theſe dear-bought Conqueſts, and at the ſame
Time to improve and beautify them, ſeveral new Colonies
were ſettled, which grew afterwards to great Cities of:-_-For
the Romans, allured by the Climate and Soil, took ſuch Foot-
ing in Spain, that, in a Score of Years, Latin became the
vulgar Tongue of the Country. It continued to be ſo until
the Irruption of our Anceſtors the Goths, and the ſubſe-
quent Invaſion of the Moors; neither of which could, however,
ſo change it, but that the Spaniards to this Day call their Lan-
guage ROMANÇe, and the Epithet given to a Perſon who ſpeaks
it purely is Muyladino.
It appears by the Situation which the Romans generally
chofe for their Colonies, that they were no commercial People.
They were moſt commonly inland Settlements, near ſome
Rock or Hill, with a rich adjacent Plain ; but very ſeldom a
Sea-Port : Nor did they much affect even a navigable River.
-The Legions were the Source of their Planters, and theſe
Land
* STRABO, Lib. III.
+ Of this Number were Julia Emerita, and Ceſarea-Augufta, now Merida,
and Saragoça.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 287
:
Land-Men loved a fine fertile Field, better than the Advan-
tages of a Harbour.
This was Auguſtus's laſt military Exploit. We ſhall not
find him any more at the Head of his Armies ; for he was not
a Warrior by Taſte or Inclination.----If his Youth was ſpent
in Arms, it was only from a Neceſſity of his ſo doing, in order
to accompliſh his ambitious Views, and raiſe himſelf to the
high Rank he had now attained. From henceforth he
made all his Glory conſiſt in well governing the vaſt Empire of
which he was become the HEAD ; and had ſo little Deſire to
extend its Boundaries, or add to his own Fame by gaining new
Victories, that he avoided War with the Barbarians bordering
upon the Roman Territories, with as much Care as the Roman
Generals of old uſed to ſeek it. Far from wanting to provoke
them, he often made their Princes and Ambaſſadors ſwear
faithfully to keep Peace with him ; and that he might be the
ſurer of it, he frequently made them give their Daughters as
Hoſtages ; for he found that, in general, they were fonder of
them than of their Sons. He could not, however, avoid fome
Wars, eſpecially with the Germans; but they were only de-
fenfive on his Side, at leaſt in their Beginnings, and he con-
ducted them by his Lieutenants,
SPAIN being now ſubdued, and entirely pacified, after
two hundred Years of almoſt continual War, (for that great
Country had never been at Peace from the Time of Cn. Scipio's
entering it in the firſt Year of the ſecond Punic War ; but had
even repeatedly alarmed the Romans, by the Defeat and
Death of the Scipios, by Variathus's War, by that of Numan-
tium, and of Sertorius, and in Ceſar's two Expeditions, firſt
againſt the Lieutenants, and afterwards againſt the Children of
Pompey,) Auguftus, for the ſecond Time, cloſed the Temple
of Janus.-
The Senate decreed him the Honours of a
Triumph, which he modeſtly declined.He was already ſo
3
great,
의
​4
::
.
288. MEMOIRS of the
great, ſays the florid Florus *, that a Triumph could not add
to his glory. --But, to celebrate his Victory, he had Shews
exhibited in his Camp; on which Occaſion his Nephew Mar-
cellus, and his Son-in-Law Tiberius, both very young, perform-
ed the Functions of Ediles.
MARCUS MARCELLUS, (fon of C. Marcellus), born
with Principles of Probity, Generoſity, and Candour, improved
hy a Sweetneſs of Temper, and Openneſs of Heart, rarely to
be found in the Height of Fortune, had been contracted to
Sextus Pompey's Daughter, Pompeia. But Auguſtus, who had
no Son, looking upon him as the Hope of his Family, and the
Perſon whom he intended to make the firſt and chief Support
of his Authority, now of married him to his only Daughter
JULIA.--He was ſo intent upon concluding this Match,
that, being detained in Spain by his Illneſs, of which he had
violent and ſometimes dangerous Relapſes, he ordered Agrippa
to preſide at the Nuptials in his Name.
THOUGH Auguſtus was fully Maſter of the Empire, and at
Liberty to do any Thing he pleaſed ; yet the Laws, or rather
their Appearances, for little more now remained, ſeemed to
cramp him.---To ſet them aſide at once, might have rouſed
a dangerous Spirit.----It was therefore more eligible artfully
to elude their Force. To this End, when ready to arrive
at Rome in the Beginning of his tenth Conſullhip, (to which
he was nominated whilſt in Spain, with C. Norbanus Flaccus,)
he fent before him an Ordinance, by which he promiſed to
make the People a Preſent of four hundred Seſterces a-piece,
on account of his Return, provided the Senate approved of it;
till when this Declaration was not to be publiſhed.--His
Friends, among whom were ſome of the beſt Speakers in
Rome,
* Digna res lauro, digna curru Senatui viſa eſt : Sed jam Cæſar tantus
erat, ut poffet triumphos conteminere.
+ A. U. DCCXXVII.
“”
*
。
:
.
.
要
​安
​:
等
​Volil.p. 288
.
等
​了
​:
的​。
“:
:
16
点
​“
:
先
​。
:
等
​.
Court of AUGUSTU S.
289
Rome, were inſtructed how to bchave. They accordingly pro-
poſed this Affair to the Senate, who, ſhamefully degenerated
from the once noble Spirit of the Romans, not only agreed to it
with one Voice, but, ſervilely ſtudious to court the Favour,
and anticipate even the moſt extravagant Wiſhes of their new
LORD, voted a Decree by which he was exempted from all
Subjection to the Laws, ſo as never to be obliged to do what
he did not like, or to leave undone what he choſe to do.------
Particular Diſpenſations had been granted in the Time of the
Republic, in ſome extraordinary Caſes.----Such were the
Elections of the ſecond Scipio Africanus, of Pompey, and of
Ostavius himſelf, when they were appointed Conſuls by ſpecial
Permiſſion of the Senate, before they had attained the Age
preſcribed by the Laws. But little was it then dreamt
that
any
Man would be thus authorized to ſet himſelf above
the Laws, deſpotically to conſult only his own WILL and
PLEASURE.
PREROGATIves and Privileges beyond the Reſt of the Ci-
tizens were not confined to the Prince alone, but likewiſe ex-
tended to his Family. After the Rejoicings, Feſtivals, and
Thankſgivings for his Return, the Senate granted to Marcellus
the Right of voting in the Rank of antient Pretor, and ena-
bled him to be created Conſul ten Years before the legal
Age.---Little was it then thought that Tiberius would
ever attain the Rank to which the Circumſtances of Things
afterwards raiſed him. -Auguſtus, willing to have this diſtant
Reſource, in Caſe of Accidents, obtained of the Senate, in his
Favour, a Diſpenſation of five Years in Regard to the Age re-
quired in ſuch as held any Offices, and had him made Queſtor
the next Year, when Marcellus was appointed Curule Edile
on which laſt Occaſion, no Expence was ſpared, to enhance
the Magnificence of the Ceremony.-
---But ſurely Auguſtus's
ſuffering a Roman Knight, and a Lady of conſiderable Diſtinc-
tion, to dance publicly on the Stage, was far from adding to the
VOL. III.
Luſtre
3
Oo
MEMOIRS of the
290
Luſtre of the Games then given.---The Forum was ſhaded
with Tilts during the whole Summer, that thoſe who had
Buſineſs there, particularly the Pleaders, might not be incom-
moded hy the Heat of the Sun. For theſe laſt, Cato the
Cenſor would rather have paved it with pointed Flints *
As Auguftus's Power increaſed, the Citizens became more
and more eſtranged from the Republic, and began not to be
fond of Offices now diveſted of their Splendor and Authority.
Already, there was not a ſufficient Number of Queſtors
for the Provinces :
--The Senate was obliged to exert its
Authority, and order thoſe who had been appointed Queſtors
during the laſt ten Years, to draw Lots to fill up the preſent
Vacancies ; and, a few Years after, the fame Thing happened
again, when the Tribunes were to be chofen.
TERENTIUS VARRO MURÆNA, the ſame who had
conquered the Salafi three Years before, was Auguſtus's firſt
Collegue in his eleventh Conſulſhip, but did not long enjoy
that Dignity. Upon his Reſignation, or more probably, his
Death, Auguſtus, nobly laying aſide the Remembrance of for-
mer Enmities, or perhaps politicly conſulting his own Safety,
(for ſelf was at the Bottom of all his Actions), took for his
Succeſſor Cn. Calpurnius Piſo, a Man of an undaunted Spirit, who
had been one of the moſt ſtrenuous Oppoſers of the Grandeur
of the Cefars--Piſo had ſignalized his Zeal for the Repub-
lic in the War which Scipio and Cato renewed in Afric, againſt
Cefar, after the Battle of Pharſalia. He afterwards joined
Brutus and Caſſius, and when theſe two laſt Defenders of the
Roman Liberty were dead, he obtained Leave to return to
Rome : But ſtill preſerving all his Haughtineſs of Mind, would
Dever ſtoop to aſk any Employment. Auguſtus was now forced
to make the firſt Advances, and defire he would be pleaſed to
accept of the Confulſhip. I take it to be to his Sons, that
Horace's Epiſtle concerning the Art of Poetry is addreſſed.
The
* PLIN. Lib. XIX. c, I.
?
3
Court of AUGUSTUS. 291
The eldeſt of them married Plancina, Munatius Plancus's
Daughter, immenſely rich, and equally haughty.----- Theſe
two were pitched upon by Tiberius to diſtreſs the noble Ger-
manicus, and ſpite the high-ſpirited Agrippina.
It is of this eldeſt Son of Cn. Calpurnius Piſo, that Seneca
tells the following Story web.cs Cn. Piſo, ſays he, who lived
within my Memory, was a Man free from many of the com-
mon Vices, but of a croſs imperious Diſpoſition, and one who
looked upon Obſtinacy as a Virtue. Two of his Soldiers had
been abſent upon Furlow: One of them returned alone, whom
he, in a Paſſion, ordered to be led to Execution ; ſuſpecting
that he had killed his Companion. The poor
poor Fellow begged
a little Time to go and ſeek his Comrade, which was denied,
and he was holding out his Neck to the Blow which was to
fever his Head from his Body, when the Man, ſuppoſed to
have been murdered, appeared. At this the Centurion, ap-
pointed to overſee the Execution, ordered the Executioner to
put up his Sword, and carried the condemned Man back to
Piſo, to ſave a Soldier, and prevent his General's Theding inno-
cent Blood. The whole Camp was got about them by this
Time, and conducted the two Brother Soldiers, who walked
claſped in each other's Arms, with great Shoutings, to the
Tribunal. The General, hearing the Noiſe, and being in-
formed of what had happened, came foaming out of his Tent,
and mounted the Judgment-Seat. The Centurion preſented
his Priſoner, and with him the live Man, for whoſe ſuppoſed
Murder he had been condemned to die : But the furious Piſo
commanded them all three to be taken back to the fame Place,
and executed together : You, ſaid he to the firſt, becauſe Sen-
tence of Death is already paſſed upon you ;--you, becauſe you
were the Cauſe of your Companion's Condemnation ;-and
you, Sir, to the Centurion, becauſe, when commanded to
put him to Death, you thought fit to diſobey your General's
Orders."
Oo 2
AUGUS-
1
292
MEMOIRS of the
AUGUSTUS made a vain Effort to reſtore the Splendor
of the Republic, by preſerving the Remains of the ancient
Families, whoſe Chiefs he had bloodily extirpated in his Youth.
Among the
young
Patricians who fell at Philippi was 2:
Hortenſius, Son of the celebrated Orator and Conſul. He
left an Orphan Son in Rome, named Hortalus, whoſe Manner
of Life was ſuited to his reduced Fortune, when the Prince
called him to Court ---deſired him to marry, in order to con-
tinue fo noble a Family *, and, to enable him to educate his
Children, made him a Preſent of 25000 l. of. He had four
Sons, who were afterwards neglected by Tiberius, and ſuf-
fered to languiſh in the utmoſt Contempt and Poverty I.
AUGUSTUS had long been in a declining Way, having
but ſhort Intervals of Health, interrupted by frequent Re-
lapſes. This Year S his Life was deſpaired of.--Not think-
ing himſelf that he ſhould recover, he ſent for the principal
Magiſtrates, Senators, and Knights, and, in their Preſence,
delivered to the Conſul Piſo, the general Regiſter of the Em-
pire, that is to ſay, an Account of the Public Revenues and
Expences, and a Liſt of all the Forces belonging to the Ro-
mans, with Inſtructions concerning whatever elſe related to
the Government; the whole written with his own Hand.
He named no one to ſucceed him :-Perhaps becauſe he did
not think his Power ſufficiently eſtabliſhed to be reſpected
after his Death :-But he gave his Ring || to Agrippa. This
Preference ſhocked Marcellus exceedingly ; and indeed every
* For his elder Brother's Son, who, from his conſtant Catering, got the
Nick-Name of Corbio, (Mr. Hamper, or Hannaper,) was a Scandal to his Fa-
mily. His Manners were infamous, beyond what can be decently deſcribed,
and he lived the Cully of a common Woman.
+ Decies Seftertiúm. I Tacit. Annal. Lib. II. $ DCCXXIX.
Auguſtus uſed a SPHINX for his Seal.---This was a Fiction, not of the
Grecian or Italian Growth, though ſaid to be born near Thebes; but the Inven-
tion of the Egyptians, and one of their Hieroglyphics.--By this Monſter they
repreſented Strength and Underſtanding; it having a Lion's Body and a human
Face; and upon that Account, I judge it to have been choſen by Auguftus,
who
Court of AUGUSTUS. 293
*
Body wondered at it: For none had hitherto doubted, but
that he intended to make this amiable Youth his Succeffor.
The Skill, or good Fortune, of the Phyſician Antonius
Muſa ſaved Auguſtus from Death, and the Empire from the
Confuſion it ſeemed ready to fall into. After trying in vain
the uſual Method of treating his Diſorder, he ventured to pre-
ſcribe cold Bathing *, and a cooling Diet, and by this Means
reſtored the Prince to a better State of Health, than he had
ever enjoyed before.--Mufa was nobly rewarded : Beſides
giving him large Sums of Money, Auguſtus raiſed him from
the Station of a Freedman (for the great Romans had anciently
Phyſicians among their Slaves of, and indeed Profeflors of
many
Arts, ſuch as Painting, Muſic, &c.) to the Rank of a Roman
Knight. He likewiſe exempted him from the Payment of all
Taxes, and, which muſt have been highly pleaſing to a Man
zealous to procure Honour to his Profeſſion, the Emperorextend-
ed this Privilege to all Phyſicians, preſent and to come I. The
Senate concurred with Auguſtus in granting theſe Honours to
Antonius Muſa, and the Citizens taxed themſelves to erect a
Statue to him near that of Eſculapius ||-
who found two of theſe Engravings among his Mother's Jewels, ſo perfectly
alike, that there was no diſtinguiſhing their Impreſſions (a).--He left one with
Meccnas, and carried the other himſelf.
(a) Προς τους δε, έλκής μεν και Ρώμης, σύμβολον αυτοίς ο λέων, ώσπερ αγκέλι
Γής τέ αυτής, και Γεωργίας και τροφής και βούς και άνδρείας τε και παρρησίας και ίσω;
αλκής τε άυ Cυνέσεως, η Σφίγξ, το μεν σώμα πάν λέοντ, το πρώσωπον δε
ανθρώπη έχεσα. ΚΛΗΜΕΝΤΟΣ ΑΛΛΕΧ. σρωμα.
* PLIN. Lib. XIX. c. 8.
+ It is far from my Intention to revive the Controverſy ſo warmly canvalled
between that Honour of Learning, Dr. MEAD, and the keen Dr. CoNYERS
Middleton. They were both in the right:-for both free Men and Slaves
exerciſed Medicine, and other Arts, at Rome ;--and both in the wrong; ſo far
as they reſtricted theſe Profeſſions to either one or the other.
I Suet. in Aug. LIX.
# Antonio Cocchi, a learned Florentine, has publiſhed a Diſſertation (a) upon
the Uſe of the cold Bath, wherein he takes Occaſion to ſhew the Miſtake of
thoſe who believed Auguftus's Ailment, which Antonius Muſa cured by cold
Bathings, to have been the Gout; which Error he judges to have ariſen from
the
.
294
MEMOIRS of the
AUGUSTUS's Recovery was ſoon followed by the Re-
moval of Agrippa. That great Man, ſo long accuſtomed to
hold the firſt Rank next to the Emperor, could not conceal his
Diſlike of the Elevation and Expectations of Marcellus, whilſt
this Nephew of the Emperor could not brook being rivalled
by Agrippa. Their Jealouſies roſe to ſuch a Height, that
Auguſtus ſaw no Remedy but by giving up Agrippa.---This
Reſolution muſt have coſt him great Struggles.--He endea-
voured to colour over the Diſgrace of his old and faithful
Friend, with a ſpecious Appearance of Honour ; and accord-
ingly made him Governor of Syria, one of the richeſt and moſt
flouriſhing Provinces of the Empire.--Agrippa not only was not
deceived in this, but ſpoke his Mind freely and openly, calling
it an honourable Exile ; and, diſdaining to put on the Maſk
that was offered him to cover his Diſgrace, he affected on the
contrary to ſhew it, by ſending only his Lieutenants to Syria,
while he himſelf retired to Mitylene, there to live like a private
Man.
MARCELLUS did not long enjoy the Satisfaction of
having triumphed over his formidable Rival.He had but
juſt completed his twentieth Year, when a mortal Sickneſs
ſeized, and ſoon carried off, this Darling of the People, whoſe
Love and Efteem he had deſervedly acquired by his good Con-
duct, Affability, and noble Generoſity; and who flattered
themſelves, that, if he became Maſter, he would one Day
reſtore the Republican Liberty ; ſtill the fond Object of the
Wiſhes of every Roman, from whoſe Hearts and Memories it
was not entirely eraſed till a long Time after.---The ſame
Means
the putting of Articulare, for Arteria. He believes the Diſtemper was a Tabes
pituitaria, fallen upon the Glands, immediately contributing to the firſt Macera-
tion, viz. of the Mouth, Throat, and Arteria aſpera ; for which Muſa preſcribed
cold Gargariſms, and cold Fomentations, or Aſperſions of cold Water.
Suetonius ſays expreſly, that his Liver was vitiated by Defluxions (6).
(a) Among the Saggi di Diſſertazioni Academiche publicamente lette nella
nobile Academia Etruſca dell'antichiſſima Citta di Cortona. T. II. Difc. 10.
(6) Diſtillationibus Jecinore vitiato. Octav. §. 81.
事
​24
車
​参
​...
.
LUA 94
::
.
.
;
靠
​.
“。
:
Court of AUGUSTUS. 295
»
young and
Means which had faved Auguftus, uſed by the fame Phyſician,
haſtened, or at leaſt did not prevent, the Death of his Ne-
phew, Son-in-Law, and intended Succeffor.
SENECA's Character of this young Prince is very great *
and Velleius's, conſidering from whom it comes, ſtill greater.
---His Courage was undaunted, his Genius vaſt, and his
Temperance and Moderation aſtoniſhing, in one fo
in fo high a Station. Patient of Labour, and deaf to the
Voice of Pleaſure, his Talents were equal to the mighty Talk
for which his Uncle deſigned him.-Virgil's affecting
Lines of alluding to this melancholy Event, Lines in which
the deepeſt Grief is expreſſed with equal Dignity, drew Tears
from the incomparable OCTAVIA whenever ſhe heard them;
nor could the Poet himſelf recite them to HER and Auguf-
tus, without ſhewing the ſame Marks of Sorrow. The reſt
of her Life was ſpent in mourning for this juſtly beloved Son,
whom ſhe ſurvived twelve Years. Auguſtus ſincerely ſhared
her Grief; though ſome modern Writers, ſtraining an Ex-
preſſion of Tacitus I, and another of Pliny §, far beyond their
Meaning, have not ſcrupled to ſuſpect him of being concerned
in the Death of Marcellus.---I do not quite ſo readily acquit
the ambitious Livia ; though an Epidemical Diſtemper which
prevailed at that Time, and carried off great Numbers, is a Cir-
cumſtance much in her Favour. The Obſequies of the young
Prince
* Adoleſcentem animo alacrem, ingenio potentem, ſed et frugalitatis conti-
nentiæque in illis annis aut opibus non mediocriter admirandum, patientum
laboris, voluptatibus alienum, quantumcunque imponere illi avunculus, et,
ut ita dicam, inædificare voluiſſet, laturum.
Sen. Confol. ad Marc. c. 2.
Oftendunt terris hunc tantum Fata, neque ultra
Effe finent. Nimium vobis Romana propago
Viſa potens, Superi, propria hæc fi dona fuiffent.
Æn. VI. L. 870.
I Breves & infauſtos populi Romani amores.
ANNAL. II. 41.
f Suſpecta Marcelli vota,
LIB. VII. C. 45.
.
7
4
296 MEMOIRS of the
Prince were performed with great Pomp. Auguſtus himſelf
pronounced the funeral Oration ; and, to perpetuate his Me-
mory, gave his Name to that vaft Theatre, of which the
ſuperb Remains are a Proof now extant of the amazing Mag-
nificence of the Romans. The Senate decreed a golden Statue
of Marcellus, and ordered it to be placed in a Curule Chair,
between the Seats of the Ediles, at all their public Games,
that he might ſeem ſtill to preſide with them on thoſe Oc-
caſions.
It now became neceſſary to ſooth Agrippa ; as a Step to-
wards which, Auguſtus went to the Senate-Houſe, took with
him his Will, and offered to read it to the whole Aſſembly :-
But being prevented by their unanimous Requeſt, he inſiſted on
letting them know that he had not appointed any one to ſuc-
ceed him in the Government. This Reſerve was pleaſing to
the whole Nation; but, above all, it ſhewed his Regard for
Agrippa, between whom and Marcellus he had not taken any
Party. He was, however, in no Hurry to recall him:--Per-
haps not to ſhew too plainly the real Cauſe of his Removal,
or to acknowledge publicly that he had facrificed him to his
Nephew's Jealouſy.
EIGHT Years had elapſed ſince the Battle of Actium, and
People were quite accuſtomed to acknowledge a legal Right
of Command in Auguſtus, and to obey him as the ſupreme
Head of the Republic. For this Reaſon the Conſullhip, ne-
ceffary whilſt his perſonal Authority was not firmly eſtabliſhed,
appeared to him now of no other Uſe than to reſign it; there-
by to acquire, with the Multitude, the Merit of Moderation.
I ſay, with the Multitude ;-for Men of Senſe could not
but ſee, that, by reſigning the Conſulſhip, and continuing to
govern, he in fact declared the Right of Command inherent
in his own Perſon, independent of that Title which had hi-
therto characteriſed the chief Magiſtracy among the Romans.
-Taking Care, however, as much as poſſible, to conceal
his
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
297
his deep-laid Plan; he artfully alledged that his high Office
was too great a Burthen for one Man to bear continually, as he
had done for ſeveral Years paſt ; and that it was but juſt that
other Citizens ſhould ſhare the Honours of the State. Theſe
Arguments were not unanſwerable, and he was ſtrongly preſſed
to accept of the Conſulate for the twelfth Time :-But his
Reſolution was taken. To avoid further Iinportunities, he re-
tired to his Country-Seat at Alba, and from thence ſent his
Reſignation of the remaining Part of his eleventh Conſulſhip,
in favour of L. Sestius, a Gentleman of diſtinguiſhed Birth
and great Merit, who had been in the ſtricteſt Friendſhip with
BRUTUS until his Death, had attended him in all his Wars,
was his Pay-maſter at Philippi, and had never been able to
forget the Virtues of the PATRIOT, and the Charms of his
Converſation.--Antony had made him great Offers, at the
Beginning of the War, if he would betray his Friend : but
he diſdained them, and was proſcribed.-Upon the Death
of that magnanimous AssERTOR OF LIBERTY, he returned
home, was reconciled to the Young Cefar, and recommended
to him for what he was. -Cefar went one Day to pay him a
Viſit. Seftius entertained him ſome Time with the Company,
and after a while took him into an inner Apartment, where
the firſt Thing he ſaw was a Picture of Brutus. Cefar, now
a very different Man from what he was when he fought againſt
him, commended Seſtius's Attachment and Sincerity, and, not
long after, advanced him to this high Office, though he knew
that he was then writing a Panegyric upon Brutus *
Vol. III.
AUGUSTUS
Рp
* There are two Medals of Brutus, ſtruck, it would ſeem, by Seſtius's Or-
ders, in Futu. Urfini's Familia Rom. p. 244. Brutus' or Seftius' Head. L.
SESTIV. PRO Q. (Proquæſtor).. On the Reverſe, a Tripos with a ſacri-
ficing Ax on one side and a Simpulum on the other. Q. COĘPIO BRY-
TVS PRO COS. Another with the fame Inſcription and Emblems, fave
that there is a Pileus for the Simpulum ; but inſtead of the Head upon the Re-
verſe, there is a large Pileus betwixt two Daggers ſet upright; and above them
L.
298 MEMOIRS of the
AUGUSTUS grew good at firſt through Fear and political
Conſiderations, and finding that Method ſucceed, he conti-
nued in it until it became habitual, and at laſt natural. The
Tranquility and Happineſs of his latter Years is a great Proof
that Virtue is the beſt Policy.-But his Paſſions had paſſed
through their natural Periods. His Youth was full of De-
bauchery and Cruelty ; Ambition never left him. But at about
the Age of two or three and thirty, his Fire was evaporated,
he began to diſlike Violence, and loved Order and Modeſty, in
others, though he could hardly attain to them himſelf.
Nor did it contribute a little to make him eaſy in his Govern-
ment, that by this Time the general Humour was turned to
private Magnificence and elegant Living.While a Man is
buſied about the Model of his Houſe, the Slope of his Caf-
cade, or the Oeconomy of a Dinner, he is in no Hazard of
diſturbing the State. A certain Courtlineſs accompanies that
Kind of Life, which makes a Man unwilling to do or ſay a
diſobliging Thing.--It fits admirably well in private Life,
but is the Bane of the Public, where a Fault once over-looked,
becomes a Precedent, and makes Way for intailing the Abuſe,
to the Ruin of Poſterity.
His nobly reſigning the Conſulate to L. Seftius charmed
every one, who ſtill retained any Eſteem for the old Defenders
of the Republican Government, and became an additional
Motive to the Senate to replace, by new Titles, that which
he had thus laid down. They, therefore, fecretly prompted
by his Friends and Agents, decreed him the Proconſular Power,
for Life, whenever he ſhould be out of Rome, without being
ſubject
L. SESTI. and under them PRO Q. The Medal ſtruck by Brutus himſelf
had his own Head, and BRVTV. IMP. L. PLAET. CEST. round it.
And on the Reverſe the Pileus betwixt the two Daggers with their Points
turned down, and under them EID. PL.R. Seflius feems to have overſeen
them both. Brutus had the Name Cæpio either from his Mother, 2. Servilius
Cæpio's Daughter, or by Adoption from his Grandfather or Uncle. Cicero calls
him & Cæpio Brutus two or three Times in the roth Philippick.
3
Court of AUGUSTUS. 299
1
ſubject to the Formality of reſigning, or reſuming.it, upon his
returning to, or departing from the City, as had been prac-
tiſed in the Time of the Republic.---- In Virtue of this Power,
he was to have, in whatever Province he might be, a Com-
mand ſuperior to the actual Governor of that Province.
The fame Privilege had been granted, in the Eaſt, to Pompey;
Brutus, and Caſſius. But Auguftus, in order to have the
ſame Power in Rome, as was given him over the Provinces,
artfully found Means, ſome Time after, to be veſted with the
Prerogatives and Authority of Conſul, even when he did not
diſcharge the Functions of that Office ; and aſſumed all the
Marks of Honour belonging to it, the twelve Faſces, and the
Curule Chair between the Seats of the two Conſuls.
For the ſame Reaſons the Tribunician Power, offered ſe-
veral Times before, and as often refuſed, was accepted now;
though the actual Exerciſe of the Office of Tribune, reſerved
for Plebeians only, was beneath his Dignity: "By this conve-
nient Diſtinction, uſed before by the Dictator Ceſar, he enjoy-
ed the Benefits, without the Trouble, of this almoſt deſpotic
Magiſtracy. In conſequence of this Power, nothing could be
done without his Approbation, either in the Senate, or the
Aſſemblies of the People ; and his Perſon became ſacred and
inviolable: For not only any Attempt againſt the Life of a
Tribune, but even the ſlighteſt Offence, the leaſt Want of
Reſpect, was deemed an impious and unpardonable Crime.
Auguſtus's Succeſſors took dreadful Advantages of this Privi-
lege, which, though given to them for Life, they made a
Shew of renewing every Year, and the Duration of their
Reigns is reckoned by the Years of their Tribunician Power.
A REMARKABLE Inſtance of the unbounded Power of the
Tribunes in the Time of the Republic (and we may readily
conclude that it loft nothing of its Weight in the Hands of
the Emperors), is thus recorded by the younger Pliny *
P p 2
Metellus
* LIB. VII. C. 44,
+
*
300
MEMOIRS of the
Metellus Macedonicus, one of the beſt and greateſt Men in
Rome, revered by all, and pointed out as an illuſtrious Example
of the higheſt Grandeur and Felicity that Mortals can enjoy,
paſſing one Day through the Forum, at a Time when it was
empty, was laid hold of by Catinius Labeo, then a Tribune,
whom he had formerly expelled from the Senate, as Cenſor.
Catinius put a Rope about Metellus's Neck, and dragged him
to the Tarpeian Rock, to be thrown down headlong as a Male-
factor. His Children and Friends could not reach him but on
the Brink of Ruin ; and even then they could only attend him
to his Death, not daring to reſiſt the revengeful Tribune, till,
with the utmoſt Difficulty, they found another Tribune, who
interpoſed. Yet Labeo died in peace; though Metellus and his
Family continued in Splendor, and held the higheſt Offices of
the Commonwealth.
In return for the exceſſive, the iniquitous, Complaiſance of
the Senate, Auguſtus promiſed always to conſult the Conſcript
Fathers in Matters relative to the State, to pay the greateſt
Regard to their Sentiments, and to ſhare with them the Ad-
miniſtration of Affairs. And indeed he kept this Promiſe, ſo
far as frequently to alter his Deſigns, in conſequence of their
Reprefentations, and to make them his Partners in Tranſactions
of the greateſt Splendor.Phraates, by his Ambaſſadors,
and Tiridates, in Perſon, were renewing their Solicitations to
intereſt the Romans in their Quarrel. Tiridates requeſted the
Help of their Arms to put him in undiſturbed Poffeffion of the
Crown of Parthia, which he had worn ſome Time : Whilft
Phraates, who had been expelled by Tiridates, and afterwards
reſtored by the Scythians, pretended that his Enemy ought to
be delivered up to him as a rebellious Slave, and demanded
the Reſtitution of his Son, whom Tiridates had carried away
into the Roman Territories. Auguſtus .ordered both Parties to
apply to the Senate, and the Senate referred them back to him;
but
1
Court of AUGUSTUS. 301
but he did not chooſe to ſatisfy either. He was by no Means
diſpoſed to undertake a War againſt the Parthians, merely to
oblige Tiridates ; nor did he think he ought to give up a fup-
plicant Prince who had fled to him for Refuge. As to Phraa-
tes's Son, he agreed to ſend him back to his Father, on con-
dition that this laſt ſhould reſtore the Priſoners and Standards
which the Parthians had taken from Craſis and Antony.-
But Phraates was in no Hurry to fulfil this Condition.
A chief Part of Auguſtus's Cunning lay in preſerving the
old Forms of a free Government, and in endeavouring, under
that Veil, to keep his Uſurpation from Sight. What Patri-
cian could ſay he was a Slave, while the Senate decreed, the
People voted, the Conſuls commanded, as they had uſed to do?
Or what Plebeian could complain, while he had his all-power-
ful Protectors, the Tribunes, to aſſert his Rights and revenge
his Wrongs ?--For all the Magiſtrates were continued in
their Titles, Enſigns, nnd Tribunals *
.But Cefar deviſed
the Evaſion of inveſting himſelf, a Senator, with the Tribuni-
cian Power, and thereby accumulated this imperious civil
Power, with the military, in his own Perſon. No Leffon
of his Government, which his adopted Succeffor learned ſo
perfectly as this. When exerciſing the higheſt Acts of Ty-
ranny, Tiberius traiterouſly employed the Language of Liberty,
and impriſoned, murdered, tortured, under the legal Forms
of a free State.----An awful Warning to a Nation bleſſed
with Liberty, never to ſuffer themſelves to be blinded with an
Appearance of antient Forms, or deceived with Words, while
the SPIRIT OF LIBERTY is in the leaſt Danger.
The Year of Rome DCCXXX, in which M. Claudius Mara
cellus Eſerninus ånd L. Arruntius (which laſt commanded the
left. Wing of Ostavius's Fleet in the Battle of Aetium) were
Conſuls, was unfortunate to Rome and Italy. The City was
overflowed by Inundations of the Tiber, and the whole Coun-
try
* Eadem Magiſtratuum Vocabula, ſays Tacitus, with a ſtrong Irony,
302 MEMOIRS of the
*
try was amitted with peſtilential Diſtempers, which began,
indeed, before the End of the preceding Year, and ſwept away
ſuch Numbers, that the Lands remained uncultivated, and a
Dearth enſued.The ſuperſtitious Mob, imputing theſe
Calamities to the Anger of the Gods, becauſe Auguſtus did
not hold any Magiſtracy this Year, ran tumultuouſly to the Se-
nate-houſe, and threatened to ſet it on Fire while the Fathers
were aſſembled, if they did not declare him Dictator. The
Senators, who were better acquainted with the Emperor's In-
tentions, reſiſted as long as they could, but were at laſt forced
to comply ; upon which the Rioters haſtened to preſent him
the twenty-four Faſces. Auguſtus, rebuking them for their
Impetuoſity, refuſed the odious Title (which could not have
added to the Power he was already poſſeſſed of), and, even
kneeling down to them, rent his Garment, and preſented his
bare Boſom, to ſignify that he would rather have a Dagger
plunged into his Heart, than be made Dictator *.-However,
to appeaſe the Multitude, he accepted the Superintendance of
Proviſions, which was offered him at the ſame Time, on the
ſame footing as Pompey had had it before :--But, as the nu-
merous Affairs of the Empire could not allow himi perſonally
to enter into a Detail of this Kind, he ordered two ancient
Pretors to be choſen every Year, who, under his Authority,
ſhould take Care that Rome was properly ſupplied with Provi-
ſions, and Corn duly diſtributed to the poor Citizens.
The Cenſorſhip was likewiſe offered him for Life. In Con-
ſequence of the Syſtem of feeming Modeſty which he had
before laid down, he refuſed that Office, and cauſed it to be
given to Paulus Emilius Lepidus and L. Muratius Plancus.
The former of theſe had been proſcribed :-doubtleſs with
his Father, L. Paulus, Brother to Lepidus the Triumvir.
Plancus, whoſe Brother Plotus had likewiſe been profcribed,
was a Man of Wit and Pleaſure, and of no mean Talents,
either
* Suet. Aug. LII.
A
Court of AUGUSTUS.
303
either for civil or military Affairs. To give him the higheſt
Commendation, a good Heart, and a little more Temperance,
would have made him a truly great Man ; almoſt another
Meſſala. A little before he was Cenſor, he led a Colony to
Lugdunum (Lyons), founded at the Conflux of the Arar (the
Saone,) and the Rhône, which grew to be a great City, beau-
tified with many noble public Structures, each of which' might
have ſerved to ornament a Town.-Juſt an hundred Years after
its Foundation, this flouriſhing Place was burnt to the Ground
in one Night, ſo that ſcarce a Veſtige of it or them remained.
This was the laſt Cenſorſhip held by two private Men.
The Emperors, from henceforth, either kept it wholly to
themſelves, or, at moſt, and that very feldom, vouchfaſed to
make a ſingle Citizen their Collegue; though, without af-
fuming the Title, they had, in Fact, all the Power of this
Magiſtracy, as Superintendants and Reformers of the Laws
and Manners.
PLANCUS and Pollio were Rivals in all Reſpects, for
civil, military, and literary Reputation ;-both Commanders,
both Orators, both Authors, and both contending who ſhould
ſtand higheſt, firſt in Antony's Favour, and then in the good
Graces of Auguſtus. Pollio's overbearing Spirit, and Plancus's
Complacency, turned the Scale in Favour of the latter as to
perſonal Liking : but Pollio's unblemiſhed Character, and the
Integrity of his Life, depreſſed Plancus in public, to ſuch a De-
gree, that he ſtood in need of all his noble Deſcent and dear-
bought Favour to ſupport him.
It was during the Cenſorſhip of Paulus and Plancus, that
Auguſtus, availing himſelf of his Authority as Reformer of
the Laws and Manners, introduced ſeveral new Regulations,
for the better Order and Tranquility of the Public. He ſubjected
to ſtricter Rules, or even aboliſhed entirely, all Aſſociations of
the trading, or other Companies, in Rome, which had often
been made a Handle of to form feditious Cabals and dangerous
3
Factions ;
304
MEMOIRS 'of the
Factions : He moderated the Expences of Shews and Games,
limiting the Sum the Pretors ſhould be allowed to expend, and
aſligning them out of the public Treaſure wherewith to de-
fray the extraordinary Charges. He forbad even Magiſtrates
giving Combats of Gladiators without ſpecial Leave of the
Senate, and even then not oftener than twice a Year, por more
than ſixty Couple at a Time; a Circumſtance which thews to
what Height this Abuſe was carried. He ordered, that neither
the Sons or Grand-Sons of Senators, Roman Knights, or Wo-
men of Quality, ſhould ever more take the indecent Liberty of
performing on the Stage, though he had hitherto tolerated, and
even authoriſed it on ſome Occaſions ; and, as Egnatius Rufus,
when Edile, had given himſelf great Airs in boaſting that,
with his own Slaves only, he had ſtopt ſeveral Fires in Rome,
Auguſtus, to take away all Pretence from ſuch as might be in-
clined to imitate the Raſhneſs of that young Man, aſſigned the
Curule Ediles ſix hundred Slaves, who were to be always
ready to obey their Orders whenever Fires ſhould break out in.
the City.
The Romans now began to taſte the Sweets of their new
Government : The Means by which it had been eſtabliſhed
were forgot; and nothing was talked of but AUGUSTUS's
tranſcendent Goodneſs, his indefatigable Zeal for the public
Welfare, and his admirable Moderation in his private Life,
ſuch as put him almoſt upon a Level with every other Citizen.
In effect, he took all poſſible Care that no Man ſhould
have Cauſe to wiſh for a Change. The Glory of the State,
and the Happineſs of each Individual, became really the Ob-
jects of his moſt ſerious Attention. He had ſheathed the
Sword of Diſcord at the Age of about three and thirty; and
now ſat down, fully determined to make his Country amends
for the Evils he had made her ſuffer. One of his Courtiers
taking Occaſion from hence to tell him, that he had outſtrip-
ped Alexander the Great, who, at the ſame Age, had finiſhed
his
{
-
Court of AUGUSTUS. 305
Hardy
his Conqueſts, but could not think what he ſhould find to do
the Reſt of his Life: It is very ſtrange, replied the young
Cefar, if he did not apprehend the Ordering and Governing of a
great Empire, to be a harder Taſk than the conquering it *.
The Bleſſings which emaned from the peaceable Reign of
Auguſtus, were not confined to Rome and Italy alone. The
Provinces, before harraſſed and plundered by the Avidity of
the Pretors, tormented by as many petty Tyrants as there
came into them Romans in any Office, diſtracted and exhauſted
by civil Wars, now began to recover from all thoſe Ills, under a
Prince who, whilſt he cauſed Peace to reign, knew how to make
the Laws be reſpected, and ſtudied to diſtribute equal Juſtice.
This Calm and Tranquility, which conſtituted the Happi-
neſs of the Auguſtan Age, have rendered its Hiſtory more dry
and leſs entertaining.“ It were not to be wiſhed, for the
Sake of Mankind, that the Times in which they live Thould
afford Writers a plentiful Harveſt of ſuch Events as are moſt
apt to intereſt and affect their Readers. Beſides, by the new
Conſtitution of the State, public Affairs, being now become
quite foreign to many of the Citizens, were entirely unknown
to them t; nor had they Opportunities of being informed of
what paſſed in a Privy Council, as they formerly knew what
was done in the Aſſemblies of the Senate, or thoſe of the Peo-
ple. We find, indeed, that the Pens of ſome bright Ge-
niuſes were once employed on theſe leſs fruitful Times : but,
unfortunately, their works are loft.-Dion Caſus is almoſt
the only one we have left :but he is not always to be cre-
dited; and therefore, beſides his being evidently a Sycophant
Court Hiſtorian, he is little able to make Amends for the
Deficiency of the reſt. Velleius is an Abbreviator, infected
with the Poiſon of Flattery. Suetonius is a Biographer, and
not an Hiſtorian :-His Accounts are curious and intereſting,
VOL. III.
fit
.
Оч
**
* Plut. in Aug.
+ Inſcitia Reipublicæ, ut alienæ.
Tacit. Hift. Lib. I.
T
306
MEMOIRS of the
fit to give us a Knowledge of the Perſons of the Emperors he
ſpeaks of; but they are not a Series of Facts, nor do they
make us acquainted with the ſecret Springs and Cauſes of
Actions. The cotemporary Poets afford now and then a Hint,
and others may ſometimes be gleaned from later Writers.
This is what Freinſhemius has attempted with extraordinary
Succeſs : but he, like the Epitomiſer of Livy, ends with the
Death of Druſus; nor can his Work, even ſo far, be ſaid to
form a regular connected Tiſſue, though compiled with great
Care, Accuracy, and Judgment
AUGUSTUS, now the moſt popular of Men, attended the
Aſſemblies of the People for the Election of Magiſtrates, and
the Courts of Juſtice ; whenever his Vote could contribute to
promote the deſerving, or his Preſence help to redreſs the in-
jured *.-
An old Soldier, who had a Law-Suit depending,
begged of him to be preſent at the Deciſion of it. Auguſtus
anſwered, that he was then too buſy, but would ſend one of
his Friends. Ceſar, replied the Veteran, when there was Oc-
caſon to fight for you, I went myſelf, and did not ſend another
for me. Auguftus, pleaſed with the Repartee, went in Perſon
to the Court, to ſhew that he intereſted himſelf in the Soldier's
Cauſe of. This Behaviour expoſed him ſometimes to a pert
Inſolence, which he generally paffed over with a Smile.
-One M. Primus being accuſed of having made War
upon
the Odryſ, a People of Thrace, of his own private Au-
thority, alledged that he had the Emperor's Orders. Ar-
guſtus, voluntarily, went into Court, and being interrogated by
the Pretor, (for he would anſwer the Interrogatories of the
Magiſtrates, as if he had been but a private Man), anſwered,
that he had not given Primus any ſuch Orders. Licinius
Muræna, Advocate for the Accuſed, took Auguſtus up with
great Warmth and Haughtineſs, and among other diſobliging
Things, What Buſinefs have you here ? ſaid he, What have you
ta
* Suet. Aug. 51–56.
+ MACROB. Sar. II. 4.
+
:
Court of AUGUSTUS. 307
means
very late,
po do with this Affair ? ---The public Intereſt, anſwered All-
guſtus mildly, which it is not lawful for me to negle£ *.
STRICTLY obſerving the Ties and Duties of private Friend-
Thip, he viſited his Friends in their Sickneſs, or when extra-
ordinary Events happened in their Families, ſuch as Marriage,
their Children taking the manly Robe, and other ſuch like
Occurrences : Nor did he leave off this Cuſtom till
after having been much ſqueezed in a Crowd at a Wedding 4.
He feldom refuſed an Invitation to dine with any of the
Citizens. One Day, being invited to a very bad Dinner, as
badly dreſſed, all he ſaid to the Maſter of the Houſe at going
away, was, I did not think we had been ſo intimate I.
Though he beſtowed much upon his Friends, he did not
pretend to raiſe them above the Laws, or to ſtrain Juſtice in
their Favour. Nonius Aſprænas, who was greatly attached to
him, being accuſed of having poiſoned a Subject of the Em-
pire, Auguftus deſired the Senate to direct him how to behave,
being apprehenſive, ſaid he, that if he backed Nonius with
his Recommendation, he might ſeem to ſcreen a Man accuſed
from the Rigour of the Laws; and if he did not, it might be
thought that he abandoned a Friend, and himſelf condemned
him before hand. By the Advice of the Senators, he took a
middle Way: He went to the Trial, but ſaid nothing ; ſoli-
citing for Nonius only by his Preſence. Yet even this Reſerve
could not ſtop the Mouth of the Accuſer, Cafius Severus, a
Man of a violent Temper, and ungovernable Tongue, who
complained bitterly that the Emperor's Preſence ſaved a Crimi-
nal deſerving the greateſt Puniſhments g.
THE Inſtances of his Moderation towards ſuch as behaved
diſreſpectfully to him, or attacked him in their Diſcourſes, or
in Libels, are numerous. -Being diſturbed every Night by
the ſhrieking of an Owl at a Country-Houſe where he chanced
Qq 2
* Dio.
+ SUET.
I MACROB. Saturnal. II, 4.
S PLIN. Lib. XXXV. c. 12.
to
308
MEMOIRS of the
to be, he wiſhed to get rid of it. A Soldier catched the Bird
alive, and brought it to him, in hopes of a great Reward.
Auguſtus, ordered him a thouſand Seſterces, (81. 25. 6d.) but
the Soldier, who expected much more, let the Owl fly away,
ſaying, I had rather it ſhould live *.-Yet this Inſolence
paſſed unpuniſhed.
AUGUSTUS was now become equally mild: in Things of
greater Moment.Rufus, a Man of Quality, had taken it
into his Head, at an Entertainment, to wiſh openly that Ceſar
might never return from a Journey he was then going to un-
dertake, and gave his Word for it, that every Cow and Calf
in Italy wiſhed the fame. There were People enough to ob-
ſerve and pick up this Diſcourſe, and among the reſt, a fa-
vourite Slave who had ſtood behind him at Supper. In the
Morning, as ſoon as Rufus was awake and ſober, this honeſt
Fellow went to him, told him what he had blabbed in his
Liquor, and adviſed him, to prevent the Emperor's getting it
from another, to go immediately, to him himſelf, and be his
own Accuſer. Rufus took his Counſel, went, preſented him-
ſelf before Auguſtus, and after ſwearing that he had been dif-
ordered in his Mind the Day before, prayed that the Conſe-
quences of his rath Wiſh might fall: upon himſelf, and his
Children; wherefore he humbly intreated Cefar to forgive him,
and re-admit him into his Favour. He readily did form
But, Sir, ſaid the Offender, no body will believe that I am
really reſtored to your Friendſhip, unleſs your Goodneſs will
condeſcend to give ſome viſible Proof of it :-and thereupon
aſked a conſiderable Sum, and got it. Ac his going away,
after the Thanks befitting the Occaſion, he promiſed the
greateſt Gratitude and Circumſpection :--And. I, ſaid Cefar,
shall be careful, for my own Sakey, not to be angry with you t.
He did not, however, always flight the odious Imputations
by which ſome endeavoured to blacken him. His Care of his
Reputation
* MACROB. Sat. II. 4. + SENECA, de Benef. Lib. III. §. 27.
3
3
Court of AUGUSTUS. 309
" angry
Reputation induced him to refute them, either in Speeches
pronounced before the Senate, or by Declarations publiſhed in
his Name ; but he had no Idea of taking Revenge for them.
-When his Tyrant Succeffor exhorted him in his Letters to
revenge himſelf for an Inſult of that kind; “ My dear Tibe-
" rius,” ſaid Auguſtus, in his Anſwer to him,
“ do not give
way too much to the Vivacity of your Age, and be not ſo
with thoſe who ſpeak ill of me ; it is ſufficient that
" we prevent their doing us any
Being at Milan, (then Inſubrium,) in the Year of Rome
DCCXXXVI, he obſerved a Statue of Brutus, which the In-
habitants of Ciſalpine Gaul had erected there, as a Monument
of their Gratitude towards the mildeſt and beſt of Governors.
He paſſed by it ;-then ſtopping, and affuming a ſtern Lock
and angry Voice, taxed the Magiſtrates with harbouring
among them one of his greateſt Enemies. The Gauls, amazed
and terrified, endeavoured to juſtify themſelves, and denied
the Fact. What! ſaid he, turning round, and pointing to the
Statue of Brutus, is not that the Enemy of my Name and Fa-
mily? Then, ſeeing them confuſed and ſilent, he ſmiled,
commended their Attachment to their Friends, even in their
Misfortunes, and ordered that the Statue ſhould remain f.
He treated with the ſame Equity the Memories of all the
old Defenders of the Roman Liberty. One of his Courtiers,
thinking to pleaſe him by blaming Cato, accuſed that rigid
Republican of being intractably obſtinate. I would have you
to know, ſaid Auguſtus, that whoever oppoſes a Change in the
eſtabliſhed. Form of Government is a good Citizen, and an honeſt
Man I.
Words full of Dignity and ſound Senſe, hy which
he did Cato Juſtice, and prevented the bad Conſequences that
might be drawn from his-Example.
VIRGIL and Horace were therefore ſenſible they ran no
Hazard
* SUET. Aug. LI.
+ PLUT. in Brut.
I MACROB. Saturnal. II, 4,
A
310
MEMOIRS of the
ފް
Hazard of loſing his Favour by praiſing Cato, as they both
have done *.--LIVY, in the latter Books of his Hiſtory, un-
happily loſt, had done ſuch Juſtice to Pompey, the Senate,
and the Friends of Liberty, that Auguftus, in Jeſt, called him
a Pompeian, which in the Court Language, was a Rebel, equi-
valent to our Jacobite ;---yet never looked upon him the colder
for it.
LIVY had been a Soldier, and was thereby the better qua-
lified to write the Hiſtory of the moſt martial of all Nations.
He died at Padua, the Place of his Nativity, in the 76th Year
of his Age, and the fourth of the Reign of Tiberius of: A
Year likewiſe remarkable for the Death of the Poet Ovid,
who periſhed in his Exile in Scythia ; after having exhauſted,
for near eight years, all his Wit and Knowledge in humble
and earneſt Intreaties, and lamentable Complaints, without
being able to obtain his Pardon either from Auguſtus or
Tiberius.
LIVr had a Daughter, married to L. Magius, whoſe Elo-
quence, (declaiming being then the Mode,) was applauded by
his Friends, rather, as the elder Seneca informs us I, for his
Father-in-Law's Sake, than for his own ; and a Son, whom
he adviſed to ſtudy Demoſthenes and Cicero in the firſt Place
and then to read other Authors, as they beſt and neareſt re-
ſembled theſe great Originals. He adviſed Claudius, (who was
afterwards Emperor) when young, to write the Hiſtory of his
own Times; which he did, by no Means inelegantly, though
not with Judgment.-Naturally candid, and fond of Men of
Genius, Livy gives an ample Teſtimony to Cicero's Virtues.
He
* Seceretofque pios, his dantem jura Catoriem.
Virg. Æn. VIII. L. 870.
Et cuncta terrarum fubacta,
Præter atrocem aninium Catonis.
HOR. Od. II. 1.
4 EUSEB. Chron.
I Proem. Lib. V. Controv,
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Court of AUGUSTUS. 311
st
He was ſomewhat jealous of Salluſt's Reputation, and oblique-
ly detracts from him by a Compariſon with Thucydides.-
Pliny ſays * he had written in the Beginning of one of the
Volumes of his Hiſtory, “That he had already attained ſuf-
“ ficient Glory, and might end there :" To which this
Animadvertor adds farther, in the Preface to his vaſt Work,
an Expreſſion, inadvertently dropt from Livy's Pen, purport-
ing, that an Itch of Writing made him continue his Hiſtory to
Whatever might be his Motive, his Performance is in-
imitable ; and the Loſs of Part of it can never be too much
regretted. Beſides his Hiſtory, he wrote Dialogues, of a mixed
Nature, hiſtorico-philofophical; and other Pieces, expreſly
treating of Philoſophy.
THE mad Wretch Caligula had a great Mind to deſtroy all
Livy's Works (which, Seneca fays, were as numerous as thoſe
of Epicurus), and thoſe of Virgil : Nor did even Homer ef-
cape
his frantic Virulence. He wanted much to ſuppreſs his
Poems; aſking, why he ſhould have leſs Power and Liberty
than Plato, who baniſhed that Poet from his Republic.
SENECA f, extolling one Fabianus, as a Roman Philoſo-
pher, allows him to be inferior to Cicero, to Afinius Pollio, and
to Livy.--But conſider, ſays he, how many that Man muſt
ſurpaſs, who is inferior only to three; and thoſe the moſt elo-
quent we have. It was ſurely out of Flattery to Auguſtus, that
Livy leaves it a Problem, Whether it had been better for the
Common-Weal that C. J. Ceſar, had, or had not, been born $.
LIVY,
* Præfat. ad Veſpaſian.
+ Profiteor mirari me T. Livium, autorem celeberrimum, in hiſtoriarum
fuarum, quas repetit ab Origine Urbis, quodam Volumine fic orſum ; Satis
jam fibi gloriæ quæſitum, & potuiſſe ſe definere, ni animus inquies opere pafceretur.
Profecto enim, Populi Gentium Victoris, & Romani Nominis Gloriæ, non
fuæ, compofuiffe illa decuit. Majus meritum eſſet, Operis amore,
Animi caufà perſeverafle, & hoc Populo Romano præftitiſſe, non fibi.
| Epift. 100.
In incerto effe, utrum illum magis naſci Reipublicæ profuerit, an non
naſci.
NAT. Quest. Lib.V.Ş. 18.
non
#
312
MEMOIRS of the
LIVY, Cremutius Cordus, and Lucan, by fixing their At-
tention on, and feeding their Fancy with, the Glories of an-
cient Rome, were ſtruck with the Spirit of LIBERTY, and infuſe
it into their Readers. It was the greateſt Service they could
do to their Country ;---and no ſmall Moderation in the Men in
Power to ſuffer and bear with it.
To this ſoaring Spirit I attribute the ſublime Sentiments in
Lucan, and his ardent Expreſſions.-
--Nor do I much wonder
that a Man, touched with a true Senſe of real Grandeur, and
ſuſceptible of exalted Feelings, ſhould, like the inimitable
CORNEILLE, think LUCAN the Prince of the Roman
Poets. VIRGIL is more laboured, more ſmooth, more
artful, more imitated; for ſtrip the Eneid of its borrowed
Beauties, and you will leave it almoſt a Skeleton.The
Pharſalia is rougher, more unequal, more foaring, and more
original.
GREAT Eloquence can only, be found in great Cauſes, able
to rouze the higheſt Paſſions, and keep them up to“their Pitch
by popular Struggles. It is the Subje&t that calls forth the
Orator ; and the Paſſions of the Audience, by a ſecret but
powerful Sympathy, kindle in his Breaſt thoſe Fires, which
flaſh from his Eyes, and burſt from his Mouth. The two
Pieces of the higheſt Eloquence upon Record, are the Produce
of the two greateſt Struggles for Life and Liberty. When all
was at ſtake,when the cunning and graſping Philip was op-
preſſing one little State after another, holding out Chains to
Athens, and threatening Greece with univerſal Slavery,—it was
then, that, to lay open his Deſigns, and to animate free Men
to oppofe them; DEMOSTHENES produced that Monu-
ment of his Fame, the wonderful PHILIPPICS.-In the ſame
Manner, when Deſtruction was hanging over the Roman Em-
pire,—when their Laws, Liberties, Lives, Eſtates, and the
very Being of the Republic, were ready to be ſwallowed
up
by Antony and the Veterans ; at that dangerous Criſis did
CICERO
nie ma
Court of AUGUSTUS. 313
CICERO pour out to the Senate and People thoſe high Strains
of Patriotiſm, which juſtly eternize his Memory. Both theſe
great Men undertook many other, either private, or leſs im-
portant public Cauſes, and their Pleadings are upon Record ;
eloquent indeed, and beautiful : but no more comparable
to the rapid, irreſiſtible Spirit of their Philippics, than a Shadow
is to the Subſtance. Quintilian's Account of the Decay of
Roman Eloquence, is therefore exactly juſt. - What Pity,
that the Times did not perinit him to ſpeak out ; or that he
ſhould be afraid of plainly upbraiding his Country with the
abject Slavery into which it was fallen!
I scarcely know a greater Inſtance of the Depravity in-
troduced into human Nature by a continued Tyranny, than
the opprobrious Names given to one of the nobleſt and beſt of
Men, CREMUTIUS CORDUS, by the later Ceſarean
Faction.-----The Court-Stile, in Tiberius's Time, was to call
him a Robber, a Traitor, a Miſcreant, a Parricide, and every
Thing that is bad. The Pretence made Uſe of by that Tyrant,
for driving him to Death *, was his having written Annals
wherein he praiſed Brutus, and, in Brutus's Stile, called his
great Friend Caffius, the laſt of the real Romans.---But the
true Cauſe was, that he had offended Sejanus by ſome ſarcaſti-
cal Expreſſions. He had unluckily ſaid, that Sejanus had
not Patience to wait till another ſhould exalt him above all the
Romans, but was mounting himſelf thither :~And upon the
placing of a Statue of that execrable Miniſter, (the Favourite
of one of the moſt deteſtable of Princes) in Pompey's Theatre,
(which, after having been burnt down, was rebuilt by Tiberius);
Now, cried Cremutius, we may truly fay, that Pompey's Theatre
is fallen.
SEJANUS, who could not forgive him theſe ſatirical
Strokes, ſet on him two of his Clients, or, as Seneca calls them,
two of his Maſtiffs, whom he fed with human Blood ; tame to
Vol. III.
Rr
him
* A. U. DCCLXXV.
*
3.14
MEMOIRS of the
him alone, and fierce to all the World beſides... Nor did
Tiberius hide his Indignation againſt a daring Author, who had
preſumed to praiſe Men that were then univerſally conſidered
as Traitors and Parricides.
CREMUTIUS, finding that his Deſtruction was reſolved,
determined on Death ; and having conſequently no Meaſures
to keep, he pleaded his Cauſe in the Senate with the utmoſt
Conſtancy and Courage. My Actions,” ſaid he, « Fathers * !
« are ſo innocent, that my Words only are accuſed : But
“ neither is it pretended, that any Words of mine are pointed
• at the Sacred Perſons comprehended in the Law againſt
“ violated Majeſty. I am accuſed of having praiſed Brutus
“ and Caffius; Men whoſe Stories many have written, and of
“ whom all have ſpoken honourably.” After proving this by
the Examples of Livy, Pollio, and Meffala ; he alledged the
Panegyric of Cato, compoſed by Cicero, under the Eyes of the
Dictator Ceſar, who contented himſelf with anſwering it by
a ſimilar Production; and · Numbers of other Pieces then in
being, Antony's Letters, Brutus's Speeches, Verſes of Catullus,
all full of opprobrious Defamations of Cefar and Auguſtus.
• But theſe great Men, added he, were patient:- they even
« let thoſe Writings remain unſuppreſſed :--and, in ſuch a
“ Conduct, I will venture to ſay, there was as much Prudence
« as Moderation. For ſuch Things, when deſpiſed, are for-
“ gotten ; but if you wax angry, you ſeem to avow them for
« true.--If any Thing is perfectly free, if any Thing be
exempt from all Juriſdiction, it is our Judgment on ſuch,
« as, being no longer of the Number of the Living, cannot
prejudice us either in their Favour or Disfavour. Are Caſius
- and Brutus now in Arms? Do their Troops now fill the
“ Plains of Philippi ? Or do I fire the Roman People, by in-
flammatory Harangues, with the Spirit of Civil Rage ?
* Brutus and Gaſius, flain abové ſeventy Years ago, fubfift
.
now
* TACIT. Annal. Lib. IV.
*
1
Court of AUGUSTUS. 31:5
t
now only in their Statues, which even the Conqueror did
« not deſtroy, and in their Characters, which the Hiſtorian
perpetuates.--Impartial Poſterity does Juſtice to every
“ Man; and if I am condemned, not only the Names of Brun
“ tus and Caſius will not be thereby obliterated, but even
“ mine, when blended with theirs, will be co-immortal.”
Having thus faid, he left the Senate, retired to his own Houſe,
and ended his Life by Abſtinence. The ſervile Senators or-
dered his Writings to be burnt by the Ediles ; but they ſtill
continued to be ſecretly diſperſed.--Hence, continues Taci-
tus, we may juſtly mock the Stupidity of thoſe, who imagine
that they can, by preſent Power, extinguiſh the Lights and
Memory of ſucceeding Times ;. for, on the contrary, the Pu-
niſhment of the Writer exalts the Credit of the Writing ; nor
did ever Kings, or any elſe, who exerciſed this kind of Cruelty,
reap
other Fruit from it, than Infamy to themſelves, and Glory
to the Sufferers.
AUGUSTUS's Affability was particularly ſhewn to the Se-
nators, who indeed well deſerved it; for never was a Set of
more complacent Men. He excuſed them from all trouble-
ſome Ceremonies, and would not let them wait on him at his
Palace, to conduct him from thence to the Senate-Houſe,
but received their Compliments there, and returned them with
the moſt cordial Familiarity. Even the loweſt of the Citizens
were admitted to his Preſence, delivered their Petitions into
his own Hand, and were ſure of being heard and righted
for he was now become ſo ſtrict an Obſerver of the Laws, that
he reſpected the Property of every Individual to ſuch a Degree
as to make a Square, which he built in Rome, leſs than it
would otherwiſe have been, rather than force the Owners of
ſome circumjacent Houſes to part with their Ground. -
He would not ſuffer any one to call him Lord and Maſter,
becauſe this Title ſeemed to imply that others were Slaves.
Being one Day at a Play, in which a Line, ſignifying 0 the
good
Rr 2
316
MEMOIRS of the
good Maſter, O the equitable Lord! was repeated with great
Emphaſis; the whole Company immediately turned towards
him, and unanimouſly applied thoſe words to him : But,
with a Look and Geſture full of Indignation, Auguſtus inſtantly
rejected the fulſom Compliment, and the next Day repri-
manded the People ſeverely by a Declaration poſted up in the
Forum. From that Time, he would not allow his Children
or Grand-children ever to give him that Appellation, either
ſeriouſly, or even in Play ; and forbad them to uſe among
themſelves any of thoſe unmeaning Blandiſhments, which a
fervile and miſtaken Politeneſs, as it was called, was beginning
to introduceHis Succeſſors were not ſo ſqueamiſh. The
bad ones, Tiberius excepted, not content with the Name of
Maſter, affected even that of God ; and at laſt the good ones
accepted the former of theſe Titles, which Cuſtom had then
eſtabliſhed. Pliny, in all his Letters to Trajan, never calls him
any Thing but Domine, Lord, Maſter.
IF, for political Reafons hinted at before, Auguſtus ſuffered
divine Honours to be paid to him in the Provinces ; he was ſo
far from being fond of, that he would often laugh at them.
A Deputation from the People of Tarragona coming to ac-
quaint him, as of a fortunate and happy Omen, that a: Palm-
Tree had ſprung up on the Altar raiſed to him in their City;
I ſee by that, anſwered he, ſmiling, how careful you are to burn
Incenſe on my Altar.
Men are influenced by numerous and unforefeen Accidents.
A Queſtion about the Form of Dreſs or Church Government
occupies the Thoughts and Studies of the Wiſe, and employs
the Paſſions of the Vulgar, in one Age; that is abſolutely for-
got, or becomes the Object of ſovereign Contempt, in the
next. Hence the Impoſſibility of a laſting Scheme of Go-
vernment..It muſt be fitted to their Fortunes, obnoxious to
Chance, and ſwayed by public Caprice. It is abſurd that
one Model ſhould not be better than another; and ridiculous
from
*
*
Court of AUGUSTUS 317
from Harrington's Maxims to plan a perpetual ſelf-moved Ma-
chine.--It is Chatter all, and modern Futility: The Mean
is golden : Accidents are inconceivable.Maſſanello com-
manded Naples.-Lillibulero brought about the Revolution.
-Long live great George our King baffled the Rebellion.
And old Cromarty (or Andrew Fletcher of Salton,) faid
he would let who would make the Laws of a Country, give
him but the making of the Ballads.
PLATO's REPUBLIC (in which a juſt Streſs is laid on the
Power of Muſic) is no Chimera. It is eaſy and practicable,
upon
the ſame Terms that any other Form of Government will
be accepted or ſubmitted to. Every Government is ſuited
to the Manners of the People that live under it.-No People
accuſtomed to Luxury and Eaſe will ſubmit to hardy Living
and a ſevere Diſcipline, but through inevitable Neceſſity. It
was Neceffty that forced the Romans and Lacedemonians
upon
military Virtue and Agriculture: And when the fame Neceſſity,
or Train of Neceſſities, exerts its Power upon any People, they
would accept of Plato's Plan, or any other, how ſevere foever,
that bid faireſt to reſcue them for the preſent, and ſecure them
from relapſing for the future.
The Mildneſs and Equity of Auguſtus's Government, for
ſuch it was now really become, could not prevent Plots and
Conſpiracies. In the Conſulſhip of M. Claudius Marcellus
Eſerninus and L. Arruntius *, a Deſign was formed againſt the
Emperor's Life, by Fannius Cæpia t, and A. Terentius Varro
Muræna ;
* A. U. DCCXXX.
+ M. Cato, the Father of Cato Uticenfis, married Livia, who, by a former
Marriage with Q. Servilius Cæpio, had a Son and Daughter, Cæpio, and the
famous Servilia. She bore to her fecond Huſband Cato, M. Cato and Porcia.
The Cæpio who conſpired againſt Auguftus, and of whom Velleius (a) ſays
nothing more, than that he was a bad Man, fit for any Wickedneſs, may
have been Cato's Nephew, by his Half-Brother, or his Grand-Nephew: For
the Cæpio who was Cato's beloved Brother, died abroad, and he went for his
Alaes.
(a) Lib. II. C. gr.
318
MEMOIRS of the
Muræna * ; but' their Machinations were foon diſcovered to
Mecenas, by one Caftricius of. Mecenas, who was too fond of
his Wife, Terentia, Siſter to-Murdena; could not keep the Se
cret from her, and, upon the Intimation ſhe gave her Brother,
the Criminals fled. Tiberius was ſelected to plead againſt
them I. They were proſecuted for Contumacy, found guilty
of Treaſon, and condemned: Even Proculeiús, Brother to
Muræna, though in the higheſt Favour with Auguſtus; and
renowned for his Love of his Brothers, could not, with all his
Credit, obtain Pardon for this, in an Affair where the Safety
of the Prince was concerned.
The Roman Laws had hitherto puniſhed the greateſt Crimes
(Parricide excepted) only with Baniſhment : But the Empe-
ror's military Power now prevented the guilty from eſcaping.
They were diſcovered in their Places of Retreat, and put to
Death.
MURÆNA was a Man of great Worth, learned, and a
Favourer of learned Men. Athenæus of Seleucia in Cilicia, the
great Peripatetic, was ſo much his Friend, that, when the
Deſign againſt Ceſar was diſcovered, the Philoſopher, barely
upon Account of their Intimacy, was forced to fly with him.
He was catched, however, and brought back to Rome, where,
being examined, and found innocent, he was ſet' at Liberty.
When he appeared in public, his Friends aſked, where
he had been, and from whence he came ? To which he an-
(wered out of "Euripides,
I come, ſcaped from the Regions of the Dead
And gloomy Gates of Night II.
BEFORE
ť
* He was of the noble Family of the Terentii, and adopted into the Licinii,
whoſe Sur-name was Muræna. I take him to have been the Son of that Mun
rena, who was Cato's Friend, and fell out with him becauſe of his Strictneſs
in looking after the Cyprian Buſineſs himſelf, as if he had doubted his Friend's
Honeſty.
+ Suet. in Aug. $.66.
# Suet. in Tib. §. 8.
| "Ηκω νεκρών καυθμωνα και σκότο Γύλας λιπών. ΣΤΡΑΒ. γεωγρ. β. ΧΙΙ.
1
ga
Court of AUGUSTUS. 319
: BEFORE he came to Rome, his Eloquence and Parts had
drawn him into the Management of Affairs at Home, where
he governed the People for ſome Time : But after Muræna's
Death, he lived not long to enjoy his Liberty, being killed by
the Fall of a Houſe where he lodged, which tůmbled down in
the Night.
COEPIO's Father did, on this Occaſion, a remarkable ACE
of Juſtice, which afforded Auguftus an Opportunity of ſhewing
all his Moderation. Of two Slaves belonging to the Criminal,
one had defended his Maſter againſt the Soldiers who came to
ſeize him ; the other had betrayed him. The Father reward-
ed the faithful Slave, by ſetting him at Liberty; but had the
other led through the Streets, with a Label expreſſing his
Crime, and then crucified. Auguſtus ſhewed no Diffatisfaction
at this Proceeding : He excuſed the Father's Love, and did
not think the Son's Crime ought to ſtiffe in him the Senti-
ments of Nature, or hinder him from Thewing them.
Some of the Judges were for acquitting young Cæpio and
Muræna, becauſe they could not paſs Sentence on them per-
fonally : For it ſeems the Romans had no fixed Method of
proceeding againſt ſuch as: fled, to avoid Judgment; and that
even the Abſence of the Accuſed was thought a favourable
Circumſtance. We are not told that Auguſtus was diſpleaſed
at their Delicacy : But he took this opportunity to cnact,
that, in ſimilar Caſes, where the Offender ſecreted himſelf
from Juſtice, all the Judges ſhould give their Opinions ver-
bally, and not by Ballot; and that, if they were unanimous,
the abſent Perſon ſhould ſtand condemned. He had plainly an
Eye to himſelf in making this Law, which, however, was not
the leſs juſt and good.
It would not be ſo eaſy to juſtify the Step he took in Favour
of Caftricius, who had diſcovered the Conſpiracy. This Man
being afterwards accuſed, Auguſtus appeared in Court for him ;
3
and,
Jr
320
MEMOIRS of the
mec
hone
and, by his Intreaties, in Preſence of the Judges, i prevailed on
the Accuſer to drop the Proſecution *
AUGUSTUS did not dare openly to overturn the Conſti-
tution, becauſe that would have made him paſs for a Tyrant ;
but he artfully undermined it, and his Succeſſors completed
the iniquitous Work. Under the ſham Title of. Tribunician
Power, they uſurped arbitrary Sways and under the Pretence
of correcting the Laws, mitigating their Rigour, or explaining
their Meaning, they wreſted them as they pleaſed. The
Refponfa Principum, or Deciſions of the Prince, came to
be a part of the Law itſelf. It is ſo ſtill in the chief
Kingdoms of Europe, excepting Great Britain, where,
fince the CLAIM OF RIGHT was allowed and ſettled in
MDCLXXXIX. the Law has a freer Courſe, and the Court
intermeddles with the Adminiſtration of Juſtice leſs than in
any other Nation on Earth. For through the Factions in
Poland, and a corrupt French Cabal in Sweden, LIBERTY, the
Chief of the Gifts of Heaven, is perverted, and, like the
Corruption of the beſt Things, become their greateſt Curſe.
In Rome, the ancient Laws, the Bulwarks of Liberty and
Property, were to remain in Force : But their Edge was to be
turned another Way. Public Liberty, and the high Privileges
of a Roman Citizen, were to be tenderly touched, and men-
tioned as rarely as poſſible. But the Force of the Law
was to exert itſelf in the Determination of private Property,
Wills, Conveyances, Bonds, Inheritances, &c.Hence aroſe
a Species of Lawyers, very different from the great Republic
Their Talent was not Knowledge, but Cunning, their
Strength lay in Quirks and Subtilties: in ſtriving to out-wit
their Cotemporaries in Forms, in carrrying a Cauſe in Spite of
Justice, by Dint of Chicane Auguſtus's pretending to
keep within the Laws gave him a great Deal of Trouble.
It
* SYET. Aug. $. 56.
cans.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
320
It was this that hindered him from taking the Pontificate from
Lepidus, and forced him to diffemble with the People when
he wanted any extraordinary Honour for himſelf, his Friends,
or his Children, in which laſt he could leaſt contain himſelf.
At bottom, it was Want of Courage that made him kecp
his Power, and ſhrink from a Reſtoration of the Republic.
He certainly longed for Eaſe and Retirement, and, with con-
ſcious Shame, remembered Antony's preſſing Inſtances. But
his Heart failed him. Antony could have done it.---This
Fear, together with the Dread of Conſpiracies againſt his Life,
while every Youth of noble Birth might attempt to deliver his
Country, produced his intenſe Efforts to make the Romans
happy. But ſtill the Prime of the Nobility were the Objects
of his Terror or Diſlike. In the Midſt of all his new Grandeur,
when he had reached the Summit, and was fole LORD of the
Empire, he found that, for that very Reaſon, he was become
the Object of Hatred, and ſat the looſer on the Throne.
ROME being quite at Peace, Auguſtus reſolved to viſit the
Eaſtern Parts of the Empire ; doubtleſs, in order to have an
Opportunity of exerciſing there the ſupreme Power with which
he had been inveſted ; and juſtly concluding that the Preſence
of the Prince would greatly contribute to ſettle Things on a
folid Foundation. But he had hardly reached Sicily, when
News was brought him that violent Diſputes were ariſing in
the Capitol, on Account of the Election of Conſuls for the
enſuing Year. The People could not make a proper Uſe
of this finall, and almoſt only, Remainder of their former
Power. They inſiſted that Auguſtus ſhould be one of their
Conſuls, and M. Lollius the other : And when the Emperor
ſignified to them his Intention not to accept the Conſulate,
Q. Emilius Lepidus and L. Silanus contended for the vacant
Place with ſuch Animoſity, that it was generally thought
Auguſtus would be obliged to return to Rome, to ſilence their
feditious Cabals. But he choſe rather to ſend for the two
VOL. III.
Sf
rivai
322
MEMOIRS of the
rival Candidates, and, after reprimanding them ſeverely, forbad
them to be preſent in the Campus Martius at the Time of the
Election. Their Feuds however continued, and, after a long
Conteſt, Lepidus was appointed.
This Event made Auguſtus ſenſible of the Neceſſity of
having a Man of Weight and Judgment to keep Rome in order
during his Abſence. He therefore recalled Agrippa, to whom
he owed almoſt all his Grandeur ; and effectually to remove
his late Diſcontent, reſolved to marry him to his Daughter,
the Widow of Marcellus. The wiſe Mecenas being conſulted
on this Occaſion, frankly and judiciouſly anſwered Auguſtus,
You have raiſed Agrippa ſo high, that you muſt of Neceſity
either kill him, or make him your Son-in-Law *. Octavia her-
felf, according to Plutarch, likewiſe influenced Auguſtus in this
Determination, though her Daughter Marcella was then mar-
ried to Agrippa : But ſhe nobly gave up her own Intereſt
for the Welfare, of her Country. Agrippa was accordingly
ſent for ; and having waited on the Emperor to receive his
Orders, made the beſt of his Way to Rome, where, after di-
vorcing Marcella, who married Julius Antony, he contracted
with JULIA, then in her eighteenth Year ; a Marriage as
diſhonourable as it was brilliant,mas unhappy as it was fruit-
ful f.----I know not any modern Character ſo like Julia's,
as the unhappy Henrietta, Ducheſs of Orleans --Her Wit,
her Sweetneſs of Temper, her Love of Pleaſure, and her mi-
ferable End, were very ſimilar ;-tho' ſhe did not carry her
Debaucheries to ſo great a Height.
REASONS OF STATE were undoubtedly very cogent in Fa-
vour of this Alliance with Agrippa, whoſe Rank and Dignity
made every one reſpect him, while his ſuperior Talents added
new Luſtre to his Greatneſs. All was quiet under his equally
firm
* Plut. in Anton.
+ Juliam duxit Uxorem, feminam neque fibi, neque Reipublicæ felicis
VELLi II. 93
uteri.
3
*
4
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
323
firm and mild Adminiſtration, and Rome hardly perceived the
Abſence of Auguſtus.--Theſe Reasons are deemed an un-
fathomable Abyſs in the modern Practice of Monarchs, and
their Miniſters. An Air of Myſtery is thrown over them ;---
But they are not, in themſelves, ſo important or impenetra-
ble, as is commonly pretended. The only real, good, and
laudable REASON OF STATE is that by which a Country
is kept in Peace and PLENTY; and the Means of effecting
this are very plain. The excellent FENELON has pointed
them out clearly in his inimitable Telemachus.It is only the
Cowardice, Duplicity, Treachery, and unaccountable Paſſions,
of abſolute Governors that make them otherwiſe.When
the Happineſs of a Country comes to depend upon the private
Paſſions of particular Men ;-when the Whim of a Prince *,
or the lawleſs Appetite of a Favourite t, can involve it in
War, or intail upon it infinite Confuſion; then, and only then,
S [ 2
that
乎
​* The late King of France ſacrificed a Million of his Subjects TO HIS
GLORY.-Had he erected a Temple, and dedicated a magnificent Image in
it, under the Title of THE GLORY OF THE GREAT LEIVIS, and
ſacrificed but one Man upon an Altar, to his adored Goddeſs; how ſmall would
the Harm have been, in Compariſon of what he did, and how great the Cla-
mour throughout all Europe! But as he ſacrificed ten thouſand to this execrable
Whim every Year, he is dubbed a Hero, fed with Flattery, and immortalized
as far as venal Poets and Panegyriſts could embalm his Story.
AUGUSTUS was juſt an ordinary Man.His Deſigns and Enterprizes
(after the Sallies of his Youth were cooled) ſhewed it.----- They were all of
the middling Stamp.--A great Soul conceives great Deſigns, and a vaſt
Mind comprehends extenſive Views. The correcting the erring Year,--the
new-modelling and ornamenting the Miſtreſs of the Weſtern World, already
the Care of ſo many Heroes,--the Conqueſt of Parthia, the only dreadful
remaining Rival, were Thoughts worthy of Cefar's Genius.“-But Auguſtus
was for bounding the Empire, ſettling Forms of Government at home, and
reducing Matters to the Level of his own very moderate Capacity : So that
if it be true, that there never was a Hero without Eminency in ſomething, I
believe Auguflus has ſmall Pretenſions.
+ Villers, Duke of Buckingham, plunged England into a War with France,
becauſe he was hindered from a private Interview with the French Queen.
324 MEMOIRS of the
8
that Reaſon of State becomes intricate and perplexed.-
Paſſions are fickle, unequal, and incertain ; their Mazes and
Doublings are endleſs : And it is a melancholy Circumſtance
that a Powerful Neighbour, under their lawleſs Influences,
may quickly entangle a free Nation in the Miſeries occafioned
by its wicked or fooliſh Rulers. The only Cure therefore for
the Ills that attend them, is a preventive One ; viz. To find
ſome Governor, who has no Paſſion, but Love of the public
Weal.--Not a giddy Democracy, nor an oppreſſive Ariſto-
cracy ;--but ſuch a Body of Men as cannot be infected with
the Paſſion of any one Particular, and whoſe Majority will,
generally, judge for themſelves.
The Sweets of Peace, to uſe Velleius's Expreſſion *, accom-
panied Auguſtus in his Progreſs through Italy and Greece. Sy-
racuſe, and ſome other Towns in Sicily, were gifted with the
Privileges of Roman Colonies.
The Illand Cythærea was
added to the Territories of the brave Lacedemonians, to make
them Amends for their former Hoſpitality towards Livia,
when a Fugitive there in the dreadful Time of the Perugian
War:--And the ſycophant Athenians were puniſhed with
the Loſs of Egina and Eretria, for their fervile Flattery of
Antony and Cleopatra.
At Corinth, he received the Embaſſies from the Grecian
Cities. One of theſe Ambaſſadors afforded him and his
Train fome Diverſion. He came from the little Iſland Gyarus,
one of the Cyclades, was a Filher by Trade, and humbly
begged an Alleviation of their Taxes ; ſetting forth, that
their State paid yearly into the Roman Treaſury the Sum of
41. 165. 1od. 1, which was too grievous a Burthen for them to
bear; wherefore they prayed that they might be eaſed at
leaſt in a Third of the Sum, and their annual Tribute be re-
duced to 31. 45. 70.-Strabo, who tells this Story t, was
then
* Circumferens terrarum Orbi præfentiâ fuâ pacis fuæ bona.
VELL. Lib. II. c. 92.
+ GEOGR. Lib. X.
i
8
>
Court of AUGUSTUS 325
then travelling through the Iſlands of the Archipelago, and, at
his Departure from Gyarus, charitably took this Embaſſy into
his Ship, and gave it free Paſſage to Court.-----This Illand
had only a poor little Village upon it, inhabited by Fiſhermen,
and was the Place to which the Emperors afterwards baniſhed
great Offenders *. Seriphus, another little Inand in the Neigh-
bourhood, was uſed for the ſame Purpoſe. But theſe now
contemptible Spots, in the better Days of Greece, when Xerxes,
with an enormous Army, and a proportionate naval Force,
threatened to enfave that Country, were able, through the
Means of all-powerful Liberty, to fit out a Ship to join the
Grecian Fleet in Defence of the Common Cauſe of:
AUGUSTUS ſpent the Winter of the Year DCCXXXI.
in the Iſland of Samos, where he received Ambaſſadors from
Candaces, Queen of Ethiopia. Elius Gallus's Expedition againſt
Arabia, one of the moſt unfortunate that the Romans ever
undertook, alarmed the Ethiopians ; who, taking Advantage of
the unprovided State in which he had left the Upper Egypt
and Thebais, forced Syæna, Elephantinum, and Philes, plun-
dered the whole Country, and demoliſhed the Emperor's Sta-
tues. Petronius, Prefect of Egypt, with ten thouſand Men
raiſed in haſte, marched againſt thirty thouſand of theſe new
Enemies, who ran away upon the firſt Tidings of his Ap-
- Theſe were even worſe Soldiers, and worſe armed,
than the Arabians; who, Vagabonds then, as they now are, and
treacherous in thoſe Days as they are in theſe, uſed only the
Bow, Sword, Lance, Sling, and Hatchet, in their Wars, and
loſt ten thouſand Men in one Battle, in which they killed but
two Romans I. --The Ethiopians, only a few of whom had
Swords, and the reſt either Hatchets, or long Poles, probably
headed with Iron, and vaſt unwieldy Bucklers made of raw
Hides, rallied, however, and ventured a Battle, the Deciſion
proach.
of
* Aude aliquid brevis Gyaris vel Carcere dignum.
JUVENAL.
+ HERODOT. Polymn.
I STRABO, Lib. XIV, & Dio.
A
4
326
MEMOIRS of the
w 4 Poule
of which could not long be doubtful. Their Conqueror, Pe-
tronius, marching on, took and plundered the royal City of
Napata.--He was then nine hundred Miles diſtant from
Syæna, and was told, that if he attempted to penetrate farther
into the Country, he would meet with nothing but fandy De-
farts : Upon which he reſolved to return, after leaving a Gar-
riſon of four hundred Men, and Proviſions for two Years, in
Premnis, a Town ſituated on the Nile, below the great Ca-
taract.
CANDACES, who had loſt one Eye, but had Courage
enough to keep great Part of Ethiopia ſubject to her Laws,
levied freſh Forces, and attempted to re-take Premnis. Petro-
nius prevented her : 'Till at laſt, finding that the Romans could
not poſſibly get any Good by this War, he entered into a Nego-
tiation with the Queen, who, ſeeing what Enemies ſhe had to
deal with, renewed her Solicitations for Peace. When Candaces
was told that ſhe muſt ſend Ambaſſadors to Cefar, ſhe aſked,
who Ceſar was, and where he lived ? Guides were given to
conduct the Ethiopian Repreſentatives, who were favourably
received. Auguſtus readily granted them Peace, and even ex-
empted their Nation from the Tribute which Petronius had
impoſed.
In the Spring of the Year of Rome, DCCXXXII. Auguſtus
viſited Aña, properly ſo called, and Bithynia ; diſpenſing,
wherever he went, Rewards to fome, and Puniſhments to
others, in virtue of his Proconſular Authority. The Inhabi-
tants of Tralles, of Cappadocia in Phrygia, of Thyatira, and of
Chios, who had ſuffered greatly by dreadful Earthquakes, ex-
perienced his Liberality. But he took from the People of
Cyzicus the Right of being governed by their own Laws and
Magiſtrates, and ſubjected them to a Prefect of his nominat-
ing; becauſe, in a popular Tumult, they had uſed ſome Roman
Citizens extremely ill, whipping them with Rods, and even
putting
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
327
$
putting ſome of them to Death. In Syria, he practiſed the like
Severity on the Tyrians and Sidonians, whoſe Liberty had, of
late, ſerved only to breed Riots and Seditions.
His Journey into Syria alarmed Phraates, who, apprehend-
ing a War when he ſaw the Emperor ſo near his Territories,
haftened to fulfil the Conditions of the Treaty lately con-
cluded with Auguſtus, which, till then, he ſeemed to have
entirely forgot. He therefore ſent back the Roman Priſoners
and Standards; the opprobrious Remains of the Defeat of
Craſſus, and the Flight of Antony. Tiberius was charged with
the honourable Commiſſion of receiving them from the An-
balladors of the Parthian King * Auguſtus, ever after, juſtly
looked upon it as one of the moſt glorious Events of his
Life, thus to have made the haughty Parthians, the only Ri-
vals of Rome, ſubmit, and, by the ſole Terror of his Name,
acknowledge themſelves, if not ſubject, at leaſt inferior to
HER Grandeur. He, with Reaſon, prided himſelf on having
effaced the laſt Marks of thoſe diſgraceful Stains, which had
ſullied the Glory of the Roman Name for almoſt forty Years.
This Honour had been ardently coveted by the Dictator Ceſar,
and by Antony. What Death prevented Cefar's executing by
Force of Arms, and what Antony attempted ſo wretchedly,
that he only increaſed the Shame, Auguftus accompliſhed
without drawing a Sword.
The ſincereſt Demonſtrations of public Joy and Admira-
tion diſtinguiſhed this pleaſing Exploit. Thankſgivings were
returned to the Gods; an Ovation was decreed to Auguſtus;
a triumphal Arch was erected to his Honour; and Medals were
ftruck to perpetuate the Memory of ſo glorious an Event.
Auguſtus ordered the Standards recovered from the Parthians
to be depoſited in the Temple of Mars the Avenger, built by
him as a Monument of his Victory at Philippi: And, on this
Occaſion, being a public Satisfaction in which the whole Nation
was
* Suet. Tib. §. IX.
328
MEMOIRS of the
was intereſted, he ratified and confirmed the Epithet of A-
venger",
*, which he had before given to that God, in Memory
of the Revenge he had taken on the Murderers of Ceſar.
No Wonder that the great Poets of the Auguſtan Age vied with
each other in celebrating the Object of a Glory ſo dear to
their Prince. It is the expreſs Subject of one of Horace's
moſt pompous Odes of
Odes of ; and in many other Parts of his Works
he has miffed no Opportunity, no more than Virgil, Ovid,
and Propertius, to record the Remembrance of this famed
Tranſaction.
PHRAATES took another Step, ſtill more ſubmiſſive than
the Reſtitution of the Roman Priſoners and Standards. He
ſent to Auguſtus, as Hoſtages of his future Amity, his four
Sons, with their Wives and Children._But his real Delign in
ſo doing was to provide for his own Safety, much more than
to ſhew any Deference or Submiſſion to the Roman Power.
Hated and deteſted by his Subjects, and conſcious of having
deſerved it by his many Cruelties, he looked upon his Children
as his Rivals, and conſtantly dreaded left the Parthians ſhould
ſet one of them upon the Throne: Whereas, by removing
thein to a Diſtance, he no longer feared any Revolution ;---
well knowing how much all the People were attached to the
blood of the Arſacide. The young Princes were treated royally
at Rome ; and, in the Reign of Tiberius, one of them aſſerted
his Right to the Crown of his Fore-fathers.
NOTWITHSTANDING this tacit Submiſſion of the Parthian
King, the Affairs of that Empire were in as flouriſhing a
Condition as a Tract of Cruelties exerciſed in a tyrannical
Reign, would permit. But theſe Cruelties were committed
upon Vizirs, Bachas, and kindred Lords, or Princes of the
Blood, as at this Day in the Courts of the Eaſt, while the
Body
* Rite Deo templumque datum, nomenque, bis ulto.
Ovid. Faſt. Lib. V. v. 595.
+ LIB. III. Od. 5.
beroende a
+
Court of AUGUS TU S. 329
Body of the People, that is, the Strength of the Nation, re-
mained unhurt:
-For one civil Broil, diſputed with Blood
and Burnings, weakens a Country more than the cutting off
fifty towering Heads. : The Parthian Nation therefore was
ſtrong, and their Army in good Order ; though the thin-fown
Nobility were indiſpoſed to their mercileſs Monarch.
Tue Kings of Parthia, like their Perſian Predeceſſors, com-
monly thifted their royal Reſidence, according to the Seaſons
of the Yeaf. Cyrus, and his Succeſſors, uſed to ſpend the
Winter at Babylon, the Spring at Sufa, the Autumn at
Perſepolis, and the Heats of Summer in Media, at Ecbatan *
The Parthian Princes, of a northern hardy Race, drew
ſtill nearer to the Mountains, and paſſed the Summer in their old
Capital, called Hecatompylæ, (from its hundred Gates), which
was only 133 Miles from the famed Caſpian Paſs, which fepa-
rated them from their Sacaf-fan (Sac-fon) Progenitors, a Tribe
of whom, we find, had formerly paſſed the Kûr, and ſettled
between that River and the Araxes, under the expreſs Name
of SACASSANS t, or, taking out the middle Vowel, (which
the Greeks would naturally inſert,) SAC-SONS.--But the
Macedonian Conqueſt had made vaſt Changes upon the Face of
the Eaſt. -Perſepolis
, the rich Capital, was deſtroyed być
Alexander, ſhall I ſay, or a little Harlot, who propoſed that
Frolic when he was half-drunk.
ARMENIA, a Kingdom of vaſt Extent and Power, and
Jikewiſe:independent on the Romans, received a King from
the Hand of Auguftiis, after Peace was ſettled between him
and Phraates.--Artuxias, Son of Artabazes, whom Antony
VOL. III.
T ť
dethroned,
• The Middle; or Centre, as this Town was ſuppoſed to be, of the antient
: Médias
;-it Planitiem omnem à CYRO (the Kûr) ufque, Albanorum gerts tenet:
mox.Iberûm, diſcreta ab iis amne Alazone, in Cyrum, è Caucaſiis, Montibus
defuente.--Mofchorum tractus, ad Iberum amnem in Cyrum defuentem ;
&infra cos SACASSANI :-Lying between the Araxes and the Kúr.
Pain, Lib. VI. 6. *10.
1..
1
330
MEMOIRS of the
}
dethroned, and put to Death, had ſucceeded his Father, and;,
being an implacable Enemy to the Romans;, had been main-
tained on the Throne by the Help of the Parthian. Power,
That Support, being taken from him by Phraates's Reconcilia--
tion to Auguſtus; Factions and Seditions aroſe againſt him, and
feveral of the Armenian Nobility declared his Brother Tigranes:
King. Tigranes was then at Rome, whither he had been car-
ried from Alexandria, wheſe he was made Priſoner upon the
Death of Antony. Auguſtus might eaſily have taken: Advantage
of theſe Diffentions, to ſeize upon Armenia :-But he was a
Stranger to the Rage of Conqueſt, and deſired nothing farther
than to give them a King, who would be a Friend to Rome.
However, as there was Reaſon: to think that Force of Arms
would be requiſite to ſucceed in this, Tiberius was charged
with the Expedition. But Things took another Turn; and
there was no Occafion for War. Artaxias being killed by his
Relations, Tiberius had only to put Tigranes in Poffefſion of the
vacant Thronę. - The Armenian Prince did not long enjoy:
this ſplendid Gift of Fortune.
Trough the eſtabliſhing of Tigranes upon the Throne of
Armenia: had been effected without War, yet Occaſion was
taken from thence to decree folemn Thankſgivings to the Gods
for Tiberius's Succeſs. This firſt military Honour rouſed the
Courage of Auguſtus's young Son-in-Law, whoſe Expectations
had before been raiſed to a great Height; by a pretended Pro-.
digy, which Suetonius; and. Dion are very careful to record *.
They ſay, that whilſt he was croſſing the Plains of Philippi,,
the Fire kindled of itſelf on an Altar formerly conſecrated there
by the victorious Legions. But his Mother's Ambition, and
her Influence over Auguſtus, were a much ſuſer Omen:
She then obtained for her Son the Command of Syria; and of
all the Provinces of the Eaſt, which Auguſtus
: left under his
Orders when he quitted Samoso.
To :
- Suet. Tib. Q: XIV. Dio. Lib. LIV...
Court of AUGUSTUS. 331
1
To the great Mortification of Livia and Tiberius, Julia,
now married to Agrippa, was this Year * delivered of a Son,
who was named Caius. This Birth was celebrated by public
Rejoicings, and a Feſtival eſtabliſhed to Perpetuity to:
AUGUSTUS pafled a ſecond Winter at Samos ; and that
the Inhabitants of that Ifand might feel the good Effects of
his Stay among them, he:granted them the Liberty and Uſe
of their own Laws. The whole World now paid Homage to
his Greatneſs : Even the moſt barbarous Nations, the Scythians
and Sarmatians, courted his Friendſhip; but nothing of this kind
was fo remarkable as an Embaſſy which he received there from
Paudion and Porus, Kings of India I. The Deſign of it was
to conclude a Treaty of Alliance began ſome Years before by
other Ambaſſadors, who met Auguſtus in Spain at Tarracond.
Orily three of theſe Ambaſſadors reached Samos ; ſeveral of
their Companions having died on the Road, during a Jour-
ney which, they ſaid, had taken them up near four Years.
They delivered to Auguftus a Letter written in Greek, by
Porus, who, in the pompous Stile of the Orientals, boaſted
his Command over fix hundred Kings; but yet expreſſed the
higheſt Value for Auguſtus's Friendſhip; offering him a Paſſage
through his Dominions, and promiſing to aſſiſt him in all
Things licit and reaſonable.
They had Preſents to offer, which were carried, or con-
ducted, into the Emperor's Preſence by eight Slaves, naked
from the Waiſt upwards, and perfumed with Spices. Theſe
Preſents confiſted in Pearls, Jewels, Elephants, and ſeveral
extraordinary Curioſities, among which was a Man without
Arms, who could draw a Bow and loot the Arrow, found a
Trumpet, and do, with his Feet, almoſt every Thing that
others can with the Help of their Hands. There were Tigers,
an Animal which the Romans had never ſeen, nor, as Dion
T t 2
:: Gafius
$
* DCCXXXII.
+ Dio.
I STRABO Lib. XV. FLOR. IV. 12. Oros. VI. 21. Dio. .
332
MEMOIRS of the
***
Caſius thinks, the Greeks: Vipers of a prodigious Size' ; a Ser-
pent twelve Cubits long; a River-Turtle three Cubits in length,
and a Partridge bigger than a Vulture.
With the Indian Ambaſſadors cáme a Philoſopher of
the ſame Nation, who renewed, in Auguſtus's Preſence, the
ſame frantic Scene as Calanus had formerly exhibited before
Alexander. He accompanied the Emperor to Athens, and
there, after obtaining Leave to be initiated in the Myſteries
of Ceres, declared, that having till then enjoyed a conſtant
Series of Proſperity, he would no longer be expoſed to the
Viciffitudes of human Affairs, or the Caprices of Fortune,
but would prevent them by a voluntary Death. He therefore
cauſed a Pile to be erected, rubbed his Body with Oil, and,
when the Flames were at their Height; leaped into the Före,
with a ſmiling Countenance, and was conſumed. An Epi-
taph to this purport was put upon his. Tomb: HERE "LIES.
ZARMANOCHEGAS, AN INDIAN OF. BARGOSA*, WHO, AC.
CORDING TO THE ANCIENT CUSTOM OF HIS COUNTRY,,
KILLED, HIMSELF..
WHILST Auguftus was abſent from Rome, the Senate named
him Superintendant of the Highways in Italy. He accepted
the Office, and appointed for his Deputies two ancient Pretors,
who, under his Authority, made the famous Golden Miliary,
a gilded Pillar, which was placed in the Forum t, as the Point
from whence all the principal Roads in Italy were to be mea-
ſured. From this the Romans counted their Miles, at the End
of every one of which a Stone was ſet up, marked with the
Diſtance from the Capital:
As ſoon as. Agrippa had fettled the moſt urgent Affairs.
of the City, he went to Gaul, where ſome Commotions had
ariſen, and from thence to Spain; to finiſh the Reduction of
the.
* If this Bargofa be the ſame with Ptolomy's Baryaza, as I am apt to ſuſpect;,
we may place its Situation near the Gulph of Cambaia..
+ CA:SAL. Par. I, c. II,
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
333
the Cantabrians. Rome being by this Means without a Head
able to keep the Multitude in Awe, freſh Diſturbances broke
out on Account of the Election of Conſuls. The People ob-
ſtinately perſiſted in their Whim of making Auguſtus Conſul,
and would chooſe but one other, which was C. Sentius Satur-
ninus, who therefore, alone, took Poffeffion of the Conſulate:
on the firſt of January
SENTIUS was a Man. of Courage and Reſolution ; worthy
to have been a Member of the old Republic, in her. uncorrupte.
ed Days. Maintaining the Dignity of his high. Office with a
becoming Spirit, he detected and puniſhed the Frauds of thoſe
who had the Management of the public Finances, and brought
back to the national Treaſury large Sums which had been ſe-
creted from it. But, above all, he ſhewed himſelf a great
Magiſtrate in all Nominations to Employments. He rejected
ſeveral unworthy Subjects who offered themſelves for Queſtors,
and threatened to make them feel the Weight of a Conſul's
Power, if they, dared to appear as Candidates..
But all his Firmneſs and Intrepidity were. necefſary when
the Election of his Collegue was to be proceeded in: For
Auguſtus perſiſting in his Refuſal, Egnatius. Rufus, the rah
Youth whoſe Infolence I mentioned before, declared himſelf a
Candidate ;, and, puffed. up with the Favour of the People,
who had raiſed him at once from the Rank of Edile to that of
Pretor, without going through the intermediate Gradations,
now pretended to carry the Conſulſhip, contrary, to the known
Intentions of the Emperor, and to make it, when attained, a
Means of diſturbing the Tranquillity of the State. Sentius
ordered him to withdraw ; which Egnatius refuſing to do, a
downright Sedition enſued, and ſome Men were killed. The
Senate would have given the Conſul a Guard: But Sentius, full
of Courage, thought himſelf ſufficiently armed by the legal
Authority, with which he was inveſted ; and declared, that
eyen
* DCCLXXXIII. .
a.
*
Tema
334 MEMOIRS of the
1
even if Egnatius Thould have a Majority of Votes, he would
not declare him duly elected.
'The Storm was, however, too violent to be quite appeaſed
by Sentius alone. There was a Neceſſity of having Récourſe
to Auguſtus, who was then drawing towards Rome; and ac-
cordingly the Senate deputed to him two of its Members.
The Emperor, on this Occaſion, was not ſo reſerved as he
had been two Years before ; for he now would not let
the People name a Conſul for the current Year, but, of his
own Authority, appointed one of the Senate's two Deputies,
Q. Lucretius, who had formerly been proſcribed.
WHILST Auguſtus approached the City, the Senate was
bufied in conſulting how to decree him all sorts of Honours,
in acknowledgment for the wiſe Regulations he had made in
the Provinces of the Empire. However, he would accept but
one of thoſe Honours, which was an Altar confecrated to
Fortune returned (FORTUNÆ REDUCI), and an anni-
verſary Feſtival on the Day of his Return. It was intended
to meet him, without the Gates, and all the Claſſes of the
People were already in Motion, when, chuſing rather to ſave
the Citizens that Trouble and Fatigue, than to enjoy the
Pomp of the Ceremonial, he entered the City in the Night
Time *, as he always choſe to do whenever public Entries
were intended him.
AUGUSTUS, not conſcious to himſelf of any ſuperior
Merit or Capacity, and yet finding that by one ſtrange Chance
after another, he roſe not only above his Fellows, but out-
ſtripped by much his Betters, conceived a very ſincere Devo-
tion for the blind Goddeſs; and when he was Maſter of the
Empire, it was obſerved, that he carefully repaired her der
cayed Temples, and omitted no Opportunity to do her Ho-
nour.Julian, in his admirable Draught of the Cefars,
makes Fortune complain of every one of them, as doing her
the
* Suet. Aug. ſ. 53.
.
L
3. 'Wag the difficult Part
Court of AUGUSTU S. 335
the higheſt Injuſtice in not giving her a Share of their great
Actions, except Oétavius, whom alone the allowed to have
been thoroughly grateful to her Deity * --Hence too Horace's
courtly Odes to Fortune.
AUGUSTUS had the greateſt Reaſon that perhaps any
Prince ever had to do her Homage. At Julius. Ceſar's Death, ,
there was not the ſmalleſt Probability of his being ever able to
riſe in the Roman State. His being related to a Man who was
killed as a Tyrant, tended to depreſs and bear him down: And
when that Face of Affairs was changed by the Combination of
the Veterans, a ſtronger Obſtacle was ſtill in his Way to
Power : That was the Dictators ; old Captains, Men of high
Courage, great Experience and Intereſt, and no lefs Ambition,
with whom he could not compare in any one Reſpect, but
the laſt. In the firſt place, therefore, to make Way for
the young Cefar's Grandeur the Commonwealth muſt be again
overturned. The old firm Columns of Liberty remaining after
the Ravages of Yulius .Cefar, M. T. Cicero, C. Cotta; and
others, were to be pulled down, and the young Affertors of
Freedom, full of a towering Spirit, and in the Height of Life,
bred to Letters and Arms, muſt be likewiſe deſtroyed. M.
Brutus, C. Caffius, S. Pompey, Cn. Domitius, the young Lur
culli, the Hortenhi, the Fabii, the Scipio's, and the Cato's, with
the whole Train of the noble Band of Senators who were con-
cerned in the Death of Cefar, and the Delivery of their Coun-
try. When that hard and wicked Talk was accompliſhed,
a barder ſtill remained. The Chiefs of the Ceſarean Party
were to be ſome how or other removed, before 'Cefär's young
of the Work, and the moſt powerful Obſtacle that lay sin biş
Way. To perform the firſt Parts, he had their Amlanice;
to
* Των σεπεπραγμένων αυτούς (τοϊς Καισάρσι) και ΤΥΧΗ" μεθεποιειτο το
πλέισον" και πάντων αυτών καταβοδσα παρεισήκει, πλην Οκλαβιανε μόνα Τούτον
* Ευγνώμονα προς αυτην έιναι έλεγεν.
18AIAN. Kaio
1
5
+
336
*
MEMOIRS of the
#
to perform this laſt, he muſt ſtand alone open in the Conteſt.
The Oppoſition from the other Party might be ſurmounted by
Force, as it was; and he had all the Ceſarean Veterans 'to fe.
cond him in pulling down the Bulwarks of Liberty...But
he could not openly attack his Friends ; even if he had at firſt
had Power or Conduct equal to the Enterprize. Let us but
recollect what became of Alexander's Empire after his Death;
how every one of his general Officers ſet up for himſelf, and
drew a Part of the Army and Provinces after him. They
erected their Shares into independent Principalities, without
much Regard to his Brother Aridaus; or the Heir beginning
to be apparent in Roxana's Belly. Antigonus ſeized upon the
Lower Aña, Seleúcus upon the Upper, Ptolomy upon Egypt,
Eumenes on Cappadocia and Pontus, Lyſimachus upon Thrace,
and firſt Antipater, and then Caſſandra, upon Macedonia.
What would C. Curio, C.V. Panſa, A. Hirtius, and P. Corn.
"Dolabella, great Generals and noble Romans, have done had
they lived? Would C. Caſca, P. Trebonius, 2. Cicero, D.
Brutus, 2. Cornificius, 2. Ligarius, old Captains, and devoted
to Liberty, have tamely ſubmitted to the Tyranny of a beard-
leſs Youth? It was not to be expected : Any one of them was
enough to have cruſhed the ambitious Boy by the Weight of
his Authority and Reputation. That ſtrange Fate, therefore,
which removed them all out of the Way by various Deaths,
(moſt of them diſpatching one another), which left him none
but Mark Antony to ſtruggle with at laſt, might be juſtly the
Object of his Wonder and Adoration. The triumphing over
any.one Rival who diſputes the Sovereignty, is looked upon as
a great Strain of Happineſs : But to gain the Summit, when
ſo many Superiors ſtood in his Way, is an Event ſo ſtrange, that
it is no Wonder a Man of; a middling Gepius lhould aſcribe.it
to the particular Good-will of ſome propitious Power who
conducted the Steps of Fate, and brought it to the improbable
Iflue, I ſay a Man of a middling Genius, becauſe a great
تیم برتر ..
one
Court of AUGUSTUS. 337
one would not talk nor act ſo unmeaningly. To aſcribe great
Effects to a chimerical Cauſe, is Weakneſs of Underſtanding,
or, its Siſter, Superſtition. Though the Links of it be too
fine for inortal Eyes, there is an adamantine Chain, which
holds Events together, and regulates the Riſe and Fall of Na-
tions, as well as of private Men. But when People muſt ſay
ſomething, and, through Weakneſs or Sloth, care not to give
themſelves the Trouble of Inquiry, a Word of no Signification is
of wonderous Service. The Genius, Rank, and Circumſtances in
which every Man is born, but above all his Conduct, determines
his Fortune, which is the Creature of the former, even to a
Proverb *. But we make a Miſtreſs of the Slave, and talk ſo
much of Fortune t, of good and bad Luck, or of the Times,
as of a Power that governs us and our Affairs, that we come to
believe there is ſomething in it. It was an admirable Quel-
tion put by the great Hannibal to a mean Prince, who heſitated
about ſtriking a grand Blow becauſe the Exta or Entrails of
the Sacrifice portended no good ; “Will your Majeſty, ſaid
he, give more Credit to a Calf's Liver than to an old experi-
enced General ?"
In the Morning after his Arrival, Auguſtus went to the Se-
nate, and deſired for Tiberius, whom he had left in Syria, the
Ornaments of Pretor, (for the Romans began to be uſed to
diſtinguiſh between the Privileges and Decorations of Offices,
and the Ofices themſelves); and for Drufus, Brother to Tibe-
rius, the ſame Diſpenſation as had been granted to this laſt,
enabling him to be a Magiſtrate five Years before the Age ap-
pointed by the Laws.
Hitherto Auguftus, who had now totally overturned the
Liberty of Rome, had been able only to trace the Outlines, as
VOL. III.
U u
it
* Faber quiſque Fortunæ ſuæ.
+ In totâ ratione mortalium, FORTUNA utrumque paginam facit :
Adeoque obnoxii fumus Sorti, ut SORS ipſa pro DEO fit ; quâ Deus pro-
batur incertus.
PLIN. Lib. II. c. 7.
338
MEMOIRS of the
ners ;
it were, of the Reformation he intended to make in the new-
formed State. The Diſorders occafioned by the Civil Wars
had taken Root too deeply to be cured at once. Too violent
Remedies might have increaſed the Evil. He therefore re-
folved to refume the Work he had begun fome Time before,
and with this View cauſed himnſelf to be continued for five
Years longer Prefect, or Superintendant, of the Laws and Man-
with the Addition of the Conſular Power for his Life, and
all the Prerogatives annexed to that Dignity, together with the
Precedence over the actual Conſuls : So that, without being in
Fact either Conſul, or Cenſor, he enjoyed all the Privileges be-
longing to thoſe great Offices.
To facilitate the Diſcharge of the important Functions in
which Auguſtus was continued, the Senators expreſſed a Rea-
dineſs implicitly to bind themſelves before hand, by Oath, to ob-
ſerve whatever Laws he ſhould make : But he declined this
farther Proof of their abjeci Servility; rightly judging, that,
if thoſe Laws ſuited them, they would be ready enough to
put them in Practice ; but that, if they ſhould chance to dif-
pleaſe, no Oath would prevent their ſhaking off the Yoke.
This important Work could not be completed without the
Aſſiſtance of Agrippa, who, equally qualified for War or
Peace, was then finiſhing the Reduction of the Cantabrians ;
a difficult Taſk, which he at laſt performed fo effectually, that
they ſubmitted quietly to the Roman Yoke, and never more at-
tempted to revolt.
This Exploit was great, and well deſerved the moſt brilliant
Rewards :---But Agrippa, like a complete Courtier, (though
at the ſame Time the beſt of Generals), always careful to keep
within the Bounds of a Lieutenant, who ought to aſcribe every
Thing to his Chief, fent an Account of his Succeſs, not to the
Senate, but to the Emperor, and would not accept the
Triumph that was decreed him.
This Modeſty was not imitated by every one who had the
4
Command
3
Court of AUGUSTUS. 339
Command of an Army. Several aſked, and obtained, the Ho-
nours of a Triumph, only for taking ſome paltry Town, or
ſtopping the Inroads of a few Banditti : For Auguſtus was ſo
liberal of military Rewards, that he granted triumphal Ho-
nours to above thirty of his Generals *. It is however cer-
tain that Agrippa, in this Refuſal, ſuited himſelf to the Prince's
ſecret Intentions, which he was better acquainted with than
any other Man.
It would not be juſt to confound L. Balbus with thoſe who
obtained triumphal Honours for trifling Exploits. He had
conquered the Garamanti, a People of Africa, who had never
before felt the Roman Arms. In this Proceſſion, there appear-
ed a long File of barbarous Names, People, Towns, and
Mountains, unknown till then, but ſubdued by him. The
Triumpher was not leſs remarkable : Born at Cadiz, and have
ing been complimented with the Freedom of Rome by Pompey,
he was the only Stranger of Diſtinction that had ever triumph-
ed in Rome :-But his Uncle, who had been Conſul, had paved
the Way for him. Accius Balbus, Julia's Huſband, and Atia's
Father, was Pretor, and one of the twenty appointed to divide
the Campania, in conſequence of the pernicious Law made by
his Wife's Brother, Julius Cefar. It was for refuſing to be
one of theſe that Pompey and Cefar, then Intimates, were
thought to connive at, if not promote Cicero's Baniſhment :
Though that was, at the Bottom, an infamous Bargain they
made with Clodius, that he ſhould have their leave to deſtroy
Cicero; if he would employ the reſt of his Tribuneſhip in their
Service.
Two of the moſt abject Characters in Auguſtus's Time were
the Son and Grandſon of Men who had made a great Figure
in Rome. Clodius Pulcher, though an Enemy to good Men,
had an high Spirit, and was in great Favour with the Com-
monalty.--His Wife Fulvia had yet a higher. It was ſaid,
The
U u 2
* Suet. Aug. XXXVIII.
340
MEMOIRS of the
woman
ſhe tucked the Sword above her Gown, which was the Mark
of Clodius's military Command :--And yet the Child begot
between theſe two proved a ſpiritleſs Dunce. He paſſed his
Youth in a filly obſcure Manner ; lived the Cully of a common
Strumpet, and made his Exit by choaking upon a Diſh of
Cow's Duggs.-
His Siſter, when yet a Girl, was contracted
to Auguſtus, about the Time of the Profcription, and ſent
home a Maid about the Beginning of the Perufian War *
The other was Hortenſius Corbio, Grandſon to the eloquent
and worthy 2. Hortenſius, who was able to diſtinguiſh himſelf
amidſt a Set of the brighteſt Citizens that Rome had ſeen, and
obtain the higheſt Honours of his Country. But Corbio lived a
more ſhameful Life than the commoneſt Creature that plies at
Wapping ; and, at laſt, in the moſt infamous Places, employed
his Tongue ſo differently from his Grandfather, as forbids all
Deſcription f.
M. HORTENSIUS, (perhaps Brother, or at leaſt related to, the
juſtly celebrated Quintus Hortenfus), was a very remarkable
Character. He had Genius, Capacity, Eloquence, Grace,
Dignity, Shrewdneſs, and every Thing but Integrity.-_By
theſe Qualities, ſupported by many bad Arts and great Intereſt,
he had got almoſt the ſovereign Diſpoſal of all Cauſes; and as
he defended or accuſed, the Parties were acquitted or con-
demned.--Verres, ſpeaking
-Verres, ſpeaking of him, had imprudently let
drop, " That he had a great and powerful Friend, in confi-
“ dence of whoſe Protection, he pillaged the Provinces ; that
« he was not making Money ſolely for himſelf; but had fo
“ laid the Accounts of a three Years Government, that he
«« ſhould think himfelf well off if he could make the Profits of
• one Year his own, give another to his Council, and reſerve
* the laſt and greateſt wholly for his fudges. Monſtrous
Iniquity!
HORTENSIUS lived up to his Fortune, in vaft Splendor
and:
SUET.. Aug. $. 62.
+ VAL. MAx. Lib. III. c. 5: &3:
1
Court of AUGUSTUS. 34.1
..
and ſtudied Luxury : He was the firſt Mian who killed a Pea-
cock for Food; to which he ſat doun with an Allembly of
the Clergy, at his inaugural Dinner*. His Friend, M. Varro,
tells that, among the reſt of his Family Provision, there was
found in his Cellars, at his Death, more than ten thouſand
Pipes of Wine to
His Memory is deſervedly ſtained by a Complication of Fraud
and Avarice. Some ſhrewd Grecians, or perhaps Farmers of
the Revenue in Greece, perfectly acquainted with the Cha-
racters, Inclinations, and Power, of the two great Men then in
Rome, or rather in Courts and Cauſes, had forged a Will for
a very rich Man, L. Minucius Bafilus (whoſe Son or Nephew
was killed by his own Servants), in which they had deviſed
the better Part of the Eſtate to themſelves, but had made M.
Craſus and M. Hortenfius their Co-heirs for very conſiderable
Shares of it. The Fraud was glaring and palpable ; and yet
theſe two Princes in the State could ſtoop to fo infamous an Ac-
The public Morals muſt have been totally ruined
then, and all Senſe of Honour loft; or the Roman People
would have ſtoned them the firſt Time they dared to appear in
Court.
The DCCXXXIII. Year of Rome was fatal to Poetry and
Learning, by the Death of that accompliſhed Scholar, VIR-
GIL, who was ſnatched away, before he could put the finiſh-
ing Hand to his Eneid. He had retired into Greece, hoping
there to enjoy the Tranquillity neceſſary to poliſh that Poem,
and finiſh it to his own Satist.ction. Auguſtus going to Athens
at that Time, the Poet waited on him, and probably was pre-
vailed on by the Emperor to return to Italy with him. He was
ill when he embarked, and the Voyage increaſing his Diſorder,
he died almoſt immediately after his Arrival at Brundufum, in
the 51ſt Year of his Age.
His
* PLIN. Lib. X.
Hortenſius fuper decem millia Cadům (Chii Vini) hæredi reliquit.
VARRO ap PLIN. Lib. XIV. L. 14
quiſition.-
M
342 5
MEMOIRS of the
#
3
1
His Epitaph *, written by himſelf, if we may credit the
Author of his Life, contains in two Lines his Birth, Death,
Burial, and an Indication of his Works.
" Mantua bore me;
Brundufium ſaw me die; my Alhes reſt at Naples. I ſung of
Shepherds, Fields, and Heroes.”
It has been aſſerted it, that, when dying, he would have
burnt his Eneid, and that he even ordered it to be done, by
his Will. He had ſo high an Idea of Perfection, that a Poem,
which has always been admired, did not ſeem to him worthy
to be tranſmitted to Poſterity. Auguſtus, notwithſtanding
the Reſpect due to the laſt Deſires of a Teſtator, prevented the
Execution of that rigorous Order, and directed Varius and
Tucca, both great Poets, and Virgil's Friends, to reviſe the
Eneid, with leave to ſtrike out what they thought proper, but
not to add.
VIRGIL appointed Auguftus and Mecenas, with a Half-
Brother he had, to be his Heirs. To name the Prince in his
Will, was a ſure Way to pleaſe him ; for Auguſtus always took
this laſt Proof of Affection kindly from ſuch as he had treated
on the Footing of Friends. This Cuſtom grew more in Uſe
under the ſucceeding Emperors, and became a Part of the uni-
verſally reigning Adulation.
Though Virgil accumulated more Wealth than Horace, yet
he was equally fond of Retirement.
A Life of philoſophical
Contemplation, to view the auguſt Drama of Nature, and in-
veſtigate the Springs that move it, was his ſupreme Wiſh :
Poetry, and the Gifts of the Muſes, were his ſecond Deſire ;
and the Sweets of rural Delights amidſt Streams and Woods,
his third and laſt Enjoyment. The Character he has drawn of
a perfectly happy Man in the old Corcyrean, who lived on the
Fruits and Sallads of his own Cultivation, ſhews his Turn
and
* Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc
Parthenope. Cecini paſcua, rura, duces.
+ Plin. Lib. VII. c. 30. A. Gell. Lib. XVII. c. 10.
Lib. XVII. c. 10. MACROB.
Sat. II. 4.
8
Court of AUGUSTUS. 343
*
and Taſte to have been much the ſame with that of our ex-
cellent Cowley *, who, could he have checked his overflow-
ing Wit, and have written under the Eye of ſuch Men as
Virgil's Friends, would not have been far behind him in his
Writings. Yet could not his retired innocent Life, or his
Mildneſs and friendly Manners, ſcreen him from Envy and
Detraction. Mevitts was not the only Malignant. L. Corni-
ficius, a Man of as perverſe a Nature, as his Couſin (I judge)
had a fweet one, could not endure Virgil up. He produced
ſome looſe gallant Pieces, which Ovid quotes among other
Patterns of his own immodeſt Compoſitions.-Auguſtus's
Freedman Hyginus, a Perſon of more Learning than Genius,
nibbled at Virgil's Poetry, not in a manly comprehenſive Cri-
ticiſm, but attacking partly the Impropriety of certain Terms
uſed by the Poet I, and partly the little Slips or Inaccuracies,
in talking of modern Names of Places and Perſons as ancient,
which a warm Fancy readily commits in the Heat of Compo-
fition,
ENNIUS and Accius ſeem to have been the two Roman Poets
of the moſt original Genius ; though even they copied much
from the Greeks ;—but they likewiſe compoſed many Pieces,
really their own. All the reſt are Imitators of their Grecian
Maſters.------ I think we have had but two genuine Originals
in Britain, SPENSER, and let me not miſtake ---Milton.
-A true Poet is a Maker, as his Name imports ; a Creator
of a fictitious World, reſembling ſome part of the real One.
It is this original Creation which diſtinguiſhes him from all
Followers, Imitators, Copyiſts, Paraphrafts, Improvers, De-
ſigners after another Man's Model.---SPENSER's Claim
is unqueſtionable :--His Fairy Queen, abſtracted from the
Allegory,
* If e'er Ambition did my Fancy cheat, &c.
+ Cornificius, ob perverſam naturam, illum non tulit.
DONAT.
Et leve Cornificê, parque Catonis opus.
OVID,
A. Gell. Lib. VI. c. 6.
$
3:44 MEMOIRS of the
gan
Allegory, (the prevailing Taſte of the Age), is perhaps the
Poem of the moſt original Invention that ever was produced ;
--the mere Creature of his teeming Brain ;--and yet one of
the moſt beautifully diverſified Tales that ever flowed from a
rapturous Muſe. It muſt be acknowledged that MILTON
has frequently borrowed from Homer and the Italian Poets,
and eſpecially from our ſacred Scriptures :- But he has bor-
rowed only particular Thoughts, or Ornaments; while the
general Plan, the high-wrought Characters, and the whole
Run of the Imagery, are all his own ;-beſides fome original
Fables interwoven, which are the Characteriſtics of a Poet.
With grateful Admiration, I acknowledge Mr. WILLIAM
SHAKESPEAR to have outdone both theſe mighty Bards
in ſingle happy Flights, and high-colouring of particular Paſ-
pions and Deſcriptions.But all his Plans, and the greater
Part of his Characters, (ſave thoſe he copied from Low-Life),
are borrowed; and with all his happy Imagination and Power
of Language, he is ſtill infelix operis fummâmquia ponere totum
nefcit. All the After-Poets, though many of them have
been Men of infinite Wit and Pleaſantry, and their Works
are full of Entertainment, either do not attempt to be Ori-
ginals, or evidently copy from a known Original.
I KNOW no Poem, in any Language, that comes ſo near the
Beauty, the Simplicity, the Innocence of Theocritus, as the
divine SPENSER'S SHEPHERD'S KALENDAR.
Nature, ſtands there unveiled.---Chaucer and Douglaſs ſpake
our antiquated Dialect, in its original Roughneſs. But when
ſoftened by Spenſer's Ear, and brightened by his Fancy, it be-
came capable of fully rendering the Graces of the Old Doric;
upon which Virgil and Taſo durſt ſcarcely touch, in a faint
and tranſient Imitation. I name not other Moderns, becauſe
their Nymphs and Swains linell ſtrongly of the Louvre, or St.
James. But whoever would ſee the Paſſion between the Sexes
naturally repreſented, and its genuine Effects painted, before
Art,
Nature, pure
Court of AUGUSTUS. 345
f
Art, Ceremony, and what we prepoſterouſly call Good-Manners,
checked the Effuſions of the Human Heart, muſt read-Theo-
critus's Paſtorals, or the Shepherd's Calendar.
The four Books of Agriculture, are VIRGIL's finiſhed
Work; which is a Word of ſuch Weight, when applied to this
indefatigable Poet, that it is no Wonder it ſhould, like Ho-
RACE's Satyrs, ſtand un-rivalled in modern Times. The
Predium Ruſticum, or Country Farm, of James Vanier, a beau-
tifully diverſified Poem, would have ſtood next, had he not
deformed it with vulgar Superſtition, French Flattery, and,
above all, by fulſome Encomiums of the buckram Saints
of his own Order ;---for he was a Jeſuit. His Countryman,
M. Rapin, is more diſcreet ;--but having only treated of Gar-
dens, and both writing in a foreign Dialect, neither can ap-
proach the laboured Work of Virgil. It is ungenerous to re-
fuſe a living Author his juſt Praiſe, and would be unjuſt in it-
ſelf not to acknowledge the Merit of Public Virtue, a
Poem, both in Point of Inſtruction and Entertainment. The
firſt Part, very properly addreſſed to his late Royal Highneſs
the Prince of Wales, treats of Agriculture, including the Ma-
nagement of Foreſt-Trees ; and, for the Truth of Precept,
Variety of Subject, and Smoothneſs of Verſe, is the neareſt
Reſemblance that I know of. to Virgil's Huſbandry. As
for the half-finiſhed Eneid, it is, except in Verſification
(Virgil's ſupreme Talent), far ſurpaſſed in every Reſpect, in
Spirit, Invention, Sublimity of Thought and Expreſſion,
by the British Homer, JOHN MILTON's PARADISE
Lost.
The Authors from whom Virgil borrows the moſt of his
Imagery and Deſcriptions, are Homer, Hefod, Antimachus,
Apollonius, Callimachus, and Pindar, in the Eneid; Hefiod,
Aratus, and Parthenius, in the Georgics ; and Theocritus alone
in Paſtorals. We can ſcarce judge what, or how much, he
Vol. IIT.
Xx
tranſcribed
7
346
MEMOIRS of the
man
tranſcribed from Hehod's Huſbandry, as that Work is certainly
loft *—But we find Ariſtole, and his Pupil Theophraſtus,
both great Naturaliſts, plainly expreſſed in the Lines of Virgil,
who, I do believe, has been the moſt laborious Poet that ever
wrote. The Pains he has taken, to read, to inform himſelf,
to imitate, to correct, and poliſh, are quite inconceivable. I
diſcover new Traces of Labour every Time I take up his
Works, in thoſe Parts which he had Time to finiſh ; and
ſee plain Veſtiges of Study and Literature, which I had
taken for happy Flights and original Touches of the Poet.
His GEORGIGS, on which he refted his future
Fame, were the Work of ſeven Years, at the Time of Life
when his Imagination was in full Vigour, and his Judgment
mature.
The long Duration of the Civil Wars had almoſt depopu-
lated Italy, and laid it waſte. A great Part of the Lands
had been divided among the Soldiers, who had been too long
engaged in the Wars, to have a juſt Knowledge of Agriculture.
Hence it became neceffary that the ancient Spirit of Huſbandry
ſhould be revived among the Romans.- - Proper Encourage-
ment was given ; it became the faſhionable Taſte; and Mecenas,
who wiſely purſued every Thing that might be of Service to
his Maſter, eſpecially if it could be a Means of diverting the
Attention of the People from the Rights and Liberties of their
oppreſſed Country, engaged the favourite Poet in this Under-
taking.
NOTWITHSTANDING the high Compliments paid to' Au-
guſtus, and even to Julius Ceſar, Virgil's real Sentiments burſt
forth
It is plain from Manilius, that Hefiod wrote other Books both of Mytho-
logy and Agriculture, beſides his Hiſtory of the Creation now extant under the
Name of Theogony, and his Economics, called Works and Days.
Pliny, in the Preface to his great Work, makes the moſt plauſible Excuſe
for Virgil's Plagiariſm, by ſaying, that he borrowed from the Greeks in order ta vye
with them upon the fame Subject.
4
Court of AUGUSTUS.
347
A
forth by Starts ut. The Strain of his Works diſcover the
good Man and the Patriot. His Silence in regard to ſome il-
luſtrious Perſons, particularly Brutus and Cicero, is ſolely owing
to his Diſcretion :--It was not proper for him openly to de-
clare againſt Auguſtus ; it was well enough that, when Pru-
dence permitted, he let his Sentiments be known. The
aſcribing the Suppreſſion of the great Names of Cicero, Caf-
fius, Brutus, to the Poet's Principle of paſive Obedience, is a
Dream of Mr. Dryden's, dictated by his own favourite Creed.
Nothing but the Hurry in which Mr. Dryden wrote,
could have made a Man of his Taſte pronounce ſo falſe a
Judgment, as that Virgil's Pollio and Silenus, full of Simili-
tudes drawn from the Woods and Meadows, ſeem to repre-
ſent the Poet between the Farmer and the Courtier, when he
left Mantua for Rome : Somewhat too fine for the Place from
whence he came, and yet retaining Part of its Simplicity.
Dr. Lowth, eſpouſing a quite contrary Opinion, thinks the
beautiful Face of Nature was never ſeen in a more poliſhed
Mirror than Virgil's Poetry.
The Friendſhip between HORACE and Virgil is inconteſt-
able. The Obligation which this laſt had to him, and the
Affection he bore him, are amply recorded by the grateful
Horace, who, however, it is certain, looked upon Varius as
a greater Epic Poet ----Virgil's Bucolics only had then been
publiſhed. What Varius had written in the Epic Way, I
know not : But we find the ſame judicious Critic prefers
Pollio to him, as a Tragic Writer. His Thyeſtes, admired
by Quintilian, was not publiſhed till after the Death of Caſius
of
X X 2
2
+ It was no Compliment to Auguftus, who was to be flattered with his
making the State eternal, to prophecy its Deſtruction.
Non res Romanæ, perituraque Regna.
GEORG. Lib. II. v. 4.98.
Where it is extremely remarkable, that, in the preceding Line,
Aut conjurato defcendens Dacus ab Iftro;
he has mentioned the very People, the Nations from about the Mouth of the
Danaw-Ströem, who actually effected the Ruin of Rome.
348
MEMOIRS of the
of Parma, from whoſe Papers it was ſuſpected to be ſtolen.-
Or muſt the courtly Horace find out ſomething for every one
of them to excel in, and make a minute Diviſion of the va-
rious Provinces of Poetry, to ſerve theni all, without letting
any one monopolize the Talents and Reputation of the whole?
-It is ſurpriſing that Varius ſhould be reputed the Prince
of the Epic Poets, and yet leave nothing in that Way.-
Had Virgil been a little leſs nimble, when to avoid the brutal
Centurion's Stroke, he jumped into the Mincio, he would only
have been known by that part of his Character, if at all :
For little Works eaſily periſh ; and I am of Opinion that the
Eneid has preſerved the Paſtorals, if not the Georgics.
For how many elegant, but ſmall, Works have perifhed, that
were the Admiration of Antiquity? It is with Pleaſure that I
obferve BRITAIN to be the only Country in Europe, that can
vye with Virgil in his three Productions, Paſtoral, Rural, and
Heroic.
.“ No Man,” ſays the Author of the Enquiry into the Life
and Writings of Homer, “ writes well upon other Subjects
than thoſe he has ſeen, nor repreſents truly other Manners
than thoſe he has been converfant with.” But Virgil never bore
Arms, or witneſſed any Wars by Land or Sea, except the Ra-
vages .
of the Veteràns. It is true he heard of both, then carry-
ing on, and had undoubtedly an Account of all the Tranſactions
from the greateſt Men and moſt concerned in them.--The
regular Manners he ſaw, and theſe he has repreſented ; as that
Author obſerves. But there is more to be ſaid : _Virgil
drew his perfonal Characters, if not after real Life, which few
Poets, except CAMOENS, have done, at leaſt after traditional
Repreſentations (which has been the caſe with Homer, and
other great Poets), of the Actions and Atchievements of his
Heroes. Theſe were well known, and in high Vogue in Rome
in Virgil's Time, as appears, among many other Proofs, from
an indecent Story of a diffolute Favourite of Pompey's (Gabinius,)
who
di
Court of AUGUSTUS.
349
who, being made Conſul by his Patron's Intereſt, that is,
chief Magiſtrate of the moſt fedate, fevere, and grave State in
the World, played the Tumbler in his Function, and trampling
upon all Regard to Decency, in a grand Entertainment, turned
Buffoon to the Company, and then acted the Character of
Turnus, imitating his Speech and Manner in ſome great
Action (perhaps his Death by the Hand of Eneas); ſo that
the Audience were entertained with a Repreſentation of a
known Character.--Virgil's Turnus is therefore, in ſome
Senſe, from the Life.
IMITATION, in any Art, is a Shackle in itſelf; in ſo far as
it calls off the Attention from the general Execution to a Man
ner of executing, and likewiſe hinders the Imitator from tranf-
greſſing, and conſequently from ſurpaſſing, that Manner. A
real Genius is diſtinguiſhed by new Strokes, and daring Flights
to unknown Regions, or adding untrodden Paths to thoſe
known before. Accordingly, ſays the philoſophic Orator, no
Additions and Improvements, either in Arts or any Inſtitution
whatever, have ever been made by thoſe who ſtuck cloſe to
former Inventions; but by ſuch as ventured to correct them,
and dared to diſcard the Miſtakes of their Maſters *.
MARTIAL ſent his Epigrams to Silius Italicus, the Author
of the Epic Poem on the Punic War, in the ſame Way, ſaid he,
as perhaps Catullus ſent his Sparrow to Virgil. Theſe laſt muſt
have been co-temporary, and Virgil muſt have had ſome Repu-
tation before Catullus's Death.
Virgil is greatly debaſed by thoſe, who turn him into an
Aſtrologer, and make him predict the Empire to the young
Cefar from the Marks on his Body, from whence, ſay they, he
gathered the Configuration of the Planets at his Nativity.
Whoever can believe this, may likewiſe ſwallow the Act of the
Senate, forbidding the bringing up any male Child, born that
Year, becauſe the Planets declared that an Emporor was born.
No
gi
ΙΣΟΚΡ. .
1
350 MEMOIRS of the
No Doubt they intended to do Honour to Virgil, who firſt
feigned the Tale of the Apoſtle Paul, (a Jew, who ſpoke and
wrote Greek, cut upon the Syrian Phraſe of his native Lan-
guage,) going to Virgil's Tomb at Naples, and weeping for
Grief that ſo great a Poet had not heard of Jesus Christ,
that he might have employed his Talents in celebrating Him
to all the World. Had this been true, St. Paul muſt have
taken the Poet's Character upon Truſt (for it does not appear
that he underſtood the Latin Tongue), and muſt not have
underſtood Virgil's Pollio as a Prophecy of the MESSIAH.
We have an Inſtance of the Regard that was paid to VIRGIL
by Poſterity, in the Character which is given of Silius ITA-
LICUS, by the younger Pliny *. Silius was a Roman Noble-
man,
and had acted a Part in the Adminiſtration under Nero,
which had hurt his Reputation. But he retrieved it by his
Conduct in the After-Reigns, and principally by the Uſe he
made of his Friendſhip with Vitellius. He was Conſul, and had
Afa for his Province, where he gained great Honour. At his
Return, the Tranquility and Innocence of his Life quite
effaced the Remembrance of his former Behaviour, and, tho'
without Power, he was looked upon as one of the greateſt
Men in Rome. He was courted and his Levée thronged, more
like that of a Miniſter who had Honours and Places to diſpoſe
of, than a Man given up to Poetry, and the Converſation of
the Learned. His Compoſitions Thew more Labour than
Genius; and he ſometimes made Trial how they would take,
by reading them in public. Towards the End of his Life,
he retired from Town, and paſſed his Days moſt agreeably in
Campania, from whence even the Acceſſion of a new Emperor,
and a Change of Times, could not bring him to Rome. There
are few Princes who would have allowed ſuch Liberty; and
few Men of his Rank who durft have taken it. He loved
Magnificence and Beauty, ſo as to be thought rather too greedy
of
* Lib. III. Ep. 7.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 351
Photo #5
of a new Purchaſe. He had many Villas in the ſame Country,
was always fond of the laſt bought, and careleſs about the
old. They were all filled with Books, Statues, and Pictures.
It cannot be ſaid he admired his Statues, for he almoſt worſhip-
ped them ; and above all the reſt, that of VIRGIL the Poet,
whoſe Birth-Day he kept much more religiouſly than his own,
uſually celebrating it at Naples, where he approached the Mo-
nument of the deceaſed Bard with the ſame Ceremony as he
would have done to the Shrine of a Divinity. In this Life of
Leiſure and Learning he reached his 75th Year, when he was
ſeized with a Diſorder, which was judged incurable; and rather
than bear the Pain it was attended with, he ſtarved himſelf to
Death. Nero was killed in his Conſulſhip, and he out-lived all
the Conſulars created by that Prince.
HAVING chanced to mention Levées, I cannot help obſerving
that they were of pretty ancient Standing among the Romans.
It was the Ambition of their great Men to have many Clients,
that is, Dependants, whom they protected and directed in their
Buſineſs ; and for that Purpoſe they threw open the Doors of
their Houſes to them early in the Morning : But it was the
aſpiring Caius Gracchus, and ſoon after him Livius Druſus,
who eſtabliſhed the Ceremonial. They firſt divided the Train
of their Attendants, and received ſome in their Cloſet, others
in their Antichamber, and the Reſt in public. By this Means
they had firſt, ſecond, and third rate Friends, and few true
Ones: For ſurely that Man cannot be called a Friend, whoſe
Compliment is preſcribed, and who muſt not ſimper but when
it comes to his Turn * The Salutatorium Cubile, or Chamber
of Preſence, was frequently ſet round with Quince Trees, to
make it freſh.
The Emperor Alexander Severus had in his Palace two
Chapels, in which the principal objects of his Veneration
were ranged under two Claſſes, the one ſacred to Virtue, the
other
Seneca, de Benef. Lib. VI. §. 34.
*
352 MEMOIRS of the
1
to
other to Talents *. In the firſt of theſe were Statues of all the
good Emperors, among whom he reckoned Alexander the
Great ; and next to them, the wiſe Men by whoſe uſeful
Leſſons Mankind had beeni benefited,- Abraham, Orpheus,
Apollonius-Tyaneus, and Jesus Christ :-A ſtrange Mixture!
But which, however, ſhews the Inclination of that Prince to
venerate Virtue wherever he thought he found it. The ſecond
Chapel was for military Heroes, and Men conſpicuous in the
Republic of Letters ---Achilles, Cicero, Virgil, whom he called
the Plato of the Poets, and ſome other famous Names.
AMONG the ancient Romans, the great Court, or Entry to
their Houſe, was not ornamented with curious Statues of vaſt
Value, the Work of foreign Artiſts, but with the real Effigies
of their Forefathers, done firſt in Wood, and then in Wax,
and placed in a Series of Niches which ſhut with Doors, and
under each Image was placed a Book, containing the great
Actions of the Perſon repreſented, in his ſeveral Magiſtracies.
Round the outer Gate, or great Entry, were ranged the Spoils
and Trophies taken from the Enemies of Rome, which, if the
Misfortunes of the Family obliged the Houſe to be ſold, the
Purchaſer had no Right to remove. Theſe images, which
were held very ſacred, were never taken out but at Funerals,
to be carried in Proceſſion with the Deceaſed. - Meſſala,
ſeeing with Indignation the Efigies of one of the Levini en-
tered among his Anceſtors, immediately ordered it to be taken
away : And afterwards, ſeeing the Salutian Race creeping into
the Pedigree of the Scipio's by a teſtamentary Adoption, he
Tat down, though arrived at a great Age, and wrote his Trea-
tiſe of Genealogies of
The public Statues anciently erected to the Patriots of Rome,
were of Copper or Bronze. The firſt of Silver was the Effect
of Flattery,mone reared to Auguſtus:---Silver Statues, and
éven Gold Ones, had indeed been ſeen in Rome before : But
they
• LAMPRID. Alex. 26. 28-31.
+ PLIN.
th
Court of AUGUST'U S. 353
they were of foreign Tyrants, or Eaſtern Deities. Such as
Pharnaces's Statue, and Mithridates's Chariot, carried to Rome
in Sextus Pompey's Triumph; and the golden Image of Venus
Anaitis, ſacrilegiouſly plundered by Antony's Veterans. But
now the Materials began to be valued, as the Excellency of the
Art diminiſhed : For all the paltry Penſions given by abſolute
Power cannot inſpire that Ardour and noble Ambition, which
courts the Approbation of the Free, pants for immortal Fame,
and baſks in the Beams of Liberty. Neither could the Wealth
of the World produce a Phidias or a Polyclete.
AGRIPPA, on his Return to Rome*, after the Reduction
of Cantabria, received the Reward of his Modeſty. He had
declined the Honours of a Triumph, and was now made Au-
guſtus's Collegue in the Tribuneſhip for five Years. This Title
was one of the eſſential Characteriſtics of the ſupreme Autho-
rity ; and if Agrippa was inveſted with it for no longer Term,
Auguſtus himſelf, who had undertaken the Command of the
Armies and the Adminiſtration of the Provinces for ten years,
as I obſerved before, when that Power was ready to expire,
had it continued to him only for five Years : So that he treat-
ed Agrippa almoſt as himſelf jammer to make People think that
both of them, at the End of the five Years, would ſurrender
up to the Republic the Authority which they had received
from it.
Thus ſeconded by a powerful Affociate in the moſt
ful of all Magiſtracies, and able to fhew an Avenger ready to
puniſh whoever ſhould dare to think of attempting his Life,
Auguſtus reſumed the arduous Taſk of reforming the Senate,
in which, notwithſtanding what had been retrenched in his
former Review, there ſtill were ſeveral Members no way
qualified to do Honour to that auguſt Aſſembly. Shocked
at the audacious Aſſurance of ſome, and the fulſome Adula-
Vol. III.
tion,
1
power-
Y y
In the Beginning of the Year of Rome, DCCXXXIV,
....:
354
MEMOIRS of the
tors.
tion *, corrupt Morals, and low Birth of others, be wilhed to
reduce it to its original Number of three hundred ; and would
frequently ſay, he ſhould think himſelf happy, if Rome and
Italy could furniſh ſo many Men worthy to be Members of the
public Council of the Empire. But perceiving that the Se-
nators were much alarmed at the Thoughts of ſo great a Di-
munition of their Body, he judged it moſt prudent not to reduce
them below fix hundred, which had been their Number in the
moſt flouriſhing Times of the Republic.
His Plan being ſettled, he endeavoured to carry it into Exem
cution in the Manner leaſt hazardous to himfelf. To this end,
imitating what was ſometimes practiſed in the Army, he left
to the Senators themſelves the Choice of their Brother Sena-
He firſt named thirty; chofen, upon Oath, out of the
moſt worthy. Each of thoſe thirty, after taking the ſame
Oath, was to chuſe five, none of which were to be their Rea
lacions ; and theſe five were to draw Lots, which of them
ſhould be the Senator. The laft thirty, thus elected, were to
repeat the ſame Operation ; and ſo on, till they had made up
the Number of ſix hundred. But Tricks were played, and
Difficulties aroſe, which gave-Auguftus fuch Diſguſt, as pre-
vented his purſuing a Syſtem fo apparently advantageous.
Thus, for Example, he met with a great Mortification
from Antiftius Labea, who put the old Triumvir Lepidus at
the Head of his five. . Auguftus, unable to contain himſelf on
this Occaſion, accuſed Labeo of being perjured, and aſked
him, with Indignation, whether, agreeable to the Oath he had
taken, he did not know any one more worthy ? Labea anſwer-
ed calmly, that every Man judged for himſelf $;
t“And after
" all," added he, “ what Fault can you find with me, for
thinking the Perſon whom you ſuffer to enjoy the High-
“ Prieſthood, worthy to be a Senator.”
LABEO
* Cui malè fi palpere, recalcitrat undique tutus. HORAT. Sat. Lib. II. I.
+ Suet. in Aug. $. LIV.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
355
LABEO had inherited the high Sentiments of a Repub-
lican, from his Father, who, after fighting in the Plains of
Philippi in the Cauſe of Liberty, when he ſaw the Battle loſt,
made one of his Slaves. kill him. The Son, brought up in the
fame Principles, always preſerved a great Haughtinefs. dua
guſtus having expreſſed ſome Uneaſineſs, on Account of the
Number of Malecontents which this Review of the Senate had
made, ſomebody propofed that the Senators ſhould form a
Guard about his Perfon. “ I am apt to ſleep," anfwered Labeo
roughly, I ſhould be but a bad Guard."-Such Speeches,
to which his whole Conduct anſwered, were far from being
Means of currying Favour with the Prince; and accordingly,
though. a Man of great Merit and an excellent Civilian, he
never could obtain the Conſulate, whilſt every Honour was
heaped upon his Rival in the Law, Ateius Capita, who knew
better how to fuit himſelf to the Times,
ANTISTIUS LABEO was a Perfon worthy of the
ancient Commonwealth, and would have thone in both Parts
of the Character of a Roman Magiſtrate ; Military Skill to
conduct an Army, and Knowledge of the Laws, to adminiſter
Juſtice, as well as Counſel to his Clients. But the Cefarean
Uſurpation having excluded him from the Exerciſe of the for-
mer, he applied himſelf to the latter with ſuch Affiduity and
Succeſs, that he became the Oracle of the Age in Juriſprudence.
At the ſame Time, the Integrity of his Life, and his ſtrict
Adherence to the legal Forms, ſtanding in no Awe of the
Court, but ftrenuouſly aſſerting the Rights of the People
againſt the Incroachments of Power, procured him the Vene-
ration of all good Men.-It is not impoſſible but that he
may have carried this Adherence to the old legal Forms, per-
haps, too far in ſmall Matters, and thereby have drawn a Kind
of Ridicule on his better Conduct ; for the Courtiers affected
to laugh at him as half-mad.--A common Caſe, when fu «
perior Probity and Parts render a Man not fo pliable as they
could
2
Y y 2
356
MEMOIRS of the
..
could with. However, not able to bear down his Character by
ſneering, a ſhrewd Lawyer, of an equally good Head, but
worſe Heart, Ateius Capito, was ſet up againſt Him, and ad-
vanced to be Conſul, that, by the Splendor of that high Dig-
nity, he might eclipſe Labeo, who (oppreſſed by the Court)
roſe no higher than the Pretorſhip. But this Depreſſion turn-
ed to his Honour. The Cauſe of it being known to proceed
from a ſacred Attachment to the Laws of his Country, the
more he was oppoſed, the more popular he became. He had
an admirable Talent at explaining the ancient Laws, and rea
conciling their ſeeming Jarrings. This he principally did by
tracing the Propriety of the Terms in which they were con-
ceived, by Means of their Etymology, and thereby ſhewing
their true original Acceptation. For the Language in which
moſt of the Laws were written, was now pretty much diſuſed,
and even the Twelve Tables were become next to unintelli,
gible.
C. TREBATIUS TESTA, another Lawyer, who like,
wiſe became remarkably famous about this Time, 'was, in his
Youth, one of thoſe wiſe Perſons, who think the chief Buſi,
neſs of Life is to make Money. Being a Man of Genius, and
good Education, about the Time of the firſt Triumvirate, he
thought the readieſt Way to grow rich was to throw himſelf
and his Parts, natural or acquired, into the Arms of Julius
Cefar, who was then courting and bribing every Mortal, with
a View to his future Uſurpation.. Trebatius-procured Letters
of Recommendation to him from Tullius Cicero, whom the
over-grown Three were likewiſe courting at that: Time, through
a Dread of his Integrity, and; the Power of his Eloquence at
Rome. With theſe Letters he went directly to: Gaul, delivered
them, and ſeems to have expected, that,, without more ado,
Ceſar was immediately to pour 'a.golden Shower into his Lap.
He met, as we may eaſily believe, with a Diſappointment, of
which he complained to his. Friend Gicero, who taxes him with
a little
5:
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. 357
a little Impatience in his Expectations. He therefore continued
with Cefar, who had no great Uſe for a Camp-Lawyer, and
followed him into Britain in his firſt Expedition, but found
ſome Pretence to excuſe himſelf from a ſecond Voyage, and, I
doubt not, received the Reward of his Campaigns from that
deſigning Man, who, among other Things, gave him a Tri-
bune's Pay, without obliging him to do the Duty.But when
the Civil War broke out, Trebatius, happy in the Friendſhip of
Cicero and Brutus, near to whoſe Lands his Eftate lay, em:
barked in the Cauſe of the Common-Wealth, and even re-
mained in Arms after Pompey's Defeat; I. ſuppoſe, either under
Cato in Afric, or with the young Pompeys in Spain.. This kept
him long in Exile from Rome. However, , during. Cefar's. -
Uſurpation, by the Interceſſion of the excellent Panſa, and of
Balbus and Hirtius, he at laſt had Liberty to return :. But his .
Eftate was forfeited, and ſubjected to the. Spear * for Sale,
which muſt have been very galling to a Man of his intereſted
Turn. After that, I imagine he retired from public Buſineſs,
and lived obſcure during the Convulſions of the Triumvirate, .
until the Law began to recover Strength ;, when his great
Knowledge, and now mature Judgment, muſt have made him
doubly valuable. He was of a chearful Diſpoſition, loved
good Eating, and his Bottle, which he uſed alternately with :
cold Bathing for Health and Pleaſure, and, like other Doctors,
preſcribed the ſame Regimen to his Friend Harace. It was
to him that Cicero addreſſed his Topics, extracted from Ariſtotle,
and filled, according to his. Cuſtom, with elegant Examples,
ſuggeſted by his own Experience and Obſervation. They were .
written during his intended Journey to Greece, the Summer
after Ceſar was killed.—The Now. Way of Travelling practiſed
by the Ancients afforded many Opportunities for Study.
Hadi
* Among the ancient Romans, Auctions were performed by the public
Crier ſub haſtág, that is, under a Spear, ſtuck up on that Occaſion, and by ſome..
Magiſtrate, who made good the Sale.
358 MEMOIRS of the
Had we only the Inſtances already mentioned, they would
thew us that neither the Spirit nor even the Language of Li-
berty was quite extinguiſhed under Auguſtus. Some Men of
Parts and Learning, who had ſeen the Times of the Republic,
and hazarded every Thing in its Caufe, ſtill choſe to appear
Free. Upon theſe it was the Buſinefs of the Court to throw
an Air of Ridicule. The general Mildneſs of the Adminiſtra-
tion greatly favoured the Attempt, and was no ſmall Prejudice
againſt thoſe who were not contented with it. Nor did ſome
of their private Lives contribute much to ſcreen them from
Reproach. But there were three or four eminent Perſons,
to whom I hope Poſterity will make Amends for the ill Uſage
they met with from their Cotemporaries ; Valerius, Meſſala,
Varro Atacinus, T. Labienus, Antiftius Labeo, and Caffus of
Parma. I cannot ſay that I read Horace's Sneers at theſe
worthy Perſons with any Degree of Pleaſure.---The Deſerter
Menas, and the turbulent foul-mouthed Caſſius Severus, are at
his Service. But would it not have been better that he had
remembered with what Party he ſet out in Life, than to have
propagated the ſhallow Cavils againſt the upright Labeo, or
diſcovered a Bias againſt Men of ſuch elevated Genius as Cafrus
and Varro.
LÄBIENUS was a great Orator, and ſtruggled through
many Impediments to a high Reputation for Eloquence. His
Behaviour was ſevere, and his Look haughty: But the Strict-
neſs of his Life not correſponding to his Manner, and being
extremely poor, he was but ill received. Yet, by meer Strength
of his Eloquence, he forced Approbation, and pleaſed his Au-
dience againſt their Will; and though every body blamed
his Life, they all allowed him to be a ſuperior Genius.---
What uncommon Excellence muſt it have been, that could
break through ſo many Obſtacles ! For it is Favour and Ap-
plauſe that encourage Men to cultivate and exert their Talents.
The Caſt of his Language was old, while it had all the Viva-
city
Court of AUGUSTU S. 359
city and Grace of a modern Stile. He took ſuch Liberties as
exceeded all Bounds, ſparing no Rank or Quality in his Rage
of Speaking, ſo that, inſtead of LABIENUS, he was called RA-
BIENUS. Equally impetuous in whatever he eſpouſed, he had
not, in ſo long a Peace, laid aſide the Pompeian reſolute Tem-
per. His Enemies, having the upper Hand, obtained a Sen-
tence, That all his Writings ſhould be publicly burnt. A
new and unheard of Thing, to inflict Puniſhments upon
Learn-
ing *! Luckily for us, the Triumvirs did not dream of
pro-
ſcribing Cicero's Works, as well as his Head ;--- and luckily
again, theſe Puniſhments did not begin till the great Geniuſes
were ending. Yet this proved but an impotent Attempt : For
Labienus's Writings were permitted to be ſearched for, and
peruſed, by C. Caligula, who affected Popularity at his Acceſſion
to the Empire.Labienus, unable to bear the Affront, and
determined not to ſurvive his Productions, fhut himſelf
the Tomb of his Anceſtors, and there ended his Days. Seneca
the Father was preſent at his reading a Hiſtory of his own
compoſing, and a good Deal of it remained to be read, when,
folding up the Parchment, he ſaid, “ What I paſs over now,
will be read after my Death $." What Freedom muſt there
have been, which even Labienus was afraid of!
THE Expedient of leaving to the Senators themſelves the
Choice of thoſe who were to complete their Number, not hav-
ing anſwered Auguftus's Expeclation, he reſolved perſonally to
finiſh that Work, with the Affiftance of Agrippa, and accord-
ingly named the Members to fill up the Vacancies. Though
he proceeded in this with the utmoſt Care and Caution, he
could not avoid giving juſt Cauſe of Diffatisfaction to ſeveral.
Livineius
up in
Quod Metuas non eſt, Antoni ſcripta leguntur:
Doctus & in promptu ſcrinia Brutus habet.
Says Ovid, ſeeking Admittanee at leaſt for his Writings.
Ex Ponro, Lib. I. Ep. 1. ad Brutum.
+ Senec. Controv. V. Proem. MACROB. Sat. Lib. I. c. 2.
360 ***
MEMOIRS of the
Livineius Regulus complained in full Senate, that he was ex-
cluded, whilſt his Son, and many others, to whom he thought
himſelf no way inferior, were admitted. He enumerated his
Campaigns, and, 'with Indignation, tore open his Garment, to
ſhew the honourable Scars of Wounds received in his Breaſt.
Arunculeius Pætus deſired leave to reſign his Place to his Fa..
ther, who had been ſtruck off the Liſt. Upon theſe, and other
Remonſtrances of the ſame Nature, Auguſtus reviſed his Work,
and made fome Alterations.
This Condeſcenſion encouraged many others to complain ;
ſome with, and others without Reaſon. To thoſe whoſe Renon-
ſtrances ſeemed well grounded, he granted the honorary Privi-
leges of Senators, and allowed them to ſtand for Offices which
might bring them into the Senate. Some took Advantage of
this Opening, of which there had been Inſtances in the Time
of the Republic. Others ſpent their Lives in a middle State,
between the Rank of Senator and the Condition of a private
Citizen.
Thus far Auguſtus ſeeins not to deſerve Cenſure in this Af-
fair. But his Behaviour towards Lepidus on this Occaſion was
abominably mean and pitiful. That Triumvir, when depoſed,
had retired into the Country to conceal the Shame of his Fal).
Auguſtus, piqued at his being continued a Senator, forced him
to reſide in Rome, and attend the Meetings of the Senate, that
he might there be expoſed to the Sneers and Inſults of all the
Creatures of the Prince, who himſelf affected never to aſk his
Opinion, or let him ſpeak, till all the others of Conſular Dignity
had done.---How much more noble, more becoming the
Maſter of the World, would it have been, to let an Enemy,
from whom he had no longer any Thing to fear, ſpend the
Remainder of his Days in the obſcure Retreat which he him-
ſelf had choſen ! But this Cefar had not the Soul of Julius.
Several of the Malecontents were ſuſpected of having bad
Deſigris againſt Auguftus and Agrippa. Of this Number was
the
.
**
Court of AUGUSTUS. 361
the hot-headed Egnatius Rufus, mentioned before.--His
Birth was noble ; but he kept not to the Dignity of his Fa-
mily. He was bold, daring, and profuſe ; more like a Gladia-
tor than a Senator; and reduced by his extravagant Courſes to
the fatal Neceſſity of being undone himſelf, or undoing the
Public :- A Matter of no long Deliberation with a Man of his
Turn. Madly elated by the Favour of the People, who had
ordered him the Expences of his Edileſhip out of the Treaſury,
and voted him Pretor before the Time, becauſe he had extin-
guilhed ſome Fires in Rome with the Help of his own Slaves ;
he was ſo exaſperated at the Affront put upon him by Sentius,
when he profeſſed himſelf a Candidate for the Conſulſhip, that
he thought of nothing leſs than making away with the Man
under whoſe Government that Magiſtrate had dared to give it.
He communicated his Deſign to a Set of Men of his own Cha-
racter, who could not keep the Secret. They were all ſeized,
and ended their .Lives in Priſon foon after.
AMONG thoſe whom Auguftus continued in the Senate, or
upon whom he conferred the Rank of Senator, were many who
did not poſſeſs ſo great a Fortune as that Dignity required,
according to the ancient Laws. The Civil Wars had ruined
Numbers of Families, and particularly the Nobility, who, by
being at the Head of Factions, are always moſt expoſed. Taking
into conſideration this Inconvenience, which was general, he
reduced the neceſſary Qualification of a Senator, in point of
Eſtate, to four hundred thouſand. Seſterces (3248 1.); the Half
of what it had been fixed at in the happy Times of the Re-
public.—But afterwards, when Peace and Tranquility began
to repair the thattered Fortunes of the Citizens, he brought it
up to the old Standard of eight hundred thouſand Seſterces
(6496 1.); then to a Million (8120 l.); and at laſt to twelve hun-
dred thouſand (9744 1.).
The general Opinion, that Dignities ought to be ſupported
by Riches, rendered theſe Regulations very proper :-But, leſt
Vol. III.
Poverty
Z Z
362 MEMOIRS of the
#
Poverty ſhould exclude from the Senate any who, in all other
Reſpects, were perfectly qualified to do Honour to that Body, and
Service to the State, Auguſtus was always ready nobly to aſſiſt the
Deſerving, ſo as to make up their Deficiency of Fortune by his
Liberalities.
After this nice and important Work of reforming the Se-
nate, Auguſtus, as Inſpector of the Manners, ſet about correct-
ing ſeveral Abuſes which had riſen to an enormous Height.-
But the Depravity of Morals, frequent Adulteries, and ſcan-
dalous Celibacy of the Romans, Fruits of Luxury and Sources
of Libertiniſm, were Diſorders difficult to extirpate. Riches
and Proſperity firſt brought them into Rome ; the continual Vi-
ciſſitudes of public Events gave them an Opportunity to take
deep Root ; and the Licentiouſneſs ever attending War en-
couraged their bold Appearance ; whilſt the Eaſe and Plenty
which now flowed from the Tranquility of the State, fed and
nouriſhed them. Even thoſe, who were leaſt rigid, uttered
loud Complaints *--But Cefar's pretending
- to ſuppreſs
Adultery, whilſt his own Example gave the Lie to all his Pre-
cepts, was like Lewis XIV. affecting to ſhew Marks of his
Diſpleaſure to any of the great Men at Court who kept
a Miſtreſs, while he was openly living with the Marchioneſs
of Monteſpan, who brought him a Child almoſt every Year :
A Conduct which could ariſe only from the blindeſt Partiality,
or an Opinion, that the living with another Man's Wife was a
Privilege folely pertaining to a Monarch.
CELIBACY, always hurtful to every State, and particularly
fo
*. Fecunda culpæ fæcula, nuptias
Primùm inquinavere, et genus, et domos :
Hac fonte derivata. clades,
In patriam, populumque fluxit. .
Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos
Matura virgo, et fingitur artibus ,
Jam nunc, et inceſtos amores
De tenero meditatur ungui,
HOR, Od, Lib, III, 6a
Court of AUGUSTUS. 362
ro to the Republic at this Time, when there was the greateſt
Want of an Increaſe of Citizens, to replace thoſe whom the
Civil Wars had carried off, had been always thought diſhonour-
able among the Romans, and was ſubject to a pecuniary Tax.
Auguſtusincreaſed that Tax, and granted certain Rewards and Pria
vileges to ſuch as married and had ſeveral Children *; as his Uncle
Julius had done after the African War. To render Marriages ſtill
more eaſy, he allowed all who were not Senators, or Sons of
Senators, to marry Freed-Women, without Prejudice either to
the Parties contracting, or their Children, from the Inequality
of ſuch Alliances : And as it had been a too general Cuſtom
to marry young children, in order to avoid the Penalty at all
Times impoſed on Celibacy, he exprefly forbid the mak-
ing of any Contract with a Girl leſs than ten Years old ; ſo that
the Marriage might be celebrated within two Years at moſt
after the Contract. He likewiſe put a Stop to the too great
Facility of Divorces, by which Diſſenſions and Diſturbances had
been created in many Families; and inflicted Puniſhments on
ſuch as made them without ſufficient Cauſe.
He met with great Difficulties in eſtabliſhing theſe Laws;
ſo prevalent was the general Licentiouſneſs, and the Conve-
nience of Celibacy, which, though far from being a State of
Chaſtity, was not clogged with the Cares attending a Family
and the Education of Children. In vain did he alledge the
Maxims of Antiquity; in vain, tò inforce his Precepts, did he
cauſe to be read in the Senate an Harangue of the Cenfor Me-
tellus Macedonicus, exhorting every Citizen to marry :---He
could not bring over Men in whom the Spirit of Libertiniſm
had
got
the better of Reaſon. Some of the Senators, to em-
barraſs the too rigid Legiſlator, by hinting at the Contradiction
between his own Morals and his Laws, obſerved, that one of
the greateſt Impediments to Marriage was the looſe Conduct
of
Z z 2
+ Suet, in Aug. . XXXIV, & Dio.
"
364 MEMOIRS of the
o give your
of Women and young Folks; and that that muſt be the firſt
Thing remedied, if it was intended to ſtrike at the Root of
the Evil.
AUGUSTUS readily comprehended the ſecret Meaning of
theſe fly Remonſtrances, and endeavoured to elude them by.
ſaying, that he had ſettled the moſt important Points, but that
it was not poſſible to remedy every Thing equally well. His
Opponents inſiſted, and he defended himſelf by ſaying, “ It is
“ your Buſineſs, Gentlemen, to regulate your Families, and to
Wives
proper
Advice, as I do." till the refrac-
tory ones would not give it up, but deſired to know, what
might be that proper Advice which he gave to Livia, from
which the profited ſo much. Upon this, he entered into a
Detail of the Dreſs of Women, their proper Behaviour in pub-
lic, the Company they ought to ſee, and other ſuch like To-
pics. Dion Caſius ſays nothing farther : but it is certain from
Suetonius, and from the Roman Law, that Auguſtus did iſſue an
Edict againſt Adultery ; and it is not improbable that the Im-
portunities of which I have now been ſpeaking, may, in ſome
Meaſure, have compelled him to it.
We cannot be certain what was the exact Tenor of that.
Law._Severe, or not, it does not appear that Auguſtus was.
over careful to ſee it ſtrictly obſerved.--A
A young Man being
accuſed before him, of having married a Woman with whom
he had lived in a State of Adultery, Auguſtus was. puzzled ;
not daring either to acquit or puniſh the Criminal. He evaded.
the Difficulty, by ſaying, “. The Licentiouſneſs of former Times:
" has given Riſe to many Diſorders, of which this is one. Let
“ us forget the Paft, and take the beſt Meaſures we can for the
6. Future."
But ſtill he never loſt Sight of that Object of his ſerious Ata
tention, Celibacy; and though he could not then complete.
what he intended on that Head, by reaſon of the Difficulties
which aroſe, he afterwards finiſhed his. Work in the Year of
Rome
Court of AUGUSTU S. 365
Rome DCCLII, by the famous Law Papia Poppæa, ſo called
from the Conſuls Papius and Poppæus *; under whom it was
paſſed.--Both of thefe happened to be Batchelors, which
gave Occaſion to many ſevere Sarcaſms againſt its Promoters.
I ſhall leave to Civilians, whoſe Buſineſs it is, the Talk of ex-
plaining, ſo far as they can, all the Tenor of this Law; and
ſhall only obſerve with Tacitus of, that it had two principal
Objects; the one, to puniſh Celibacy ; and the other to enrich
the Treaſury, by the Forfeiture of all collateral Inheritances
and Legacies, that fell to Citizens not married. It was intend-
ed to amend the Julian Law, and contained ſo many Heads, botli
obliging to marry, under ſevere Penalties, and, at the ſame Time,
reſtricting Marriage to Perſons of ſuch and ſuch Condition,
(viz. Equals), and incapacitating their Children to inherit, if
not ſo begotten, that it became one of the moſt intricate Knots
of the Roman Law, an inexhauſtible Fund of Chicanery, a
principal Source of Guilt for the horrid Tribe of Informers to
found their Allegations on, and was likely to prove the Cauſe
of infinite Diſorders in the State, if Tiberius had not appointed
a felect Committee of fifteen Senators to mitigate its Rigour.
This Committee explained ſome of the intricate Points; and
removed the Inconveniencies of others, but only for a while.
The Miſchiefs ariſing from it ſprang up again, and were felt
feverely, till at laſt it was totally abrogated by the Emperor
Severus:
I am not to give the Hiſtory of Juſtinian's Legiſlation, nor
of the Riſe of his Code, compiled at the Expence of the ori-
ginal Conſtitutions of the Common-Wealth. Let me only
expreſs my Wonder, that after adopting this ſecond-hand Body
of the Roman Law, and making it a Part of European Polity,
Men
$
They were ſubſtituted on the firſt of July, in the Room of thoſe who
had begun the Year. Their Names at length were M. Papius Mutilus, and
2. Poppaus Secundus.
+ ANNAL, Lib. I. c. 25.
366 MEMOIRS of the
3
Men of Spirit Mould have been ſo blind as to take implicitly
all the low adventitious Parts that had crept into it in a Courſe
of Tyranny, and keep a Pother about theſe, as if they had
Virtue enough to fanctify Cruelty and Uſurpation, or deprive
Nations of their natural Rights. Yet this is the Purpoſe
to which they have been too often applied by the flattering
Lawyers of almoſt all the Courts in Europe, under Pretence
that this was LAW.-_Let us be more particular, and lay
open the Foundations of the Royal Claim to abſolute Power,
as the Nature of the Subject, and of my own Profeſſion, ſeems
to require.
That great Lawyer and good Man, DOMITIUS UL-
PIAN, Papinian's Scholar, has inſerted theſe formal Words
in his Abridgement of the Papian Poppean Statute : PRINCEPS
LEGIBUS SOLUTUS EST *, The Prince is not ſubjekt to the
Law. Upon which the Patrons of arbitrary Power, that is,
the Court Paraſites in every Kingdom, found their Claim, and
triumph in the clear preciſe Manner in which the De-
ciſion is delivered. PRINCEPS Legibus folutus eft ! “ What
s need we, ſay they, any other Teſtimony than this irrefragable
“One in the Heartof the Code, declaring as plainly as Words can
expreſs it, that, by Law itſelf, the King is above the Laws,
" which only bind his Subječts ?”
WERE it as they ſay :---
;--Had a Lawyer, in an enſlaved
State, at the Tyrant's Command, inſerted a Claaſe, with ſuch
an Intent, into an Abſtract of Old Laws t, it would be no
more
thing
* Lib. XIII. L. 31. ff. de Legib.
+ PRINCEPS LEGIBUS SOLUTUS EST ſtands in Juftinian's Pandects, under
the Title of De Legibus, as if it had dropt from the Sky ;- it is ſo uncon-
nected, and torn as it were from the Subject it ought to treat of. It is ſuſpected
to have been originally coined by Ateius Capito, the Court-Lawyer, and to
mean that the Prince was exempted from the Penalty of the Julian Law,
De maritandis Ordinibus, or the ſame Law amended under the Title of the
Papian Poppean; and Ulpian, the Compiler, ſeems to have taken this Scrap
from Capito's Comment upon that Law.
6
Court of AUGUSTUS. 367
more binding upon Free-Men, than a Deciſion of the Mufti,
that the Lives and Fortunes of all the Subjects of the Turkiſh
Empire are legally at the Mercy of his ſublime Highneſs the
Sultan. Long before the Days of Caracalla, when Ulpian was
compiling, the Romans had been, what they then were, abject
Slaves ; and no Act, Command, or Conſtitution of their haugh-
ty Lords, the Emperors, can infer any Obligation, or give
Sanction to a Law to ſtrip free-born Men of their native Rights..
The Conſtitutions of China, or the more monſtrous ones of
Japan, might be as well brought to prove the Legality of ar-
bitrary Rule in Great Britain. The fundamental Laws of
any State, that has given a Sanction to the Code, virtually
deſtroy any ſuch Shoot of Slavery as may have been thus grafted
into it.
But, after all, it is certainly true, that there is no ſuch Law
in the Code, and that the Meaning which ſome proſtitute Law-
yers have put upon Ulpian's Words, is the fartheſt in the World
from his real Intention.
In the Days of Liberty, when the Exigencies of the Com-
mnon-Wealth called for extraordinary Meaſures, or when Per-
fons were to be veſted with extraordinary Commands, it was
uſual for the Roman People to paſs a Vote EXEMPTING that
Perſon from the Obligation of the Law that diſqualified him
for ſuch Command ; in the ſame Manner as We, in Times of
imminent Danger, ſuſpend our ſacred Habeas-Corpus Act, or
prolong the Time given to Perſons duly to qualify themſelves for
the Offices they hold in the State. This Vote of the Roman
People was called Legibus folvere, to looſe them from the Laws,
—not in general, which is goſsly abſurd, but from the parti-
cular Law; for Example, the Annarian, propoſed by L. Villius,
which forbad any Man to be Conſul before he was forty-two
Years of Age * Thus the great Scipio Africanus was refuſed
the.
* Cicer. Philip. V. §. 17.
.
368 MEMOIRS of the
}
the Edileſhip, becauſe of his Youth.But firſt his adoptive
Grandſon the Emilian Scipio, then C. Marius, then Pompey
the Great, and many other eminent Perſons, obtained a
Diſpenſation, and were foluti Legibus, looſed from the Laws,
and elected into Magiſtracies and Commands before the legal
Term.
In imitation of theſe, AUGUSTUS, who much affected a legal
Colour, or ancient Cuſtom, was himſelf folutus Lege Cincià,
diſpenſed from the Obligation of the Cincian Law. Livia too
was freed from Auguftus's own Papian Poppaan Statute, and
enabled to ſucceed to a Part of his perſonal Eſtate, from which
that Law cut her off. In the ſame way the following Princes
were exempted from particular Laws, which were either ſpe-
cified and rehearſed in the Act of Exception, or referred to as
extant in former Acts of the ſame Nature. Such was the De-
cree of the Senate preſerved in the curious Inſcription copied
by Janus Gruterus, exempting. Veſpaſian, not from all Laws,
but from thoſe Laws from which Auguſtus, Tiberius, Caius, and
Claudius, his Predeceſſors, had been exempted before *. Nay,
not only theſe great Perſonages were thus exempted from the
Power of this Law, but in the Body of the Act itſelf, the ſame
. Indulgence was given to the People of the loweſt Rank, who,
by Diſeate, Lameneſs, Poverty, or any other inſurmountable
Impediment, ſhould be judged by the Senate not to come with-
in the Statute,
Two Circumſtances more are neceſſary, in order to under-
ſtand Ulpian perfectly : Firſt, that the famous Marriage-Act,
or Papian Poppean Law, conſiſted of ſo many Heads, (com-
prehending all former Acts,) made ſo many Proviſos, gave ſo
many
Premiums, inflicted ſo many Penalties, and entered fo
deep into the Succeſſion and Conveyance of Eſtates by l'atter
Wills, that it became the chief Object of Attention, and was
not
* Gruter. Inſcript. pag. 242.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 369
not only called The Law*, by Way of Eminence, but The
LAwst, as if it had abſorbed all the reſt : and in this Way
it is generally mentioned by Pomponius, by Juſtinian himſelf,
by Tribonian, and the other Lawyers.
Then, it was not only called the Marriage Law, the Julian,
the Papian Poppaan, and THE LAws, but becauſe of the
many
Forfeitures which by its Means fell to the Exchequer, it was
likewiſc termed the Lex Caducaria, or the Law of Forfeits.
The Eſtates, Bonds, Sums of Money, Slaves, in ſhort, all
Goods and Chattels that thus fell to the Crown, were called
Caduca ; which explains fome Paſſages of the Roman Satyrifts,
that often puzzled their Commentators. But when Julius
Cefar's impious Saying # was truly accompliſhed, when the
Common-Wealth was indeed reduted to Nothing, and their
abfolute Lord was become Proprietor of all the Public Money ;
it then became prepoſterous to make him pay thoſe Fines and
Forfeitures, which were to be re-paid into his own Coffers :
Wherefore Ulpian, after reciting the various Heads of the
Marriage-Laws, and particularly thoſe enacting the Forfeitures
in Caſe of Contravention, adds moſt naturally, PRINCEPS Le-
gibus folutus eft.-The Emperor is exempted from the Mar-
riage-Act, or from the Forfeitures incurred by tranſgreſſing it.
This is the evident Meaning of Ulpian; and a learned and lively
French Lawyer, Mr. Geoffroi, though no Friend to Monarchy at
the bottom, ſeems to have been a little tainted with the Manners
of his enſlaved Country, when he ſtretches an Exemption from
the Lex Caducaria, or Statute of Forfeitures, to all the poſitive
Law of the Romans; which is the more ſtrange, as Ulpian, the
Compiler, immediately adds, that though the Empreſs be not
exempted from theſe Laws (by any Decree of the Senate), yet
Vol. III.
She
A a a
izia
* Gaviſa eſt certe fublatain. Cynthia Legem,
Quâ quondam edicta femus uterque diu.
+ Qui fecundum præcepta Legum coeunt.
À Nihil effe Rem-PUBLICAM.
PROPERTY
INSTIT. S. 1. de Nupt.
370
MEMOIRS of the
she receives from her Confort the fame Privileges which he himſelf
enjoyed.
No Wonder this Law ſhould meet with ſuch Difficulties in
its Paffing, and afterwards prove ſo momentous in its Confe-
quences. It was a ſevere Restraint upon thoſe Paſſions which
Men and Woinen have the least in their Power. It took Ad .
vantage, as it were, of the Weak-Side of Human Nature ; and
where Perſons, in the Height of Life, have the leaſt Com-
mand of themſelves, it enjoined Abſtinence under the levereſt
Penalties.
The Roman Law, like other Arts, was of Greciun Extract,
having been brought Hame by a ſolemn Embaſſy ſent from
the Decemvirs to all the famed States of Greece, out of whoſe
Statutes they picked the moſt befitting their own Conſtitution,
and compoſed the Law of the celebrated Twelve Tables. In
this Compoſition, and particularly in adapting foreign Laws to
Roman Manners, they are ſaid to have been aſſiſted by the
famed Exile Hermodorus, who was actually baniſhed by his
Fellow Citizens for this expreſſed Reaſon ; That he was too good
and too ſober a Man; with the Addition of this remarkable
Clauſe, annexed to the Act of Baniſhment, Let no one of our
Citizens preſume to bę warthy or frugal : If he do, let him in-
ftantly remove to another. Town.This Law, which only
ſpoke out what moſt looſe People think, paſſed in Epheſus, the
Chief of the Ionian Towns, not more noted for the wonderous
Temple of Diana, and for a Zeal, or Enthuſiaſın, in her Wor-
thip, ſcarce to be paralleled in Hiſtory, than for Profuſion and
diffolute Manners.
EXCLUSIVE therefore of the Ordinances of Romulus, of the
Statutes of Servius and the other Kings, if any were preſerved,
and of the occaſional Decrees of the Fathers and prior Acts of
the People, the Twelve TABLES were the Baſis of the Roman
Law.__-Its other sources were, I. SENATûs. CONSULTA,
PLEBISCITA, Leges, which we ſhould call Decrees of the
6
Lards,
7
Court of AUĞU ŠTUS. 31
Lords, Orders of the Commons, Statutes; II. RESPONSA PRÆ-
TORUM, Decipons of Judges in Office ; and III. RESPONSA
PRUDENTUM, or Deciſions of Lawyers, who, for the moſt part,
had been Magiſtrates and Judges. Theſe three made up what
was called Jus Civile (the Civil-Law) under the Common-
Wealth; to which was afterwards added, when the Romans
were plunged in Slavery, the Sort of Law termed RESPONSA
Principum, Deciſions of the Princes.----With theſe they had
two other Kinds; I. Jus PONTIFICUM, anſwering to our Canon
Law; and II, Jus Feciale, which we may tranſlate The Law
of Nations, exerciſed by the Heralds of the State.
Such was the priſtine Severity of the Romans, that, like the
ancient Lacedemonians, they thought Eloquence, and the per-
ſuaſive Faculty, a dangerous and deceitful Thing. This was
ſo late as Carneades, who gave high Offence to the old grave
Men of the Senate, by ſpeaking on both sides of a Queſtion,
and raiſed a violent IIch of Imitation in the Young. They
were of Opinion, that, as nothing ought to be fo incorrupt as
the Vote, or Sentence, of a Judge ; it was hard to tell why he
who perverted theſe by Money ſhould be liable to Puniſhment,
whilſt he that did it by Eloquence was commended for his
Talent. Nay, they juſtly thought the Man who biaffes a Judge
by Perſuaſion, worſe than he who does it by a Bribe ; for a
good Man is not to be perverted by Gold,--by Perſuaſion he
may *
High Eloquence muſt be fed like a Flame. It grows with
Fuel, increaſes with Movement, and brightens the more vio-
lently it burns.---The Power of Genius keeps Pace with the
Dignity of the Subject; nor can any Man make a noble and
elevated Diſcourſe in a mean and trifling Caufe ---It was not
the Speeches which Demoſthenes made againſt his unfaithful
Guardian, nor Cicero's Defence of Archias the Poet, that made
Aa a 2
eithet
* Cicer. de Rep. Lib. IV.
372
MEMOIRS of the
:
Years
either of them be eſteemed great Orators. It was Philip and
Antony, who crowned them with Glory.
OVID ſays, that the Virtue of Chaſtity began to decay in
Rome in the Age of their Great-Grand-Fathers. To what a
Pitch of Diffoluteneſs muſt they have come during all the
Confuſions intailed on the State by the Civil Wars! War
breaks through all Order, and deſtroys Decency. While it
rages, Men think lightly of Crimes, and Perſons of ſome Cha-
racter commit Things they would bluſh at in Times of Peace
and good Policy. It now appeared that found Manners are
more powerful than penal Laws: For though the Roman Sta-.
tute permitting Divorce had always been in Force; Sp. Cur-
vilius was the firſt Man that took Advantage of it, 400
after the Foundation of the State. But in this Age, both
Men and Women carried the Abuſe of that Statute to the moſt
extravagant Height. They married with a view to divorce,
and divorced in order to marry. Many of thefe Changes hap-
pened within the Year, eſpecially if the Lady had a large
Fortune, which always went with her, and procured her Choice
of tranſient Huſbands. The Law permitted it, and the Regard
to Decency, which formerly reſtrained it, was gone.
imagine that the Fair-One, who changed her Huſband every
Quarter, ſtrictly kept her matrimonial Faith all the three
Months Julius Cefar, among other Exceſſes, had de-
bauched the Wives of almoſt all the great Men of his Ac-
quaintance, and was himſelf repaid in the fame Manner by
ſome of his own Minions. Auguſtus and Antony's Lewdneſs
exceeded all Bounds ;-and by the Time the former, in his VI.
Conſulſhip, bethought himſelf of turning Cenfor, and reform-
ing the State, I do not ſay Modeſty, but common Decency,
was baniſhed from the Roman Manners, and a general Profli-
gacy reigned through the Empire. When ſuch a Taſte had
gained a general Aſcendancy, was it to be expected that Ladies
of
Can we
Court of AUGUSTUS.
373
of the higheſt Rank, and living in other Reſpects in the great-
eſt Luxury, would all prove Veſtalsếwould never liſten to
an artful Lover, nor take a Fancy for a handſomne Gentleman ?
Ir we may believe Catullus, writing to a Brother Poet *,
Julius Cefar, and his Maſter of Artillery, Mamurra, were the
two firſt notorious Gallants in Rome, and were in the Height of
their Debaucheries when Pompey was firſt made Conſul.
But in the few Years that intervened between his firſt and
famed fecond Conſulſhip, the prolific Race, from two, had
multiplied to two thouſand.
FROM the End of the Actian War, the Profuſion and Pains
of 'the Romans on their Table were extravagant and almoſt in-
conceivable.Lucullus and Hortenſius had led the Way ; but
they were far out-ſtripped by their Succeffors.-
The Con-
noiſſeurs in Eating ſaid it was no Dinner, if, when
you were
feeding moſt to your Taſte, the Diſh was not ſuddenly taken
away,
and another, ſtill better, ſet down in its Place. This
was the Proof of Elegance among thoſe who ſubſtituted Ex-
pence and Dainties inftead of Pleaſantry,--who ſay a Man of
a fine Palate eats not the whole of any Bird but a Becca-fico,
--that if any more than the Rumps of either Birds or Poultry
be ſerved up, it is a mean, fordid, Entertainment ;-_That
thoſe who eat the Fore-parts of Fowls of any kind have no
Taſte : And as for the other Parts of the Service, a Dining-
Room was decked out with more Gold, Silver, and Purple, for
the Reception of a few Men, than a Temple on a ſolemn
Feſtival to the immortal Gods t.
LUXURY
* Ad CINNAM, CX.
+ PHAVORIN. apud Aul. GELLIUM, Lib. XV. cap. 8.
Feneftella, who lived under Tiberius, ſays that Silver Ornaments were firſt put
upon a Buffet, or Side-Board, within his Memory.----Alſo thoſe inlaid with
Tortoiſe Shells. Before that, the Buffets were of Wood, Citron, or Maple,
round, or ſquare, of no larger Size than the Table.—That firſt they began to
put Knobs of Silver upon the Corners, then they covered all the Jointings, and
at
t
374 MEMOIRS of the
LUXURY was a Conſequencee of the Loſs of their Liberty.
Men muſt be employed; and when excluded from better Buſi-
neſs, they take to Trifling. Thoſe who wreſted their manly
Employments out of their Hands, were generally careful to
throw them a few Baubles or Play-Things, with which to
amuſe themſelves like Children.--A Roman, who roſe by
five in the Morning, threw open his Gate to his Clients at fix,
minded his and their Affairs till nine, went down to the Forum
at ten to attend public Buſineſs, then to his martial Exerciſes
in the Campus Martius at three, which he continued till he
went into the Bath before Supper, or rather Dinner ;-Such
a Man would be of Conſequence, however he applied his Ta-
lents in Peace or War. But if his Son lay a-bed till ten,
talked of Plays and Shews and Actreſſes till Noon, buſied
bimſelf about his Dreſs, Equipage, and Appearance in the
Theatre, and ſtill more about the elegant Apparatus of his
Supper ; he would prove a very tame, harmleſs Animal, and
give his Superiors little Trouble.----_Nor would he be much
more ſignificant, if he thought by.Day, and dreamed by Night,
of nothing elſe but making Verſes.
It was not Cefar's Buſineſs entirely to ſuppreſs the general
Humour of high Feaſiing. It was enough if he appeared
moderate himſelf. His Friends and Favourites, Mecenas, Cur-
tius, and eſpecially Vedius Pollio, might live as wildly as they
pleaſed.-_Their Example would influence the
lity, who would of courſe become effeminate and worthleſs,
and therefore incapable of giving any Diſturbance to the
Uſurpation. For a young Patrician, though of the Junian,
Caſſian,
at laſt made the whole of ſolid Silver, adorned with the moſt ſumptuous im-
bolling and Sculptures.
L. Crnjus, the celebrated Orator, was a Kind of Pattern to Hortenfius.
He conferitd that a great Part of his Silver Plate ſtood him in fix thouſand
Sefterces, (481. 155.) the Pound, becauſe of the Workınanſhip.---He had
two Silver Goblets, cngraved by Mentor, which he was aſhamed to uſe, they
having coſt C. Seftertiis, (812 1. 10 s.)
young Nobi.
t
Court of AUGUSTUS. 375
Caſſian, or other Tyrant-killing Race, whilſt occupied in con-
triving a Bill of Fare, intent on making Experiments of Sauces,
or fitting up an elegant Dining Room, had no Leiſure for the
Affairs of his Country. And a great Part of Cefar's Skill
confifted in turning off the Attention of the Romans from his
Conduct and Deſigns, to amuling Objects of lefs Conſequence.
Shall I do him an Injury, if I aſcribe a Part of the Regud
he ſhewed to Learning, and to learned Men, to the ſame Caule?
His overflowing Bounty to Poets,--his Condeſcention to De-
claimers-his Indulgence to Players, Farce-Writers, Epigram-
matiſts, and the meanett Retainers to the Muſes---Nay, his
fitting down, and writing with his own Pen, Exhortations to
Audy Philoſophy, while he was worming the Romaus out of
their Liberty, foothing the People with Shews and Donatives,
and cajoling the Senate with fair Speeches and falſe Honours.
-What, I ſay, can we judge of this Pageantry of Learning,
but that it was one of thoſe Arts of Government, which made
him aſk on his Death-Bed, Whether he had not well played
his part in the Farce of Life?
But whatever his Views were, the Protection and En-
couragement he gave to Learning and its Profeſſors carried it
to a great Height, and has procured him the better Part of that
Reputation, which he ſtill enjoys among Men.
PLATO's Obſervation, upon his ſettling the Form of Go-
vernment, that it highly imports Princes to purchaſe the
good Opinion of their cotemporary Writers, who can tranſ-
mit them to Pofterity in what Colours they pleaſe, was never
more verified than in Cefar Auguſtus. Italy and the Roman
Empire, from the moſt flouriſhing populous State before the
Civil Wars, was, by the Means of Marius and Sylla, Cataline
and Ceſar, his two bloody Collegues, and his butchering Self,
become a Scene of Horror and Deſolation : Its thick-fet Towns,
ſwarming with a brave high-ſpirited People, its wide-ſpread
Colonies, its numberleſs Villages, its ſtately Villas, its Vine-
yards
376 MEMOIRS of the
V
yards and fertile Fields, were all lying waſte and in Monu-
ments of Ruin, without a Poſſibility of Recovery until they
ſhould be repoffeffed by a free People. - The Sword of Julius
had paſſed through the Land :--The inhuman Proſcriptions
had gleaned up its Leavings; and the inſatiate Veterans, hav-
ing ſwallowed up Property, were a Dead-Weight on Improve-
ment.---Thus it did, and muſt in the Nature of Things,
continue during a Succeſſion of Tyrants.--Yet ſo it is, that
through the Charms caſt over his Reign by two or three Men
of ſublime Genius, we ſpeak of the AUGUSTAN AGE, not
only as happy in the Purity of Language, which is but a
little Circumſtance in the Manners of a Nation, but as a Pat-
tern of every Sort of national Felicity; as the flouriſhing happy
Period of the Roman State, and the Completion of the Wiſhes
of Mankind.
But inſtead of admiring the Elegance and Addreſs with
which the Men of Wit paid their Court to Auguſtus, it is mat-
ter of Lamentation that ſuch Men ſhould have been under a
Neceſſity of ſtooping to flatter a flagitious Youth.-_Miſerable
was the Plight of their Country, when it was requiſite and
proper to make ſuch Compliments; and nothing is more ar-
dently to be wiſhed by a Britiſh Writer, than that it may never
be fitting or prudent for him to deify the Prince, who, after
murdering our beſt and greateſt Men, ſhould finally ſtrip us of
our Liberty.
THAT Ceſar endeavoured to make the Republic flouriſh,
after the Alexandrian Conqueſt, is undoubtedly true ; and now
that he was become the Maſter of Romans, he had the ſame
Affection for them, as a Weft-India Planter has for his Negroes,
whom he wiſhes to thrive, to behave orderly, and procreate,
that they may increate his Property. But it was as much
beyond his Power to reſtore it to its former State, as to put the
Head upon the bloody Corſe of
the bloody Corſe of any of the great Men he had
formerly murdered. The ſole Meaſure that could have been
any
A
Court of AUGUSTUS.
377
A
any Species of Attonement, " To reſtore LIBERTY to Rome,
when preffed to it by the noble-minded Agrippa, he utterly
rejected. It is true he preſerved a Spectre of it--a Phantom
that walked the Forum yearly, and frequented the Senate in
its Shape, till even this Phantom was finally chaſed away by
his Succeffor. It is likewiſe true that he brought a falſe
Splendor, an empty Shew of Wealth and Grandeur into the
City; and that he and his family built many a noble Pile, and
encouraged others to do the ſame.But all his boaſted *
Marble Structures put together were not worth the Life of one
brave Inhabitant of the old brick Buildings, of whom he had
maſſacred Thouſands ; and far leſs of the exalted Spirit that
animated them, which his Cruelty firſt helped to break, and
his Cunning finally extinguiſhed.
APICIUS, a Youth of no mean Genius, and born to a
vaft Fortune (both which he ſacrificed to the meaneſt of Plea-
ſures, thoſe of the Palate), openly profeſied the Kitchen-
Science, and made good Eating the Buſineſs of his Life. He
applied himſelf with as much Affiduity to make Experiments
upon Sauces, try Mixtures, and examine Reliſhes, as ever a
Chymiſt did to fix Mercury, find out the Philoſopher's Stone,
or produce a vivifying Ointment. · All Kinds of Beaſts, Birds,
and Fiſhes, were brought to him from foreign Parts, and he in-
veſtigated their Taftes with different Sauces, and different
Dreſſing of. When he declared his Opinion of a Diſh, it was
received as deciſive, and ſacredly followed by all the polite
Eaters of the Auguſtan Age.--Auguſtus's Favourite, Fabius,
condeſcended to dine with Apicius, after he had been Conſul :
A Vaſe of Cryſtal, then very rare, happened to fall out of his
Hand, while he was viewing it, and was broke. The Thoughts
VOL. III.
B bb
of
* Lateritiam inveni, marmoream reliqui.
+ A Treatiſe of Sauces, Preſerves, and Cookery, is ſtill extant under Api-
cius's Name. Grævius quotes it, Lib. I. S. 28. et eod. Lib. §. 17. in Notis ad
Sueton. Jul. Cæſ. S. 58.
378 MEMOIRS ‘of the
of
your Part
of the high Price it bore kept him filent and anxious, in ſpite
of all the Eaſe and Gaiety that Apicius could put on.
When at laſt, as if in a Paſſion, What! Fabius, ſaid he, will
you ſpoil our Mirth, becauſe you have done, againſt your
Will, what many
my Slaves, bought with my Money, do
through meer Heedleſsneſs ---Chear
up,
and take
in our Joy, which is of more Value than an hundred Vaſes.
His Luxury will receive a Luſtre from the ſumptuary Laws
even of Auguſtus's making. That Prince, among his other
Cares, endeavoured to put a Stop to the Roman Profuſion in
their Eating. By a Julian Law, the Expence of an ordinary
Family Dinner was limited to two hundred HS. 1 l. 12 s. ad.
A Holy-Day's Dinner, three hundred, 2 l. 8 s. 9.d. And a
Marriage Dinner, or any great Entertainment, a thouſand HS.
8 1. 2 s. 6 d. which laſt, as Rome grew richer, he found himſelf
obliged to double; and conſequently to allow 16 l. 5s, for the
Expence of extraordinary Occaſions,
Besides his other Regulations for the Benefit of the State,
Auguſtus revived the Law Cincia (ſo called from the Tribune
Cincius, who firſt propoſed it), by which Lawyers were for-
bid to receive either Money or Preſents from their Clients :
with the now farther additional Claufe, that whoever violated
it ſhould forfeit four times the Value of what he had received.
He likewiſe forbid Judges from paying any Viſits during the
Year they were in Office; enforced the Penalties againſt
Bribery, which was become very prevalent, eſpecially at Elec-
tions and doubled the Mulet of ſuch Senators as neglected to
attend the Meetings of their Body, unleſs they could ſhew very
fufficient Cauſe for their Abſence:
NUMBERS, particularly among the luxurious and debauched,
complained of this too great Severity, as they called it.--
To drown their Murmurs, Auguſtus had recourſe to the never-
failing Expedient of treating the Multitude with Corn and
Shews :--And, indeed, he himſelf was always fond of thea-
trical
;
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
379
trical Entertainments. He would ſpend Hours together, nay,
ſometimes even whole Days at them, as intent upon what was
doing, as the idleſt Man that was there. The Dictator Ceſar
had been blamed for reading his Letters, making Notes, and
anſwering Petitions, during theſe Repreſentations, the Futility
of which could afford no great Satisfaction to a Mind like his.
Auguſtus thought it more popular to do like the Reſt of the
Spectators *; nor did he diſown that the Perforinances them-
ſelves took up moſt of his Attention.-His Motive for mul-
tiplying them was of a more ſerious Nature. They fed the
Curioſity of a reſtleſs People, engroſſed their Thoughts, and
made them forget all Affairs of State, in which they had for-
merly had ſo great a Share.
This was the Meaning of a very judicious ſaying of Pylades
the Pantomime. Pylades and Bathyllus were rival Actors, and
ſhared the Favour of the Multitude, who would contend for the
ſuperior Excellence of one or the other of them, with as much
Warmth as they ever did for Cefar and Pompey in the Time of
the Republic. They grew proud upon it; and Pylades being one
Day hiſſed by a Perſon of the oppoſite Faction, pointed him out
with his Finger, to ſhew thoſe of his own Party on whom to re-
venge themſelves. He was immediately baniſhed the City and
Italy; not more for his Miſdemeanor, than to humour Mecenas,
who was particularly fond of Bathyllus. He was, however, foon
recalled, and when he appeared before Auguſtus of, the Prince
recommended to him to behave better for the future, and not
to attempt to make any Parties or Factions. Cefar, ſaid the
Player, “ it is of Service to you, to have the People buſied
* about Bathyllus and me." Auguſtus was ſenſible of it; and
for that Reaſon was always laviſh of every Kind of theatrical
Amuſements, Plays in Greek and Latin, Races in the Circus,
Combats of Gladiators and Wreſtlers, Curioſities from foreign
Countries ; and he was careful to keep up a Spirit of Emula-
Bbb 2
tion,
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. I. S. 54.
+ Dio.
:
380
MEMOIRS of the
tion, by giving Rewards to the Players or Combatants who
diſtinguiſhed themſelves. Pylades, who was the greateſt
Tragedian of the Age *, and whoſe Scholar Bathyllus was, firſt
introduced the Pantomime Dances of into Rome. His Manner
was elaborate, majeſtic, and affecting. Bathyllues was gay
and eaſy.
Several Stories are told of Bathyllus, under the Name of
Hylas. Whether it was his ſcenical Name, or a Nick-Name
given him in Allufion to Hercules's Boy, I cannot ſay: But
Suetonius tells us I, that Auguftus, upon a Complaint made
againſt him by the Governor of Rome, ordered him to be pub-
licly whipped in the Court of the Palace. This, I judge, muſt
have happened either before Hylas's Favour with Mecenas, or
after the Death of that Miniſter.
THE three moſt famous Ladies of Pleaſure in Rome were
Origo, Cytheris or Lycaris, and Arbuſcula. Lycoris is Virgil's
poetic Name for:Cytheris the Mima; for they all belonged to
the Stage.---Arbuſcula happened once to diſpleaſe the greater
Part of the Audience, who hiſſed; but the Nobility, either
able to ſee no Fault in ſo beautiful a Creature, or diſcovering
in her Adion ſome Graces too fine for the Vulgar, endeavoured
to drown the Hiſs by clapping : Upon which ſhe turned to the
Audience, and told them, That while the had the Applauſe
of thoſe Boxes, pointing to the Seats where the Knights fat,
the valued not all the Reſt.--Marſeus ſpent his whole For-
tune upon Origo.
The Romans had the greateſt Part of their Artiſts and Men
of
* Macroe. Saturnal. Lib. II. c. 7.
+ The ancient Actors uſed to ſing themſelves: But Pyladés firft made a
Chorus perform the Song, whilft he repreſented the Paſſions and Characters (a).
There is a fine Altar, with a very honourable Inſcription, to Pylades's Me-
mory, publiſhed by Gruter, p. 1024. of Grævius's Edition, or rather. Burman,
after Grevius's Death.
I In Octav. $. XLV.
(a) EUSEB.. Cæs. Chronicon
22
Court of AUGUSTUS. 381
:
of Science from Greece: But the Miniſters of their Pleaſures,
that is the moſt effeminated of the Grecians, came chiefly from
Afa. It was the Cuſtom when Slaves were brought over for
Sale, to whiten their Feet with Chalk before they were ex-
poſed in the Market. In this plight, Publius Syrus, the
Founder of the mimic Stage (a looſe Sort of Farce, repreſenting
an amorous Adventure), with his Countryman and Couſin,
Manlius Antiochus, the Profeffor of Aſtrology, and Staberius
Eros the Grammarian, came all over in the fame Ship.---
Theſe were Men who, through ſome Deſert in Learning, roſe
above their original Fortune. But the Romans likewiſe faw
ſtand in the Slave-Market, with chalky Feet, Chyſogonus, the
Freed-Man of Sylla; Amphion, of Quintus Catullus ; Hero,
of L. Lucullus; Demetrius, of Cn. Pompey; and Auge,
(Mrs. Bright,) of Demetrius, though it was believed ſhe ra-
ther belonged to his Maſter.---Theſe, with M. Antony's
Hipparchus, Sex. Pompey's Menas and Menecrates, and
many
others, they afterwards ſaw enriched with the Blood of the
Romans in the licentious Proſcriptions *.
The Theatre and Circus became the Object of the chief At-
tention, and conſequently the great Curſe of Rome.--Idle-
nefs, trifling Amuſements, Tumblers, Dancers, Races, wild
Beaſts, occupied the Minds of thoſe who had been wont to
think of Honours, Triumphs, and laborious Virtue.----- Au-
guſtus ſaw it his Intereſt to indulge them in theſe empty Shews,
and by their Influence to amuſe and enervate a martial People.
He obtained his Wilh.------In a few Generations, Panem & &
Circenfes became their ſole Care and Wilh.--The Games were
the grand Subject of Converſation, of the Attention of the
Prince, and Amuſement of the People.. Martial's little Poems
addreſſed to Domitian run almoſt wholly upon the Wonders of
his amphitheatrical Shews, with here and there a diſingenuous
Compliment on his Heroiſm.
THIS
* C. Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXIV. §.. 169. 17
>
382 MEMOIRS of the
terten
This Corruption of Taſte was chiefly owing to the Proſpe-
rity of the Romans. Their being accuſtomed to ſee Triumphis,
and all that was greateſt and moſt gorgeous in the World ex-
poſed in them, made them delight in the ſame Kind of Enter-
tainment in their Plays : Nor was this Taſte ever more en-
couraged than immediately before Horace.--At Pompey's
Games, the Decorations and Shew were ſo great, that they
made the Plays and Poems be but little minded. In the Morn-
ing of the firſt Day, the common Mimes * were repreſented :
The reſt of the Day, a Comedy and a Tragedy, picked out and
ordered by Sp. Macius. Old Æ SOP, who had left the Stage
many Years, returned and played on this Occaſion, in Honour
of Pompey ; but his Voice failed him, ſo that he was obliged to
give over uf. Among the reſt ClyteMNESTRA was acted, in
which about ſix hundred Mules made Part of the Shew; and
the Trojan Horſe was accompanied by three thouſand Arceræ
or covered Chariots. After this, all kind of military Specta-
cles were exhibited I, with Horſe and Foot, and Skirmiſhes
between
* What they were, Ovid will inform us very minutely.
Quid ſi ſcripGſlem Mimos, obſcæna jocantes,
Qui femper vetiti crimen amoris habent?
In quibus affidue cultus procedit adulter ;
Verbaque dat ſtulto callida Nupta viro.
Nubilis hos Virgo, Matronaque, Virque, Puerque
Spectat: et è magnâ parte Senatus adeft.
Nec fatis inceſtis temerari Vocibus aures :
Adſuefcunt Oculi multa pudenda pati.
Cumque fefellit Amans aliqua novitate maritum,
Plauditur, et magno palma favore datur.
TRIST. Lib. II.
+ This old Gentleman dreſſed up a Difh of Singing-Birds, which ſtood him
in 41431. 105.He had a son who did not degenerate. He was left with
a great Eſtate; and meaning to live well, he would try what was the Flavour
of a Pearl diſſolved in Vinegar : Finding it very delicious, he gave an En-
tertainment, where every Gueſt had a Pearl given him, as the fineſt Draught
he could regale them with (a).
I SUETON.
{a) Plin. Lib. IX. c. 35.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 383
*t
between them. Foreign Pieces ſucceeded, of the Ofcan and
Greek Drama, and foreign Shews, ſuch as the Wreſtlers and
Boxers, which then firſt appeared in Rome. Then two Matches
of Hunting, which laſted for five Days, extremely magnificent.
In the firſt, Criminals were expoſed to the fierceft Animals;
and in the next, Stags and Boars were killed by the moſt ex-
pert Huntlinen in Rome. On the laſt Day, the Elephants
were expoſed, and gave great Delight to the Mob, but cauſed
Pity and Compaſſion to others, and raiſed an Opinion that
there was a Kind of Friendihip between that Creature and
Man.
The Conſulſhip of C. Furnius and C. Junius Silanus, in the
DCCXXXV. Year of Rome, was diſtinguifhed by the Birth of
a ſecon i Son to Agrippa and Julia, who was named Lucius.
Auguftus, to whom it was of Conſequence to ſhew to the
Public Succeſſors deſtined to inherit his Authority, haſtened to
adopt his Grand-children, though the eldeſt could not be more
than three Years old, and the youngeſt was but juſt born.
In this Adoption, he adhered cloſely to the moſt folemn Forms
of the Roman Law, and inſiſted on their Father Agrippa's
making over to him, by a Kind of Sale, his Right to the In-
fants, to whom he thereupon gave his own Name, in Conſe-
quence of which they were called Caius. CESAR and Lucius
CESAR.--He likewiſe celebrated this Year the Secular
Games, recorded in Horace's fine Poem on that Subject, and
ſung by a double Chorus, the one of Boys, and the other of
young Girls.
Two Nobles, of very illuſtrious Names, L. Domitius Ahen
nobarbus, and P. Cornelius Scipio, the former of whom was
Son-in-Law to Oétavia, and Grand-Father to the Emperor
Nero, and the latter related to Auguſtus, being the Son of
Scribonia, and conſequently Half-Brother to Julia, were
Conſuls for the Year DCCXXXVI, in which ſome hoſtile
Motions of the Germans determined Auguſtus to take a Journey
into
384 MEMOIRS of the
para
*
into Gaul. Theſe Motions were the Beginning of a very
im-
portant War; the only conſiderable one, that, properly ſpeak-
ing, happened under Auguftus : :For his chaſtiſing a few
Barbarians, who, merely from their natural Ferocity, ſome-
times took up Arms, and were ſpeedily quelled, without any
remarkable or intereſting Incident, ſcarcely deſerves to be no-
ticed even in Hiſtory :-Much leſs does it come within the
Scope of theſe Memoirs. Auguſtus's own Maxim, when he
read either the Greek or the Latin Authors, was *, to dwell
chiefly on what might be a Leſſon or Example to him; either
in the Adminiſtration of public Affairs, or in his own private
Conduct. The reſt ſeemed little worthy his Attention.-Na-
turally fond of Peace, he made the whole Univerſe enjoy a
happy Tranquillity, by keeping the Romans quiet. A plain
Proof that Rome herſelf ought to be accuſed of thoſe perpetual
Wars, which, from her very Birth, had, at one Time or other,
fet her at enmity with every Nation in the known World.
The Ambition of the Roman People, and of their Generals,
fond, of diſtinguiſhing themſelves by great Exploits, and of
meriting triumphal Honours, often provoked them to ſeek
War, where otherwiſe it would not have been. The Truth
of this Obſervation is confirmed by the long Calm under the
fucceeding Emperors, who, though widely different from
Auguſtus in other Reſpects, reſembled him in his Indifference
for Conqueſts.
Some of thoſe profound Politicians who find out myſterious
Reaſons for whatever Princes do, imputed Auguſtus's. Journey
to particular Views, independant of the German War. 'Ac-
cording to them, embarraſſed by the Difficulty of making the
Romans obſerve the Laws he had juſt enacted, perplexed by
the Murmurs which aroſe whenever an Attempt was made to
put them in Execution with Severity, and aſhamed to recede
from
* In evolvendis utriuſque lingue Auctoribus, nihil æquè ſectabatur, quàm
præcepta & exempla publicè vel privatim falubria. Suet. Aug. S. LXXXIX.
:
385
Court of AUGUSTUS.
from that Severity in Favour of particular Perſons, he reſolved
to imitate Solon, who, after giving a Set of Laws to Athens,
departed from thence and travelled for ten Years. Others,
more cauſtic, aſſigned him a far leſs honourable Motive; the
Conveniency of indulging himſelf in his Amours with Mecenas's
Wife Terentia, his Intimacy with whom was no Secret in
Rome. His taking her with him, as Dion Caſius ſays he did,
was not the Way to ſilence flanderous Reports.
· However, Mecenas was of the Journey, and Agrippa was
ordered into Syria, from whence Tiberius was returned. Au-
guſtus was conſequently obliged to look out for one in whom
he could confide, to govern the City in his Abſentce. He firſt
pitched upon MESSALA *, whoſe Birth, Virtue, Abilities, and
Attachment to the Emperor, rendered him extremely well qua-
lified for that important Truſt :- But he, naturally mild,
brought up in republican Maxims, and a great Reſpecter of the
Laws, did not think himſelf fit to hold a deſpotic Authority,
which, though nominally civil, was carried on in an almoſt mi-
litary Manner af, and accordingly reſigned it after a few Days.
He was ſucceeded by STATILIUS Taurus, a Man of great
Bravery, brought up in Arms, indebted to the new Government
for almoſt all his Fortune, and ſtrictly conformable to the Will
of the Prince, who had already conferred on him the Conſular
Dignity, and Triumphal Honours. Taurus poſſeſſed this high
Vol. III.
Сcc
Office
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. VI. II. EUSEB. Chron.
+ The Prefect of Rsme, or, in other words, the Governor of the City, (an
Office, which, under the Name of Præfcelus Prætorii, came in its natural
Courſe, to ſwallow up all the Reſt), was, in reality, a new Office, but erected
under the Appellation of an old Magiſtracy. For the better and more decent
Celebration of certain Feſtivals, particularly thoſe termed the Latin Ganes, a
Prefect of the City was appointed, who was the loweſt Magiſtrate that had
the Power of calling and holding a Senate (a). But Ceſar put all the military
Power into his Hand, to ſuppreſs Riots, quelt Tumults, and ſeize whom he
pleafed ;-though he gave him only the Name of the old Magiſtrate,
(1) M. VARRO, ap A, Gell. Lib. XIV,
5
>
参
​386 MEMOIRS of the
si
.
.
*
Office till his Death, and behaved in it entirely to Auguſtus's
Satisfaction.
Terentia, who was likewiſe called Licinia, from the Con-
junction (I ſuppoſe) of the Licinian and Terentian Families,
had all the Accompliſhments of Body and Mind fit to raiſe,
and, which is harder, to preſerve a tender Paffion. She was
lovely in her Perſon, lively and gay in her Temper, with a
pretty large Daſh of Wildneſs, and frequent Sallies, which
ſerved as Foils to ſet off her other Charms.---Languid Equa-
lity, Sameneſs of Perſon, like a Statue, and an unvaried Tem-
per, bordering on Stupidity, are the Bane of a flattering Paſſion,
which conſiſts in a Succeſſion of Deſires mixed with a little In-
quietude
.--I ſpeak of what is, and not of what ought to be:
-Of the Manners produced by Wantonneſs and Luxury ;-
not by Wiſdom and found Mórality. From theſe, a ſettled
mutual Fondneſs, founded on Eſteem, and fed by Virtue, dif-
fufes unruffled Joy throughout the whole of Life.—Gentle
Quarrels, foon appeaſed,--tender Piques, quickly cured, Ca-
price, and even a Spice of female Extravagance, not puſhed too
far, were all neceſſary to rouſe the ſupine Mecenas, and attach
him to the wild bewitching Woman, who ſometimes with, and
often without Reaſon, was threatening to leave him, and who
often did actually ſend him a Divorce.
LICINIA and OCTAVIA were juſt oppoſite Characters.
Livia kept a Sort of political Middle :-Not ſo capricious
as the one, or fo ſtrict and ſtayed as the other. Unblemiſhed
in the ſubflantial Part of her own Conduct, ſhe could ſmile at
the Frailties of her male and female Friends. In the firſt
Years of her married Life, one might frequently, like the
playful Villiers, have gone to ſeek for a Nurſe among her Maids
of Honour. With Reſpect to her Huſband, the carried this
Complaiſance to a high Pitch *: For, if we may believe the
ſcandalous Chronicle of the Times, the could not only indulge
her
More Uxor facilis. TACIT.
3
-
Court of AUGUSTUS. 387
het a
her Cefar in a known Amour with Licinia, without once re-
pining; but condeſcended to enter the Lifts of Beauty with her,
and
appear
before him in the ſame Plight as the three Goddeſſes
did to Paris on Mount Ida.
AUGUSTUS was ſcarcely gone, when ſome pretended
Prodigies happened at Rome, on Account of which the Senate
ordered public Prayers for his happy Return ;- as if his Pre-
fence was to have been their Safe-guard even againſt the Anger
of Heaven. However, the Affairs of Gaul, and the Diſtur-
bances apprehended from the Germans, detained him all that
Year and the two following.
He had not been long in Gaul, when great Complaints were
made to him againſt the Intendant of that Country, one Lici-
nius, a Native of the Place, who, from the abject Condition
of Cefar's Slave, had obtained his Freedom, and inſinuated him-
ſelf into Auguſtus's Favour ſo far as to be promoted to this
Employment, which rendered the whole Province in a Manner
dependent on him. The enormous Power which theſe Imperial
Freed-Men acquired in the Empire, was one of the fatal Con-
ſequences of the Change of Government.
Tuis Upſtart, ſtill retaining all the groveling Sentiments of
his former Station, and intoxicated by a Fortune he was not
born to poffefs, abufed moſt inſolently the Power he was in-
truſted with. He took a malicious Pleafure in humbling and
cruſhing thoſe in whoſe Preſence he would before have trem-
bled, and wearied out the Gauls by the moſt horrid Oppref-
ſions. Dion Caſſius gives us an Inſtance of his Rapaciouſneſs.
As the Taxes were levied and paid by Months, this
Wretch, taking Advantage of the new Names given to two
Months of the Year, Fuly and Auguſt, made a Year of four-
teen Months, and raiſed fourteen Affefſments inſtead of twelve.
AUGUSTUS was grieved for the unhappy Sufferers, and
alhained that he had employed ſuch a Wretch. Approaching
Ruin threatened Licinius, and it was thought he could not
Ccc 2
poſſibly
1
**
388
MEMOIRS of the
&
you a
poſſibly eſcape Puniſhment. But the tyrannical Oppreſſor had
Recourſe to an Expedient too often, and too ſucceſsfully, prac-
tiſed ſince on ſimilar Occaſions." Taking the Prince into the
Place where his Treaſure was, and thewing him vaſt Heaps of
Money, " Behold,” ſaid he, “Ceſar! what I have collected for
you, at the Hazard of my Life. I think I have done
“ Service in ſtripping the Gauls of their Riches, which they
“ cannot now make uſe of to rebel againſt you. Take this
“ Gold and Silver :- I never deſigned it for any other Pur-
poſe than to put it into your Hands.” Auguſtus was weak
enough to be dazzled with the Booty : Intereſt got the better
of Juſtice ; and the Fruit of Licinius's Crimes procured his
Pardon.
LICINIUS deſerves to have for his Companion a Man like
him as to Fortune and Riches, but beyond him in Inhumanity.
The famous P. Vedius Pollio, originally a Slave, afterwards
emancipated, and, by Dint of Money, made a Roman Knight;
carried Luxury to its greateſt Height:-But what renders him
particularly odious, is his monſtrous Cruelty to his Slaves *.
He kept Lampreys in a Pond, where he fed them with human
Fleſh; and the ordinary Puniſhment inflicted on his Slaves,
even for trivial Faults, was to have them thrown, Hands and
Legs tied together, into that Pond, to feed thoſe voracious Anis
mals. Yet this barbarous. Wretch was numbered, among
Ceſar's Friends.
One Day that the Emperor. dined. at his. Houſes a. Slave
happened to break a Cryſtal Bowl, and was immediately con-
demned to be thrown to the Lampreys. The
poor
Fellow
threw himſelf at Auguftus's. Feet, imploring, not Life, but a
leſs ſhocking Death to Auguſtus intereeded for him ; but ſuch
was Vedius's Inſolence, that he refuſed the Prince's Requeſt.
Auguſtus,, thereupon, ordered all the Cryſtal Vaſes that were
upon,
* TACIT). Annal. Lib. I: 10.
XVIII. Et de Ira, III. 40. Dio,.
+ SENECA, de Clem. Lib,
3
im
389
Court of AUGUSTUS.
3
>
upon the Side-Board to be brought, and himſelf broke every
one of them directly. A Leſſon ſo well timed mortified Vedius,
and ſaved the Slave.
ANTIENTLY Maſters might do with their Slaves what they
pleaſed, and while they were temperate and wiſe themſelves,
they uſed them with Moderation. But when, with the Loſs of
the Simplicity and primitive Innocence of their Manners, In-
ſtances of Cruelty and Barbarity began to break out, it was
thought fit to put ſome Curbs upon their unruly Paſſions, by
retrenching their Power. And firſt, it was provided by Law;
that no Maſter ſhould be cruel to a Slave, without Cauſe;
that no Violence ſhould be offered to their Chaſtity; that they
ſhould not be refuſed a competent Subſiſtance ; and a particular
Judge was appointed to hear and determine all Complaints of
that Nature *. Then it was forbidden to expoſe them in the
Theatre to fight with wild Beaſts fi Next, the Power of
putting a Slave to Death in any Shape, or upon any Account,
was entirely taken out of the Maſter's Hands, and lodged in
the publick Judge £; and the famous and merciful Antoninus.
Pius appointed Puniſhments for Maſters who treated their
Slaves with uncommon Harſhneſs S. But the Jus Vitæ et:
Necis, · The Power of Life and Death,' was ſtill in the Maſter,
under Auguſtus.
VEDIUS died in the Year of Rome, DCCXXXVII. (M.
Livius Druſus. Libo, and L. Calpurnius Piſo being Conſuls),
and made Auguſtus his.Heir. Among other Things, he left him
the famous Villa called Pauſilype, near Naples; and directed,
by his Will, that the Emperor ſhould erect ſome public Build-
ing with Part of his Money. Auguſtus ordered Vedius's Town .
Houſe to be pulled down, and built, on the place where it had.
ſtood, a noble Portico, which he called, not after the Name
of
7
* SENECA, de Benef. Lib. III.
Regul. L. II. D. ad l. Corn. de Sicar, .
$ Cau Inftit. Lib. I. Tit. III,
+ MODESTINUS, L. VI..
I SPARTIAN. in ADRIAN.,
립
​care
390
MEMOIRS of the
in
**
܀
of Vedius, but of Livia.-Ought he to have accepted the In-
heritance of a Man, whoſe very Name he endeavoured to bury
in Oblivion ?
The firſt Efforts of the Roman Power were in very different,
and often in very diſtant, Parts of the World, as the Con-
nections of their Friends or Enemies led them to carry their
Arms to this or the other country. By this means it
happened that they had made Conqueſts in the fartheſt
Parts of France and Spain on the one Hand, and of Aſia and
Pontus on the other, and had theſe Provinces well civilized
and embodied into their Empire, before even Italy itſelf was
wholly ſubdued. But the Direction of Affairs coming at laſt
into the Hands of Auguſtus, who had neither the Reliſh nor
Capacity of his father for great Enterprizes, with a middling
economical Sort of a Spirit, he endeavoured to reduce the Empire
to a Standard, and eſtabliſh a wholeſome pacific Syſtem ;-like
a Man regulating a vaſt, but wide-ſcattered Eſtate.--For this
Purpoſe it now became neceſſary to tame the turbulent Tribes
that lay neareſt the Capital, and whoſe Rocks and Sterility had
hitherto preſerved them from the Roman Arms. The principal
of theſe were the Rheti and the Vindelici, Inhabitants of the
Countries now poffefied by the Swiſs, the Grifons, and other
Mountaineers about the Heads of the Rhine and the Po. Au-
guſtus ſent his two Sons-in-Law, (if the youngeſt was ſo *,)
TIBERIUS, and Drusus Neros, to gather their firſt Laurels,
in this not diftant, but very inacceſſible Field.We know
what the Cevennois performed in the Height of Lewis XIV's
Grandeur, when they forced that haughty Monarch to enter
into a Treaty with a Baker's Boy, their Chieftain, a lively
alert
#
Druſus, even at his Birth, was believed to bě Auguſtus's own Son. This
Opinion continued during his Life, and was confirmed at his Death, by the
Memoirs of Druſus's Life written with the Emperor's own Hand, and by the
ardent Affection he bore to his Son Germanicus, whom he once intended to
adopt for Heir to the Empire, but was perſuaded by Livia, to let him be
adopted by Tiberius, and ſo ſucceed in Courſe to the Government.
word
4
Court of AUGUSTUS:
391
alert little Man, with whom I had frequent Converſations
in 1735.
2
The Rheti, originally a Tuſcan People, but ſettled for ſome
Centuries part in the mountainous Parts of the Alps, nearly
where the Grifons now live, had made Inroads ſometimes into
Gaul, and ſometimes into Italy. They were extremely fierce
and uncivilized. Totally forgetting the Suavity of Manners
of the learned Nation of which they were a Colony, they had
adopted all that ſavage Ferocity which an inhoſpitable Climate,
ſuch as that they were tranſplanted to, naturally inſpires ; and
by their Intercourſe with Barbarians, were become Barbarians
themſelves. In their Incurſions, they deſtroyed all the Males
they found, ſearching for them even in the Womhs of pregnant
Women, while their Prieſts pretended to tell (by Indications
equally cruel and uncertain), whether the unborn Child was
Male or Female.
DRUSUS was ordered to reduce theſe Barbarians, and gave
on this Occaſion the firſt Proofs of his military Talents.
The Rheti, repulſed and beat, but not ſubdued, called in their
Neighbours, the Vindelici, to their Affiſtance. The War be-
coming thus more conſiderable, and the Danger conſequently
greater, Auguſtus thought proper to give Drufus an Afiftant,
and accordingly ſent to him his elder Brother, Tiberius, who
was then with him in Gaul. The two Brothers ſeparated their
Forces, entered the Territories of their Enemies in different
Bodies, forced their Caſtles built on the Tops of inacceſſible
Mountains *, and gave them ſeveral Battles, one of which,
gained by Tiberius, was ſo deciſive, that theſe intrepid People to
fonder of Liberty than of Life, were at laſt forced to ſubmit.
They were driven down into the Plains, where they ſettled,
became quiet and peaceable, and, by Degrees, more civilized.
Two
Arces
Alpibus impofitas tremendis
+ Devota morti pectora liberæ:
HOR. Od. Lib. IV. Carm. 14.
Id. ibid.
*
store
수
​392 MEMOIRS of the
Two Colonies were founded to preſerve Tranquility ; Drufo-
magus, (now Memmingen in Suabia), in the Territory of the
Rheti, and Auguſta (Augſbourg), in the Country of the
Vindelici.
In Gaul, Auguſtus founded a Colony at Autun, then called
Auguſtodunum, the fame with Bibracte, the Capital of the
Eduans, who were the oldeſt Allies the Romans had in that
Country. This was, probably, his Inducement for making it
the Seat of Letters, the Athens of Gaul. He reſtored its School,
and eſtabliſhed in it Profeſſors of Eloquence and Literature, in
order to procure to the Gauls the only Advantage they then
wanted, that of Learning ---Policy might likewiſe have its
Share in this Act of Liberality :-For Cefar, who was himſelf
a Man of Letters, was thoroughly ſenſible how much Learning
contributes to foften the Tempers of Men, to render them
more docile and tractable, and more ſuſceptible of due Im-
preſſions of Submiſſion and Obedience. His Views ſucceeded.
The Gquls acquired'the Manners of the Romans at the ſame
Time as they learnt their Knowledge. They not only re-
mained peaceable, but grew affectionate to the Empire; and
to this the School of Autun contributed not a little. It flou-
riſhed three Ages after, under Conſtantine and his Children.
Julius Sacrovir, who made a noble Effort to reſcue his Coun-
trymen the Gauls from the Tyranny of Tiberius, and at laſt
put
an End to his own Life when he was irretrievably over-powered
in the unequal Struggle, found in this City, as Tacitus informs
us *, the whole Flower of the young Gallic Nobility, aſſembled
there to ſtudy the fine Arts, and made them Hoſtages for the
Fidelity of their parents.---This ſeems to authorize a Tra-
dition, ſtill current in France t, that, before the Romans en-
tered Gaul, the Druids educated the Youth of that Country at
Autun, and had a Place of Reſidence there, upon an Eminence
to this Day called Mont-Dru, the Druid's Mount ---The
celebrated
F
*
។
,
* ANNAL. Lib. III:
of Hist, UNIY. T. I. p. 6. & 25.
"
1
25
other
Court of AUGUSTUS .
393
܀
celebrated Orator Eumenius, a Native of Athens, was Profeſſor
of Eloquence at Autun, and beſtowed upon repairing and en-
dowing its Academy the whole of his Salary, which was fix
hundred thouſand Seſterces a Year, (4875 1.) as chief Remen-
brancer, (Magiſter Memoria) to the Emperor Conſtantius, about
the Middle of the XI. Century.
The Inhabitants of Cyzicús, who had been deprived of
their Franchiſes fix Years before, were now reſtored to their
former Privileges.
CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS AUGUR, Conſul for the
Year DCCXXXVIII. with M. Licinius Craſus, Grandſon of
the famous Craſſus, was in the ſame Situation as many others
of the Nobility, impoveriſhed by the civil Wars.
With-
out Parts or Talents to recommend him, he preſented himſelf
to Auguftus, upon the bare Strength of his being deſcended
from an ancient and noble Family, but poor. Auguſtus loaded
him with Wealth; and Lentulus, who was extremely covetous,
managed ſo that he ſoon became poſſeſſed, or, to ſpeak more
properly, was the Keeper of four hundred Millions of Seſterces
(3,212,500 1.) What was very remarkable, is, that he did not
think himſelf much obliged to Auguſtus ; but, having a great
Opinion of his own Genius for Eloquence, complained that
the Emperor had done him more Hurt by taking him from his
Studies, than good by his Liberalities : -Though he was ſo
dull and heavy, that, covetous as he was, ſays Seneca, one
might ſooner have got Money out of him, than Words *. His
Riches, amaſſed with the utmoſt Anxiety, coſt him his Life
under Tiberius it.
SOME inauſpicious Omen, as it was called, havirg happened
at the Nomination of the Curule Ediles for this Year, a new
Election was ordered, according to Cuſtom ; and, which there
VOL. III.
Ddd
never
* Quum eſſet avariſlimus, nummos citiùs emittebat, quàm verba.
+ Suet. Tib. §. XLIX.
3
4
*
i
1
394
MEMOIRS of the
never had been any Example of before, thé very Perſons who
bad been ſet aſide, were re-elected.
If any one ſhould gravely aſk, How it was poſſible for great
and Wiſe Men to be governed in Matters of Importance, by
fuch filly Accidents as moſt of theſe Omens were? I muſt
acknowledge that, in Speculation, it is hardly to be ac-
counted for : But if we reflect upon the Practice of Men, and
take as impartial a View of ſome important Rites folemnly
ſanctified, and now uſed, if not among ourſelves, at leaſt among
ſome of our Neighbours, as we do of the Roman Rats and
Owls; I believe the Fact will appear leſs improbable, I do
not ſay leſs ridiculous, than many imagine it to be.--I need
not inſtance the Portugueſe throwing an Image of St. Anthony
into a Well, when they want Rain. It is certain, in the
firſt Place, that Cuſtom, ancient national Cuſtom, has ſtrong
Influence, and inclines the greateſt Minds, if not in its Favour,
at leaſt to treat it with Decency and good Manners. In the
next Place, ſo powerful and transforming a Virtue has that
one ſingle Idea of Divinity, Saintſhip, or Numenſhip, that,
join it to the fillieſt Cuſtom, or moſt abject Thing on Earth,
it changes it in a Moment, faſcinates the human Sight, and ſo
metamorphoſes the Object or Action, that the real Nature of
it is never ſeen or conſidered, nor its natural Import, and
genuine Tendency, examined. Though it grovelled before
in the Dirt, was odious, childiſh, or inhuman, it now ſtands
in an awful, venerable Light, is ſurrounded with Glory and
Brightneſs, being connected with Heaven, and conſequently
may draw its Wrath upon us if neglected, or procure its Fa-
vour if regarded. How elſe ſhould it ever. have happened that
fuch Men as Emilius Paulus, Tiberius Gracchus, or the wiſe
and learned Lelius, ſhould have been directed in the Exerciſe
of their Magiſtracies by theſe Puerilities? They thought them
ſacred Matters.
BUT
:
:
3
:
-
+7
a
Court of AUGUSTUS. 395
But in caſe any one who may have been attentive to this
Part of the Roman Hiſtory ſhould ingſt, that ſoon after Lelius's
Time, nay-while he was alive, the Epicurean and Academic
Philoſophy had gained ſome Footing in Rome, the one of which
taught them to doubt, and the other to deny, the Religion of
their Country, and that, in effect, the 'next Age produced a
Race of Men, who, in their own private Opinions, could not
bring themſelves to believe either in their Auſpices or Auguries,
and yet both taught and practiſed them, and courted the Digni-
ties to which the Practice and Profeſſion of them were annexed;
- To this, I have but an odd Sort of Anſwer to give ;
-That
theſe Ancients, like a young Gentleman, who ſaid once in a
diſhonourable Love-affair, that he had two Souls, ſeem, in re-
ligious Matters, to have had two Underſtandings; one for them-
felves, an unruly, felf-conceited, opiniative Thing, that can
hardly be governed, or perſuaded that two and three make
five ; and another for the Public, of the moſt docile, ſubmiſſive,
coinplacent, conforming Temper, imaginable.--If this does
not fatisfy, I can only ſubjoin one of their greateſt Men's Apo-
logy for himſelf, for not believing a Tittle of all the various
Kinds of Divination, either by Haruſpices, Augury, Prophecy,
Dreams, Lots, Prodigies, or any other part of that received
Doctrine, at the ſame Time that he had the Direction of it,
and was himſelf a Prieſt.
In a ſelect Company of the firſt Men in Rome, either for
Honour or Learning, the Conveľation happened to turn upon
the Nature of their Gods, and conſequently the Truth of their
Religion. They were all of them well ſkilled in the Grecian
Philoſophy ; but, at the ſame Time, had choſen different Reli-
gions, that is, oppoſite Sects, according to their ſeveral Incli-
nations. Among them was C. Velleius, a great Admirer of
the Doctrine of Epicurus ; Lucilius Balbus, a ſevere Stoic; and
the noble and eloquent Caius Cotta, who ſeemed inclined to
the old Academy, or a moderate Sort of Scepticiſm, which
D d d 2
permits
13
♥
SK
**
4
2
396 MEMOIRS of the
permits not its Diſciples to affirm any Thing but what they are
certain of, and then ſhews them that is but little. Velleius rur
over the Epicurean Notions of the Creation of the World, and
of Providence, with much Vivacity and Learning ; and theſe
Notions were examined, and even a little ridiculed by Cotta,
as crude inconſiſtent Schemes contrived by Epicurus, only to
ſcreen himſelf from the Odium of not believing there were any
Gods at all. Upon this, Lucillus, a Man of ſingular Gravity
and Virtue, encouraged by the Laugh at Epicurus, undertook
to eſtabliſh the Truth of their Exiſtence; ſhewed their Power
and Preſence in many Inſtances both among the Greeks and
Romans, and demonſtrated, as he thought, their Providence in
the Government of the World : After which, he requeſted
Cotta, whoſe doubting Academic Principles he was ſtill ſome-
what afraid of, to conſider well what Part he was to take in the
Sequel of the Converſation, and to remember both his Station
as firſt Citizen of Rome, and his Dignity as High-Prieſt: It
being, added he, wicked and impious to reaſon againſt the Exiſt-
ence of the Gods, whether it be done from Conviction, or to thew
Abilities in managing an Argument.
COTTA, ſmiling, anſwered, That he had all the Regard in
the World for his Counſel, and would certainly follow it as far
as his Reason would allow : But that he did not rightly com-
prehend ſome Points of his Diſcourſe, and therefore begged Leave
to propoſe his Doubts, and to intreat him to remove them: That
as to the latter Part of his Advice, " to remember his Station
and Office," he took the Meaning of it to be, that he, as a
Roman Prieſt and Citizen, ought to adopt the Opinions handed
down by their religious Anceſtors concerning the immortal
Gods, and ſtand up for their Rites, Ceremonies, and Wor-
ſhip. “ Let me, Lucilius, ſaid he, aſſure you, that I hitherto
have defended, and always will defend them :-Neither ſhall
the Reaſoning of any Man, be he learned or illiterate, ever make
me vary from the ſacred Model tranſmitted to us from our
Fore-
i
!
at
s
Court of AUGUSTUS. 397
Fore-fathers :-For when the Practice of Religion is the Point
in Queſtion, I have T. Coruncanius, P. Scipio, P. Scævola,
noble Romans and High-Prieſts, to take my Inſtructions from,
not from Cleanthes, Chryſogonus, or Zeno, the Heads of the
Grecian Sects of Philoſophy :- And I have the mild P. Lælius,
the Augur, juſtly ſurnamed the Wiſe, to whom I had rather
liſten in that fine Diſcourſe which he publiſhed upon Religion,
than to
any of the leading Men of the moſt celebrated Schools.
–And to fhew you my real Opinion concerning our Reli-
gion, which comprehends two Parts, Rites and Auſpices, to
which may be joined, as a third, the Interpretation of the
Sibylline Verſes, and the Predictions of the Haruſpices from
Portents and Prodigies at different Times, there is not a ſingle
Particle of all the three, which I ever thought was to be ne-
glected or deſpiſed. On the contrary, I moſt firmly believe
that our two great Founders, ROMULUS by Auſpicy, and NUMA
by appointing our Rites and Sacrifices, laid the Foundations of
our State, which could never have riſen to the glorious Height
it has ſince attained, without the higheſt Favour of the im-
mortal Gods.----- Theſe, Lucilius, are my Sentiments, as a
Roman, and as a Prieſt.”
It muſt be acknowledged that falſe Religions have been of
ſo great Uſe to the Founders of States, that few remarkable
Eſtabliſhments of that Kind have been made without their
Influence.But I believe it rarely happens after a State is
well ſettled, when it is governed by wholeſome Laws, and able
of itſelf to cope with its Neighbours, that the high Prevalency
of the religious Spirit contributes much to its Tranquility.
A falſe Zeal is the conſtant Companion of ſuch a Spirit ; and
that Zeal muſt have ſome proper Object upon which to wreak
its Fury ;-ſome ſuppoſed heavenly Doctrine to introduce, or
heretical one to eradicate ;-ſome religious Rite to reform ; or,
which is much better Buſineſs, ſome godleſs Crew of Infidels
to convert to its peculiar Faith, or elſe extirpate them froin the
Face
content
1
İ
ma
upon, like other Pallions
398 MEMOIRS of the
Face of the Earth. When deprived of theſe its favourite
it is apt to ſeek others in their Stead, and rather than be quiet
(which is Death to high Zeal), it will make the Form or Co.
lour of a holy Vestment, the bowing to the Eaſt or Weſt,
the Crook of a Paſtoral Staff, or ſome ſuch important Point,
the Ground-Work of its Operations, and ſettle ſuch weighty
Inſtitutions by Fire and Sword.
While the Roman State paid a great Regard to the Inſtitu-
tions of Numa, and at the ſame Time did not ſtoop to the
Superſtition they produced in weak Minds, it flouriſhed ex-
ceedingly, and the Aruſpices, the Augurs, and the whole
Train of venerable Flamens were of real Service to the Go-
vernment. While ſuch
While ſuch great and good Men as Paulus Emilius
and Mucius Scævola could prefer a Decree of the Roman Senate
to an Egyptian Revelation, though in high Vogue and fup-
ported by many well-believed Miracles, there was little Hazard
of their Religion's leading them far aſtray from the public
Good.But when the ancient Religion of their Country
came to be deſpiſed, and foreign uncouth Deities were received
and worſhipped ;-when Slavery had entailed Superſtition (one
of the accurſed Shoots of that bitter Root), and Superſtition
came in its Turn to ſupport its baneful Parent ;-then every
Thing great or valuable was effaced in Rome : For a Prince, or
governing Aſſembly, blinded with any Superſtition, have their
Minds directed to ſtrange unaccountable Meaſures ; their
Views are taken off from the plain natural Happineſs of a State,
depending upon the Numbers of an induſtrious, frugal, and
free People, and are led to odd unnatural Methods of
procur-
ing ſupernatural Bleſſings. When an Army is going upon a
dangerous. Attack, it is not giving an Agnus Dei to every
Officer, or, had they ſo many, to every common Soldier, that
will gain a Victory, or keep any one of them from being knocked
on the Head: The Armada, vainly called invincible; though
loaded
*
ra
>
Court of AUGUSTUS:
399
2
loaded with them, became the Sport of the Winds, and the
Prey of Sir Francis Drake.
We are apt to laugh at the Aruſpicy and Augury of the
Ancients, as idle and utterly unworthy of People of Senſe.-
Yet if we obſerve the Conduct of moſt Men, we ſhall find them
take very filly Accidents for Predictions, or Omens, Signs and
Warnings of Providence, and in conſequence thereof, be
as inconſiſtent in their Actions, as any of thoſe Ancients
with whom they find ſo much Fault.Might not one of
thoſe, whoſe Religion we now deſpiſe, very juſtly ſay to us,
Why do
you,
Gentlemen, Believers in nodern Miracles; re-
fuſe Belief to our Gods, or to the ancient Miracles recorded ;
fince
you
have all the Evidence Hiſtory can afford (and what
more have you, or can you have for any Thing paſt,) that
theſe Miracles were really wrought, and that the Oracles and
Prophecies uttered from their Shrines, were truly accompliſh-
ed ?". -The only good. Anſwer that occurs to me, is, That
if you believe an Oracle given concerning the ordinary Events
of human Affairs, you always aſſiſt, and frequently yourſelf
bring about the Accompliſhment of it.--Had not Codrus, the .
noble Prince who fought Death for his Country, firmly be-
lieved the Pythian Oracle, he probably would not have been
killed :-And if the Lacedemonians had not believed the
ſame Oracle, they might probably have carried on the War,
after his Death, with greater Sueceſs than before.---Belief,
or Opinion, is the grand Spring of Action. To be able to in-
fuſe and model it at Pleaſure, is high Authority, and the next
Step to abſolute Power. No Wonder ſome of the Ancients.
made it The GREAT Merit in ſome of their Religious Myſ-
teries (ſuch as the Eleuſinian, the Bandidian, and others), and
the Condition upon which Adepts were to be admitted to par-
ticipate of their ſolemn Rites, and be made Partakers of the:
promiſed Bliſs.
The very rude Ages of Mankind found few Things too.
hard:
1
f
తనని
tonio
t
*
400 MEMOIRS of the
hard for their Belief: They could eaſily be perſuaded of any
Thing, eſpecially in religious Matters, of which they had
formed no Ideas, and were therefore ready to receive any
that
were offered to them :-Yet their Belief is adduced as a
good Reaſon for the Belief of Poſterity.--But Matters altered
as the World poliſhed and grew more knowing ; infomuch
that I do not remember that any of the later Deifications of
Perſons well known to have been once meer Men, ever obtain-
ed a thorough Credit, or paſſed with the Gentlemen of the
Age. There would be Believers, without doubt: But the
Faith did not prove general; and the Worſhip, if there was
any, was the Effect of Compliance with the Laws, prevalent
Authority, or Flattery to the Living :--Though even then,
the Palm-Shoot which I mentioned before, that ſprung from
Auguſtus's Altar in Spain, ſhewed, as he ſaid pleaſantly him-
ſelf, how rarely they did facrifice to his Numen.
In Italy, at this Day, the greateſt Number of Priſoners in
the Holy-Office, (for ſo they term that laſt and higheſt Tool of
eccleſiaſtical Tyranny, the Inquiſition) are poor, curious, cre-
dulous Women, for conſulting Aſtrologers, Magicians, Cun-
ning-Men, &c. to know their Fates. Religion is ſo little
known or thought of in that Country, that it produces no He-
retics; and the Holy Office and its Familiars would have but
little to do, had they not aſſumed the Cognizance of Witch-
craft, Necromancy, Aſtrology, &c. as incompatible with the
Faith and Worſhip of Chriſtianity.
WHILST Agrippa was in the Eaſt, where, with his wonted
Greatneſs of Soul and unbiaſſed Equity, he protected the Jews
of Aſia Minor againſt the Greeks, who hated and harraſſed them
on account of their Religion ; one Scribonius, pretending to be
the Grandſon of Mithridates, though it is difficult to conceive
how a Roman Name ſhould be allied to that Deſcent, claimed
the Kingdom of Boſphorus againſt Afandres, who had uſurped
it from Pharņaces. Afandres, to colour his Uſurpation, had
married
$
Court of AUGUSTUS.
401
in a
4
married the Daughter of the dethroned Prince, and enjoyed
his little Dominions in Peace, till he was upwards of ninety-
Years old, when, dreading the Conſequences of Scribonius's.
Enterprize, he killed himſelf. Polemon, King of Pontus, was
preparing to attack Scribonius, by Agrippa's Order : But the
Bofphorans themſelves put an End to the Life of this new Pre-
tender. They then turned their Arms againſt Polemon ; upon
which Agrippa marched to Sinope, and by the Terror of his
Name, and of the Roman Power, foon forced them to ſubmit.
Polemon married the Widow of Arfaces; and Agrippa, in con-
fideration of his Alliance with this Heireſs of Mithridates and
Pharnaces, made him King of the Cimmerian Bofphorus.
1. AGRIPPA, perſevering in his Plan of complimenting the
Prince with all the Honour of his Atchievements, fent an Ac-
count of this Exploit, not to the Senate, but to Auguſtus, who
thereupon directed a Triumph to be decreed him : But, ſtedfaſt
in his Maxims, he again refuſed that high Diſtinction, and his
Example became a Precedent equal to a Law. From this
Time the Roman Generals received only the Ornaments of
Triumph, that is, the Tunic embroidered with Palms, the pur-
ple Robe, likewiſe embroidered, and the Crown and Sceptre of
Gold. The Pomp and Pageantry of a triumphal Proceſſion was
reſerved for the Emperors and their immediate Deſcendants.
TIBERIUS, whoſe Birth and Services now intitled him to
the Conſulſhip, was promoted to that high Office for the Year
DCCXXXIX. He had for his Collegue VARUS, too well known
afterwards by his Diſaſter in Germany.
Under theſe Conſuls, Auguſtus returned to Rome, leaving
Drufus in Gaul to finish the numbering of the People, and
check the Incurſions of the Germans. He entered the City in
the Night, according to his uſual Cuſtom, to ſave himſelf and
others the Trouble of a pompous Ceremonial which had been
prepared for his Reception. The next Day, after receiving the
Compliments of the People in his Palace, he went to the Ca-
VOL. III.
Еее
pitol,
.
402 MEMOIRS of the
In every
1
}
pitol, and offered up to Jupiter the Laurels with which his
Faſces were crowned. From thence he repaired to the Senate,
to give an Account, as the old Roman Generals uſed to do, of
his Adminiſtration in the Province he was come from : Only,
as he had got Cold, inſtead of ſpeaking himſelf, he made his
Queſtor read a Memorial drawn up by his Order.
five or fix Years of Liberty, we hear of ſome Ge-
nius ſhining forth, fome noble Youth hurſting from among
the
Crowd, and diſtinguiſhing himſelf in the Forum or in the Field:
Sometimes, as an Orator and Stateſman, ſeeking Fame from
the Impeachment of a rich and powerful Criminal ; or, a
Leader, returning from unexpected Conqueſts and ſurpriſing
Victories. Thus Cicero ſhone in theAccuſation of Verres;
and thus D. JUNIUS Brutus puſhed his Conqueſts to the
Weſtern Ocean.
But now, no Dawnings of Merit but were quaſhed or eluded
by a jealous, though coaxing, Uſurper. Cefar muſt be all
in all. -Cefar's Name occupied the Forum and Courts of
Juſtice, whilf his Perſon and Family engroſſed the Thoughts
and Tongues of all the Soldiery. Thus the riſing Spirits of
the
young Romans were curbed, depreſſed, and miſled, and the
Youth who would have proved a Patriot and a Hero in the
happy Days of Freedom, now became the fineſt Dancer, the
prettieſt Fop, or the moſt curious Cook in the Empire.-
That once awful Power of the Senate, which made the greateſt
Monarchs tremble on their Thrones, was now no more ; and
with it ſunk the noble Spirit of Emulation which had former-
ly animated the chief Citizens of the Republic to merit a Seat
in that auguſt Aſſembly. The Sons and Grand-Sons of Senators,
finding that they now ſucceeded only to an empty Title, ſtripped
of all its former high Prerogatives, either declined being Can-
didates, or, if choſen, alledged various Pretences to excuſe
their not attending.
AUGUSTUS, whoſe Plan required the keeping up a Shew
:
.:
t
**
of
Court of AUGUSTUS. 403
3
1
of Dignity in this firſt Council of the State, rightly judged
that it would be imprudent to ſuffer the Deſcendants of an-
cient and illuſtrious Families to withdraw, and be ſucceeded
by Upſtarts, who would but ill ſupport the Splendour of their
exalted Station. He therefore reſolved perſonally to inquire
into the Reality of the Motives which made ſeveral abfent
themſelves, and to this End paſſed all the Senators in Review;
examining with his own Eyes the Condition of thoſe who
pleaded a bad State of Health for their Excuſe, and requir-
ing from ſuch as alledged the Want of a ſufficient Fortune, a
Declaration of what they were worth, atteſted by Oath, and
certified by Witneſſes, who were likewiſe to ſwear to the Truth
of it. To many of theſe laſt, he generouſly made up the Demi
ficiency of Fortune out of his own Purſe, if their Wants did not
proceed from bad Conduct, and of the former he.excuſed ſuch
only as were really infirm.
PUBLICLY profeſſing that the Objects of his greateſt Vene-
ration were, next to the Gods *, thoſe excellent Men whoſe
Virtues had raiſed Rome from the ſmalleſt Beginnings to the
higheſt Pitch of Grandeur, he repaired, or rebuilt, the Monu-
ments deſtined to tranſmit their Memories to Poſterity; pre-
ſerving, which was indeed very modeſt, and extremely popu-
lar, not only the old Inſcriptions, but alſo the Names of their
original Founders, without even adding his own. He likewiſe
ordered the Statues of all the great Roman Commanders to be
ranged and conſecrated in the two Porticos of his Forum. This
Thought was truly fine, and intended to anſwer a moſt noble
End:-For he publiſhed a Declaration wherein he proteſted to
That his Deſign in collecting the Repreſentations of all the
great Men that Rome had produced, and putting them together
in the ſame Place, was to fhew the Citizens by what Models
he and his Succeſſors were to be judged. Pompey was not ex-
cepted from this Homage paid to Virtue. Auguſtus did not
Eee 2
indeed
+
ܣܺܟ
* Suet. in Aug. §. XXXI.
+ Idem, ibid.
a
**
1
3
#
404
MEMOIRS of the
1
+
indeed leave his Statue in the Hall where Cefar had been killed :
but he placed it under a Marble Arch, fronting the Theatre
which Pompey himſelf had built.
THE ſame Moderation was now conſpicuous in all kis Ac-
tions. When he recommended his Children to the People,
he always added this Condition, If they deſerve it *. He
blamed them for inſtilling Notions of premature Honours into
his adopted Son Caits Cefar, who, though but a Child, already
ſhowed a great deal of Pride and Haughtineſs. Tiberius was
reprimanded for placing this young Prince next to him at the
Games he gave to celebrate Auguſtus's Return; and the People
were rebuked for riſing to falute Caius, and flattering him with
repeated Acclamations. In the Senate, he would beår not
only to have his Opinion contradicted, butreven ſtrongly op-
poſed : Nor would he be angry at being told, as he was on.
ſome Occaſions, that Senators ought to be at Liberty to ſpeak.
freely in all' Affairs of the Republic of:.
A falfe Report having been made to him concerning a Roman:
Knight, Auguſtus, in conſequence thereof, taxed him with
having impaired his Fortune : The Knight proved, that, on;
the contrary, he had added to it. The Emperor then at-
tacked him on another Score, alledging his Diſobedience to,
the Laws, in being a Batchelor. The Knight anſwered, that
he was married and had three Children'; adding, “ Another
• Time, Ceſar! when you would have Informations againſt
:“ honeſt Men, employ honeſt Men to procure them.” Auguſtus.
was filent, and ſenſīble he was in the wrong.
SISENNA; being reproached in full Senate with the bad
Conduct of his Wife S, did not fcruple to addreſs himſelf to..
Auguftus, telling him, that it was with his Conſent, and by
his Advice he married her. The Emperor, naturally hot, was, ,
piqued, roſe up, and left the Aſſembly for a few Moments ; ,
chufing
* Id. §. LVI. & Dios.
4: Syet, in Aug. 8: LIV,
MACROB. Sat. II. 4 4.
§ Dio:
:66
:
:
4*
}
in
a
Court of AUGUSTUS.
405
Bay
+
+
:
1
cħuſing rather, as he owned afterwards to his Friends, to be
guilty of ill Manners, than to run the Hazard of being carried
too far by Paffion. He was indebted for this Command of
Temper to Athenodore of Tarſus. When that Philoſopher,
'grown old, and weary of the Court, hegged to retire to his
native Country, there to ſpend the Remainder of his Life,
Auguſtus deſired he would leave him ſome uſeful Advice.
Cefar,” ſaid Athenodore to him *, “ when you find Anger
riſing within you, repeat the twenty-four Letters of the Al-
phabet, before you ſpeak or act:" Auguſtus thanked the
Philofopher for his Advice ; and taking him by the Hand,
«:Stay with me," ſaid he, “I ftill want your Advice.”
Every one knows the famous Story of Mecenas; who, ſeeing
him juſt ready to paſs Sentence of Death upon ſeveral Perſons,
and not being able to get up to him, wrote upon his Tablets
theſe two Words, Surge, Carnifex, “Ariſe, Executioner !"
and threw them to him.' Auguſtus, recovering himſelf at this
Remonſtrance, broke up the Sitting, and departed with
a Docility as much to be admired, as the Liberty his Friend
had taken.--Naturally haſty, ambitious, cruel, and very
variable, he had great Ebbs and Flows, both of Health and
Temper. His Features and Colour would often change, in a
Moment, 'from the ſmiling Serenity of a Deity; to the pale.
and haggard Look of a Demon. And ſuch was his Life;
until he finally gave himſelf up to the Advices of Athenodore
and Areius : For though his Paſſions took ſome Sallies after
that, they never did great Miſchief, and he was in fact a
changed Man. His chief Happineſs lay in liſtening to the
Counſels, and bearing with the Freedom of his Friends.-
Nay, he at laſt attained that uncommon Pitch of Wiſdom, as
to give Way in little Struggles of Wit and Humour, and to
allow himſelf to be out-done by the Men of Letters, though of
no great Eminence.
HAD)
. Plut, Apothegm. Aug.
ſtrong
#
406
MEMOIRS of the
HAD we known Auguſtus only by the latter Part of his Life,
from the Time that this Mildneſs and Moderation commenced,
we certainly could not believe that he had ſhed Seas of Blood
in his Youth, and was then diſtinguiſhed by his Cruelty amidſt
the moſt cruel of Men. This total Change is one of the moſt
extraordinary Events recorded in Hiſtory. It is not difficult
to find Examples of ſweet Tempers and eaſy Diſpoſitions
ſpoiled by too much.good Fortune, and eſpecially by an unli-
mited Power : But to find bad ones mended by it, is extremely
rare.-Can we, even now, think this amazing Alteration
ſincere, unfeigned, the Effect of a real Love for Virtue ?
Auguſtus's cunning artful Temper, his deep Hypocriſy and
Diffimulation, would incline one to ſuſpect the outſide Shew,
But the Ambition of reigning may account for both his
Virtues and his Vices. Crimes were neceſſary to attain the
deſired End; and he committed them :-That End attained,
Virtue became uſeful to ſecure the Enjoyment of his Power ;
and he practiſed it. If his later Goodneſs did not render him per-
fect, it was at leaſt a Benefit to others; and from the Time of
his becoming completely Maſter of the Empire, he may bold-
ly be propoſed as a Model and Example to all the Princes of the
World.
The Dignity of High-Prieſt being at laſt vacảnt by the
Death of Lepidus, who died this Year, Auguſtus added that
Title to all his others, and thereby united in himſelf the
ſacred, civil, and military Powers *. The firſt Uſe he made
of this new Authority was to take from the People all Ali-
ments of Superſtition ; fit only to create Uneafineſſes and
Diſturbance. Strict Search was made after all Books of
.
Divination, and pretended Oracles, of which upwards of two
thouſand, clandeſtinely handed about, were ſeized and burnt.
Every Man was forbid to keep any Book of this Kind above a
certain
3
:
* Suet. Aug. §. XXXI.
ន
***
Court of AUGUSTUS. 402
2
certain Number of Days *, at the End of which it was to be
carried to the City Pretor, to be examined by the College of
Fifteen ti The Books of the Sybils alone were preſerved, and
of theſe only ſuch Parts as were thought proper. The Copies
of them having been damaged by. Age, Auguſtus ordered the
Prieſts who had the keeping of them, to tranſcribe them with
their own Hands, that the prophane Vulgar might not be
made acquainted with them. The new Copies were locked
up by his Order, in gilt Caſes, and placed under the Statue
of Apollo, in that ſtately Monument of his Magnificence, the
Palatine Temple I.-In the ſame Manner, as their High
Mightineſſes the States General keep the Autographa, or au-
thentic Manuſcript of the Dutch Verſion of the ſacred Scrip-
tures, in a ſtrong Cheſt in their great Hall, and permit the
Deputies from the ſeveral Synods of the Clergy of the United
Provinces to inſpect them for the Solution of their Doubts, on
a certain Day once in three Years.
AUGUSTUS was always well pleaſed when he ſaw the
rich Men of Rome lay out their Money upon public Works..
L. Balbus
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. VI. 12.
+. Firſt two, then ten, and afterwards fifteen Perſons were appointed to keep
and inſpect the Sibylline Verſes : A State-Trick, like the Augur's College :
-Both a Check upon the Rabble, and a Cure for a Pannic.---The Sibylline
Books bought by Tarquinius Priſcus were conſumed, with the Capitol, in the
Vitellian Sedition:- In the Conſulſhip of Cn. Oétavius, and Cn. Scribonius,
Ambaſſadors were ſent through Greece and Italy, and eſpecially to Erythre, to
collect Sybilline Verſes. They amaſſed about a thouſand; and to add Authority
to the new Canon, a Report was ſpread, that, at the Nick of Time, when
the Ambaſſadors were making their Perquiſition, Apollo's Temple at Erythræ
was burnt, and in a Corner of the Wall were found the Originals of the three
Copies formerly fold to the ancient Tarquin..
# This Temples, and the noble Library annexed to it, for which Auguſtus:
had, as he well deſerved, the Compliments of all Men of Learning, .muſt have
been finiſhed by the Year 728 at fartheſt: For the much lamented Marcellus,
DEtavia's Son, dedicated there a ſuperb Set of Jewels (Dactyliothecam); and
he died in 729.Auguftus was fo fond of this Place, which was contiguous
to the Palace, that he frequently aſſembled the Senators, and convened the
Judges of the Courts of Judicature, in the Pórtico belonging to it.
5.
*
408 MEMOIRS of the
L. Balbus celebrated this Year, the Dedication of a Theatre,
which he had built at his own Expence, and was called after
his Name. He received, as an Acknowledgement for it, the
Thanks of the People, and, from Tiberius who was then Con-
ful, the Honour of giving his 0.pinion firſt in the Senate.
Juſt Eftimators of Things will, however, fet a greater Value
upon another Monument of Balbus's Magnificence; a noble
Benefaction to his Countrymen the Spaniards.He was
originally of Cadiz, and built a new City near the old one,
which was very ſmall, with an Arſenal upon the Continent,
over againſt the Iſland upon which that City is ſituated.-
He could not make a more noble Uſe of the immenſe Riches,
which he and his Uncle had acquired by their Attachment to
the Family of the Cefars.
AGRIPPA, returning from the Eaſt, received a freſh
Proof of Auguſtus's Affection and Eſteem, by being continued
in the Tribunician Power for five Years longer. But Death
too ſoon put an End to his growing Honours :--
-For, being
ſent directly againſt the Pannonians *, who had taken Arms,
and having pacified them by his bare Preſence, on his Return
to Italy, he was ſeized in Campania with an acute Diſorder,
which carried him off at the Age of fifty-one, in the Begin-
ning of the Year DCCXL. for which M. Valerius Meffala
Barbatus, and T. Sulpicius Quirinius were Conſuls. The Mo-
ment. Auguſtus was informed of his Illneſs, he ſet out from
Rome to viſit him, but learnt his Death upon the Road fo
that all he could do for this beſt and faithfulleſt of Friends, to
whom he owed every Thing, was to honour his Memory
with magnificent Obſequies, at which he pronounced the
funeral Oration : and as Agrippa, whilſt living, had been cloſe-
united to his Perſon and Family, he would not ſuffer his
Body, when dead, to be interred in any other Tomb than that
which was deſtined for himſelf.
AGRIPPA
* The preſent Hungary anſwers in a great Meaſure to the ancient Pannonia,
.
S
;
2
Court of AUGUSTUS
409
5
AGRIPPA died with the weil-deſerved Character of the
worthieſt Man of his Days, who had uſed his Intereſt with
Auguſtus, both for his own and the public Good. He ſot
Auguſtus as far above himſelf, as he was above others by his
Virtue and Alliances; and while he exerted all his Wiſdom and
Bravery to exalt his Prince, he employed the Power and Ho-
nours he had received in return, in doing good to others. His
Conduct made his Greatneſs neither irkſome to Auguſtus, nor
invidious to the Romans. Though he ſteadily afferted the
Rights of his Sovereign, he gained the People by good Offices,
and every .
Kind of Popularity * Great in Peace, and great in
War; equally illuſtrious in Battle by Sea or by Land, it was
he that conquered Pompey, and the Gain of the Battle of
Aetium was chiefly owing to his Skill and Valour. Gaul, Spain,
the Eaſt, the Countries bordering on the Rhine and Danube,
always ſaw him proſperous and triumphant. He wanted only
able Hiſtorians to give a proper Account of his Actions. In
Peace, ever ſtudying the public Good, he made his Name im-
mortal by Works far beyond what was ever done by a private
Man. Qualified to hold the firſt Rank in a Republic, he held
the ſecond under Auguſtus, whoſe Son-in-Law, Collegue,
and intended Succeffor he becaine, merely by Dint of his own
Merit.
WHAT Plutarch ſays pleaſantly of the great Cato, that his
Misfortunes lay chiefly in the female Part of his Family, was
ſtrictly verified in M. Agrippa. He had' married, chiefly by
Antony's Interpoſition, Atticus's Daughter Pomponia, by whom
he had only one Child, Vipſania, who was married to Tiberius,
and became the Mother of Druſus, the only Son of that Em-
peror. His Father-in-Law died on the laſt Day of February,
DCCXX, amidſt the Preparations for the Astian War. The
next Year, the Lady was left pretty much alone, while her
Vol. III.
Fff
Huſband
* Dio, Lib. LIV.
, .
..
410
MEMOIRS of the
1
Huſband was acquiring Honour by Sea and Land, and gaining
thoſe Victories, which raiſed the young Cefar to be Lord of
the World. However, for her Amuſement, ſhe continued the
Studies in which ſhe had been carefully educated by her Fa-
ther, who was one of the moſt learned and refined Scholars in
Rome; and, to aſſiſt her in reading the Poets and diſcovering
their Beauties, ſhe took the Affiſtance of a young Man, who
had been brought up in her Father's Family, and to whom he
had given his Liberty, on Account of his Genius and good
Behaviour. The Youth was originally from Atticus's well-
known Eſtate in Epirus, though born at his Tuſculan Villa,
and therefore taking, according to Cuſtom, his Patron's adoptive
Name, was called Q: Cecilius the Epirote. The amiable Turn
and pretty Spirit of her young Teacher, her own Solitude, and .
their former Acquaintance, made the Fair-One ſometimes turn
her Eyes upon other Beauties, than thoſe pointed out in Homer
or Şappho. In ſhort, a greater Aſſiduity, and longer Leſſons
than uſual, having been obſerved by the Servants, the Man of
Letters was forbid the Houſe, and the Lady either died of
Grief and Shame ſoon after, or was divorced by Agrippa, at
his Return; for, in a ſhort While, he married Claudia Marcella,
one of Octavia's Daughters, and Ceſar's Niece : How ſhe be-.
haved, is not mentioned in Hiſtory : --I ſuppoſe well. After
the Death of his Brother-in-Law, Marcellus, he was married,
to JULIA, the Shame of her Sex. As for Cecilius the
Teacher, he took Refuge under the Protection of Cornelius
Gallus, who received him with open Arms, and found him
worthy of his Friendſhip. This very Thing was among the
chief Crimes objected to the unfortunate Gallus by Cefar :-
A ſure Proof that he was guilty of only very flight ones, when
the Protection of a Literatog, overpowered by a Lady, was the
grand Article of the Charge: After Gallus's untimely Death,
Cecilius opened a School for; the Roman Youth, and was the
firſt who read public Lectures on Varius, Virgil, Horace, and
5
the
4
.*
Court of AUGUSTU S. 411
?
the other modern Poets-his Acquaintances, no Doubt, in
Cornelius Gallus's Family.
BY JULIA, the Daughter of Auguſtus, Agrippa had three
Sons, Caius and Lucius Cefars, and Agrippa, who, being born
after his Father's Death, was for that Reaſon called Agrippa
Poſthumus ; and two Daughters, Julia, who followed her Mo-
ther's bad Example ; and Agrippina, married to Germanicus,
the only one of Agrippa's Children who did not fully the Glory
of their Father.
The Diſpoſal of JULIA in Marriage was always Matter of
much Deliberation to Auguſtus.--Antony ſaid he firſt pro-
mifed her, when little more than an Infant, to his eldeſt Son
by Fulvia, Antyllus ; and that he afterwards offered her to
Cotyſon, King of the Getes or Goths, our Forefathers, a power-
ful German Nation, and, to make a double Match, ſought the
Princeſs his Siſter for his own Wife.--If this be true, it
muſt have happened at the Time of his greateſt Diſtreſs in the
Sicilian War, when he was in Danger of being ſwallowed up
by the Conjunction of Antony with Sextus Pompey, which in
effect drove him to a political Marriage, little more to his
liking, but more honourable, with Scribonia, twice a Widow.
This Antony publiſhed in one of his Manifeſtoes ;--I ſup-
poſe to elude the Objection of his illegal Marriage with Cleo-
patra, who was a Foreigner.--Afterwards ſhe was married
to Marcellus, when his Chin was ſcarce covered with Down;
and, upon his premature Death, a new Conſultation was held
to determine who was to be her Huſband, which of courſe
muſt be the ſecond Perſon, or Heir apparent of the Empire.
-Ceſar himſelf inclined towards the quiet and candid C.
Proculeius *, though of no higher Quality than a Roman
Knight. He thought him equal to the Station, and at the ſame
Time had full Confidence in his Integrity, and no Apprehen-
fions of receiving Trouble in the future Exerciſe of his Power.
F ff 2
But
* Taçit. Annal. Lib. IV. SUET. in Aug. LXIII.
f
412
MEMOIRS of the
5
But Mecenas, with his uſual quick Apprehenfion of the chief
Point, ſhewed him that Agrippa muſt be the Man.
PROCULEIUS ſtood fo high in Auguſtus's Eſteem, that
there were no Honours in Rome but he might have aſpired to,
had that been his Choice. But he preferred Tranquillity and
Leiſure to all the Charms of Employment and Power. This
Diſpoſition might perhaps make him unwilling to think of
Julia, even though he knew the Emperor's Inclination for that
Match; and poſſibly too, he might be afraid to climb ſo high,
and engage with the Buſineſs and Figure which he muſt have
fupported in that exalted Station.
TIBERIUS, who ſhould have underſtood well, but was
no favourable Judge of, Auguftus's Actions, ſaid that he had
looked out for. Men of low Quality and averſe to Buſineſs,
left they ſhould one Day give him Trouble, and become his
Rivals. However this might be, Proculeius continued in the
greateſt Favour-with the Prince, and in as great public Eſteem
as the kind of Life he had choſen would permit, and was cer-
tainly one of the fineſt Gentlemen about Auguſtus's Court.
He was with Auguſtus when defeated by Sextus Pompey,
and was intreated by him to diſpatch him during the Purſuit.
This was the Perſon in whom Cleopatra was told the might
put greater Confidence, than in any of Cefar's Party.
The Death of Agrippa raiſed TIBERIUS a Degree higher,
and brought him nearer to Auguſtus, whoſe Son-in-Law he
became in a double Senſe. It was not from any Inclination
for him, that Cefar was induced to marry him to his Daughter
JULIA, the Widow of Agrippa ; for he ſeems to have known
him well :-But he wanted a Second, who might eaſe him
of Part of the Load of Government, and particularly of what
concerned the Wars with the Barbarians.-Druſus had
the Care of that againſt the Germans :-But the Panno-
nians had alſo taken up Arms upon the News of Agripppa's
Death,
UNDER
}
:
VolilI. p.413
22
:
.
1
省
​:
1."
匯
​,
's、
*
;
**
is
Court of AUGUSTUS 413
$
UNDER theſe Circumſtances *, and the great Youth of his
Grand-Sons, or Sons by Adoption, Auguſtus was in a Manner
forced to pitch upon Tiberius, who, on his Side, was fond of
his Wife Vipfania, then with Child, and well acquainted with
Julia's diffolute Life, by Advances ſhe had made to him.
Ambition, however, got the better of every other Confideration.
He repudiated the Wife he loved, to take one who deſerved
only his Hatred and Contempt, but who paved the Way to :
Empire for him.
IMMEDIATELY after his Marriage, he was ordered to Pan-
nonia, which he eaſily reduced with the Aſſiſtance of the.
Scordiſci, a People bordering upon the Pannonians, and like
them as to their Arms and Manner of fighting. He difarmed
the conquered, and ſold moſt of their Youth for Slaves, to be
carried into diſtant Countries. The Senate would have de-
creed Tiberius a Triumph: But Auguſtus, more reſerved,
granted him only the Ornaments of a Triumpher.---Accord-
ing to ſeveral Authors quoted by Suetonius, Tiberius was the
firſt Perſon to whom this new Kind of Decoration, ſubſtitued
by the Emperors in lieu of a real Triumph, was given in
Form.
CLAUDIUS TIBERIUS NERO was a Youth of a grace-
ful Figure. He early diſcovered ſuperior Parts,--not of the
flaſhy Kind ; but fagacious, diſcerning, and full of a Circum-
ſpection beyond his Years. Theſe Talents would have raiſed :
him, even if he had not been Livia's Son :--But with that
Birth, they gave him a vaſt Eclât, until he was obſcured by
the cloſer Connections of Auguſtus's own Children. He would
have made a great Man under the Republic, and an accom-
pliſhed Gentleman under proper Reſtraint. The leaſt Check
ſerved to over-awe him.--His Nephews, his Mother, the
Proneneſs of the Senate to Slavery, rendered him ſo bad a Man
as he proved to be. He had in his Veins a Mixture of the
Blood
• Tacit. Annal. Lib. X. Suet. Tib. §. III. VII, XXI.
:
414
MEMOIRS of the
4
E
.
Blood of the two nobleſt Families in Rome, and two Families
whoſe Anceſtors had been remarkably at Variance.
In the Time of the ſecond Punic War, when the Roman
State was brought to the Brink of Ruin, and Hannibal had led
his victorious Troops almoſt to the Gates of the City ; his
brother Afdrubal, a brave and experienced Soldier, croſſed the
Alps with a great Army, and a vaſt Treaſure, not doubting
but that their joint Force would carry all before it. The
News of his March, and of two Carthaginian Armies being
at once in Italy, with two Sons of Amilcar at their Head, one
of whom had ſpilt more. Roman Blood than any other Com-
mander had ever done, was very terrifying. The two Conſuls,
C. Claudius.Nero, and M. Livius,'(who had been at Variance,
but, at the Interceſſion of the Fathers, had facrificed their Re-
ſentments to the public Service, and been openly reconciled),
'were ſent to oppoſe them, and, if poſſible, to hinder their
Junction. Claudius Nero marched againſt Hannibal, who was
lying with his veteran Army in the South End of Italy, in
Brutium (now Abruzzo); and M. Livius, afterwards called
Salinator, took his Way towards the Alps to keep Aſdrubal in
play. Claudius, who was in the Height of Life and Vigour,
foon came to Blows with Hannibal, and, having attacked him
at unawares, drove him into his Camp with conſiderable Loſs,
and preſſed him ſo cloſe afterwards, that he was obliged to
decamp in the Night, to get out of his Hands. The Conſul,
however, followed him cloſe for ſome Days, and kept hard at
his Heels, which ever Way he turned, till he thought Hannibal
was fully perſuaded that his whole 'Aim was to keep him in
Viev, and, if poſſible, take him at a Diſadvantage. He then
executed one of the boldeſt Deſigns that could enter into the
Heart of Man. He picked out the Flower of his whole Army,
to the Number of fix.thouſand Foot, and one thouſand Horſe,
and leaving the reſt under the Command of 2. Catius, his
Lieutenant, to make Head againſt the dreadful Hannibal, as
if
Court of AUGUSTUS
4.I'S
if he himſelf had ſtill been in the Camp, undertook a terrible
March all the length of Italy, to join his Collegue and deſtroy
the Invader. His March was rapid, and it is hard to tell
whether the News of it gave more Hope or Fear to his Fellow
Citizens. It looked like Madneſs to leave a weakened head-
leſs Army in the Neighbourhood of Hannibal, or to think to
deceive him ; and ſhould the Enterprize upon which he was
going prove abortive, what was there more to oppoſe the
Enemy? The Conſul's ſuperior Spirit, and the Alacrity of the
Troops, was the only Anſwer he could ſtay to make to theſe
Surmiſes. Marching Night and Day, he at laſt joined the
other Conſul, undiſcovered by Aſdrubal, and entered the Camp
before it was light.. A Council of War was immediately
called, and it was propoſed that he ſhould take a Day or two
to refreſh his fatigued Troops, and obſerve the Manner of the
Enemy. But, unable to bear the leaſt Delay, whilſt his aban-
doned Army might be in Danger, Claudius adviſed, nay, begged
his Collegue to lead inſtantly to the Foe. They did ſo; the
Sign of Battle-was given ; and when they came up
drubal, he was upon his March, having moved before Day,,
upon a Suſpicion that the Romans had been re-inforced : But:
having loſt his Way, and wandered by the Banks of the River
Metaurus, they ſoon overtook him. Claudius then attacked
with the Cavalry, and retarded their March. The Carthae
ginian General took a Riſing-Ground upon the River Side, and
began to form a Camp, and caſt.up a Trench. But M. Livius
coming up ſoon after with the Legions, he was quickly forced
to quit that Work, in order to range his Elephants and draw
up
his. Men in Order of Battle.. The Shock was violent.
The Conful Livius and Aſdrubal .were oppoſite to each other,
with the veteran Squadrons of both Armies.-The eager
Claudius, having been beat from the Riſing-Ground, called out
to his Men, Was it for this that you made ſuch haſty Marches?
and led them again up the Aſcent; but was again repulſed.
He:
with Af-
e
!
3
MEMOIRS of the
416
her
He then took a few Cohorts, and wheeling round the Foot of
the Hill, got behind the Enemy, and attacked their left Wing
with ſuch Fury, that the Roman Troops left in the Front faw
them flying before they had Time to think who had broke
them: Then, following his Blow, he advanced where Afdru-
bal and Livius were engaged. It was almoſt Noon, and the
Heat exceſſive, when Afdrubal's mixed Army of Spaniards,
Genoefe, and Gauls, perceived they had an Enemy at their
Backs, as well as in their Front. They had maintained an
obſtinate Fight, were almoſt exhauſted, ſoon began to reel,
and afterwards fell into Diſorder, and fled.. A dreadful Car-
nage enſued, eſpecially of the Gauls, who were leaſt able to
endure the Heat. Afdrubal did every Thing in the Power of a
gallant Man, and a great Commander, to retrieve the Battle :
But when he ſaw it irrecoverably loſt, that he might not ſur-
vive his Fortune, nor ſuffer anything unworthy of his high
Character, he ſet Spurs to his Horſe, and ruſhed upon a Roman
Cohort, where he greatly fell, like the Brother of Hannibal
and the Son of Amilcar. Fifty-ſix thouſand Men are ſaid to
have fallen with Afdrubal... The Conful Claudius Nero,
having taken off his Head, ſet out the very Night after the
Battle, reached his former Camp in fix Days, and threw the
Head, an unwelcome Spectacle, into the Trenches of the
Carthaginians.
When the News of this Victory was firſt brought to Rome,
it was ſo ſudden and ſo glorious, that none could believe it :
But many Meſſengers arriving with the ſame Accounts; and
relating all the Particulars of the Action, their Doubts gave
way,
and the City fell into fuch an Exceſs of Joy as had never
been known. All the Temples were adorned, the Altar's
loaded with Incenſe and Victims, and from that Day forth
the Romans conceived ſuch good Hopes of their Affairs, that
they, who but a Moment before had trembled at the bare
Name of Hannibal, who alone of all their Enemies had ever
6
thrown
Court of AUGUSTU S. 41.7
P
**
thrown a Spear within the Walls of Rome; ſeemed now hardly
to remember that ſuch a Man was in Italy.
Such was the Service which the Claudian and Livian Fa-
milies did to Rome in the greateſt Danger ſhe ever knew. But,
fome Time after, when theſe two great Men, who had ma-
naged their Conſulſhip with ſuch Unanimity, were choſen
Cenfors, they gave Occaſion to doubt the Sincerity of their
former Reconciliation. They agreed well enough in the
greater Part of the cenſorial Buſineſs, ſuch as convening the
Senate, inſpecting and repairing the public Buildings, farming
out the Revenue, and numbering the Citizens :
.-But, in re-
viewing the Roman Knights, among whom they both were,
when they came to the Tribe Pollia, to which M. Livius be-
longed, and the public Crier heſitated to call the Cenſor's
Name, “ Cite," ſaid Nero, “ Marcus Livius ;" which being
done, he ordered him to ſell his Horſe; the uſual Ignominy to
a Knight, who had been once condemned by a Sentence of
the Roman People. Whether this Affront proceeded from
ſome Remains of the old Grudge, or from pure cenſorial Se-
verity, is ſtill doubtful : But when they came to the Arnian
Tribe, Livius ordered C. Claudius Nero to ſell his Horſe, for
two Reaſons; one, becauſe he had given falſe Evidence againſt
him at his Trial, when he was condemned ; and the other,
becauſe he had been inſincere in his public Reconciliation with
him.Of a Conjunction of theſe two Families ſprung Tibe-
RIUS and DRUSUS Neros.
It is ſcarce poſſible to carry on a Tract of fo conſtant
Diſſimulation, as that Nature ſeizes not ſome' tempting Op-
portunity to break through, and ſhew the hideous Face un-
maſked. A Propoſal made to Tiberius by his Brother, the
noble-minded Drusus Nero, to take Meaſures for reſtoring
the Common-Wealth to Liberty, was ſuch an Opportunity.
Druſus was the Idol of Auguſtus, and of Rome. His high
Character, acquired by the Reality of thoſe Virtues of which
VOL. III.
Tiberius
ba
E
f
Ggg
R
418
MEMOIRS of the
Tiberius had only the Appearance, gave Uneaſineſs to the Dif-
ſembler, -nor did he at all reliſh the Deſign. He therefore
thought it a happy Conjuncture, at once to ruin a Rival and
ingratiate himſelf with the Sovereign. The engrained Traitor
broke forth, and he carried the Letter, written to him in full
Confidence by his generous Brother, to Auguſtus. --The
Prince was then become wiſe; he had great Experience of Af-
fairs; and conſequently great Allowances to make to a high-
ſpirited Youth, without Malice, though dazzled with Pa-
triotiſm and Hopes of Glory.--He doated on Drufus, and
could not think of hurting him ; ſo that all that Tiberius got
by his Perfidy, was to be known void of natural Affection, and
capable of any black Deed for Power.-
black Deed for Power. The worſt and moft
deteſtable of Mankind is a humane-like Traitor, a Villain
poffeſféd of the Appearance of Virtue, a Cheat in her Livery,
and one able to do the worſt of Things by the Truſt that
follows her amiable Form.
It appears from all Auguſtus's Behaviour toward the two
Brothers, that he looked upon Tiberius as an Alien, and upon
Drufus as his own Child. The Reaſon he publicly gave for
adopting him *, (in the Year DCCLV. after the Death of
Lucius and Caius Cefars,) though honourable at firſt View,
implies that it was not from perſonal Affection ; and, in his
laſt Will, the Clauſe which made Tiberius his Heir, and
gave
him the Empire, bears a Complaint of hard Fate, which had
ſnatched his deareſt Pledges from him, and forced him to leave
his Succeſſion to a Man he could not love, the Son of his
fierceſt Enemy:
HORACE, in his ſublime martial Ode t, written by Au-
guſtus's expreſs. Command, celebrates Druſus's Victories before
thoſe of the elder Brother, and introduces the Praiſes of the
younger
with a ſtriking Simile of a young Eagle newly ſprung
from
1
* Hoc REIPUBLICÆ caufâ facio.
+ Lib. IV, Carm. 4.
>
boring
Court of AUGUSTUS. 419
ज x
from the Neſt, or a Lion's Whelp firſt entered to Blood, which,
· if Drufus were indeed of the Claudian Family, reflects all the
Honour upon Tiberius, Livia's firſt Huſband, and Cefar's im-
placable Enemy: But if the Suſpicions concerning a Com-
merce between Cefar and Livia, before their Marriage, were
well-founded, then the high Compliment falls directly and
perſonally on Auguſtus. -It would have been an unpardona-
ble Indiſcretion in the Poet, to have let drop a ſingle Syllable
that bore the moſt diftant Inſinuation of this Kind.A
Miſtake we need not fear in Horace. All he could do was to
give a Preference, as if by Chance,ếin the Heat of Fancy,
to Druſus, and leave a Poſſibility of a flattering Application.
ANCIENT Germany, far more extenſive than the preſent
Empire of that Name, was divided from Gaul by the Rhine ;
from Rhætia and Pannonia by the Danube; from Sarmatia, on
the Eaſt, by the Viftula ; and reached as far North as the Ro-
mans then had any Knowledge of that Part of the Globe ; even
beyond the Countries ſince called Scandinavia. This immenſe
Tract of Land contained a great Number of different Nations,
the chief of which, or of thoſe at leaſt with whom the Ro-
måns had any Wars worth noticing, were the Sicambri, the
Uſpiï and Tenteri, the Bructeri, the Catti, the Cauci, the
Cherufci, the Friſons, and the Suevi, on the other side of the
Rhine ; the Nervi, the Trevians, the Tribocci, the Vangions,
the Nemetians, the Ubians, and the Batavians, on this *
Ggg2
It
* The Sicambri were no longer beyond the Rhine when Tacitus wrote (which
was about the Year of Rome, DCCCL); nor does that Hiſtorian particularize
the Situation of the Uſipii, or of their Aſſociates the Tenèteri, who were admired
for their Cavalry. They were brought up to manage a Horſe from their Infancy;
it was the Object of their earlieſt Emulation; nor would they give it over even
in their old Age. Among them, Horſes were the chief Part of a Child's Inhe-
ritance, and belonged of right, not to the firſt born, but to the braveſt and beſt
Warrior.
The Bruéteri, a powerful and warlike Nation bordering upon the Ems, were
extirpated
*
+
9
1
3
<<
4 20
MEMOIRS of the
It is remarkable that all theſe laſt People thought it a great
Honour to be of German Origin, and were particularly careful
to
4
extirpated by their Neighbours the Chamavi and Angrivarii, who took their
Place.
The Catti, who ſeem to have been the Anceſtors of the preſent Heffians, and
to have inhabited the fame Country, were diſciplined. (a), as well as brave.
It was an univerſal Cuſtom among them to let their Beard and Hair grow, with
a Vow never to ſhave till they had killed an Enemy. Some of the braveſt of
them would alſo wear an iron Ring, as an Emblem of Chains and Captivity,
on the like Condition of not leaving it off, till they had acquired a Right to be
delivered from that Badge of Ignominy, by the Death of an Enemy Nain in
Battle. Their Warriors, thinking it beneath them ever to conceive a Thought
that did not relate to War and Arms, had no fixed Habitation, nor gave them-
felves
any
Sort of Trouble about cultivating the Land ; but went and lived
with the firſt Family they found.
The Cauci extended from the Ems to the Elbe. Pliny (b) repreſents them as
the moſt miſerable People that can poſſibly be imagined. According to him
they lived in a low marſhy Country, which the Sea threatened every Moment
to overflow : they had no Land fit to cultivate, no hunting, nor any domeſtic
Animals; but ſubſiſted wholly by fiſhing : Their Country, ſays he, quite naked,
did not afford them even Wood; ſo that they had nothing to make Fire with, but
a bituminous Mud, which they uſed to dry, by ſqueezing it with their Hands.
This was, probably, what we call Turf. Tacitus, without directly contradicting
Pliny, gives them a very high Character. He ſays (c), they were the moſt il-
luſtrious People of Germany, powerful and numerous, Lovers of Juſtice, void
of Avarice and Ambition, quiet, peaceable, and friendly to their Neighbours,
whom they neither plundered nor annoyed, though ſuperior in Strength, and
truly brave when Self-Defence required their entering into Wars, to ſupport
which they were equally ſtrong in Horſe and Foot..I cannot make theſe
two widely different Pictures, both drawn by great Maſters, ſuit the ſame
Original, but by ſuppofing that Pliny was acquainted with only the maritime
Cauci ; that is, with the leaſt Part of the Country; and that Tacitus ſpeaks of the
Inlanders, whoſe Territories extended a great Way.
The Cherufci, a warlike and reſolute People, are famous in Hiſtory for the
Atchievements of their Countryman and Chief, Arminius, that brave Defender
of the German Liberty.
The
3
(a) Alios ad Prælium ire videas, Cattos ad bellum. TACIT. Germ. 30.
(6) Lib. XVI. c. 2.
(c) Germ. 35.
빛
​*
-
Court of AUGUSTUS.
421
*
to diſtinguiſh themſelves from the Gauls, in whom the Mild-
neſs of the Climate, Cefar's Conqueſts, and the Roman Cuſtoms,
introduced
*
honetan
The Friſons ſtill keep their old Name, and nearly the ſame Country as
formerly.
The Suevi held all the Heart of Germany from the Danube to the Baltic. They
were an extremely numerous Nation, divided into ſeveral People, and each of
thoſe People fubdivided into ſeveral Tribes, Cefar has given a pretty full De-
ſcription of them, and Tacitus a much fuller. I ſhall mention only two Particu-
lars concerning them. The firſt is, their Manner of dreſſing their Hair ; a
trifing Circumſtance, were it not the Characteriſtic which diſtinguiſhed the
Suevi from the other Germans; and among the Suevi themſelves, the Freeman
from the Slave. They let their Hạir grow very long, plaited it, and then
turned it up behind, rolling it round on the Top of the Head. The People of
Diſtinction among them took ſome Pains to have that Roll and the Plaiting very
neat. This was the only Part of Dreſs they minded ; a Part, fays Tacitus (a),
for which they are not to be blamed, as their Deſign in it was not to appear
more amiable to the Women, but more terrible to the Enemy.
The other remarkable Singularity of the Suevi is the Worſhip which ſome of
them, particularly the Angles, paid to the Earth, which they imagined to be a
Goddeſs, and conceited that ſhe fonietimes viſited Men, to inquire into the
State of their Affairs. In an Iſland in the Ocean was a Wood, called the Challe
Wood, where was kept a Carr covered over, and richly ornamented, which the
Prieſt only dared to touch. This Prieſt made the People believe that he knew,
by certain Signs, the Time when the Goddeſs came to her Sanctuary, and was
feated in her Carr, which was then drawn about the Country by Heifers, with
a great Deal of religious Pomp and Ceremony. Holidays were kept on theſe
Occaſions, and Joy and Feſtivity reigned in every Place the Goddeſs was
pleaſed to honour with her. Preſence. All Wars were ſuſpended, every offenfive
Weapon was carefully locked up, and then only this fierce People could endure
Tranquillity and Peace. When the Prieſt judged that the Goddeſs began to
grow tired of ber mortal Company, he conducted her back to the Wood, which
was looked upon as her Temple ; and then the Carr, its Coverings, and the
Goddeſs herſelf, ſaid they, were waſhed in an adjacent Lake. This Part of the
Ceremony was performed by Slaves, who inſtantly diſappeared ;--ſwallowed up
by the Lake.A cruel Artifice, to conceal the Prieſt's juggling, and ſtrike
the People with a fuperftitions (6) Dread of the tremendous Object of their
Worſhip, a Sight of which was not to be obtained but by certain Death.
The Nervi inhabited what is now the Province of Hainault, the Trevians
occupied the preſent Circle of Treves ; Straſburg is the Capital of what was
the
(a) Germ. 38.
(69 Ibid. 40.
2
:
L
4.22
MEMOIRS of the
E-
introduced by the Victors, had taken off the Edge of that
Courage for which they held the Germans in very high
Eſteem.
The Wars between the Romans and the Germans ſeem to
have begún in the Year 650, during the Conſulſhip of Ceci-
lius Metellus and. Papirius Carbo *, when the Cimbrians broke
into Gaul, and attacked the Winter-Quarters of the Legions in
that Country. Tacitus obſerves, that when he wrote, which
was two hundred Years after this Event, Germany had coſt
the Romans an infinite Deal of Blood, and was then
very
far
from being entirely ſubdued.-Nor indeed was it ever.
On the contrary, it at laſt became triumphant: For from
thence came the Franks, Goths, and Kandals, who, after the
War had laſted five hundred Years, totally ſubverted the
Roman Power, and eſtabliſhed on its Ruins moſt of the Mo-
narchies now ſubſiſting in the fineſt Parts of Europe af.
The Germans, following the Example of the Cimbrians,
never gave up their Deſign of croſſing the Rhine, and ſettling
in richer and better Countries than their own. With this
View, Arioviftus firſt entered Gaul, and after him'the Uſipii
and Tenɛteri. Their bad Succeſs there, and Ceſar's attacking
Germany, checked them for a while, but could not extinguiſh
the ardent Deſire of their Countrymen to get Footing in a leſs
rigorous Climate.
Climate. Agrippa was ſent to ſtop their Incurſions ;
and, like Cefar, the more effectually to keep them within
Bounds, by ſpreading Terror in their own Country, he paffed
the Rhine about the Time of his firſt Conſulſhip. After that,
whilſt Ostavius was at War with Antony, Carinnas conquered
the Suevi ; for which Triumphal Honours were decreed him.
Some Years after the Battle of Atium, Vinicius avenged on
the
the Country of the Tribocci; Worms of the Vangions ; Spire of the Nemetians;
and Cologne of the Ubians. The Batavians lived in an Inand down the Rhine,
of which Betaw, or Beluvia, is a confiderable Part.
* Tacit. Germ. + Bucher. Belgium Romanum Ecclef. & Civ,
}
1
春
​泰
​:
*
:
:
学
​來
​决​”
.
:
龙
​Vollp-423
le
Court of AUGUSTUS. 423
the Germans (but we are not told which of them in particular)
the Blood of ſome Roman Traders, whom they had maſſacred.
In the Year of Rome 733, Agrippa was ſent back to Gaul,
again moleſted by the Incurſions of the Germans. He calmed
all Things, and probably then permitted the Ubiż to ſettle on
the left side of the Rhine. Theſe People, formerly protected
by Cefar againſt the Suevi, had from that Tiine taken a Liking
to the Romans *; and Agrippa depended ſo much upon their
Fidelity, that he removed them into the Empire, and aſſigned
them the Guard of the Rhine, with Orders to hinder the Ger-
mans from paſſing it. • Their Settlement foon increaſed, and
became a very flouriſhing Roman Colony; long known by the
Name of Cologne. Tiberius to who ſeems to have ſucceeded
Agrippa, did nothing memorable at that Time ; but the War
began to grow ſerious under Lollius, in the Year of Rome, 736.
M. LOLLIUS, praiſed by Horace I, but with ſo little of
his remarkable Delicacy, that it ſeems rather a Panegyric
written by Command, than what the judicious Poet really
thought his Due, concealed the greateſt Vices $, under the
moſt ſpecious Maſk of Virtue, and was much fonder of getting
Money, than of doing his Duty. It ſeems highly probable,
that this covetous General attempted to practiſe unjuſt Extor-
tions upon ſome of the People juſt conquered by Agrippa, and
on whom this laſt had doubtleſs impoſed ſome Night Tribute.
Lollius ſent Centurions beyond the Rhine, where, under Pre-
tence of levying that Tribute, they oppreſſed the People ll,
Enemies to Servitude, to ſuch a Degree, that they ſeized
them and put them to Death. The Sicambri, with their
faithful Allies the Uſipii and Teneteri, then paſſed the Rhine,
ravaged ſeveral Places belonging to the Romans, and ſurpriſed
Lollius, whoſe Troops were put to flight, with more Shame,
indeed,
है
die
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. XII. & Germ.
I Carm. Lib. IV. Od. 9. S VELL. II. 97
+ SUET. Tib. §. IX.
Il Dio. Lib. LIV.
424 MEMOIRS of the
+
indeed, than Loſs. The Eagle of the fifth Legion remained
in the Poſſeſſion of the Conquerors.
This was the real Cauſe of Auguſtus's Journey to Gaul.
His Preſence, and the Preparations which Lollius made to re-
trieve his Honour, foon reſtored Tranquility. The Enemies
made Peace, and repaſſed the Rhine, after giving Hoſtages ;
a weak Tie upon People unuſed to pay any Regard to the
Faith of Treaties. Auguſtus ſtaid near three Years in Gaul,
and, when he returned to Rome, left behind him Druſus, who,
young as he was, had already given diſtinguiſhed Proofs of his
military Talents, in the Rhetian War.
The Emperor's Departure was a Signal to the Sicambri to
renew their Incurſions :-Nor were the Gauls quiet. The
Quit-Rent and Poll-Tax, which Drufus was collecting by
Auguſtus's Order, made them ſenſible of their Servitude ; and
not being yet thoroughly faſhioned to the Yoke, they found,
in the Aſſiſtance of the Germans, a ſtrong Inducement to at-
tempt to recover their Liberty. The Ferment ſeems to have
been general all over Gaul; but the Revolt broke out only in
the two Provinces bordering on the Rhine, called by Auguſtus
the two Germanies,
DRUSUS foon fubdued the rebel Towns; and this firſt
Succeſs adding great Weight to his Authority, and ſtopping
the Progreſs of the Revolt through the reſt of Gaul, he took
the Opportunity of a general Feſtival, to convene an Aſſembly
of the Nation, and endeavour to reconcile them entirely to the
Dominion of the Romans.
THE Occaſion of this Feſtival was the Dedication of a
Temple and Altar, which all Gaul, before theſe laſt Troubles,
had been prevailed upon to erect to Auguſtus, and which were
then finiſhed. This celebrated Monument, than which few
are more remarkable, was built at the Conflux of the Saône
and Rhône, on the very Spot where the Abbey of Ainai now
ſtands.
3
:
Court of AUGUSTUS.
425
#
5
ſtands. Sixty of the Provinces of Gaul contributed to the
Expence, and ſet up the ſame Number of Statues, repreſent-
ing them. It was a folemn Homage paid by all Gaul to the
Roman Empire.--The Affembly convened by Drufus an-
ſwered his Wiſhes. A Prieſt, called C. Julius Vercundaridu-
bius in the Epitome of Livy *, by Birth an Eduan, was ap-
pointed in Honour of the new God, and annual Games were
inſtituted. With theſe ſeemingly unimportant Affairs, Dru-
fus knew how to intermix others of a more ſerious Nature ;
and managed ſo well, either by dextrouſly winning the Affec-
tions of the People, or keeping their Chiefs near him by way
of Hoſtages, that the Gauls not only remained quiet, but even
ſupplied him with Neceſſaries for the German War-He
then croſſed the Rhine, chaſtiſed the Ulpii and Sicambri in
their own Country, and ſubdued the Marcomanni, a People
bordering on the Main, in the Country now called the Circle
of Franconia.
-DRUSUS then reſolved to enter Germany by Sea ; at once
to carry the War to the Borders of the Ems and Weſer, with-
out harraſſing his Troops by a long and difficult March. He
feems to have long conceived this great Deſign, to facilitate
the Execution of which, he made the Canal of that now com-
municates from the Rhine to the Iſel, extending from the
Village of Iſeloort to Doeſburg. This Canal received a great
Part of the Waters of the right. Branch of the Rhine, which,
by that Means, became much leſs conſiderable than before.
But at the ſame Time, Druſus opened a third Mouth for that
River into the Sea, mentioned by Pliny under the Name of
Flevum Oſtium I The Face of that Country has been
greatly altered ſince. What is now called the Zuider Zee was
then chiefly Land, watered by the Rhine joined to the Iſlel,
falling into a Lake called Flevus, from whence, diſemboguing
Vol. III.
Hhh
and
}
* CXXXVII. + CELLARII Geograph. Ant. Lib. II. c. 3.
I LA MARTINIERE, Diet. Geograph. Art. Flevo, FLEVUM, FLEVUS.
다​.
1
#
k
426
MEMOIRS of the
*
and becoming a River again, it at laſt opened into the Sea,
probably at the Place now called the Vlie, between the Illes
of Vlieland and Schelling. From thence to the Mouth of
the Ems is a ſhort Paſſage.
HAVING prepared a Fleet upon the Rhine, he fell down that
River, and paſſed through his own Canal; from whence
coming into the Ifels and following the Route I have deſcribed,
he was the firſt Roman that entered the German Ocean. He
ſubdued, or gained over, the Frifons; took Poffeffion of the
Idle of Byrchanis, now. Borckum, near the Mouth of the Ems;
and, aſcending that River, conquered the Brutteri in a naval
Fight. He then viſited the Cauci, on the right hand side of
the Ems, where he was in great Danger : Being unacquainted
with the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, his Ships, which had
come up with the Help of the high Tide, were left dry when
the Tide went off. His new Allies the Frifons helped him out
of that Difficulty.
BEFORE he left the Country, he built a Fort at the Mouth
of the Ems, on the left Side, oppoſite the place where the
Town of Embden now. ftands ; and having brought his Fleet
and Army ſafely back, he diſtributed his Soldiers in Winter-
Quarters, and went to Rome to receive the Pretorſhip, with
the Applauſes juſtly due to his Exploits in this his firſt Cam-
paign in Germany, which was in the Year DCCXL.
Early the next Spring, he returned to his Army, repaſſed
the Rhine, again engaged and defeated the ſame Enemies as
before, built two Forts, in which he left Garriſons, one at the
Junction of the Rivers Lippe and Alm, near Paderborn, and
the other cloſe to the Rhine in the Country of the Catti; after
which he advanced toward the Cherufci, and penetrated to the
Weſer. But the Fear of wanting Proviſions, and the Approach
of Winter, prevented his paffing that River. For theſe Suc-
ceſſes the Senate decreed him the Ornaments of Triumph, the
Honour of an Ovation, and the Power of Proconful when his
3
Year
2
i
1
"
Court of AUGUSTU S. 427
Year of Pretorſhip ſhould be expired.His Troops had given
him the Title of Imperator, or victorious General. But Au-
guſtus was more tenacious of that Honour than of any other,
except the Triumph, which he never granted after Agrippa's
declining it, two Years before. Perhaps he was apprehenſive
that this Title might make the Commanders of his Armies apt
to forget they were only his Lieutenants, and not Generals in
chief.Whatever Ground there may be for this Conjecture,
which ſeems to be founded on Facts, it is at leaſt certain, that
when Auguſtus himſelf took the Title of Imperator for Ti-
berius's Conqueſt of the Pannonians, and Drufus's Victories in
Germany, he would not permit either of them to aſſume it.
DRUSUS's third Campaign in Germany, in the enſuing
Year, was equally ſucceſsful. In the fourth, in DCCXLIII.
he croſſed the Wefer, and reached the Borders of the Elbe,
where, ſay Dion Caffius and Suetonius *, a Phantom appeared
to hina in the Likeneſs of a Barbarian Woman, and, with a
menacing Voice, ſaid to him, " Raſh Man! Whither does thy
“ inconſiderate. Ardor hurry thee? The Fates forbid thy
paſſing this River. Thy Exploits and thy Life muſt end
* here.”—It is poſſible that one of thoſe German Propheteſſes,
as they were called, (of which Number was the famous Vele-
da), might act this Part; or, perhaps, more probable, that the
Story was feigned in order to do Honour to the fingular Cir-
cumſtance of a Roman Army's being ready to paſs the Elbe :-
For Druſus was certainly a Man of too much Courage and
Penetration to be frightened by ſuch a Trick. Either Illneſs,
or Accident, I cannot ſay which, for the Cauſe of his Death
is differently accounted for, ſtopt his farther Progreſs. Dion
Caſus aſcribes it to Illneſs only. The Epitome of Livy ſays
he was killed by a Fall from his Horſe ; and Suetonius informs
ust, but at the ſame Time candidly refutes the Report, that
Auguſtus did not eſcape Suſpicion of having poiſoned him,
Hh h 2
through
* Claud. $. I.
+ Claud. J. I. & Tib. §. L.
4
V
$
혼
​5
9
428
MEMOIRS of the
through Fear of his great Popularity and Republican Spirit; of
which he had given a ſtrong Proof in his Letter to Tiberius,
mentioned before. Tacitus, who ſpares no-body, acquits Auguſtus
entirely of all ſuch injurious Suſpicions, when he ſays poſitively,
ſpeaking of Marcellus's Death, that Auguſtus never was cruel
towards any Part of his Family, or ever cauſed the Death of
any that belonged to him *, -Had this Youth been the Son of
Oslavius, like Marcellus, his Step-Mother Livia would have
been ſuſpected to have poiſoned him.
As ſoon as Auguftus, who was then at Pavia, (Ticinum) +,
heard the News of Druſus's Illneſs; he immediately diſpatched
Tiberius, who was returned from conquering the Pannonians,
Dacians, and Dalmatians. It were to be wiſhed, for the Ho-
nour of Tiberius, that his brotherly Affection had been equal
to his extraordinary Diligence on this Occaſion: For, with
only one Attendant, though he had the Alps and Rhine to
croſs, he travelled in a ſingle Day and Night two Hundred
Miles, through barbarous Countries, moſt of which were either
open Enemies, or unwilling Allies. Druſus, who was Aill
alive, though near his End, collected Strength enough to pay
his Brother the Compliment of ordering the Army out to re-
ceive him, and to pay him all the Honours due to a Superior
in Age and Command. He expired ſoon after at the Age of
Thirty, infinitely regretted by the Soldiers, and lamented by
*
every Roman.
His Army wanted to bury him in a military Manner in the
Encampment where he died, between the Rhine and the
Sala ; but upon Tiberius's Thewing the Emperor's Orders,
Preparations were made to conduct the Body to Rome. Cen-
turions carried it on their Shoulders, to the Quarters of the
Legions
ร์ Ý
ķ
* In nullius unquam ſuorum necem duravit (Auguftus).
TACIT. Annal. Lib. I,
+ VAL. MAx. Lib. V. c. 5.
I A River which falls into the Elbe.
X
}
Court
.
429
We
Legions next the Rhine ; Tiberius, on Foot, preceding the fu-
neral Pomp : From thence, advancing towards Italy, the Sear
nators and Magiſtrates of the Towns upon the Road received
it at the Entrance of their Territories, and attended it to the
next Frontier * Auguftus himſelf, in the Depth of Winter,
accompanied it from Pavia to Rome:
NOTHING, that Magnificence or real Grief could ſuggeſt,
was omitted to honour the Hero. Two funeral Orations were
pronounced, one by Tiberius in the Forum, the other by Au-
guftus in the Flaminian Circus. The Body was carried to the
Campus Martius' by Roman Knights of the greateſt Diſtinction,
and Sons of Senators ; and after being burnt there, the Aſhes
were gathered up, and depoſited in the Julian Tomb. Au-
guſtus likewiſe wrote his Epitaph in Verſe, and Memoirs of
his Life in Proſe ; but, unfortunately, they are loſt.
The Senate decreed every Kind of Honour to his Memory.
The Surname of Germanicus was given to him, his Children,
and Deſcendants : Statues were ordered to be erected to him
in
many Places ; with a triumphal Arch of Marble, and Tro-
phies, on the Appian Way, and a Monument near the Rhine,
rendered famous by his Exploits. He ſeems even to have been
deified : For Hiſtory mentions an Altar raiſed to him in the
Country where he had ſignalized his Valour of.
He married the younger ANTONIA, ſecond Daughter of
Antony and Octavia.- They were perhaps the lovelieſt Pair
that ever did Honour to a Country, or adorned a Court.-
The fineſt Figure of a Man, in all Rome, was Drusus Nero,
and the moſt ſtriking Beauty was the younger ANTONIA.
The inanly Grace and ſtately Stature of the Father combined
with the Sweetneſs of the Mother to mix their Charms, and
create, in her, the lovelieſt of Women. But their outward
Form, how amiable foever, was far from being their ſuperior
Quality. Drusus pofſeffed in Reality the Virtues which our
Fancies
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. III.
+ Id. ibid. Lib. II.
1
है
*
Š
430 MEMOIRS of the
Fancies paint in a Hero. His Nature was noble, generous,
and magnificent, humane without Reſerve, and ſo fond of
well-founded Fame, that, in a Day of Battle, he uſed to ride
fiercely along the Front, to find out and engage the General of
the Enemy, that he might carry home the Opima Spolia, like
Romulus and Marcellus.-ANTONIA joined to her exquiſite
Form every Virtue that can adorn a Woman ; cautious in ad-
mitting, but ſteady in retaining Friendſhip ; prone to do good
Offices ; ardent in her Love; and tempering the Severity of her
Morals with a Sweetneſs and Affability which heightened
every Charm. I never think of them but with Veneration.
In the Midſt of a luxurious Court and diffolute Town, in
the Heat of Youth and Height of Strength, it is certain that
the young Prince never touched a Woman, but his lovely An-
tonia. And it is as certain, that, after his untimely Death,
his inconſolable Conſort, though in the Prime of Life, would
never liſten to a ſecond Lover, nor hear any Propoſal of another
Marriage-Full of the Idea of her adored Druſus, ſhe ſhut
herſelf up in the Apartment of her Mother-in-Law Livia, re-
mained conſtantly under her Eye, and never heard the Name
of Druſus mentioned, without thedding Tears, ſo long as the
lived; though ſhe ſurvived near thirty Years after this woeful
Separation. Amiable and happy Pair As you were
bleſſed in your Lives, embalmed be your Memory !-And
may every accompliſhed Couple that tread in your Steps, taſte
your ſupreme Felicity !--Drufus had, by this beſt of Wo-
men, three Children; Germanicus, already mentioned ; Clau-
dius, who became Emperor ; and Livia, or Livilla, who mar-
ried her Couſin-German Druſus, Son of Tiberius. Beſides
the Forts upon the Ems and Lippe, he built above fifty others
along the Borders of the Rhine * ;-probably the Beginnings of
ſeveral of the Towns now in thoſe Parts.
The Affairs of Germany being left in an unſettled and un-
certain
* FLOR. IV. 12.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 431
certain State by the premature Death of Drufus, Tiberius was
ordered thither in the Year DCCXLIV. (for which C. Aſinius
Gallus and C. Marcius Cenforinus were Conſuls), to complete
the Work gloriouſly begun by his Brother. Auguftus had no
one elſe in his Family, to whom he could entruſt a Buſineſs of
ſuch Importance :
-Nor, indeed, could he have choſen a
fitter Perſon ; for he was very brave, and piqued himſelf on
being prudent. His Inſtructions ſeem to have been, rather to
pacify Matters, than widen the Breach ; to eſtabliſh Peace and
Tranquility, rather than to make Conqueſts; ſo far as might be
conſiſtent with the Rights and Dignity of the Roman Empire.
L. DOMITIUS, who, probably, commanded the Army
from the Time of Drufus's Death till the Arrival of Tiberius,
had prided himſelf upon paſſing the Elbe, and carrying the
Roman Arms into Regions where they had never before
pene-
trated. He gained ſome Advantages in this Expedition, for
which the Ornaments of a Triumph were decreed him *.-But
Auguſtus, while he rewarded his Valour, did not approve of
his Conduct. Like a wiſe Prince, he was more ftudious
how to govern well his vaſt Dominions, than to enlarge them
beyond Meaſure. He would readily have agreed to make the
Rhine his Boundary, and thought it no way advantageous to
the Romans to go beyond the Elbe, left, by rouzing the war-
like Nations on the other Side of that River, they ſhould draw
upon themſelves too great a Number of Enemies.
History does not ſay, whether Tiberius fought any Battles
on this Occaſion, or whether the Terror of his Name and
Arms was alone ſufficient to reduce the Germans, already inti-
midated by the Loſſes they had fuftained. Certain it is, that he
forced Part of the Suevi and Sicambri to ſubmit, and tranſported
forty thouſand of them to this Side of the Rhine of. Such was
the ſtubborn Fierceneſs of theſe Barbarians, that many of
them,
"
+ Id. ibid. Lib. II. Suet. in Aug.
1
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. IV.
8. XXI. & in Tib. §. IX D1o.
432 MEMOIRS of the
them, eſpecially their Chiefs; not able to endure being ſo far dif-
tant from their native Country, nor the kind of Captivity they
were kept in, choſe rather to kill themſelves. The Sicambri,
who had been the principal Cauſe of renewing the War, ſeem-
ed quite extinct after this Tranſmigration; nor did their Name
appear again for a long while in the Wars of the Romans in
Germany.---The Marcomanni, another very numerous Swarm
of Suevi, terrified at the Diſgrace of their Countrymen, and
fearing a like Diſaſter, left the Neighbourhood of the Rhine
and Main, and retired into Bohemia, under the Conduct of
Maroboduus. By this means all became calm from the Rhine
to the Elbe, and acknowledged the Roman Laws.
TIBERIUS, who completed this great Work, received at
laſt, with Auguſtus's Leave, the Title of Imperator, the Ho-
nours of a Triumph, and a ſecond Conſulſhip. The Triumph,
according to the Laws of Rome, was due and decreed to Auguf-
tus, whoſe Lieutenant only Tiberius had been : But he would
not accept it, contenting himſelf with the Title of Imperator,
which he now took for the fourteenth Time. He indeed made
it a Rule not to triumph for Victories, which he had not gained
in Perſon ; thinking it ridiculous for any one to claim that
tranſcendant Honour, when merited by the Labours and Dan-
ger of another. His Example, in this, was followed by his
Succeſſors. Every conſiderable Advantage, gained by their
Lieutenants over an Enemy, gave them a Right to decorate
themſelves with the Title of Imperator ; but not to have a
Triumph decreed them.
AUGUSTUS's Victories over the Germans procured him
the Honour of enlarging Rome ;---a Privilege which was allow-
ed to none, but ſuch as had extended the Frontiers of the Em-
pire : And as there was no longer either War or Diſturbance
in
aný
Part of the vaſt Dominions of the Romans, he had like-
wiſe the Glory of cloſing, for the third Time, the Temple of
Janus, which remained ſhụt about twelve Years,
BOOK
>
!
1
At
4
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
433
7
BOOK
XV.
L
ET us now take a curſory View of the State of the Roman
Empire about this Time.
ITALY, the Seat of Dominion, was guarded by three
Fleets ; one ſtationed at Ravenna in the Adriatic ; another at
Cape Miſeno, near Naples; and the third ſecured the Gulphs of
Genoa and Marſeilles, near to the Gallic Shore. This laſt conſiſted
of a Squadron of Ships of War taken from Antony at the naval
Engagement at Aftium ;---ſtout Ships, well manned, and whoſe
Rendezvous was at Frejuls in Provence. But the greateſt
Strength, and Nerves, as it were, of the Empire, lay upon the
Rhine. There, beſides a great Number of Ships, eight Le-
gions (the Legion conſiſted of fix thouſand Men) lay as a
common Safe-Guard to Gaul and Germany. The wide Country
of late-conquered Spain was bridled with three Legions.
That Diſtrict of Africa which had not been given off to young
Juba was kept in Awe by one Legion, and in caſe of a Re-
volt, by two. A like Number was thought ſufficient to keep
the once powerful, and now enervated, Kingdom of Egypt in
its Duty. Judea, Syria, and all the vaſt Tract from Egypt to
the Euphrates, bowed before four Legions; who were alſo
deemed ſufficient to protect the Iberian, Albanian, and Pontic
Kings, from the Inſults of the Parthians and Tartars. Thrace
had its own Princes, the Pofterity of Sadacel, Rheſcuporis, and
Cotys: But the Banks of the Danube were fortified with a
Force equal to that upon the Borders of the Euphrates, which
was four Legions ;-tivo in Bavaria, Auſtria, and Hungary ;
—and two, or ſometimes three, in Servia and Bulgaria. The
new Conqueſt, Dalmatia, neareſt to Italy, juſt on the oppoſite
VOL. III.
I ii
Shore,
1
*
&
4
434 MEMOIRS of, the
A
Shore, had a Body of twelve thouſand Men, fettled in it by
Auguſtus. They lay, as it were, at the Back of the Legions in
Upper Germany; and, at the ſame Time, were at hand in caſe
of any Commotion in Italy. The City of Rome had its proper
Guard, three Cohorts of trained Bands, making twelve hun-
dred Men ; and the Pretorian Bands, who were the Prince's
Life-Guards, amounting to four thouſand five hụndred. Theſe
were underſtood to be all native Italians, principally levied in
Tuſcany, Romagna, Urbino, and the Campagna di Roma.
Beſide theſe ſtanding Forces, it was generally allowed, that the
Auxiliaries obliged to take Arms, and march out of the ſeveral
Provincés, at the Call of a Roman General, were equal in
Number to the native Armies of Rome : So that, excluſive of
their Marines and naval Power, the military Eſtabliſhment
under Auguſtus, (the Produce of the Virtue he had finally de-
ſtroyed), was about one hundred and fifty-five thouſand legionary
Troops, all ſuppoſed to be native Romans ;-and, taking in the
Auxiliaries, the whole amounted to three hundred and ten
thouſand fighting Men.
It is now worth while to learn the Uſe that was made of
this great Force, and what End it principally ſerved. " From
" the Time,” ſays the accurate Tacitus, “that Auguſtus ſettled
" the Affairs of the Ceſarean Family, the Roman People had
fought upon this Foot, That their Vittories brought Glory,
" and their Defeats Solicitude to ONE Man *, while the Body
" of the State was little affected by Diſaſters, or bettered by
“ Succeſs. During the Reigns of Tiberius and Caligula, the
People taſted only the bitter Fruits of Tyranny, in Time
" of Peace. The Attempt of Furius Camillus. Scribonianus
againſt Claudius was ſuppreſſed almoſt as ſoon as begun, (in
“ five Days). Nero was driven from the Throne, more by
" News
3
* Nam ex quo Divus Auguftus res Cæſarum compoſuit, procul, et in
UxIus Sollicitudinem aut Decus Populi Romani bellaverat.
Tacit. Hift. Lib. I.
*
1
.
토
​1
Court of AUGUSTUS. 435
« News and Meſſages, than by Force of Arms. But after the
“ Death of Galba, in the Struggle between Otho and Vitellius,
“ not only the Legions and Fleets of the Republic, but the
“ Pretorian Cohorts, the Life-Guards, and the City Trained-
Bands, were led out to Battle."Let us review them when
about to enter upon Action, and obſerve the Figure which
the once warlike Romans made, after a few Reigns of Slavery
and Idleneſs.
OTHO, ſays the ſame fagacious Author, ordered many
of
the chief Men in Office, and the greater Part of thoſe of con-
ſular Dignity, to prepare to accompany him on his Expedition ;
-not as Officers to take Part in the War, but as Companions
and Counſellors.-The Town was immediately filled with
Anxiety and Trouble :-No Rank was exempt from Appre-
henſions. The Chiefs of the Senate, ancient Men, bowing
under Years, were become unwieldy with long Peace; the lazy
Nobility had been long diſuſed to Arms, and had forgotten
what War was :--Nor were the Gentry much better acquaint-
ed with the Service. But all of them, the more they ſtrove to
hide their Terror, the more they betrayed it.-Nor were
there wanting Fools among them, who, through a vain Often-
tation, purchaſed coſtly and reſplendent Arms, and trained
Horſes; while ſome others provided Kitchen Utenſils, and
Waggons of Females, as part of their Camp-Equipage.
But, without going ſo low down, the Ronians became quite
another People during the latter peaceful Period of the Life of
Auguſtus. Before that, the Body of the Citizens was itrictly
a Militia. All the Youths bore Arms, learned to ride the
War-Horſe, to dart the Spear, and wield the Roman Sword.
It had been ſo all over Italy.--Now, the Reverſe took place. .
The Name of Soldier was, for the beſt of Reaſons, become
odious. They took another Turn. They gave themſelves
up
to Shews; loved the Theatres better than their Farms; be-
came mean, worthleſs, and debauched ; and fought only with
Iii 2
their
4
T
they
436
MEMOIRS of the
their Tongues, like our Cavaliers over their Cups.---The
military Power was confined to the ſtanding Army, which
made the Loſs of a Legion almoſt irreparable ; and the Com-
mand of the Troops was generally given to Soldiers of Fortune,
Men of obſcure Birth. The Seaſon of the Roman Republic's
producing Heroes was paſt and gone. The Toils and Dangers
abroad, which firſt hardened the aſpiring Youth ; the Strug-
gles and Prizes at Home, which inflamed their Ambition
and the Spirit of Liberty, which breathed vital Vigour through
the whole, were now no more. Though her external Form
remained, the deplorable Revolution, which had altered her
inward Parts, rendered: ROME incapable of producing any
more Metelli, Scipios, or Catos :-_But the produced many
polite artful Men, of a nice Taſte in Dreſs, Equipage, and
Cookery; abject Slaves of Power, and Flatterers of the Ceſarean
Family.
Under the Republic, the Citizens depended on themſelves,
their own Virtue, Spirit, and A&ivity, for the Honours of
their Country, and the Eſtabliſhment both of their Fortunes
and Reputation. Now they depended on the Will or Caprice
of one Man, whom they called The PRINCE.- Under the
Republic, the annual Succeſſion to Offices circulating among
the Citizens, put it in the Power of the great Men to oblige
one another, by employing their Friends in Provincial Buſineſs,
and taking Care of their Intereſt. This mutual ſucceſſive In-
tercourſe begot a friendly Correſpondence, and linked the
chief Men by mutual good Offices. That Chain was now
broken ; and inſtead of applying to a noble Roman, or high-
ſpirited Commoner, your Equals, for 'a Favour; you muſt now
cringe to a Creature of Cefar's -perhaps ſome favourite Freed-
Man, fome little Minion or Paraſite, to recommend
What a Picture of laviſh Submiſſion is Seneca's
Addreſs to Polybius, the driveling Claudius's Favourite !
THERE were ſtill Appearances of the two old Parties, the
Friends
your Re-
queſt.
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Court of AUGUSTU:S. 439
pe
Friends to the Republic, and the Friends to Cefar. Without
Shew or Profeſſion, the latter were ſecretly'favoured and pre:
ferred; whilft the former were kept out of Power, and ex
cluded from the Honours of their Country.-As, ſoon after
the Reſtoration, a Stigma of Hypocriſy was put upon all the
Parliament's Party; ſo now, the Courtiers affected to talk of
the zealous Pompeians, as they termed them; that is Friends
to Liberty, as half-mad;Men without Diſcretion; igno-
rant of the World, and of the Nature of Government. Ceſar,
however, artful and wife, allowed it to go no farther than
Sneering; and this Moderation was the true Reaſon of his
Safety, and the ſubſtantial Meaſure that ſecured his Govern-
ment. It could not, at firſt, protect his Perſon from the At-
tempts of particular Men, Youths bred up in high Notions cf
Liberty and Honour ; though, in Proceſs of Time, it pre-
vented even theſe: But it effe&tually broke the Union, and
conſequently eluded the Force of the old republican Party,
which Cruelty and Oppreſſion muſt have cemented, and by
irritating their Spirits have brought Matters to a new Struggle
and Criſis, that would have again involved him in the Riſques
and Devaſtations of another civil War. He therefore actually
courted the chief Men in the Pompeian Party, to come and take
Part with him in the Management of Affairs, and, as I ſaid
before, employed ſome of them, who had borne Arms againſt
him, as his chief Miniſters
. Piyo, Meſala, and Domitius, were
of this Number. » A Prince, who cannot forgive, has no
Title to Love, nor Abilities to rule.
ÄUGUSTUS's great Talent was a true Diſcernment of the
Tempers, Spirits, and Abilities of Mankind. It was a prin-
cipal Part of his Skill in Government, to know the chief Men
that compoſed his Court, and to indulge them in ſuch of their
Inclinations as did not immediately ſhock his Power. Thus
Agrippa and Pifo were humoured in their love of Power and
Magnificence (but their Power muſt be ſhewn abroad, and
their
+
i
2
2
ģ
*
438
#
+
***
MEMOIRS of the
their Grandeur at Home); Meſala in his Love of Liberty; and
the old Forms of the Common-Wealth; Agnius-Pollio in his
haughty Liberty of Speech, and contempt of the common
Reſtraints ; the other Pollio (Vedius) in his Luxury; and each,
as his Genius led him, might build or triumph, domineer in
the Senate, debauch, or declaim againſt the preſent Corrup-
tions, and extol the paſt Age, without Fear of Puniſhment from
Auguſtus, who
yet
knew them all perfectly, and, for his own
Sake, bore with them, and with the greateſt Dexterity played
them upon one another.
We have a pretty remarkable Inſtance of this in Seneca *
with Reſpect to Afinius Pollio.---Timagenes, one of the learn-
ed Greeks who were acceptable to the Great at Rome, was an
Hiſtorian and Philofopher by Profeſſion. He lived with Aue
güftus for ſome Time, but could not refrain from venting Sare
calns againſt him, his Wife, and all his Family. They were
and ſpread: for that raſh Kind of Wit is generally
taking and much repeated. Auguftus often warned him to be
more diſcreet; and, at length, upon his perſiſting in his ill-
natured Jokes, forbid him the Court. Afinius Pollio then took
him under his Protection, and kept him till he grew old.
Notwithſtanding his ſnarling Temper, he was much careſſed
by all the People of Faſhion ; nor did the Shutting of Cefar's
Houſe prevent his Admittance into any other. When Auguſtus
was told whither he was gone, be never quarrelled with Pollio
about it, but only ſaid he had taken a wild Reaft into his
Houſe : And when the other was making ſome Excuſe; No,
10, Pollio, ſaid he, enjoy him, énjoy him, he is good for divert-
ing the Spleen. Sir, faid Pollio, if you deſire it, I will imme-
diately forbid him my Houſe. By ng Means, replied Augaſtus,
do you think that I, who made up your Friendſtrip, would deſire
any ſuch Thing?
THERE Was a great Similitude of Character and Fortune
between
* Lib. III. c. 23. De Ira.
picked up
2
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We
Court of AUGUSTUS.
439
A
between Afinius, Pollia and Cornelius Gallus. Both were Men
of obſcure Birth, great Parts, and high Spirit ; both learned,
haughty, and owing their Exaltation to perſonal Merit.-
Their Friendlhip was proportionable. Pollio ſent his Compo-
fitions from Spain to Gallus at Rome, and deſires Cicero; if he
has a Mind to read a Pretexta of his, to aſk Cornelius Gallus
for it *. This Friendſhip was probably the Reaſon why the
Surname of Gallus was given to Pollio's Son, Aſnius Gallus,
who, as far as the Court and Times he lived in (thoſe of Ti-
berius) would allow, ſhewed that he had inherited both his
Father's Eloquence, and his reſolute Spirit. Pliny tells us of
his giving gooo 1. f for a Cedar Table. -Apnius Pollio died
at his Seat at Tufculum, in the 755th Year of Rome, and 80th
of his Age.
The Romans, in general, were now reconciled to their new
Government. Their once high Notions of independant Li-
berty were gone, and their preſent Eaſe and Tranquillity
ſeemed to the many a far preferable State. On the other
hand, Auguſtus omitted no Pains to make them really ſatisfied
and happy: Every Art was uſed to keep up the old Forms,
and
every
Method practiſed to extirpate Abuſes and eſtabliſh
a proper Order. The Senators, though required to be very
regular in their Attendance, when any important Affair was
to be debated, were now indulged with an annual Receſs from
Buſineſs during two Months of the Year, September and Osto-
ber; at which Time the Senate was reduced to what we ſhould
call a Committee, conſiſting of only an hundred Members
choſen by Lot, inſtead of four hundred, which was the loweſt
Number otherwiſe neceſſary to make a Decree.
A NEW Prerogative was likewiſe granted to the Pretors ;
that of propofing to the Senate a Subject to be debated. They ·
had this Privilege of Courſe, while the Republic fubfifted;
becauſe the Conſuls being then often obliged to be abſent from
Rome
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440 MEMOIRS of the
to them in Dignity, of right took their Places, and, at thoſe
Times, not only propoſed Affairs in the Senate, but preſided
there.But, as the Conſuls now reſided conſtantly in Rome,
the Pretors had no longer any Function in the Senate : A Cir-
cumſtance which hurt them the more, as the Tribunes, whoſe
Office was inferior to them in point of Rank, enjoyed this
Diſtinction, of which they were deprived. They repreſented
this to Auguſtus, who thought their Complaint well-founded,
and redreſſed the Grievance.
BRIBERY, to obtain Offices, had not yet been entirely extir-
pated, either by the Change of Government, or the new Laws
againſt it. In the Year of Rome 744, Auguſtus tried a Me-
thod, which a Paſſage in Cato's Life had, probably, ſuggeſted
to him. Every Candidate was to depoſit a Sum of Money in
his Hands, to be forfeited in caſe they were convicted of illicit
Liberalities. This Medium betwixt a mean Connivance, and
a Rigour which might have branded great Names, was ex-
tremely applauded.
THE Cafe was otherwiſe in regard to a Subtilty he devifed
in order to elude the Law, which forbid putting Slaves to the
Torture in criminal Proceſſes againſt their Maſter. Rightly
judging that this Law tended to favour ſecret Plotting and
Conſpiracies, the only Danger he now had to fear, he cauſed
a new one to be paſſed, purporting, that the Slaves of Perſons
accuſed of Crimes againſt the State, might be ſold to the
Republic or the Emperor ; by which Means they were na
longer ſcreened from being put to the Rack, and there inter-
rogated. This was a palpable Subterfuge, a flagrant Evaſion
of the Letter of the Law, and an enormous Abuſe, by which
the Lives of Maſters were thys put into the Power of their
Slaves; and many complained of it as ſuch: But the more
moderate excuſed it, as a Precaution neceſſary for the Safety
of his Perſon.
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Court of AUGUSTUS. 441
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WHAT greatly contributed to palliate this, and to give a
Sanction to all Auguſtus's other Regulations, was, that he did
not proceed in any of them with the leaſt Shew of abſolute
Authority, but conſtantly ſubmitted them to the Examina-
tion of the Senate, and ordered them to be fixed in the
Senate-Houſe, before they were paffed, that every Sena:or
might read and conſider them, and ſpeak his Opinion freely.
This Shew of Moderation was extremely pleaſing, and highly
politic. It gained the Hearts of the People, and ſecured their
Compliance with whatever he deſired.
Thus did he maintain that wife Medium ſo difficult to be
allied with ſovereign Power :-For it is above all Things ne-
ceſſary, ſays Plutarch *, for a Prince to keep up the Authority
of Command. But that Authority is not leſs maintained by
refraining from what does not belong to it, than by exerting
its legal Rights. He who ſoftens Things too much, or carries
them too far, is, properly ſpeaking, no longer a Prince, but
becomes either a Flatterer of the People, or a deſpotic Maſter
and conſequently muſt be either deſpiſed or hated.
These Maxims were now the Soul of all Auguſtus's Con-
duct : He was Prince in what concerned the public Good,
and a private Man in what related only to himſelf.--A Tax
being impoſed by his Order, and levied under his Authority,
he
gave
in a Declaration of his whole Eſtate, juſt as if he had
been a common Citizen of The Senate and People having
voluntarily taxed themſelves in order to erect Statues to him,
he received the Money, and laid it out in emblematical Re-
preſentations of public Welfare, Concord, and Peace, with
VOL. III.
K k k
which
ܕܪܫ
de 촹
​* Δεϊ γαρ τον άρχοντα σώζειν πρώτον αυτήν την αρχήν, σώζεται δε έχ ήταν
απεχομένω τα μη προσήκοντως, ή περιεχομένη τα προσήκοντος και δ' ενδιδες, ή
επίδειγων, ώ μένει βασιλεύς ουδε άρχων, αλλ' ή δημάγωτος ή δέσποτης γιγνό-
μενος, εμποιεί το μισέϊν ή καταφρονείν τοις άρχομενοις.
Plut. in Compar. Theſei & Romuli.
Dio. Lib. LIV. Suet. in Aug. S. 53-57.
}
442 MEMOIRS of the
w
which he embelliſhed the City. He even ordered the filver
Statues, formerly erected to him, to be melted down; and
bought, with their Produce, Tripods of Gold for the Temple
of Apollo Palatine.--Such alſo were the Uſes which he
made of the Preſents he frequently received, either from Bodies
of Men, or from private Perfons : For there was, if I may be
allowed the Expreſſion, an open Commerce of Liberalities be-
tween him and all the Citizens. At the Beginning of every
Year he received Gifts from whoever brought them, and re-
turned others, juſt as Relations and Friends often do, to thew
their mutual Regard. The whole State ſeemed to be his Fa-
mily, and with what was thus given him, he purchaſed Sta-
tues to adorn the Squares and Streets of Rome.
DION CASSIUS * and Suetonius of mention a ſtrange
Singularity concerning this Prince. They ſay, that, in conſe-
quence of a Dream, he turned Beggar on one Day of every
Year, holding out his Hand, and receiving little Bits of Money
which the common People gave him..So true is it, that
even the greateſt Geniuſes often have their unaccountable Od-
dities, their ſuperſtitious Weakneſſes, if I may fo term them ;
and that they almoſt always pay, in one Shape or other, the
Tribute of Humanity.
CARES more becoming his exalted Station, were thoſe
which he took to provide for the Convenience and Safety of
the City.
He made the celebrated Meſala Superintendant of
the Aqueducts and Common-Sewers; one of thoſe noble
and truely uſeful Ornaments, for which Rome was principally
indebted to Agrippa, who had bequeathed to the Emperor a
great Number of Slaves, all of whom were now given to the
Republic, for laborious and ſervile Works.
THE Grandeur of Rome appeared both by its vaſt Extent
and ſtately Streets ; but more by the Magnificence of the
public Works under Ground, I mean the amazing Aqueducts
and
* Ubi ſupra.
+ In Aug. $. XCI... FRONTIN. de Aquæduct.
hen
5
Ý
Court of AUGUSTUS.
443
.
.
and Common-Sewers, dug like Channels for fubterráneous Tor-
rents. For if we attentively conſider the ſurpriſing Plenty of War
ter in ſo vaſt a City, firſt in the public and private Baths, then in
the Fish-Ponds, Canals, Gardens, Villas, then think how far
the Streams were brought, what Arcades were reared, what
Mountains dug through, what Valleys filled up, we muſt ac-
knowledge the Roman Aqueducts to have been the moſt ftu-
pendous Work in the known World * When the firſt
Reſtorer of Learning, the elegant Petrarch, went to viſit
Rome, he was afraid the Sight of its Ruins would fall far
ſhort of the Idea he had formed of its Magnificence from
Books. But the
But the very Ruins ſurpaſſed his Imagination, and
upon viewing them carefully, he ſaid, That inſtead of won-
dering how ſuch a City ſhould conquer the World, he was
rather ſurprized it ſhould be ſo long in doing it f.
То prevent the frequent Miſchief which had ariſen from
Fires in Rome, Auguſtus divided the City into fourteen Dif
tricts, over each of which one of the annual Magiſtrates,
either a Pretor, a Tribune, or an Edile, was to preſide ; and
under theſe were the Commiſſaries before appointed, who now
received a Juriſdiction over the City-Slaves, till then com-
manded by the Ediles only, when their Aſſiſtance was wanted
to extinguiſh a Fire.But even this not proving ſufficient,
a regular Patrole, conſiſting of ſeven Cohorts, compoſed of
Freed-Men.only, and commanded by a Knight, was eſtabliſhed
about twelve. Years after. This Inſtitution, which was an
excellent Safeguard againſt Robberies and Murders as well as
Fires, proved ſo extremely uſeful, that it became a perpetual,
K k k z
and
}
Quid loquar aerio pendentes fornice Rivos
Quâ vix imbriferas tollerit Iris aquas ?
Hos potius dicas creviſſe in Sidera Montes :
Tale gigantæum Græcia laudat Opus.
RUTILII NUMANTIANI ITINER.
of Jam non Orbem ab hac , Urbe domitam, ſed tam ſerò domitam, miror.
LIB. II. Ep. 143
A
2
ar
t
minta
.
444
MEMOIRS of the
and, ere long, an honourable, Eſtabliſhment: When Dion
Caffius wrote, free-born Citizens did not fcruple to belong to
it. They had regular Pay, and Guard-Rooms in the City:
The Commander of the Patrole is mentioned, and his
Functions and Prerogatives are deſcribed, in the Roman Law:
AUGUSTUS was equally attentive to the Welfare of the
Provinces, and of Individuals. The Afiatics having ſuffered
greatly by Earthquakes in the Year 740, he paid their Tribute
out of his own Money; ſending to the public Treaſury the Sum
to which it amounted *. It is true this Payment, made out
of the Prince's Coffers to the Treaſury of the Republic, was a
Kind of Joke; the Emperor having equally the Command of
both.-----But the Province was not the leſs really exempted
from a Year's Tribute.
Being told that Gallus Tetrinius, a Senator, of whom he
had but little Knowledge, was exceſſively afflicted at having
loſt his Sight ſuddenly, and had reſolved to ſtarve himſelf; he
went to him, comforted him, and prevailed upon him to lay
afide that dreadful Reſolution 4.--T. Arius, a rich Man,
(which is all we know of him #), having diſcovered that his
Son had formed a Deſign to murder him, reſolved to judge the
Criminal himſelf; and, to proceed with the greater Solemnity,
erected in his own Houſe a domeſtic Tribunal, compoſed of
Men of known Probity. ;-the Roman Law giving Parents a
Right to judge their Children. Auguftus was invited, went,
and took his Seat as Counſellor and Affiftant-Judge for Arius.
The Fact being proved, Sentence was to be given : -Upon
which Auguſtus, to remove all Poſſibility of Partiality, pro-
paſed that every one ſhould give his Opinion in Writing, leſt
his, if known, ſhould influence the reſt, and then, to avoid
even
* Dio. Lib. LIV.
+ Suet. in Aug. §. LIII.
Unleſs T. Arius be the ſame with L. Tarius Rufus, (mentioned by Pliny,
Lib. XVIII. c. 6.), who, from the loweſt Origin, raiſed himſelf by his Merit,
and Auguſtus's Favour, to the higheſt Honours, and the Conſulſhip: An ihad-
vertent Copyiſt may eaſily have written Tarius inſtead of T. Arius.
anim
.
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20
2.
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Court of AUGUSTUS. 445
even the moſt diſtant Suſpicion of his being at all biaſſed by
Intereſt, (for there was no room to doubt but that Arius, ac-
cording to the general Cuſtom of that Times would have made
him his Heir after the Condemnation of his Son,) he folemnly
proteſted, before the Billets were opened, that he never would,
at any Time.whatever, accept of any Gift or Legacy from
Arius. In his Sentence, he inclined as much as poſſible to
Lenity ; conſidering who was the Proſecutor, rather than what
Puniſhment the Crime deſerved ; and likewiſe judging that the
Prince's Preſence ought always to be accompanied with Favour
and Indulgence. He, therefore, inſtead of adhering to the
ſtrict Letter of the Law, (according to which the Criminal
muſt have been ſewed up in a Sack, with a Dog and a Serpent,
and then thrown into the Sea), propoſed Baniſhment, as a
ſufficient Puniſhment for the intended Guilt of a raw Youth,
who had been trepanned into Villainy, and who, trembling
and diſconcerted when only preparing to commit the Crime,
had, even in that, ſhewn his Remorſe, and given Room to
hope that the Sentiments of Nature were not quite ſtifled in
his Heart. Arius gladly approved of this Clemency, and ba-
niſhed his Son to Marſeilles, where he continued to him the
fame yearly Allowance as before his Tranſgreſſion *
In the general Reformation of Abuſes, Auguſtus introduced
a new Cuſtom relative to the laſt Wills of Perſons who died
abroad. It was a common Practice with the Romans to make
their Wills at Rome, and leave them with their Friends, or, if
they were great Men, to depoſit them in ſome facred Place,
fuch as the Temple of Ops or Vefta. But Lucius Lentulus,
dying in Afric, left Auguftus Co-heir with his Daughter, and
wrote a Codicil, ſigned by Witneſſes, defiring him to give cer-
tain Legacies to Perſons named therein. Auguſtus affembled
ſome of the moſt eminent Lawyers, among whom was Treba-
tius, reputed the greateſt Civilian then in Rome, and aſked
their
* Senec. de Clement. Lib. I. S. 15.
*
.
446
MEMOIRS of the
1
$
est
9
their Opinion, what he ought to do? and whether the Uſe of
Codicils annexed to Wills was agreeable to the Tenor of the
Roman Law ? Trebatius anſwered in the Affirmative, and gave
as his Reaſon why that Cuſtom ought to be introduced, that
the Great Men of Rome, being frequently obliged to take long
Journeys, might poſſibly be in ſuch circumſtances as not to
be able to make a formal Will, though they could write a
Codicil. Upon this, Auguſtus fulfilled the Defire of Lentu-
lus, and his Daughter made good the Legacies, which, in
Law, ſhe was not bound to do. The Cuſtom prevailed by
their Example; and, a little while afterwards, the famous An-
tiſtius Labeo having likewiſe made Codicils, no Body doubted
any more of their Uſe and Validity *.
AUGUSTUS likewiſe introduced another Novelty in the
Law. It was uſual for dying Perſons to intruſt their Eſtates
to another, (a Fidei Commiſſum they called it) that the Truſtee
might enter upon them as Heir, and after a little Time give
and ſurrender them up to a third Perſon, diſqualified ſome
how for being immediate Heir himſelf; and this Truſt, un-
guarded by any Thing but private Honeſty, having been fre-
quently abuſed, Auguſtus, either out of Regard to the Per-
Tons to whom the Eſtate was finally to devolve, or provoked
by ſome flagrant Pieces of Roguery, or the Truſtee having
been obteſted by the WELFARE OF THE PRINCE, firſt deſired
the Conſuls to interpoſe their Authority in a few Inſtances.
They called the Truſtee before them, and made him ſwear,
As you wiſh Health and Happineſs to AUGUSTUS CESARE,
So you ſwear and promiſe that you will faithfully render up and
deliver to N..., &c.
&c. And this, appearing to be a juſt and
popular Thing, came ſo much in vogue, that a Pretor or
Civil
* Instit. JUSTINIAN. Lib. II. Tit. 25. De Codicillis.
+ Inſtead of, As you wiſh Proſperity and Grandeur to the Roman COMMON-
WEALTH. A grievous Fall! A deplorable Change! The Health of
one Man, more ſacred and precious than the public Welfare !
À
6
mi
***
}
Š
Court of AUGUSTUS.
447
Civil Judge was appointed ſoon after, to take Cognizance ſolely
of ſuch Truſts *.
AUGUSTUS's Mildneſs, his Moderation, his Beneficence,
in ſhort--for it would be unjuſt not to allow it now,--his
VIRTUES, rendered him deſervedly dear to every Lover of
Unanimity and Peace. It therefore was no longer Flattery,
buť real Gratitude, which induced every Order of the State,
public Communities, as well as private Perſons, Cities pro-
tected by the Empire, and Kings in the Alliance of the Ro-
mans, to vie, as it were, who moſt ſhould celebrate and ho-
nour the Author of their common Felicity.Suetonius,
than whom I cannot follow a better Guide, has collected into
one View.uf, according to his uſual Method, all that relates to
theſe Demonſtrations of the public Affection for Auguftus.
He ſets out with declaring, that he does not mention the
Decrees of the Senate, becauſe they may be ſuſpected not to
have been quite free Acts. But the Roman Knights volun-
tarily celebrated Auguſtus's Birth-Day every Year, by a Feſtival
which laſted two Days.----All the Orders of the State went
annually on a certain Day, in conſequence of a Vow they had
made for his Preſervation, and threw their Offerings into the
Lake Curtius ; a piece of Superſtition, of which we find Ex-
amples of one Kind or other in almoſt every country.
Country.---His
Palace having been burnt, all the Magiſtrates in a Body, the
ſeveral Tribes of the People, the veteran Soldiers, and Num-
bers of private Individuals, haſtened to carry him Money to
help to rebuild it. He thanked them for their Kindneſs; and
to ſhew them that he neither deſpiſed their Offer, nor would
put them to Expence, reached his Hand to each Heap, and
took from it the Value of a Farthing or Half-Penny.-
-The
Auguftalia, which ſtill ſubſiſted in Dion Caſíus's Time, was one
of the Feſtivals inſtituted for his Return to Rome from a long
Journey.
* Instit. JUSTINIAN. Lib. II. Tit. 23. De Fidei Com. Hereditat.
+ In Aug. $. L II-LX.
#
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}
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gt
352
448
HIS
MEMOIRS of the
Journey. But nothing could be more pleaſing than the
Manner in which the glorious Title of FATHER OF
COUNTRY was given him.
The People firſt fent a ſolemn Deputation to him at An-
tium, requeſting him to accept this Title; but he modeſtly
declined it: Upon which, on his Return to Rome, they ar-
fembled, and, with an unanimous Acclamation, gave it him,
juſt as he was going into the Theatre. The next Day, Meſſa-
la, in full Senate, and, in the Names of all the Senators,
turning to him, ſaid, CESAR AUGUSTUS*! The Senate
and Roman People, wiſhing all Happineſs and Proſperity to you
and your Family (for that Wiſ includes the laſting Happineſs
of the Republic of), with one Voice Salute you FATHER OF
YOUR COUNTRY. Auguſtus was moved even to Tears,
and anſwered I; Having now attained the utmoſt Height of
my Wiſhes, what more can I requeſt of the immortal Gods, but
that you may have for me, till the laſt Moment of my Life, the
ſame Sentiments as you now expreſs ?He was undoubtedly
right; and that Day was certainly the moſt glorious of his
Life.--- Can any Triumph, be it ever ſo pompous, be com-
pared to this pathetic Expreſſion of univerſal Love and Af-
fection ?
SEVERAL Fathers of Families ordered, by their Wills, that
their Bodies ſhould be carried to the Capitol when dead, and
Sacrifices
* Quod bonum fauftumque ſit tibi domuique tuæ, Cæſar Auguſte, (ſic
enim nos perpetuam felicitatem Reipublicæprecari exiſtimamus) Senatus
te confentiens cum Populo Romano conſalutat PATRIÆ PATREM.
Suet. in Aug. S. LVIII.
+ It was cuſtomary at new Inſtitutions, Creations of Magiſtrates, &c:
firſt to form Wiſhes for the Proſperity of the Nation, and the whole State.
Meſſala here pays Auguftus a very high Compliment, in praying only for his
Proſperity, that of the Republic being of courſe included in it.
I Cui lacrymans reſpondit Auguſtus his verbis--Compos factus votorum
meorum, P. C. quid habeo aliud deos immortales precari, quàm ut hunc con-
ſenſum veftrum ad ultimum vitæ finem mihi perferri liceat? Svet, ubi fupra.
:
p!
-
N
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 449
Sacrifices be offered there in their Names, to diſcharge their
Vows if they left Auguſtus alive at the Time of their Death.
Many Cities altered the Beginning of their Year in Honour
of him, reckoning for the firſt Day that on which he viſited
them. In the Provinces, beſides Temples and Altars erected
to him, Games were inſtituted to celebrate the Glory of his
Name every five Years. Moſt of the Kings, who were Allies',
of the Romans, founded in their Dominions Cities to which
they gave the Name of Cefaren. One of the moſt famous of
theſe was Cefarea in Paleſtine, built by Herod, who, being
neither few nor Gentile, but whatever beſt ſuited his Turn,
celebrated the Dedication of it by Games attended with all the
Superſtitions of Paganiſm.
In the Midſt of this Profuſion of Applauſe, Auguſtus rém
ceived a fourth Prorogation of the Imperial Power *, which he
had pretended to accept at firſt only for ten Years. The few
cond Prorogation was in 734, for five Years; and this was
followed by a third in 739, when Agrippa was continued in
the tribunician Power, for the ſame Space of Time. Theſe
twenty Years being now expired, he again feigned a Deſire to
reſign ; but ſuffered himſelf to be prevailed upon once more,
bear for ten Years longer a Burthen ſo pleaſing to his Ambi-
tion ;-and which, after all, it now was for the Benefit of
Mankind that he ſhould bear.
Persons in power are very apt to pretend that they willa
above all Things to retire from Buſineſs -- to taſte the Sweets
of domeſtic Quiet:-----They are weary of Grandeur --- Croud
is troubleſome, and a ſnug Privacy is' their ſupreme Ambition.
I do believe that Auguſtus ſaw the Happineſs of a private Life,
and promiſed himſelf another Sort of Pleaſure in the Enjoy-
ment of it. This made him frequently mention it in the Se-
nate ;--fo frequently, that it loſt its Effect. He himſelf per-
ceived the Ridieule; and, at laſt, begged-the Fathers to allow
Vol. III.
LI
him
to
* Dio. Lib. LV.
A
here
MEMOIRS of the
450
4
him at leaſt the Satisfaction of talking of a Time ſo agreeable
in Proſpect, until the favourable Conjuncture ſhould arrive,
which would permit him to taſte the Bleſſings of Retirement;
but which, by the bye, never did arrive during his long
Life. He loved to have the Proſpect of Eaſe, as it were, in
Reverſion; but had neither the Virtue nor Courage, like Charles
or Dioclefian, actually to reſign.
The higheſt Benefit that can be beſtowed on Men, is a Body
of wholſome Laws, and a Form of Government adapted to
them. The next is, ſaving it when in Danger, redreſſing it
when corrupted, or reſtoring this ineſtimable Bleffing, when
loft: And the third is, putting thoſe Laws duely in Execution.
The Antients thought ſo highly of thoſe who founded States
and Cities, as Legiſlators - or who could induce rude Mortals
to-exchange their Fierceneſs for the Sweets of ſocial Life; that
they honoured them as Gods.No more amiable or allur-
ing Picture e'an be drawn of their Merit, or of the noble Re-
turns made to it, than Horace has ſet before Auguftus. It
was, ſays he, after a Courſe of glorious Deeds-after employ-
ing their Lives in the Service of Mankind, in putting an End
to diſmal Wars, in fixing Limits, aſſigning Property, founding
Cities, and ſettling mighty States, that Romulus, and the Sons
of Fove, Caſtor and Pollux, with Father Bacchus, were con-
fecrated as Gods, and worſhipped by the admiring World.---
Could a Prince fond of true Honour, as Auguſtus undoubtedly
was, be moved with any Thing, or attached to real Goodneſs,
it muſt be by this bright Reward of IMMORTALITY by the
general Suffrage of Mankind.
This Year, (the DCCXLIVth of Rome), deprived Auguſtus
of his beloved Siſter OCTAVIA; -though he had in ſome
Meaſure loſt her twelve Years before, by the inconſoleable
Mourning in which ſhe paſſed all the Time that the ſurvived
her fon Marcellus. -Worthy of the higheſt Praiſes in every
other Reſpect, ſhe gave an inexcuſable Looſe to her Grief on
this
*
1
.
!
3
an
7
&
Court of AUGUSTUS.
451
3
st
this Occaſion. From the Moment of his Death,, The never
ceaſed to bewail and lament; obſtinately refuging to hear any
Thing that could be ſaid to mitigate her Sorrow, and even
forbidding every one to attempt to comfort her. Wholly in-
tent upon that one melancholy Thought, ſhe would ſuffer no
Picture or Repreſentation of the dear Object, nor ſo much as
let his Name be mentioned in her Hearing. All Mothers be-
came odious to her, and particularly Livia, whoſe Son ſeemed
deſtined to inherit the Grandeur which Marcellus would have
had. Delighting in nothing but Solitude and Darkneſs, the
ſeemed as if dazzled by the too great Luſtre that environed her
Brother ; and far from ſeeking Comfort from that Quarter,
hid, and, as it were, buried herſelf from him. Though the
ſaw around her three Daughters * married, and ſeveral Grand-
Children ; yet ſhe perſiſted in wearing Mourning all her Life,
ſtill looking upon herſelf as childleſs in the Midtt of ſo nume-
rous and flouriſhing a Family +.
· AUGUSTUS, who had always loved her tenderly, paid all
imaginable Honours to her Memory. He pronounced her
funeral Oration in the Temple erected to Julius Ceſar; and
Druſus, who was then alive, pronounced another in the Fo-
rum. Her three Sons-in-Law, Druſus, Domitius, and Julus
Antonius, bore her Body to the Campus Martius, where the
funeral Ceremony was performed. The Senate honoured her
Memory with ſuch Profuſion of Decrees, that even Auguſtus
bimſelf thought it incumbent on him to put a Stop to them.
He had built in her Life Time, to perpetuate her Name,
a noble Edifice, called the Otavian Portico I; fo vaſt, that it
L 1 1 2
.contained,
* Marcella married to Julus Antonius; and the two Antonias, one married to
L. Domitius, and the other to Druſus.
+ SEN, Conſol. ad Marc. c. 2.
I There were two Porticos in Rome, Buildings of vaſt Magnificence, which
bore the Name of Ottavia. The Portico here ſpoken of was contiguous to the
Theatre of Marcellus. The other, which ſtood near Pompey's Theatre, was
built
4
:
..
:
>
q
&
+
452
MEMOIRS of the
contained, as we are told, fome magnificent Temples.-
Sauron, and Batrachus, two Lacedemonian Architects then at
Rome, had the conducting of this grand Work.They
were Men of Spirit, in affluent Circumſtances, and carried on
the Fabric with great Magnificence, hoping they ſhould be
permitted to inſcribe their Names on ſome Part of it. This
however, was refuſed them. But as Ambition is ingenious,
they carved in Bas-relief, on the Chapiter of the two moſt re-
markable Pillars, a Lizard and a Frog, the Animals whoſe
Names they bore.
LIVIA, endowed with greater Fortitude of Mind, be-
haved yery differently from Oktavia, under the very ſame Cir-
cumſtance, the Loſs of her Son Drufus, which happened foon
after. She wept for his Death, and was fincerely grieved; but
without being troubleſome to any one: And above all, ſhe
avoided adding to Auguſtus's Concern, which was already ſuf-
ficiently great. She accepted the Honours offered to alleviate
her Sorrows, Statues decreed to the deceaſed, and the Privi-
leges of a Mother of three Children *; and during the Re-
mainder of her Life, ſhe never ceaſed to extol her beloved
Drufus, called to mind his Innage and Reſemblance on all Oc-
caſions, took Delight in ſpeaking of him, and in hearing
others praiſe his Virtues. In the Beginning of her Grief
(which is the Time when our Calamities generally bear hardeſt
upon us, and we are moſt impatient), ſhe admitted the Philo-
fopher Areius, her Hulband's Friend, to viſit her, and acknow-
ledged
built by Cn. Oétavius, the Son of Cneius, who was Curule Edile, Conful, and
Decemvir for holy Things ;--the ſame who led the naval Triumph over
Perfes, the laſt King of Macedon. It was burnt down, and magnificently re-
built by Auguſtus (a), in Honour, I ſuppoſe, of his Progenitors.
(a) Pompon. FesTI, Fragm. in 0.
* Auguftus's Laws, in order to increaſe the Number of Citizens, granted
ſeveral Privileges to the Fathers and Mothers of three Children ;. ſuch as,
their being exempt from certain Taxes levied upon collateral Inheritances, and
the Advantage of having the Preference in Nominations to Employments-and:
Offices, &c.
9
*
.
***
2
Court of AUGUSTUS.
453
ledged that her Sorrows were much aſſuaged by him.---The
old Philoſophers had the Character which the wiſeſt and moſt
moderate of our Clergy now enjoy.
The Year in which Octavia died was likewiſe the laſt of
Mecenas's Life. Though this old Confidant and faithful
Miniſter had, of late, loſt fomewhat of his former Influence;
yet Auguſtus was too well acquainted with his Merit, and
piqued himſelf on too much Conſtancy in his Friendſhip, not
to regret the Companion of all his great Undertakings. Dion :
Cafius may have been miſled by common Famne, when he
makes a too great Intimacy between the Emperor and his
Miniſter's Wife the chief Cauſe of this Alteration. Tacitus
ſays nothing of this Report, which he certainly would not
have omitted, if he had thought there was any Foundation for
it. It is true that Mecenas was all his Life the Dupe of his
Paſſion for Terentia, a capricious fantaſtical Woman, whoſe
Humours gave him perpetual Uneaſineſs; whom he quarrelled
with, and was reconciled to, every Day, and put away one
Moment to take her again the next; ſo that, as Seneca ſays *
he was married a thouſand Times, and never had but one
Wife.
These continual Wrangles could not but hurt the Health
of a Man whoſe Conſtitution was naturally weak, and had
been impaired by Effeminacy and high Living. Sleep had
forfaken him ; and all Methods to procure Repoſe-Wine,
the Murmuring of a Caſcade, the diſtant Sound of gentle
Muſic, proved ineffectual.-
-Whether his Indiſpoſition, which
really rendered him unfit for Buſineſs ;- or an Increaſe of the
fupine Habit he had indulged himſelf in; or a Diſguſt at
length conceived; either by the Maſter when he had given all,
or by the Miniſter ſatiated with Employments ;-whether it
was one or all of theſe I cannot ſay, nor can I preciſely the
Time when, MECENAS, who had been in all the Myſteries of
State,
* Qui uxorem millies duxit, quum unam habuerit. Ep. CXIV.
8
4.54
MEMOIRS of the
+
......"
State, and was himſelf the prime Projector, declined in
Favour, was no longer conſulted in Affairs of Moment, nor
held the ſame Place in the Cabinet as he had formerly
done. However, nothing in all this amounted in any
Shape to a Diſgrace.--The fame Appearance of Gran-
deur and Intereſt continued, and Auguſtus ſhewed him the
fame Countenance to the laſt. But the Life and Subſtance
were fed, and another was conſulted upon the greateſt
Matters, with the Familiarity and Confidence uſed to a Fa-
vourite.-_He was ſucceeded by a Gentleman very much of
his own Character, CRISPUS SALLUSTIUs, a Nephew of the
Hiſtorian, by a Siſter, and adopted by him into his Name and
Family.
This new Favourite, in his private Life, was rather luxu-
rious than ſplendid ; very different from the ancient Frugality,
both in the Elegance of his Dreſs, the Affluence and Delicacy
of his Table, and the Richneſs of his Furniture ---But under
all theſe Appearances of Indolence and Pleaſure, was a Strength
of Mind equal to the greateſt Affairs, and bearing by ſo much
the keenerEdge, as it pretended to nothing but Eaſe and In-
dulgence. Though he had Acceſs to Honours of every Kind,
yet, like Mecenas, he deſpiſed the Peerage, and without the
broad Border about his Robes, excelled the conſular and
triumphant Senators in Power and Dignity. While Mecenas
ſtood, he was next in Confidence, and afterwards fucceeded
quietly to the great Truſt. It was to him that Tiberius, at
his Acceſſion, gave the dangerous Commiſſion of killing the
young Agrippa..--He died in the Year of Rome, 773, after
experiencing the ſame Fate as his Predeceſſor, in holding rather
an Appearance, than the Reality of the Favour of the Prince,
with whom he lived fix Years.
MECENAS, whilſt in Power, which was till
very little
before his Death, had the Management of all Tranſactions
that were to be accompliſhed by Perſuaſion or Addreſs. In
thèſe
0
6
!
31
THA
Court of AUGUSTUS. 455
Nya
gave him a
*
1
theſe caſes, the Negotiator's Appearance had a great Influence.
One would ſcarce look for any Harm from ſo ſoft a Man, or
think him inclined to be ſevere on any one. Some would
even be apt to deſpiſe his Underſtanding (which gave
great Advantage in treating), and believe that ſuch an honeſt,
diffolute, careleſs Fellow would mind little more than his
Pleaſures, and could have no deep Deſigns. Affairs which
required Activity, Gravity, and Force, were committed to
Agrippa.
Though we are not acquainted with Particulars, I can make
no doubt but that Cefar's chief Friends muſt better their For-
tunes, even amidſt the Horrors of the Proſcription. When ſo
much public and private Money was flying about, and ſo many
noble Eſtates were changing Maſters ; while the Tribunes and
Subalterns were all getting rich ; it is ſcarce probable that the
General Agrippa, the Miniſter Mecenas, the Lord High
Chamberlain Cornelius Gallus, the faithful Proculeius, Statilius
Taurus, L. Aruntius, and many others who were zealouſly
attached to the Conqueror, reaped none of the Fruits of the
Siege of Perugia, and the Victories at Philippi and Aetium.
On the contrary, it appears that a great Part of the Property
of Sicily had fallen, and not undeſervedly, to the Share of
Agrippa *. But the Inundation of Wealth, which, in a
Manner, overwhelmed all Ceſar's Followers, came pouring:
from Egypt and the Eaſt, after the final Reduction of Alexan-
dria
.--It was then that the Treaſures of the Ptolomean Race,
ſwelled with Cleopatra's Rapines, and all the Spoils of the
Eaſtern Provinces collected by Antony and his Lieutenants, fell
in one Day a Prey to Ceſar and his Friends.
THE
:
* Fructibus Agrippæ Siculis quos colligis Icci ! &c. Hor. Ep. Lib. I.
Where the Verſes
Si ventri bene, fi lateri eſt, pedibuſque tuis ; nik.
Divitiæ poterunt regales. addere majus, ,
are taken from Solon,
+
3
1
$
16
*
456
MEMOIRS of the
3
e
The Airs of Luxury and Delicacy which Mecenas gave him-
ſelf, were at firſt, I judge, a Stroke of Politics, not foreign at,
the fame Time from his real Inclinations. This artful Ma-
nagement was uſeful, and protected the Beginning of Au-
guſtus's Reign, when Conſpiracies againſt him were frequent.
Afterwards, it turned to a Habit, and was, I believe, a Kind
of expiatory Offering to that dreadful Goddeſs Envy, as well
as his contenting himſelf with the Condition of a Roman
Gentleman, when, with the greateſt Eaſe, he could have
riſen to the Conſulſhip and the higheſt Commands. Agrippa
was highly ambitious, and jealous of his Power. Had Mecenas
rivalled it with him in Shew and Splendour, an open Breach
would infallibly have enſued. It was believed that even
Marcellus would not have ſucceeded peaceably to the Empire
after Auguſtus, if Agrippa, (who in effect was the Man that
made Auguftus Emperor) had happened to ſurvive him. So
that, after all, as it happens in moſt Things where Men have
their Choice, Mecenas's Manners, and that particular Character
of Supineneſs, was partly from Nature, and partly, by an
honeſt Hypocriſy, from Neceſſity and Art.
MECENAS was a Man of true Taſte in Learning, though
he choſe to write licentiouſly himſelf._.--He was very fond of
his two Poets, Virgil and Horace, who, very far from being
mere Wits or Witlings to divert him with Flights or Clinches,
(the Uſe many a Grandee makes of his Man of Letters,) did
Honour to his Choice. They were Men of real Genius
though perhaps inferior in that to ſome of their Cotempora-
ries. But they were Men of found Judgment and genuine
Knowledge. They were both Maſters of Life, and of the
Proprieties of it both in ſpeaking and writing. This made
their Works become a Standard of Juſtneſs of Stile and Truth
of Sentiment. Theſe they ſcanned and weighed, and correcte
ed, till they feared no Eye of the moſt knowing Cenfor. The
chaſte Elegance of the one, and the happy Flights and ſur-
6
priſing
F
.
TL
A
ten
Court of AUGUSTUS.
457
priſing Touches of the other, ſerve to diſtinguiſh their ſeveral
Manners, and recommend them equally to the Adiniration of
their Readers. It was a way the Courtiers had of paying a
Compliment to, if not of laying a Sort of Obligation on, Me-
cenas, to tell him they had been charmed with ſuch and ſuch
Parts of Virgil's Verſe. He looked upon his Poems as Models
of true Eloquence, from whence Rules might be drawn for
our daily Practice.--He was
He was an Arlmirer and Judge of every
Thing that was eaſy and elegant,--perhaps to an Exceſs; and
a Lover of Change and Singularity in his Houſe and Enter-
tainments. Sometimes profuſe and magnificent; at other
Times ſnug and private : Nor was he an Enemy to In-
trigue. We know ſeveral of his Gallantries; and he favoured
that Irregularity ſo much as to ſhelter thoſe who, by indulg-
ing themſelves in it, were become obnoxious to the Laws.
He both was and wanted to appear looſe and diffolute in his
Life ;--whether in the way he choſe, which was, as ſome
conſtrued it, to ſhew his Power in neglecting the common
Reſtraints, and living above Decency and Forms ;-or whether,
as I hinted before, it was a Blind intended to turn the Eyes of
Men from his Power, and make them fearleſs of any Thing
ſevere from a Man of his indolent Temper ;-or both.
He would not conſtrain himſelf in any Thing. In his Writing,
he gave'a Looſe both to his Fancy and Language, took the Images
as they firſt glowed, and the firſt Words that offered, proper, or
improper, to expreſs them. This made his Stile florid, and his
Compoſition luxuriant, not to ſay licentious. For, endeavour-
ing at the moſt laſcivious Ideas, and melting Deſcriptions *
VOL. III.
M m m
he
X
* Mecenas had a Chapel of the God Priapus in his Garden, where he uſed
to go with his Friends, and recite the Verſes he and they had compoſed in
Honour of the Numen. It ſeems probable that the Priapeia, commonly aſcrib-
ed to Virgil, may rather have been collected by him, at his Patron's Deſire,
than all compoſed by him; for the Stile of them is very different. Some of
them, we know, belong to Tibullus and others ;-though it is very poffible
Virgil may have had his Share in them.,
7
16
f
1
MEMOIRS of the
458
ro
he would be at no Pains to prune, or chaſtiſe, his Expreſſions";
but left the wildeſt Metaphors, and unexpected Turns, juſt as
they dropt from his Pen :-Only he ſeems to have aimed at
winding up his Periods with ſomething peculiarly pretty, which
his Maſter, no mean Critic, for that Reaſon called his Mi-
niſter's perfumed Curls, and with great Spirit and Pleaſantry
uſed to conclude his letters to him in Mecenas's own Stile,
though, we may believe, ſomewhat exaggerated in the Copy.
This winding up of a Sentence with a ſonorous Twirl,
was what Mr. Dryden ſays that Wit of Scotland, Sir George
Mackenzie, adviſed him to uſe for Ornament to his poetic
Compoſitions. It is that Species of falſe Wit, which the
Italians call Concetti; where the Writer plays with his Sub-
ject, and trifles with his Reader, whoſe Attention is called off
from the Matter in Hand, and turned upon ſome Trinket, or
pretty Conceit, that glitters at the End of it.
Politeness of Stile, if made the firſt Concern of a Writer,
infallibly enervates and un-mans his Thought and Expreſſion ;
and even if allowed a ſecondary Place, it too frequently creeps
into the firſt. But Mecenas's great Effeminacy of Manners
muſt of neceffity taint his Language. Several of his Works,
both in Proſe and Verſe, were extant in the Days of Seneca,
who cenſures them very ſeverely *
Yet Seneca's own Stile,
though affectedly philofophical, is at bottom that of a Cour-
tier, and a Man of Wit. It is poliſhed to a Shadow : The
Senſe and Sentences are broke and disjointed, exactly in the
modern French Taſte, in oppoſition to Corneille and Peliſſon.
The crazy Emperor (a Man of Genius) G. Caligula's
Criticiſm was juſt, when he called it Commiſſuras meras, et
Harenam fine Calce. Meer Patch-Work-Sand without
Lime. This muſt be the Fate of all Affectation.
OLD SENECA, who flouriſhed towards the End of the Reign
of Auguſtus (contemporary with Ceſtius, Cafius Severus, and
Portius
* Lib. XXI. Epiſt. 20.
T
.
pernah
---
1
Ats
:
*
Court of AUGUSTU S. 459
Portius Latro), and was remarkable for an aſtoniſhing Memo-
ry, had three Sons, Seneca, the celebrated Moraliſt, An-
NÆUS MELA, and JUNIUS ANNÆUS GALLIO. They were all
three Men of great Parts, Learning, Spirit, and Induſtry.
The Life and Death of Nero's Preceptor is too well known to
be mentioned here.->The ſecond Brother, Mela, bent upon
making a great Fortune, and perhaps affecting Singularity,
though elected into the Senate, choſe to riſe no higher than
the Equeſtrian Rank. This Refuſal, as it did not impair
his Weight or Splendor, qualified him to take the perſonal
Revenues of the Emperors and great Men, in diſtant Provinces,
under his Management, which, now that Plundering was
dangerous, and foreign Wars were ceaſed, was the readieſt
Method of becoming ſecurely rich. He accordingly obtained
his Wiſh, and acquired the immenſe Wealth which proved his
Ruin. He was the Father of the great LUCAN the Poet, con-
demned to die for having been acceſſory to Piſo's Conſpiracy.
But as the Poet gave himſelf a voluntary Death, his Eſtate,
which had not been confiſcated, fell to his Father, who, by
exacting too rigorous an Account of it from Lucan's intimate
Friend, Fabius Romanus, provoked him to turn his Accufer
to. Nero, as conſcious of his Son's Crime. To ſupport this,
a forged Letter, imitating the Poet's Hand-writing, was pro-
duced, and ſent by Nero's Order to Mela, who, knowing his
Fate as ſoon as he received it, immediately killed himſelf. moms
His
great Wealth was what the Tyrant chiefly wanted.
GALLIO was the ſuperior Genius of the three. He had
high Ambition, roſe with Splendour to the greateſt Honours
and Commands of the Empire, and was reckoned the beſt
Orator of his Age; though his Periods were ſo ſtrung as to
chime to one another. Perhaps this might have ſome Effect in
a Declamation, delivered to an idle Audience, who came nei-
ther to judge of Buſineſs, nor receive Inſtruction, but only to
have their Ears tickled. A true Judge of Eloquence joins
M m m 2
Mecenas's
5
1
:.:...
1
7
1
460
MEMOIRS of the
Mecenas's Curls, and Gallio's Chimes, as the Blemiſhes in their
ſeveral Compoſitions, to which he declares * he would prefer,
not only the manly Flow of the perfect and poliſhed Orators,
Cicero, Calvus, Pollio, Brutus, &c. but even the Strength and
Spirit of the old Gracchi, or the found Maturity of Craſſus's
Stile.If Euſebius ſays true, Gallio too fell at laſt under
Nero's Diſpleaſure, and had the ſame Fate as his elder
Brothers.
WITHOUT being Suicide-Mad, like Seneca, one cannot but
think with him, that ſuch an immoderate Fondneſs for Life,
as Mecenas expreſſes in the following Lines ut, deſerves Con-
tempt.
Debilem facito manu,
Debilem pede, coxa,
Tuber adſtue gibberum,
Lubricos quate dentes,
Vita dum fupereft, bene eft.
Hanc mihi vel acuta
Si fedeam cruce, ſuſtine.
This was, undoubtedly, a wrong Way of thinking.--Buc
whoever is acquainted with Man, cannot be ignorant how
much he is made up of Inconſiſtencies, nor to what Degree
Weakneſſes really deſerving of Pity, may be joined to Talents
which merit the higheſt Admiration.-Mecenas, notwith-
ſtanding the many. Defects in his Character and Conduct, was
nevertheleſs a very great Genius, an able Miniſter, and, what
is more, a faithful Friend to his Prince, to whom he would
ſpeak with the greateſt Freedom, not fearing to repreſent to
him
is
>
Cæterum, fi omiffo optimo illo, ac perfe&tiffimo genere Eloquentiæ,
eligenda fit Forma dicendi, malim mehercule C. Gracchi impetum, aut L.
Crafli maturitatem, quam Calamiſtros
. Mæčenatis, aut Tinnitus Gallionis.
F. QUINTIL. de Orat.. Dial.
+ If literally tranſlated, they would run nearly thus : Let me be. lame of
Hands, Feet, and Thighs, hump-backed, my Teeth ready to drop out of my Head, if
I live, I am content. Even if impaled, kt me but live; 'ris all I wiſh.
at
f
<
.
Corrt of AUGUSTUS. 461
him even diſagreeable Truths. His Love for Learning, and the
Patronage which he granted to ſuch as excelled in it, have, at
all Times, ſecured him the Praiſes of the Favourites of the Muſes.
But what ought, above all, to gain him Eſteem and even Affec-
tion, is that he was mild and humane; that he never made a bad
Uſe of the deſpotic Power with which he was intruſted during
many Years; that, in a bloody Age, he was not fond of Blood;
and that, by his wiſe Counſels, and ſtrong Remonſtrances, he
often put a Stop even to Auguſtus's Cruelty in his Youth.-It
is downright Ill-Humour in Seneca” to refuſe him * the Praiſes
he juftly deſerves on this Account,--to call his Mildneſs, Weak-
neſs of ; and to ſay that he was pufillanimous - not humane.
It was as much the Faſhion in Auguſtus's Days, as it was
ſome time ago, for great Men to write Memoirs of their own
Lives, and even tranſmit their way of living to Poſterity :
relating how and where they ſpent the Day, and deſcribing the
Situation of their Houſes, their Pleaſures, and their Retire-
ments. Such a piece was that which Mecenas wrote De
Cultu fuo, which properly means of his Dreſs, but is taken
more widely for a Way of Living Dion Caſus makes him
the Author of the firſt Hot-Baths that were built in Rome,
and of the Art of ſhort-hand Writing. The former, a Piece
of Delicacy unknown to the ancient Romans, ſuits the effemi-
nate Character of Mecenas, but the latter is generally aſcribed
to Tiro, Cicero's Freedman. Mecenas, or ſome of his Freed-
men, might perhaps perfect' what Tiro firſt invented.
WHATEVER Pleaſure or Inſtruction we receive from the
Writings of. Horace and Virgil, whatever Influence they have
had in humanizing the World and poliſhing Life, the Merit
belongs to Mecenas their Patron. To Him we owe theſe two
amiable Writers. Without his Encouragement, his Praiſe, his
Support, nay, without his Chiding and Commands, we ſhould
never
* Epiſt. CXIV.
of Apparet mollem fuiſſe,. non mitem,
1.
462
MEMOIRS of the
។
never have ſeen the moſt valuable Parts of their Works. We
might have had Sketches, whoſe ſmall Size would have ex-
poſed them to periſh : But the Works of Labour, as well as
Genius, the Eneid of the one, and the elaborate Letters and
Satyrs of the other, required the warmeſt Rays of miniſterial
and princely Favour to bring them to Perfection. They met
with both : Horace received two noble Liberalities from Au-
guſtus, and ſuch an Eſtate from Mecenas, as made him refuſe
Money and the high Employment of Secretary to the Prince.
Virgil died ſtill richer.
A close Connection, or rather Intimacy, between Mecenas
and the Men of Genius, was not mere Clientſhip, or the De-
pendency of Inferiors on a great Patron. We know he made
them Preſents worthy his Generoſity, and employed his all-
powerful Intereſt with the Prince to do them Services, which
they had the modeſt Dignity not to aſk. But it was a juſt
Senſe of their Worth, on his Part, and a fincere perſonal At-
tachment on their's, that firſt created, and then kept up the
mutual Friendſhip
When a great Man, by which we generally mean one in
Power, falls, he is inſtantly deſerted : The Perſons, whom he
called his Friends, avoid and abandon him; and on theſe Oc-
caſions we are full of unjuſt Reflections on the Ingratitude of
the World, and the Fallhood of a Court.--I ſay unjuſt, be-
cauſe, generally, powerful Miniſters, in the Height of their
Grandeur, really have few or no Friends that is, no Body
who truly loves them ;---for this plain Reaſon, Becauſe they
love no Body. Flatterers they have in Plenty; their Levées
are crowded, they receive on all hands Profeffions of Friend-
ſhip, Gratitude, inviolable Attachment, and ſo forth, from
expecting Dependants ;- but they have not one real Friend,
nor, for the moſt part, is it poſſible they ſhould. It is Love
alone that creates Love :-Whereas they are fond only of their
own Grandeur; of their own Eaſe or Pleaſure. They are pro-
3
fure
.
7
Here
are
1
*
>
5
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 463
fuſe of their Smiles and Promiſes, and now and then do a Fa-
vour to a Perſon who can promote any of theſe ; but have no
Senſe, no Feeling of higher Merit, and, when ſtript of their
Power, meet with a ſuitable Return.
IT therefore was not the great Miniſter, it was the amiable
Man, that Horace loved, and loved to his Death Nor was
it merely the elegant Poet that Mecenas admired in Horace :
It was the firm Friend, the accompliſhed Gentleman, the agree-
able Companion, whom, as his laſt Care, he recontmended with
his dying Breath to his Maſter.---Treat HORATIUS FLACCUS
as you would myſelf.
Mecenas and HORACE, joined by perſonal Love and Friend-
ſhip in their Life, were not ſeparated at their Death ; both
being buried in the farther Part of the Eſquiliæ, to which Place
Mecenas's celebrated Gardens reached from the Palace. It
was on this Spot, that is to ſay, from the End of the old Pa-
lace to the Eſquilia, that Nero's famous golden Palace, more
like a great Town than a Houſe, was built after the dreadful
Burning of Rome. Horace died a very little while before Me-
cenas, as he himſelf had wiſhed * to do. His Illneſs was ſo
fudden and violent, that he had not Time to make a Will, and
could only declare verbally that he conſtituted Auguſtus his
Heir. Mecenas likewiſe made him his Heir, and Executor
for the Legacies which he left to his Friends.
HORACE was not a profeſſed Writer, nor, if I may be al-
lowed the Expreſſion, a Poet by Trade-Making of Verſes
was not his Buſineſs. He did not ſit down, as honeſt Colly
Cibber confeffes of himſelf, to labour in Poetry as his Voca-
tion, and hammer cut his Taſk of ſuch a Number of Lincs.
Far otherwife
.--He wrote feldom;---wrote for Plea-
füren-as his. Inclination prompted--as Objects tempted,-
and never took up his Pen but at the Command of Apollo.
He arrived at the rare Pitch of Wiſdom, To know himſelf,
***
Y
as
. Od. Lib. II. Carn, 17,
ii
Homepage
Southern
1
24
464 MEMOIRS of the
as well as others
.--It is but Half-Enjoyment not to under-
stand the Happineſs we poffeſs. A great Fund of natural good
Senſe, cultivated by Learning, and improved by the beſt Com-
pany, enabled him to judge truly, to know the Value of Re-
firemnent, and thoroughly to taſte the Bleſſing. I cannot ſuf-
ficiently expreſs my Admiration of his Wiſdom.--He might
have been rich,--he might have been great -- and he refuſed
both. The Prince's Favour, the Miniſter's Love, and confe-
quently all the Honours of Rome, lay open to him: But he de-
fired to be excuſed-withdrew into the Country, and remained
a private Man. He had viewed the Court with a piercing
Eye, and ſaw the Game that was played there, the Hazard of
being cheated, or obliged to cheat. It is the part of a wiſe
Man, already contented and happy, not to put himſelf in the
Power of Fortune, or ſet a Stake for which he can have no
adequate Return.If he wins, he gains not much ; and if
he loſes, he is ruined for ever.
HORACE was highly qualified to judge both in Life and
Learning. He had received an excellent Education,—without
which no natural Parts, nor Converſe with the World, could
have given him ſuch extended Views of Mankind, not to ſay
of Literature, as appear through his Writings, on all proper
Occaſions. He was acquainted with every Species of Philo-
ſophy, though deeply attached to Plato; and had Poetry and
Hiſtory in all their Branches, from the earlieſt Times, in his
Eye; and was thereby enabled to inſtruct the Wiſe, as well as
entertain the Gay of Auguſtus's Court.
-Though he wraps
up
his Admonitions in excellent Flattery, yet he gives them
þoldly, and upon more delicate Points than he durſt have
pre:
fumed to have done, had it not been in concert with the
Chiefs of the Miniſtry. He firſt ſoothes, then remonſtrates,
and then ſoftens again, or turns off the Subject with a Stroke
of Raillery to his Muſe.--It is worth obſerving (and what
few do obſerve), that the Strain of the Odes addreſſed to his
great
!
$
.
Court of AUGUSTUS 465
w
产
​1
I 도
​great Friends is always adapted to their peculiar Temper and
Manners. In this lies the true Delicacy of the Poet. 20
The ſoaring Views and high aſpiring Temper of Licinius
Muræna made RectiuS VIVES* nicely touch his prevailing
Paſſion To Delliús, the ingenious Debauchee of his
Age, he offers the Alternative of a grave Life, or a wild One.
The firſt he diſpatches in one Line, and too deliciouſly paints
the other through all the reſt of the inimitable Ode 1.
He tells another Man of Pleaſure, of a ſuperior Character,
remarkable for his Love of Pleaſure and Contempt of Money,
that Silver never acquired its proper Luſtre but by moderate
Ule. To a third Perſon, a noble daring Youth, rather too
aſpiring, he writes, that they fail ſafely who neither launch
out into the Main, nor keep too cloſe in with the ſhelvy Shore;
that the happy Man, who followed the golden Mean, knew
neither the Diſguſts of a ſordid Habitation, nor the Cares and
Anxieties which haunt.a ſuperb Palace. In ſhort, he lived
with ſuch Dignity, that his Conduct gave a Luſtre to his
Writings, which they again reflected upon his Character. He
was’of courſe courted to write, by the greateſt Perſons about
Court'; and we find many Apologies, both in his Odes and
Letters, to theſe agreeable Duns, who were claiming a pro-
miſed Poem.Mecenas, Julius Florus, Cenforinus, were all
fond of his Compoſitions, and exacted the Debt, when he had
once ſaid the Word.
His chief Excellency lay in quick and delicate Feelings
both in Life and Learning, and in a genteel and happy Ex-
preſſion, ſtronly deſcriptive of them. In his Compoſitions,
the Gentleman was charmed to find his own Perceptions ſo
nicely hit off, and the Philoſopher was ſurpriſed to ſee his
ſublimeſt Sentiments in ſo eaſy a Dreſs.
IF
* Lib. II. Od. lo.
+ He conſpired againſt Auguftus.
I Lib. II. Od. 3.
1
A
VOL. III.
Nnn
5
466
MEMOIRS of the
If ſome of his Poems treſpaſs againſt Modeſty, not only
the Manner of the Age (which more or leſs gives the Tincture
to all Compoſitions) but much more the peculiar Character of
his great Patron, muſt alleviate the Error.---It would appear
very prepoſterous now to compliment a prime Miniſter fami-
liarly upon his Amoursand quite flagitious if they were of
the male Kind. Even B-_ke, profligate as he was, would
have thought Prior mad, if he had blabbed their Greenwich
Frolicks in Verſe. Yet Horace, a Man of true Diſcretion,
in a Song, addreſſed to the great Man himſelf, publiſhed to the
whole Town that their Governor loyed a Wench *, and doated
upon a young Player f.
To account for this groſs Indecency, we muſt recollect the
Character and Policy affected by Mecenas ;--I ſpeak with
Propriety when I ſay affected by him. It is the Circumſtance
which almoſt acquits Horace to a Moraliſt, and altogether to a
Courtier. Mecenas wiſhed to appear funk in Luxury and Sloth.
--He plainly wanted his Vices to be known. The Purpoſe
he meant to ſerve by that ſtrange Conduct has been explained:
in its proper Place: And I adduce the Fact, not as a Juſtifica-
tion of the Poet's Complacency in a moral Senſe ; but of the
Propriety of his Conduct towards the Favourite, to whom
ſuch Compliments were not only inoffenſive, but highly wel-
come.-----Nor is it a ſmall Proof of his Merit, or does it re-
dound little to his Glory, that the two moſt celebrated Sa-
tyriſts and Judges of Life I., in two rival Nations of Europe,
have not only choſen him for their Pattern, and now and then
borrowed his Expreſſions ; but have taken his Works ſo far
for their Model, as juſt to fill them up with modern Names
and Materials, and leave the Honour of the Invention, and of
the prime Sentiments, to this their Maſter.
HORACE himſelf fairly owns that he owed the Model of
his
* HORAT. Lib. Epod. Od. 3.
+ Ibid. Od. 14.
# M. Boileau Deſpreaux and Mr. Alexander Pope.
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. 467
AN
1
144
his chief Work to Lucilius, a great Poet, who wrote in the
ſame Strain, painting the Follies and Frailties of his own Life,
as well as laſhing others; with this Difference, that Lucilius
attacked
great
Perſons and groſs Vices ---Perjury, Rapine, Ir-
religion, Gluttony ;-whereas Horace rather attacks the Inde-
cencies and Follies of Life. Lucilius ſpared not the greateſt and
moſt popular Men.--Horace was diſcreet,—ſelected Fools,
Fops, Rakes, and Spendthrifts,--the uſual Objects of Con-
tempt and Ridicule: But, in other Reſpects, he follows his
Pattern. His Writings are a real Picture of his Manner of Life,
his Adventures, Temper, and Sentiments; and even of the
Changes that happened in his Temper and Opinion in the
different Periods of his Life. He has diſguiſed nothing ;-
but, in a Strain of Humour, and Pleaſantry, has deſcribed his
own Foibles, his Paſſions,--has confeſſed his Inconſtancies,
and acknowledged his wild Inclinations with the utmoſt Inge-
nuity. What Verſe he wrote, was rather, he ſaid, in the
Strain of ordinary Chat (Sermoni propriora), and differed in
nothing from common Converſation, but that it had Feet and
Meaſure, which he will by no means allow to be a ſufficient
Claim to the high Character of a Poet. At the ſame Time, he
inſinuates, that his Productions were thought the fineſt and
moſt delicate Pieces of Poetry, of any that had been addreſſed
to Auguſtus, or that his polite Court had for their Entertain-
ment. It is the Height of Addreſs, to make great and uncom-
mon Talents appear in an unenvied Light.-
It is enjoying a
Reality, by declining only a vain Shew, attended with Ridicule
and Uneaſineſs.
What we looſely term the Stile of the Auguſtan Age, was
not formed under Auguſtus. It was formed under the Com-
mon-Wealth, during the high Struggles for Liberty againſt
Julius Cefar, and his Succeſſors the Triumvirs, which laſted
upwards of fifteen Years. The Men who had been formed
under Auguſtus fhone under Tiberius, and, ſtrictly, ſpoke the
Nnn 2
Language
7
Haloon
tre
468
MEMOIRS of the
Language of his Age. Cinna, therefore, and Variis, Gallus
and Pollio, funius Calidius, Virgil, and Horace, with all their
contemporary Poets, learned the Language of Liberty, and
took the maſterly Tincture, which that Goddeſs inſpires both
in Phrafe and Sentiment. This gave them that Freedom of
Thought and Strength of Stile, which is only to be acquired
under Her Influence; which, when joined to the Politeneſs
that accompanies the ſlippery Tranſition from Freedom to
blind Obedience, produced the finiſhed Beauty we admire in
their Works. Thoſe who wrote before thein, were rough,
and ſometimes harſh-though exalted and manly. Thoſe who
came after them, were enervated, flimſy, and full of Conceits
which mimic true Wit :--Or, if they aimed at ſublime, they
were turgid and unnatural ;-if at Turns of Thought, they fell
into meer Witticiſın.---This is the firſt step towards Dege-
neracy
The livelieſt Inſtance I know of it is Manilius, who
was quite modelled under Auguftus, and whoſe truly great Ge-
nius, wide Learning, and exalted Subject, have not been able
to guard him from the Infection of Slavery, I mean the Concetti
or Sheer-Wit that then began to be in vogue. Let not there-
fore Virgil or Horace, or Valgius or Varus, be looked upon as
court-bred Poets under Auguſtus :-No more than Milton,
Waller, or Cowley were under Charles II. They were free-born
Romans, ſome of them early venturing Life and Fortune in the
Cauſe of Liberty, who were called to Court, and protected and
encouraged by the Prince's Miniſters ; in return for which
they did him and them the greateſt of all Services. The Ro-
man Model copied by Virgil was Ennius, as Lucilius did by
Horace.
The Roman Compoſition began to degenerate even under
Auguſtus
.--A general Affectation of what they called Urba-
nitas Sermonis, and we a polite Stile, enervated their manly Lan-
guage. It was no longer natural, and therefore could not be
genuine and nervous, like what flows from the Heart.--For
#
even
3
:
4
11
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 469
.
:
కే
even Politeneſs admits not of Affectation, but muſt be natural,
to pleaſe. After that Period, the Authors who aimed at a
ſublime Dialect were only turgid, while the politer Claſs
dwindled into Prattle and Witticiſm. This holds in all Na-
tions. The great original Writers generally precede the Period
in which Politeneſs is much affected. No ſooner is that the
chief Aim, than both Spirit and Subſtance is gone, and that
modiſh Fantom occupies their Place.---The Standard Italian
Authors wrote before the Publication of the Cruſca : No
Writers in France are comparable for Strength, Compaſs, and
manly Eloquence, to Montagne, Balzuc, Boſſuet, and Boileau.
The Rear is brought up by Patrul, Paſcal, and Peliſon, who,
like Virgil and Horace, ſaw the Days of Liberty of Stile :
For Boulinvilliers, Monteſquieu, and one or two more Exotics
in France, formed upon Roman or Britiſh Models, by a native
Strength of Genius, have emancipated their Stile and Sentiments
ſo far above their politely-crampt Country-Men, that they
ſhould have been born in ſome ancient Grecian State, or in the
happy Iſland of Great Britain.-Monſ. Muralt Ihrewdly ſay ,
that a Time may coine when it will be the Mode to write a
Book in a pretty polite Stile, without any farther Intention.
Had Balzac joined a Love of Liberty and Truth to his
happy Talents, what Wonders might he not have wrought!
We ſhould have read him with Admiration, and ranked him
with Iſocrates and Cicero.---Had he pointed out Humanity
and Goodneſs to his eminent Patron, as the fole Road to true
Greatneſs, he would have ſhone among his Cotemporaries.
But he cringes among the Herd, and makes the loweſt Profef-
Gions of Submiſſion.
Many of the Writers in Auguſtus's Time were Men of
great and extenſive Learning. They ſpoke Greek, as we do
French, and learned Homer among the firſt School-Authors, as
we read Telemaque, a Sequel and Semblance of that great Ori-
ginal. They are therefore more polite, but leſs, original Au-
thors
5
restes
? 엘
​470
MEMOIRS of the
I
1
thors than their Predeceffors.Lucretius is more original
than Virgil, who is infinitely more laboured and ornamented.
--They had conſtantly about them, a Greek, a Man of
Letters, whoſe Buſineſs was to point out to his Patron the moſt
beautiful Sentiments of the Grecian Writers. They are by
this Means full of Imitations and Alluſions to the Doctrines of
theſe ancient Sages, upon whoſe Model they endeavoured to
form themſelves. To underſtand them, therefore, it is necer-
ſary to know the Books they were moſt converſant with,
which enable us to enter into the real Opinions and In-
tention of the Copier, and conſequently to ſee the Faults, or
Beauties of the Imitation. Let a Man be never ſo much
Maſter of the Latin Tongue, he can read Virgil but through
a Veil, unleſs he has firſt read Theocritus, Hefod, and Homer;
and will be equally at a loſs with Horace, if he is ignorant of
Pindar, and the Fragments of Archilochus, Alcæus, Anacreon,
and Sappho
.--Plautus's Comedies are ſtuffed with Greek, as
ſome of Mr. Farquhar's Plays are with French. The Names
of the Dramatis Perfonæ are almoſt all Greek; and the Jokes
depending upon the underſtanding theſe Names (Puns for
the moſt part). Thew they were underſtood.Ennius tranſlat-
ed entire Paſſages from Homer, and Afranius did the ſame from,
Menander.-Lucilius ſaid, wittily, that he wrote only for
the Tarentines, the Confentians, and the Sicilians ;-pretend-
ing to be afraid of the accurate Judgment of ſuch learned
Men as Perhus, Scipio, and Rutilus, his contemporary Romans.
The Cuſtom which prevailed in Rome, of having a Man of
Letters in the great Families, moſt commonly a Grecian, had
been introduced by Perſons of the higheſt Character; P. Scipio
the younger, who had Polybius and Panaetus, and even the
ſevere Cato, who had another Greek, for their Secretaries and
literary Compoſitions. Pompey the Great made Theophanes of
Mitylene his prime Miniſter ; and even Julius Ceſar, whoſe ſole
Rule of Life was Ambition,. affected to heap Honours upon
Ariſto,
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
471
i
Ariſto, and to frequent his Lectures. After theſe, every Pa-
trician muſt have his Grecian in his Houſe. They had flocked
in ſuch Numbers to Rome, as to make the Cenſorial Cato, be-
fore his Converſion, clamour more againſt them *, than our
Malecontents do againſt any Foreigners. They became, what
indeed could not but be the Conſequence of ſuch Encourage-
ment, a great Body of Men, and performed a very important
Service to Rome : They civilized their Conquerors, and in-
troduced thoſe polite Manners, which, by making private Life
agreeable, compenſate for the Miſchief they often do in public.
Among them were many excellent Men, of found Heads and
benevolent Hearts, the Purity of whoſe Manners did Honour
to their Profeſſion : But moſt of theſe Grecian Inmates ſlipt
into the Character of our modern French Tutors and Valets.
Their Poverty and Dependency made them ſupple and fawn-
ing; their natural Vivacity, a ſmall Share of Learning (for the
Generality had no more), and a good Stock of Quackery, com-
pleted the Reſemblance between a French Homme de Lettres,
and a Grecian Literato.There was no Science which they
did not profeſs, nor any Art which they did not practiſe f.
PHILODEMUS muſt have been pretty young when he
went to Rome. He was Piſo's Man of Letters, about the Time
of Cicero's Baniſhment (DCXCV.): and yet Horace names him
as a very practical Lover, in his XIth Satyr, written probably
in DCCXVI.--He was a Native of Gadara (the Fort) in
Syria, was bred to Learning, and made great. Progreſs in the
Epicurean Philofophy. As few of that Sect were Men of Eru-
dițion, or gave themſelves the Trouble of reading other Books
than their own, Philodemus, who was thoroughly accomplifli-
ed that Way, was the more conſidered. A great Judge of
Men
* Haud poffum ferre, Quirites! Græcam Urbem.
Grammaticus, Pictor, Aliptes - In Cælum, juſſeris, ibit-
Græculus efuriens.
5
JUVENAL
모
​1
472
MEMOIRS of the
M
Men * fays he was humane, ingenious, and very learned : At
the ſame Time his Poems were of ſo exquiſite a Turn for Wit,
Neatnes, and Elegance, that nothing could be prettier. He
happened, in his Youth, to get acquainted with L. Piſo, the
Head of the noble and ancient Family of that Name, who
took a particular Liking to this Grecian, and prevailed upon
him to go to Rome, and live with him. As a Philoſopher, Phi-
lodemus had a Character of Gravity and Worth to ſnpport
But when; according to the Principles of his Sect, he began to
lay it down as a Maxim, that all Things were good or bad to
Men, according as they afforded Pleaſure or Pain ; the young
Patrician, who was not a little groſs and material *, without
inquiring farther, or ſtaying to draw Conſequences, which
would have led him to Temperance and Virtue (the higheſt
Pleaſure in Life), thought it beſt to take the Philoſopher at his
firſt Word, and would needs underſtand the Doctrine as al-
lowing a full Swing of Senſuality; and, in Sign of Approba-
tion, reſolved immediately to put it in Practice. The polite
Philoſopher at firſt began to diſtinguiſh and ſeparate the different
Kinds of Pleaſure, allowing to each of them their own Weight
in Life as they are ſettled by Nature, and their Uſe limited by
the public Good and private Welfare. But his headſtrong
Diſciple would admit of none of theſe Refinements, ſtuck to
his Point, and maintained to Philodemus, that their Founder
undoubtedly meant, that every Thing in Life depended upon
ſoothing the Senſes, and was much in the right for ſo doing.
What could the Grecian do in this Cafe?. He was very well
bred,
* Ingeniofus Homo atque eruditus, et ut vere dicam humanus, fic enim
cognovi---non ſolum autem Philoſophiâ, fed etiam Litteris, quod fere cæteros
Epicuræos negligere dicunt, perpolitus. Poema porro facit ita feſtivum, ita
concinnum, ita elegans, nihil ut fieri poffit argutius.
M. T. CICER. Orat. in L. PISONEM.
+ Scitote nihil hoc luxuriofius, nihil libidinoſius, nihil efle protervius, nihil
nequius.
ID, ibid.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 473
IN
bred, and very complaiſant.--Not thinking it proper to be
too tenacious, or flatly to contradict a noble Member of the
Roman Senate, he let him enjoy his own opinion, and conti-
nued to live with him in Piſo's Way. This, by degrees, made
him loſe that Dignity and Regularity of Manners, which be-
longed to his Character, and which he would probably have
retained, had he happened to light upon a Diſciple more ſuf-
ceptible of proper Notions of Worth and Honour, or touched
with the noble Principle of Public Fame. But now he became
ſubfervient to what We improperly call a Man of Pleaſure,
that is a Man of low Life, narrow Views, and a Slave to tho
meaneſt Senſations. There was nothing but Entertainments
in Piſo's Houſe, ſomething cynical and coarſe in themſelves,
and rather plentiful and profuſe, than either nice in their Prepa-
ration, or elegant in their Service; and they ſeldom concluded
without Ladies, who were the coſtlieft Part of the Treat. In
this diſſolute Way of Life, it was Philodemus's Buſineſs to en-
liven theſe. Exceſſes while they laſted, and to deſcribe them
afterwards in Verſes, too beautiful and delicate for the coarſe
Subject. Theſe Deſcriptions were much read in Rome; and
painted all Piſo's Feaſts, Debauches, and Love-Adventures, in
ſuch lively Colours as afforded a perfect Repreſentation of his
Life and Manners. There ſtill remain ſeveral ſmall Pieces of
his ſprightly Friend, which ſhew both his Philoſophy, and his
Wit, and, at the ſame Time, betray that Foible for the fair
Sex, for which he ſtands marked in the Records of Poetry.
In one of them, he declares, that he does not think a Miſtreſs
the leſs agreeable, becauſe the ſpeaks homely or in bad Lan-
guage, or even though ſhe be a little fooliſh and hayden, if ſhe
have other Parts and Accompliſhments, which he eſteems more
neceſſary, and material.----More Inſtances of his Taſte might
eaſily be given : But as they cannot be conducive to promote
either Learning or Virtue, but, on the contrary, make Vice
appear in a Drefs tog elegant for her natural Deformity, I
Vol. III.
omit
1
OOO
.
474 MEMOIRS of the
omit them; having already ſaid full enough upon ſuch a
Subject.
... Every Syſtem of Philoſophy has two Sides, and is accord-
ingly embraced by different ſorts of People, according to their
ſeveral Capacities and Inclinations. Let me illuſtrate this by
the Partiſans of the three prime Sects among the Ancients,
the Academic, the Stoic, and the Epicurean, of which I have
been ſpeaking. It appears ſtrange, but is certainly true, that
the doubting undecided Principles of the firſt were approved by
the deepeſt Thinkers of Antiquity, and at the fame Time
gree-
dily adopted by the giddieſt. An airy deſultory Genius, like
that, loves to rove from Object. to Object, without the hard
Study requiſite thoroughly to comprehend one, and graſps at a
Philofophy which appears to eaſe it of Trouble, by laying down
before-hand, that the intimate Natures of Things are incom-
prehenſible to Mortals.In like Manner, the moſt ftea-
dy and reſolute Votaries of Virtue frequented the Porch; as
did the Unſteady, the Over-bearing, the Paſſionate, toſſed be-
tween the extremes of Abſtinence and Pleaſure." But neither
of theſe Sects had ſuch motly ill-matched Diſciples as the Epi-
curean, which, like a modern Church, embraced in it's ſpa-
cious Boſom fome of the beſt, and many of the worſt of Man-
kind..-The moſt fober and temperate Perſon that ever lived,
who was perpetually preaching up VIRTUE, as the ſole Road
to true Pleaſure, was Epicurus himſelf; and his principal
Friends and Followers, Metrodorus and Hermachus, continued
in the ſame Strain both of Life and Doctrine; whilft all the
vicious and abandoned aſſumed his Principles as Palliatives of
their Debauchery *
As
Thofe who would know the true Maxims and Conduct of Epicurus, muſt
read his Life written by the excellent Gaflendi ; and a fhort, but elegant View of
his Philoſophy, given by a genuine Epicurean, Monſr. du Rondel
::.
*
Court of AUGUSTUS.
Go
475
ri
rese
$
As Auguſtus's Grandſons, Caius and Lucius, grew up, they
afforded him a Pleaſure, which began to be mixed with ſome
Uneaſineſs. It was a great Satisfaction to him to ſee thoſe
Props of his Family and Power gather Strength: but the young
Princes, who had been accuſtomed to Grandeur from the Hour
of their Birth, who had never ſeen the old Forms of Govern-
ment, or the Republican Equality, and who were doubtleſs
continually ſurrounded by a Crowd of Flatterers, did not ſhew
ſo much Moderation as he could have wiſhed to find in
them. Effeminacy, Oftentation, and Pride, had already taken
Poſſeſſion of their Hearts, and the Honours which their Em-
peror and adoptive Father had beſtowed upon them, did not fa-
tisfy their growing Ambition.
Two Years before, he gave a Donation to the Legions in
Germany, in the Name of the eldeſt of his Sons, Caius, who,
at the Age of twelve, was then firſt trained to Arms, under
Tiberius, in that Country. This Liberality procured the young
Prince high Favour among the Troops : and the next Year
Auguſtus appointed him to preſide at the public Games at
Rome, in the Abſence of Tiberius, who was returned to Ger-
many, to pacify ſome new Diſturbances there. But ſuch was
the audacious Impatience of the two young Cefars, that Lu-
cius, a Boy only eleven Years of Age, went to the Theatre
without Auguſtus's Knowledge, to challenge, as it were, the Suf-
frages and Applauſe of the Nobility and Multitude aſſembled
there, was huzzaed and clapped; and was publicly deſired to aſk
the Conſulſhip for his Brother, then about fourteen. Auguftus,
pretending to be highly incenſed at this, put on a Shew of
great Indignation, and exclaimed, • Heaven forbid that I
s ſhould ever ſee again what I myſelf was; a Conſul in Rome,
“ fcarce twenty Years of Age *
Words full of Artifice and
Diffimulation ; by which, at the fame Time as he condemned
OOO 2
the
* Dio. Lib. LV.
Waga
476
MEMOIRS of the
the Raſhneſs of the Youths, he inſinuated his Intention of
making them Conſuls at the Age of twenty. The People,
then wrought up to a proper Pitch, perſiſted in their Requeſt:
upon which, aſſuming a ſtern Countenance and Tone of Voice,
and thinking he had given them a ſufficient Hint; “ To pof-
“ feſs that high Poſt, (continued he) a Man ought to be able
“ to avoid committing any Fault himſelf, and to reliſt the tur-
« bulent Delises of the Multitude.” He therefore, continuing
his artful Diflimulation, would by no means yield as to the
Conſulſhip, but created Caius a Pontiff, with the Right of be-
ing preſent at all the Deliberations of the Senate, and of rank-
ing with the Senators, either at public Diverſions, or at Feſti-.
vals *; and at the ſame Time, as if he intended to thew this
young
Prince a Rival capable of keeping him in Awe, he
inveſted Tiberius with the Tribunican Power for five Years,
and ordered him to go and pacify fome Troubles which were
breaking out in Armenia.
The Conſequence of this was what generally is the Reſult
of ſuch overſtrained Policy. Both Parties were diſſatisfied.
Caius was piqued at ſeeing Tiberius put in Competition with
him; and the quick-fighted Tiberius eaſily perceived that lie
was made Uſe of only as a Phantom to affright a Child, and
that he himſelf, then in the Vigour of Life, of great and de-
ſerved Reputation in Arms, Livia's Son, and Auguſtus's Son-
in-Law, ſhould, though then placed on the ſame Pinnacle of
Tribunican, that is, almoſt ſupreme Power, be diſcarded as
foon as Caius ſhould attain the Age at which Auguſtus wanted
him to be ; for the Emperor's Diffimulation was not blind to
fuch a Maſter of the Art. All the Hopes which he had en-
tertained of Auguſtus's either appointing him for his Succeſſor,
or of his at leaſt leaving Things to take their natural Courſe
between him and his Grand-children, were defeated by this
Blow; and he looked upon his Commiſſion to go to Armenia
ka
A.
.
ass;
* Inſcript. ap. Pigh. ad an. 748.
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. 477
+
as an honourable Exile, to which he reſolved to prefer a vo-
luntary Baniſhment. To theſe Diſcontents may alſo be added;
as a farther Motive for his taking this ſtrange Reſolution in
the midſt of apparent Proſperity, the diſorderly Conduct of
his Wife Fulia, whom he did not dare to accuſe, or fue to be
divorced from, and who, looking upon herſelf as the Daugh-
ter and Mother of the actual and intended Chiefs of the Em-
pire, treated him with Contempt, as a Perſon far beneath her ;
though ſhe had not diſdained to make advances to him in the
Life of her former Huſband, Agrippa. He therefore, on a
ſudden, deſired Leave to retire ; alledging, that he wanted to
have a little Reſpite from civil and military Toils, and ſome
Time to enjoy himſelf, and his Friends, far from the Din of
Arms or the Buſtle of Buſineſs. Auguſtus, who perfectly
knew the Wound his Ambition had received, tried to cure it,
but in vain, by every perſuaſive Argument he could poſſibly
deviſe *. He plainly faw; that his Policy was detected, and
that he was on the Point of loſing a Support which he then
thought neceſſary, at leaſt for a Time. But neither his earneſt
perſonal Requeſt, nor even his complaining to the Senate that
his Son-in-law forſook him, nor Livia's condeſcending to In-
treaties and humble Supplications, could move the determined
Tiberius, who had inherited all the Obſtinacy of the Claudii,
which he carried fo far as abſolutely to refuſe all Manner of
Suſtenance, till, at the End of three Days, Auguſtus at laſt
conſented to his Departure. He then, leaving his Wife and :
Son at Rome, ſet out immediately for Oſtia, attended by a :
great Number of Perſons, who conducted him out of Compli-
ment, and to whom he ſaid not a ſingle civil Word.
He embarked directly : but hearing, as he failed along the
Coaſt of Campania, that Auguſtus .was ſomewhat indiſpoſed, he
flackened his Courſe, till, being farther informed, he found
that there was no Occaſion for Delays ; upon which he was.
ini
*Sueton, in Tib. 8 X & XI,
swil
478
MEMOIRS of the
-
in ſuch a violent Hurry to get on, that even the Badneſs of the
Weather could not ſtop him; nor was it without Danger that
he arrived at Rhodes, a Place he had formerly liked when he
ſtopt there in his Return from Armenia, and where he now
had ample Leiſure to repent his haſty Reſolution, and to grow
heartily weary of his Retirement, which laſted ſeven Years.
AUGUSTUS, who had diſcontinued his Conſulates for
ſeventeen Years, to make Room for his Friends, now *, of his
own Accord, ſtood Candidate for that Office a twelfth Time,
in order that, being inveſted with the ſupreme legal Magiſtra-
cy, he might introduce his Sons to their firſt Dignities with
the greater Splendor : for the Conducting of a noble Youth to
the Capitol, the Giving him the manly Gown, the Preſenting
him to the People in the Forum, was a pompous Ceremony,
attended with Feſtivals, Shews, and vaſt Expencet.-A con-
ſiderable Largeſs was diſtributed among the People on this Oc-
caſion ; for the artful Cefar knew full well that this was a fure
Means to captivate their Favour.
As ſoon as Caius had taken the manly Robe, the Senate
and People named him Conſul, to enter upon the Functions of
that Office in five Years; that is to ſay, as ſoon as he ſhould
have completed his twentieth Year; or, in other Words, twen-
ty-three Years ſooner than the legal Age of forty-three. At the
fame Time, the Knights preſented him with a ſilver Spear, gave
him the new and till then unheard of Title of PRINCE OF THE
Youth.
* A. U. DCCXLVII.
+ Under the Commonwealth, and the immediately ſucceeding Times, the To-
ga pura, or virilis, was always given to the Roman Youths in their fixteenth, or
the Beginning of their ſeventeenth Year. The Father, attended by the Relations
and Friends of the Family, conducted his Son to the Capitol, there to offer to the
Gods the Firſt-fruits of the fineſt Age of human Life. From thence the young
Man, having changed: bis Robe, edged with Purple, for a plain one, was eſcorted
in the ſame Manner to the Forum, to denote his being admitted to the Admini.
tration both of public and private Buſineſs, in which he, from that Time, ac-
quired a Right to take part.
motion
now
Court of AUGUSTUS. 479
Youth.--Still Auguſtus pretended to yield with Reluctance *
to theſe premature Honours, whilſt, in fact, they were what
he moſt ardently deſired, and his Inſtruments were, under-
hand, folliciting and exciting the People to confer them : for
one of the grand Views of his Life was, to eſtabliſh the Em-
pire in his own Family ; it was the warmeſt Wiſh of his
Heart :
--but as he, who never pretended to be Emperor (in
the Senſe we underſtand the Word), and who deteſted the Ap-
pellation of Lord, could not himſelf propoſe an Act to ſecure
the Succeſſion to his Grand-children, Caius and Lucius, his
Agents were cunningly to manage ſo that the young Cefars
ſhould be raiſed, againſt his Will, by the fond Votes of the Se-
nate and People, to ſuch a Height, that, upon his Demiſe,
they might ſtep into his Power and Station with Eaſe, from al-
moſt a Level.
I ſhould here take Notice what is to us the moſt intereſting
of all Events, the Birth of the Divine Author of our "holy
Religion, JESUS of Nazareth, which happened on the twen-
ty-fifth of December of this Year; but that the important Sub-
ject would exceed the remaining Limits of this Volume :--
nor, indeed, does it ſtrictly belong to the profeſſed Purport of
theſe Memoirs.- -For the ſame Reaſons the Reader muſt
be referred to Jofephus f, for a particular Account of the
enormous Cruelties of Herod, King of Judea, who, after per-
petrating in his own Family ſuch Deeds of Horror, as made
Auguſtus ſay, he would rather be Herod's Hog than his Son,
died in the Year of Rome DCCXLVIII. By his Will, which was
not to take place unleſs ratified by the Emperor, he divided
his Dominions ainong his three remaining Sons; for he had
Thed the Blood of three others, and of his unhappy Wife Ma-
riamne. To Archelaus, born to him before he was King, he
left Judea, Idumea, and Samaria ; and to Philip and Herod
Antipas
* Tacit. Ann. I. 3.
+ Antiq. Lib. XV, XVI, & XVII & de Bell. Jud. Lib. I.
**
î
480
MEMOIRS of the
Antipas, his Sons by Mariamne, he bequeathed, to the former,
Trachonitum and ſome other ſmall Diſtricts; and to the latter,
Galilee and Perea. Auguſtus confirmed the Will, excepting
that he would not allow Archelaus the Title of King, which
his Father had enjoyed; but gave him, in lieu of it, that of
Ethnarch, Prince of a Nation.
ROME had for Conſuls in its DCCXLIXth Year, L. Corne-
lius Lentulus, and M. Valerius Meffalinus, which laſt was Son
of the famous Orator Melala, and, according to Tacitus *, had
inherited Part of his Father's Eloquence.
LUGIUS Cefar having now attained the Age at which
his Brother Caius had taken the manly Robe, Auguſtus, to
treat them both with a perfect Equality, aſſumed the Conſular
Faſces for the thirteenth and laſt Time, in the Year of Rome
DCCL, and managed ſo that the ſame Honours as had been
granted to the eldeſt, particularly the Title of Prince of the
Youth, and the Nomination to the Dignity of Conſul, to be
entered upon five Years after, were decreed to this youngeſt of
his two adopted Sons. Donations of Corn and Money, Feaſts,
Games, Shews, and all the other Baits with which Auguſtus
enfnared the fawning Tribes of Rome, were again profuſely la-
viſhed upon this Occaſion.
In the Midſt of all this Glory, whilſt every Thing ſeemed
to ſmile upon Auguſtus, and to promiſe him an uninterrupted
Felicity, domeſtic Ills retaliated upon him, in ſome Meaſure,
the Woes which he had entailed upon his Country. The
wicked Intrigues and infamous Debaucheries of his Daughter
Julia, which he firſt diſcovered this Year, though her Lewd-
neſs had long been known to the far greateſt Part of Rome, co-
vered him with public Shame and inexpreſſible Confuſion.
Her Dreſs, her Company, her Extravagance, and in ſhort, the
whole of her Behaviour, had often diſpleaſed him greatly:-
but a Father is apt to flatter himſelf: he ſuſpected no Crime
6
where
* Annal. III. 34.
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. 4.81
where he ſaw none; and, excuſing a Gayety which he thought
innocent in the main, would ſay to his Friends, that he had
two delicate Daughters to whom he was obliged to make ſome
Allowances, Julia and the Commonwealth. Though well in-
formed of all that paſſed, even in the remoteſt Corners of the
Empire, he was a long Time ignorant of what was done in his
own Houſe, and by his own Daughter. If galling Doubts
forced their Way, as they would ſometimes when he obſerved
her unbounded Profuſion, glaring Equipage, looſe Attire, and
conſtant Throng of idle giddy Fops, he knew not well what
to judge, and was almoſt inclined to deem her a loft Woman,
abandoned to Vice : but when he viewed the lovely Circle
of his Grand-children, and ſaw how exactly they reſembled
their Father Agrippa, he thought it a Crime to ſuſpect his
Daughter's Virtue, and flattered himſelf that the Gayety of
her Temper made her appear coquettiſh, but that there was
nothing criminal in the Caſe. He remembered Claudia, and
perſuaded himſelf that Julia was ſuch an other *.
This favourable Opinion was again ſtrongly confirmed, when
he conſidered in what manner ſhe had been educated; for he
had long been particularly bent upon keeping his Family regu-
lar, and making it a Pattern of Sobriety and good Order to all
the Empire. He paid great Attention to this ‘Point, watched
VOL. III.
}
६
PPP
over
}
* Cicero (pro M. Cælio) makes old Appius Cæius ſay to the debauched
CLODIA, Clodius's Siſter, “Nonne fi te noftræ Imagines viriles non commo-
“ vebant, ne progenies quidem mex, Quinta illa Claudia æmulem domefticæ
“ laudis in gloriâ muliebri eſte admonebat.”----One of Cicero's Commentators
(Tilſen) ſays, Claudia the Veſtal was ſuſpected, becauſe of the Niceneſs and De-
licacy of her Dreſs; but that the Syrian Goddeſs Cybele cleared her Character
by following her when the ſtuck in the Tiber.---The next Part of Cicero's Sen-
tence is, “ Non Virgo illa Veſtalis Claudia, quæ Patrem complexa triumphan-
tem, ab inimico Tribuno curru detrahi non paffus eft.” This Clodia, by
the bye, Cælius's Miſtreſs, is thought to have been the real Leſbia of Catullus.
Their Characters agree perfeaily--witty, wild, and wanton.
Suetonius
f
.....
16
"
3
482 MEMOIRS of the
over their Company, took Care that the young Ladies Mould
hardly have an idle Hour, and made thein actually Spinſters,
like our Grannams. Moſt of the Cloaths which he wore were
fpun by his Daughter, Wife, and Siſter*; and, above all., he
was extremely cautious not to let Julia have any Intercourſe
or Connection with Strangers. He truſted to this ſevere Dir-
cipline, and hoped that no one in his Houſe would ever diſ-
grace his penal Laws. But his Truſt, methinks, was ill-
founded.Could he reaſonably expect, in the midſt of a
corrupt Court, wholly given up to Luxury and Pleaſure, where
the Day' was ſpent in Shows, and the Night in Feafts, that his
Palace ſhould be an Aſylum for Virtue?--Could he imagine,
that his Laws would prove more effectual to reſtrain, than his
Example to allure? Or that Italian Dames, pampered high,
would hear perpetually of - Intrigues, and of this and t’other
Lady's Affair, without ever thinking of taking part in the
Sport?----Could he fondly hope, that his indulging himſelf
with this or t’other Maid of Honour, brought to Court on Pur-
poſe by the complacent Livia, would be kept truly a Secret, and
not reach the Ears of the other Females of his Family?
JULIA appeared one Day at Court in high Dreſs; that is
to ſay, with as little Covering, and as tranſparent as poſſi-
ble.-
onima
Suetonius mentions both theſe Claudias, and a third (ſhe that wilhed for her
Brother when ſhe was fqueezed in a Crowd) in Tiberius's Genealogy, S. 2. and
Ovid tells the Story of the Veſtal, as he does every Thing beautifully.
Claudia Quinta, genus Clauſo referebat ab alto :
Nec facies impar nobilitate fuit.
Cafta quidem ; fed non & credita. Rumor iniquus
Læſerat, & falfi criminis acta rea eft.
Cultus, & ornatis variè prodiffe capillis,
Obfuit: ad rigidos promptaque lingua ſenes.
Conſcia mens recti famæ mendacia rifit :
Sed nos in vitium credula turba fumus.
Fast. IV. §. 3.
8
2
* SUET. Aug. LXIV.
94
1
**
Court of
of AUGUSTUS. 483
ble.---The Romans were then beginning to import the Eaſt-
India open Stuffs, which were ſo little Impediment to the Eye,
that a Lady, completely dreſſed in them, could not with a good
Conſcience ſwear ſhe was not naked.. -- Auguſtus viewed his
Daughter, then quite a young Creature, in this flimſy Dreſs,
with inward Grief, which, tho' he ſuppreſſed it, the cunning
Dame peceived in his Looks, and came the next Day to the
Drawing-room in the decent Habit of a Roman Matron-ce-
far, immediately laying aſide his former Diſpleaſure, approach-
ed her with a Smile;~
--There, ſaid he, is the Garb that be-
comes Ceſar's Daughter.-_Why, Sir! replied the Lady, who
well.knew his Meaning, you don't conſider ;
-I was dreſſed
yeſterday for my Huſband, and to-day I am dreſſed for my Fa-
ther.
The Uſe of Patches, it ſeems, is very ancient. Some In-
dians, probably from the Mogul's Country, came to Rome under
Auguſtus, and made a Preſent to his Daughter Julia of a Kind
of Flies, to put on her Face, to heighten the Fairneſs of her
Complexion.--How would ſhe triumph to appear with them
next Day at Court, and aſtoniſh the gazing Crowd !
At a public Spectacle of Gladiators, ſhe and her Mother-
in-law, Livia, had drawn the Eyes of the whole Aſſembly up-
on them, by the Diffimilitude of their Retinue. Livia was
accompanied by Men in Years, of known Worth and Gravity;
and Julia. was beſet by a Troop of gaudy effeminate young
Fellows. Her Father ſent her a Note from his Seat, de-
firing her to obſerve the Difference between the Attendants of
the two chief Ladies in the Aſſembly.-.-Julia, who under-
ſtood him, wrote back, " Theſe Gentlemen will be old Men,
" when I am an old Woman."
JULIA began to have grey Hairs very early, which the
uſed to retire and pick out._-It happened one Day that her
Father entered her Apartment ſuddenly, and ſurpriſed the
Tire-women at their private Occupation. He ſeemed, how-
Ppp 2
f
ever,
rek
Fire
MEMOIRS of the
7
484
1
ever, to take no Notice of any Thing, nor to obſerve the grey
Hairs he ſaw upon her Cloaths; but, after ſome Diſcourſe
up-
on other Subjects, began to ſpeak of her Age, and aſked her,
Whether, after a while, the would chuſe to be bald or grey-
haired ? She anſwered, I, Father, ſhould rather chuſe to be
grey-haired. ----
Why do theſe then, ſaid the Prince, go
about to make you bald ſo ſoon?”
After liſtening for ſome Time to a grave ſerious Noble-
man, who was endeavoúring to perſuade her to live regularly,
to be careful of her Character, and, in fine, to imitate her Fa-
ther in his Moderation and Temperance : “My Lord, ſaid ſhe,
my Father forgets that he is Ceſar ; but I remember that I
am Cefar's Daughter."
JULI A's Intrigues did not begin till ſhe was a ſecond time
unequally matched, firſt to Marcellus, a meer Youth, and then
to Agrippa, an oldiſh Man, who choſe rather to bear with her
diſorderly Conduct, and even to paſs it over in Silence, than to
increaſe the Infamy by a public, and perhaps uſeleſs, Reſent-
ment. But after her Marriage with Tiberius, whom ſhe
firſt loved, and then hated and deſpiſed, the grew infamous,
even beyond the Power of Scandal to hurt her. Conſtitution
prompted, her high Way of Life encouraged, and downright
Love of Debauchery determined her to carry her Lewdneſs to
an amazing Pitch of Proſtitution.------She loſt all Reſerve
admitted Men indiſcriminately-not only known Gallants,
but
any
Male they pleaſed to bring with them—and when
meer Debauch began to grow dull, Frolic was called in to whet
it. She went into the moſt notorious Stews, took her Sta-
tion, received Money like a common Wench, and carried this
ſo far as to put a Chaplet- upon Marſyas's Head, in Gratitude
for her thriving in the lucrative Profeſſion * At another
Time,
* It was the Cuſtom in all free Cities to ſet up a Statue of Marſyas, in the
Forum, or Market-place. Marſyas was under the Protecton of Bacchus (LIBER
PATER), and was repreſented with his Hand raiſed, in a beckoning Poſture, to
ſignify,
원
​4
..
i
Court of AUGUSTU S. 485
T
Time, when a grand Night was to be celebrated to Venus, to
heighten the Reliſh, the ſolemn Court, the Roftra from
whence her Father had promulgated the Law againſt 'Adul-
tery, was pitched upon for the Scene of nocturnal Riot.
This unhappy Princeſs was firſt ſeduced by Sempronius
Gracchus, one of thoſe artful Men who abuſe the greateſt Ta-
lents to the worſt of Purpoſes. He
--He was of the firſt Nobili-
ty, handſome, inſinuating, perſuaſive, eloquent, learned, and
delighting in Mifchief:no Man could make himſelf more
agreeable, or put better on that Appearance of Modeſtý, Ref-
pect, and Tenderneſs, which is ſo dangerous to a Woman of
Senſe. He abſolutely governed Julia for ſome Time, and dic-
tated the bitter Invectives which ſhe wrote to her Father againſt
her Huſband. Whether he wearied and voluntarily quitted his
Hold, or whether he was beat out by a more illuſtrious Rival,
. I cannot diſcover ; but he was ſucceeded in Julia's good Graces
by Antonius Tülus, the Triumvir's ſecond Son by Fulvia,
whom Auguſtus had not only ſaved at the Taking of Alexan-
dria, but re-inſtated in his Father's Family and Fortune, and
in due Courſe raiſed to the higheſt Honours, even marrying
him to his Niece Marcella, the Daughter of Ottavia.But
Politics intermixed with Gallantry, as they conſtantly do
among People in Power--A grand Faction was formed by
the Lovers, and a Deſign laid to wreſt the Government out of
the Hands of Auguſtus, now in Years, whilſt his Daughter and
her
125 126
e
}
fignify, that the Town wanted nothing to This Statue uſed to be crowned
with a Garland by thoſe who had proſpered in their Buſineſs during the Courſe
of the Day; and; in imitation of that Cuſtom, Julia, when ſhe had 'found
a Gallant who pleaſed her, put a Garland upon the Head of Marſyas, which
ſtood in the Roman Forum, near the Puteal. This being a commodious Place,
was frequented in the Evenings by all Sorts of looſe idle People, among whom
Julia went incog. that ſhe might purſue her Pleaſures in her own Way, as if
The had been a common Strumpet.
† Qui erecta manu teftatur nibil Urbi deeffe.
Serv. in Æneid. IV.
ई
486
2 MEMOIRŞ of the
A
her Gallants ſhould rule the Common-wealth. Love is ſaid
to be blind :
-certain it is that he puts out the Eyes of Lo-
vers in political. Management. Whilſt inebriated with Paſſion
and Pleaſure, and borne on the Wings of Imagination, they
ſee no Difficulties, nor think any. Obſtacle too ſtrong for their
Reſolution and good Fortune: they throw themſelves head-
long over Precipices, whence they ſeldom eſcape with Life.
The high Deſcent of Antonius Tülus, the Gracefulneſs of his
Perſon, and, above all, his ſuperior Spirit and daring Ambi-
tion, converted this. Amour into a Danger which threatened
both the Prince and the Empire. The old Triumviral Quar-
rel was likely to be revived, and the remaining Partiſans both
of Pompey and Antony (no contemptible Body in Rome) would
have again taken Arms in Favour of his Son. But though Au-
guſtus was really frighted, and put in the utmoſt Diſorder, his
general Conduct was of late too unblameable, and he was now
too long and deeply rooted to be pulled up by: a palling Storm.
The Plot took Air, the Court and Miniſtry were alarmed, and
the Depth of it was eaſily founded by Means of the Perſons
employed by ſuch loving Conſpirators. Antonius Jülus was
ſeized and put privately to Death.-----Phebe, his Confidante
with Julia, made haſte to hang herſelf jathe reſt of the Gal-
lants, among whom were T. Quintius Criſpinus, a completę
Hypocrite, who concealed the greateſt Vices under the Ap-
pearance of Auſterity, and had been Conſul fome Years before,
Ap. Claudius, and Scipio, who ſeems to have been Half-brother
to Julia, for Scribonia was married to a Scipio, who was of con-
ſular Dignity, before ſhe married Auguftus, were baniſhed to
the Inlands, and Julia herſelf to Pandateria, a deſart Rock near
the Coaſt of Campania.---Tiberius, her Huſband, when he
heard the News in his Retirement, though infinitely pleaſed
with her Puniſhment, thought it became him to intercede with
Auguſtus in her Favour, which he did by frequent and earneſt
Letters froin Rhodes. ----But his Diffimulation was underſtood,
and
+
#
sugar
#
1
Court of AUGUSTUS 487
and diſregarded; and it plainly appeared afterwards to be the
grofſeft Hypocriſy, not only by his relentleſs Behaviour toward
her when he came into Power, but hy his depriving her of the
ſmall Penſion ſettled on her by Auguftus, under the ſhallow
Pretence of it's not being mentioned in his Will, and thereby
actually ſtarving her to Death.
AUGUSTUS never met with any Thing that cut him ſo
much to the quick, as the Breaking-out of this horrid Scandal
in his own Family.--Two Things, of the moſt heinous Na-
ture, combined to enrage him.----A Plot againſt his Govern-
ment, and the utmoſt Contempt poured upon his Laws, and
Ridicule upon his Character, as a Reformer of Manners.--
In the firſt Agony of Rage, he flew, like a Fury, upon the
young Gracchus, when he was brought into his Preſence, and
beat him with his own Hands. -The Diſcipline was rude :
Gracchus's Spirit kindled ;-he loft Patience, and cried out,
Sir! You made the Law, and preſcribed the Penalty yourſelf.
Why do you tranſgreſs it? - Beating is not the Puniſhment to
be inflicted upon my Crime.---He was then removed ; and the
provoked Prince, deprived of his two truſty Miniſters, unad-
viſedly vented his Anguiſh to the Fathers, that is, to the
whole People of Rome. He gave a Detail of his Daughter's
Crimes, and of her more criminal Deſigns, in a circumſtantial
Relation, which the Lord Treaſurer read in open Senate.--
Here the inoſt ſecret Doings in his Palace were expoſed. The
Veil that ſhould cover exalted Characters, and their way of
Life, from vulgar Eyes, (for it is pellucid to others,) was torn
off; and inſtead of the Majeſty which magnifies the moſt com-
mon Things about the Perſons of Princes, an Air of Meanneſs
and Inſufficiency reflected upon Cefar himſelf, from the hor-
rible Diſorders which had ſo long diſhonoured his Family
He was afterwards perfectly ſenſible of this falſe Step, and
reckoned it as a grievous Misfortune, which he often bewail-
ed, and ſaid it would not have befallen him, had either Mecenas
.
1
or
*
15
2
.....:.
"".
भी
*
.
488
MEMOIRS of the :)
ori Agrippå been alive.A diſcarded Courtier (ſays on this
Occaſion, and ſays not very much amiſs, that Princes frequerit-
ly commend their deceaſed Miniſters, only to depreciate thoſe
that are alive.---But at this Time Auguftus, I believe, both
ſpoke what he thought, and ſaid no 'more than what was
true.---The ſhrewd Perception of Mecenas, and the ſteady
Wiſdom of Agrippa, would immediately have diſcovered the
Imprudence of a Meaſure which could ſerve no good End, and
of which it is very ſtrange there ſhould have been a faint Re-
femblance acted over in modern Times. There was more
Wiſdom as well as more Humanity in Charlemagne's Conduct
towards his frail Daughters, while their Father was engaged in
conſtant Wars and Expeditions. It is true, their Caſe was
different. Theſe Princeſſes were neglected, did not chuſe to
wait for the Marriage Ceremony, and were found big-bellied in
their Father's Houfe. Love, all-powerful Love, both pa-
rental and natural, pleaded ſtrongly in their Favour ; and the
mild Emperor, ſubject to the ſame Paſſion, reflected coolly
on his own Youth, and forgave them. But Julia's Wild-
neſs was late in Life, after ſhe had been thrice married, and
the Mother of five or fix Children. Beſides that, her Crime
was aggravated by atrocious Circumſtances of Inſult
upon
her
Father's Laws, and an intended Rebellion againſt his Govern-
ment,-if not Deſigns upon his Liſe.
A Lady of high Quality, whoſe Situation permits, and whoſe
Inclination leads her to make Pleaſure her ſole Buſineſs, is in a
flippery Way, if a proper Temptation offers. A Sentiment of
Honour, of her Family, or her Pride, may ſometimes ſave
her. But if ſuch a Woman once gives Way, ſhe hardens
by Degrees, until the arrives to the laſt Step, which is, to loſe
all Senſe of Shame; and then no Infamy or Wickedneſs
comes amiſs.-At firſt, Julia linned for Pleaſure, ----
perhaps for Love ;--afterwards the carried her Debauchery to
the higheſt Exceſs.----But wirether it be her long and cruel
Sufo:
ke
$
A
Court of AUGUSTU S. 489
tes
Sufferings under a fly hard-hearted. Step-mother, or the
Sweetneſs of her own Temper, the Flow of her Wit, and great
Proficiency in Learning, which ſat eafy on her,-methinks ]
cannot help pitying her. Her Sufferings throw, as it were,
a Veil over her Guilt, and leave only the amiable accompliſhed
Woman, overwhelined with Miſery, and forced to accept of
the inſultive Preſents of a Mother-in-law, who firſt ruined,
and then hypocritically ſupported her Huſband's Children.-
For I cannot doubt but that Auguſtus, who was an affectionate
Father, and particularly fond of Julia, would have relented at
laſt, and, at the repeated Interceſſion and earneſt Requeſt of
the whole Roman People, have recalled her from her Exile.
But the cunning Livia fteeled his Heart, and the Dignity of
his Character, as a Law-giver and Reformer of Manners, ſerved
for the Colour, or co-operated as a Cauſe in the inflexible
Refuſal.
The unhappy Princeſs was accompanied in her Exile by her
Mother Scribonia, a Woman of high, not to ſay haughty Spi-
rit, who lived to a great Age ; for when her Grand-nephew,
Scribonius Libo, of the firſt Nobility, but a weak inconſiderate
Youth, was carrying from the Senate in: a Chair, after his
Condemnation, for a fooliſh Sort of Conſpiracy (founded upon
Prophecies and Aſtrology) againſt Tiberius, and deſerted by his
Friends, his old Aunt ſtood by while he was deliberating whe-
ther he ſhould make away with himſelf, or wait the Executioner.
Why, Child ! ſaid ſhe, what Pleaſure have you to do other
People's Buſineſs for them ?-He did not take the Advice,
but fell by his own Hand, to prevent a cruel Death from his
Accuſer.
JULIA's infamous Conduct and horrid Deſign were made
known to Auguſtus in September, and, I believe, the Paſſion
and Terror into which Antony Tülus's Conſpiracy threw him,
did not permit long Time to be conſumed in the Trial. She
was baniſhed in Ostober. Her eldeſt Son, Caius, was then
VOL. III.
Q99
+
+
le.
499
MEMOIRS of the
reviewing the Legions on the Danube, and her ſecond Son,
Lucius, was in Town. Poſthumus Agrippa (ſo called
from his being born after his Father's Death) was but about
nine Years old, and her Daughter might then be about fif-
teen.
I
This was a terrible Year to Auguſtus. His Daughter's In-
famy had ſtabbed him to the very Heart; and the Diſturbances
in Arabia, Parthia, and Armenia, which increaſed daily, and
urgently required a very ſpeedy Remedy, had already put all
the Eaſt in Confuſion, and threatened the Empire with a
dreadful War.- -But, for the better Underſtanding of this
Affair, it will be proper to reſume Things farther back.
The great Lucullus had beat Tigranes, King of Armenia at
the Head of an hundred and fifty thouſand Foot, and fifty-five
thouſand Horſe, in the Cauſe of Mithridates.-
He was again
beaten by Cn. Pompey, in a Battle in the Night.---His Son
Artuafdes played the Traitor in the Parthian Invaſion by Anto-
ny, was enticed, catched, bound with golden Chains, led in
Triumph at Alexandria, and executed by Antony's Order.—-
His Son Artaxias tried to make his Way to the Throne by
Arms, was defeated, fled to Parthia, raiſed a new Army, and
recovered his Kingdom from the Romans. Supported by the
Parthians, he reigned for ſome Years; but with ſuch Oppreſ-
fion and Cruelty, that his Subjects, conſpiring, put him to
Death, and then applied to Auguſtus for his younger Brother,
Tigranes, educated at Rome, to be their King. This happened
in the Winter that Auguſtus ſpent in Samos.--He gave Com-
miſſion to his Son-in-law Tiberius (with the Help of Archelaus
King of Cappadocia), to place Tigranes on the Armenian
Thrane * Tigranes, enjoyed the Crown but a very little
While,
* The malevolent Dion Caffius's Saying, “ that Tiberius did nothing worthy
a of his vaſt Preparations, and that the Armenians killed their King Artaxias be-
«fore his Arrival,” would ſeem to imply, that this Application to Auguſtus was,
made during the Life of Artaxias.
Velleius:
k
A
Couirt of AUGUSTUS
491
While, and his Son and Daughter, who were joined in Matri-
mony, after the Eaſtern Manner, not much longer :-ſo that
Tiberius was to be again intruſted with the Care of ſettling
Armenia. But taking Umbrage, as I ſaid before, at the pre-
mature Promotion of Caius and Lucius, Cefars, and unable to
bear the Inſults and Debaucheries of bis Wife, he took his
famous Reſolution to abandon Buſineſs and Rome, and retired
to Rhodes. In the mean Time Artuafdes, whom I take to have
been a younger Son of Tigranes, was, by Auguſtus's Command,
made King of Armenia ; and he having been driven out by an
oppoſite Party, and the Romans who ſupported him routed,
Caius Cesar was at length honoured with the Commiſſion to
reſettle that great Kingdom, and put it in the Hands of a Friend
to the Common-wealth.--Phraates, the Tyrant, who, in
DCCXVIII, had killed his old Father Orontes (turned malan-
choly upon the Death of the noble Pucorus), and put twenty-
nine of his Brothers to Death, 'was at this Time King of Par-
thia. In the very Beginning of his Reign, he had repulſed
M. Antony, who entered Parthia with ſixteen Legions, fent
Supplies to the Armenians and Arabs, and afliſted them to ex-
pel the Roman Garriſons, and the Roman-made King Artuaf-
des.---But, ſome Years after, growing wiſer and milder, he
gave Way to the Roman Power, quitted Armenia, ſuffered Ti-
granes to be quietly put in Poffeffiom of the Throne, delister-
ed up the Roman Eagles taken from Craſus thirty-three Years
before, and even ſent his four Sons as Hoſtages, in Appearance,
to Rome; but, in Reality, to ſecure them from the Fury of a pro-
voked Nation :-and now, when Auguſtus was grown old,
and had no Reputation as a Warrior to keep him in Awe, he
ſent an Army into Armenia, under Pretence of aſſiſting Tigra-
nes, and ſeized the chief Places of Strength.
Qqq2
THE
美
​Velleius miſtakes the Name, and puts A tuafdes, the Father, inſtead of Tigra-
nes, the youngeſt Son.
#
Se
fh
492 MEMOIRS of the
}
>
stage
Santa
The Preparations of the Romans were ſuited to the Strength
of the hoſtile Nations they were to encounter, and to the
Dignity of the Commander, the preſumptive Heir of the Em-
pire, then only in his nineteenth Year. At his fetting out,
which was either toward the latter End of this. Year, or in the
Beginning of the next, Auguſtus took Leave of him with theſe
remarkable Words * : " I wilh you, my Son,
"I wiſh you, my Son, the Valour of
Scipio, the Love of the People to the Degree which Pompey
had it, and my Fortune. " But his Wiſh was far from be-
ing accompliſhed.
The Care of the royal Youth and Heir-apparent of the Em-
pire, with the Direction of the whole Expedition, was com-
mitted to M. Lollius, a Man of great Capacity, with all the
Appearances of Virtue, and a ſeeming Severity of Manners. He
had gone through the Honours of his Country unblemiſhed;
and gained the Reputation of a brave and ſkilful Commander
in the Expeditions he had been employed in by Auguſtus, a's
Pretor and Proconſul :
--for the Check he met with in Ger-
many, where he loſt the Eagle of the fifth Legion, tho' more
diſhonourable than detrimental, could not efface the favourable
Opinion which that Prince had conceived of his Merit and Abi-
lities.--But hidden Vice, like a pent-up Fire, breaks out with
more Violence the longer it has been ſmothered.--A bad
Habit, openly indulged, loſes its Keenneſs; but Avarice, Am-
bition, or Revenge, commit the greateſt Ravages after cloſe
Reſtraint, under the Maſque of Virtue. Opportunity then in-
vites them to quit the unnatural Diſguiſe; and M. Lolliús, the
diſintereſted Conſul, the ſevere and juſt Judge at Rome, proved
the moſt ſordid rapacious Governor that had ever fleeced the
Kings of the Eaſt ----Covetouſneſs is a certain Sign of ill Senſe
at Bottom.
LOL-
# Plut, de Fort, Ron
Court of AUGUSTUS. 493
32
LOLLIUS was very exact in keeping his Accounts, and, ei-
ther to palliate his Extortions, or to put a proper Values on his
Jewels, he had an exact Regiſter of their Prices -I ſhould rather
juſpect of the ſeveral Values at which they were eſtimated by
the Princes who made him Preſents of them. This Re
gifter his Grand-daughter, the beauteous Lollia Paulina, liad
in her Cuſtody, and was at any Time ready to Thew by it that
the Set of Jewels, which the wore at an extraordinary. Mar-
riage-feaſt, was worth upwards of three hundred and twenty
thouſand Pounds of our Money.
CAIUS CESAR was a Youth of the moſt promiſing Turn
both of Body and Mind. He was graceful and ſtrong in Perſon,
having the manly Aſpect of his Father Agrippa, without his
Sternneſs. He was of quick Underſtanding, and had that eager
Love of Fame which is inſeparable from a noble Mind. He
was now inflamed with the Thoughts of the Conqueſt of
ARABIA called the HAPPY, and received Informations of
the Nature, Situation, and Produce of the Country, from all
Hands. The learned King of Mauritania, JUBA the
younger, had written Memoirs of it for his Uſe; and Diony-
fus, the great Geographer and Poety, a Native of Charax,
on the Euphrates, was ſent before, to procure and put in
Writing proper Information of every Thing neceſſary for the
young Prince to know.--The Gold, the Jewels, the In-
cenſe, and other Spiceries, brought from Arabia, put Men mad
with the Thought of it; and, which embelliſhed the Proſpect,
the People were not ſuppoſed to be very martial, and therefore
promiſed an eaſy Conqueſt.
Before Caius ſet out, he had Auguſtus's Approbation for
not giving into foreign Rites, or facrificing at Jeruſalem :
for which, and for his own not ſacrificing there, GOD, ſays
Orofius, puniſhed Rome with intenſe Famine-which, by the
way,
did not happen till near fix Years after Caius's Expedi-
tion, viz. in DCCLVI.
FROM
1
*
I
494. MEMOIRS of the
ten
of
!
i
..
From Paleſtine, CAIUS. went to Syria, where Archelaus
the Cappadocian, and all the Kings of the Eaſt; waited on him,
rather on his Director M. LOLLIUS, with immenfe Pre-
ſents...Here Caius, in the Year of Rome DCCLII, entered
upon
his firſt Conſulſhip, in which he had for his Collègue L. Emi-
lius Paulus, who was alſo his Brother-in-law, having married
his Siſter the younger JULIA He was the Son of Lucius
Emilius Paulus, the Cenſor, mat firſt Cefar's Enemy, and then
his Friend, in conſideration of 15000 Talents, (900,000 Roman
Crowns).-----He had begun the beautiful Bafilicon, or Royal
Portico, before the Year Doc; but finding he could not finish
it, took the proffered Bribe to ſave his Credit.--He was that
Brother of the worthleſs Lepidus, whom this laſt procured to
be profcribed ; but who failed openly away to Miletus, where
he ſtaid till the Profcription was over.-- He and Munatius
Plancus were Cenſors in the Year DccxxII. - He married Cor-
nelia, the Daughter of L. Cornelius Scipio and SCRIBONIA,
who was therefore the Aunt of Caius and Lucius, Ceſars.
From Syria, Caius advanced againſt the Enemy, paſſed the
Euphrates, and was the youngeſt Conſul that ever carried the
Roman Arms to that vaſt Diſtance, to make War upon their
fierceſt Foe.
UPOn the News of his Approach, Phraates wrote to Au-
guſtus, that he had been forced to ſend an Army into Arme-
nia, to preſerve the Tranquility of Parthia, left the Civil
War, likely to riſe there, ſhould ſpread its Flame into his
Kingdom; and that he had aſſiſted Tigranes to mount the
Throne, a Man of the Blood-royal, becauſe the Armenians had
of their own Accord expelled Artuaſdes, the King impoſed by
the Romans. Auguſtus wrote back, that the Parthians had
firſt taken Arms in the Eaſt; that, contrary to folemn Trea-
ties, they had openly aſlifted the rebellious Armenians, to expel
their King, and the Roman Garrifons ;~-~and that, as foon
as he ſhould think proper to withdraw his Army, and
1
evacuate
Court of AUGUSTUS. 495
볼
​evacuate the Cities and Caſtles which he occupied in Armenia,
he might expect Peace and a Renewal of Friendſhip;but not
before.This Letter was inſcribed ſimply to Phraates, with-
out the Title of King. He replied, aud aſſumed the Deſign
nation of PHRA ATES, King of Kings, to Ceſar.
In the Beginning of DcclIII, P. Vinicius and P. Alphenus
being Conſuls, Artuafdes fickened and died.--CAIUS, at a
Loſs what to do, aſked new Orders, while the Parthians,
worſted, in no pitched Battle, but in ſeveral Encounters, ſued
for Peace. Auguſtus, old and cautious, bid him agree to it
on theſe Conditions, that Armenia ſhould be evacuated :
that the Election of its Kings ſhould be left wholly to the Ra-
mans ;--and that the Boundaries of the two Empires ſhould re-
main as before.---This brought on the famous Interview on
the Euphrates, where the Parthian Prince let Caius know the
crooked Deſigns, and inſatiate Avarice of his Director LOL-
LIUS*, who was thereupon immediately forbid the Court,
and, I believe, ſoon after took a Doſe of Poiſon.--A Man
of deep Cunning, poſſeſſed of a Prince's Confidence, keeps him
blind, and the People in Awe.--Lollius wanted to protract
his Power, and actually drained all the royal Treaſures of Gold
and Jewels, and all their Wardrobes of Silks and Velvets.
The Conſul Alphenus, whom I have juſt mentioned, was
born at Cremona, of very low Extraction ; for Horace of re-
proaches him with having been a Shoe-maker.- But his Ta-
lents were far ſuperior to that ignoble Profeffion.----Animat-
ed with an inward Sentiment, which told him, that he was
born for ſomething greater, he threw aſide his Paring-knife,
applied himſelf to the Study of the Law, under the famous S.
Sula
1
A
PH
1
ny
* Horace's two Epiſtles to Lollius are certainly to M. Lollius, the Son.
Nunc adhibe puro pectore verba PUER! could never be applicable to the Fa-
ther;-though ſome ſay that Epiſtle is diſlocated, and the latter Part imprez
perly rangeda
+ Sat. I. 3:
496 MEMOIRS of the!)
Sulpiciùs, and became fo confpicuous therein *, that he de-
ſervedly attained the firſt Dignity in the Empire.
- TIGRANES, deſerted by his Parthian Protectors, and un-
able alone to reſiſt the Roman Power, had Recourſe to hun.
ble Intreaties ; flattering himſelf with Hopes of obtaining
Leave to keep the Crown, as Artabazes, whom he had de-
throned, was dead, and there was no other Competitor. But
Auguftus, to whom he applied for this Purpoſe, referred him
to Caius; and the young Prince's Determination was not in his
Favour.-----The Point was therefore to be decided by Arms,
and Caius accordingly entered Armenia in an hoſtile Manner.
Spirit and Vigour accompanied his firſt. Undertakings, which
were attended with Succeſs; but, taſhly engaging in a Con-
ference with his perfidious Enemies; he became the Victim of
his Credulity, and received a conſiderable Wound, the Confe-
quence of which proved fatal. He performed, however, the
Purport of his Commiſſion; and, in the Room of Tigranes, of
whom Hiſtory takes no farther Notice, made Ariobarzanes,
by Birth a Mede, King of the Armenians ufo.
He then returned to the Confines of the Roman Territo-
but not in the Condition in which he left them. His
Wound had affected his Mind, as well as his Body; and, out
of a capricious Humour, which the Flatterers about him'en-
couraged, he reſolved abſolutely to remain in thoſe diſtant
Parts, and never more to return to Rome. Auguſtus was
obliged to exert all his Authority to make him break this
ſtrange Reſolution ; and he at length ſet out --but died at Li-
anyrum in Lycia, in the Beginning of the next Year. His
Brother Lucius died eighteen Months before, at Marſeilles, as
he was going to Spain, with a Command of the ſame Nature
as that which Caius had in the Eaſt. Marſeilles was origi-
nally a Grecian Colony from Phocis. It was another Athens,
which
ries;
* POMPON. de Orig. Jur.
of VELL. PATERC. Lib. II. TAC. Ann. Lib. II.
7*
with
Court of AUGUS TU S. 497
-964
&
which not only maintained its Politeneſs and Purity of Lan-
guage
in the midſt of all the barbarous Nations among which
it was feated; but preſerved its excellent Policy, and found
Morals.
By the Death of theſe two Youths, Auguſtus was blaſted in
all his Hopes, and deprived of every Proſpect of future En-
joyment of Life.The Preface to his laſt Will ſhewed that
it had ſunk very deep, and made Impreſſions not to be effaced.
Firmly intending them for his Succeſſors in the Empire, he
had brought them up with infinite Care, inſtructed them him-
ſelf in the Rudiments of Learning, and the Art of writing in
Short-hand; and, above all, endeavoured to teach them to
imitate his Hand-writing* ,--doubtleſs, in order to employ
them as Secretaries in nice and important Affairs. He ſtu-
diouſly avoided giving them an effeminate or oſtentatious Edu-
cation :- when they ate with him, they did not lie down, as
was the general Cuſtom of the Romans at their Meals, but fat
at the End of the Table; and whenever he travelled, they al-
ways went before, either in a Litter or on Horſe-back :--in
ſhort, he never loft Sight of them. To check the Pride with
which their Birth and the high Station they were deſigned for,
might fill their infant Minds, he made them go through a
Courſe of Inſtruction in common with other Children. Verrius
Flaccus, a celebrated Grammarian, was pitched upon for this
Purpoſe + : but not to give them private Leſſons; for his whole
School was transferred to Catiline's Houſe, which was then a
Part of the Palace; and the Emperor's Sons were inſtructed
there in the ſame Manner as Verrius's other Scholars, whom he
was allowed to take with him, upon Condition that he ſhould
only complete thoſe he then had, and not receive any more; in
Conſideration of which Auguftus allowed him a Penſion of an
hundred Seſterces (870 1. 55. 10 d.) a Year I. The Exel-
Rrr
lence
* SUET. Aug. LXIV. LXV.
+ Suet. de illuſt. Gramm.
† According to Arbuthnot's Tables, M. Dacier makes it but 750 1.
*
3
.
498
MEMOIRS of the
:
x
His o
lence of Verrius's Method of Teaching confifted chiefly in rain
fing an Emulation among the Youths, not only by preſcribing
them Trials of Skill, but alſo by ſetting up, as a Price for the
Victor, a handſome or curious Copy of ſome eſteemed ancient
Author.--He corrected the Faſti, which were engraven in
Marble, and put in the Semi-circle in the lower part of the
Forum of.Præneſte, near his own Statue.
TIBERIUS, now Auguſtus's only Reſource, was returned
to Rome before Caius Ceſar died. His Way of Life in Rhodes
was perfectly ſuited to the Pretence he had made Uſe of to ob-
tain Leave to retire. He took a ſmall Houſe in the Town,
and another, not much larger, in the Country; walked about
daily in the Places of Exerciſe, viſited the public Schools like
a private Man, without any Retinue of Lictors or Uſhers; and
behaved to the Citizens of Rhodes almoſt as if they had been his
One Morning, planning out what he intended to do that
Day, he ſaid he would ſee all the ſick People in the Town.
be brought under a Portico, and ranged in Claſſes, according
to their different Diſorders. Tiberius; whoſe Deſign was to
go
from Houſe to Houfe, was greatly furpriſed at ſeeing them
all collected together, and ſorry for the Trouble they had been
He viſited them all, one after another, making Ex-
cufes even to the pooreſt, and to thoſe who were entirely un-
known to him.
He never exerted his Authority of Tribune there but once,
and that was on no very important Occaſion. At a public
Lecture, (for he attended conſtantly all the Lectures of the
Profeſſors of Eloquence and Philoſophy) two Rhetoricians, or
Sophiſts, happened to have a Diſpute in his Preſence, in which
he interfered and ſpoke his Mind. The Diſputant, whoſe
.
Opinion
Tu
* Şuet. Tib«X--XV.
Equals *
put to.
*
with
و
Court of AUGUSTUS.
499
*
ini?
Opinion he differed from, attacked him very roughly, and, with-
out any Reſpect, told him he was partial. Tiberius made 'no
Reply, but went home, returned with his Lictors, feated hiin
ſelf on the Tribunal, cited the petulant Sophiſt, and commit-
ted him to Priſon, to teach him better Manners.
Ar the Expiration of the five Years of his Tribuneſhip,
which were ſpent in this Manner, he wrote a Letter to the
Emperor, ſetting forth, that the real Cauſe of his Retiring was
to prevent all Suſpicion of his thinking to rival Caius and 'Lu-
cius Ceſars; and that, as the Danger was then over, thoſe
young Princes being grown up, and fit to hold the ſecond
Rank, which was their Right, he humbly deſired Leave to re-
turn to Rome, and to his family, being weary of his long Ab-
ſence from them. Auguſtus. flatly denied his Requeſt, and ad-
viſed him to forget his Family, which he had been in ſo great
a Hurry to leave ; fo that he was forced to remain in Rhodes. ,
All that he could obtain, through the Influence and earneſt
Sollicitations of his Mother Livia, was to be appointed Au-
guſtus’s Lieutenant ; Title which maſked the Shame of
his involuntary Stay From that Time, he lived there even
in a lower Station than that of a private. Gentleman. He re-
moved farther up into the Country, to avoid the Viſits of the
Magiſtrates and General Officers, none of whom paſſed by
Rhodes without paying their Reſpects to him.-Such was his
Situation when Caius Ceſar was ſent into the Eaſt. Tiberius
waited on the young Prince in the. Ine of Chios, (Suetonius ſays
Samos), and ſoon found that he had been ſtrongly prejudiced
againſt him by the deſigning Lollius. Caius received him with
uncommon Coldneſs, and Tiberius was thought * to have tam-
pered with ſome of his Attendants, but more particularly
certain Centurions who had long been attached to him, in
order to create Diſſenſions among the Soldiery. Auguſtus
Rrr 2
wrote
.
with certain
* Dio, Lib. LV.
500 ?
?
the Roman Gown. La
MEMOIRS of the
wrote to him about it; and Tiberius deſired, that, for his Juf-
tification, Somebody, he cared not of what Rank or Condition,
might be ſet over him, to watch his Conduct, and give an Ac-
count of all his Steps. So, great were his Apprehenſions, that
he avoided, with the utmoſt Scruple, every Thing that could
poſſibly give the leaſt Umbrage ; even ſo far as to decline the
uſual Exerciſes of Riding and of Arms, and to put on a Gre-
cian Dreſs inſtead of the Roman Çown.
He ſpent near two Years in this melancholy Situation, every
Day more and more expoſed to Hatred and Contempt; of
which he received fome Proofs from Archelaus King of Cappa-
docia, who had afterwards ſufficient Cauſe to repent of his im-
prudent Behaviour.--He had received his Crown from Anto-
ny, to whom he continued faithful till after the Battle of Ac-
tium, and was confirmed in the Poffeffion of it by Auguftus.
But ſome of his Friends at the Roman Court having wrote him
Word, that Caius Cefar, the Emperor's Grandſon, was the Fa
vourite, and that it would not be ſafe at that Juncture to ſeem
engaged with Tiberius, hé more than lighted this laſt, who,
when Emperor, inticed him to Róme, by means of his Mother
Livia, impeached him before the Senate, and drove him to
the dreadful Extremity of killing himſelf, after he had reigned
fifty Years * His Kingdom
His Kingdom wás united to the Roman Em-
pire. The People of Nimes pulled down Tiberius's Statues;
and, at a Feaſt where all were very merry, one of the Gueſts
offered to go immediately to Rhodes, if Caius liked it, and bring
him back the Head of the Exile;' for fo Tiberius was called at
thát Court.
The Danger increaſed, Tiberius grew more urgent to be tes
called, and Livia backed his Requeſt with all her Might. But
ſtill Auguftus would not grant it till he had firſt conſulted his
Són Caius, whó, luckily for Tiberius, being then rundeceived
in regard to Lollius, made no Oppoſition.----- Tiberius was
there-
Tac. Ann. Lib. II. Dio. Lib. VI.
.
.
Court of AUGUSTU S.
501
thereupon perunitted to return to Rome ;- but upon the expreſs
Condition, that he ſhould live there as a private Man, and not
meddle in any. Shape with what concerned the Government.
Yet, even under theſe extremely unfavourable Appearances, he
ſtill entertained ſtrong Hopes of his future Riſe, founded, ſays
Suetonius, upon the Predictions of the Aſtrologer Thrafyllus,
with whom he had frequent Interviews during his Stay at
Rhodes ;--for, devoured by Ambition, and keeping his Eye
conſtantly fixed upon the Empire, between which and him he
ſaw but two Lives, he was fond of conſulting thoſe Impoſtors,
who pretend to a Knowledge of Futurity. But before he
would put any Confidence in this cunning Man, he made him
undergo ia Trial in which ſeveral had: miſcarried... Theſe
Sort' of Things are always done myſteriouſly, and Tiberius uſed
to ſet about it in the following Manner :
He had a Houſe built upon a ſteep Rock, cloſe to the Sea*.
One of his Freedmen, the only perſon in the Secret, ansilli-
terate Fellow, but very ſtrong, led the Aſtrologer through
ſteep and difficult Paths to a Centry-box, quite on the Top of
the Houſe; and if Tiberius ſuſpected Fraud or Falſity in what
the Conjurer told him, his Freedman threw him inſtantly into
the Seas which beat againſt the Rock, and by that Means bu-
ried him and his Maſter's Secrets.
Thraſyllus, being conducted to this place, had the good For-
tune to pleaſe Tiberius, by promiſing him the Empire, and by
the ingenious Turn he gave to every Thing he ſaid." Tiberius,
ftruck with it, aſked him, whether he could draw his own Ho-
roſcope, and, by comparing the Time of his Birth with the then
State of the Heavens, tell what he was at that Ihſtant to hope
for, or to fear. The Aſtrologers, doubtleſs appriſed of the
Fate of his Predeceſſors, looked at the Stars, ſhuddered, muid
looked at them again, trembled ſtill more, and at laſt oried
out, that he was threatened with a great and imminent Peril.
Tibe-
ܕܐ܂
T
5
$
• Tac. Ann. Lib. VI.
4
>
.
i
}
502
MEMOIRS of the
Tiberius, convinced of bis Skill by this Experiment, which
appeared to him beyond all Equivocation, embraced him, bid
him take Courage, and from that Hour 'made him one of his
intimate Friends. : Nay, not ſatisfied with conſulting him and
liſtening to his Anſwers with Docility and Confidence, as if
they had been Oracles, he reſolved to learn the fine Science
himſelf; and had all the Leiſure he could wiſh for, to receive
Leffons 'from his knowing Maſter.
• Upon his Return to Rome, he gave his Son Druſus the man-
ly Robey and the Houſe he lived in, which had formerly been
Pompey's. He hiinſelf went to live in Mecenas's Houſe in the
Eſquiliæ, and there'remained unnoticed, and unemployed, till
the Death ofi Cuius, that is to ſay, for near two Years *; for
he returned to Rome in the Month of July D.CCLIII, and Caius
Cefar died on the twenty-firſt of February DCCLV, of which I
am now ſpeaking.
On the twenty-ſeventh of the enſuing Month of June
(DCCLV). Auguftus adopted TIBERIUS; folemnly declaring
on this Occaſion, that the Welfare of the Republio was his
only Motive for ſo doing mom and indeed there was a great deal
of Truth in this Declaration highly honourable to Tiberius.com
Auguftus. found that he had a Capacity for War, Reſolution to
maintain proper Diſcipline, great: Penetration, and the Talent
of knowing Men, and what they were fit for it. Theſe were
great Qualifications, and ſeemed to promiſe Happineſs to the
Subjects of ſuch a Prince. ?": nt avoi tu
I therefore think that the Report then ſpread, of Auguſtus's
chooſing him for his Succeſſor, 'merely to make himfelf be the
more regretted, muſt be looked upon as a ſenſelefs Calumnyt.
- Auguſtus's Government did not ſtand in need of being com-
pared with that of a bad Prince, to make it be eſteemed and
loved : and it is...plain from Factss i that he did not think of
1 Tibea
* TILLEMONT. Aug. c. XII.
+ Vell. Lib. II. 104.
Suer. in Tib. XXI.
I Tac. Ann. Lib. I. Suet, ubi-fupra ," . AT
I
***
ata
!
>
!
Court of AUGUSTUS.
50:3
4
in
Tiberius till he had no other Reſource.-Marcellus, Agrippa,
the two Cefars his Sons by Adoption, were dead ;- ſo that he
cannot, properly ſpeaking, be ſaid to have choſen his Succef-
for ; but rather to have received him from the Hand of
Chance :--nor did he think he received a bad Preſent. Not
but that he perceived, through all his good Qualities, bad ones
which ſhocked him :-a ſavage Roughneſs, ſo diſpleaſing, that
if Tiberius chanced to come into the Room whilft he was talk-
ing of any Thing gay or merry, he immediately changed the
Diſcourſe :-a. dull Slowneſs, which affected even his Speech,
and rendered it ſo diſagreeably heavy, that Auguftus, one Day,
could not help exclaiming, “ How do I pity the Fate of the
" Roman People, that they muſt fall under thoſe heavy
“ Jaws *.” -But, above all, his Diſſimulation was ſo deep,
that there was Room, to fear his apparent Virtues were but
maſked Vices.
AUGUSTUS was fo fenſible of theſe Defects, that he
hinted at them in the Senate, when he deſired, and obtained,
the Tribunitian Power, a ſecond Time, for Tiberius, ſoon after
his Adoption. In the Speech which he read, as was his uſual
Way, he dropped ſome ambiguous Words concerning Tiberius's
Manner and Behaviour, and made fuch odd' Excuſes for them,
as almoſt amounted to Reproaches :- and, in his Will, he de-
clared of, that he had adopted Tiberius, becauſe a cruel Fate
had robbed him of his Sons, Caius and Lucius Ceſars I :-
which was ſaying pretty plainly, that he took him for Want of
a better.-In ſhort, it is aſſured, that before he came to a
Reſolution to adopt Tiberius, he had caſt his Eye upon Germa-
nicus, the Son of Drufus, and Grandſon to his Siſter Octavia,
an amiable Youth, beloved and eſteemed: by the whole Nation.
But Livia diffuaded him from it :
-mand, indeed, it muſt be
owned
ño,
%
(
!
• Miſerum populum Romanum, qui ſub tam lentis maxillis erit ! SUET.
+ Tac. Ann. Lib. XV.
| Suet, in Tib. §. XXIII., 7.,
ki
se
.
:
Toate
t
ther, that, looking upon himſelf as a Perſon not intitled of
504 MEMOIRS of the
owned that it would have been hard to prefer the Nephew, the
Son of a younger Branch, and but nineteen Years of Age, be
fore the Uncle, who was the elder Branch, a Man of ripe
Years, and who had given Proofs of his Capacity in Commands
of great Importance.
I muſt therefore confeſs, that, as Things were circum-
ſtanced, I do not ſee how Auguftus could well do otherwiſe,
than make Tiberius his Heir. Not being able to find what
he could have wiſhed for, he was forced to take up with what
he had.---To which may be added, that, as long as he lived,
he had Reaſon to applaud his Choice ; and that his Regard for
Tiberius, which was long accompanied with a Mixture even of
Antipathy, grew ſtronger, and more ſincere, in Proportion as
he found him anſwer his Intentions.
In his private Life*, Tiberius behaved with exemplary Mo-
deſty; and, from the Hour of his Adoption, he was ſo per-
fectly ſubmiſſive to the paternal Authority of his adoptive Fa-
Right to any Thing, he made no Gifts, freed no Slaves, nor
accepted of any Legacy or Inheritance without firſt aſking Au-
guſtus's Leave. In public Employments, he became really the
Support of the State.
AUGUSTUS, however, in adopting him, did not intend
that all his Hopes ſhould center there; for, at the ſame Time,
he adopted the laſt of his Grandſons, AGRIPPA POST.-
HUMUS; and though Tiberius's Son, DRUSUS NERO
was grown up to Man's Eſtate, he obliged him to adopt his
Nephew GERMANICUS.By this Means, his Suc-
ceſſion was again eſtabliſhed on many Props.
As to Tiberius, nothing could now give him Umbrage buc
the Adoption of Agrippa ; for Germanicus, by becoming his
Son, had no Right to the Empire till after him ; and that on-
ly
*****
* Suet. Tib. §. XV. ·
+ Suet. Aug. §. LXV, and Tib. §. XV.
16
Court of AUGUSTU S. 508
*
N.
ly Rival, Agrippa Poſthumus, foon took Care to deliver him
from all Uneaſineſs on his Account. He was of a fierce and
ſavage Temper *, had no other Merit than that of great
Strength of Body, which he exerted brutally; no Elevation of
Mind, no Dignity of Sentiments, nor the leaſt Taſte for any
polite or ſocial Accompliſhment.----Fiſhing was his chief Oc-
cupation, and he prided himſelf ſo much upon it, that he took
the Name of Neptune. · Raſh and indiſcreet to the utmoſt Ex-
ceſs, he railed againſt Livin, accuſing her of Want of natural
Affection for him; and even charged the Emperor with having
wronged him of his Father's Inheritance. .Auguftus, aſtiamed
to have a Son and Heir ſo little worthy of him, and foured by
Livia's Complaints, baniſhed him to Sorrento, on the Coalt of
Campania. But this Puniſhınent, inſtead of taming the young
Prince, ſerved only to increaſe his Fury: upon which Augu-
ftus procured a Degree of the Senate, baniſhing himn irrevoca-
bly for Life, and removed him to the Illand of Planafia, 'now
Pianoſa, on the Tuſcan Coaſt, where he was kept a cloſe Pri-
ſoner, till Tiberius, immediately after his Acceſſion to the
Throne, ſent thither a Centurion, who murdered him to
Tiberius, who flatly denied having given any ſuch Order, was
ſoon afterwards greatly perplexed by the Appearance of one of
Agrippa's Slaves, who had the Affurance to perſonate his de-
ceafed Maſter, and, as ſuch, formed no inconſiderable Party;
but, fooliſhly venturing to go to Rome, and there to hold clan-
deftine nocturnal Cabals, he was ſeized, carried to the Palace,
and privately put to Death.
Disputed Nativities are no new Things. No Eminency
or Grandeur exempts from the Attacks of Fraud and Impu-
dence. A common Fellow, ſome Time after the Death of
the noble Marcellus, took it in his Head that he would paſs
himſelf upon the Public, and upon Cefar, for Detavia's real
VOL. III.
Sff
Child.
Suet. Aug. S. LXV, LXVI.
SUET. Tib. ſ. XXII. Dio. Lib. LVII. Tac. Ann. Lib. I.
4
NE
²
1
* Tacit. Ann. Lib. I.
*+
-506 MEMOIRS of the
7
his
$
Child. He had been given out to Nurſe, ſaid he, and being
but a weakly Child, the Perſon, intruſted by. Ostavia, had
given her back, as her Son, his own Child, who was a thriv-
ing Boy, and kept him, the true Marcellus, in his Room,-
à Secret which he had revealed only a little before his Death.
This he perfifted in affirming with the greateſt Impudence,
until Auguftis condemned his pretended Nephew to be a Gal-
ley-llave *.
AUGUSTUS received this Year a fifth Prorogation of his
immenſe Power, again reformed the Senate with ſingular Pru-
dence, numbered the Inhabitants of Italy, regulated the Laws
relative to the Emancipating of Slaves, and continued his La-
bours to ſettle the Civil Government of the State. But all his
Happineſs was embittered by the perverſe Diſpoſition of Agrip-
pa Poſthumus, one of the greateſt Griefs he ever felt; and by
the younger JULIA, who was beginning to tread in the
Footſteps of her Mother :-nor could the Mildneſs of his Go-
vernment even now. ſecure him from Plots againſt his Life.--
One of theſe, which was diſcovered this Year, and, which I
Thall relate in Seneca's Words t, afforded him a glorious Op-
portunity of diſplaying the nobleſt Magnanimity.
CINNA, the Grandſon of Pompey, but a Man of little.
Merit, was accuſed of fomenting and heading a Conſpiracy.
againſt the Prince. One of the Accomplices, who was the
Informer, particulariſed the Time, the Place, and the Mea-
ſures taken to kill the Emperor, whilſt he ſhould be offering up.
a Sacrifice; in ſuch Manner that the Crime was proved beyond.
all Doubt. Auguſtus reſolved to do Juſtice on the perfidious
Cinna, and to that End convened a Council of his Friends, to,
meet the next Day.
The intervening Night brought with it Reflections, which
threw him into a violent Agitation ---He who had formerly,
생
​at.
3
VAL. Max. Lib. IX. c. 15.
# De Clem. Lib. IX..
&
-
:
hotel
Court of AUGUSTU S. 507
.
<<
ing ſo
본
​ec
many
at Supper with M. Antony, dictated the horrid Edict of Pros
fcription, could not now, without Horror, think of condemn-
ing a ſingle Citizen, whoſe Life had been blameleſs till then.
So much was Auguſtus changed ;--ſo much had other Habits
got Poſſeſſion of his Soul.--~~ Shall I then, (ſaid he, expo-
ftulating with himſelf, and venting the different Thoughts
• of his deeply wounded Mind), ſhall I then let my Affaffin
“ live in Eaſe and Quiet, and take all the Grief to myſelf ?
“ After ſo many Civil Wars have reſpected my Days, after eſcap-
many Dangers in Battles by Sea and Land; a Traitor
! would butcher me at the Foot of the Altars ;-and ſhall I
“ not puniſh him as he juſtiy deſerves!”-_There he would
ſtop; and, after a ſhort Pauſe, interrupted by Sighs, examin-
ing and judging himſelf more ſeverely than he did Cinna,
“ If thy Death (continued he, with an indignant Emotion
pointed at himſelf) be the Object of the Wiſhes of ſo
“ Romans, canſt thou be fit to live?--When will there be an
“ End of Puniſhments !---When wilt thou ceaſe to
“ ſhed the Blood of thy Fellow-Citizens !
--Thy Head
“ ſtands expoſed as a Mark to the young Nobility, to immor-
« talize themſelves by killing thee.-_No! Life is not worth
preſerving, if ſo many others muſt periſh to ſave thee.”
LIVIA, who overheard him, and ſaw his Agitation, at
length interrupted himn :-“Will you (ſaid ſhe) hear a Wo.
" man's Advice?---Imitate the Phyſicians, who, when the ufu,
sc al Remedies do not ſucceed, try their contraries. Hitherto
you
have gained nothing by Severity. A Conſpiracy puniſh-
-- ed has only produced a new one. Salvidienus was followed
by the younger Lepidus, Lepidus by Murena and Cepio, and
“ they again by Egnatius.--I could name more. Try now
“ what Clemency will do.--Pardon Ginna.His Deſign
« is diſcovered; he can no longer hurt you;
and
your Lenity
ss to himn may be of Service to your Reputation.”
AUGUSTUS, charmed with the Advice, which now
Sſ [ 2
agreed
$
1
}
1
3
care a
.
508
MEMOIRS of the
16
1
>
agreed perfectly with his real Diſpoſition, thanked Livia, fent
his Friends Word not to come, took Cinna inio'an inner Room,
ordered every one to leave them, and, after bidding him fit
down, ſpoke to him thus : “ I deſire, in the firſt place, that
you will not interrupt me in what I am going to ſay; and
" that you will hear me out before you attempt to an-
“ ſwer : when I have done, you ſhall be at Liberty to reply.
" ---I found you, Cinna, in the Camp of my Enemy. Your
Engagements againſt me were not the Effect of a Choice
" which might change, but the Conſequence of
your Birth.
" --Under theſe Circumftances I ſpared your Life ;-~I re-
" ſtored you to your Patrimony. You are now in ſo rich, for
flouriſhing a Situation, that even Conquerors envy the Con-
“ dition of the Conquered.--- You defired to be made a Prieſt :
"...I made you one, preferring you to Competitors whoſe Fa-
" thers had fought for me ;- and yet, after heaping upon you.
“ all theſe Favours, you would affaſſinate me."
At this Word, Cinna cried out, chat ſuch Madneſs had ne-
ver entered his Thoughts. - You do not keep your Word,
(faid Auguſtus); our Agreement was, that you ſhould not
interrupt me.--Yes Cinna, I again fay, you wou'd al-
“ fallinate me."--He then told him the Place and Day they
had agreed upon, named his Accomplices, the Method laid
down, and who was to ſtrike the Blow : and upon Cinna's
remaining ſilent, not in Conſequence of their Convention, but
through Surprize, Terror, and the Reproaches of his Con-
fcience,-~"What Motive (continued he) could induce you to
“ form ſuch a Deſign? Is it that you want my Place ?--The
“ Roman People are indeed greatly to be pitied, if I am the
only Hindrance to your reigning over them You, who
“ cannot govern your own Houſe, who, but lately, were
worſted by a Freedman in an Affair which you had at Heart;
you, who find nothing eaſy, unleſs it be to form Conſpira-
“ cies againſt your Prince and Benefactor. -But, let
7
+
of us
*
{
A
1
/
1
nours
Court of AUGUSTUS. 500
“ us ſee, let us examine, whether I am in Fact the only
“ one that curbs your ambitious Projects
.---Think
you,
" that a Paulus, a Fabius Maximus, a Cofus, a Servilius, and
many other Nobles, who do not decorate themſelves with
empty Titles, but reflect back upon their Anceſtors the Ho-
which they have received from them; think
you
that
they will ever be brought to ſubmit to your Government?”
AUGUSTUS continued ſpeaking to him in this Manner
for upwards of two Hours, purpoſely to prolong the only Re-
venge he intended to take, and then concluded thus: “ A fe-
• cond Time, Cinna, I give you your Life.--I ſpared you
" when you was my Enemy; and now I forgive you, though
" to that Name you have added thoſe of Traitor and Parri-
“ cide.Let us, from this Day, begin to be fincerely Friends.
Let us vie with each other; I, to ſupport the Good I have
* done you; you, to make a ſuitable Return.--Let us try to
« render it doubtful, whether I am moſt generous, or you
“ moſt grateful."
To this noble Language he added Deeds. The next Year he
made Cinna Conſul, obligingly complaining, that he had been .
100 timid in not afking it; and Cinna, on his Side, took
every
Opportunity to ſhew his real Senſibility of the Favour, and, from
this Time, his zealous and unſhaken Attachment to the Prince to
whom he had twice owed his Life. -Dying, he made All-
guſtus his ſole Heir, as a Token of his fincere Gratitude.
Nor was that the only or the greateſt Advantage which Au-
guſtus reaped from his Clemency on this Occaſion ; for it
gained him the Hearts of every one ſo effectually, that no Plor
or Conſpiracy was ever more attempted againſt him.
This greatly and juſtly celebrated Action is the Subject of
one of the inimitable Corneille's fineſt Tragedies.---Lewis the
XIVth went to ſee it acted, the Evening before the Day ap-
pointed for the Execution of the unhappy Chevalier de Rohan;
and was ſo ſtruck with the Clemency of Auguſtus, that he
owned
z
1
them
510
MEMOIRS of the
1
owned afterwards, if any one had aſked a Pardon that Night
for the Chevalier, it would not have been in his power to re-
fuſe it. But none durft take upon them to move him in that
Manner, and the Chevalier periſhed. -Intenſe Tyranny,
where a Subject dares not petition ! and Littleneſs of Soul, that
muſt be preſſed to forgive !
The hoſtile Commotions of the Germans in the Year of Rome
DCCLII, and the two following Years, were eaſily quelled by
M. Vinicius, who, in Conſequence thereof, obtained the Honours
of Triumph. That War was indeed but trifling, thcugh the ſy-
cophant Velleius, to magnify the Exploits of Vinicius, to whom
his work is dedicated, calls it an immenſe War*. But in the
Year DccLv, it became ſo ſerious, that Tiberius was ſent into
Germany immediately after bis Adoption. The Seafon was
pretty far advanced when he ſet out; but, ſeconded by Sen-
tius Saturninus, a Man of Years and Experience, (Father of.
C. Sentius Saturninus, who was one of the Conſuls for this
Year), he advanced into the Enemy's Country with the utmoſt
Expedition, ſcoured all the Territories bordering *upon the
Lower Rhine, ſubdued the Caninefats, Attuarians, and Bructen
ri, pafled the Weſer, and reduced the Cherufcit. Theſe Ope-
rations prolonged the Campaign till December, when Tiberius,
after fettling his Winter-quarters beyond the Rhine, near the
Head of the Lippe, in order to be in Readineſs to purſue his Ope-
rations early the next Year, returned to Rome, to watch what
was doing there, and prevent his being ſupplanted in the good
Opinion of Auguſtus, upon whoſe Affection he, warily; did not
much depend.
Early in the Spring of the next Year (DccLvi), penetrating
into the very Heart of Germany, ne ſubdued the Cauci, and the
haughty Lombards, who then inhabited the Marche of Bran-
den-
***
$
{
* Immenfum exarferat bellum. Lib. II.
+ Suet. Tib. §. XVI. Vell. ubi fupra. Dio. Lib. XVI.
4
1
Court of AUGUSTUS.
5 II
denbourg, on each side of the Elbe, and with the Aſſiſtance
of his Fleet, which failed round the Coaſt, and anchored in
the Mouth of this River, from whence his numerous Legions
were plentifully ſupplied with all sorts of Proviſions and Re-
freſhments, ſpread ſuch Terror around him, that the Ger-
mans ſued for Peace, which was granted. Velleius, who ſerved
in this Expedition, embelliſhes his Account of it with all the
pompous Expreſſions he could think of; but owns that there
was but one Battle, in which the Barbarians, attempting to
ſurprize the Roman Army, were repulſed with great Slaughter.
Tiberius gained a ſecond Time the Glory of reducing the
whole Country from the Rhine to the Elbe; for which Au-
guſtus took the Title of Imperator for the fifteenth Time, per-
mitted liberius to aſſume it for the fourth, and allowed Sentius
Saturninus the Ornaments of Triumph *.
The Marcomanni, who, upon Druſus's ſubduing the Weſtern
Parts of Germany, had quitted their native Land, then threat-
ened with Servitude, and retired into Bohemia, under the Con-
duct of their Chief Maroboduus, had extended their Poffef-
fions, and increaſed their warlike Strength, ſo as even to alarm
the Pride of the Romans, who could not bear that any Nation
near their Dominions (and the Marcomanni were now not above
two hundred Miles from the Frontiers of Italy) ſhould pretend
not to be ſubject to them. Nobly afferting the Freedom and
Independency of his Countrymen, who, in Return, choſe him
for their King, this brave Prince, with ſeventy thouſand Foot
and four thouſand Horſe, well diſciplined after the Roman
Manner, ſcorned to become tributary, and even bid Defiance
to the haughty Maſters of the World.---Tiberius, who was
ordered to humble him, reſolved to attack his Territories in
two different Parts at the ſame Time ; and to this purpoſe di-
rected S. Saturninus, who commanded under him, to croſs
the Country of the Catti with a numerous Army, and open
him.
* BUCHER. Belg. Rom. Lib. IL.
4
512
MEMOIRS of the
***
*
himſelf á Pallage through the Hercynian Foreſt, ſo as to enter
Bohemia on the Weſt; whilſt he, with another Army, aſſembled
at Carnuntum (a Place of great Importarice on the Danube, be-
tween Vienna and Preſbourg), Nould form his Attack on the
Southern Side. If this well-concerted Plan thad taken Place,
Maroboduus muſt have been undone.
The two Generals, Tiberius on one side, and Saturninus on
the other, were within five Days March of the Territories of
the Marcomanni, when a ſudden Revolt of the Pannonians,
Dalmatians, and all the People of thoſe Countries, forced the
Romans to turn back, in order to prevent more urgent Dangers,
A neceſſáry Care was preferred before a Motive of meer Glory;
and Tiberius, concluding a Treaty with Maroboduus, haftened
to ſtem the Torrent of the Rebels, who might otherwiſe ſoon
have entered Italy *
The Revolt began in Dalmatia, the Inhabitants of which,
ill-brooking the Payment of any Tributes, and doubly exaſ-
perated by the oppreſſive Manner in which they were levied,
teized the Opportunity which the Preparations for War againſt
Maroboduus offered them, as a Means of ſhaking off the Yoke;
--for Tiberius, in order to form the Army aſſembled at Car-
nuntum, had withdrawn the Roman Troops from Dalmatia
and Pannonia ; Valerius Melalinus, Governor of both theſe
Provinces, was gone to join him with the greateſt Part of his
Forces; and, which conspletely opened the Eyes of the Dal-
matians, Recruits had been raiſed from among their Youth;
Step which' made them ſenſible of their own Strength. Un-
der theſe Circumſtances, encouraged and headed by one of their
Countrymen, named Bato, they attempted to recover their
Liberty ; to which End, inſtead of joining Tiberius's Army, as
they were ordered, they fell upon the Romans that yet remained
in their Country, and killed a great Number of them.---The
Pan-
st
* Tac. Ann. Lib. II.
Court of AUGUSTŲ S. 513
7
3
Pannonians, catching the Signál, immediately joined them, un-
der the Command of another Bato.
Never did Fire catch with ſuch Violence and Rapidity. In
a very
ſhort Time the Rebels were in Arms, amounting to two
hundred thouſand Foot and eight thouſand Horſe. Judiciouſ-
ly dividing their Strength, one Part was to attempt a Paſſage
into Italy, between Nauportum (Ober Laubach) and Trieſte,
and another over-run Macedonia, whilſt a third remained at
Home, to defend their own Country. In the firſt Heat of this
ſudden Revolt, all the Roman Citizens and Traders then among
them were murdered, or made Slaves, the Garriſons were cut
to-pieces, and their Poſts wreſted from them. The Towns of
Sirmich and Salona, being in a Condition to defend themſelves,
reſiſted, and were beſieged; the former by the Pannonians, and
the latter by the Dalmatians.---This was in the Year of Rome
DCCLVII.
The Alarm reached Rome zatvorenom,
Auguſtus's Reſolution was
Ihaken :-~He was heard to ſay, that, unleſs Care was taken
the Enemy might be before the Walls of the Capital of the
Empire in ten Days Time.-Troops were raiſed with all poffi-
ble Speed--the Veterans were recalled to their Standards
the richeſt Citizens, and even the Ladies, were ordered to ſend
their ſtouteft Slaves to be made free and inlifted :--the Sena-
tors and Roman Knights offered every Affiſtance in their Power,
and many Perſon
of them went to ſerve in Perſon.me But ſtill, thefe
Succours were flow and diftant.
CECINA Severus, who commanded in Mæfa, was the
firſt that came up with the Enemy, and made the Pannonians
raiſe the Siege of Sirmich. Meſſalinus, detached by Tiberius,
marched againſt the Dalmatian Bato, who had been obliged to
leave Salona, by a Wound he received before that place. The
two Armies met; and the Barbarians had ſome Advantage ;
but, falling ſoon after into an Ambuſh, they were defeated by
Meſſalinus, who thereby merited the Ornaments of Triumph.
VOL. III.
Tibe-
;
5
Ttt
.
1
등
​3.3.
V
>
11
514
MEMOIRS of the
Tiberius arrived at laſt, and took upon him the general Direc
tion of the War, which he managed with his uſual Warineſs
and Circumſpection, relying more upon Prudence than
Strength, and endeavouring to diſtreſs the Enemy by Want;
rather than expoſe his Troops to their impetuous Fury;
though he was then at the Head of fifteen Legions, and as
many Auxiliaries.*; among which laſt the two Brothers Rhy-
metalces and Rhaſcuporis, Kings of Thrace, diſtinguiſhed them-
ſelves eminently. But this Slowneſs, than whieh. nothing
could be more proper in the then Situation of Things, as the
Event ſoon proved, was not pleaſing to his Army :-even. Au-
guſtus, when, firſt informed of it, almoſt ſuſpected him, of
wanting to protract the War, in order to keep the Command
in his own Hands; and therefore, to make him exert himſelf,
ſent G.ERMANICUS to him in the Beginning of the next
Year, with Troops which had been raiſed in Rome and Italya
He depended upon the Activity of this amiable Prince, then
in the Flower and Vigour of Life, and upon the Integrity of
his Heart; open, generous, and incapable of harbouring a.
Thought which was not ſtrictly conſiſtent with his Duty,
This Year, DCCLVIII, juſtified Tiberius's extraordinary Cir-
cumſpection. Gecina Severus, who had been obliged to re-
turn to Maja, to guard that Province from the Incurſions of
the Dacians and Sarmatians; now marched back againſt the
Pannoniansy
, accompanied by Plautius Sylvanus, who had
brought him a ſtrong Reinforcement. The Troops, com-
manded by theſe two Generals, conſiſted of five Legions, be-
fides a great Number of auxiliary Troops,, among which were
Rhymetalces's Thracian Cavalry. Thinking that the Enemy
was at a great Diſtance, the Romans marced on very heedleſs-
ly, till, on a ſudden, they found themſelves ſurrounded on all
Sides.--Every Thing, then gave Way, and was thrown into.
Cony
Ty
4
* SUET. Tib. $. XVI.
.
1.
一
​i
资
​字
​要
​;
手​”
生
​{
Vol.II.p.,514
Court of AUGUSTU.S.
515
***
Confuſion, except the Legions, whoſe Valour happily remedied
the Imprudence of their Chiefs: bravely facing their unexpec-
ted Foes, and then advancing upon them, they routed them
in their Turn, and gained a complete Victory.---But it was a
bloody one ; for a great Number of Soldiers, and ſeveral Offi-
cers of Diſtinction, periſhed in this unfortunate Affair.
GERMANICUS, on his Side, conquered the Mazėtians, a
People of Dalmatia, in a pitched Battle ; and TIBERIUS
conducted Matters with ſuch Prudence, that the Pannonians,
reduced to the utmoſt Diſtreſs for Want of Proviſions, and
beaten from all their Pofts, forſook their Allies the next Year,
laid down their Arms, and ſubmitted to the Conqueror's
Mercy.
A FOURTH, but by no Means the leaſt difficult Campaigo,
put an End to this War, in the Year DCCLX, by the entire Rem
duction of the Dalmatians.-Tiberius, dividing his Forces into
three Bodies, one of which was commanded by Lepidus, an-
other by Silanus, or, more probably, Sylvanus, put himſelf,
with Germanicus, at the Head of the third. Theſe three Armies
over-ran all Dalmatia, waſting, burning, and plundering every
Thing before them; ſo that the Dalmatians had no Reſource
left, but to Tut themſelves up in their two remaining Towns,
Andetrium, near Salona, and Arduba.---Tiberius inveſted
the former, and, after an obſtinate Reſiſtance, carried it by
Storm.
ARDUBA, to which Germanicus laid Siege, was filled
with Deſerters, who, knowing that they were not intitled to
any Mercy from the Romans, reſolved to hold out to the laſt
Extremity, and then to die in the Breach ; but the Natives of
the Place were bent upon ſurrendering. This Diverſity of
Opinions produced violent Conteſts, and theſe ended in a down,
right Battle, in which ſeveral were killed ;---but what was
very ſingular, is, that the Women, more obſtinately tenacious
of their Liberty than the Men, fided with the Deſerters,
T tt-2.
againſt
1
water
}
*
516 MEMOIRS of the
소
​*
+
againſt their Huſbands; and when theſe laſt, having got
the
better in their inteſtine Feuds, opened their Gates to the Ro-
mans, they, without heſitating a Moment betwixt Death and
Servitude, ſnatched up their Children with a frantic Fury, and
threw themſelves with them, ſome into Fires which they had
made for that Purpoſc, and others into the River which bathed
their Walls.
The Pannonian Bato had fled from Andetrium, and diſap-
peared ; but the Dalmatian of that Name, who had ſtill a few
Men about him, though not enough to enable him to try his
Fortune any longer, offered to ſurrender to Tiberius, on Con-
dition that his Life, and the Lives of his Followers ſhould be
ſpared. His Terms were granted, and he appeared with a no-
ble Courage before Tiberius's Tribunal, where, being aſked
what were the Motives of his Revolt : “ Romans ! (ſaid he) it
“ was your own Fault ;-You fent Wolves, and not Shepherds,
،،
to keep your Flocks.”
In the Courſe of this War, Tiberius gave indiſputable Proofs
of uncommon Prudence, indefatigable Activity, and, which
is very remarkable in ſuch a Character as his afterwards proved
to be, of great Humanity and Mildneſs. Velleius, who was
an Eye-witneſs, aſſures us *, that he took infinite Care of his
fick and wounded Officers, and that his Carriage and Litter
were intirely for their Uſe.---An Obſervation which ſhews,
by the bye, how little the Romans had, even then, given Way
to Luxury in their military Service; ſince there was, in this
great Army, no other Carriage of Eafe, nor any other Litter,
than that which belonged to the Prince, who was the General.
Velleius adds, that Tiberius, of his own Accord, and with the
utmoſt Readineſs, furniſhed all Things neceffary for the Sick;
Phyſicians, Surgeons, Medicines, proper Food, and even the
Means of Bathing; all Sorts of proper and convenient Utenſils
having been brought to the Camp, by his Order, ſolely for that
Pure
more
Lib. II. 114.
$
:
1
3
m
::..:
भ
-
Tad
A
Court of AUGUSTUS.
517
Purpoſe. As to himſelf, he was continually on Horſe-back,
and only ſat down to his Meals. Attentively careful to main-
tain a proper Diſcipline, he cautiouſly avoided too great Seve-
rity, chooſing rather to adviſe and reprimand, than puniſh,
overlooking many Things ; but cutting ſhort when Abuſes
were likely to be carried too far, or might become contagious.
What Pity, that a Prince ſo well acquainted with Virtue,
Tould ever have preferred Vice and Tyranny But it is an
obvious Obſervation, that thoſe Princes leave the greateſt Re-
putations who die before they attain to the Plenitude of Power.
Great Talents, while under a proper Reſtraint, operate glori-
ouſly for the public Good and the Honour of their Poffeffors ;
-when that Reſtraint is removed, they too often break out
into Irregularities, and become the Means of encouraging thoſe
Paſſions which they checked before.-Had Caligula died,
like Titus, in the third Year of his Reign, or had Nero died in
the fifth of his Empire, what a Character would they have left
behind them! Or, on the other Hand, had Marcellus, Dru-
fus Cefar, or Germanicus, obtained the Empire, who knows
whether they would have fully anſwered the high Hopes con-
ceived of them ?
-This is ſtrictly connected with another
very juſt Remark, That the greateſt and belt Princes have
been thoſe who, in the former Part of their Liſe, were private
Men.
TIBERIUS's Victory was great, and very opportune *;
for beſides adding to the Roman Territories all that vaſt Tract
of Country then called Illyricum, ſituated between Noricum and
Italy, the Danube and the Adriatic Sea, Thrace and Macedonia,
it revived the drooping Spirits of the whole Nation, exceſſive-
ly dejected by the melancholy Circumſtances of Varus's De-
feat, which happened juſt at the ſame Time, and hindered the
Germans from joining their Forces to thoſe of the Pannonians
and
N.
$
* Suet. Tib. §. XVI, XVII.
2
$
fit
518
IR
of the
of ſpeaking in the was
MEMOIRS and Dalmatians, as they would undoubtedly have done after
their Conqueſt of this too negligent Commander, if theſe laſt
had ſtill been in Arms,
A TRIUMPH and many other Honours were deſervedly de-
creed to Tiberius; and it was propoſed in the Senate to give
him ſome glorious Surname, ſuch as the Pannonian, or the In-
vincible; whilft others, thinking it ſtill more honourable to
celebrate a Virtue, of which he had indeed the outward Ap-
pearance, but by no Means the Reality, ſtiled him the Pious,
meaning a Son full of tender and reſpectful
' Attachment to his
adoptive. Father. But Auguftus, who perhaps was not over-
fond of this ardent Zeal to exalt: Tiberius, told them,
" That
• the Name, which he reſerved for hiin, after his Death, would
“ be ſufficient."-He was much in the right; for the Name of
AUGUSTUS, to which the ſupreme Authority was annexed,
could not but obliterate every other empty Title of Honour
deſtitute of Power:
As to the Triumph, Tiberius himſelf deferred it, on Account
of the deep Mourning into which Varus’s recent Defeat had
thrown the whole City. He made his Entry, however, but
only in the common Robe of the Romans, with a Crown of
Laurel, and aſcended a Tribunal prepared for him in the Cam-
pus
Martius, around which all the Senators were ranged. There
he ſeated himſelf at Auguſtus's Side, between the two Conſuls;
and after faluting the People, who crowded thither to receive
him, he was conducted with Pomp to the Capitol, and ſeveral
other Temples, where he returned. Thanks to the Gods.
GERMANICUS, who had ſeconded him perfeélly well
in the Pannonian War, and who was come to Rome in Perſon
with the News of his Victory, obtained the Ornaments of
Triumph and thoſe of Pretor, though he was yet but Queftor;
thoſe of conſular Dignity, and a Diſpenſation to be Conſul be-
fore the Age preſcribed by the Laws.
PRIVI-
hat
* เ
”
5
.
F
Court of AUGUSTU S. 519
3
*
}
PA
PRIVILEGes of the fame Kind, but inferior, becauſe he was
younger, were alſo granted to Tiberius's Son Druſus, together
with a Right to fit in the Senate-houſe, though he was not yet
a. Senator, and the Precedency before all the ancient Pretors,
after he ſhould be Queftor.
P. QUINTILIUS VARUS*, whoſe dreadful Diſaſter
now filled all Rome with Grief, was born of a lately ennobled
Family, and had been Conſul with Tiberius, in the Year of
Rome DccxxxIx. He was made Governor of Syria after Sen-
tius Saturninus, whom he likewiſe ſucceeded in the Govern-
ment of Germany +.-Chance, rather than Merit, had thrown
him in the Way of Promotion ; for he was not a Man of any
Genius. He was indeed of a mild and peaceable Diſpoſition;
but had two great Faults, which proved the Cauſes of his
Rụin-Credulity, and Love of Money. Syria had experienced
his Covetouſneſs :- he went thither paor; and found the Pro-
vince rich; but returned rich, and left the Province poor.--
Germany, then deſtitute of all that might encourage Luxury
or excite Cupidity, afforded him little Scope to ſatisfy this
pre-
vailing Paſſion ;--but even there he plundered, as much as
poſſible, a People as brave as they were poor, and to whom
Exactions were doubly odious, becauſe they injured their ſlen-
der. Fortunes, and were an ignominious Badge of Servitude, in-
confiftent with their Glory,
WHILST he thus irritated thoſe bold, rough, and intractable
People, he took no Sort of Care to guard againft their Refent-
ment; ;
3
A
4
hote
* Thiš, certainly, was not the QUINTILIUS mentioned by Horacey for he
died long before this Calamity, viz. in the Year of Rome DCCXLIII or DCCXLIX:
nor was he,' I think, famed for any Thing but Virgil and Horace's Friendſhip,
As fuch only he is marked in Euſebius's Chronicon by the Name of Quintilius-Cré.
monenfis ;-Some ingenious Provincial, I ſuppoſe, and Virgil's Neighbour. Eufe
bius mentions every Creature, even Bavius, named in Virgil, of whom he is as
fond as his Brother Biſhop Euftachius is of Homer.
+ VELL. Lib. II. 117. Suet. Aug. $. XXIII. Dio. Lib. LVI.,
RON
1
+
**
...
>
7
(520
MEMOIRS of the
ment; idly thinking to model, poliſh, and civilize, by. Låws,
à Nation which bid Defiance to the Force of Arms. With this
View he treated Germany as a peaceable Province, taking his
Circuits, keeping his High-days, and adminiſtring Juſtice with
Pomp and Oftentation; as if his Faſces and Lictors could have
awed Men who hardly knew any other Law than that of the
ſtrongeſt. The Bleſſings which emane from a well regulated
State were quite unknown to them;“Sweets of which they had
not even an Idea :--But, ſays Florus *, in his almoſt poetic Stile,
grieved to ſee their Arms covered o'er with Ruſt, and their Horſes
languiſhing in Inaction, they thought of nothing but revolting
againſt a Government ſo little fuited to their Inclinations.-Va-
rus's Supineneſs gave them great Room to hope for Succefs.-
They wanted only a Chief to direct the Enterprize ; and him
they found completely in the Perſon of ARMINIUS, a
young
Nobleman, deſcended from one of the firſt Families
among the Cherufci.
ARMINIUS had every Qualification requiſite to conduct
a Conſpiracy. Perſonally brave, indefatigably active, full of
Life and Spirits, which ſparkled in his Eyes and Countenance;
he was fertile in Reſources, dexterous, cunning, and knew
how to feign or diſſemble as he pleaſed. Such a Man was by
far an Over-match for Varus. His firſt Care was, to encou-
rage
and increaſe the natural Indolence of this Governor of the
Germans ; well knowing that he is ſooneſt overpowered who
fears the leaſt, and that an imprudent Confidence often be-
comes the Source of endleſs Calamities. His Birth, his Rank,
and his ſeeming Attachment to the Romans, in whoſe Armies
he had ſerved with ſuch Diſtinction as to merit being made a
Roman Citizen, and a Knight, procured him, at all Times, a
free Acceſs to Varus. Improving theſe Openings, he ſoon
grew familiar with him, commended his Ways of Thinking,
extolled the Happineſs of Germany, then going to acquire,
through
* Lib. IV. 12
Court of AUGUS TU S.
571
through his Means, a Knowledge of Law and Juſtice, by which
Quarrels, before decided by Arms, would be ended peaceably;
by which Barbariſm would be baniſhed, and Politeneſs intro-
duced inſtead of the rude and ſavage Manners of an uncivilized
People. To confirm theſe Speeches, he employed ſome of his
Countrymen, on whom he could depend, to pretend Suits
againſt one another, to bring them before his Tribunal, and to
receive his Deciſions with Thankfulneſs and Satisfaction. Van
rus, dazzled by theſe ſpecious Appearances, was weak enough
to think that the People loved him, and looked upon himſelf
as a Magiſtrate in the Midſt of his Fellow-citizens, rather than
as a General in a dangerous Country, where too much Caution
could not poſſibly be uſed.
În the mean Time Arminius formed his Plan to deſtroy the
credulous Varus and his Legions. He had already made him
weaken his Army, by ſending ſmall Detachments to various
diſtant Places, where he had procured Germans to aſk for
them under different Pretences; ſuch as to guard a Poſt, ſtop
the Inroads of Robbers, and other ſimilar Inventions. When
a proper Time was come, the Revolt broke out, hy Arminius's
ſecret Orders, in ſome of the moſt remote Diſtricts; and the
few Romans who were diſperſed in them were immediately
killed. Varus marched againſt the Rebels with three Legions,
and Arminius remained behind, under Colour of following him
directly with a ſtrong Reinforcement.His Troops were in
fact already aſſembled under their particular Leaders; but
with a very different View from what he pretended.--He
united them inſtantly into one Body, put himſelf at their Head,
and, as he had projected, ſoon came up with Varus in a nar-
row Paſs, ſurrounded by Woods and Mountains, between the
Towns now called Dietmelle and Horn, in the County of Lippe,
in the Territories of the then Dulgibini, a People who poſſeſſed
all the Country from Paderborn to the Wefer.--This was the
Place where he had all along intended to attack him.
VOL. III.
VA-
Uuu
.
te
+
.
522
MEMOIRS of the
VARUS might ſtill have eſcaped, had he but vouchſafed
to liſten to an Advice which came from ſo good a Hand, that
it is inconceivable how he could flight it.--SEGÉSTES, an
illuſtrious German, and a Friend to Rome, of which he had been
made a Citizen by Auguſtus, having diſcovered a Part at leaſt of
Arminius's Plot *, had more than once intimated it to Varus ;
and, on a late Occaſion, when they were all met together at
a Feaſt, told him plainly that the Danger was near 'at hand, and
adviſed him that Moment to arreſt, himſelf, Arminius, and the
chief Accomplices, to prevent the Blow, and afterwards to exa-
mine the Matter more thoroughly, in order to diſtinguiſh the
Innocent from the Guilty. But (ſays Velleius) it generally hap-
pens, that God, when he intends to alter the Condition of Men,
perverts their Counſels ; ſo that thoſe who periſh have the
o additional Misfortune of ſeeming to have deſerved their
“ Fate, and of being thought not leſs blameable than unfor-
o'tunate."--Varus, unaccountably blind, paid no Regard to
any Thing that Segeftes had ſaid.
In the Night after this very Feaft, where he had been fo
fairly warned, Arminius executed his Deſign. -On a ſudden,
when the Romans leaſt expected it, they were furiouſly attack-
ed by the Troops they had rejoiced with the Evening before,
and thought their Friends and Allies. Varus's Legions were
compoſed of excellent Soldiers, Men who might juſtly be
deemed the Flower of the Roman Army, for Goodneſs of Dif-
cipline, Bravery, and Experience in War. But what can Va-
lour do againſt Obſtacles ſuperior to all human Power ? againſt
Surprize, the dead of Night, an unknown Country, Mountains,
Foreſts, Bogs, and a dreadful Tempeſt which happened at the
ſame Time ?- The Romans, however, reſiſted with Courage,
and, after a conſiderable Loſs, being forced at length to aban-
don their Camp, of which the Germans had got Poffeſſion, re-
treated
2
* Tac. Ann. Lib. I.
I
i
Court of AUGUSTUS.
523
.:
D
but the greater
treated to an Eminence, where they began to entrench them-
ſelves. The Conquerors purſued, attacked them with redou-
bled Fury, -Varus was wounded, and, ſeeing no Hopes left,
fell
upon his own Sword ;-imitating the Example of his Fa-
ther, who made one of his Freedmen kill him after the Battle
of Philippi; and that of his Grandfather, who died in the
ſame Manner in Spain.
The Death of their General entirely diſheartened the Ro-
mans, reduced to a ſmall Number, fatigued by the Diffi-
culties of the Ground, and ſurrounded on all Sides by their
treacherous Foes, whoſe Purſuit they could not poſibly expect
to eſcape, even if they could have forced a Paſſage througlı
them; fome, like Varus, ended their own Lives, and others,
fighting with the Obſtinacy of Men driven to Deſpair, choſe
rather to die by the Hand of the Enemy;--
Part, unable to reſiſt ſuch complicated Woes, and encouraged
by the Example of an Officer of Diſtinction, named Ceionius,
laid down their Arms, and ſurrendered at Diſcretion Nu-
monius Vala, Varus’s Lieutenant, attempted to ſave himſelf
with the Cavalry; but was purſued, overtaken, and killed
with all his Men.
Two Legions left in the old Camp (ſituated where the Town
of Flotowo now ſtands), from which Varus ſet out in order to
march againſt the pretended Rebels, muſt have undergone the
fame Fate, had not Aſprænas, Varus’s Nephew and Lieute-
nant, marched them out of the Enemy's Country with
Expedition, the Moment he was informed of his Uncle's Mif-
fortune. He prudently led them directly to the Winter-quar-
ters of the Romans in Lower Germany, and thereby happily
kept in order the People on that Side of the Rhine, whoſe Fi-
delity began to waver.---This well-judged Retreat would haye
done him ſignal Honour, as Things were circumſtanced, if he
had not fullied it by a mean and unjuſt Avarice.----Velleius
ſays, he was accuſed of enriching himſelf with the Spoils of
Uuu 2
the
+
my
great
4
&
)
ห%
524 . MEMOIRS of the
the Unfortunate; by appropriating to his own Uſe all the 'Bag-
gage which had been left in the old Camp by Varus's three
murdered Legions.
ARMINIUS made as bad an Uſe of his Victory, as it was
poffible for an inſolent Barbarian to do. Seating himſelf
up-
on a Tribunal erected for the Purpoſe, he ordered the Roman
Priſoners to be brought before him, loaded with Chains, and
condemned them all to die. The Tribunes and Centurions
were ſacrificed, as Victims, upon Altars ſet up in the Woods,
and the common Soldiers were crucified or hanged. Cælius
Caldus, a young Roman of illuſtrious Birth, ſeeing for what End
he was reſerved, ſtretched out his Chain, and, with a furious
Blow, daſhed out his own Brains-Above all, the Germans took
a cruel Pleaſure in tormenting thoſe who had been any way
employed' or concerned in Varus's odious Juriſdiction over
them. They put out their Eyes, and cut off their Hands.com
One had his Tongue pulled out, and his Mouth fewed .
ter which the Barbarian who performed the horrid Deed, hold-
ing the Tongue in his Hand, cried out to him, “Ceaſe thy Hiff-
ing, Viper !"-Varus's Body was hid and buried by the Sol-
diers, to ſcreen it from the Inſults of the Barbarians; but it
was found, taken up, and treated with the utmoſt Ignominy;
and when it was thought to have been long enough the inhuman
Sport and Mockery, not only of the lower Claſs, but even of
fome of their Chiefs, among whom was a Nephew of Segeſtes,
the Head was cut off and ſent to Maroboduus, who conveyed it
to Rome, where it was interred *.
The Standards of the Legions, with two of their Eagles,
fell into the Enemy's Hands; and thoſe Objects of religious
Veneration among the Romans, were treated with the greateſt
Contumely and Outrage by Arminius. The third Eagle was
ſaved by the Courage and Preſence of Mind of him who bore
it. Seeing that all was irrecoverably loft, he ſnatched it
from
* Tacit. Ann. Lib. I.
up; af
3
1
•
Court of AUGUSTUS.
525
3
7
from the Top of the Pike it was ſupported by, tucked it un-
der his Belt, fed into a Bog, and from thence fortunately
eſcaped *.
The Germans left the Field of Battle ftrewed with the dead
Bodies of Men and Horſes, intermixed with broken Swords,
Spears, and Javelins; whilſt a great Number of Heads ſtuck
upon Trunks of Trees, and the Inſtruments they had made
Uſe of to torture and put to Death their wretched Priſoners,
remained there as horrid Trophies of their bloody Victory t.
The Grief and Confternation into which this dreadful Dif-
after threw every Inhabitant of Rome, were, as I ſaid before, in-
expreffibly great. Auguftus himſelf ſet the Example, and perhaps
carried it too far :-not ſufficiently attending to the Majeſty of
his Rank, or the Obligation a Prince is under to comfort his
People in Times of Calamity, by a ſerene and compoſed Coun-
tenance, which, without diffembling his Griefs, may thew
that he does not think them paſt all Remedy. He not only
put on Mourning, and let his Beard and Hair grow, but would
often cry out, in a perfect Agony, “Reſtore my Leģions, Va-
“ rus.”---But I cannot believe what Suetonius adds I, that he
carried Things to ſuch Exceſs of Phrenſy, as to beat his Head
againſt the Walls; though it is certain that, as long as he
lived, the Day of Varus's Defeat '
was' to him a Day of annual
Sorrow.
The Terror of the Romans was, at firſt, equal to their
Grief 9. They imagined the Germans ready to croſs the Rhine,
and over-run Gaul, or even to penetrate into Italy and lay Siege
to Rome. Auguftus appointed an extraordinary Guard in the
City, and broke his own Company of German Guards.
But their Fears vaniſhed by Degrees: they learnt that Gaul
continued in a State of Peace; that the Borders of the Rhine
#
on
# Tac. FLOR.
+ Tac. ubi ſupra.
I SUET. Aug. S. XXIII.
§ Dio & Suet.
3
>
526
A
MEMOIRS of the
*
on their Side were well defended; and that the Enemy had not
attempted any Thing ſince their Victory, except the Siege of
the Fortreſs of Aliſo *, the Garriſon of which, after making
a brave Defence, ſallied out Sword in Hand, when they found
that the Place was no longer tenable, and bravely opened
themſelves a Paſſage to join the Roman Legions. Winter alſo
drew near (for Varus's Defeat happened towards the End of
the Year), and of Neceſſity brought on a Suſpenſion of Arms.
The Romans then had Time to confider: more fully how
they might beſt repair the Loſs
, they had ſuſtained in Germany.
To this end they reſolved to ſend frelḥ Troops to the Rhine :
But the Difficulty was, how to raiſe them ;, for though
the People had by this Time got the better of their Apprehen-
fions of an Inyaſion ; yet the dreadful Impreffion of the Va-
lour and Fierceneſs of the Germans ſtill remained, and nonę
would inliſt to go and attack thoſe formidable Enemies in their
own Country. Auguſtus was forced to haye Recourſe to Seve-
rity; even ſo far as to put to Death ſome of the moſt ſtubborn,
to affix Marks of Infamy on others, and to confiſcate their
Effects.
The Choice of a Generali was the eaſieſt Part.--He could
not pitch on any other than Tiberius ; nor was anyone fitter for
fo difficult and dangerous, a War. He likewiſe.made: Uſe of
Religion as a Reſource; and vowed the Great Games, with
this remarkable Clauſe, uſed before in the Cimbrian War, and
in that of the Allies; PROVIDED THE REPUBLIC BE IN A
BETTER SITUATION,
SUCH was the End of this Year, towards the Cloſe of which,
Auguftus, tocomplete his Griefs, was forced to treat his Grand-
daughter JULIA with a Rigour which hurt him to the Soul.
The younger YULIA, of whom I now, ſpeak, was very
beautiful : but joining her Mother's Example to the ſame In-
clina.
• Built by. Druſus, near the River formerly called Aliſo, now the Alm,
which falls into the Lippe.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 527
mate
clinations, ſhe became rather more infamous ;--and Auguftus,
irritated by the former Scandal, had leſs Patience now
She was married to L. Emilius Paulus (Son of the Triumvir
Lepidus's Brother Emilius Paulus), who, from being Auguſtus's
Friend and Companion in the Sicilian War, conſpired againſt
him with Plautius Rufus *, or nearly about the ſame Time as
Cinna.-To this Huſband ſhe bore a Daughter, Em lia Lepida,
who was married very young, and ſoon divorced, by Claudius,
(afterwards Emperor) upon her Parent's Miſbehaviour ; after
which he married Meſſalina, his Couſin Domitia's Daughter
by Meſſala Barbatus.But D. SIL ANUS, whom I take to
have been a Son of Servilia, pleaſed Julia better than her Huf-
band. Whether there was any Connection between him and
the unfortunate OVID, is hard to tell : but all the Three were
baniſhed at the ſame Time. - Julia was ſent to the little
Iland Trimetus, upon the Apulian Coaſt, where ſhe died
twenty Years after. She was ſupported in her Exile by Livia,
who uſed firſt to ruin her Huſband's Children in private, and
then aſſiſt them openly, to shew her Clemency.--Her Huſband,
the Conſpirator, ſeems to have killed himſelf.
Neither Silanus nor Ovid were baniſhed by Law, or at-
tainted by any Act of Senate; but forbid the Prince's Palace,
---which was equal to a Lettre de Cachet. For ihis Reaſon the
former returned without any formal Pardon; and had Ovid been
happy in as great Friends, for Silanus's Brother was among the
Chief of the Senate t, he might have done the ſame.--His
Offence, tho' notorious then I, is ſtill a Myſtery to us.
Не
commonly calls it a Miſtake, a Chance, a Thing done unwit-
tingly, thro' Simplicity :---and in another Place, he ſays it
was either Fear or a Miſtake 1. It looks as if he had met
with
* Suet. Aug. §. XIX.
+ Tac. Ann. Lib. III.
# Caufa meæ Cunctis nimium quoque nota ruinæ,
Judicio non eft teftificanda meo.
TRIST. L. IV. EI. X. V.99.
ll Aisi tim.or, aut error nobis, prius obfuit error.
Lib. IV. El. iv, v. 39.
ģ
3
528
: MEMOIRS of the
my
with Julia in Mafque, upon one of her Rambles, and that his
Behaviour, or rather that of his Companions and Servants, and
their Babbling afterwards, had drawn upon him the Diſplea-
ſure of Auguſtus *. Tho' all his Apologies are ſo many Ac-
cuſations of Auguſtus, or of his Family, as if their Deeds
would not bear being ſeen ; yet he mentions that ſecret Cauſe fo
often, even in his poetical Petitions for Liberty to return,
that it cannot have been any Thing perſonal to Auguſtus (from
whom, had it touched him but obliquely, he would have kept
it the fartheſt in the World), or to any of his Family, beyond
what was known to every one, as was the Baniſhment of his
Grand-daughter. -Were it only the Time of Ovid's Exile,
the ſame with that of the younger Julia, this Circumſtance
alone evinces that he was not diſgraced for any Intrigue with
Julia the Mother, or for having ſeen criminal Familiarities
between Auguſtus and his Daughter, as ſome have maliciouſly
fuggeſted.
What may have given Rife to the Story of Auguſtus's too
great Intimacy with his own Daughter, is an extravagant
Whim of his Great-grandſon Caligula, who took it into his
Head, that his Relation to Agrippa diſhonoured his Blood,
and gave out that his Mother Agrippina was not Agrippa's
Daughter, but the Fruit of an inceſtuous Commerce between
Auguſtus and Julia. But that Prince was too wild to be
believed in any Thing: much leſs in a Matter where his own
Life wanted an Example which concerned Auguſtus, whom
he liked to blacken. Whether this was originally a Fic-
tion of Caligula's own, or whether there was any ſuch Ru-
mor whilſt Auguſtus lived, I cannot tell.
OVID was thrice married. His firſt Wife was a worth-
leſs Creature, obtruded on him while he was yet a Boy. His
ſecond
* Infcia quod Crimen viderunt lumina, plector:
Peccatumque oculos eſt habuiſſe meum.
Non equidem totam poffum defendere culpam :
Sed partem noftri Criminis Error habet.
Lib. III. El. v. Ve 49.
*
.
Court of AUGUSTUS. 529
2.
ſecond was of a good Family, but coquettiſh, and ſoon di-
vorced. The third, a. Widow, who had been married to one
Perillus, and had a Daughter by him (married to one Suillus),
he loved and honoured to the laſt. He was by no Means
a Rake : nor were his Brother-Poets Propertius and Tibullus.
They were real Lovers, paſſionately fond of one Miſtreſs at a
Time : Pleaſure to which a Rake, in the common Ac-
ceptation of the Word, has no Pretenſion.
WHATEVER was the real Cauſe of Ovid's Baniſhment, his
writing the Art of Love, which ſeemed to countenance Adul-
tery, was the Pretence. But it was a mere Pretence; for
it had long been publiſhed, and Ovid had paſſed the Scrutiny
often before Auguſtus at the Review of the Roman Knights
after that Publication, without Reproof.—But Auguſtus was
not to be ſpoken to upon that Head. He was incenſed beyond
Patience at his own Daughter, and this repeated Diſgrace
wrought him to the greateſt Fury --The poor Poet was
baniſhed to Tomi in Scythia, upon the Borders of the Euxine
Sea.
The Circumſtances of Things, and of the Times, rendered
his Fate doubly unfortunate.--I make no Doubt but that
he has ſtumbled upon Julia hy chance, while ſhe was engaged
in ſome Frolic, and in Diſguiſe; on which Occaſion he would
not want an Invitation to take part, whatever it was. She
has followed her Mother's Example ; walked the Streets like a
common Woman, and probably picked up Ovid. At firſt,
he has not known the high Quality of the Perſon with whom
he was engaging; and coming aftewards to know it, he had
not, it ſeems, the Courage to retreat.--His Perſon muſt have
been agreeable to her; for their Intercourſe was not ended at
once, but laſted ſome time..He tells us that his Friend's (Mella-
liniis's) Advice would have prevented the bad Conſequences of
it, if, as he told him all his other Secrets, he had alſo told
him this.
Vol. III
में
Xxx
THE
+
st
.
530 MEMOIRS of the
M
to
The general Morals were become extremely diffolute.
Gallantry, to give it a ſoft Name, was the Buſineſs not only
of the young and gay ; but the idle and luxurious of riper Year's
practiſed it in the moſt criminal Shapes. They had great
Patterns before their Eyes.-Julius Cefar had grown bald in
Sin*:-his Favourites Mamurra, Dolabella, Malius, Salluft,
and Antony :-his Succeffor the young Ceſar, Plancus, Cupien-
nius, Dellius, were all notoriouſly guilty. In this general
Corruption, a lively young Fellow, who felt that he had Ge-
nius, and ſaw himſelf a Favourite among the Fair, was not con-
tented, like his more temperáte Friends Tibullus' and Propertius,
the Joys and Griefs, the fond Wiſhes and frequent Dif-
appointments, of a tender Paſſion between two Lóvers :--but
he muſt needs reduce Gallantry to an Art, profeſs himſelf a
Maſter, and, in a very poliſhed and elaborate Poem, give the
moſt pernicious Precepts how to ſeduce Innocence, and bring
on univerſal Corruption. In ſhort, in his Art of Love, OVID
flies in the Face of Virtue, and openly eſpouſes the Cauſe of
Vice and Immorality.--Though the Rakes about Court,
both young and old, might ſmile and approve ; yet there were
many of the great and powerful, the virtuous Meſala, the
fevere Pollio, the ſtern Lollius, who took deep Offence at the
Work, and conceived a very bad Opinion of the Author. He
was made ſenſible of the infinite Hurt he had done himſelf by
that lewd Performance ;- and in his after Misfortunes gave it
as the firſt Cauſe of them, calling it his fooliſ Art of Lovet.
But, with his uſual Acuteneſs, he deviſes the common Excuſe
for obſcene Writing, uſed before him by Catullus I, and after
him by Martial .
Іт
*វ
낳 ​ų
* Ac ne cui dubium omnino fit, & impudiciæ eum, & adulteriorum fla-
graſſe infamiâ, CURIO pater, quadam eum Oratione, Omnium Mulierum Virum,
& omnium virorum mulierem appellat.
SUETon, in Jul. § LII.
+ STULTAM confcripfimus Artem.
I Vita verecunda eſt, Muſa jocoſa mihi.
$ Laſciva eſt nobis pagina, vita proba.
4
:
:
f
Court of AUGUSTUS. 531
It was to Fabius Maximus, Auguſtus's laſt favourite Miniſter,
that the unhappy Ovid wrote fo many Letters from his Place
of Baniſhment, begging him to intercede for him with the
Prince.--Fabius was himſelf an Author, and uſed to read
his Writings to Ovid, as to a Man of Letters.
Man of Letters. His Lady,
Marcia, made a Companion of Ovid's laſt Wife, who had
been married out of the Fabian Fainily, to which ſhe was re-
lated. They had been Friends from their Infancy. She
ſeems to have had a very fair Reputation, and had been before
a. Favourite of Cefar's Aunt, probably Marcia's Mother (cer-
tainly a Siſter of Atia's). Fabius's Father, a Man of great
Eloquence, had encouraged Ovid to publiſh his Poems.--Up-
on the News that he was fallen under the Prince's Diſplea-
ſure, Fabius ſent for him, and inquired How it was ? The
ingenuous Poet could not deny it: but after ſome ſtammering
Words and incoherent Sentences, burſt into Tears before his
great Friend, and told him all. Soon after, Fabius ſént him a.
Note, giving him Hopes, that as his Crime had been occa-
fioned by a Miſtake, Auguſtus might be pacified. He was the
laſt Man that this illuſtrious Exile waited on before his Depar-
ture, when the fame Hopes were again renewed, which yet
never had any Effect.
OVID, in ſeveral Parts of his Poetry, has given Proof
that he was capable of very lofty Strains. His grand, tho
unfiniſhed Work, THE METAMORPHOSES, is inter-
terſperſed with Touches of the trueſt Sublime. But by a
thouſand other Inſtances it appears, that his Genius was ra-
ther ſoft than elevated ; and that when he gives a Looſe to his
natural Bent, tho' his Language be pure, a certain Länguor
in Thought, and Drawling of Expreſſion, betrays the Effemi-
nacy of the Poet.
TIBERIUS ſet out for Germany in the Spring of the Year
DCCLXI, and behaved there in fuch a Manner as anſwered
per-
fectly to his great Reputation in Arms. Being ſenſible that
XXX 2
the
6
दे
532
MEMOIRS of the
eo
š
the chief Cauſe of Varus's Misfortune was owing to the Raſh-
neſs and Negligence of that imprudent General, he wiſely
judged it incumbent on him to be doubly vigilant and cauti-
ous*. His Cuſtom had hitherto been, to follow his own Opi-
nion, without conſulting any one :--- but he now took a diffe-
rent Method, held frequent Councils, and did nothing till he
had firſt adviſed with his principal Officers. - To prevent Lux-
ury
from creeping into the Army, when he was preparing to
croſs the Rhine, he ſettled the Number and Nature of the
Servants and Equipages which each might have, according to
his Rank; and that he might be ſure his Orders were ſtrially
obferved, he ſtood by the River's Side while the Troops paffed
over, and perfonally examined every Thing. He himſelf fet
an Example of that ſtrict Simplicity which he preſcribed to
others: for whilſt he was beyond the Rhine, he never dined or
ſupped otherwiſe than ſeated upon the Ground, and he often
paſſed the Night without a Tent. Every Day, he
Orders regularly in Writing for the next Day; with an expreſs
Injunction, that whoever wanted to have any Part of them ex-
plained, ſhould apply directly to him, at all Hours of the Day
or Night : in ſhort, his Diſcipline was exact, and ſtrictly, en-
forced; he revived certain old military Puniſhments, which
had been diſuſed for a Time; and branded the Commander of
a Legion with Ignominy, for having ſent ſome of his Sol-
diers to hunt on the other side of the Rhine with one of his
Preedien.
An Army ſo well governed, had no need to fear being ſur-
priſed by the Enemy, Tiberius's Orders were only to ſecure the
Poffeffion of the Rhine :--but rightly judging that, in order to
hinder the Germans from invading Gaul, it was neceſſary to
carry the War into their own Country, he entered it with a
ſtrong Force, marched on with all the Precaution that Pru-
dence could ſuggeſt, and ravaged every Thing before him.
Having
Suet. Tib. $. XVIII, XIX.
gave his
1.6
---
FL
.
Court of AUGUSTU S.
533
Having thus reſtored the Reputation of the Roman Arms, he
repaſſed the Rhine without any Loſs, and conducted his Legi-
ons back to their Winter-quarters *
EARLY the next Year, he croſſed the Rhine again accompa-
nied by Germanicus, and again laid waſte the Territories of the
Germans, who confeſſed themſelves conquered, by not daring
to make Head againſt him. Arminius was thoroughly ſenſible
that he had not now a Varus to deal with.
TIBERIUS kept the Field as long as the Seaſon would
permit : and after having celebrated Games there in Honour
of the Emperor's Birth-day, as quietly as if he had been among
his Friends, he returned to Gaul; ſure of having fulfilled
the Intentions of Auguſtus, who never deſired to extend his
Dominions, on that Side, farther than the Rhine, which he
looked upon as a natural Barrier between the Roman Empire
and the favage Nations on the other Side of that River.
A Letter, which Suetonius has recorded, ſhews how much
Auguſtus was ſatisfied with Tiberius's Conduct on this Occa-
fion :
"
My dear Tiberius," ſays that Emperor to hiin,
“ think no one could have acted more prudently than you
“ have done, amid ſo many Difficulties, and while ſuch a ge-
“ neral Relaxation prevails among the Troops. All who have
“ ferved under you, do you this Juſtice, and apply to you
" what Ennius ſaid of the illuſtrious Fabius, That the Vigi-
" lance of one Man has reſtored the Affairs of the Common-
" wealth."
AUGUSTUS, as I have already ſaid, diſliked Tiberius at
firſt : but, charmed with his important Services, he ſeems at
laſt to have had a fincere Friendſhip for him.---He could not
otherwiſe have uſed thoſe very endearing Expreſſions mentioned
by Suetonius I. " Whether, ſaid he, " I am buſied with
" Af-
" I
tu
Maar
*
* Vell. Lib. II. Dio.
+ Unus homo nobis vigilando reſtituit rem,
Suet. Tib. §. XXI.
Ibid.
*
अमी
#
P
11/15
*
wher
*
534
MEMOIRS of the
“ Affairs which require ſerious Thought, or vexed by diſa-
greeable Events, I regret the Abſence of my dear Tiberius, ,
s and call to Mind what Homer makes Diomedes ſay of Ulyf-
ſes : With ſuch a Second I ſhould hope to eſcape, even from
amidſt a Conflagration; for he is a Man of exquiſite Pru-
5. dence *. When I hear how you are worn out with in-
". ceffant Fatigue, may I periſh, if it does not make me ſhud-
66 der. I beg of you to take care of yourſelf, leſt you ſhould
“ fall fick, your Mother die of Grief, and the Romans be in
Danger of loſing their Empire. It is of little Conſequence
" whether I am well or ill, provided you be well. I beſeech
- the Gods to ſpare you for our Sakes, and to grant you now
os and always a perfect State of Health, if they have not taken
« Averſion to the Roman People.”
Hrs Expreſſions of Regard were not confined to Words.
Deeds alſo proved his Eſteem for, and Confidence in, Tiberius :
for he made him almoſt his Equal-his Collegue ; and ob-
tained a Decree of the Senate, confirmed by the People,
enacting, that Tiberius ſhould from thenceforth-have in all the
Provinces of the Emperor's Department, and particularly in
the Army, the ſame Authority as Auguſtus himſelf t.---With
this Addition of Power and Dignity he returned to Rome, to
celebrate the Triumph which had been decreed him long be-
fore, for his Conqueſt of the Illyrians and Pannonians; but
which, as I obferved, had been poſtponed on Account of Va-
rus's Diſaſter.
Nothing could exceed the pompous Magnificence of this
Triumph, which was celebrated in the Beginning of the Year
of Rame DCCLXIII, Germanicus Cefar and Fonteius Capito being
Conſuls. The principal Chiefs of the vanquiſhed Nations
ap-
peared
* Τότε δ' έσπoμένοιο, και έπ συρος ανθομένοιο
*Αμφω νοσήσαιμεν, έπει περί διδε νούσαι,
ILIAD. X.
# VELL. Lib, II. SUETON. Tib. XXI. Tac. Annal. Lib. I.
3
WER
X
Court of AUĞUS TU S. 535
*
5
peared in Chains ; and the Conqueror's Lieutenants, who, at
his Requeſt, had obtained the Ornaments of Triumphers, ac-
companied their General, cloathed in thoſe ſplendid Rewards
of their Services. Auguftus preſided over the Ceremony, feated,
probably, upon the Tribunal for Harangues ; and when Tibe-
rius reached the Forum, before he turned toward the Capitol,
he deſcended from his Carr, kneeled down before his Father,
and paid Homage to him for all his Glory.---He afterwards
treated the People at a thouſand Tables, and gave them three
hundred Seſterces (48 Shillings) a piece.
The Germans remained perfectly quiet, from this Time till
the Death of Auguſtus ;
-but, notwithſtanding that, the Ro-
mans ſtill continued to keep a great Force upon the Rhine.
Eight Legions *, divided into two Armies, occupied the two
Provinces of Belgic Gaul, called the Upper and Lower Germa-
ny. Germanicus, then about twenty-eight Years of Age, at
the Expiration of his Conſul hip received the Command of all
theſe Forces, the greateſt that were then aſſembled in any one
Part of the Empire ;~-~nor was leſs requiſite, to maintain on
one Hand the Peace and Quiet of Gaul, and, on the other, to
awe the Germans. The young Prince began the Functions
of his important Truſt, by numbering the Gauls, and taking
an Account of their poſſeſſions ; an Office in which he was
actually engaged when Auguſtus died.
But before I ſpeak of the Death of this firſt Emperor of
the Romans, with which theſe Memoirs will end, it may not
be amiſs juſt to mention here ſome Tranſactions of the latter
Part of his Reign, which could not be ſo well interwoven
with the preceding Accounts of Wars.
Though his Conſtitution was always naturally tender, yet,
by taking Care of it, and particularly by his great Sobriety, he
preſerved Strength enough to the End of his Days, not to linger
$
Qut
* TACIT, Annal, Lib. I. & IV.
1
:
ma
536
MEMOIRS of the
out an inactive old Age. He allowed himſelf fome Relaxa-
tion, from Time to Time; but never was quite idle.
AT the Age of ſeventy, he began not to attend the Meetings
of the Senate fo aſſiduouſly as before ; but would let that Al-
ſembly determine many, though, I believe, not important Af-
fairs, in his Abſence.----Four Years after this, he laid aſide
the troubleſome Ceremonial of having numerous Levees, and
giving public Dinners.--He likewiſe deſired the Senators not
to takė any longer the Trouble of going to pay their Compli-
ments to him at his Palace, and to excufe his not meeting
them when they dined in a Body :--and in the Year of Rome
DCCLxiv, in the Month of September, when he entered into the
ſeventy-fifth Year of his Age, being able to go but ſeldom to
the Senate-houſe, he cauſed his Privy Council to be inveſted
with the full Authority of the whole Senate.
In the Beginning of his Adminiſtration he had fifteen Coun-
ſellors, choſen from among the Senators, and changed every.
fix Months. That Council decided only Matters which re-
quired great Diſpatch, or ſuch as, if of greater Moment, were
to be afterwards laid before the whole Senate.----Now he fe-
.
lected twenty Counſellors inſtead of the former fifteen, and
theſe were to ſerve a Year. But the eſſential part of the
Change made on this Occaſion, was the Decree of the Senate,
which expreſsly ordained, That whatever ſhould be done or
enacted by Auguſtus, aſſiſted by Tiberius, the two Conſuls, his
two Grand-ſons Germanicus and Drufus, and the Council of
twenty, ſhould have the ſame Force as if done or enacted by
the unanimous Voice of the Senate.--He had, in fact, ex-
erciſed the ſame Authority before;---but was glad to glofs it
over with the ſpecious Appearance of a legal Power.--
From
this Time, he governed the Empire without hardly ſtirring
from his Room, or, frequently, even from his Bed.
By this Decree, even the remaining Shadow of the awful
Prerogatives of that once inexpreflibly Auguſt Aſſembly,
THE
$
.
Court of AUGUSTUS.
537
& 앞
​THE SENATE OF ROME, was totally annihilated.
The long equally empty Appearance of the LIBERTY OF
The People had been as effectually taken away in the Year
of Rome DCCLVIII, when, under Pretence of preventing the
Feuds and Quarrels which aroſe ſometimes at the Election's of
Magiſtrates, and happened particularly then, Auguſtus took
upon
himſelf to nominate to all the Offices; and in the follow-
ing Years he recommended to the People, or, in other Words,
obtruded upon them ſuch as he choſe to have employed; juſt
as the Dictator Cefar had done *.
AUGUSTUS's Care, to reform Abuſes, was ever vigilant
and indefatigable. Above all, he now ſtrove again to aboliſh
Celibacy, which he had attacked before ſeveral times ; but
which, in ſpite of his Orders, ſtill prevailed in Rome. His
Laws, in this Reſpect, were loudly murmured at; and, in the
Year DccLx, at a public Entertainment, where the Emperor
was preſent, the Roman Knights perſonally complained to him
of the Severity of the Penalties he had inflicted upon Celibacy,
and, with Clamour, preſſed him to repeal them. To make
theſe Gentry aſhamed of their Requeſt, he immediately or-
dered Germanicus's Children to be brought to him f.--- They
were pretty numerous, though the Prince was then but in his
twenty-fourth Year. -Auguftus taking fome of them in his
Arms, and ſetting others upon their Father's Knees, ſhewed
them to the Knights, and exhorted every one preſent to fol-
low that laudable Eaxmple I.
A LITTLE
2.1
Auguſtus gave the Privileges of the Nobles to the Knights;--Tiberius took
the Right of Election from the Cominons, and gave it to the Senate; Clau.
dius made every Word of bis Freedmen a Law. That is, the Princes deſpiſed
the ancient Forms of the Republic, and the Diſtribution of Power and Privileges
which had long prevailed, and transferred and changed them as it facilitated their
own Rule;. or, if weak Men, as their Favourites pleaſed.
+ Suet. Aug. J. XXXIV.
Some Years before this, paſſing through the Streets with his uſual Affabilia
VOL, III.
Y
уу
T!
an
I
.
538
MEMOIRS of the
*
A LITTLE While after this, he ordered all the Knights to
appear
before him, divided into two Bodies; thoſe that were
inarried on one side, and ſuch as were unmarried on the
other; ſeeing the latter much more numerous than the former,
he could not refrain from Indignation. Firſt, he beſtowed
high Praiſes upon thoſe who, by an honourable Marriage,
were bringing up Children for the Republic ;. and then, turn-
ing toward the Batchelors, “ If (ſaid he to theſe; with great
“ Warmth) you pretend to follow the Example of the Veſtals,
“ live like them, and ſubject yourſelves to the ſame Puniſh-
" ment . if you are not as ſtrictly, chaſte.”—-—But this did not
ſuit thoſe Gentry, who had no Dillike to Marriage but on
account of the Trouble of Domeſtic Affairs, and the Educa-
tion of Children, and liked to remain ſingle, that they might
indulge their Paſſions without Controul.
IN DCCLXII, he revived the Law againſt Diviners and Aſtro-
logers, thoſe public Peſts, who, by deceitful Hopes and falſe Ex-
pectations, excite the Cupidity of credulous Men, and thereby.
ſpread Trouble and Confuſion in the State and in private Fa-
milies; and, at the ſame Time, ſtill more effectually, to dif-
ſuade the People from recurring to them, by ſhewing how lit-
tle he himſelf, feared their Predictions, or valued their pre-
tended Art, he publiſhed or poſted up in Rome the Theme of
his own Nativity; that is to ſay, a State of the Poſition of the
Stars at the Inſtant of his Birth.--He likewiſe enforced the
penal Laws againſt the Authors of defamatory Libels; another
Set of Wretches, infinitely noxious to Society. The famous
Caffius Severus, Chief of this malevolent ſnarling Race, was
&
now
.
1
ty, he faw ſome of the rich Provincials, probably from the Eaſtern Parts of the
Empire, carrying (like the effeminate Henry III. of France) Puppies and Mon-
keys in their Boroms, and careſſing them as they went along. Shocked to fee
the Affection and Care which is due to Mankind beſtowed on Brutes, he ſtopped
a little, and aſked this very fignificant Queſtion, “ Pray, Gentlemen, do the
"Women in your Country bring forth any Children?"
PLUT. in Perici,
'
1
Court of AUGUSTU S. 539
now baniſhed with Infamy. The ſcandalous Abuſe which he
made of his Wit, Talents, and Command of Language, richly
deſerved even a more exemplary Puniſhment; though he took
Care to increaſe the Hardſhips of this under Tiberius, by ftill
continuing to vent the Overflowings of his Gall, even in his
Exile. Auguſtus baniſhed him to Crete; but Tiberius removed
him to the more deſart Ife of Seriphos, where he lived and
grew old in the utmoſt Miſery.--A ſatyrical Turn is a Vice
which very few can ever conquer thoroughly.
I know not whether Auguſtus ſhould be commended or
blamed for the additional Rigour which he now inflicted up-
on baniſhed Perſons. Under the Republican Government,
thoſe who were interdicted Fire and Water were at Liberty to
retire to whatever Place they pleaſed.-----Auguſtus had already
introduced the Cuſtom of fixing them ſometimes to a particu-
lar Diſtrict,—but being informed that ſeveral Exiles made their
Puniſhment fit very eaſy, either by going to ſome Diſtance
from the Place allotted them, or by good Living and other
Comforts of Life ; he cauſed it to be enacted, that, for the
future, all ſuch as ſhould be interdicted Fire and Water,
ſhould be tranſported to Iſlands at leaſt fifty Miles diſtant
from the Continent; and that no Perſon, under Sentence of
Baniſhment, ſhould have more than twenty Slaves, or remain
poffefſed of more than the Value of five hundred thouſand Sef-
terces (about l. 4000).
--The Illands of Rhodes, Cos, Leſbos,
and Sardinia, though not at the Diſtance preſcribed by this
Law, were, however, uſed as Places of Exile.---Dion Caffius
ſays *, he could not tell why theſe Exceptions were made.---
Perhaps the Emperor might like to reſerve to himſelf, even by
the Law, a Power to mitigate the Fate of ſuch Exiles as he
ſhould chooſe to favour.
A just and wiſe Regulation, well calculated for the Benefit
of all the Provinces, was that which Auguſtus made about this
Yyy 2
Time,
* Lib. LVI.
1
mm
***
4
4
-
us
540 MEMOIRS of the
Time, in regard to the Encomiums which their Governors uſed
to obtain from the People under them. After oppreſſing, rob-
bing, and plundering them, they would often either extort by
new Vexations, Decrees of Thanks and Approbation, or ſtrive
to gain them by a culpable Indulgence; and theſe Certificates
of good Behaviour were a Means of Defence to the Guilty, in
caſe they were afterwards accufed of Mal-adminiſtration.-
Auguſtus, who had the Happineſs of his Subjects, and the Ho-
nour of the Empire really at Heart, to ſtop this dangerous
Abuſe, by which Iniquity was countenanced, Criminals were
fheltered, and the Majeſty of Government was diſgraced, for-
had all Cities and Provinces to paſs any Act or Decree in Fa-
pour of the Roman Magiſtrates, till ſixty Days after the final
Expiration of their Power.
AMONG the many Abuſes which this Emperor laboured to
extirpate, there was one to which he thought himſelf obliged
to give Way. He had forbid the Roman Knights to fight as
Gladiators :--but they were ſo ſtrongly bent upon thoſe horrid
Combats, that even the Ignominy affixed to them by the Laws
was deſpiſed. Auguſtus therefore took off the Prohibition, in
Hopes that a few Examples of bloody Deaths might have more
Effect than the Fear of Shame. But he was miſtaken.
To give a Looſe to Vice, is a bad Way of preventing it.
The Crowds of Spectators drawn together by illuſtrious Names,
the Authority of the Magiſtrates who gave thoſe Games, and
the Prince's Confent, or at leaſt Connivance, were Circum-
ftances which increaſed and perpetuated the Evil to ſuch a
Degree, that, under fome of the ſucceeding Emperors, not
only Knights, but Senators, and even Women of Diſtinction,
diſdaining both the Infamy and the Danger attending thoſe in-
human Fights, became ſhameful Actors in them.
L. MUNATIUS PL ANCUS and C. SILIUS were
Conſuls for the Year of Rome DCCLXIV, in which Auguſtus was
again continued in the Imperial Power for ten Years longer ;
the
:
*
Court of AUGUSTUS.
541
-.
the laſt Prorogation being to expire with this Year. He like-
wife cauſed Tiberius to be continued in the Tribunician Power,
and treated him in all Refpects as the Perſon he deſigned for
his Heir. The Year before, recommending Germanicus to the
Senate, he at the ſame Time recommended the Senate itſelf
to Tiberius, as to the future Head of the Empire. He made
him take Precedency of the Conſuls, in the Senate, in the
Council, and upon all Occaſions ; Thared with him the Func-
tions of Cenſor; and they jointly finiſhed the Numbering of
the Roman People, who amounted to four Millions one hun-
dred and thirty thouſand Citizens *.
TIBERIUS's Son, Drusus, was alſo promoted by Au-
guflus. He had been Queſtor in 762, though then five Years
under the legal Age; and this Year he was appointed Conſul,
to enter upon the Functions of that Office three Years after,
without going through the intermediate Gradations of Edile
and Pretor.-Germanicus had enjoyed the ſame Prerogatives.
-Thus Auguftus, by, heaping Honours upon Tiberius and
his Children, eſtabliſhed the Rights and Power of his intended
Succeſſor upon a firın Foundation. He did it juſt in Time;
for he died the next Year, when two of his Relations, Sextus
Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius, were Conſuls.
AUGUSTUS's Age and Infirmities had made the Romans
very thoughtful for ſome Time paſt ;-----but their Ideas were
widely different. Some flattered themſelves with a chime-
rical Hope of ſeeing the old Republican Liberty reſtored ;
many
dreaded a Civil War, which others longed for; and
the greater Number were very buſy about the Characters and
Difpofitions of the Maſters they were likely to have.
The naturally ſtern and ſavage Temper of Agrippa Poſthu-
mus, whom they firſt thought of, as neareſt of Kin to the Em-
peror, whoſe Grandſon he was, had been infinitely ſoured and
exaf-
រ 1
.
+ LAPIS ANCYR.
+ Tacit. Ann. Lib.I.
542
MEMOIRS of the in
- The defpolic
exaſperated by the Ignominy of Exile *; nor was he either in
Age or Experience equal to the Weight of Empire. Tie
berius had arrived at Fulneſs of Years, for he was paſt fifty, and
had given Proofs of his Capacity for War; but they feared in
him the ſtubborn Pride entailed upon the Claudian Race, and
obſerved, that many Indications of Cruelty had already eſcaped
him, in Spite of all his Endeavours to diſguiſe it ;--that he had
been trained up, from his early Infancy, in a reigning Houſe,
and had, from his Youth, been accuſtomed to accumulated
Power and Honours, Conſulſhips and Triumphs ;-that, dur-
ing the ſeveral Years of his Abode at Rhodes, where a real
Baniſhment was maſked under the ſpecious Name of volunta-
ry Retirement, his finiſter Thoughts were wholly bent upon
meditating future Revenge, ſtudying the Arts of Treachery,
and practiſing ſecret and abominable Senſualities.----Neither
Livia, Germanicus, nor Drufus were forgot.
Haughtineſs of the Mother (added they), joined to the Vices
“ of the Son, will make us ſuffer all the Rigours of Servitude.
• We ſhall be Slaves to a Woman inſpired with all the Ty-
ranny
of her Sex, and to two ambitious Youths, who will
“ firſt combine to oppreſs the State, and then divide, to rend
“ it piece-meal."
While the Public was engaged in theſe and the like De-
bates, Auguftus's Illneſs increaſed daily, and ſome ſuſpected his
Wife to be the guilty Cauſe ;- as if there was need of Poiſon
to kill, in his ſeventy-ſixth Year, a Man naturally of a very
weak Conſtitution. "Dion Cafſus ſays, þut mentions it only as
a bare Report, that Livia, knowing Auguſtus was fond of
Figs, poiſoned ſome while they hung upon the Tree; and that
gathering and eating others herſelf, ſhe gave the deadly Fruit
to the Emperor.
As no Crime is ſuppoſed to be committed without ſome
View, Reaſons are aſſigned for Livia's perpetrating this.
5
It
* Tacit. Annal. Lib. I.
9
&
Hic
g
::
#
:
+
Court of AUGUS TU S.
543
*
1
ขา
It is pretended that ſhe was alarmed on Account of Tiberius's
Succeſſion to the Empire :--and, in fact, Authors of great
Weight * ſay, that Auguſtus's Tenderneſs for his Grandſon
Agrippa, a young Prince who, though by no Means amiable,
had not been convicted of any real Crime, began to revive to-
wards the latter End of his Life; that he ſpoke of it to Fabius
Maximus, and complained of the Neceſſity he was under of
making his Wife's Son his Heir, whilſt there yet remained one
of his own Blood. What may give ſome Room to doubt the
Truth of this Story, is the Addition of a Circumſtance no way
probable. Tacitus and Dion Caſſius ſay, that Auguſtus, taking
with him none but Fabius, failed ſecretly over to the land of
Planaſa, where his unfortunate Grandſon lived in Exile ; that
the Interview was very tender ;, that many Tears were ſhed on
both Sides; and that, in Conſequence of this, the Friends of
the unhappy Youth hoped to ſee him reſtored to the Place to
which his Birth entitled him. But, who can believe that
Auguſtus could go from Rome to an Itland near Corſica, without
Livia's knowing it?~--For, according to theſe Writers; the
never was informed of it but through the Indiſcretion of Fabius,
who revealed the Secret to his Wife Marcia, and ſhe told it
to Livia,
The Inventors of this Story, whoever they were, do not ſtop
here. Livia, add they, picked a Quarrel with her Huſband
Auguſtus, for having concealed from her his Deſigns in Favour
of Agrippa.
“If you want, ſaid ſhe, to recall
your Grandſon,
why do you render me and all my Family odious to the Per-
« fon you intend to make
your
Succeffor? Auguftus was
greatly concerned to find his Secret diſcovered; and when
Fabius came to ſalute him the next Morning, wiſhing him a
good. Day, a familiar Expreſſion which the Romans ſtill made
Uſe of, even to their Maſter, the Emperor anſwered,
• Fare-
welly
*
&
# PLIN. VII. 45
Tacir, Ann. I.
PLUT. de Garrul.
Dio.
1
...
:
:
MEMOIRS of the
544
:
66. well, Fabius."
-The indiſcret Confidant underſtood per-
fectly well the Meaning of this Word, with which the Anci-
ents uſed to take their laſt Leave of the Dead, after cloſing
them up in the Tomb.-Driven to Deſpair, he immediate-
ly returned Home, told his Wife what had paſſed, and, ad-
ding that he could not ſurvive his Breach of Truſt towards
Auguſtus, killed himſelf.---Marcia's Grief was extreme at his
Funeral, when, with bitter Lamentations, the frequently exi
claimed, that ſhe was the Cauſe of her Huſband's Death.
Pliny cloſes this Account with ſayings that the Deſigns of Ti-
berius and Livia gave Auguftus great Uneaſineſs. But, to me,
the Whole of this Story ſeems to be a very lame Invention...
Auguſtus makes a pitiful Figure in it ;----his Voyage to Plana-
fia is viſibly a Fable ;-and his pretended Miſtruſt of Livia is
fully refuted by his Dying-words.
That Livia had gained an abſolute Aſcendant over Auguf-
tus in his Decline, is evident from all Hiſtory. He had Foi-
bles to cover, which ſhe did ;--having none herſelf, -except
Cunning and Ambition.She had the greateſt Command of
her own Spirit and Paſſions, that perhaps ever Woman had.
A great-Lady, much in her Confidence; took the Liberty onė
Day to aſk her, By what Means ſhe had obtained ſo entire ani
Aſcendant over Auguftus ?
-to which the frankly anſwered,
By winking at his Irregularities, and indulging him in his
* Amours.". She had much ſuch a ſtately Character as Phi-
lip's Molofan Dame, Olympias. The old King happened to
fall in love with a very beautiful and accompliſhed young
Woman, whom Olympias had never ſeen. He doated on this
Miſtreſs to ſuch a Degree, that his Paſſion became the uſual
Theme of Converſation; and the common Talk at the Queen's
Court was, that the Lady had bewitched him. Olympiás had
the Curioſity to ſee her; and after converſing with her for
fome Time,-"Child ! ſaid the, I abſolve thee of Witchcraft;
e-
thou
26-
:
Court of AUGUSTU S. 545
3
" thou haſt Spells enough in that Perſon of thine, to charm a
6 colder Heatt than the King's.”
There is a Period in Life when Men of a certain Turn be-
come indolent, and above all Things love their Eafe.--They
grow fearful of courſe, and fix their Happineſs upon an Order
of Life in a certain Way, which they ſtart at ſeeing diſcon-
certed.---This makes them willing rather to let themſelves
be deceived, than throw off darling Habits to reſent it.
This is the Source of the Sway which old Servants-kept Miſ-
treffes--and Favourites of every Sort, bear over their Betters.
Auguſtus could not think of breaking with Livia. She had
not contradicted him in any Thing--had complied with all his
Humours-had even condeſcended to ſerve him in his little
Amourettes--and was become neceffary to the Peace as well as
Pleaſure of his Life.--Could he part with ſo accompliſhed a
Woman?-Could he give up ſo complacent a Wife, after co-
habiting with her upwards of forty Years ? Though he knew
her Artifice and Cunning; though he knew that ſhe had
ruined his Family ;-though he might ſuſpect her even of
having poiſoned his Grand-children by Julia, to make Way
for her own Son ;-yet he bore all; and, to gratify her, baniſh-
ed his only remaining Grand-child, Agrippa Poſthumus.
AUGUSTUS's Illneſs began with a violent Purging, which
ſeized him as he was conducting Tiberius Part of the Way to
Illyricum, whither he was ſent, either, as Velleius ſays *, to
eſtabliſh Peace in a Country which he had conquered, or, as
Tacitus gives us to underſtand, that the Provinces and Troops
might be accuſtomed to acknowledge him as Succeffor to the
Empire ..
AUGUSTUS accompanied him as far as Beneventum, and;
notwithſtanding his Indiſpoſition, made it quite a Journey of
* Lib. II.
+ Omnes per exercitus oftentatur. ANNAL. Lib. I,
VOL. III.
Z z z
Plea-
1
1
+
i
546
SMEMOIRS of the
1
Pleaſure*. He failed along the delightful Coaſt of Canipania;
and among the neighbouring Iands, and ſtaid four Days in
Caprea, taſting the Sweets of Quiet and Repoſe, and enjoying:
all Sorts of Amuſements. Juſt as he was paſſing by the Gulph
of Pozzuoli; a Ship arrived from Alexandria's and all the Sai-
lors belonging to it immediately made Rejoicings for him, by
#cloathing themſelves in White, putting Wreaths upon their
Heads, burning Incenſe, loading him with Praiſes and Blef-
fings, and repeatedly crying out, that through him they lived,
to him they owed the Safety of their Navigation, and that
their Liberty and Fortunes were Gifts due to his Wiſdom and
Goodneſs. Theſe Acclamations, fo moving to a good Prince,
rejoiced him greatly; and to reward them, he gave each of
thoſe who were with him forty Pieces of Gold, upon the ex-
preſs Condition that they ſhould lay it all.out in the Purchaſe:
of Goods from that Veffel.
He took ſeveral little Diverſions of this Kind during his
Stay in Caprea. Among other Things, he gave Roman Gowns,
and Greek Mantles to his whole Court; on Condition that the
Greeks ſhould wear the Toga, or Gown, and the Romans the
Mantle. He was always preſent at the Games and Diverſions.
of the young People of the Iſland, which was a Greek Colony,
and ſtill retained Traces of its Origin, in the Manners and
Cuſtoms of its Inhabitants. He likewiſe treated all the
young.
Peoples permitting, and even requiring, them to divert them-
ſelyes, freely, and be under no Reftraint on Account of his be-
ing there. The Treat ended with ſetting them a fcrambling
for the Victuals and Deſerts left upon the Tables. In ſhort,
every innocent Diverſion that he could partake of; was dea
viſed
FROM
.
.
.
VELL. Lib. II..123
TACIT,
Sueton. Aug. $. XCVIII, & XCIX.
Annal. Lib. I.
6
fܪ
mahn
1
14
Court of AUGUSTUS.
AUGO
547
From Caprea he went to Naples, Itill more indifpofedi. He
was, however, deſirous to ſee the Quinquennial Games, in
ſtituted to his Honour in that famous City, where he ſtaid
-from the Beginning of them to the End. From thence he
continued his Journey as far as he had propoſed to go, which
was to Beneventum, where he took Leave of Tiberius.
Whilst Auguſtus was returning towards Rome, his Diſor-
der increaſed daily, and at laſt became ſo violent, that he was
forced to ſtop at Nola, and there take to his Beda Livia im-
mediately diſpatched a Courier to her Son, who had ſcarcely
had Time to reach Illyricum. Tiberius returned with all pof-
ſible Expedition:; and, if we believe Velleius and Suetonius, ar:
rived in Time to have a long and ſerious Conference with Au-
guſtus. But Tacitus ſays, it is not certain whether he found
him alive ; --for all the Roads were ſtrictly guarded by Livia's
Order, and no Accounts of any Thing tranſpired, but ſuch as
the pleaſed.
AUGUSTUS was not long fick in Bed, but expected
Death with great Compoſure. On the laſt Day of his Life,
after inquiring whether the Condition he was in did not alrea-
dy begin to occaſion ſome Diſturbance abroad, he ordered a
Looking-glafs to be brought to him, his Hair to be drefled,
and ſomething to be done to his Cheeks, that they might not
ſeem ſo greatly funk as they were. Then calling in his
Friends, and ſeeing them around his Bed, he aſked them,
Whether they did not think that he had acted his Part tolera-
bly well in the Farce of Life ? and immediately added, in a
Greek Verſe with which the Roman Plays were generally end
ed, “Let all applaud, and clap their Hands with Joy *.”-
Aftec
1.
Z Z 2 2
+
* Amicos admiffos percunctatus, Ecquid lis videretur mimum vitæ commodè
tranfegife, adjecit & clauſulam;
Δότε κρότον, και πάνες υμείς μετά χαράς κτυπήσατε.
Suet, in Aug. §. XCIX,
7
*
1
MEMOIRS of the
548
:
After this comic Farewel; he ordered every Body to leave
him except Livia, in whoſe Arms he foon died, ſaying to her,
16 Livia, farewell! . Remember our happy Union *." He
expired, as he had always earneſtly wiſhed to do, without any
Struggle or Convulſion for
AU
?
.
:
* Livia, noſtri conjugii memor vive, ac vale.
Suet. in Aug. . XCIX.
* LIVIA, who was diſtinguiſhed by the Appellation of JULIA AUGUSTA,
died at the Age of eighty-two, in the ſixteenth Year of Tiberius, C. Rubellius,
and C. Fufius, each furnamed Geminus, being Conſuls. She was deſcended
from the Claudii, was adopted through her Father into the Livian Family, and
into the Julian by Auguſtus; ſo that ſhe was ſignally noble both by Adoption and
Deſcent. Her firſt Marriage was with Tiberius Nero, by whom ſhe had Chil-
dren. Her Huſband, after the Surrender of Peruſa, in the Civil War, , became.
a Fugitive; but when Peace was made between Sextus Pompey and the Trium-
virate, he returned to Rome. Afterwards Oklavius Cefar, ſmitten with her Beau-
ty, fñatched her from her Huſband (whether with or againſt her own Inclina-
tion, is uncertain), with ſuch Precipitation, that, without ſtaying for her De-
livery, he married her yet big with Child by Tiberius a. After this, the had no
Illue, but by the Marriage of Germanicus and Agrippina, her Blood came to be
mixed with that of Auguſtus in their Grand-children. In her domeſtic Deport:
ment, the conformed to the venerable Model of Antiquity, but with more Com-
plaiſance than was allowed by the Ladies of old. She was an eaſy courteous
Wife, and an ambitious. Mother;, well comporting with the nice Arts of her
Huſband, and the Diffimulation of her Son. ----No extraordinary Pomp was la-
viſhed on her Funeral; and her laſt Will lay kong unfulfilled. Her Encomium
was pronounced in Public by Caligula, her Grandfon, afterwards Emperor.
Tiberius, by a Letter, excuſed himſelf to the Senate for not having paid the laſt
Offices to his Mothers and, though he rioted in every Exceſs of private Luxu-
ry, pleaded the Multitude of Public Affairs. He likewiſe abridged the Honours
decreed to her Memory; and, of a large Number, allowed but very few. For
this Reſtriction he pleaded Modefy, and added; that no religious Worſhip ſhould
be appointed to her, for that the contrary was her own. Choice. In a Part of
the ſame Letter, he cenſured feminine Friendſhips ; obliquely attacking the Con.
ſul Fufus, a Man highly diſtinguiſhed by the Favour of Livia, and dexterous to
engage and cajole the Affections of Women ;-a.gay Talker, and accuſtomed to
play.
See Vol. II. p. 342, & ſeq.
:
:
.
f
.
Court of AUGUSTU S.
}
549
܀
AUGUSTUS died at Nola, on the nineteenth Day of Au-
guſt, in the ſame Room where his Father Octavius died. He
was ſeventy-fix Years old, wanting thirty-five Days, being
born
*
}
play upon Tiberius with biting Sarcaſms, the Impreſſions of which, as Tacitus
juſtly obſerves b, never die in the Hearts of Princes.
LIVIA bore Agrippina a Grudge, though married to her Grandſon, chiefly
becauſe of her Mother Julia, Auguftus's Daughter, and her great and haughty
Spirit.-Mutilia Priſca was a Confidante of the old Lady, and had introduced
her own Gallant, Julius Poſthumus, into high Favour with her Patroneſs. This
was the Man pitched upon by Sejanus, to irritate Livia againſt her Grand-
daughter.
Her Liberality both to particular Men, and to Bodies of Men famous for
Learning or Piety, was certainly a beautiful Part of her Character. There
was a myſtical Word in the Temple of Delphi (ET), of which the Letters were
at firſt formed of Wood, afterwards they were caſt in Braſs; and Livia. made a
Preſent of chem to the Temple, in Gold-She dedicated the magnificent
Temple of. CONCORD out of Reſpect to Auguſtus ; who, to ſhew her how highly
he valued the Foundreſs and the Name, adorned the Structure with curious and
valuable Confecrations. Among theſe were four. Elephants, carved in a peculiar
Kind of Stone, reſembling the blackeſt Glaſs, and called from Obfdius, who firſt
found it in Ethiopia, Obſidian Stone. There were Statues of Auguſtus himſelf,
which Pliny ſaw d, of the ſame Materials; that Prince being taken with the So-
lidity and. Thickneſs of the Blocks, and thinking the Elephants a wonderful
Sight, for the fame Reaſon-Livia herſelf likewiſe dedicated there the famous
Sárdonyx, ſaid to be the Ring of Polycrates, the Tyrant of Samos; who, apprehen-
five of a Change in his long and conſtant Flow of Proſperity, thought he might
be quit with Fortune, and make a Kind of Expiation to Nemeſis, the avenging
Power, if he deprived himſelf of his favourite Gem. In this Opinion, he threw
his Ring into the Sea; a Fith ſwallowed it, was catched the next Morning,
and brought into the King's Kitchen with the Ring in its Belly. I'know
not how it came into Livia's Hands; but ſhe dedicated it in a Horn of Gold,
and it was not reckoned a Preſent of the loweſt Order, among many others of
immenſe Valuee. She built a Portico, or covered Walk, of ſuch immenſe Mag-
nificence, and adorned with ſo many curious Ornaments, as to make it, even ati
that Time, one of the Wonders of Rome f.
b. Annali Lib. V.
• ΠΛΟΥΤ. περί τε ΕΙ τα εν Δελφοίς.
d Natural Hift. Lib. XXXVI. c. 26.
PLIN. Lib. XXXVII. C: I.
f. STRABO, Geogr. Lib. V..
e
}
}
559
MEMOIRS of the
.....
DCLXXXIX'; or rather, if we conſider the Year of Confuſion.
born on the twenty-ſecond of September in the Year of Rome
Ada
Ž
which preceded the Reformation of the Kalendar by Yu-
Jius, which conliſted of four hundred and forty-five Days, we
Thall find that he was fomewhat upwards of ſeventy-fix when
he died.
The Duration of his Power, if reckoned from the Time of
the Triumvirate, of which he took Poſſeſſion on the twenty-
ſeventh of November, in the Year of Rome Dccix, was fifty
five Years and nine Months, within a few Days:If from
the Battle of Aetium, by which he became ſole Maſter of the
World, that Battle being fought on the ſecond of September,
DCCXXI, he will have enjoyed the ſovereign Power near forty-
four Years;
.but if we reckon from the Time of the ſervile .
Act of the Senate, by which he was, legally as 'twas called,
inveſted with abſolute Authority, he may be ſaid to have go-
-verned as Prince and Emperor forty Years, ſeven Months, and
thirteen Days. All the reſt was manifeſt Uſurpation and
Tyranny
With Reſpect to the Character of this famous Prince, the
undoubted Author and Founder of the Monarchical Govern-
ment which ſubſiſted in Rome after his Time, I am very un-
happy in being obliged to differ from one of the moſt eminent
Men that Britain ever produced, the great Lord Verulam
but greater in Learning and Philofophy, than in the Conduct
of either public or private Life--yet of ſuch Humanity and
Candour, that, were he now, to liye, he would be the firſt to
approve of a Diffent from his Opinions, founded upon, or ra-
ther extorted by, Truth. He affirms, that if ever Mortal
was poffeffed of a ſerene, untroubled, permanent Greatneſs of
Soul, it was Auguftus Cefar*; than which there never was a
good
* AUGUSTO CESARI, fi cui mortalium, magnitudo animi inerat intur-
bida, ferena, & ordinata,
.
#
1
Wu
1
.
Ž
Court of AUGUSTUS. 551
good Character leſs deſerved, at leaſt in the former Part of his
Life. But it is not given at random, in a careleſs Way: -
No, the Miſapprehenſion, like the Errors of great Men, is.
founded upon an ingenious Speculation upon a Piece of ab-
ftraż Philoſophy-Men of ſuch Characters, endowed with
ſuch and ſuch Qualities, are wont to order their Lives in ſuch
a Manner-But Auguſtus's Life was ſo ordered :--There-
fore ſuch a Man he was of...Nothing more fallacious.--Had
the
great
Chancellor been at any Pains to look into the Vicil-
fitudes and alternate Paſſions of that Prince's private Life and
particular Conduct; had he conſidered the Facts related of the
young Cefar, and compared them with his Temper and Situa-
tion, he would have pronounced the fame Sentence upon him.
as Silenus does in the Feaſt of the Gods; but he has only
viewed the general Fame of his Life, and the latter Tenor of
his Government, and from theſe two formed a philoſophical
ſpeculative Character of Auguſtus, very different from what he
would have done, had he entered into the Detail of his Actions.
His exorbitant fooliſh Ambition in ſeeking the ſecond Place in.
the Empire (the Magiſtratus Equitum) from his Grand-uncle
the Dictator, before he was eighteen; his Cowardice one Day,
and Stoutneſs another; his Cruelty, Revenge, Suſpicion, Al-
faffinations, Profuſions, Murders, Adulteries; and the whole
Whirl of the blackeſt Paſſions that can agitate a human
Breaſt;Theſe, I ſay, when compared with his Deſpair,
Forbearance, Oeconomy, Mercy, and Beneficence, Thew him
to have been the moſt various, diffimilar, and unſettled of
Creatures at firſt, and, juſt like an ordinary Man, aſſuming a
new Character at every Change of Circumſtances..
AFTER
+ Qui ingenio commotiores fuint, ii ferè adoleſcentias per varios errores tranfi-
gunt, ac fub mediam ætatem demum ſe oſtendunt. Quibus autem natura eſt:
-compofita & placida, ii primâ etiam ætate florere poffunt.
F.R. Baconi Imago civilis Auguft. Cæſ.
7
#
1
he
X
sh
5.5.2
MEMOIRS of the
7
at
ܟ
AFTER fairly weighing his good and his bad Qualites, his
public Actions, and his private Life, it is to me very plain,
that Auguftus was but of a middle Character, occupied ſome-
times with very ſmall Matters. He taught his Children
Writing and Short-hand himſelf, as I mentioned before, and
was at ſo much Pains about no one Thing as to inſtruct them
to imitate his own Hand-writing. It was obſerved of
Lewis XIV. of France, that he applied himſelf with the ſame
Earneſtneſs to the Plan of a Summer-houſe, or Draught of a
Garden, as he did to the Plan of the Operations of a Cam-
paign, or the weightieſt Affair of State.--And I remember to
have ſmiled at a Circumſtance related by a Gentleman of Merit,
who attended the young Duke of Anjou, by Ways and Means
made King of Spain, in his Journey from Paris to Madrid. The
moſt Chriſtian King was extremely ſolicitous about the Depar-
ture of his Grandfon. He regulated the Route he ſhould take,
the Number of the Body Guards, the Equipage of the two
Princes (the Dukes of Burgundy and Berry) who were to ac-
company their Brother to the Frontiers of Spain. When they
arrived there, they found that his Majeſty of France had ſo
well ordered their Way of Living upon the Road, that he had
taken upon him in a Manner the Function of a Phyſician ;
for they were directed not to dine, but only to take a Break-
faſt and Supper ; and to ſup, and go to Bed early *.
AUGUSTUS wanted to be thought a great General, and
loved to be complimented upon his Conduct. There was
indeed much Caution in it, with which he ſupplied the Want
of that high Spirit, and Knowledge of Opportunity and Stra-
tagems, which diſtinguiſhes great Commanders. His Con-
queſts were all made by Dint of the Roman Diſcipline, and the
Bravery of the Men; but not any Thing was accompliſhed by
the
* MARQ. DE LANGALLERIE, Mem..
3
:
Court of AUGUSTUS.
$53
the Spirit and Vigilance of the General, which makes a ſmall
Body equal to great Armies, or brings them off, when nothing
but Deſtruction is before their Eyes.com. He was happy, firſt
in Agrippa; and then in Drufus, who had the Turn proper for
Conquerors... The Lacedemonians, thoſe thorough Judges of
War, had this Diſtinction ſo much in their Eye, that they had
Ceremonies appointed to anſwer it*.It is true, Julian
brings Auguſtus in with Cefar and Trajan, the great Warriors;
but it is rather for the many Wars he was engaged in, than
his Maſtery in them. He had indeed no Pleaſure in War, nor
did he make any without Neceſſity, except the Dalmatic. He
even made the tributary Kings ſwear that they would not
involve him in new ones; and, to avoid them, profeſſed that
he did not wiſh to extend the Limits of the Empire. He
followed his Father's Example in his Largeſſes to the Troops,
whom he, however, at the ſame Time, conſtantly ſubjected to
the ſtricteſt Diſcipline at; even the higheſt Officers often finding
it very difficult to obtain Leave to ſpend the Winter in Rome.
Whole Cohorts, which had fled before the Enemy,' were ſe-
verely puniſhed by his Order ; and after decimating them,
Barley was given inſtead of Wheat to ſuch as Fortune had fax
voured with Life. Captains, as well as private Soldiers, were
equally puniſhed with Death, if they quitted their Poft. For
lighter Faults, he revived certain old military Puniſhments,
which had been diſuſed for ſome Time. When he harangued
the Troops, he did not call them Fellow-foldiers, according to
the Cuſtom which then began to be introduced, and which
afterwards prevailed, but only Soldiers, as in the Days of the
ancient Republic; and he inſiſted that his Sons, and Sons-in-
* *Όταν ερα» Γήμαι της πολεμιες νικήσάσι, βούω το "Αρει θύουσιν: όταν δεν
τα φανερά, 'Aλεκηρυόνα: εθιζοντες της ηγεμένους ου μόνον πολεμικές αλλά και τρα-
Anyines ervais. TAOTT. Emndeup.cla Aaxovex.
+ Suet. in Aug. $. XXIV, & XXV.
VOL. III.
law
4 A
"ų
3
;
2
14
554 MEMOIRS of the
law ſhould do the ſame, when they commanded the Armies.
Ai the fame Time he was particularly cautious not to carry
his Severities too far, and was much better pleaſed when he
had Room to reward, than Occaſion to punith. In his Re-
wards, he was liberal of ſuch as, by the Richneſs of the Mat-
ter, carried with them a Kind of pecuniary Recompence, like
Gorgets and Bracelets of Gold or Silver, &c. but was very
ſparing of thoſe which were purely honorary, as mural and
civic Crowns, and other ſuch like. He would have theſe be
well deſerved, before he granted them ; nor did Favour or
Intereſt avail with him in this Reſpect, for common Soldiers
often received them from his own Hand. It was, however,
ſo far his Intereſt to keep well with the chief Citizens of the
Republic, that he ſometimes thought it prudent to recede
from the Severity of his Maxim with regard to Triumphs.
Suetonius ſays *, that he granted this Honour to above thirty
Generals, and the Ornaments of Triumph to a much greater
Number.
This is nearly the Idea which may be formed of Auguſtus’s
Character and Conduct, ſo far as they relate to War ;-but
his Wiſdom was moſt apparent in his Civil Government. No-
thing could be more artfully concerted, or more dexterouſly
purſued, than his deep-laid Plan to obtain a legal Sanction of
his manifeſt Uſurpation.' The cunning Precaution of leaving
to the Senate and People a ſeeming Share of the Public Power,
effectually rivetted their Chains, and ſecured his own un-
bounded Sway. The Dictator JULIUS had ſhewn him how
to feize the Sovereignty ;-but he was indebted to himſelf on-
ly for knowing how to uſe it ;-for that wiſe Medium, a Mix-
ture of Monarchy and Republic, which alone could ſuit Men
incapable of bearing, as Tacitus makes the Emperor Galba ſay
long
* In Aug. $. XXXVIII.
>
;
**
A
more
1
Court of AUGUSTU S. 555
long after, “Either intire Liberty, or intire Servitude *.” The
Length of his Life enabled him to make his new Plan of Go-
vernment take deep Root; and by forty Years of quiet and
peaceable Poffeffion, he gave it ſuch Strength, as rendered it
permanent to the End of the Roman Nation ;- for though his
Succeſſors were Tyrants, who made an exceſſive Abuſe of
their Power, yet they did not dare to alter the fundamental
Conſtitution of the State, of which evident Traces ſtill re-
mained, even after the Seat of the Empire was removed to
Conſtantinople.
If any Thing can palliate, for certainly nothing can juſtify
the Woes which Auguſtus made his Country ſuffer, it may,
perhaps, be the mixt Form of Government which he intro-
duced of; a Form uſeful to the Prince, and, at laſt, not leſs
ſo to the Nation, which thereby enjoyed, whilſt he reigned,
the Advantages of Freedom, joined to Tranquility and good
Order ; for the Romans, equally ſecured againſt the tumultuous
Licentiouſneſs of a Democracy, and the Oppreſſion of a tyran-
nical Power, had a proper Degree of Liberty under a Monarch
to whom they were not Slaves, and taſted the Sweets of a po-
pular Government, without the deadly Conſequences of inter-
nal Feuds. From the Time of his becoming ſole Head of the
Commonwealth, his Study was to govern it like a good Prince,
by reſtoring due Order to every Part of the then infinitely con-
fuſed State. His Reform extended to every Claſs, to the Se-
nate, the Knights, and the People. He reſolved to make
t
* Imperaturus es hominibus qui nec totam ſervitutem pati poffunt, nec to-
tam libertatem.
Tacit. Hift. Lib. I.
* Την μοναρκιαν τη δημοκρατια μιξας τον τε ελεύθερον σφισιν ετήρησε, και το
κοσμιον, τό, τε ασφαλές προσπαρεσκεύασεν ώς έξω μεν τα δημοκρατικε” θράσεις,
έξω δε των τυραννικών Goεων όντας ενήε ελευθερια, σώφρονε και εν μονάρχια άδε-
ευ ζην, βασιλευομένες τε άνευ δελειας, και δημοκραγεμένες άνευ διχος ασιας.
Dio, Lib. LVI.
4 A 2
Rome
1
1
1
TY
NET
556
*MEMOIRS of the?
Rome, Italy, and the Provinces, ſenſible how much their Cona
dition was better under his Adminiſtration ; and he ſucceeded
perfectly in this great Undertaking.
· I have already ſaid with what Zeal and Perſeverance he
laboured, notwithſtanding many Difficulties, and even Dan-
gers, to reſtore Dignity and Splendor to the Senate, debaſed
by the great Number and Worthleſsneſs of its Members. He
either granted new Privileges to the Children of Senators, or
confirmed them in the Prerogatives of their Anceſtors, and
took a Pleaſure in advancing them. Far from being infected
with that mean Jealouſy which often induces new Sovereigns
to ſtudy how they may humble ancient Families, and raiſe on-
ly their own Creatures, Auguſtus, at the ſame Time that he
protected and rewarded Merit, though without Birth, was
not at all alarmed when he found it joined with Nobility of
Blood. His Liberalities revived and ſupported many old Fa-
milies ready to drop and be extinguiſhed through Indigence *;
and the Liſt of Conſuls during his Reign is, in general, com-
poſed of the moſt illuſtrious Names that Italy could boaſt of.
--By favouring the Nobility, he fecured the Intereſt and Af-
fection of that powerful Body againſt any Struggle that might
be made by the Commons.
The Equeſtrian Order, deemed the Nurſery of the Senate,
was the ſecond Rank in the State, in point of Dignity. Au-
guſtus, wiſhing to reſtore its former Luftre, reviewed it often,
and revived the Cuſtom, then long diſuſed, of the ſolemn
Pomp in which the Knights, mounted on the Horſes which
the Republic kept for them, cloathed in Purple Robes,
crowned with Wreaths of Olive, and decorated with the En-
figns of Honour which each of them had acquired in Battle,
marched in Ceremony, in a Body of four or five thouſand,
5
from
1
Tac. Ann. Lib. II.
ŞUET, in Aug. . XLI.
Corire of AUGUSTUS:
557
..::.:.
from the Temple of Mars, or that of Honour, through the
Gate Collina, to the Temple of Caſor in the Forum.
This, indeed, was a Show, ſeemingly fit only to amuſe the
Multitude ;--but Auguftus, who had more ſolid Views, af-
ter making the Senate appoint ten Affeffors, obliged all the
Knights to give an Account of their Lives and Conduct. Of
thoſe who were muſt culpable, ſome were mulcted, and others
were ſtigmatized; but the greateſt Part were quit for a ſevere
Reprimand : the mildeſt Cenſure was giving them a Billet,
wherein their Faults were written, and which they were or-
dered to read directly to themſelves, in the Emperor's Pre-
fence.
This Severity towards the guilty was tempered by Au-
guſtus's Indulgence to thoſe whom the Misfortunes of the
Times, and not their own Miſconduct, had excluded from
that Order. As ſeveral had been ruined by the Civil Wars,
and were not poſſeſſed of the Value of four hundred thouſand
Seſterces (1. 3200), which was the legal Qualification, they
could not rank with their former Companions at public Shows
and Entertainments. Auguſtus permitted them to claſs as be-
fore, and exempted from the ſtrict Letter of the Law thoſe
who either had been themſelves, or were deſcended from Fa-
thers who had been worth the Sum requiſite to qualify them
to be Roman Knights.
The amuſing of the People with Spectacles and Diverſions,
and captivating their Affection by Donatives of Corn and Mo-
ney, was a principal Part of Auguſtus's deep-laid Policy :-
Though, even in this, whilſt his Liberalities ſecured the cla-
morous Applauſe of a reſtleſs Multitude accuſtomed to live at
the Expence of the Republic, he ſtill had an Eye to the Wel-
fare of the State, by taking particular Care to protect Labou-
rers, Traders, and Huſbandmen *, thoſe real. Sources of
nuine
* Suet. in Aug. §. XLII, & XLV.
ge-
558
MEMOIRS of the
sendi
.
nuine Wealth and Power.-Nor did he ſo far indulge that
Multitude in their Madneſs for what they called Diverſions, as
not to moderate a little the inhuman Combats of Gladiators,
in which the Romans, in general, took great Delight. He
would no longer ſuffer thoſe unfortunate Wretches to fight
till one of them was dead; but was deſirous to leave them
Hopes of coming off from thoſe barbarous Games without be-
ing obliged to kill, or be killed.
He was extremely jealous of preſerving the Roman Blood
pure
and untainted by Alliances with Foreigners or Slaves *
Tiberius having aſked the Freedom of Rome for a Greek who
was attached to him, “ I ſhall not grant your Requeſt, (re-
plied Auguſtus) till I have been fully ſatisfied, from your
own Mouth, of the Juſtneſs of the Reaſons which make
you deſire this Favour."--Livia wanted to obtain the
fame Boon for a tributary Gaul; but the Emperor refuſed it,
ſaying, He would rather diminiſh the Revenue of the State, by
exempting him from Tribute, than leſſen the Dignity of the
Title of CITIZEN of ROME, by making it too com-
A
mon.
SLAves emancipated by Roman Citizens, had, from Time
immemorial, been uſed to become Citizens themſelves.- Augu-
ſtus would not attempt to aboliſh a Cuſtom of ſo long ſtanding;
but he rendered their Manumiſſion more difficult than before,
by ſeveral additional Clauſes and Conditions ; and at the ſame
Time declared, that no Slave, who had been put in Irons,
or racked, ſhould ever be capable of acquiring the Privileges of
a Citizen of Rome, even though his Freedom ſhould be
grant-
ed in the fulleſt and moſt regular Manner.
His Attention extended even to the Dreſs of the Romans.
He could not bear to ſee the ancient Toga diſregarded; for the
common People had begun to lay it aſide, and the richer Claſs
were
1
1
* Søet. in Aug. $. XL.
Court of AUGUSTUS
559
}
>
PERE
were got into a Faſhion of wearing a Kind of Surtout which hid
it. Obſerving, one Day, a Crowd of Citizens dreſſed in that
Manner, he repeated with Indignation this Line of Virgil,
Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatam *,
and ordered the Ediles not to ſuffer any Citizen to appear ei-
ther in the Circus or the Forum dreſſed otherwiſe than in the
Toga, without any other Garment over it. -- But Convenience
prevailed over his Prohibitions, and Surtouts became the ge-
neral Mode.
The City of Rome aſſumed a new Appearance under the
Auſpices of this Prince. The old Romans had been more ſtu-
dious to render it powerful, by their Conqueſts, than to em-
belliſh and adorn it; but Auguſtus gave it a Magnificence.
worthy of the Capital of the World, by the very many ſtately
Edifices erected or repaired, either by himſelf, or his Friends,
and the other great Men of Rome, at his Deſire.-- The Safety
and Convenience of its Inhabitants was a principal Object
of his Care. To provide for the former, he inſtituted a Pa-
trol, whoſe Buſineſs was to prevent Robberies and Fires, to
which Rome was very ſubject; and for the latter, he, or ra-
ther the great Agrippa, brought Plenty of Water into the Ci-
ty, from all Parts, at an immenſe Expence, through amazing-
ly ſuperb Aqueducts. To prevent, as much as poſſible, the
Inundations of the Tiber, which were a dreadful Scourge,
Auguſtus ordered the Bed of that River to be cleanſed and en-
larged: and that the Benefits accruing from this might be
durable, he appointed, among ſeveral other new Employments
which he created for the public Good, Inſpectors or Survey-
ors to of the Tiber, whoſe Office was to guard, as much as
could be, againſt all Inconveniences which might ariſe from
that River, and to improve to the utmoſt every Advantage ie
could
,
3
• Æneid. I. 236.
SUETON, $. XXXVII.
%
$60
MEMOIRS. of the
od
could poſſibly afford to the City: and that Rome might not be
oyerburdened by the Number, or diſturbed by the Licentioufs
neſs of the soldiery, he would not ſuffer all his Guards to be
quartered in it *, .but had only three Cohorts (three thouſand
Men) there at a Time. The reſt were quartered in the neigh-
bouring Towns.
All Italy flouriſhed under Auguſtus's Care. He peopled it
a-new, by twenty-eight Colonies which he ſettled in that
Country t; adorned many of its Cities with fine Buildings,
and aſſigned them ſtated Revenues, to defray their neceſſary
Expences. As the Inhabitants of all the Towns in Italy
were deemed Citizens of Rome, he would have them enjoy
the Prerogatives of that Diſtinction, in all Nominations to
Magiſtracies in Rome. When the Time of Election drew near,
the Senators of the Colonies and Towns corporate ſent their
Votes, ſealed up, to Rome, and due Regard was paid to them.
Studious to ſupport honeſt Families, and to encourage the
Increaſe of the People, he readily received into the Cavalry
Lads born of reputable Parents, if they brought a Recom
mendation from the Magiſtrates of their Diſtricts; and in
his Circuits through the Country, Fathers of Families, who
preſented their Children to him, received from him as many
thouſand Seſterces as they had Sons or Daughters.
The Provinces were happy under Auguſtus's Government.
Inſtead of a Multitude of Maſters which they had before, they
then had but one. Formerly, when torn to pieces by Factions
of the Great, and tyrannically oppreſſed by rapacious Gover-
nors, their Appeal to the Laws was ſuppreſſed by Violence, Bri
bery, or Intereſt;<but now they were protected by the Empe-
tor, who made them taſte the Sweets of Peace, kept their
Governors within proper Bounds, and enforced a due Obſer«
vation of the Laws.
TO
* Suet. Aug.. §. XLVI, + Id. §. XLVI. # Id. $. XLVII
1
1
Court of AUĞUSTU S. уби
endir
He nobly
To theſe general and common Benefits, Auguftus added par-
ticular ones in Favour of certain Towns and Provinces, ac-
cording to the Nature of their reſpective Caſes *
relieved ſuch as were over-loaded with public Debts, or had
been afflicted by Death or Earthquakes; and to thoſe whoſe
Conduct had been particularly meritorious, he granted either
the Privileges which the Latins had enjoyed before they be-
came Roman Citizens, or even the Title and Prerogatives of
Citizens of Rome. There was no one Province in his vaſt
Empire which he did not viſit perſonally, except Sardinia and
Africa ; and he intended to ſee them alſo, after he had con-
quered Pompey; but was then prevented by Storms, and never
had another Opportunity or Motive to make that Voyage.
He conſidered the Kings who were Allies of the Romans, as
a Sort of Members of the Empire, and therefore intitled to
his Care and Protection . He ſtudied to unite them by Al-
liances, and to preſerve Peace in their families.--Of this,
Herod was a fignal Example. He cauſed ſeveral of their Chil-
dren to be educated with his own; and, where Kings were
Minors, or their Reaſon and Intellects had been impaired by
Age, he appointed Tutors and Regents to aſſiſt them in the
Government of their States.
AUGUSTUS's paternal Vigilance extended to all. We
have farther Proofs of it in the Laws which he enacted to re-
gulate the Manners of the People, and baniſh various Abuſes ;;
in the Care he took to connect and cement all the parts of his
immenfe Territories, and the widely different Nations under
his Government; and to facilitate their Commerce, by mak-
ing, from the Centre of Rome to the Exremities of the Em--
pire, ſuch Roads as are, to this Day, in many places, ſtupendo
ous Monuments of the vaſt Magnificence of the Romans. The:
* Suet. in Aug. S XLVII. * Id. §. XLVIII. Id. S. XXXII, XXXIII.-
+
VOL. III
Eſtabliſh
.
-
4 B
:
&
562 }
:
MEMOIRS of the
Eſtabliſhment of Poſts and Couriers was likewiſe a very uſeful
Thing*, though reſtricted to Affairs of State, and the imme-
diate Service of the Emperor, who was thereby ſpeedily and
exactly informed of all that paſſed in the Provinces. But
the by no Means leaſt laudable Part of Auguſtus's Government
was the Pains he took to have Juſtice duly adminiſtered:
a great and moſt eſſential Duty in every Sovereign!
He increaſed the Number of Judges, and multiplied their
Days of fitting to determine Suits t. He divided all the Pro-
vinces between a certain Number of Perſons of Conſular
Dignity, to whom the Parties aggrieved, by the Deciſion of a
Provincial Magiſtrate, were allowed to appeal. He himſelf
adminiſtered Juſtice with ſurpriſing Affiduity, often ſitting in
the Court till Night came on; nor did even the frequent Ill-
neſſes to which he was ſubject, prevent his attending to this
important Care ; for he was either carried to the Tribunal in
a Litter, or heard and determined Cauſes in his Bed. Whe-
ther at Rome, or on a Journey, he ſtill performed this lauda-
ble Function, and perſiſted in it as long as he lived; for, not-
withſtanding his great Age, he determined a conſiderable
Number of Suits during the Days immediately preceding his
laſt Departure from Rome.
An Adminiſtration ſo truly laudable in all its Parts, wanted
only a noble Diſintereſtedneſs to render it perfect ;- but Au-
guſtus's Character was ſuch a Compound of Diſguiſe and
Diſſimulation, as gives too much Room to think, that the
Good which he did to others was chiefly for his own Sake.-
He knew how to give the moſt ſpecious Turn to what was, in
Reality, calculated wholly for his own Grandeur and Eleva-
tion; and, could, with wonderful Dexterity, put on the Ap-
pearance of Virtues which were not in him. We have a moſt
flagrant
* Suet. in Aug. ). XLIX,
* Id. $. XXXII, XXXIII.
:
5
**
....
+
1
Court of AUGUSTUS. 563
Aagrant Proof of this, in his frequently repeated Talk of de-
firing to reſign the ſovereign Power, as a Burden too great for
him to bear; and yet artfully cauſing it to be continued to him
for ten Years longer, after he had enjoyed it forty years, and
was ſeventy-five Years old. His
His great Care to have Props al-
ways ready to help to ſupport his Rule ----bis raiſing, in that
View, and promoting to the higheſt Honours, firſt Marcellus,
then Agrippa, then his two adopted Cefars, and laſt of all
Tiberius, are palpable Demonſtrations that all his fine Speeches
: were mere Hypocriſy, and that, to uſe his own Expreſſion, he
acted a Farce in this, as in every other Thing.
After this Sketch of Auguſtus's Character as Emperor,
his Conduct in private Life will complete the Out-lines of his
Portrait; and in this part we ſhall find great Beauties, with
only one Blemiſh,—his Incontinence. Antony, and others of
his Enemies, charged him with having been very
debauched
in his Youth; but their Accuſations were deſtitute of Proofs,
and, in Suetonius's Opinion *, are refuted by the Averſion he
always expreſſed to thoſe unnatural Crimes which were then
ſo frequent among the Romans. With Women, indeed, his
Incontinence is notorious and averred; and it is remarkable,
that even on thoſe Occaſions, where Pleaſure is generally the
Object aimed at, Auguſtus could not lay aſide his Artifice and
Cunning, but would intrigue with other Men's Wives, on Pur-
poſe to try to find out the Secrets of their Huſbands, and to
diſcover whether
any was carrying on againſt him.
The Philoſopher Athenodore was the firſt who made him
think ſeriouſly of reforming his lewd Courſes. The Wo-
men whom Auguſtus wanted to have, uſed to be brought into
his Bed-chamber in a cloſe Litter.----Being ſmitten with the
Wife of one of Athenodore's particular Friends, he ſent for her,
· juſt
*
i
Plot was
4 B 2
*. In Aug: . S. LXIII, LXIX, LXXI.
$
9
,
564 MEMOIRS of the
*
$
;
66
juft when the Philoſopher happened to be at his Friend's
Houſe. The Huſband and Wife were in the utmoſt Confterna-
tion, but had not Courage to refuſe. Athenodore defired Leave
to extricate them from their Difficulty ; which being granted,
he dreſſed himſelf in the Lady's Apparel, got into the Litter,
and was carried into the Emperor's Apartment, in her ſtead.
Auguſtus, lifting up the Curtain, was aſtoniſhed to ſee Athe-
nodore, whoſe Virtue he reſpected, ruſh out, with a naked
Sword in his Hand How, Ceſar! (ſaid the Philoſopher)
are you not afraid that this Stratagem, of which I make an
• innocent Uſe, may be thought of by ſome other, to take
away your Life* ?” Auguſtus is ſaid to have been warned by
this Reproof; but if he was, it muſt have been very late,
and when he was old; for Suetonius, who excuſes, and even
praiſes him as much as he can, takes no Notice of it.
HISTORY does not tax him with any Intemperance at Ta-
hle, if we except one Entertainment, which was called the
Repaſt of the twelve Deities t ; becauſe the twelve Gueſts, fix
Men and fix Women, had decked themſelves with the Orna-
ments and Attributes of the twelve principal Deities of Olympus.
Auguftus, or rather Ostavius, for this happened when he was
young, repreſented Apollo ;--but his Youth is a bad Excuſe for
an impious Debauchery, which was loudly complained of,
with ſo much the more Reaſon, as the City was at that
very
Time afflicted with Famine: and accordingly the tumultuous
Mob cried out the next Day, " That the Gods had eaten up all
" the Corn; and that Oétavius was indeed Apollo, but Apollo the
“ Tormentor;”-for Apollo was worſhipped under that ſtrange
Name in one Part of Rome.
It is, however, agreed on all Sides, thar he may juſtly be
propoſed as a Pattern of Sobriety and Temperance; to which
was
* ZONAR, Lib. X. Dio. Lib, LVI.
+ Sueton. in Aug. g. LXX.
+
resources
3
Court of AUGUSTU S. 565.
ma
was owing, that, with a naturally weak Conſtitution, he attained
to an Age which even the moſt robuſt do not very often reach.
He ate but little, and generally of plain Things, and ſeldom drank
more than a Pint of Wine at a Meal *. His Table was plain
and ſimple, except on Holidays or Days of great Ceremony.
He invited his Friends, and a certain Number of Citizens of
Diſtinction, every Day; and always took Care that a decent
Freedom and Gaiety ſhould crown the Entertainment. He
himſelf would eat very ſparingly, and ſometimes not at all ,
for he had no fixed Hour for his Meals, but took them when
his Appetite ſerved; ſo that his Friends often ſat down to
Table without him, and he dined or fupped before or after
them, as he thought it beſt ſuited his Health.
The fame Simplicity prevailed in all his Expences. Part
of his Furniture was ſtill remaining in Suetonius's Time; and
that Author proteſts of it hardly equalled the Elegance of what
a rich private Gentleman would have had. All his. Cloaths,
as, was ſaid before, were ſpun by his Wife, Siſter, Daughter,
or Grand-daughter. His Palace in Rome was neither large
nor ſhewy; not a Marble-pillar, nor a Piece of Marble-pave-
ment, was to be ſeen in the whole Edifice; and during forty.
Years that he lived in it, he never changed his Apartment in
Summer or Winter I If he wanted to write or ſtudy with-
out being interrupted, he uſed to retire to a Cloſet above
Stairs, or went to the Houſe of one of his Freed-men, in the
Suburbs; and, which is very remarkable, when he was ſick,
he was carried to Mecenas's.
Vast and magnificent Country-houſes diſpleaſed him ſo
much, that he ordered a very fine one, which his Grand-
daughter Julia had built at an immenſe Expence, to be pulled
down
* Id. ibid. S. LXXII, LXXIV, LXXVI, LXXVII.
+ In Aug. §. LXXIII.
| Ibid. LXXII.
3
+
A
Na
566 : MEMOIRS of the
.
down to the Ground. His own Villas were neat, compact,
and modeſt. He ſtudied leſs to adorn them with Pictures
and Statues, than to render them convenient and agreeable by
Porticos, Groves, and Walks. Their Halls and Cloſets were
decorated with natural Curioſities, or Monuments of Antiqui-
ty. Suetonius mentions, as an Inſtance ſtill ſubſiſting at Ca-
prea; in his Time, the Armour of ancient Heroes, and huge
Bones of Sea Monſters, which the Vulgar uſed to call Bones.
of Giants.
He has been taxed with being addicted to Gaming; and we
find in Suetonius a ſpiteful Epigram on this Subject, written at
the Time of the Sicilian War with Pompey. The Purport of
it is : “ After being twice defeated at Sea, Octavius loſt his
of Fleet. To have a Chance of conquering once, he now plays
" perpetually at Dice *."-Criticiſms on this Account gave
him no Uneaſineſs; and it muſt be confeſſed, that none
but an inveterate Cynic could find Fault with his Play-
When he played, it was for Amuſement only, and for very
Trifles, in Compariſon of his high Rank and Fortune ; and
his Behaviour was always noble and generous. This ap-
pears plainly from fome Fragments of his Letters, which
Suetonius has preſerved 4: ---In one of them, written to
Tiberiuss, he ſays, My dear Tiberius, we have ſpent the
is Feaſts of Minerva very agreeably, for we have played
every Day,' and pretty high. Your Brother was almoſt
asi out of his Wits ; but, upon the Whole, he has not loſt
as much. He had bad Luck at firſt, but faved himſelf. at
" laft: For my Part, I have loſt twenty thouſand Sefterces ;:
>
66 but:
*
* . Poftquam bis claſſe victus naves perdidit,
Aliquando ut vincat, ludit affidué aleam.
Sueton. in Aug: §. LXX..
+ Ibid. . LXXI.
ģ
see
vasta
*
Court of AUGUSTUS. 567
" but that was owing to my being exceſſively liberal, as I
" always am : for if I had made every one pay me exactly,
" and had kept what I gave away, I ſhould have won fifty
- thouſand Seſterces. But I do not repent it; for I lhall
“ be deified by and bye for my Generoſity.”
This ſimple Narration is a plain Proof that Auguftus found,
even in his Play, Opportunities to be generous.---But ano-
ther Thing well worth obſerving, is, that according to their
Rate of Gaming, fifty thouſand Seſterces would have been
thought a great Winning, in the five Days that the Feaſts of
Minerva laſted. Now fiſty thouſand Seſterces are equal to
about four hundred Pounds of our Money ;~a Sum which
ſurely could not hurt the Finances of a Roman Emperor, or
ruin thoſe who played with him.
One of the beſt Things in Auguſtus was a ſteady Attach-
ment to his Friends, and a Readineſs to receive Advice. Con-
fcious of his own Propenſities and Parts, He allowed, and
They took, thoſe Liberties which both prevented and rectified
infinite Errors in his Conduct. . He was now in contracting a
Friendſhip ; but, after it was once formed, he did not break
it for flight Cauſes *. As he loved ſincerely, ſo he would be
loved again. He ſtuck by his faithful Servants to their Death,
and reaped the Fruits of that wiſe Behaviour, in being little
troubled with Cabals of one Part of his Miniſtry plodding to
worm out the other.—They know the Attempt would be
vain.--Of all thoſe who had any Share in his Favour, we
ſhall ſcarcely find any but Salvidienus and Cornelius Gallus,
whoſe End was diſaſtrous; and they drew it
and they drew it upon themſelves.
As to the others, he not only rewarded their Virtues and
Services, but excuſed their Faults, bore even with their ill
Humours, and received them cordially when they returned
to their Duty___By this judicious Conduct he deſerved to
have,
* Suet.in Aug. $. LXVI.
*
th
**
ya
4
*
V
7
կ
568
MEMOIRS of the
have, and really had, true Friends :--- Happineſs of which
few Sovereigns can boaſt. The moſt illuſtrious of theſe were
AGRIPPA and MECENAS, juſtly immortalized by
their Protection of the fine Arts and of Learning; and
whoſe fuperior Merit does infinite Honour to Auguſtus's
Diſcernment.
His Love for his Family and Children was cruelly tra-
verſed by the premature Death of fome, and the Unwor-
thineſs of others ---perhaps of all, had they lived. I ex-
cept, however, Agrippina, Germanicus's Wife, who alone
proved herſelf to be the worthy Offspring of Auguſtus and
Agrippa, and whom he ſettled in the moſt advantageous
Manner he poſſibly could, as ſoon as he found that the Cir-
cumſtances of Things would not permit him to make her
Huſband Emperor. His inviolable Friendſhip for Octavia
fpeaks his Excellence as a moſt affectionate Brother and
to Livia, he ſeems to have been but too good a Huſband.
He was kind and indulgent to his Freed-men and Slaves,
but without the leaſt Mixture of Weaknefs; for he diſtin-
guiſhed juſtly between pardonable Faults, and ſuch as it was
neceſſary to puniſh *. One of his upper Servants, who
chanced to be next to him one Day, as he was hunting,
ſeeing a wild Boar run furiouſly towards them, lipt behind
the Emperor, whom he conſequently left expoſed to Danger,
to ſave himſelf. Auguftus, candidly imputing it to the poor:
Fellow's Terror, and not to any bad Deſign, laughed at the
Adventure, in which, though he was in Danger, his Servant:
was innocent. On the other Hand, a Slave, of whom he
was very fonds, being convicted of Adultery with ſome Ladies
of Diſtinction, was condemned to be put to Death without
Mercy; and he ordered the Legs of one of his Secretaries to
be broken, becauſe he had taken, a Bribe to thew a Letter.
with
* Id. ibid. S. LXVII.
Court of AUGUSTU S. 569
7
He was
with which he was intereſted. The Preceptors and Head-
domeſtics of his good Son Caius, having taken Advantage of
the Illneſs of that young Prince, to oppreſs and tyranniſe over
People, Auguſtus ſentenced the Guilty to be thrown into the
Tiber, with a Stone about their Neck.
LEARNING attained, under this Monarch, the greateſt
Height to which the Romans ever carried it. He thought it
effentially his Duty to encourage and reward the Talents of
the Ingenious, and to allow Writers of ſuperior Merit a Right
to claim his Favour and Protection. Nor is this to be. won-
dered at; for he was himſelf a Man of Letters *
thoroughly verſed in the Sciences of the Greeks, though not
ſo far Maſter of their Language as to write or ſpeak it with
out fome Difficulty. From his Youth, he had applied him-
ſelf aſſiduouſly to the Study of Eloquence; and he was always
very nice in compoſing the Speeches he was to make, either
to the Army, the Senate, or the People. He ſucceeded in
this Study ſo much, that even Tacitus praiſes his Eloquence,
as becoming a Prince-t. To what ſhall I impute his great
Singularity in writing down before-hand, and then reading,
that he might ſay neither more or leſs than what he thought
proper, the Converſations of any Importance which he was to
have, not only with thoſe he did not often fee, but even with
Livia? His Tone of Voice was agreeable, probably owing
to the natural Formation of his Organs; to keep which in due
Order, he had a Maſter of Pronunciation, from whom he took
regular Leſſons.
Besides being prompted by Inclination, he found it his
Intereſt to patronize learned Men, and ſhew Regard to Philo-
&
Š
**
• Suet. in Aug. S.LXXXIV.-LXXXVI.
t Auguſto prompta ac profluens, quæ deceret Principem, eloquentia fuit.
Tacit, Ann: Lib. XIII..
VOL. III.
ſophy
4. C
A
570
MEMOIRS of the
>
مهر
ſophy.----It was a popular Thing. The Character of its Pro-
feffors was ſacred The Admitting them to his Court and
Councils was in Effect declaring, that he was to govern with
Juſtice; that he was to pay a due Regard to Religion, and
never to break through the Ties of Humanity. In Fact, the
Men of Learning liſtened to hy him, and not only counte-
nanced, but careſſed by his Miniſters, did him the greateſt
and moſt difficult of all Services. They wrought a total Al-
teration in him in his higheſt Proſperity, at the Time when
Men are uſually above Advice. Of a fierce, mercileſs Ty-
rant, they made a mild, humane Prince. Of a bloody bar-
barous Soldier they made a juſt and merciful Magiſtrate.
They did more; they delivered him from inward Torture;
they calmed a tumultuous Breaſt, ſcourged with impotent Paſ-
fion, and racked with Remorſe : In a Word, they rendered
him ſerene and happy, in Proportion to the Sincerity of his
Virtue. Athenadore, Areius, and Artemidore the Geographer,
had no ſmall Share in this great Change.
He not only ſtudied and poliſhed his Speeches and Haran-
gues,
but did not think it beneath the Majeſty of the Empire
to become Author. Naturally acute, and well founded in
Learning, he became, by the Converſation of his accompliſhed
Favourites, a real Judge of Compoſition, and a Critic in
Poetry. He dipt deep in both himſelf: his Perſuaſons to
Philoſophy, and his Trajedy of Agax, ſhewed his Love and Zeal
for real and elegant Knowledge. His exalted Station did not
fo dazzle him, nor did the Public Cares fo entirely poſſeſs him,
but that he could liſten to, and ſet a juſt Value
On the high Raptures of a happy Muſe
Borne on the Wings of her immortal Thought *
>
I
1
over
Agent
generale
1
1
were
1
POETS,
* Ben Johnson's Poetafter.
:::::
con
BY
&
Court of AUGUSTUS. 571
POETS, whom firſt the Deities inſpired
With Skill of their high Natures and their Powers *
Some of his Friends aſking him what was become of his
Ajax (for he had ſuppreſſed it; not being pleaſed with his
Performance), he replied, My Ajax has fallen upon a
si Spunge," alluding to the Story of Ajax's falling upon his
own Sword.
His Stile was fmooth, eafy, and natural; he avoided all
puerile or far-fetched Thoughts, all Affectation in the Turn
or Diſpoſition of his Phraſes, all Words not in general Uſe, and
which, if I may be allowed to uſe his own Expreſſỉont, had a
muſty Smell. Like the greateſt Maſters of the Art of Speak-
ing and Writing, he made Perſpicuity his principal Care ;
facrificing Luxuriancy of Language to Clearneſs of Expreſſion;
and chooſing rather to uſe Repetitions, and to add Prepoſi-
tions where Cuſtom generally ſuppreſſed them, than to leave
his Meaning at all doubtful or obſcure. Whatever deviated.
from Nature, in any Shape, hurt the Delicacy of his Taſte;
for which Reaſon he blamed equally thoſe who, running too
much after Ornaments and Brilliancy. of Stile, gave into quaint
Conceits or turgid Bombaſt; and thoſe who, falling into the
other Extreme, were ſtill enamoured with the Ruft of rude
Antiquity. He would often ſmile at the effeminate Turn of
Mecenas's Language, Tiberius's laboured Phraſes, and the fo-
norous empty Pomp of the Apatic Eloquence which delighted
Antony. In a Letter to his Grand-daughter Agrippina, af-
ter commending her Genius, he adds. « Avoid Affectation,
« which is always bad and diſpleaſing I.
WITH
* BEN JOHNSON's Poetaſter.
Reconditorum verborum, ut ipfe dicit, foetoribus.
Suet, in Aug. §. LXXXVI.
I Opus eſt dare te operam ne moleſtè ſcribas aut loquaris.
Id. ibid,
5
4 C 2
58
*
3
.
.
so
be
572 MEMOIRS of the
With ſo much Knowledge, and ſuch great Qualifications,
Auguftus was weak enough to enter into all the Superſti-
tions of the Vulgar ;-to believe in lucky and anlucky Days, in
Omens, and in Dreams. I do not reproach him with his Fear
of Thunder, which was ſo great as to make him hide himſelf in
a Cellar till the Storm was over ; becauſe that Infirmity was ex-
cuſable, on account of the Accident which firſt occafioned it.
As he was travelling one Night in Spain, the Thunder fell.fo
near his Litter, that it killed a Slave who held a Flambeau to
light him *. . In Memory of this Event, he built a Temple on
the Capitolipe
. Hill, and dedicated' it to Jupiter the Thunderer;-
a new Deity, never heard of before. Thither he went regu-
larly to pay Homage to this God of his own creating; and
the Prince's Temple foon became, of courſe, the moſt fre-
quented of any. On this Occaſion, Auguſtus had a Dream, in
which he thought he ſaw Jupiter Capitolinus, who complain-
ed, that his new, but bad, Neighbour robbed him of his
Worſhippers ; and that he anſwered the angry God, that the
Thunderer .was only his Porter. · When awake, he recollect-
ed this Dream, and, to verify it, ordered little Bells to be fixed
upon the Top of the Temple of Jupiter the Thunderer; Bells
being then generally uſed by Porters, and put upon Doors.
WHEN we read, or indeed only hear, of any remarkable
Perſonage, we are apt to form to ourſelves an Idea of his
Make and Figure. Suetonius has been very particular in his
Deſcription of Auguſtus, who, as he informs us ut, was what
is generally called a very handſome Man, in every Stage of
Life ; but negligent of his . Perſon. He hated all Affecta-
tion, and Niceneſs in Dreſs, ſo much as to regret even the
Time it coſt to dreſs his Hair, at.which ſeveral Slaves were
bufied at once, whilft he wrote or read. Mildneſs and Sere-
nity were pictured in his Countenance, whilſt his Eyes were
3
;fo
* Sueton, in Aug. $. XXIX. + Id. §. LXXIX.
.
3
Court of AUGUSTUS. 573
*
ſo piercing as to dazzle thoſe he looked at.
Like Alexander,
and the ſame is ſaid of Lewis the XIVth, he was pleaſed when
any one looked down, not to meet his Eyes. He was of a
middle Stature, or rather ſhort; but ſo well proportioned,
that he did not appear little, but by Compariſon, if a taller
Man chanced to ſtand next to him.
Such are the principal Out-lines, from which an Idea may
be formed of the Heart and Mind of this famous Emperor,
the Reſtorer of Peace and good Order in Rome, and throughout
the World; and therein far more deſerving of our Praiſes,
than Julius or Alexander, for their warlike Qualities or Con-
queſts. Of all his Virtues, Prudence, and the Extent and So-
lidity of his Views, hold inconteſtably the firſt Rank, and are
his chief Characteriſtics. But the Reader will pleaſe to ob-
ſerve, that I here ſpeak of Auguſtus, and not of Oétavius ;-~-
two Men ſo widely different, as to occaſion that memorable
Saying which contains a very juſt Judgment of the whole Life
of this Prince,---- “ He did ſo much Hurt to the Roman Re-
public, and to Mankind, that he ought never to have been
“ born; and ſo much Good, that he ought never to have
" died."
The END of the THIRD and laſt VOLUME.
7
6
要
​市
​产
​.
.
产
​:
:
}
:
:
1
王
​型
​}
9
I N
X.
D. E
EY
N. B. The numeral Letters refer to the Volume, the Figures to the Page.
*
iii. 474.
A.
Wedding of Marcellus and Julia, 288.
A
CADEMICS (the) Principles of, Receives Auguſtus's Ring, 292. Is
removed from Court, under Pretence
Ascius, one of the moſt original Roman of being made Governor of Syria, 294,
Poets, iii. 343
Openly expreſſes his Diſſatisfaction,
Astian war (the) chief Cauſes of, ii. ibid. Is recalled, divorces Marcella, and
126, & ſeq.
marries Auguftus's Daughter Julia,
Aetium, the battle of, iii. 166--177. 322. Has by her a Son, Caius Cerar,
The Town of Actium made a city, 321. Goes to Gaul, ſettles that Pro-
called Nicopolis, by O&tavius, 244, vince, and completes the Reduction of
Who inſtitutes Games to be celebrated the Cantabrians, 332, 333, 338. Of
there, ibid.
which he modeſtly aſcribes all the Ho-
Adiatorix, Prince of Hcracica, led in
nour to Auguſtus, 338 ; and declines
Triumph by Octavius, iii. 237. And a Triumph, 339. Is made Auguftus's
then put to Death, ibid. Noble ſtruggle Collegue in the 'Tribuneſhip, 353. Has
between his Sons, ibid. Some Account a fecond Son by Julia, who is named
of him and of his Family, 238. Lucius, 383. His Sons Caius and
Adultery condemned by an expreſs Law of Lucius are adopted by Auguſtus, ibid.
Auguſtus, iii. 364.
Is ſent into Syria, 385. Again refuſes
qui (the) oppoſe the infant Eſtabliſhment
a Triumph, 401.
Returns from the
of Rome, i. 14.
Eaſt, 408. Is continued in the Tribu-
Africa, how diſpoſed of by Julius Ceſar nician Power, ibid. Quells the Pan-
after the Battle of Thapſus, ii. 54. Its nonians, ibid. and dies, ibid. His Cha-
Antiquities but little known to the racter, 409. He was very unfortunate
Greek and Roman Writers, 55. Some in his Wives and Children, ibid, & ſeq.
Lights thrown upon them, ibid. Agrippa (Poſthumus) why ſo called, iii.
Age (the Auguftan) Reflections on, iii. 490. Is adopted by Auguſtus, 504.
467, & feq.
His Character, 505. He is baniſhed,
Agrarian Law (the), when and by whom ibid. and killed by Order of Tiberius,
i.
35.
ibid. Perſonated by an Impoſtor, ibid.
Ygrippa (M. Vipſanius) was very early Albans (the) incorporated into Rome by
attached to Auguftus, then Octavius, Tullus Hoftilius, i. 35. Their Diſtrict
i. 355. Harraffes Antony's Party in there, ib.
Greece, iii. 165. Rejoins Octavius, Albany (the Kingdom of) re-conquered
and proceeds to Actium, ibid. Takes by P. Canidius Craſſus, iii. 2.
Leucas, Patras, and Corinth, 167. Is Alexander, Brother to Jamblichus, led in
fent to quiet Rome, immediately after triumph by Octavius, and then be-
the Battle of Actium, 181. Adviſes headed, iii. 181, 182. His Kingdom
Octavius to reſign his Power, 248. given to his Son, 182.
Marries Octavius's Niece Marcella, Alexander the Great, Diviſion of his Em-
-253. Finiſhes the Julian Parks, 278, pire after his Death, iij. 336.
and the Pantheon, ibid. Builds a mag- Alexander Severus (the Emperor), his Re-
nificent Temple to Neptune, 282. Is gard for the Memory of great Men,
ſent againſt the Cantabrians, 285.
Preſides, in Auguſtus's Stead, at the
Alexandra,
ty
TH
iii. .351.
*
2
로
​coperta
met
A
2
3
Ι Ν D Ε Χ.
Alexandra, (the Mother of Mariamne) Antiochus, King of Commagene, beſieged
complains of Herod to Cleopatra, jii. in his Capital by Ventidius, ii. 415.
113. Her Plot to fly to Cleopatra with Pays the Romans to raiſe the Siege, 416.
her Són, 115, diſcovered, ib. Antiſtius ſent againſt the Cantabrians,
Alexandria made the Capital of the Eaſt, iii. 285.
by the Reſidence of Antony and Cleo- Antonia, Wife of Drufus Nero, her
patra, jii. III. Taken by Oetavius, amiable Character, iii. 429,& leg.
2:07. Deprived of its Senate and pub- Antonius Jülus, ungrateful to Auguftus,
lic Council, 223. But rendered the iii. 485. Intrigues with his Daughter
fecond City in the World, 224. Julia, conſpires againſt him, and is
Alexandrians (the) build a magnificent put to Death, 486.
Temple to Ostavius, iii. 233. Antony (Caius), his ingratitude to M.
Alexas of Laodicea, put to Death by Or Brutus, ii. 9. Beheaded by C. Clodius,
der of Octavius, iii, 196.
51.
Allies of Rome (the), who originally, from Antony (Lucius), Brother to the Trium-
what Motives, and how treated, ii. vir, cabals with Fulvia againſt Octa-
118. Their many great Services to the vius, ii. 248. His Character diſcuſſed,
Romans, 119. Some Account of thoſe 265, &* feq. Declares himſelf the Pro-
who joined Brutus and Caffius, 120. tector of the Citizens ejected by the
„Alphenus, the Conſul, his Origin, and Ceſarean Veterans, 267. Which ſets
extraordinary Riſe, iii. 495.
him at the Head of a numerous Party
Alps (the Inhabitants of the remained againſt Octavius, ib. In Concert with
long unſubdued by the Romans, iii. Fulvia, he orders all the Commanders
283. A triumphal Arch erected on under M. Antony to take Arms, 269.
their Summit, in Honour of Auguſtus, Terms of Peace between him and
284.
young Cefar, 278. The Agreement
Ambracia (the Bay of ) deſcribed, iii. 165. figned, but afterwards broke off, 279.
Amyntas, Lieutenant to Deiotarus at the His Strength greatly ſuperior to that
Battle of Philippi, deſerts his Prince, of Octavius, 280. All the ejected
and goes over to M. Antony, ii. 168. Citizens, and moſt of the Italian Cities,
Shares with Caftor the Dominions of join him, 282. Is ſummoned to ap-
his King and Benefactor, and has for pear before the Antonian Officers, 284.
his Portion Lycaonia, 208. Leaves At firſt agrees to, but afterwards refuſes
Antony, and goes over to Octavius, it, ib. The Antorlian Veterans there-
iii. 168.
upon embrace the cauſe of Octavius,
Anaxenor, a famous Singer, promoted to 285. Prepares for War againſt Octa-
high Honours by M. Antony, ii. 206. vius, 286, 287. Declares himſelf an.
Ancus Martius, his Actions and Character, open. Enemy to the Triumvirate, and
i. 35. Enlarges Rome, ib.
is joined by the remaining Senators,
Ancyra, fee Angora.
Knights, and Nobility, 287. Renders
Andronicus (Livius) the firſt dramatic himſelf Maſter of Rome, 289. Con-
Writer among the Romans, iii. 34. venes an Aſſembly of the People, who
Some Account of him, ib.
inveſt him with the Conduct of the
Angora (or Aneyra), the noble Mo War againſt the Triumvirs, 290. For
nument raiſed there to Octavius, iii. which he ſets out with great Pomp, ib.
238.
Is blocked up in Perugia, by Octavius,
Antigonus, Son of Ariftobulus, enters into 291,& feq, Makes a vigorous, but in-
a very extraordinary Treaty with the effectual Sally, 293. Makes a ſecond
Parthians, ii. 384. Beheaded by Or Sally, but is again driven back, 294.
der of M. Antony, iii. 5. His was the Forbids the Slaves to leave the City,
firſt crowned Head ſtruck off by the and at the ſame Time orders that no r.
Romans, ib.
Proviſions fhall be given them, 295.-
Makes.
원
​*
.
I N. DE X.
Grief, 303
2
220.
42
Makes a third Sally, but in vain, 295, L. Antony, 281. Throws off theMark;
296. Surrenders to Octavius, 296. Is and marches towards Rome, 283. En-
diſmiſſed by him, and ſent to Spain, ters Rome with an armed Force, which
where he probably died of Shame and was Treaſon, ib. Is deferted by two
of his Macedonian Legions, 285, 286.
Antony (Mark), his general Character, Begins Hoftilities, by belieging D.
and firſt ſetting out in Life, i. 205. Brutus in Modena, 288. His Strength,
How terrified at the Death of Julius ib. The Senate ſends a Deputation to
Cefar, 206. His artful Behaviour and him, 293. His Reception of the Se-
Speech at Cefar's Funeral, ib. Wicked nate's Deputies, 312. His audacious
ly projects the overturning of the Com Demands, 313. How received by the
monwealth, 213. His artful Diffimu Senate, 314. His artful Letter to Hir-
lation for a while, 214. Obtains the tius and Octavius, 320. Remains Ma-
Senate's Leave to have a Guard, 217. fter of the Field after a bloody Battle
And in conſequence arms near fix thou near Caſtel Franco, 325. His Cruelty
fand ſelect Cefareans, ib. His Steps af at Parma, 332. His Camp before Mo-
terwards, ib. Puts himſelf at the Head dena forced with great Slaughter, 333.
of the Oppoſition againſt Octavius, He is forced to raiſe the Siege of Mo-
He and Dolabella agree to di dena, and Ay with great Precipitation,
vide
the ſupreme Power, 222. Divorces 334. Is reduced to great Diſtreſs, ib.
his Wife, 223. His iniquitous Pro Why not purſued by the Conquerors,
ceedings immediately after the Death 336. Is joined by Ventidius, 338.
of Ceſar, 226. His Rapaciouſneſs to Purſued by D. Brutus, he croſſes the
get Money, 227. Robs the Public of Alps, ib. Is joined, in Dauphiny, by
near eight Millions, 228. His Recep Lepidus, 364. Declared an Enemy to
tion of the young Ceſar Octavius, ib. his Country, 367. His Interview with
Whom he endeavours to cruſh at his Octavius and Lepidus near Bologna,
firit ſetting out, 230. Comes to an 369. Where they agree to uſurp the
open Rupture with Octavius, ib. His Government, under the Title of Tri-
Progreſs through Italy, 231, & ſeq. umvirs, 370. Terms and Conditions
His indecent Fondneſs of the Actreſs of their Agreement, ib. His fhocking
Cytheris, ib. Divides the Campania of Barbarity at feeing the ſevered Head of
Rome, and Sicily, among his lewd At the murdered Cicero, 382. His in-
tendants and his Veterans, 235. Seizes
famous Lewdneſs whilft one of the
the Eftate of M. Varro, 236. Is guilty Triumvirate, ii. 82. His Gratitude
of the greateſt Lewdneſs, Debauchery, to T. Pomponius Atticus, 92. Lets
and Drunkenneſs, ib. Returns to Rome, his Uncle Lucius Ceſar go off in Safe-
and puts Dollabella upon applying to ty, 93. And pardons the celebrated
the People for the Government of Sy Varro, 94. Some Hints towards his
ria, 238. His Motives for ſo doing, ib. Character, 97. Is blocked up in Brin-
Aſſembles Ceſar's Veterans at Rome, diſi by Statius Murcus, 100. Is joined
241. Letter to him from M. Brutus there by Octavius, when they both put
and C. Caffius, on that Occaſion, ib. to ſea, and by a Stratagem get clear of
Increaſes his Guard, and marches in StatiusMurcus, 102. Purſues hisMarch
an hoſtile manner towards Rome, 249. through Macedonia, leaving Octavius
Does what he pleaſes in the Senate, behind him, fick at Durazzo, 138, 139.
250.Erects a Statue to Julius Ceſar,269. Encamps near Philippi, ini a Situation
At mortal Enmity with young Octavi much inferior to that of the Republi-
us,
ib. His Diffimulation when he finds cans, 139. Endeavours in vain.to draw
Octavius begin to grow formidable, his Enemies to a Battle, 140. His mi-
279.
His Treatment of the Macedonian litary Skill in preparing for the Battle
Legions, ſent to him by his Brother of Philippi, 144. His Behaviour during
Vol. III.
4 D
the
1
IN DE X.
operating
4
the Battle, 1482-153. And after it, doms of Aſia, 238. His Troops mur-
156. Pinched by Hunger and Cold, mur and threaten a Mutiny; to pre-
his Troops do all they can to provoke vent which he puts them upon plun-
the Republicans to a ſecond Battle, dering the City of Palmyra, ib. In
163-167. In which they ſucceed, which, however, they are diſappointed
168. His Inſtructions to his Troops by the Prndence of the Inhabitants, ib.
before the Battle, 169. The Battle, He removes to the celebrated Daphne
170-172: His generous Behaviour in Syria, 240. Where he receives a
to Lucilius Lucinus, when brought to ſecond Deputation from the Jewiſh
him by Miſtake for M. Brutus, 173. Malcontents, 241. Anddeclares Herod
To whoſe Memory he pays a juſt Tri-
and his Brother Fafael Tetrarchs of
bute, 179. His and Oétavius's Cru Judea, ib. He proceeds through. Celo-
elty the Day after the ſecond Battle of fyria, and ſtops at Tyre, where he dif-
Philippi, 192. He is joined by Afinius plays his Tyranny, 242. Two In-
Pollio, Meſſala Corvinus, L. M. Plan ſtances of it, 243----245. He hurries
cus, and young Bibulus, 199. Palles away to Egypt, to indulge his Paffion.
over to the Iſland of Thafo, of which he for Cleopatra, 245. His cautious An-
is put in Poffeffion, ib. Shares the Em ſwer to Propoſals for a Treaty with S.
pire with his Collegues Octavius and Pompey, 281. Is forced from the Arms
Lepidus, and chufes for his Portion all of Cleopatra by complicated adverſe
the Eaſtern Provinces, from the Adri Events, 310. Goes to Athens, ibid.
atic to the Euphrates, 204. At a loſs His bad Reception of Fulvia, who,
for Money to ſatisfy his Troops, 205, finding herſelf utterly diſregarded, dies
He paſſes over to Afia, 206. His Man of Rage and Deſpair, 311. He fails
ner of Life there, ib. Of which his from Athens, in company with Plan-
Entry into Epheſus may ſerve as a Spe cus, and in the middle of his Paffage
cimen, 207. Is waited upon by all is met and joined by Domitius Eno-
the Kings and Princes of the Eaſt, 208. barbus, with his Fleet, 312. He fails
Receives an Embaſſy from the Jews, to Italy, is refuſed Admittance in the
complaining of their Governors Fafael Harbour of Brindiſi, upon which he
and Herod, ib. Favours Herod, 217. lands at Siponto, and lays fiege to
Receives, at Epheſus, an Embaffy from Brindiſi, 316, 317. Iminediately con-
Hyrcanus, the Chief Prieſt and lawful cludes an Alliance with S. Pompey,
Prince of the Jews, ib. His infamous
whoſe Rear-admiral Menodore fails di-
Edict on that Occaſion, 218. Reflec rectly with a ſtrong Force to ravage
tions on it, 220. Convenes a general Abruzzo, 317. Prevailed upon by
Aſſembly of the Afiatic States, ib. His Cocceius Nerva to refer his Difference
cruel Speech to that Aſſembly, 221. with Octavius to an Arbitration, he
Forms a Corporation of Players, under a;points Afinius Pollio hisArbiter, 321.
the Title of The Artificers of Bacchus, The Eaſtern Half of the Empire is al-
223. Gives himſelf up wholly to De lotted him, 322. Hecements the Bonds
bauchery and idle Amuſements, 225. of Union with Octavius, by marrying.
Warns all the Princes of his Juriſdic his Siſter Octavia, 327. Endeavours
tion to hold themſelves in Readineſs to negociate a Peace between Octavius
with their auxiliary Troops, 226. Cites and S. Pompey, 335. Which is at laſt
Cleopatra. to appear before him at effected, 337. Articles of the Peace,
Tarfus, 226. Is ſmitten at firſt ſight 338. To ſtrengthen the Peace con-
of her, 236. Puts her Brother and cluded with S. Pompey, he betroths
Siſter to death, at her Inſtigation, in his Son-in-law, M. Marcellus, to Pom-
order to ſecure her in the Throne of pey's Daughter Pompeia, 341. And
Egypt, 237Makes a tyrannical Tour afterwards fets out for Afia, ib. Isſur-
through all the Provinces and King prized with a Viſit from Herod, Te-
trarch
5
$
t
I N DE Ex.
trarch of Judea, who had been driven to treat of Peace, but in vain, 17. Re-
from his Country by Antigonus, 380, tires, in infinite Diſtreſs, ib. & ſeq.
394. He and Octavius prevail with the Is in great Danger of periſhing, with
Senate to declare Herod King of all his whole Army, 18, & feq. His Troors
Judea, 395. Arrives at Athens with murder and rob one another, 20. He
Octavia, and ſpends the Winter there, hurrics back to meet Cleopatra, and
398, 399. His Temper and that of then goes with her to Alexandria, 27.
Oétavius compared, 399. His Beha Reflections on the Parthian War, ibid.
viour to the Deputies from the Chiefs Antony loſt eight thouſand Men among
of Afia, upon their repreſenting to him the Snows, in his precipitate Retreat,
their Inability to pay a Tax which he 103. Undertakes a new Expedition to
had demanded, 400, 401. Joins Ven Armenia, ib. Rapine and Devaſtation
tidius at the Siege of Samofata, 415. mark his Route, ib. He decoys Artu-
Where he is reinforced by Herod, ib. aldes into his Camp. ib. Miſles an Op-
But raiſes the Siege foon after, 416. portunity of probably
ſubduing the Parn
At the Perſuaſion of Octavia, he fails thians, 107. Orders Octavia, who was
with a Squadron to Brindiſi, to meet bringing him Men, Money, andCloath-
Octavius, 423. But, not finding him ing for his Troops, not to proceed far-
there, he is piqued, and returns to ther, 108, 109. Gives up his intended
Greece, ib. Promiſes Mecenas to af Expedition, returns to Cleopatra, and
Gift Octavius with a Fleet of two hun thereby feals his Ruin, 109. Sets out
dred Ships, 424. Arrives at Tarento a third Timne forArmenia, 116. Orders
with Octavia, and a Fleet of two hun Herod to appear before him at Laodi-
,
cea, to anſwer for the Murder of Ari-
tween him and Octavius, pacified by ftobulus, ib. Receives him graciouſly,
Octavia, 438. He changes Part of his and ſends him away well ſatisfied, 118.
Fleet with Octavius for a Number of Defeats Artaxias, the new King of Ar-
Land Forces, agrees privately with him menia, and plunders that Country,
to prolong the Triumvirate, and then 121. His ſplendid Return to Alexan-
returns directly to the Eaſt, ib. Gives
dria, 122. Salutes Cleopatra Queen
himſelf up to Drinking and Debau of Kings, and proclaims her eldeſt son
chery, iii. 2. Is bribed by Herod to Ptolomy-Ceſario, by Julius Cefar, King
put Antigonus to death, 5. Reſolves of Kings, and his own Children by her
upon an Expedition to Parthia, 6. Sends Kings and Queens, 123. Ruins his
Octavia back to Rome, with her own Intereſt at Rome, 124. His Vices were
two Infants and Fulvia's Children, ib. the chief Cauſe of the Actian War,
Is encouraged to invade Parthia by 126. Reaſons alleged by him in Juſtifi-
Moneſes, who undertakes to guide his cation of it, 128. Receives O&tavius's
Army thither, 8. Orders Cleopatra to Declaration as he is marching a fourth
attend him to Syria, ib. Forgets Oc Time againſt Armenia, and there-
tavia, and gives himſelf up wholly to upon turns back in order
to oppoſe his
Cleopatra, 9. His extravagant Pre Collegue, 129. Orders Canidius Gal-
ſents to her, 10. Readily agrees to lus to march directly, through Aſia, to
Monefes' Return to Parthia, and why, the Sea-coaſt, and haſtens after him,
11. Vaft Amount of his Forces for the ib. Is extremely beloved by his Troops,
Parthian Expedition, ib. Sends Cleo and why, 138. Is, luckily for Octa-
patra back to Egypt, and marches at the vius, ſtopped on the Borders of Cili-
head of his formidable Army, 12, Com licia by a Vifit from Cleopatra, 140.
mits the Route of his Army to Artu Prodigiouſly effeminated by Cleopatra,
afdes, King of Armenia, who proves 142. Advances, with Cleopatra, to
a Traitor, 13. Is defeated before Pra-
Epheſus, where the general Rendez-
aſpa, 15. Sends Deputies to Phraates
vous of his Forces was ordered, 143.
4 D 2
Strength
+
IN: D E X
*
3
Strength of his Navy, 143. Is pre trayed by her at Alexandria, ib. Driven
vailed upon to deſire Cleopatra to re to Deſpair, he ſtabs himſelf, 203. Is
tire home, ib. But'alters hisPlan through removed to Cleopatra's Tomb, ibid.
the Perſuaſion of Canidius, 144. Riots
His Death, 204. And Character, 205.
with Cleopatra in the Iſle of Samos, 145. His memory branded by the Senate,
His mean Behaviour at Athens, ibid. 215. His Pofterity, ib.
Where he publiſhes a Manifeſto againſt Antyllus (the eldeſt of Cleopatra's Sons)
Octavius, 146. Acknowleges Cleopatra affumes the Manly Robe, iii. 189. Is
as his lawful Wife, 147. Declines re beheaded by Order of Octavius, 214.
figning the Triumvirate, when chal- Aaft, formerly a Colony ſettled by Octa-
lenged ſo to do by Octavius, ib. Com vius, and called Auguſta Prætoria, iii.
plétes his Ruin by divorcing Octavia, 133
149. Is deſerted by many of his Friends, Apicius, his Eſſay on Good Eating pub-
151. Degrades himſelf ſhamefully for liſhed by Platina, iii. 280. Studied Re-
Cleopatra at Athens, 154. HisWill,
finements in Cookery, 377.
ſeized by Octavius, and read in the Se- Apollo (the Actian) was Auguſtus's fa-
nate, ſhocks every Roman, 155. He vourite Deity, iii. 179. Particularly ce-
difpleaſes the Romans more and more, lebrated by the Roman Poets, 18o. His
158. Is formally deprived of all Com Temple enlarged and beautified by Oc-
mand in the Commonwealth, ibid. tavius, 243. Games inſtituted in Ho-
Writes abufive Letters againſt Octavi nour of this Deity, 244.
us, 160. His vaft: Preparations and Apollo (the Grecian) the ſame with the
Forces, 162, 163. Excellent Feint Epyptian and Phenician Hercules, iii.
at Actium, upon the Appearance of 39.
O&tavius's Fleet, 166. Is deſerted by Apollodore, Head of a Sect called the Apol-
many of his Friends, 168. Which ex lodorean, was Octavius's Maſter in the
aſperates him to Cruelty, 169. Suf Study of Eloquence, ii. 353. Came
pects Cleopatra of intending to poiſon over with him from Greece, and con-
hiin, ib. Grows more and more infa tinued in his Family, ib.
tuated by her, 170. Suffers her to per- Appian, of Alexandria, guilty of palpable
fuade him to hazard all in a Sea-fight, Falfhoods in order to blacken Cicero,
171. Narrowly eſcapes being taken and flatter the Ceſarean Acceſſion, i.
Priſoner, ib. His Preparations for the 315. Wrongs the Memory of the Con-
Battle, ib. Meanly forſakes his Friends
ful Vibius Panſa, 340.
in the midſt of the Battle, to fly after Apuleius (M.) joins M. Brutus with an
Cleopatra, 176. Brave Reſiſtance of
immenfe Treaſure, i. 299.
his Land Forces, 177: Who at length Apuleius (P.) his remarkable Story, ii. 10.
fubmit, 178. Is purſued, but eſcapes, joins M. Brutus, 11. Who gives him
185. His magnanimous Generoſity to the Government of Bythinia, ib.
his Friends, 186. Quits Cleopatra, Aqueducts (the) of Rome, ſtupendous Mag-
and takes a Difguſt to Mankind, ibid.
riificence of, iii. 443,
Goes to Egypt, and rejoins Cleopatra, Arabio, Maffiniffa’s Heir, his Adventures,
187, Shuts himſelf up in his Timo Change of Parties, and Treachery, ii.
næum, 188. Out of a ſort of Deſpair, 54-75.
he replunges into his former Voluptu- Aradus, a City of Phenicia, deemed the
ouſneſs with Cleopatra, 189. Sends moſt facred of all Sanctuaries, is violated
Embaffies to Octavius, but in vain, by M. Antony, ii. 244.
197: Offers even to kill himſelf to ſave Arbufcula, a celebrated Lady of Pleaſure
Cleopatra, 198. Loſes his remaining in Rome, üi. 380.
Ships at Paretonium, 200. Suſpects
Suſpects Arduba beſieged by Germanicus, iii. 515.
Cleopatra's Treachery, 201. But ftill Obſtinate Reſiſtance of the Women
remains infatuated, ib. Is baſely be ſhut up in it, ib.
Areius,
I
I
美
​1
**
--
I N DE D
X.
Areius, the Philoſopher, favoured by Me- Afiatic Style (the florid) not an Inven-
cenas, ii. 355. Signally diſtinguiſhed tion of the Schools, but the natural
by Octavius, iii. 207. Adviſes the Death Way of ſpeaking of the People, ii.
of Cefario, 214. Comforts Livia, 452. 381.
His Character, 453.
Afiatics (the) build a Temple to Octavi-
Ariobarzanes, King of Cappadocia, taken us, iii. 232. Generouſly relieved by
by a Detachment from Caſſius's Army, Auguſtus, 444
and put to death, ii 14.
Afprenas (Nonius) murdered for the Sake
Ariobarzanes appointed King of Armenia of his Ring, i. 378, note *.
by Caius Ceſar, iii. 496.
Aſturians (the) invaded by the Romans,
Ariftobulus, brother to Mariamne, was the iii. 282. Are reduced, 286.
fineſt Youth of his Age, iii. 112. Is Athenæus, the Philoſopher, flies with the
created High Prieſt by Herod, and af Conſpirator Murena, iii. 313. His Say-
terwards drowned by his Order, 116. ing, upon his Return to Rome, ib.
Ariſtocrates and Lucilius, M. Antony's Athenians (the) puniſhed by Auguſtus for
only Companions after his Flight to their Flattery of Antony and Cleopa-
Paretonium, iii. 186.
tra, iii. 324
Arius, (T.) judges his own Son in Au- Athenodore, the Philoſopher, a Man of
guſtus’s Preſence, iii. 444.
ftrict Virtue, was Octavius's Maſter in
Armenia (the Kingdom of) reſtored to the Study of Morality, ii. 253. His
Artaxias, iii. 149. Receives Tiridates Character, ib. His ſevere and wiſe Re-
for its King, from the hand of Auguf proof to Ceſar, 358. His wife Advice
tus, 329. Revolutions in Armenia, to Auguftus, iii. 405.
490.
Atia, Niece to Julius Ceſar, and Mother
Arminius, his Character, iii. 520. Gives of Octavius, her Praiſe, ii. 83. Died
the Romans a dreadful Overthrow,521. probably of Grief for her Son's Pro-
But makes a barbarous Uſe of his Vic ceedings whilſt onc of the Triumviratc,
tory, 524
84. Had likewiſe, by her Huſband
Arruntius (L.) his remarkable Eſcape from c. Octavius, a Daughter named Oc-
the Proſcription, ii. 10. Joins S. Pom tavia, 326. Story concerning her Con-
pey, ib. Both he and hi Father C. ception of Auguſtus, iii. 228.
Titius are reſtored by the Peace of Mi- Attalus, King of Pergamus, firſt invented
ſeno, 348.
the Uſe of Parchment for Books and
Arfinoe, Siſter of Cleopatra, her hard Fate, Writing, iii. 276. Bequeathed his im-
menſe Library to the Romans, ib.
Artabazes, King of the Medes, put to death Atticus (T. Pomponius) refuſes to enter
by Order of Cleopatra, iii. 187.
into an Aſſociation againſt M. Antony,
Artaxias reſtored to the Kingdom of Ar i. 255, 257. His Opinion of the young
menia, iii. 149. But ſoon depoſed and Octavius, 282. His Manner of Life,
killed, 490.
ii. 92. Was a Friend to Fulvia, and
Artuafdes, King of Armenia, his Trea is, in return, befriended by her Hur-
chery to M. Antony, ij. 13. And An band M. Antony, 93. Aflifted the
tony's to him, 419. His Death, ib. Republicanswho eſcaped from Philippi,
& 490, 495
198. Marries his only Child, Pompo-
Aruſpicy, Reflections on, iii. 393, & feqq. nia, to M. Vipſanius Agrippa, 36r.
Aſdrubal, how defeated by the Conſuls Augſbourg, formerly a Roman Colony,
414.
Augur of Safety (the) decreed in Favour
Aſia, what properly meant by this Word of Octavius, iii. 234.
in Geography, ii. 31, note*. Its Weſtern Augurs, the College of, inſtituted by
Coaſt was the Paradiſe of the Roman Numa, i. 27. Its great Power, ibid.
Empire, 47. And the Source of that & ſeq. Was a mixt Inſtitution, ii.
Luxury which proved its Ruin, ib. 343
Augury,
ii. 237
$
,
ty
N
EX.
D
Augury, Reflections on, iii. 393, & legg.
Auguſta, ſee Augſbourg.
Auguſta Pretoria, fee tof.
Auguftalia (the) Feaſts inſtituted in Ho-
nour of Auguſtus, iii. 447.
Auguſtodunum, now Autun, a Roman Co-
lony founded by Auguſtus, ül. 392.
See Autun.
Auguſtus (the Appellation of) given to
V&tavius, iii. 259. (For what con-
cerns the former part of his Life, fee
Ottavius.) Who obtains a formal In-
veſtiture of his Power, 260. End of
the Republic, ib. His Court but little
known to Pofterity, i. 2. Reaſons why,
ib. His Reign the Period which merits
moſt Attention in the whole Roman
Hiſtory, and why, 3. Amazing Con-
traft between the firſt part of his Reign,
and the laſt, 4. State of the Roman
Empire immediately before his time,
128, & feqq.
Auguſtus ſwears to obſerve the eſtab-
liſhed Laws, iii. 263. Every Title of Di-
ftinction and Power conferred on him,
264. Origin of the Title of Emperor,
ib. Power annexed to it, ib. & 265.
All his former Violences juſtified by a
formal Decree of the Senate, 266. He
goes into Gaul, to regulate that Pro-
vince, 268. Pretended Motive of his
Journey thither, ib. & 269. From Gaul
he goes into Spain, ibid. Enumera-
tion of the Civil Wars in which he had
been engaged, ibid. Recals and ba-
niſhes Cornelius Gallus, 272. Re-opens
the Temple of Janus, 282. Attacks
the Spaniards, ib. Is taken ill in Spain,
284. Reported to be dead, 285. This
was his laſt perſonal military Exploit,
287. A Triumph decreed him, which
he declines, ib. Marries his Nephew
M. Marcellus to his Daughter Julia,
288. Returns to Rome, ib. And art-
fully ſets about eluding the Laws, ib.
Politicly makes Cn. Calpurnius Piſo his
Collegue in the Confulſhip, 290. Is
taken dangerouſly ill, 292. Gives his
Ring to Agrippa, ib. Deſcription of his
Seal, ib. He recovers, 293. Removes
Agrippa, by making him Governor of
Syria, 294. Is really grieved at the
Death of Marcellus, 295. In which
he certainly had not any Share, ib. De-
clines ftanding for the Confulſhip, 296.
Grows really good, 298. Receives the
Proconfular Power for Life, ib. That
of Conſul, 299. And the Tribuni-
tian Power, ibid.
Promiſes always
to conſult the Senate in Matters of
Importance, 300. Orders Tiridates
and Phraates to apply to the Senate, ib.
Who refer them back to him, ibid.
Keeps up an Appearance of the old
Forins, 301, 320. Unites in himſelf
both the Civil and the Military Power,
301. Abſolutely refuſes the Title of
Dictator, 302. 'And declines that of
Cenſor for Life, ib. Introduces ſeveral
new Regulations, as Reformer of the
Laws and Manners, 303. The Ro-
mans are happy under his Govern-
ment, 304. As are likewiſe all the
Provinces, 305. His excellent An-
ſwer to a Aattering Courtier, ibid.
His extreme Popularity, 306. And ſtrict
Adherence to Juſtice, 307. Inſtances
of his now great Mildneſs and Mode-
ration, 307, & feqq. & 405. His Affa-
bility to the Senate, 315. And to the
Public in general, ibid. Rejects with
Diſdain the Appellation of Lord, 316.
Laughs at the Divine Honours paid
him by the Provinces, ib. A Conſpiracy
againſt him by Cæpio and Muræna,
317. Is diſcovered by Mecenas, 318.
He cannot be juſtified in ſcreening the
Informer Caſtricius, 320. Is greatly
cramped by pretending to keep within
the Laws, ib. Want of Courage made
him not reſtore the Commonwealth,
321. Sets out in order to viſit the
Eaſt, ib. Is detained in Sicily by Fac-
tions at Rome, ib. Recals Agrippa,
and marries him to his Daughter Julia,
322. His Reaſons for this Marriage, ib.
Continues his Progreſs to the Eaſt, 324.
Rewards the Lacedemonians, and pu-
niſhes the Athenians, ib. At Corinth,
he receives Embaſſies from the Greek
Cities, ib. Extraordinary one from the
Inand Gyarus, ib. Spends the Winter
at Samos, where he receives Ambaſſa-
dors from Ethiopia, 325. Viſits Afia,
5
and
1
+
I
을
​:
*
i
7
IN DE: X.
and diſtributes there Rewards and Pu tulus, 393: Who proves ungrate='
niſhments, 326, Makes the Parthians ful, ib. Auguſtus returns to Rome,
ſubmit, recovers the Roman Priſoners 401. Endeavours to keep up the appa-
and Standards, and receives,as Hoſtages, rent dignity of the Senate, 403. Re-
Phraates's four Sons, with their Wives ſpects the Memory of great Men, ib.
and Children, 328. Honours decreed Is deſervedly reproved by Sifenna, 404.
to Auguftus for this glorious Exploit, By Athenodore, 405. By Mecenas,
329, He makes Tigranes King of Ar ib. Reflections on his Change of Man-
menia, 330. Spends a ſecond Winter ners, 406. Takes the Dignity of High
at Samos, and receives Ambaſſadors Prieſt, ib. Suppreſſes all Books of Su-
from the Scythians, Sarmatians, and perſtition, ib. Encourages the erecting
even from India, 331. An Indian Phi of public Edifices, 408. Loſes his
loſopher voluntarily burns himſelf in faithful Friend Agrippa, ib. Whom he
his Preſence, 332. The Senate appoint orders to be buried in his own Tomb,
him Superintendant of the High-ways, ibid. Marries Julia to Tiberius, 412.
ib. Extraordinary Honours decreed him Whom he did not like, ib. & 418.
whilft on his Return to Rome, 334. Famous Monument erected to him by
His Devotion for the Goddeſs Fortune, the Gauls, 424. Unjuſtly ſuſpected of
ib. Goes to the Senate, and obtains Druſus's Death, 427. Enjoys the fig-
new Honours for Tiberius and Druſus, nal Privilege of enlarging Rome, 432.
337. Proceeds in regulating his new And cloſes the Temple of Janus, ib.
Formof Government, ib. Makes Agrip Moderation the true Cauſe of his Safe-
pa his Collegue in the Tribunitian
ty, 437. His well-judged Policy, 438.
Power, 353. And is continued in the He makes the Romans fond of his Go.
Government of the State for five Years
vernment, 439. Endeavours to extir-
longer, ib. Again reviews and models
pate Bribery, 440. But at the ſame time
the Senate, 354. In which he meets eludes the Law himſelf, ib. Excellent
with many Difficulties, ib. & ſeq. Be Method of promulgating his Regu-
haves meanly to Lepidus, 360. Fixes
lations, 441.
Taxes himſelf like a
the neceflary Qualification of a Sena private Man, ib. His Cuſtom of receive
tor, 361. Endeavours to aboliſh Ce.
ing New Year's Gifts, 442. And turn-
libacy, 362. Enacts a Law againſt ing Beggar once a Year, ib. His In-
Adultery, 364. Politicly countenances ftitutions for the Convenience and Safe-
the prevailing Humour of high-living, ty of Rome, ib. & 443. His exeinpla-
374. Encourages Learning, 375. En ry Care of the Provinces, and of Indi-
acts. fumptuary Laws, 378. Is fond viduals, 444. Is preſent at the Trial
of Theatrical Entertainments, 379. of Arius's Son, 445. Regulates the
ShrewdReply ofthe Pantomimelylades, Law relative to Wills, ib. His Virtues
ib. Adopts his Grand-ſons Caius and
render him dear to every one, 447.
Lucius Cefars, 383. Celebrates the Se. Receives the Title of Father of his
cular Games, ib. Goes into Gaul, 384. Country, 448. And a fourth Proroga-
Motives of this Journey, ib. His Man tion of the Imperial Power, 449. Re-
ner of Reading, ib. Was well known to flections thereon, ib. Lofes his Siſter
intrigue with Mecenas’s Wife, 387.Suf Octavia, 450. Pays all imaginable Ho-
fers himſelf to be meanly bribed by Li nours to her Memory, 451. Begins to
cinius, ib. Reproves P. Vedius Pollio
be uneafy about his Grand-fons, 475.
for his Cruelty, 388. But meanly ac His artful Behaviour with reſpect to
cepts of his Inheritance, 389. Sends them, ib. & feqq. Gives the Manly
Tiberius and Drufus Neros againſt the Robe to Caius, with great Pomp, 478.
Rheti and Vindelici, 390. Founds Au Affronts Tiberius, by raiſing Caius and
tun, and renders it the Athens of Gaul, Lucius Ceſars, ib. His domeſtic Ills in-
392. Nobly affifts Cn. Cornelius Len creaſe dreadfully, 480. Diſcovers the
Lewdneſs,
A
L
:::
I N. D E X.
+
Lewdneſs of his Daughter Julia, ib. been, originally, a Place of Reſidence
Whom he baniſhes, 486. But behaves of the Druids, ibid.
imprudently on that Occaſion, in other
Reſpects, 487. Commiſſions Caius
B.
markable Words at taking leave tof BAIÆ the Bay of ) formed into a
noble Harbour by Agrippa, ii. 439.
Caius Cefar, 492. His firm and pru- Balbus (Cornelius) the elder, his Birth,
dent Behaviour with reſpect to the Ar Rife, Character, &c. ii. 426-429.
menians, 495. Loſes his two Grand. Balbus
. (Cornelius) one of the chief of
fons, Caius and Lucius Cefars, 496. Octavius's Council,when he firſt began
His Grief on that Occafion,497. Great to diſavow the Authority of the Senate
Care of their Education, ib. He adopts and People, i. 355
Tiberius, 502. Though he does not Balbus (L.) triumphs for his Conqueſt of
like him, 503. And at the ſame time the Garamanti, iii. 339. Builds a
adopts Agrippa Poſthumus, 504. Whom Theatre, 408. Founds the new City
he, however, ſoon baniſhes, 505. Re of Cadiz, ib.
ceives a fifth Prorogation of his Power, Barbula, the extraordinary Adventure of,
506. Again reforms the Senate, and
iii. 184.
makes excellent Laws, ibid. Sorely Batavians (the) Situation, Manners, &c.
grieved by the bad Conduct of his of, iii. 419, & feq.
Grand-daughter Julia, ib. & 526. His Bathyllus, the Comedian, and Pylades,
noble Behaviour to the Conſpirator iii. 379. Particulars concerning the
Cinna, ib. & feqq. Greatly alarmed former, 380.
at the Revolt of the Dalmatians and Bato, the Dalmatian, attacks the Ro-
Pannonians, 513. Sends Germanicus to mans, iii. 512. Submits, but nobly,
haften Tiberius, 514. Is quite inconfo to Tiberius, 516.
lable for the dreadful Defeat of Varus, Bato, the Pannonian, oppoſes the Ro-
525. Baniſhes his Grand-daughter Ju mans, iii. 513. Is wounded, ib. And
lia, 527. Has been falſely accuſed of diſappears, ib. & 516.
too great intimacy with his Daughter, Berkeley (Dr.) Biſhop of Cloyne, his ex-
528. Probable Origin of that Report,
traordinary Genius, ii. 277.
ib. He grows fond of Tiberius, 533. Befians (the) ſubdued by M. Brutus, ii.
Promotes him to the higheſt Honours, 106. Some Account of them, ib.
and makes him his Collegue, 534. Au- Bibulus (M.) eſcapes the Profcription,
guſtus's Health begins to decline, 536. and goes over to Brutus, ii. 2. El-
His Privy Council, ib. His Endeavours capes at the Battle of Philippi, 197.
to aboliſh Celibacy, 537. Revives and Is reconciled to M. Antony, 199.
enforces ſeveral good Laws, 538. He Boethus, the Tarſian Poet, becomes a
is again continued in the ſupremePower, great Favourite with M. Antony, ii.
540.
Treats Tiberius as his intended
231.
Heir, 541. Conducts him part of the Boniface IV. (Pope) converts the Pan-
Way towards Illyricum, but is forced theon into a Chriſtian Church, iii.
by his Illneſs to ſtop at Beneventum, 279.
545. Diverts himſelf in Caprea, 546. Bofphorus, Revolutions in the Kingdom
Is forced to take to his Bed at Nola,
547. His Death, ib, & Jegg. Dura- Brindiſi (the Peace of) between Octa-
tion of his Life and Reign, 552. His
vius Cefar and M. Antony, ii. 321,
Character, ib. & feq.
& feq.
Autun, formerly Auguſtodunum, a Ro- Bribery,ſeverely checked by Auguftus,
man Colony, founded by Auguftus, iii.
392.
Made the Seat of Letters, and Britain, the Conqueſt of, ſuppoſed to have
the Athens of Gaul, ib. Said to have been intended by Auguſtus, iii. 268,
269,
of, iii. 400.
1.
iii. 440.
B
$
.
IN D D' E E X.
+
are
the
269, 282. Its State at that Time, 269. probable that he was Ceſar's Son, 10.
Why firſt invaded by Julius Ceſar, 270. Defeats C. Antony, 309. His great
Was formerly famous for its Pearls, ib. Moderation and Humanity, ib. Makes
Bruce (King Robert) his laſt advice to himſelf. Maſter of Greece and Illyri-
his people, i. 99.
cum, 310. Decree of the Senate in his
Brutteri (the), Situation, Manners, &c. Favour 311. He and Caffius juſtified for
of, iii. 419.
taking upn them the Command of the
Brutus (Decimus) beſieged by M Antony
Provinces of Macedon and Syria, 349.
in Modena, i. 288. Makes a noble De The extenfive Power given to them
fence, and is at laſt relieved by the by the Senate over the Provinces of
Conſul Hirtius and young Octavius, the Eaſt, 350. He joins Munatius
333, & feq. Is rewarded with a Tri Plancus in Dauphiny, 364. But finds
umph, 336. Purſues M. Antony over in him a Traitor, from whom he fe-
the Apennines, 338. Is deſerted by his parates, and marches farther into Gaul,
Collegue Plancus, 365. And after 365. . Is abandoned by his mercenary
wards by all his Troops, 366. His whole Troops, who go over to Antony, Plan-
Strength is reduced to ten Men, 367. cus, and Octavius, 366.
He is taken by a Band of Banditti, be Brutus is joined by ſeveral, and what
trayed to Antony, and killed, 368. Romans of Diſtinction, after the hor-
His Character, ib.
rid Profcription of the Triumvirs, ii.
Brutus (L. Junius), his Character, i. 52. 2.He divorces Clodia, the Daughter of
He expels the Tarquins, ib. & feq. Appius Claudius Pulcher, and marries
Brutus (M. Junius), his Behaviour, and Portia the Daughter of M.Cato, 3. His
that of the other Patriots, after they deep Diſtreſs at loſing his Wife Portia,
had killed Julius Cefar, i. 201. Greatly 8. His great Lenity to Part of one of his
overſeen in agreeing to confirm all the Legions which had mutinied at the In-
public Acts of Julius Ceſar, 208. Is ſtigation of C. Antony, 9. Meets with
ſupplanted by M. Antony in his in a ſingular Piece of Good Fortune in
tended Government of Macedon, 228. his March through Thrace, 12. In
Why ſo quiet after he had pulled down Danger of his Life from a Quarter he
Ceſar, 239. His great Moderation, little fufpected, 13. His great Huma-
240. His and C. Caffius's joint Letter nity on this Occaſion, 14. Receives
to M. Antony, 241. The public Wel a Letter from M. Cicero, ftrongly re-
fare his only Motive for killing Ceſar, commending the Bearer Meffala Cor-
271. His Unwillingneſs afterwards to vinus, 13. Paſſes over from Thrace
have recourſe to Extremities, ib. Dex- :: into Aſia, to meet his Friend C. Caf-
terouſly founds the Diſpoſition of the fius, 15. What great Officers were
People, 272. His and Caflius's Edict then under him, ib. Meets Caffius at
as Town Prætors, 273. Their ſecond Smyina, 16. Where they ſettle the
joint Letter to M. Antony, 274. His Plan of the military Operations againſt
Interview with Cicero at Velia, 280. the Triumvirs, 17. In conſequence
And with Caffius at Athens, where of which he marches North, towards
Statues are erected to them, 298. And the Propontis, or Marmora, and Car-
where many of the young Roman No. ſius marches South-eaſt, towards
bility eſpouſe his Cauſe, 299. Meets, Rhodes,ib. Marches afterwards towards
at Sea, M. Apuleius, Pro-queſtor of Lycia, 31. Having been joined by old
Aſia, who joins him with an immenſe Deiotarus King of Galatia, 37, de-
Treaſure, ib. Is joined by Antiftius mands Afiſtance from the Inhabitants
Vetus, Treaſurer of Achaia, 300. His of Xanthus, the Capital of Lycia, and
Pedigree, Education, and Character, upon their refuſing it, attacks their
301, 303. Goes a Volunteer to Ther-
City, which, notwithſtanding his ut-
faly, and joins Pompey, 305. Not moſt Efforts to ſave it and the Xan-
4 E
thians,
+
, ,
:
IN D E X.
3
thians, is entirely deſtroyed, together encamp on two very advantageous
with all its People, 38-44. Conquers Spots, 138. He writes at this Time a
Patara, the great Lycian Arſenal, by
remarkable Letter to his Friend Atti-
dint of Humanity, Generoſity, and çus, 140. Some Account of his Writ-
Virtue, 44, & feq. Takes the City of ings, 141. Is unwilling at firſt to ha-
Myra, on which Occaſion he again zard a general Battle, but at length
thews his wonted Generoſity, and be gives way to the Impatience of his sol.
comes Maſter of all the Cantons of the diers, and reſolves to fight, though ſtill
Lycian League, 46, 47. All the other contrary to the Opinion of Callius,
Eaſtern Parts of the Empire volunta 141–143. His remarkable Conver-
rily join him, 47. The Sonian States fation with Caffius immediately before
accede likewiſe to the Cauſe of Liber the Battle of Philippi, 147. His Be-
ty, though not very readily, ibid. He haviour during the Battle, 148-153.
re-enters Aſia, ib. His Regularity and
And after it, 155, 158, 159. His
Moderation amidſt all the Temptations Speech to his Troops the next Day,
of that luxurious Country, 48, Re 156. His great Humanity towards
venges the Murder of the great Pom the Ceſarean Priſoners, 158. Is forced
pey, 50. His great Moderation to by the Clamours of his Troops, much
wards the Enemies of the State who againſt his Will, to hazard a ſecond
had fallen into his Hands, and the Battle, 1654-167. Draws out hisMen,
Correſpondence between him and Ci and fees ſeveral of his Officers imme-
cero upon that Subject, 51, 52. He diately deſert, 168, 169. After main-
ſubdues the Beſlians, for which his taining the Fight with the utmoſt Bra-
Troops falute him Imperator, 106. very till Night, being deſerted by his
Meets Caffius at Sardis, where both Men, and cut off from his Camp, he
theſe Chiefs are faluted Imperatores, is obliged to retire to the neighbouring
108. A warm Diſpute between them rocks, 170-172. His calm, but re-
ended by the abrupt breaking in of folute Behaviour during the next Night
M. Favonius, ib. The Mildneſs of his which he paſſed there, 174-177. And
Temper made him err in Things effen the next Morning, when he killed
tial to the Common Intereſt, 111. Pa himſelf, 177. His Character, 177
rellel between him and Caffius, 110.. 180. His Statue remarkably reſpected
He gives a ſtrong Proof of his ſtrict by Auguſtus, ill. 309.
Love of Juſtice, 112. Other Inſtances
tending to elucidate his Character,
. Of
ADIZ.(the preſent City of) founded:
Caffius had chiefly the Afiftance, 120.
, .
He marches with Caflius from Sardis to Cæfar, fee Cefar.
Abydus, to meet their Enemies, 121. Cæfaria, ſee Ceſario.
Said there to have ſeen the Viſion of Caius Cefar, his Birth, ii. 331. Is adopt-
his Evil Genius, 122. Plutarch's Ac ed by Auguftus, 383. To whom he :
count of that Affair, ib. He and Caf begins to give great Uneaſineſs, 475.
fius croſs the Helleſpont, and make a His audacious Behaviour, ib. Diſpen-
general Muſter of their whole Army, ſations and Prerogatives granted to
124, 125. Theie Force, 125. They him, 476. Receives the Manly Robe,
harangue their Troops, 126. And give 478. Appointed to be Conſultwenty-
them an ample Donation; 133. Opera three Years before the legal Age, ibid.
tians for theirEncampment, and ſome Decorated with the new Title of Prince
Skirmishes with the Eneniy, 134. He of the Youthz ib. Is commiſſioned to
paſſes the Sapean Mountains, and ar ſettle Armenia, 491. His Departure,
rives in the Neighbourhood of Philip under the Care of M. Lollius, 492.
PJ, 135, 136. Where he and Casius
Sketch of his Character, 493. Is
waited.
C. :
g.
i
IN DE
$
note *
waited on by all the Kings of the Eaſt, Caſcellius (Aulus), a celebrated Lawyer,
494. Enters upon his firit Conſulthip, nobly refuſes to draw up an Inſtrument
ibid. Makes Ariobarzanes King of to colour over the Iniquities of the
Armenia, 496. Is treacherouſly wound Triumvirs, ii. 95,96. Some Account
ed, grows difordered in his Senſes, and of him, ib.
dies, ib.
Caffius (C.) fupplanted by M. Antony in
Calenus (Fufius) one of Antony's Crea the Government of Syria, i. 238. Why
tures, and a Tool of Octavius's firit quiet, for a while, after the Death ot
Fadion, i. 355. Heads fifty thouſand Julius Ceſar, 239. His and M. Bru-
Veterans againſt Oétavius, ii. 280. tus's joint Letters to M. Antony, 241,
Calidius (Lucius Julius) was one of the 274. Formidable in the Eaſt, 346.
greateſt Poets of the Auguſtan Age, ii. Extenſive Power given by the Senate
256.
to him and to Brutus, 350. Writes
Caliga (the) a ſort of Shoe worn by the a very loyal and encouraging Letter to
Roman Soldiers, deſcribed, ii. 258, the Senate, and another to M.T. Ci-
cero, 352. Takes Laodicea, 354. Be-
Gandaces, Queen of Ethiopia, ſends an comes Maſter of all Alia, ib. Is joined
Embaſſy to Auguftus, iii. 325. Her by ſeveral, and what, Romans of Di-
Perſon and Character, 326.
ftinction, after the dreadful Proſcrip-
Canidius Gallus, ſent by M. Antony, with tion, ii. 2. Leaves his Nephew to com-
a powerful Army thro'Aſia, to the Sea mand in Syria, and marches towards the
coaſt, iii. 129. Adviſes Antony to ſend Borders of Aſia, 14. Sends a Detach-
back Cleopatra, 144. Joins Antony at ment of Cavalry againſt Ariobarzanes,
Actium, and then talks differently,170. King of Cappadocia, who is taken, and
Commands Antony's Land Forces at put to death, 15. Meets M. Brutus at
Astium, 173. Deſerts his Troops, 178. Smyrna, 16. Where they ſettle their
And goes to Antonyat Alexandria, 188. Plan of Military Operations, 17.
Put to death by Otavius, 217, 218. Marches towards Rhodes, whilſt Bru-
Cantabrians (the attacked by the Romans, tus marches towards the Propontis, ib.
iii. 282. And reduced, but with very Prepares to attack the Rhodians, 19.
great Difficulty, 285.
His refolute Anſwer to their Embaſſy
Capito (Ateius), the Court Lawyer, his and Meſſages, 20, & feq. He defeats
Character, iii. 356.
them at Sea, 23. Beſieges them by Sea
Capito (Fonteius) ſent into Egypt, to and by Land, ib. Forces their City,
command Cleopatra's Attendance up and lays them under Contribution, 24,
on M. Antony in Syria, iii. 8.
25. Leaves a Garriſon in Rhodes, 25.
Capitol (the) inarked out by Tarquinius Attempt againſt his Life, 107. He
Priſcus, i. 35. Built by Tarquinius meets Brutus at Sardis, where they are
Superbus, 36.
ſaluted Imperatores, 108. A warm Dif-
Cappadocia relieved by Auguſtus's Liber-
pute between them ended by the break-
ing in of M. Favonius, ibid. Caffius's
Capuans (the) oppoſe the infant Eftabliſh Character, 110. Parallel betwixt him
ment of Rome, i. 13.
and Brutus, ib. He would probably
Cariſius fubdues the Aſturians, iii. 286. have reſtored Peace and Liberty to the
Carrinas triumphs over the Morini and Romans, if his Advice had been taken
Suevi, iii. 240.
when Cefar was killed, ib. Surpaſſes
Carthage, Origin of the Name of the City; Brutus in the Diſcipline of his Troops,
ii. 56.
III. Generouſly orders a Third Part
Carthaginians (the) deſcended from the of all the Money which had been col-
Phenicians, ii. 58. Why foiled at lected, to be put into the Hands of
laſt in their Struggle with the Romans, Brutus's Pay-maſter, 112. Some Ac-
ibid.
count of the Auxiliaries that joined
4 E 2
him
*
20
I N D E X.
***
Men, 303.
him and Brutus, 120. He marches cond Battle of Philippi, 172. His
with Brutus from Sardis to Abydus, to Memory revered by Auguſtus, iii.
meet their Enemies, 121. He and
309, 310..
Bautus croſs the Helleſpont, and make Catti (the), Situation, Manners, &c. 'of,
a general Muſter of their whole Army, iii. 419, & feq. Subdued by Tiberius,
124, 125. Their Force, 125. They 510.
harangue their Troops, 126. Caffius's Cauci (the) Situation, Manners, &c. of,
Speech, ib. He arrives with his Army iii. 419, & ſeq.
in the Neighbourhood of Philippi, 135, Cecilius (Q.), the Epirote, Intrigues with
136. Where he and Brutuş encamp, Pomponia, iii. 410. Some Account of
138. Is againſt hazarding the Battle him, ib.
of Philippi, 143. His Converſation Celibacy diſcouraged by Auguftus, iii. 362.
with Brutus immediately before the And heavily taxed, 363. The Law
Battle, 147. From the very Begin Papia Poppæa, 365.
ning of the Engagement; he judged Cenfors, the Creation of, i. 36. Reaſons
but too rightly of its Event, 148. His why they were created, and their
Behaviour during the Battle, 148 Functions, 67. Their Integrity dur-
153: _Miſtaking a Party of Friends
ing the early part of the Common-
for a Detachment of the Enemy, he wealth, ib. Become odious after the
gives up all for loft, and kills himſelf, Romans are corrupted by Luxury, 158.
152. Brutus's high Panegyric on him, Cenſorſhip (the), refuſed by Auguftus, iii.
153. His Character, ib.
302. When laſt held by two private
Caffius of Parma, Rear-Admiral of the
Republicans, ii. 199. Put to Death Cenſus (the) firſt inſtituted by Servius
hy Octavius, ni. 217, 218. Executed Tullius, i. 36:
by Varius, with whom he had a lite- Centuries, (Diviſion of the Roman Peo-
rary Quarrel, 218. His Writings burnt ple into) by Servius Tullius, i. 36.
with his Body, ib.
Centurions of the Army enabled by M.
Caflius Severus, Character of, iii. 307. Antony to be Judges in Rome, i. 252.
Caſtor, how raiſed by Deiotarus, King of Cepio (Fannius) conſpires againſt Au-
Galatia, to whom he proves a Traitor, guftus, iii. 317. Is diſcovered and put
ii. 26, & feq. Shares with Amyntas to Death, 318. Remarkable Act of
the Dominions of his Benefactor, 208. Juſtice done by his Father, 319.
Caſtricius diſcovers the Conſpiracy of Cefar, (C. Julius) his Character, Rife,
Cæpio and Muræna, iii. 318. Is after ambitious Deſigns, and Plots againſt
wards accuſed, and ſaved by Auguftus, the State, i. 166, & ſeq. Sides con-
319.
ſtantly with the low licentious Popu-
Catiline, the Conſpiracy of, defeated, i. lace, ib. Aims at deſtroying the Laws,
169.
and humbling the Nobility and Senate,
Cato, the Cenſor, his Praiſe, ii. 275. ib. Undertakes and carries the Cauſe
Cato (M. Portius) his Speech to the Se of the Out-laws, 167. Exerts all his
nate, the only one of his making that Power in Favour of the Heads of the
has been preſerved, i. 110. Oppoſes Marian Faction, ib. Procures the
the Deſigns of Julius Cefar, 180. By Repeal of four ſalutary Laws, 168.
whom he is grievouſly inſulted, 181. Obtains the Office of Queſtor in Spain,
Was intimate with L. Lucullus, 267. but quits his Poft, in Hopes of ſtirring
Refuſes Pompey's Propoſal of marry up an Inſurrection, ib. Obtains.
ing his Half-fifter Servilia, 267. His the Edileſhip, and is ſtrongly ſuf-
Character, 302, & feq. He eſcapes pected of being concerned in a Plot
the Proſcription, and goes over to to murder the Senate, and deſtroy the
Brutus, ii, 2. Falls nobly in the ſea Commonwealth, ib. Aſſociates with
CH
3
.
}
1 ' N D EX.
>
Funeral, 209.
$
Cn. Piſo, who was concerned in Ca Rapine, Sacrilege, and open Rebellion
tiline's Conſpirarcy, 169. Conſpires againſt his Country, 188. He throws
again with Piſo, to riſe in Arms againſt off the Maſk, paſſes the Rubicon,
the Government, ib. Openly profeſſes over-runs Italy, marches towards
himſelf the ſucceſſor of c. Marius, Rome, and bears down all before him,
whoſe Statues and Trophies he re 192. Is at length killed, 193; His
erects in the Capitol, ib. Eſpouſes
the Cauſe of a turbulent Tribune, and The killing of him canvaſſed, ii.
comes off with Shame, ib. When 180--191. To what may be imputed
Pretor, he ſtill plots againſt the State, his having retained ſome sort of Re-
and keeps up a Correſpondence with putation with Poſterity, 184, & feq.
L. Catiline, 171. Informs againſt Some Particulars concerning his per-
Catiline, in order to ſcreen himſelf, ib. fonal Character and that of his Writ-
Incurs the Indignation of all good Men, ings, 187, & feq. His Amours with
and narrowly eſcapes being killed, ib. Cleopatra, 228. He neglects to im-
Endeavours to raiſe an unjuſt Proſecu prove his Victory at Pharſalus, through
tion againſt Q. Catulus, and is declar his Attachment to her, 229. Which
ed incapable of exerciſing any Office is alſo the Cauſe of the Alexandrian
during that Year, 172. Submits at laſt War, and of the Calamities that befel
to the Senate, ib. Is made Governor Pontus, Africa, and Spain, ib. His
of the farther Spain; hurries away Motives for invading Britain, iii. 270.
thither, for Fear of being arreſted; Cefario(Cleopatra's Son Jaffumes the man-
plunders that Country and Portugal, ly Robe, iii. 189. Is betrayed to O&ta.
and returns, as he went, without Or vius, and put to Death, 214.
ders from the Senate, 173. Obtains Charlemagne, his Conduct towards his
the Confulfhip, 174. Brings about a frail Daughters more prudent than that
Reconciliation between M. Pompey of Auguſtus to his, iii. 488.
the Great and M. Craflus, and, with Charmione, one of Cleopatra's Women,
them, forms a Triumvirate, 176. kills herſelf with her Miſtreſs, iii. 212.
His iniquitous Proceedings whilſt Cherufci (the) Situation, Manners, &c. of,
Conſul, 178. He revives the Agra iii. 419, & feq:
rian Laws, ib. Endeavours to procure Cicero (M. Tullius), bis Remark on a
the Murder of his Collegue Bibulus, Saying of the Poet Ennius, i. 160.
.180. Dares groſsly to inſult M. Por Refuſes to have any Connection with
tius Cato, 181. Makes Uſe of the
the 'Triumvirate of Ceſar, Pompey,
abandoned Clodius, to get rid of Cato, and Craſſus, 182. Was the ſecond
and drive Cicero into Exile, 183. Perſon who perceived Ceſar's Aim, ib.
Abrogates the Elian and Fufian Sta-
Endeavours in vain to draw Pompey
tutes, ib. Curtails the Power of the off from the Triumvirate, ib. Is be-
Cenſors, ib. Artfully makes the Peo niſhed, through the Contrivances of
ple decree him the Government of
Cefar, 183. His judicious Advice to
Ciſalpine Gaul and Illyricum, with the the Conſpirators, after the Death of
Command of eighteen thouſand Ro Cefar, 207. and perſonal Behaviour at
mans, for five Years, 185. And af that Time, ib. His Cautiou and De-
terwards the farther Gaul, 186. His licacy during the Troubles of the
Reaſons for preferring the Govern State, 243. His Interview with Bru-
ment of Gaul to that of any other Pro tus and Caſſius, 260. Reſolves to re-
vince, ib. Obtains a Prolongation of his tire to Greece, to avoid the Fury of
Command for five Years more, 187. Antony's Conſulſhip, 270.
His covetous and tyrannical Proceed ſeveral of his Works during his Re-
ings during his Government, ib. His tirement in the Country, 276. Alters:
his.
Wrote
k
&
?
i
f
*
There
mit
M
I N D E X.
this Deſign of going into Greece, and Life, he flies to Turulius and Caffius
returns to Rome, and why, 279: Has of Parma, Rear-Admirals of the Re-
an Interview with Brutus at Velia, publicans, 199.
280 Adviſes Octavius to go direaly Cilicia, Neſts of Pirates on the Coaſt of,
to Rome, 282. His letter to Atticus ii. 26. See Pyrates.
on this Occaſion, ib. Makes a noble Gimber (Tullius) eſcapes the Profcription,
Stand for Liberty, at a Time of im and goes over to Callius, ii, 2. Com-
minent Danger, 284. The Occaſion mands the Squadron which attends the
of his Philippics, ib. He no longer main Army of Brutus and Caffius,
heſitates to ſide with O&avius, ib. 133. His Character, ib. and Opera-
Makes the Senate dcclare for him, tions with his Squadron, 134.
290. His great Power, owing merely Cincia (the Law), 'ii. 368.
to his Virtue, 291. His Panegyric Cinna (Cornelius) eſcapes the Profcrip-
on M. Cato, and Remarks on Julius tion, and goes over to Brutus, ii. 2.
Cefar's Anti-catos, 302. Note t. Ani Conſpires againſt Auguſtus, who par-
mates the Senate to act vigorouſly a dons him, iii. 508. And whoſe ited-
gainſt M. Antony, 315. Juſtified
faft Friend he becomes, 509. His
againſt the Calumnies of Dion Caffius * Conſpiracy the Subject of one of Cor
and Appian, ib. In great Danger of neille's fineſt Tragedies, ib.
his Life from the Antonian Faction at Cinna (L. Helvius), one of the Poets of
Rome, but ſaved by P. Apuleius, and the Auguftan Age, ii. 256. His Cha-
crowned with Honour and Applauſe, racter as a Writer, 257,
328. Thought to have been over Circus Maximus (the), firſt deſigned by
reached by Octavius, 356. Writes to Tarquinius Priſcus, i. 35.
Octavius juſt before he approached Cleopatra cited to appear before M. An-
Rome with his Army, 360. Bafely tony, ii. 226. Her Accompliſhments,
given up by Octavius, upon fettling 227, 234, 236. Was firſt initiated in
the Terms of the horrid Triumvirate, the Myſteries of Love by Cn. Pompey,
371. Marked down at the Head of when ſhe was ſcarcely fifteen, 228.
the Liſt of the proſcribed, 373. and And afterwards more fully inſtructed
bafely murdered, 378. Manner of in them by Julius Ceſar, when ſhe
his Death, 379. His Character, 378, was Twenty-one, ib. Her Stratagem
381.
to be introduced to him, 230. Her
His preſſing Sollicitations to M. magnificent Appearance before M.
Brutus, not to ſpare C. Antony, or Antony, 232, 233. Over whom ſhe
any other of the Enemies of the State immediately gains an Aſcendant, 237.
who had fallen into his Hands, and And prevails on him to put her Bro-
his Reaſons for giving that Advice, ii.
ther and Siſter to Death, ib. She was
51, 52. He lived in ftrict Union by no Means conſtant to Antony in
with Q. Cornificius, to whom he wrote their Amour, iii. 9. Lewdneſs was
feveral Letters, which we have, 67. one of the chief Ingredients of her Cha-
He was reſtored by the Peace of racter, ib. Of which infinite Cunning,
Miſeno, 348.--His Life was infa inſatiableAvarice, and relentleſs Cruel-
moufly bargained for, iii. 339.
ty, were the Fund, 10.. Her extrava-
Cicero (Quintas) too ſevere in his Cha gant Demands from Antony, ib. She
racter of the Confuls Hirtius and is ſent back to Egypt, upon Antony's
Panfaiz i. 340.
ſetting out for his Parthian Expedition,
Cicero (Tullius) Brutus's General of the 12. Her artful Diffimulation upon
Horſe, his Character, ij. 15. Eſcapes hearing of Octavius's Approach, 108.
the bloody Havock at Philippi, 197,
She coaxes Antony back to her, where-
Unwilliag to truſt Antony with his by he ſeals his Ruin, 109. Her fa .
mous
I N D E X
*
ties, ib.
mous Wager with Antony, ill. She and Antony to hin, 2012 and actually
efpoufes the Cauſe of Alexander, a betrays her Fleet, 202. To avoid
gainit Herod, 113, 114. Perfuades Antony's Wrath, the flies to her
Antony to order Herod to appear be Tomb, and ſhuts herſelf up in it, ib.
fore him, 116. Occaſions horrid Mir Receives the dying Antony into her
chiefs in Syria, rig. Pays
Pays a Viſit to
Tomb, 204 Her Behaviour at his
Herod, 120. Haw received, ib. Par Death, ib. She is ſurprized and ſeized
takes of Antony's Tiiumph at Alex by Proculeius, 206. Her Interview
andria, 122. Pays Antony a Viſit with Etavius, 208. Diſappointed in
upon the Borders of Cilicia, to which all her Views, the kills herſelf, 211.
Octavius probably owed his Preſerva Her Character, 212. Her Pofterity,
tion, 140, 141. Her prodigious Train, 216.
and vaſt Magnificence, 141. Her Cleopatra Scione, Daughter of the famous ·
Treat to M. Antony, and his Officers, Cleopatra, married to Juba, iii. 216.
in her Tent, ib. Is defired by M. An- Clients and Patrons firſt inſtituted by Ro-
tony to return home, there to wait the mulus, i. 17. Good Effects of this
Ifrue of the War, 143. Her Beha Inſtitution, ib. Their reciprocal Du-
viour thereupon, ib. Induces Canidius
Gallus to oppoſe her being ſent back, Clodius Pulcher, concerned in the Murder
144. Riots with Antony in the Iſle of Cicero, his Character, iii. 339.
of Samos, 145. Endeavours to rival Clodius, Son of the former, his Death and
Octavia at Athens, ib. Is acknow Character, iii. 340.
ledged by Antony as his lawful Wife, Cocles (Horatius). See Horatius Cocles.
146, 147. Her Inſolence to Gemi- Cæpio. See Cepio.
nius, when ſent to Antony by the Colonies (the) of the Romans, were one
Romans, 156. Inſtance of her Indir of the great Means of ſecuring their
cretion with reſpect to the Romans, Conqueſts, i. 106. Of what Sort of
157. Who declare War againſt her, Men they conſiſted, ib. How preſerved
1.59. She ſends Ships, Men, and Mo in diſtant Countries, 108. How dif-
Dey, to Antony, 163. Importance of ferent after the Romants were corrupt-
her Alliance, ib. Suſpected by Antony ed by Luxury, 158. Manner of found-
of intending to poiſon him, but clears ing them, 236.
herſelf, 169. Wrongly adviſes him to Comedies, the beſt Roman, in the Au-
hazard a Sea-Fight at Actium, 171. guftan Age, were written by C. Fun-
Bafely fails away in the Midſt of the
danius, iii. 75:
Battle, 176. Is quitted by Antony at Commagene (the Kingdom of), its Situa-
Tenarus, and proceeds without him to tion, ii. 415. Invaded by Ventidius, ib.
Paretonium, 186. Attempts to drag Conſtantine Porphyrogenetes, Remark on his
her whole Fleet over Land into the Treatiſe of Advices to his Son and Suc-
Red-Sea, 187. Prepares again for ceſſor, ii. 369.
War, at the Perſuaſion of Antony, ib. Conſtitution (the) of the Romans, com-
They engage to die together, 189. She pared with the Britiſh Conſtitution, i..
tries various Experiments of Poiſons, 39--112, 143. An original Defect
190. Her Wiles againſt Herod, 194 in the former, which at laſt brought
Neglects. Antony, and endeavours to on their Loſs of Freedom, ib. & 194.
captivate Octavius, 197.
Tries to
Was quite unhinged by the Admiflion
deceive them both, 198. Celebrates of the Plebeians to the Confulſhip, 132.
Antony's Birth-day with extraordinary and entirely deſtroyed by feditious
Magnificence, 199. Privately orders: · Tribunes, ib. Another Defect in it,
Pelufium to be furrendered to Octa 134. Excellence and Happineſs of the
vius, 201. Offers to betray Alexandria Britiſh Conſtitution, , 144, & feq. &
195
1
3.
Hotel
:'
*
..
3
Herod, 242.
I N D E X.
195. The Form of the Roman ſub ib. He is won over to Antony's Party,
liſted after the Reality was loſt, 165. ib. Pleads before Antony in Favour of
Conſuls, Origin of their Inſtitution, i.
55. Which did not, at firſt, make any Craſſitius (L.) who aſſumed the Surname
eſſential Alteration in the general Plan of Panſa, excelled in Poetry in the Au-
of the Government, ib. Their Power, guftan Age, ii. 257. Some Account
Privileges, Enſigns of Dignity, &c. and Character of his Writings, 258.
58, 177. Were under the Direction of Craffus (M.) his Character, i. 174. Joins
the Senate in the Exerciſe of their Of with Cefar and Pompey, 175.
fice, and accountable to the People at Craſſus (P. Canidius) quarrels with Phar-
the Expiration of it, 59-63. Were nabaze King of Iberia, and attacks
ſometimes inveſted with the Dictator-
Zober King of Albany, iii. 2. Recon-
Ship, 66. Preferable to Kings, 90. quers Albany, and takes Zober Pri-
Advantages of their commanding on ſoner, 3.
ly for one Year, 91. Their high Of- Cremutius Cordus, his Character, as a
fíce laid open to the Plebeians, 132. Man, and as a Writer, iii. 312, 313.
Coponius, his fine Rebuke to Plancus, Driven to death by Tiberius, at the
when this laſt was railing againſt An Inſtigation of Sejanus, 313. His noble
tony, iii. 154.
Speech before the Senate, 314.
Corneille, his Judgment of the Poet Lu- Cromwell (Oliver) to what he owed his
can, iii. 312. His Tragedy of Cinna
Riſe, i. 142.
one of his fineſt Performances, 509. Crown (the Civic), why held in ſo high
Cornificius (L.), one of Octavius's Admi Honour by the Romans, i. 87.
rals, loſes his fineſt Ship in a Storm, Crown (the Roftral) what, ii. 455.
ji. 418. His fignal Bravery againſt the Curiones (the) were Inſpectors over the
Pompeian Fleet, 421. Eſcapes, by his Pagi, into which the People were di-
Fortitude and Prudence, the greateſt vided by Numa, i. 34.
of Dangers, when left in Sicily by Oc- Curule Ediles, ſee Ediles.
távius's defeated Fleet, 448. How re- Cytheris, Virgil's Lycoris, a celebrated
warded, after his Return to Rome, ib. Mima, and Lady of Pleaſure in Rome,
Cornificius (Q.) a zealous Friend to the
Commonwealth, is joined in Africa by Cyzicus (the People of) puniſhed by Au-
ſeveral of the moſt diſtinguiſhed Ro guftus, and why, ii. 326. Reſtored
mans, ii. 2. His Character and Writ-
to their former Privileges, 393.
ings, 60, 65, & feq. Was firſt dir-
tinguiſhed and promoted under Julius
D.
Cefar, 66. After whoſe Removal, he
)
, Li ſcribed, iii. 92, & feq.
berty, 67: Lived in ftrict Union with Dalmatians (the) reduced by Alinius Pol-
M. T Cicero, ib. Defeats the Erie lio, ii. 83-85. Reſume their Arms,
mies of the Republic in Africa, 67, 91. Reduced by O&tavius Cefar,.91
& feq. But is afterwards defeated by -102. Revolt again, 512. Are de-
them, and killed in the Battle, 70 feated, 513. And totally ſubdued by
75. His great Worth, 75. He was
the laſt Governor of Africa of the Se- Dalminium, the ancient Capital of Dal-
națe's appointing, ib.
matia, deſtroyed by M. Figulus, iii. 83.
Corvinus (M. Val. Meſfala) eſcapes the Decidius Saxa and Norbanus Flaccus,
Profcription, and goes over to Caffius, both Ceſareans, paſs over to Mace-
1.2. Cicero's Character of him, 13. don with eight Legions, ii. 101. Their
Eſcapes the bloody Havock at Philip Characters, ib. Saxa defeated and kill-
pi, 197. Is afterwards very formidable
ed by the Parthians, 310.
to the Triumvirs, 198. His Character,
1
iii. 380.
Tiberius, 515
*
Deiotarus,
I
I N., D.
D E Xi
tuzten
|
Drietarus, King of Galatia, his Hiſtory, Smyrna by Surprize, and inurdets tht
ii. 31, so seq. Held the firſt Rank Proconſul Trebonius, 294. Is declared
among the Confederates in Brutus's an Eneiny to his Country, 320. Ran
Camp, 120. His Lieutenant Amyntas vages Syria, and is killed in Laodicea,
deſerts to M. Antony, 168. We loſe 353. His private Correſpondence with
fight of him after his junction with Cleopatra, iii. 211.
Brutus, 2c8. His Dominions were Drufonagus, now Memmingen in Sua-
ſhared between his Grand-fon Caſtor bia, a Roman Colony, iii. 392.
and the Traitor Amyntas, ibid. He Drufus, Brother to Tiberius, diſtinguiſh-
leaves Antony, and goes over to O&ta ed by the Senate, iii. 337. Sent againſt
vius, iii. 168.
the Rheti and Vindelici,390. Whom he
Dellius (Q.) ſent by M. Antony to cite ſubdues, 391. Numbers the Gauls,
Cleopatra to appear before him at Tar 401. Would gladly have reſtored the
fus, ii. 226. Accompanies Herod in his Liberty of the Commonwealth, 417,
Return to Judea, 396. Was probably 423 Is finely celebrated by Horace,
very intimate with Cleopatra, iii. 8. 418. Quiets Gaul, 424. His Cam-
His treacherous Doings at Herod's paigns in Germany, 425, & feq. His
Court, 113, & feq. He deſerts Antony, Death, 427. Funeral Honours, 428.
and goes over to Octavius, 157, 168. Family and Character, 429.
Delos (the Iſland of ), a great Market for Dryden (John) much miſtaken in regard
Slaves, ii. 27."
to Virgil, iii. 347.
Demochares, s. Pompey's Admiral, is de- Dutch (the) once great, but now funk
feated by M. Agrippa, and kills him very low, i. 141.
ſelf, ii. 451.
Deſign (the Author's) in writing thefe
E.
Memoirs, i. 4. & Preface to Vol. ii. DILES (the) choſen from among
Diadem (the) of the ancient Kings, was the Patricians, i. 70. The Curule,
a white Fillet, i. 256, note
Origin of cheir Name, 71. Their
Diana (the Epheſian) the ſame as the Functions, ib.
Egyptian Iſis, 'ii. 237, note *. Education (the) of the Britiſh Youth, a
Dictator, Reaſons of the Romans for great Defect in, ii. 378. That of the
chuſing one, i. 65. His Power was Romans chiefly managed by Greek
abſolute, ib.
Preceptors, 353:
Dictatorſhip (the) was ſometimes given Egypt becomes a Roman Province, iii.
to the Conſuls, i. 66.
220. Its Importance, 221. How go-
„Diodotus, ſurnamed Tryphon, cauſes An verned by Octavius's Direction, ibid.
tiochus to be proclaimed King of Sy Pliny's Deſcription of Egypt, ib. Ne-
ria, then poiſons him, uſurps his ver ſo happy as under the Roman Go-
Throne, is defeated, and kills him-
veriment, 223.
"Telf, ii. 26, 27. Firſt taught the Ci- Elaquence (State of the Roman) in the
licians to become Pyrates, 27.
Auguftan Age, ii. 255. Where found,
Dion Caffius guilty of palpable Falfhoods, and how formed, iii. 312. Inſtanced
in order to defame Cicero, and flatter in Deinoſthenes and Cicero, ib. Muſt
the Ceſarean Succeflors, i. 315. His be fed like a Flame, 371. Was looked
Character as an Hiſtorian, 305-
upon by the Ancienis as a dangerous
Domitius (L.) rewarded with the Orna Talent, ib.
ments of Triumph, for his Expedition Emperor, Origin of the Title of, among
againſt the Germans, iii. 431.
the Romans, iii. 264. Power annexed
Dolabella i.
it, ib& 265
Character, 222.. He and M. Antony Empire, the Roman, State of, ij. 425.
agree to ſhare the ſupreme Power, ib. iii. 433. Elegantly and artfully de-
Quells a Riot, 231. Traitorouſly takes ſcribed by Horace, ii. 425.
VOL. III.
Emulation,
E
Dol
4 F
ہے۔
न
.
kus
ii. 2
farean Fleet, 160—162. Is formidable F4 Favourite Miniſter, ii. 531. His
Death, 543.
IND
E
X.
Emulation, the great Source of noble Ac them, ib. Are eaſily defeated by the
tions, i. 91.
Romans, 326.
Eneid (the) compared with Lucan's Phar. Ethnarch, the Title of, given to one of
falia, iii. 312.
Herod's Sons, iii. 480.
England, peculiar Happineſs of the Con- Etrurians (the) ſtrongly oppoſe the in-
ftitution of, ik 149, 195
fant Effabliſhment of Rome, i. 14.
Ennius, the Poet, his Saying of the Ró- Eumenius, the celebrated Orator, was
mans of his Days, i. 159. Some Ac Profeſſor of Eloquence at Autun, iii.
count of his Writings, iii. 35-43. 393. His Salary, ib. Which he ge-
was one of the moſt original of the Ro nerouſly beſtowed upon his School,
ib.
man Poets, 343:*
Euthydemus of Myleſſa, his excellent Cha-
Enobarbus (Domitius) eſcapes the Pro racter and great Power, ii. 382.
fcription, and goes over to M. Brutus, Eutycles purſues M. Antony after the Battle
Under whom he has a high of Actium, iii. 185.
Command, 15. Gains, with S. Mur-
cus, a complete Victory over the Ce-
F.
farean Fleet, 160-162. Is formidable ABIUS Maximus,
to the Triumvirs after the Battle of
Philippi, 198. Divides tlie Fleet of the
Republicans with his Collegue Mur. Faſziel appointed Tetrarch of Judea, with
cus, 201. Reduces Rome to great Dif his Brother Herod, by M. Antony, ii.
treſs, 2'51. Joins M. Antony, 312. Is 242. Deceived by Pacorus, and thrown
made Governor of Bythinia, 321. Re into a Dungeon, where he dalhes out
ſtored to his Honours and Eſtate, 323. his own Brains, 390. .
Adviſes Antony to ſend away Cleopa- Father of his Country (the Title of)
tra, iii. 143. But his Advice is over given to Auguftus, iii. 448,
ruled by Canidius, 144. Leaves Rome, Fathers (the Appellation of) given to the
when Conſul, and goes over to Anto firſt Roman Senators, i. 15. Who'go-
ny, 148. Leaves Antony, and joins vern for ſome Time after the Death of
Octavius, 168. Dies within a few Romulus, 21. But, to pleaſe the Com-
Days after, ib.
mons, agree to elect a new King, 22.
Enos, of Aſcoli, finds Horace's famed In- Fate and Fortune (the daftardly Opinion
terpreter Porphyrio, iii. 280.
of) eaſily and naturally adopted by
Epicureans, Difference between thoſe vul weak and and narrow Minds, fi. 323.
garly fo called, and the real Diſciples Idly
laid a great Streſs upon by the la-
of Epicurus, i. 244. Whofe Principles ter Greek and Roman Hiſtorians, 3:34,
are greatly miſtaken in general, iii.
474
Favonius (M.) ends a warm Diſpute be-
Epicurus, the Philoſopher, was the very tween Brutus and Calius, ii. 109
Feverſe of what is commonly ſup Some Account of him, ib. His noble
poſed, iii. 474.
Behaviour, when put to Death by the
Equeſtrian Order (the) Origin of, i-73. Triumvirs Antony and Ceſar, 194.
Had not Power enough at Rome, ib. Fenelon, his excellent Definition of Rea.
The Guardian of Liberty, whilſt at fons of Státe, iii. 323.
tached to the Senate, ib. Farmed the Fidenates (the) oppoſe the infant Eſtab-
Public Revenues, 74. Was one of the lidhment of Rome, in 14.
three great Bodies of the Republic un- Figulus (P.Nigidius) his pretended Pro-
der the Confular Government, ibid. phecy concerning Octavius, iii. 229.
Reviewed, and greatly countenanced Fires, Auguſtus's Care to prevent thern
by Auguftus, ifi. 556.
at Rome, iii. 443
Ethiopians (the) ſend an Embaſſy to Au- Flaccus (Verrius) the Grammarian, par-
guſtus, iii. 325. Some Account of ticularly favoured by Auguſtus, - iit.
4.97
& feq.
3
3
ta
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Ty
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note *
IN D E X.
497 Particulars concerning him, tavius and L. Antony, 286. Throws
498.
aſide the Woman, and acts the Part
Flamens, three, inſtituted by Numa, i. of a Military Commander, 290. Flies
25.
from Italy, after the Surrender of Pe-
Flavius (C.) his bold Behaviour in op rugia, 304. Her Charcter, that of her
poſing Julius Ceſar, i. 255. His Fainily, and her Marriages, 304, **
Command under Brutus, in Afia, ii. feq. Goes to M. Antony at Athens,
15
where, provoked by his Behaviour,
Flavius (Ceſetius) the Father, his noble The dies of Rage and Deſpair, 310,
Anſwer to the Dictator Ceſar, i. 256. 311.
Was a firm Friend to Brutus, ib. Sent Fulvia, Wife of Clodius Pulcher, her
to Atticus to propoſe the getting rid of Character as a Virago, ii. 339, 340.
M. Antony, 257
Fundanius (C.) was the beſt comic
Fortune, an Altar erected to, in Compli Writer in the Auguſtan Age, iii. 75.
ment to Auguftus, iii. 334. Was de- Furnius fent againſt the Cantabrians, iii.
fervedly revered by Auguſtus, ib. Re 285.
fections on the Subject of Fortune,
336, 337. Hannibal's excellent Say-
G.
ing relative to Fortune, 337.
ADILONE, a Province of the
France, Parallel between its Government Leſler Armenia, defcribed, ii. 27-
and that of Venice, i. 39, & feq.
Aims in vain at Univerſal Monarchy, Galba (L.. Sergius) eſcapes the Profcrip-
118, & feq.
tion, and goes over to Caſlius, ii.
Fregellans (the) oppoſe the infant Eſtab 2. Is reſtored by the Peace of Mife-
liſhment of Rome, i. 14.
348
Freinſhemius, his
(Junius )
ation of Livy, iii. 306.
of him and of his Writings, iii. 459.
Friſons (the) Situation, Manners, &c. Gallus (Canidius), ſee Canidius Gallus.
of, iii. 419.
Gallus (Cornelius), was attached to Au-
Fulvia, Wife to M. Antony, her bloody guftus from his firſt ſetting outin Liſc,
Cruelty during the Execution of the i. 355. Was once M. Brutus's Rival
horrid Proſcription, i. 375. Her ſhock in Love, ii. 113. Wiſely perſuades Oc-
ing Barbarity upon receiving Cicero's tavius to write a mild Letter to the Se-
Head, 382. Her ill Treatment of Hor natc, 247. Protects the Poet Virgil,
tenfia, and the Roman Ladies, ii. 88. introduces him to Mecenas, and, with
Afliſted, when in great Diſtreſs, by that Miniſter, preſents him to Octavi-
T. Pomponius Atticus, 93. Uſurps us, 254. Enters Egypt in concert with
all Power in Rome, 247. Raiſes a Octavius, iii. 197. Takes Pofleffion
violent Clamour againſt Octavius, of Paretonium, 199. Entraps Antony's
248. Said to have made very tender remaining Fleet, 200. Is made Go-
Advances to him, 267. Reſolves, with vernor of Egypt, 223. His Character,
her Brother L. Antony, to breed new ib. 270, 271. He is ſaid to have con-
Diſturbances, in order to bring her ſpired againſt Auguftus, 271. But in-
Huſband back from Cleopatra, 268. diſcreet Speeches ſeem to have been his
Raiſes a violent Storm againſt Oétavi greateſt Crime, ib. & 272. He is re-
us, 282. Diſſuades L. Antony, from called, 272. And baniſhed, ib. Kills
appearing before the Antonian Officers, himſelf, 273. Particulars concerning
who had taken upon them to determine him, and Defence of his Character,
the Difference between him and Oa-
272, 273, 277. Wherein like Afini
vius, 284. Which makes them declare
us Pollio, 439.
flatly for the young Ceſar, 285. Puts Gallus (Elius) Prefect of Egypt, iii.
a ftop to all Negotiations between Oc 272. Marches againſt Arabia Felix,
4.F 2
ibid.
Erlingrumits of Character of this continu- Galio zfúnius Annæus) fome Account
美
​*
*
7
i. 317
I N D E X
ibid. A moſt unfortunate Expedition, the moſt cruel and intolerable Yokein
325:
the World, 162. Was greatly bettered
Games (the Trojan) defcribed, iii. 242. by four of Sylla's Laws, but again de-
Games and Shews, the common Way prayed by Julius Ceſar, 167. Totally
of courting the People, i. 248.
fubverted by the Triumvirate of Cefar;
Garamanti (the) a People of Africa, con Pompey, and Craffus, 185. Its Situa-
quered by L. Balbus, iii. 339.
tion at the Time of Cerar's Death,
Gaul extended and regulated by Auguf 200,.& feq. Is changed into a mere
tus, iii. 288.
Stratocracy, through the lawleſs Power
Gauls (the) leave Rome ſcarce three ſuc of the Soldiery, ii. 269. Reflections
ceffive Years of Peace in the Courſe on Government in General, iii. 316,
of four Centuries, i: 14. . Why leſs 317, 323
brave than the Germans, iii. 421. Pa- Gracchus (Sempronius) feverely beaten by
cified by Druſus, 424. Erect a famous Auguſtus, and baniſhed, for his In-
Monument to Auguftus, ib.
trigue with Julia, iji. 485, 487.
Geminius, ſent to Antony by the Romans, Grammont (the Count of) his wife Re-
is moſt infolently treated by Cleopatra, buke to ſome fycophant Courtiers who
iii, 156.
were flattering Lewis XIV. ii. 360.
Geometry, in high Repute among the Grecians (the) became by Degrees the
Grecians, rii: 47.
ſole Managers of the Roman Educa=
Germanicus adopted by. Tiberius, iii. 504. tion, ii. 353. Character of the Learned
Whom he is ſent to join againſt the among them ahout the Time of Au-
Pannonians and Dalmatians, 514. In guftus, iii. 470.
which War he diſtinguiſhes himſelf, Guarino (Aleſſandro) a fycophant Writer,
515. Honours decreed him for his Ex-
ploits, 518. He is appointed Comman- Gyarus (the Iſland of) ſends a remarkable
der in chief of all the Forces in Ger Embaſſy to Auguftus, iii. 324.
many, 535:
Germans (the). Commotions of, iii. 384.
H...
Think themſelves, and why, much LABEAS Corpus Act (the) of the
better than the Gauls, 421. Duration Engliſh, how compenſated in the
of their Wars with the Romans, 427, Roman Government, i, 144.
& feq. Invaded by Drufus, 425, & Hannibal, an excellent Saying of, rela-
feqq. And quelled by Tiberius, 431, tive to Fortune, iii. 337:
510.
Henrietta, Ducheſs of Orleans, not un-.
Germany, the ancient Boundaries, Divi like the elder Julia in ker Character,
ſions and Inhabitants of, iii. 419, So
legg. How awed by the Romans, 535. Heralds
, (the College of) a noble Inſti-
Gladiators (the Roman) what ſort of tution, f. 105. Their Office, ib.
Men, iii. 266. Their Fate mitigated Hernicians (the) oppofe the infant Eſtab-
by Auguftus, 558.
liſhment of Rome, ii 14.
Government; general View of the Roman, Herod the Great, Beginning of his Story,
i. '58, & feq. Parallel between the ii. 209, & feq. #is Origin, 210. Is
Government of the Romans, when in appointed Governor of Galilee, 215.
its greateſt Perfection, and the preſent. His Conduct, ib. He ſecures Antony's
Government of Great Britain, 39 Favour, 217. He and his Brother de-
112, 144, & feq. Was too much clared Tetrarchs of Judea, 242., Di-
blended between the Senate and the vorces his Wife Doris, and matries
People, 131. Defects in it, 144, & Mariamne, 241. Who Mariamne was,
feq. "Became, from the jufteſt and beſt ib. Is hated by the Jews, and why,
that ever was, through the Vices con 385. Is in great Danger of his Life,
fequent on too much Proſperity, the through the means of Antigonus, 386.
Hias
jli: 322
1
1
:
#
IN DO EV X.1
*
His fürpriſing Eſcape with Mariamne the Engagement, 334. His Character,
and her Mother, 387-389. Gces to 335.
Rome, and applies to his Patron M. Hiftorians (the Roman:) ſuppreſs the Con-
Antony, 394. Is preſented to the Ro duct and succefles of their Enemies,
inan Senate, and declared King of all in order to ſet off the Valour of their
Judea, 395. Sets out for Judea, 396. own Nation, ii. 391.
Defeats the treacherous Deſigns of Homer ſtrictly true in the Genealogy of
Ventidius, ib. Drives the Parthians his Heroes, iii. 242. Difference there-
from before Mazada, and delivers his in betwixt him and Virgil, ibid.
Bride and Family, 397. Joins M.An- Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus) excelled
tony at the Siege of Samoſata, 415
in the Science of Men, i. 5. Of which
426. Lays fiege to Jeruſalem, ii. 3. he made an excellent Ulc, ib. His
Makes a ſudden Excurſion to Samaria, Temper, Wit, Taſte, and Learning,
to conſummate his Marriage with Ma ib. Might have advanced higher than
riamne, ib. Returns, takes Jeruſalem, he did, if he had choſen it, ib. A
and with it his Rival Antigonus, 4. Is
better Acquaintance with the chief
exceſſively diſliked by his Subjects, 5. Perfons of his Days, would make us
Splendor of his Court, 112. "His un read his Writings with higher Reliſh,
happy Situation, occafioned by his own ib. Was firſt taken notice of at Athens
Family, ib. Procures the Death of his by M. Brutus, who foon after gave him
Brother-in-law Ariftobulus, 115, 116. the Command of a Legion, 299. Was
Summoned to anſwer for it before M. Tribune of a Legion under M. Bru-
Antony, 116. Leaves his Kingdom tus, in Afia; ii. 16. A Paſſage in onc
under the Care of his Uncle, with a of his Odes explained, 59, note
terrible Charge concerning Mariamne, Quitted the Military Profeflion after
1:17. How received by Antony, ibid. the Battle of Philippi, 199, 200. Ob-
& feq. Returns, highly pleaſed with
tains bis Pardon of Octavius, througla
the Triumvir, ibid. But finds ſtrange Mæcenas's Interceflion, chiefly at the
Confuſion in his own Family, 118. Requeſt of Virgil, 314, 315. Grows
Orders his Uncle Joſeph to be put to greatly into Favour with Meceiras,
death, and Alexandra to be loaded 354. Was very inſtrumental in taming.
with Chains, 119. Is greatly embar the favage Ceſar, 356. Remarks on
raſſed by a Viſit from Cleopatra, 120.. fome of his Odes written in that View,
Afifts Antony againſt Octavius, 163. 356, 425, 455. Took the Hint of
His noble Behaviour before Octavius at his Sermones from the Satiriſt Lucili-
Rhodes, 193. Where he obtains his us's Works, iii: 53. His Account of
Pardon, 195. Receives Octavius mag: his Journey to Brindifi, 57. Charac-
nificently in Judea, 196. . His Death, ter of his Satires and Epiſtles, 60, Es
479. Offspring, and Will, ib. Au feq. Obſervations on the Uſefulneſs
guſtus's Saying of him, ib,
and Excellency of his Writings, 64*
Hirtius (A.) oppoſes Octavius, i. 220. Brought Satire to its Perfection, and
His Letter to Cicero, 259. Was-Au for what Reaſon, 66. Remarks on his
thor of a Supplement to Julius Ceſar's Fifth Satire, 67. He imitated the Greeks
Memoirs, 276.Character of this Work, in his Writings, 274. His famed In-
ib. Marches againſt M. Antony, by terpreter Porphyrio found by Enos of
Order of the Senate, 318. Detects Aſcoli, 280. His Death; 463. He
Spies, fent into Modena by M. An is buried with Mecenas, ib. His Cha-
tony, ib. Stratagems, by which he racter, and that of his Writings, ib.
carries on a Correſpondence with D.
Brutus beſieged in Modena, 319. De- Horatius Cocles, a matchleſs Inſtance of
feats M. Antony, 326. And forces his the invincibleVirtue which Liberty in-.
Camp, but is unfortunately killed in ſpires, i. 76.
Hortenſiag
2
& feq.
$
ta
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8
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1
it. 47
ment, ib
I. N. DI E X.
Hortenſias at the Head of the Roman La Inſtance of their ſtubborn Temper,
dies, boldly remonſtrates to the. Tri 242. Remarkable for hating their
umvirs the Injuſtice of a Tax they had Neighbours, and particularly the Sa-
laid upon her Sex, ii. 89. Her noble maritans and Idumeans, 385, Seem to
Speech on that Occaſion, ib. :
have been the moſt unhappy People
Hortenſius, Pretor of Macedon, eſcapes that ever ſettled in a Commonwealth,
the Profcription, and goes over to 391. View of their Misfortunes, from
Brutus, ii. 2. Suſpected of havingor the Time of their great Founder, to
dered the beheading of C. Antony, their being deſtroyed by Titus, ib. &
51. Upon whoſe Tomb he is himſelf feq.
butchered by Order of M. Antony, Ionia (the States of) accede to the Cauſe
195.-
of Liberty under Brutus and Caſſius,
Hortenſius (M.) bis Character iii. 340.
Hortenſius (Q.) his great Character as Jofephus, the Jewiſh Hiſtorian, wrote his
an Orator, ii. 88. Yields the firſt Hiſtory firſt in his Mother Tongue,
Place to Cicero, 89.
which was the corrupt Syriac, and af-
Hortenſius Corbio, Son of the former, his terwards tranſlated it into Greek, 235.
Character, iii. 340.
His Reaſon for making that Tranila-.
Huſbandry thought the nobleſt of Pro : tion, ib.
fefſions by the Romans, iji. 26, & feq. Iras, one of Cleopatra's Women, kills
That and Arms their chief Employ-
herſelf on the Death of her Miſtreſs,
iii. 212.
Hybreas, the great Orator of Mylaffa, Iſis and Ofiris (the) of the Egyptians,
his Riſe, Hiſtory and Character, ii. were called Apollo and Diana in Greece
382. His remarkable Behaviour to M. and Italy, and fignified the Sun and the
Antony, 400.
Moon, the moſt ancient of the heathen
Hyrcanus, High Prieſt of the Jews, trai Gods, ii. 237, Note *.
terouſly deceived by the Parthian Prince Italians, Character of the preſent, i. 47,
Pacorus, and inhumanly treated by the
Uſurper Antigonus, ii. 390.
Italy, the Situation of, i. 47. Deſcribed, 47,
48,& feq. The Nature of its ancient
I.
Inhabitants not wholly changed,
49, &
NUS (the Temple of) ſhut but feq. Thoſe Inhabitants were a Mixture
twice from the founding of Rome to of many Nations, 78. Spirit of its firſt
the Age of Auguftus, i. 99. Shut, by Inhabitants, 49. Amicted with peſti-
Order of the Senate, after Octavius's lential Diſtempers, iii. 302.
Conqueſt of Egypt, iii. 234. Re-opened Juba, the younger, married to Cleopatra
by Auguſtus, 282. And again cloſed Selene, iii. 216. His Pedigree, ib. and
by him, 4:32:
Learning, 217
Iberia, now Gourgiſtan, decribed, ii. Julia, the Daughter of Auguſtus, married
2. Invaded by P. Canidius Craffus, to his Nephew M. Marcellus, iii. 288.
ibid.
and after his Death to M.Agrippa, 322.
Icilius, a Senator, his noble Courage in Reſembled by Henrietta, Ducheſs of
the Face of the Ufurper O&avius, i. Orleans, ib. Is delivered of a Son,
359.
Caius Ceſar, 331. And of a ſecond,
Jeruſalem beſieged by Herod the Great, Lucius, 383., Is married to Tiberius,
iii. 3. And taken by Storm, 4. 412. Her Lewdneſs made known to
JESUS CHRIST, the Birth of, iii. 479. Auguftus, 480. Her exceffive Debau-
Fews (the) ſend an Embaſſy to M. An chery, 482, & feq. She is baniſhed to
tony, and on what Occaſion, ii. 208, thelſland of Pandateria, 487. and there
& feq. Send a ſecond Embaſſy, but a ſtarved to Death by Tiberius, ib. Re-
gain to no Effect, 241. A remarkable flections on her Guilt, 188.
Julia,
& ſeq.
JANUS
šuth
3
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ib. 359.
.
& feq.
K
I N D
Julia, the younger, begins to follow the feq. Eſcapes to the Mountains, but is
bad Example of her Mother, iii. 506. diſcovered and killed, 412.
Her exceſſive Debaucheries, 527. She Labienus (T.) a zealous Affertor of Li-
is baniſhed, ib. Supported in her Ex berty, and a great Orator, iii. 358.
ile by the artful Livia, ib.
His Writings, Death, and Character,
Julian Law, (the), iii. 378.
Julius Cæfar, ſee Cefar.
Lacedemon, the Government of compared
Tülus Antonius, fee Antonius lülus,
to that of Venice, i. 148.
Junia, Daughter of Servilia by M.Junius Laecdemonians (the) rewarded for their
Brutus, her Gallantries, i. 264.
Hoſpitality to Livia, iii. 324.
Junia Tertia, or Tertulla, Wife to C. Law, the Papian Poppean, iii
. 365. The
Caſſius, unjuſtly charged with culpa Cincian, 368, 378. The Lex Caducaria,
ble Gallantries, i. 265.
or Law of Forfeits, 359. The Julian
Juries one of the great Bulwarks of the 378. Concerning Slaves, 389, 440.
Lives and Liberties of the Engliſh, i. Concerning Wills, 445. Origin and
143. The Romans had ſomething principal Branches of the Roman Law,
equivalent to them, ib.
370.
Juſtice the great Means by which the Ro- Laws, an original Defect in thoſe of the
mans ſecured their Conqueſts, i. 105, Romans, i. 134. The Prince is not ex-
empted from the Laws, iii. 366,& feqq.
Fuftinian, Reflections on the Laws of, Lawyers forbid to receive either Money or
iii. 365
Preſents from their Clients, iii. 378.
K.
Learning, a Prodigy among the ancient
ALENDAR, the firſt which the Romans, i. 136. Firſt crept in, among
Romans had was formed by Numa them, by the Door of Superſtition, iii.
Pompilius, i. 24.
32, & feq. Andronicus and Ennius the
Knowledge, the moſt uſeful in Life is that first Parents of it among the Romans,
which is acquired by a joint Study of 43, 44. Its Progreſs, 44. When, and
Books and of Men, i. 1. Ill Confe by whom revived in the Weſt, 279,
quences of not attending to this 280. How encouraged by Auguftus,
Rule, ib.
375
Knights (the Roman). See Equeſtrian Lentulus, two of this Name eſcape the
Order.
Profcription and go over to Brutus, ii. 2.
Whoſe Admiral the elder is made, 15.
L.
Lentulus, (Cn. Cornelius), enriched by
ABEO (Antiſtius), the Marfian, kills Auguftus, but proves ungrateful, iii.
his Son and himſelf, to avoid falling 393. His Character, ib.
into the Hands of the Triumvirs, ii. Lepidus (Paulus Emilius)conſpires againſt
195.
Auguſtus, iii. 225. Is detected by
Labes (the Roman) fees his own Grave Mæcenas, and put to Death, ib.
dug, writes to his Wife and Children, Lepidus (M.) his Character, Power, and
and then kills himſelf, to avoid falling Oppoſition to Octavius, i. 220. His
into the Hands of the Triumvirs, ii. 196. Perfidy, 362. Declared an Enemy to
Labeo (Antiftius) his rough Behaviour his Country, 367. Interview between
and Anſwers to Auguſtus, iii. 354. him, M. Antony, and Octavius, 369.
His Character, 355.
In which they form the horrid Trium-
Labienus (T.), fent upon an Embaſſy to virate, 370. Terms and Conditions of
Parthia, ii. 380. Conquers Syria, and their iniquitous Compact, ib. Whilft
defeats Antony's Troops there, 381. one of the Triumvirs, he was chiefly
Over-rans all Aſia, and takes moſt of intent upon amafling Motiey, ii. 82.
its Towns, 382. Is ſurpriſed in Cilicia Retires to Africa, which was allotted
by M. Antony's Commander, 411, & him, 326. Invades Sicily, in Con-
cert
L
thing
I N D E X.
A
cert with Oatavius, 441. Shuts up Will, and the Behaviour of Anatolius,
Pompey's General, Plennius, in Lily ib. Cannot be ſecurely maintained but
beo, 4423 Plunders Meſſina, 452. by Temperance and Induſtry, 373.
Declares againſt Oétavius, prepares to Conſequences of the Loſs of it among
attack him, is delected by his Troops, the Romans, iii. 402.
ſtripped of all Command, and baniſhed Libo (L. Scribonius) endeavours to ne-
sito Circeio; 453. His 'excellent Beha gotiate a Peace between S. Pompeyand
viour in Defence of his Wife, iii. 226. Octavius, ii. 336. Is reſtored by the
Is treated meanly by Auguſtus, 360.
Peace of Miſeno, 348.
Vacates the Office of High-prieſt, by Library, the famous Alexandrian, iii. 276.
his Death, 406.
Burnt, ib.
Leucate, (the Promontory of), the famous Licinia, lee Terentia.
Lover's Leap, iii. 179.
Licinius, Intendant of Gaul, eſcapes Pu-
Levies (the) of the Romans, deſcribed, niſhment by bribing Auguſtus, jii. 387.
Livia, taken from her Huſband, and
Lewis XI. of France, his Credulity, iii.
; married to Octavius, ii. 342, & feq. An
230.
odd Accident at the nuptial" Feaſt,
Lewis XIV, his Ambition, Imprudence 344. May not be qaite innocent in
in War, and ill-judged Cruelty to his regard to the Death of Marcellus, iii.
Subjects, ii 118, & feq. His Perfidy, 295. Sadly mortified by the Birth of
121. Forced to give up his Conqueſts, Caius Cefar, 331. Her extreme Com-
122. Parallel between him and Philip plaiſance to Auguſtus, 386. Behaviour
II. of Spain, at the End of their Reigns, upon the Death of her Son Druſus,
123. Fulſomely flattered by his Cour-
452.
Adviſes Auguſtus to pardon
tiers, 126. Was mean in not pardon Cinna, 507. Her artful Behaviour to-
ing the Chevalier de Rohan, iii. 509. wards Auguſtus's Children, 527. Seems
Could be as intent upon Trifles, as to have been unjuſtly ſuſpected of
upon great Affairs, 552.
poiſoning Auguftus, 542. Over whom
Liberty, Definition of, i. 44. Herodošus's The had an entire Aſcendant, 544. The
Obſervation concerning it verified in Cauſe of which is accounted for, 5453
the Romans, 76. Inſtances of the in Sketch of her Life and Character, 548,
vincible Virtue which it inſpires, ib. 549.
Proofs that Liberty, Virtue, and true Livius Druſus, Chief of the Livian Fa-
Grandeur are indiſſolubly linked by mily, kills himſelf, to avoid falling into
Nature, 113. How valuable to Bri the Hands of the Triumvirs, ii. 196.
tans, 143. Greater, and better ſecur- Livy, the Hiſtorian, Particulars concern-
ed, in the Britiſh Conſtitution, than ing him and his Writings, iii. 310,
in the Roman, and how, 144. The .. 311. Character of Freinſhemius's
laſt Day of the Roman, was that on Continuation of his Hiſtory, 306.
wlaich Octavius was appointed Conſul, Lollius (M.) his Character, iii. 423, 492,
358. Takes her final Flight from 493. Is defeated by the Gerinans, 423.
Rome, 382. Would probably have Appointed to direct Caius Cefar in his
been reſtored, if Caffius's Advice had. Expedition to Armenia, 492. Where
been followed, ii. 110. Received its": his Villainy is diſcovered, and he dies,
mortal Blow by the Peace of Miſeno, 495.
and Reſtoration of the proſcribed Re. Lombards (the) ſubdued by Tiberius,
publicans, 361, & feq. How nearly 510. Their then Situation, ib.
connected with the Manners of the Lowth (Dr.), his Opinion of Virgil's
People, 364, & ſegir Inſtanced in the
Poetry, äii. 347
Revolutions of Spain, ib. Conſtantine Lucan, the Poet, Character of, and of his
Porphyrogenetes's Treatiſe of Advices Writings, iii. 312. Compariſon of his
to his Son, ib. The Emperor Arcadius's Pharſalia and Virgil's Eneid, ib.
Luceius
iii.
*
#
3
..::. .
I N D E X.
2
iii. 277.
Luceius (Quintius), Father of the Conful Mamurra, a great Favourite with Ceſar,
Lucius Antony, ii. 329.
ii. 426. His Turn for Architecture,
Lucian, Writer of the Dialogues, where 429. Invented the Art of incruſting
born, ii. 415.
with Marble, ib.
Lucilius (Caius), the firſt fatyrical Poet, Manilius, fee Manlius.
iii. 49. Some Account of him and of Manlius, the Mathematician, erects one
his Writings, ib. & jeq. His Works of the Alexandrian Obeliſks at Romne;
were the Model of the inimitable Ser-
mones of Horace, 467. Whoſe great Manners and Cuſtoms (the) of the Ro-
Guide he was, ib.
mans, not ſufficiently inquired into by
Lucilius and Ariſtocrates, M. Antony's the Generality of Writers, i. 77. Cur-
only Companions at Paretonium, iii. toms taken by them from the Greeks,
186.
79, 80, 82, 83. Improved by the
Lucius Ceſar, condemned by the Trium Philoſophy of Pythagoras, 84. Poliſh-
virate, but ſaved by his Nephew M." ed and corrupted by their Intercourſe
Antony, ii. 94.
with the Greeks, 137. Total Change
Lucius Ceſar, Son of Agrippa and Julia, of the Roman Manners, 142, 154, &*
his Birth, iii. 383. Is adopted by Au ſeg. The Poet Ennius's Account of
guſtus, ib. To whom he begins to give them, 159. Corrupted by Proſperity,
great Uneaſineſs, 475. Receives the 162.
manly Robe, and the fame Honours as Man of Pleaſure (a) defined, iii. 473-
his Brother Caius, 480. His Death, Marcella, Niece of Octavius, married to
496.
M. Agrippa, iii. 253. Divorced by
Lucinus (Lucilius) his noble Generoſity him, and married to Julius Antony,
to M. Brutus, ii. 172.
322.
Lucretia, the Story of, i. 52.
Marcellus (M.), the Elder, how admired
Lucretius (the Poet) Character of the by Brutus in his Exile, ii. 141.
Writings of, iii. 470.
Marcellus (Caius Claudius), Couſin to the
Lucullus (L.) endeavours to oppoſe Julius former, was married to Octavius's Sif-
Cefar's unjuſt Proceedings, i. 180. ter Octavia, iii. 326. His Character,
Lucullus, the Younger, eſcapes the Pro-
ib. and Offspring, 327,
ſcription, and goes over to Brutus, ii. Marcellus, (M.), married to Auguftus's
2. Beheaded by Order of M. Antony, Daughter Julia, iii. 288. Premature
193
Honours conferred on him, 289. Is
Luxury, the Ruin of the Romans, was offended at the Preference given to M.
firſt learnt by their Intercourſe with Agrippa, 293. Whoſe Removal he
the Eaſt, i. 138, 156.& ſeq. 164. iii. procures, 294. But dies ſoon after, ib.
372, 373, & feqq. Was a Conſequence His Character, ib. and Funeral, 296.
of their Loſs of Liberty, 374. How Marcomanni (the) Situation of, iii
. 425.
checked by Auguſtus, 378.
Subdued by Druſus, ib. Retire into
Lycian Cantons (the), of what compoſed, Bohemia, 432. Unexpectedly preſerv-
ii. 30. Refuſe Aſiſtance to Caffius, ib. ed from a dreadful Attack, 512. Con-
Are conquered by M. Brutus, 31, 47. clude a Treaty with the Romans, ib.
Lycoris, ſee Cytheris.
Marcus, the extraordinary Adventure of,
Lyons (the City of) when and by whom
i. 184.
founded, iii. 303
Maroboduus, Chief of the Marcomanni,
retires with his Countrymen into Bo-
M.
hemia, iii. 432. Where he defies the
AECENAS, fee Mecenas.
Roman Power, 511. Concludes a
Magiſtrates, the Roman, their Treaty with the Romans, 512.
Powers not ſufficiently determined, i. Marſeilles, a ſecond Athens, iii. 496.
134
Marſyas
VOL. HI.
}
M
4 G
{
IN D E X.
Marſyas (the Statue of) impudently his Wife,.ib. His anſwer to Auguſtus,
crowned by Julia, iii. 484.
when conſulted by him
about marrying
Martial (the Pbet)his Character, ii.. Agrippa "to Julia, 322. He accompa-
116. Note I. One of his. Epigrams. nies Auguftus into Gaul, 385. Checks.
explained, 1.17.
his natural Cruelty, 405. His Death,
Mathematics, excelled in by the Greeks, 453. He had partly loſt his former In-
iii. 47. Were diſregarded by the an Auence with the Emperor, ib. Was a .
cient Romans, ib.
Dupe to his Wife, ib. His Character,
Matius (Cn.this Character; i. 244. His 454, & /eq. He was too fond of Life,
artful Letter to Cicero, 245. Was 460. Character of his Writings, ib.
one of the Chiefs of Octavius's firſt & 461. Said to have been the Inven-
Council, 355. In high Favour with
tor of Short-hand-writing, 461. Juftly
Cefar, ii. 426. Was the firſt Inventor immortaliſed by his Protection of
of figured Trees and clipped Hedges Learning, ib.
and Groves, 429
Medal, a moſt impudent one in Honour
Matrimony, how defined by the Roman
of the Triumvirs Ceſar, Antony, and
Law, iii. 150. Greatly encouraged Lepidus, ii: 80. A conſular one ſtruck
by Auguſtus, 362.
by L. Antony, 287. Medals ſtruck
Matronalia, Inſtitution of the Feaſt fo: by Octavius for his deciſive Victory
called, i. 20. Nate *.
over S. Pompey, iii. 24.
Meals (the public) of the Romans, 1. 79, Media, Origin, Strength, &c. of the
80, 82. Their Origin and Ufe, ib. Kingdom of, iši. 14. Falls under the
Mecenas. (C: Cilnius), attached to Au-
Dominion of the Parthians, 149.
guſtus, from the Time of his firſt fet- Mela (Annæus) ſome Account of, iii.
ting out, i. 355. Wiſely perſuades
459
him to write a mild Letter to the Se- Memmingen, fee Drufomagus.
nate, ii. 247. Obtains Horace's Par- Memoirs (the writing of), a very ancient
don, 315. Saves Italy from the Mi-
Cuſtom, iii. 461.
feries of another War, 317, & feq. Is Menas, ſee Menodare.
appointed Auguſtus?s: Arbiter between Menecrates, S. Pompey's Rear-Admiral,
him and M. Antony, 321. Articles of
attacks the Coaſts of Italy, ii. 417.
Arbitration, 322. He begins to new Reduces Rome to great Diſtreſs, ib. &
model the young Octavians, 348. 418. Is defeated at Sea, and drowns,
Sketch of his Character, and of the
politic Steps by which he fet about that Menedore, one of $. Pompey's Com-
great Work, 349, & feq. His Houſe manders, makes himſelf Maſter of Sar-
the Refort of Men of Wit and Learn dinia, iis 331. Is traiterouſly the Cauſe
ing, 354; He makes. Uſe of the Poets,
of Murcus's being put to Death, 336,
and particularly Horace, as one of the 337. His traiterous Propoſal to S...
firſt Means of taming the favage Ce Pompey, to deſtroy Antony and Octa-
far, 355. His bold and ſeaſonable Re vius, 339. Betrays-Sardinia, Corſica,
proof to Octavius, 359. He recom and his Forces, to Oétavius, 417.
mends Horace effectually to Octavius Conquers S. Pompey's Admiral Mene-
Ceſar, iii. 82. Is appointed Prefect of crates, 419. His prudent Behaviour
Rome, and inveſted with full Power
during a dreadful Storm, 422. Deferts
over all Italy, 135. Detects Lepidus's back to S. Pompey,..438, 439. And
Conſpiracy, 225 Adviſes
. Oétavius
again to Octavius, 442, 443.
not to reſign his Power, 249: His Mejala (M.)
reduces the Salafi, iii. 133.
laudable Views, in ſupporting Au Refuſes a Triumph, ib. Is created Pre-
guftus's Government, 263. He detects fect of Rome, and inveſted with full
the Conſpiracy of Cæpio and Muræna, Power over all Italy, 134. But nobly
318. But imprudently divulges it to reſigns it, as not being legal, ib. His
.
noble
himſelf, 419.
*%
}
I N D E X.
teater
noble Recommendation of the famous Murcus (Statius) gains a complete Victory
Strato to Oétavius, 135. He joins over the Ceſarean Fleet, ii. 160, &
Detavius after the Battle of Actium, 173. feq. Divides the Republican Fleet with
His fine Declaration on that Occaſion, Domitius Enobarbus, and joins S.
ib. Is made Governor of Rome, 385. Pompey, 201. Who baſely puts him
But ſoon reſigns that Office, ib. Pro to Death, 336, 337. His Character, ib,
claims Auguſtus Father of his Country, Murena ſent againſt the Salafii, iii. 282.
4.48.
Whom he lubdues, 283. Conſpires
Meljala (Valerius) accompanies O&tavius againſt Auguftas, is diſcovered, and
in his Expedition againſt Sicily, ii. makes his Eſcape, 316. His Character,
443. His great Generoſity to O&ta 318.
vius, once his moſt bitter Enemy, 448. Muſa (Antonius) cures Auguſtus of a
Meffalinus defeats the Dalmatians, iii. dangerous Jlineſs, iii. 293. And is
513
nobly rewarded, ib.
Mefina (the City of) barbarouſly plunder- Muſic in high Eftimation among the
ed by the Triumvir Lepidus, ii. 452. Greeks, iii. 47
Metellus eſcapes the Proſcriptionsand goes Myra, one of the chief Cities of Lycia,
over to Brutus, ii. 2. How pardoned overcome by Brutus's Generoſity, ſub-
by Octavius after the Battle of Acti-
mits to him, ii. 46, 47.
um, iii. 182.
Metellus Macedonicus, outrageouſly inſult-
N.
ed by a Tribune, iii. 300.
AMES (the) of the Roman Fami-
Metulo, the famous Siege of, by Octavius, lies, how tranſmitted to their Chil-
iii. 92. Its Inhabitants deſtroy their dren, ii. 3. Note t.
City and themſelves, 92--95.
Nations, Cauſes of their Greatneſs, and
Middleton (Dr. Conyers), his Account of of their Decline, i. 50. & feq. 135,
-the Pantheon, iii. 281.
136, 194:
Milazzo (the Bay of), famous for the Nemetians (the), Situation, Manners, &c.
deciſive Battle between Octavius and of, iii. 419, & feq.
S. Pompey, ii. 450.
Neptune, a magnificent Temple built to,
Milton (John) a genuine original Genius, by Agrippa, iii. 282.
iii. 343. The Britiſh Homer, 345. Nero (Claudius Tiberius), Father of Ti-
Mimes, what, among the Romans, iii. berius Ceſar, after nobly eſpouſing the
382.
Cauſe of the Republic, eſcapes to Si-
Miſeno, the Peace of, between Octavius cily, ii. 308, 309. Goes to Rome with
Ceſar, M. Antony, and S. Pompey, ii. his
Wife Livia, whom Octavius falls in
341. Was the mortal Blow given to
Love with, and marries, 342, '&feq
the Roman Liberty, 361, & feq: Dies ſoon after, probably of Grief, 347.
Mithridates, the Pergamenian, reſtored by Nerva (L. Cocceius) negociates a Recon-
M. Antony to his Tetrarchy, ii. 208. ciliation between Octavius and M.
Modena, beſieged by M. Antony, and de Antony, ii. 317-321. Is appointed
livered by Hirtius and Oétavius, i. Umpire between their Arbiters Mece-
288-334
nas and Pollio, 321. Articles of this
Moderation (the) and Magnanimity of the
famous Arbitration, 322.
Romans, i. 77, 100.
Nervi (the), Situation, Manners, &c. of,
Moneſes puts himfelf under the Protection iii. 419, & feq.
of M. Antony, iïi. 8. And promiſes to Nevius, the Poet, fome Account of him
guide his Army to Parthia, ib.
and of his Writings, iii. 36, & feq.
Money (Moneta), why ſo called, iii. 40. Nicolas of Lorenzo, his Story, i. 49.
Moſes, the five Books of, tranſlated into Nicolas V. (Pope) repaired and beautified
Greek by Order of Ptołomy Philadel the Pantheon, ii. 280. Was the firſt
phus, iii. 276.
Reſtorer of Learning in the Weſt. ib.
4 G2
Nicopolis
.
>
Hand --
#
H'S
Š
IOI.
**
I N" DE X.
Nicopolis (the City of) built by Octavius Grief for the Death of her Son Mar-
where his Camp was at Actium, jii. cellus, 295.. She adviſes the Marriage
244. and another of the fame Name of Agrippa and Julia, 322. Her Death,
near Alexandria, ib.
450. Honours paid to her Memory,
Norbanus
. Flaccus, the Character, of, ii. 451.
Octavius (C.) Father of C. Octavius
Nobility, wherein different from the Vul Cefar, fome Account of him and his
gar, i. 129. The Roman, firſt learnt Family. ii. 326. His Death and Cha-
Luxury in Afia, 138.
racter, ib.
Numa Pompilius unanimouſly choſen for Delavius Cefar (C.) undertakes to revenge
the ſecond King of Rome, i. 22. His
the Death of his Grand-Uncle Julius,
Character, ib. & 23. Humanizes the i. 218. Sets out from Apollonia in
Romans by introducing the Influence Illyricum, and lands at Lupié in Italy,
of Religion, 23. Regulates their reli ib. Proceeds to Brindiſi, and there first
gious Worſhip, 24, & feq. His wiſe takes the Name of Ceſar, 219. Is well
Policy, ib. & 37. His ſuppoſed Inter received by all the Friends of his late
courſe with the Nymph Egeria, 30. Uncle, who had adopted him into the
He ſeconds admirably Romulus's Plan Julian Name and Family, ib, Boldly
of Government, 33. His Diviſion of ſets out for Rome, with the Name of
the People, 34. Fallly ſuppoſed to Cefar, ib. Which neither his Father,
have been a Diſciple of Pythagoras, nor Cicero, approve of his having
85. Note t. Story concerning his taken, or give to him in their firſt In-
Books, iii. 30. Which are burnt by terview, ib. Finds Things not ſo fa-
Order of the Senate, and why, 31.
vourable to him at Rome, as he had
His Carmen Saliare the Original of
been made to expect, 220.
State
Ovid's Fafti, 39.
of the Oppoſition againſt him, ib.
Numidian and Mooriſh Horſe (the) de-
How firſt received by M. Antony,
ſcribed, i. 72.''
after his Return to Rome, 228. Comes
to an open Rupture with M. Antony,
'o.
230. Gives Games, which his Great-
BELISKS (the Alexandrian)brought Uncle Julius Ceſar had promiſed, in
to Rome by Auguftus, iii. 276. De Honour of Parent Venas, 248. Meets
fcribed, ib.
with a Mortification at them, ib.
Ottavia, Siſter to Octavius Cefar, married Transfers the final Power of judging
to Caius Claudius Marcellus, ii. 326. Treaſon, to the People, 251. Adds a
Their Children, 327. Her amiable third Decuria of Judges to the former
Character, ib. After the Death of two, ib. Enables the Centurions of his
Marcellus, ſhe is married to M. An Army to be Judges at Rome, 252.
tony, ib. Was, for a while, the true Makes the People clandeſtinely paſs.a
Bond of Union between him and her Law to continue the then Governors
Brother, 424. Brings them to an In of Provinces,ib. Throws off the Maſks
terview, and pacifies, for a while, 256. Is held in Abhorrence by the Se-
their mutual Diſguſt, 437, 438.. Is nate, the Cities of Italy, and all the
ſent back to Rome by Antony, with
ſober Part of the Commonwealth, 257.
her own and Fulvia's Children, iii. 6. At mortal Enmity with M. Antony,
Her amazing Goodneſs, 107, & feq. 269. Raiſes Men when not intitled ſo
Carries to her Huſband Preſents, to do, 270. Openly prepares for War,
Cloaths for his Troops, and a Rein without Authority from the Senate or
forcement for his Guard, ib. He refuſes People, 278, Quarters his Troops out
to ſee her, 108. Her excellent Beha of Rome, whilſt Antony treaſonably
viour, 110. Is iniquitouſly divorced enters that City with an armed Force,
by Antony, 149. Her inconſolable 283. Sells his own Patrimony, in or-
der:
O
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1.
IN DE X.
der to pay his Great-Uncle's Legacy is more eager in the Proſcription than
to the People, 287. Receives, through either of his Collegue-Triumvirs, ib.
Cicero's Means, the Sanction of the His outrageous Declaration to the Se-
Senate, 290. Ardour of the People for nate, ib. Even the Death of his Mo-
him, ib. & 291. Is authoriſed by the ther Atia, probably killed by Grief for
Senate to command the Army he had his Proceedings, does not check his
raiſed, and veſted with the Power of Fury, ib. Makes the public Good no
Pro-prætor, 317. Honours conferred longer his Pretence, but openly de-
on him by the Senate, 318. His Party, clares that his Deſign is to avenge the
under the Command of the Conful Death of Julius Ceſar, 84. But his
Panſa, is firſt worſted by M. Antony, own Grandeur was the real Spring, ib.
and afterwards, commanded by the Thinking eaſily to cruſh S. Pompey,
Conful Hirtius, defeats Antony, 326. he rends Salvidienus Rufus to invade
He bravely defends Hirtius's Camp, Sicily, 98. But Salvidienus is defeated,
327. Is wounded in the Attack, 333. 99. And he himſelf then attempts,
Rewarded by the Senate with an Ova though in vain, to get over to Sicily
tion, for his Bravery in the Relief of by Surprize, ib. Receives ſtill more
Modena, 336. Might have ended the alarming News from M. Antony, 100.
War at once, if he had purſued An Whom he joins at Brindiſi, and they
tony, 337. Becomes fole. Maſter of
fail together for Greece, 102. Falls
the veteran and conſular Armies, by the fick, and is left at Durazzo, 138, 139,
Death of the Conſuls Hirtius and Panſa, Sets out for the Camp, though itill:
343. Which he is ſuſpected of having very ill, 140. Is carried in a Chair,
procured, ib. Sends a threatening Mer through the Ranks, juſt before the
ſage to the Senate, demanding the Battle of Philippi, 148. Is repulſed
Conſulſhip, which is refuſed, 345. by M. Brutus, in the Beginning of the
Declares himſelf an Enemy to the Pa Battle, and his Camp is forced, 149.
tricians and Senate, and gives a ſhock After running away upon the firſt At-
ing Proof of his deſpotic Diſpoſition, tack, and hiding himſelf for three
354. Completes his Deſertion from Days and Nights in a Bog, he appears.
his Country's Cauſe, 355. Who were again on the fourth Day, in a miſerable
the Chiefs of his Council, ib. And his Condition, 163. His and Antony's
military Commanders, ib. Marches to Cruelty the Day after the ſecond Bat-
wards Rome, to ſtand for the Conful tle of Philippi, 192. He ſends Brutus's
fhip, at the Head of forty thouſand Head to Rome, 195. Shares the Em-
Men, 356. Forces the Senate to declare pire with his Collegues, Antony and
him Conſul, at the Age of nineteen, Lepidus, 204. His Share, ib. Returns
358. Chooſes Q. Pedius for his Col to İtaly, and falls fick at Brindiſi, 246.
legue in the Conſulſhip, 358. His Is 'purſuaded to write a mild Letter to
violent Proceedings immediately after, the Senate, 247. Suſpends his Mur-
359. His Interview with M. Antony ders, but confiſcates and ſells Eſtates as .
and Lepidus, 369. In which they a. before, ib. Is forced to give up Part of
gree to erect the Triumvirate, 370. his Right, to appeaſe Fulvia and the
Terms and Conditions of their horrid Antonian Party, 248. Sends back his
Agreement, ib. By which he baſely Wife Clodia, untouched, ib. Has re-
facrifices M. T. Cicero, 361. He is courſe to Sacrilege, to ſatisfy the
betrothed to M. Antony's Daughter Greedineſs of his Troops, 249. Nar-
in-Law, Clodia, 372. Three very dif rowly eſcapes being torn in Pieces by
ferent Periods in his Life, 383.
them, 251. Orders the Poet Virgil co
Ostavius reſigns his. extorted Con-
be re-inſtated in his Pofleffions, 254.
fulfhip, ii. 79. Ais infamous Lewdneſs Is hated by the Nobles and Commons,
whilft one of the Triumvirate, 83. He 267. Begins to ſee the Precipice on
whichs
44
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D E E
3
th
2)
X.
which he ſtands, 280. His Anxiety, great Mäcerias, 348. Is wiſely and le-
Alarms, and dangerous Situation, ib. verely reproved by his Preceptor Athe-
He ſues for Peace with S. Pompey, nodore, 358. And by Mæcenas, 359.
281. Sends Mecenas to Sicily, to His Temper and that of M. Antony
propoſe a Marriage between him and compared, 399. He fixes his Reſidence
Scribonia, Aunt to S. Pompey's Wife, at Rome, and ingratiates himſelf with
282. All Italy in Arms againſt him, ib. the Army and Senate, 399,- 400,
He tries to gain over M. Antony's Undertakes an Expedition againſt Dal-
Veterans, 283.' The Antonian Óf matia, 40. Freſh Miſunderſtandings
ficers, ſeconding his Views, erect them and a new War between him and S.
ſelves into a ſupreme Court,and ſummon Pompey, 417. His vaſt Preparations
him and L. Antony to appear before for this War, 418. Deſires the Affift-
them, and receive their final Deciſion, ance of both his Collegue Triumvirs,
283, 284. To which he agrees, and ib. Is defeated at Sea by S. Ponipey, and
upon L. Antony's refuſing to do the narrowly eſcapes with Life, 418-423.
fame, the Antonian Veterans declare for His wretched Situation after the Battle,
Otavius, 285. He plunders the 421. His remaining Fleet is deſtroyed
Temples, and melts down the very by a Storm, 422. Sends to Agrippa
Statues of the Gods, to make Money, and M. Antony for Aſiſtance, and
ib. His ſeeming, but artful, Modera diſobliges the latter by not keeping
tion, 286. Preparations for War be his Appointment, 423. But obtains
tween him and L. Antony, 287. He his Affiſtance, by ſending Mæcenas to
marches againſt the "Norcians, is re Greece, 424. "Receives this pleaſing
pulſed, lays Siege to Setina, and is News, and that of Agrippa's having
joined by Lepidus expelled from Rome, gained a complete Victory over the
291. Is obliged to raiſe the Siege of Gauls, 427. Takes a turn to Learn-
Setina, ib. Blocks L. Antony up in ing, 435. Meets M. Antony at Ta-
Perugia, 293. And forces him to fur rento, 437. Where new Diſguſts be-
render, after a moſt obſtinate Defence, tween them are pacified by Octavia,
295. His dreadful Inhumanity after ib. Exchanges ſome of his Land Forces
-the Surrender, 299-302. His famous with M. Antony, for a Number of
Banquet of the twelve Gods and God Ships, and agrees privately with him to
defles, 313. He takes the Field againſt prolong their Triumvirate, 438. Puts
M. Antony, 317. Refers their Dif his whole Marine under the Command
ference to an Arbitration, 321. By
of his Land General M. Agrippa, 439.
which the Weſtern Half of the Empire Sets twenty thoufand Slaves at Liber-
is allotted him, 322. His Share not ty, and puts them on board his Fleet,
equal to that of M. Antony, and why, 440. Reſolves to attack Sicily with his
325. Marries his Siſter Octavia to M. whole naval Force, joined to that of
Antony, 327. Is in great Danger of Lepidus, 441. Bad Succeſs of this
his Life from a Meeting of the People Expedition, ib. & 442. His great Dif--
reduced to Deſpair byFamine and new treſs, 442. He haftens over to Sicily,
Taxes, 333-335. Concludes a Peace
is ſurrounded on all sides, eſcapes with
with S. Pompey, 337: Manner of mak great Difficulty, and is landed with
ing, and Terms of the Peace, 338, only a ſingle Soldier to attend him,
339. Marries his Nephew M. Mar 444-447. His Affairs with S.Pompey
cellus to Pompey's Daughter Pompeia, retrieved by the Bravery of M. Agrip-
341. Divorces Scribonia, and marries pa, 449. Accepts S. Pompey's Chal-
Tiberius Nero's Wife Livia, 342, 343. lenge, to put the final Deciſion of their
His Family and Court aſſume a new Quarrel upon the Event of a naval En-
Face, and he himſelf begins to relent, gagement, 450. Three hundred Ships
-chiefly through the prudent Care of the on each side engage in the Bay of
Milazza,
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Ι Ν D E X,
Milazzo, where Pompey's. Fleet is to Mæcenas, ibid. Owes his Preſerva-
tally defeated, ib. His Behaviour dur.. tion, probably, to a Viſit which Cleo-
ing this important Battle differently patra paid to M. Antony, on the Bor-
related, ib. Narrowly eſcapes being ders of Cilicia, ib. Offers to reſign
killed by his Collegue Lepidus, whom the Triumvirate, on Condition of An-
he thereupon banilhes, 452, 453. Re tony's doing the ſame, 147. Artfully
mains, by the Wiſdom of Mæcenas, returns to Rome, and goes to the Se-
and the Bravery of Agrippa, ſole Ma nate, 148. His artful Behaviour to
fter of the Weſtern World, 453: En get rid of Antony's Friends, ib. And
ters Rome a ſecond Time in 'Triumph, Reception of Deſerters from him,
greatly mended by the many ſevere Lef 154. Seizes Antony's Will, and reads
fons he had received, ib. Of which he it to the Senate, 155
Cauſes him to
gives the Romans foine immediate be formally deprived of all Command
Proofs, 454. Immoderate Honours de in the Commonwealth, 158. Enters
creed him by the Senate, of which he into a Paper War with M. Antony,
accepts but a few, ibid.
160. Makes great Preparations for
Octavius Ceſar deſires Horace to ad real War, 161. His vaſt Forces, ib.
dreſs ſome of his Writings to him, iii. & 163: He fails to Actium, 166. Is
82. To quiet his unruly Troops, he joined by many of Antony's Party,
reſolves upon War againſt the Dalma 168. Prepares for a Sea-engagement
tians, 83. His Campaign, by which at Actium, 173. And gains a com-
they are reduced, 91–102. Reaſons plete Victory, 177. For which he re-
alleged by him for commencing War turns particular Thanks to his favou-
againſt M. Antony, 128. His Steps rite Deity, the Actian Apollo, 179.
upon the Approach of a Rupture be His politic Management of Antony's
tween him and his Collegue M. Anto defeated Forces, i8o. And his Treat-
ny, 130. He takes the Conſulſhip. ment of the Priſoners, 1814-183.
for an Hour or two, ib. Declines à Cruel, in general, but blended with
Triumph for his Conqueſt of Dalma fome Acts of Mercy, 182. He is ini-
tia, Pannonia, and Illyricum, and in tiated into the Myſteries of Minerva
lieu of it builds a magnificent Portico, and Ceres, at Athens, 190. Returns
which he calls the Octavian, 131. De haſtily to Rome, to prevent a Revolt,
feription of it, 132. His prudent Be-
192.
Goes back to Afia, 193. Is
haviour, whilſt preparing for War a waited upon by all the Princes of the
gainſt M. Antony, 132, & feq. Seems Eaſt, ib. Pardons Herod, 196. And
to have been really become a new Man, is magnificently received by him in
135. Gives an important Command Judea, ib. Enters Egypt, 197. His
to Strato, ib. Nobly rewards a Slave - artful Behaviour to the Ambaſſadors of
for having ſaved his Maſter at the Time Antony and Cleopatra, 198. Takes.
of the Profcription, 136. Admits all
Pelufium, 2016
And Alexandria, ib.
the ſurviving Republicans to the Ho Becomes Maſter of Cleopatra, 207,
nours of the Commonwealth, ib. His . Makes his Entry into Alexandria, ib.
extreme Anxiety on hearing of the Pardons that City, ib. His Interview
March of Antony's Troops under Ca with Cleopatra, 214. Falfely declares
nidius Gallus, 138. Is quite unpre that he had burnt Antony's Papers,
pared for War, and his Coffers empty, 219. Viſits the Tomb of Alexander
ib. Lays heavy Taxes on all Italy, the Great, ib. Is enabled, by the Spoil?
139.
Seditions ready to break out a of Egypt, to pay. all his Debts, 220.
gainſt him, ib. The Romans ſet fire His artful Directions for the Govern-
to their City, in order to throw every ment of Egypt, 221, 222. He paſſes
thing into Confuſion, ib. & 14.0. Riſe through Syria into Aſia, 224. Where
in arms, are with Difficulty quelled by he endeavours to make the People like-
bim,
sy
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7
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+
he
sh
#
ma
I N D
D E X.
hini, ibid. Is applied to by Tiridates Origo, a celebrated Lady of Pleaſure at
and Phraates, Kings of the Parthians, Rome, iii. 380. Ruined Marleus, ib.
ib. Lepidus's Conſpiracy againſt him, Ornaments (the) of Offices, diſtinguiſhed
"225. Honours decreed him for his from the Offices themſelves among the
Romans, iii.
mits Temples to be built to him in the Orodes (King of Parthia), his exceflive
?
Provinces, 232. But is more reſerved Grief for the Death of his Son Paco-
with reſpect to Rome, 233. Extra rus, iii. 6. Reſigns his Crown to his
ordinary Honours decreed him, 234, Son Ph:aates, who, in return, poiſons
235. He returns to Rome a quite
him, 7.
different Man from what he had been Oſtia, a Roman Colony ſettled at, by
before, 235. Is publicly declared the Ancus Martius, i. 35.
Saviour of the State, ib. Triumphs, Ovid, his Fafti the moſt learned and uſc-
and receives the very rare Honour of ful of his Works, iii. 39. Took the
a Crown of Graſs, 236. Rivets him Hint of them from Numa's Carmen
ſelf thoroughly in the Affection of the Saliare, ib. Was an Imitator of the
Romans, 239. And of the Soldiery, Greeks, 275. Is baniſhed, 527. How
240. Conſecrates a Temple to Julius far, and of what, moſt probably guil-
Ceſar, ib. Enlarges the Temple of ty, ib. & feq. Character of his Art of
Actian Apollo, 243. And inſtitutes Love, 530. And of his Metamor-
Games in Honour of that Deity. 244. phoſes, 531.
In what Light conſidered by his Friends Ovinius, a Senator, put to death by Oc-
and Enemies, ib. Artfully ſets abqut tavius, iii. 217.
obtaining a legal Sanction of his Power,
240. Feigns a Deſire to abdicate his
P.
2.48. Agrippa and
ib. Opi the Parthians, inſtigated and guided
nion of this laſt, 249. Cajoles the by T. Labienus, a ſtaunch Republican,
People with Donatives and Shews, 250. over-runs all Aſia and Syria, ii. 380
Reforms the Senate, ib. Affects to -384. Penetrates into the Heart of
preſerve an outward Appearance of the Judea, and ſeizes Hyrcanus and Faſa-
Republican Forms, 253. Marries A el, 385-387. Is thrice defeated by
grippa to his Niece Marcella, ibid. the Romans under Ventidius, and killed
The Public Good becomes his real in the laſt of theſe Battles, 411–414.
Study, 254. He goes to the Senate- Pacuvius (Sextus) his mean Flattery of
houſe, and formally abdicates the fu Auguftus, iii. 267.
preme Power, 255. Is preſſed to keep Padua, the City of, ſeverely treated by
it, 256. Which, .with ſeeming Re Aſinius Pollio, ii. 316. Remarkable Fi-
luctance, he conſents to do for ten delity of the Slaves belonging to it, ib.
"Years, ib. And divides, and how, the Pætus (Autronius) triumphs over A-
Provinces with the Senate, 257. His frica, iii. 240.
artful Management in this Diviſion, Pagi, or Villages, the People firſt divid-
258. He receives the Title of Au ed into by Numa, i. 34.
GUSTUS, 259. Final Extinction of Painting was deſpiſed by the ancient Ro-
the Republic, 260. For what farther
mans, iii. 46.
concerns him, ſee Auguftus.
Palmyra (the city of), plundered by M.
Omens, Reflections on, iii. 393, & Antony's Troops, ii. 239. Its Situa-
feq.
tion, Trade, &c. ib.
Oppius (Q.) one of the Chiefs of Octa- Pannonians (the) quelled by M. Agrip-
vius's firſt Council, i. 355. And a pa, iii. 408. And by Tiberius, 413.
Favourite, ii. 426. Was a curious Revolt again, 512. And are again ſub-
Gardener, and a great Planter,-429. dued by Tiberius, 515.
Panſa,
I
G
IN DE X.
483
។
iii. 276.
Panfa (Vibius) oppoſes Octavius, i. 220. Paffions (the) Temples erected to, i. 85,
Is appointed one of the Deputies from note t
the Senate to Antony at Modena, but Patara, the Arſenal of Lycia, ſubmits to
dies
upon the Road, 312. His Cha M. Brutus, being overcome by his Ge-
racter, ib.
neroſity and Virtue, ii. 44, 45.
Panfa (the Conſul) joins Hirtius and Oc- Patches, the Uſe of, very antient, iii.
tavius againſt M. Antony, i. 323. Is
worſted in Battle, and mortally
wound- Patrol (a) inſtituted at Rome by Auguſtus,
ed, 325. His Loſs a fatal Blow to the iii. 443. Becomes a diſtinguiſhed and
Republic, 339. His Character, ibid.
honourable Body, 444.
Greatly wronged by Appian, 340. Patrons and Clients first inſtituted by Ro-
Pantheon (the) finiſhed by M. Agrippa, mulus, i. 17. Good Effects of this
iii. 278. Deſcribed, 279, 281. Now Inſtitution, ib. Their reciprocal Du-
the Church of S. Maria della Rotunda, ties, ib. 'The Tie between them was
280.
hereditary, 18. And came at laſt to be
Papia Poppæa, the Law, iii. 365. Con looked upon as ſacred, ib.
fidered, ib.
Paudion and Porus, Kings of India,
Paper firſt manufactured in Egypt, iii. ſend a remarkable Embally to Auguf-
272. Different Sorts made there, and
guſtus, iii. 331.
their Names, ib.
Pearls formerly found on the Britiſh
Parchment, when firſt uſed for Writing,
Coafts, iii. 270.
Pedius (Q.) Octavius's Collegue in his
Parks (the Julian) finiſhed by M. A firſt Conſulſhip, i. 358.
grippa, iii. 278.
Pelufium, the City of, ſurrendered to Oc-
Parthenius, theelegiac Poet, fome Account tavius, iii. 201.
of him and his Writings, iii. 274. Perugia (the City of), its ſituation, ii.
Parthia (the Kingdom of) thrown into 292. Cloſely blocked up by Octavi-
dreadful Confufion by its King Phra us, 293. Reduced to great Diſtreſs
ates, iii. 7. Its vaſt Extent, 12. Why by Famine, 294. Shocking Increaſe
not to be conquered, 16. State of it in of that Diſtreſs, 295. Surrenders to
Auguſtus's Time, 328.
Octavius, 296, & feq. And is re-
Parthians (the) defeat and kill M. An duced to Aſhes, 302.
tony's favourite Commander Decidius Petronius, Prefect of Egypt, iii. 272.
Saxa, ii. 310. Over-run all Syria and Defeats the Ethiopians, and obliges
Judea, and threaten Egypt, ib. Ad them to fend Amballadors to Auguſ-
vance into the Heart of Judea, 385. tus, 325, 326. And to ſubmit to the
Plunder Jeruſalem, 390, & ſeq. Their Conqueror's Mercy, 515,
Origin, 402. Firſt Migrations, Cu- Phenicians, extent of their Country, ii.
ſtoms, Government, Language, Pro 55. Origin of their Name, ib. And
greſs, Increaſe, &c. till their becom of their Language, 56. Diſtinction
ing the Rivals of Rome, 402-411.
between the Libo-Pheniciansand Syro-
Upon the Approach of Antony's Ge Phenicians, 58. Their Character, ib.
neral Ventidius, they retire towards the Were the Inventors of Letters, Aſtro-
Euphrates, 411. Are defeated by him, nomy, Navigation, Military Diſci-
412. Defeated by him a ſecond Time, pline, and Architecture of Towns, ib.
413. And a third Time, 413, 414. Philadelphus, King of Cappadocia, won
Their Prince Pacorus killed in the over to Octavius, iii. 167.
Battle, 414. They expel Phraates, Philip II. King of Spain, his ambitious
and chooſe Tiridates for their King, Views, i. 114. His Tyranny and ill-
224.
judged Policy; 117. Parallel between
Parties, two naturally formed in all him and Lewis XIV. of France, in
States, i. 129.
the End of their Reigns, 123. His
VOL. III.
latt
4 H
I N DE X.
*
Piſo, 472.
laft Advice and Inſtructions to his Suc the Rear-admirals of the Republicans,
ceffor Philip 111. note **
199. Protects Virgil, 254. Is reſtored
Philippi (the Town of ), where ſituated; by the Peace of Mileno. 348. Is Au-
and by whom founded, ii. 136, 137, guſtus's Collegue in the Confulſhipiii.
Two Towns of this Name, 137. Ad 290. His Character, ib. And that
vantageous Encampment of Brutus and
of his Son, 291.
Caflius near this Place, 138. Cauſes Pius II. (Pope) was one of the princi-
which brought on the firſt Battle there pal Reſtorers of Learning in the Weſt,
between the Republicans and the Ce iii. 281.
fareans, 141, & feq. Preparations of Plancus (Munatius), his brave and up-
the Troops on both Siles, 144. Vaſt right Behaviour at firſt, i. 362. Is
Importance of this Battlc, 146. The joined by D. Brutus in Dauphiny, 364.
Battle, 148–153. And the ſecond Is won over to the Enemy, and lays a
deciſive Ba:tle, 170-172.
Snare to betray D. Brutus into the
Philo, the Jewiſh Writer, miſrepreſents Hands of M. Antony, 365. Upon
very abſurdly the Affair of M. Brutus's which they ſeparate, and Plancus joins
taking Xanthus the Capital of Lycia, Antony and Lepidus, ib. His Cha-
ii. 43, note *
racter, ii. 85. He was won bver to
Philodemus, the Character of, 11.471. Phi Antony's Party by Afinius Pollio, 199.
loſophical Diſpute between him and L. Renders Italy once more a Scene of
Confuſion and Bloodſhed, 269. Marches
Phraates fucceeds to the Crown of Par to L. Antony's Aſliſtance at Perugia,
thia by the Reſignation of his Father 292. Accompanies Fulvia in her Flight,
Orodes, whom he afterwards poiſons,
after the Surrender of Perugia, 307.
iii. 7. His monſtrous Cruelty, ibid. Deſerts from Antony, and goes over to
Offers Moneſes fuch Terms as induce Octavius, iii. 151. His Motives for
him to return, 11. Was probably in fo doing, as ſet forth by himſelf, ib.
ſtrumental in the defeat of M. Anto For which he receives a fine Rebuke
ny, 15. His Reception of M. Antony's
from Coponius, 154.
Deputies, 17. And his Perfidy, ib. Is Plancus (L. Munatius) his Character, üi.
expelled by his Subjects, 224. Has Re 302, 303. He is appointed Cenſor,
courſe to the Scythians, and then ap ibid. Founded Lyons, 303. Rivalſhip
plies to Octavius, ib. Expels his Rival between him and A. Pollio, ib.
'Tiridates, ib. Ordered to apply to the Platina was the Publiſher of Apicius's
.
Roman Senate, 300. By whom he is Eliay on Good-eating, iii. 280.
referred back to Auguſtus, ib. Submits Plato, his Head on the Reverſe of a Me-
to Auguſtus, reſtores the Roman Pri dal of Auguſtus, ji. 208. Adviſes
foners and Standards, and ſends his four Princes to ſecure the good Opinion of
Sons, with their Wives and Children, their contemporary Writers, 375.
as Hoſtages to Rome, 327, 328, 491. Players, Fidlers, Tumblers, and all ſorts
Puts to death twenty-nine of his Bro-
of Strollers formed into a Corporation,
thers, after having killed his Father, by M. Antony, under the Name of the
491. Reſigns his Crown to Tigranes,
Artificers of Bacchus, ii. 223.
ib. Farther Inſtance of his Treachery, Plays (Stage) owe their Origin to Reli-
ib. His Haughtineſs to Auguſtus, 495. gion, iii. 33. Their firſt Riſe among
Phyſicians diftinguiſhed at Rome, on ac the Romans, ibid. Their Progreſs,
count of Antonius Mufa, iii. 293. from extreme Simplicity to the greateſt
Piſo (L. Calpurnius) artfully inſiſts on Pomp, 55, & feq. Not calculated,
and obtains a public Funeral Solemni among the Romans, merely to divert,
ty for the Corpſe of the Dictator Julius
but alſo to inſtruct, 44. Were, for
Cefar, i. 209.
the moſt part, among the ancient Ro-
Pifo (Cn. Calpurnius) eſcapes the Slaugh mans, looſe bold Tranſlations from
ter at Philippi, ii. 198. And Aies to the Grecian, 49. Were one of the
principal
<
I N D E X.
principal Amuſements of the Romans, Poets (the firſt Roman), iii. 34, & feq.
379. 381.
The Roman Poets were Imitators of the
Pleaſure (a Man of) defined, iii. 475. Grecks, 275. Except Ennius and
Plebeians (the), or Commons of Rome, Accius, who were Originals, 343.
their great Power, in conſequence of Spenſer and Milton the only two ori-
the firſt Inſtitution of the State, i. 16. ginal Engliſh Poets, ib. Shakeſpear
The chief Part of the Legiſlative Power inimitably great, but often only a Co-
reſided in them, 57. Their Comitia, pier, 344.
or Aſſemblies, by growing numerous, Poggi, the Florentine, diſcovers the
throw the common courſe of Buſineſs Writings of Quintillian, iii. 280.
more and more into the hands of the Polomo made King of Pontus by M. An-
Senate, 58. Their Power in their tony, ii. 106. His Hiſtory, ib.
Grand Comitia, 62. The ultimate Pollio (Afinius) was one of the beſt Tra-
Appeal from every other Tribunal lay gic Writers of the Auguſtan Age, iii.
to them, 63. Admitted to the Con 75. Had Thoughts of making Cofir's
ſulſhip, 70. Honeſt Frankneſs of their Civil War the Subject of a Tragedy,
Behaviour in their firſt Differences with ib. But was diffuaded from it by
the Patricians, 94. Their Power and Horace, ib. Reduces Dalmatia, for
that of the Senate too much blended which he triumphs, 85. Some Parti-
together, 131. Force the Senate to
culars tending to illuſtrate his Charac-
frant them Dignities in the Common ter, 85, & Jeq. Remains neuter be-
wealth, 132. Grow too numerous for twixt Octavius and Antony, 148. Ri-
the well-governing of the State, 145. valſhip between him and L. M. Plan-
Their too great power proved the cus, 303. Sketch of his Character,
Ruin of the Republic, ib.
ib. & 438. Wherein like Cornelius
Plennius (C.) one of Pompey's Generals,
after being blocked up by Lepidus in Pollio (Herius Aſinius) forfeits his Word
the Town of Lilybeo, ii. 442, throws and betrays his country's Cauſe, i.
himſelf into Meſſina, which, after a 365. Wa; attached to Julius Ceſar
brave Defence, he at length furrenders at his firſt ſetting out in Life, ii. 198.
to Lepidus, 452, who barbarouſly And after his Death becomes a zealous
permits his Soldiers to plunder it, ib. Republican, 199. But thinking the
Plutarch, his Opinion concerning the Ceſarean Party likely to prevail, he
myftical Amours of the Gods, God joins M. Antony, ib. Protects the
defies, and Heroes of the Antients, i. Poet Virgil, and becomes his Patron,
31. Not wholly exempt from Preju 253, 259. Adviſes him to apply par-
dice and Paſſion, 317. His Account ticularly to Paſtoral Compoſitions,
of Brutus's ſeeing his Evil Genius at ih. Is very near ruining Salvidienus,
Abydus, ii. 122.
Was a very cre-
289. Seizes on Ravenna, 293. Brings
dulous Writer, 123.
D. Enobarbus over to M. Antony,
Poetry (State of the Roman) in the Au with his Fleet, 312. Exerciſes many
guſtan Age, ii. 256. Satirical, when odious Acts of Cruelty and Rapine,
and by whom firſt introduced among 316. Is appointed Antony's Arbiter in
the Romans, iii. 49. Its State in Ho the Diſpute between him and O&tavi-
race's Time, 74. The Epic was fuc us, 321. Articles of this Arbitration,
ceſsfully cultivated by L. Varius, to-
322.
wards the Beginning of the Auguſtan Polliə (P. Vedius), his Origin, For-
Age, ib. The greateſt Writers in the tune, and extreme Cruelty, iii. 388.
Dramatic were A. Pollio and Funda Reproved by Auguftus, ib. Makes
nius, 75. Virgil ſtands unrivalled in Auguſtus his Heir, 389.
the Epic, 76.
Pollio (T. Vedius) notorious for his Gal-
lantries, i, 264.
4 H 2
Polybius
Gallus, 439.
#
I I N D E X.
*
Polybius gives the beſt Account of the meets Oétavius and Antony, and is
entire Model of the ancient Common prevailed upon to make Peace with
wealth of Rome, i. 7. His Prediction them, 337. Articles of the Peace,
of the Fall of Rome, ii. ant. Pref. 338. His noble and generous Beha-
Pompeia, the Daughter of S. Pompey, viour when both Očtavius, and An.
betrothed to Auguftus's Nephew Mar- tony were in his Power, 339. To
cellus, ii. 341.
conſolidate the Peace, he betroths his
Pompey (Cnejus), ſurnamed the Great, Daughter Pompeiato M.Marcellus, the
a general View of the Actions of, i. Nephew of Octavius, and Son-in-Law
101, & feq. Was the firſt Roman of Antony, 341. But freſh Miſun-
Knight that ever entered the City in a derſtandings, and a new War, ſoon
triumphal Chariot, 102. Inſcriptions break out between him and Octavius,
to his Praiſe, 102, 103. His noble 417. Gains a great Victory over the
Magnanimity and Moderation, 104.
Ceſarean Fleet, 418-421. But neg-
Is prevailed on by Julius Ceſar to join lects to improve his Advantage, 423.
him and Craffus, 175. Cato's Anſwer Guards againſt a formidable Invaſion
to him upon his propoſing to marry
with which he was threatened by Oc-
Cato’s Siſter, 267. Cato's refuſing his tavius, 441. Again milles an Oppor-
Alliance, makes him join Ceſar and tunity of totally deſtroying Octavius's
.
Craffus, 268. Traiterouſly murdered naval Power, 443. Challenges Octa-
in Egypt, ii. 50.
vius to put the final Deciſion of their
Pompey (Sextus) powerful in Spain, i. Quarrel upon the Event of a naval
296. Writes to the Senate in order to Engagement, 450. In which he is
procure Peace, 297. Is made High totally defeated, 451. He flies to Afia,
Admiral, and raiſes a maritime Force, and there, after various Adventures,
298. Is joined in Sicily by all the elder is put to Death by Titius, whoſe Life
Senators who had eſcaped the Profcrip he had ſaved, ib.
tion of the Triumvirs, ii. 2, 76, 78. Pomponia, the Daughter of Pomponius,
His Care of, and great Services to the Atticus, married to M. Vipſanius A-
Roman Commonwealth, 76, 77. His grippa, ii. 361. Intrigues with Q.
noble Proclamation againft the Tri Cecilius the Epirote, iii. 410.
unvirs, 77. Has a. formidable Fleet, Poplicola (Gellius) traiteroully conſpires
no contemptible Army, and a Re againſt M. Brutus's Life, ii. 14. And
femblance of a Roman Senate to di againft Caffius's, 107. Some Accouut.
rect their Operations, 78. Defeats of this Wretch, ib. & 108. Deſerts
Octavius's Admiral Salvidienus Rufus from Brutus to Antony, 169.
in Octavius's Sight, 99. Makes the Portia, the Daughter of M. Cato, mar-
Romans feel the dreadful Effects of Fa ried to M. Brutus, ii. 4. Her Charac-
mine, by ſtopping the Import of Corn ter, and Trial of her own Fortitude, ib.
to the Tiber or the Po, 251. Octavius
Is intruſted with her Husband's Secret,
fues to him for Peace, 281. Overtures 6, & feg. Her Behaviour afterwards,
for a Treaty between him and M. An ib. Dies of Grief, 8. Was not the
tony, ib. Sends his Admiral Meno Perſon who killed herſelf by ſwallow-
dore with a ſtrong Squadron to join ing live Coals, ib. Note t. & iii. 225.
Antony, 317. His Forces are ſent Portica (the Octavian) deſcribed, iii. 132,
back by Antony, and for what Reaſon, 451. Of Livia, 390.
321.
He is excluded from the Brindi- Porſenna, the noble Generoſity of, i.
fian Treaty by Octavius Ceſar, 33). 77
Prefled by all his Subjects, except Me Poverty one of the Sources of the Roman
nodore, to make Peace with Antony Virtue, i. 82, 136.
and Oétavius, 336. Baſely puts the Prefect (the), or Governor of Rome,
brave S. Murcus to Death, 337. He Nature of his Office, iii. 385.
TES
Pretors,
alten
3
I N
D
E X.
*
1
ᎤᎬ
·
Writers, 375.
Pretors, their Power, i, 66. Reaſons for Pythagoras, his Philoſophy improved the
creating them, ib. & 70. Choſen from Manners of the Romans, i. 84.
among the Patricians, 70. Their Duty,
ib. Town-Pretors, and Country-Pre-
Q.
tors, ib. Increaſe of their Number, 71. VESTOR, Nature of the Office of,
Obtain a new Prerogative, iii. 439. i. 168. Was Pay-maſter, Secretary
Priets and Prophets, various Orders of, at at War, and Commiſſary-general of
Rome, inſtituted by Numa, i. 24. the Troops, ii. 15.
Their Functions, ib. Conſtitution of Quintilian, the Writings of, when diſco-
the Grand Aſſembly of Prieſts, and vered by Poggi, iii. 280.
their Functions, ii. 343 Conſulted a-
bout the Lawfulneſs of Octavius's
R.
Marriage with Livia, 344.
Princes are bound by the Laws of their REASONS of State, whát, iii. 322,
323
Country, ii. 365, 366. Should ſecure Religion, general Reflections on the firſt
the good Opinion of their cotemporary planting of it in any Country, i. 29, &
feq.
The Parent of Plays, iii. 33.
Proconfuls, their Power, i. 66. Why Republic (the Roman), changed into a
created among the Romans, ib. How
mere military Government by the Ce-
balloted for the Government of the ſarean Soldiery, ii, 269, 270. Totally
Provinces, 286.
annihilated by Auguftus, iii. 260.
Proculeius feizes Cleopatra in her Tomb, Rhafcüporis, his Command under M.
iii. 206. Cannot obtain the Pardon
Brutus, ii. 120. And Treachery to the
of his Brother Murena, 318. Was Republicans, 135.
once thought of by Auguſtus for the Rheti (the) Situation of, iii. 390. Sub-
Huſband of his Daughter Julia, 411. dued by Tiberius and Druſus, 391.
Promona (the City of) beſieged and taken. Rhodes, one of the moſt commodious.
by Octavius, iii. 101, & feq.
Places in the Empire, for fitting out
Profcription (the) of the Triumvirs, Oc Fleets, ii. 17. Some Account of the
tavius, M. Antony, and Lepidus, Iſland and City of, 18. Beſieged, re-
publiſhed at Rome, and put in Execu duced, and laid under Contribution
tion, i. 373, & feq. Was more crimi-
by C. Caffius, 19-25.
minal than even that of Sylla, 374. Rhodians (the) repeated Perfidy of, to-
The Tenor of it, ib.
wards the Romans, ii. 18. Their Em--
Ptolomy Philadelphus, his immenfe Libra baffies to C. Caffius, 19, 20, 21. Who
ry, iii. 276. Which is burnt by Acci defeats their Fleet, 23. Blocks them
dent, ib.'Was a principal Propagator up, and lays them under Contribution,
of Judaiſm, and conſequently of Chrif-
24, 25. Effectually curbed by Caffius.
tianity, ib.
Ordered the Books of of Parma, 201.
Moſes to be tranſlated into Greek, ib. Rhymetalces, King of Thrace, leaves M.
Publius Syrus, the Founder of the Mimc Antony and joins Octavius, iii. 169.
- Stage, iii. 381.
Robe (the manly), Ceremony of a Roman
Pylades, the Player, his ſhrewd Anſwer Youth's firſt putting it on, iii.
478.
to Auguſtus, iii. 379. Firſt introduced Romans (tke), divided into two Claſſes by
the Pantomime Dances on the Roman Romulus, i. 15. Humanized by Numa
Stage, 380. His Manner of acting, ib. Pompilius, 23. How divided by Ser-
Pyrates, a very formidable League of, on vius Tullius, 36, 74. The Founda-
the Coaſts of Pamphilia and Cilicia, ii. tion of their Liberties laid by the
26. By whom firſt formed, 27. Their Founder of their State, 36. Steps by
aſtoniſhing Audaciouſneſs and Rapine, which they roſe to great Offices, 72.
28; 30. Humbled by P. Servilius, and Their Spirit and Virtue under the
totally extirpated by Cn. Pompey, 30. conſular Government, 75. Exempli-
,
fieds
SC
I. N: D E X.
.
+
یع
Tied, 76. Many of their Manners and Remarks on the ancient Romans,
Cuſtoms taken from the Greeks, 79 iii. 26, & feq. Their own Laws were
-83. Improved by the Philoſophy their firſt Study, 29. Their Rough-
of Pythagoras, 84.' Their Concord neſs and illiterate State for ſo'nc Ages,
at Home, 86. Military Diſcipline, 87. ib. & ſeq. Apologized for, 45. But
And Fidelity to their Allies, 88. Their faint Imitators of the Greeks in Point
general Method of declaring and of Learning or Invention, 47. The
making War, 92. Character of the Conqueſt of Greece firfc civilized, and
ancient Romans, 95. Extended their that of Aſia afterwards corrupted them,
Conqueſts with great Rapidity, 100. 78. The Blemiſh, if any, of the an-
And rendered them permanent, 104. cient Ronans, 95. What Sort of
Their Virtue and immenſe Grandeur, People at the Time of the Actian War,
110, 111.
Great whilſt poor, but 139. Set Fire to Rome, take up Arms,
ruined by growing rich, 136., Were and are quelled with Difficulty, 140.
for a long Time Strangers to Learn Shocked at Antony's.Behaviour, 155.
ing, Sciences, and the Arts, ib. Arms Deprive himn of all Command in the
and Agriculture were long their only Commonwealth, 158. Declare War
Occupations, 137. Became poliſhed againſt Cleopatra, 159. Decree all
and corrupted by their Intercourſe with Sorts of Honours to Octavius, 226.
the Greeks, 137, & feq. 156, & feq. And even aſſociate him with their
Total Change in thein, 140, 154, Gods, 227. Are entirely won by his
.feq. The Poet Ennius's Account of popular Behaviour, 239. Their ex-
them, 159. How glorious after the Ex treme Degeneracy, 244, 259, 434, &
pulſion of their Kings, 160. Ruined feq. They transfer all their Power to
by Proſperity, 162, 163. Their Li Auguftus, 260, 264. Their Colonies,
berty quite blaſted by the firſt Trium in general, how ſituated, 286. Would
virate, 176. Were ripe for Deſtruction force the Dictatorſhip upon Auguſtus,
when Julius Ceſar ruined them, 190. but are refuſed, 302. Begin to taſte
Their Situation at the Time of his the Sweets of Auguſtus's Adminiſtra-
Death, 200, & feq.
tion, 304, 439. State of their Empire,
Sorely diſtrelled by the licentious 433. Inſtances of their Affection for
"Ceſarean Soldiery, ii. 252, 265. And Auguftus, 447, & feq. Their Concern
by the Violence of Fulvia and L. and various Diſcourſes upon his grow-
Antony, 269. What the grand Error ing old and infirm, 541.
which brought on their Ruin, 272. Rome, the ancient Conſtitution of, and
Grievouſly afflicted by the War be-
the Powers of its Magiſtrates, ought
tween Oétavius and L. Antony, 288. to be thoroughly underſtood, i. 6.
And by a ſevere Famine, 328. Raiſe Have been beſt deſcribed by Writers
an Inſurrection againſt Oétavius, and of other Nations, ib. Smallneſs of its
are diſperſed with great Slaughter, Origin, 10. Founded by Romulus at a
333-335. Force the Triumvirs, An-
very happy Conjuncture; 11. By what
tony and O&avius, to make Peace with
Sort of Men firſt peopled, 12. Its Si-
S. Pompey, 335-339. Made happy tuation with reſpect to other States, 1.3.
for a while by the Peace of Miſeno, How oppoſed in its Infancy, 13, 14.
341.
Were fond of having Grecian' Enlarged, and begun to be walled in,
Preceptors for their Children, 352. 35. Reflections on the Cauſes of its
Loft their Liberty by departing from Grandeur, 1-38, 96. Great and ra-
their primitive Auſterity, 364, & feq. pid Increaſe of its Territories, 100.
and became by degrees an eaſy Prey to The Plan of its conſular Government
every bordering People, 371. Extreme compared with the Britiſh Conſtitu-
Jy ſimple in their firſt Pretenſions and tion, 39-112. Cauſes of its Fall and
Names, but corruptly elated afterwards Ruin, 113-136, 162, 358. In what
by their high Fortune, 434.
Situation
'3.
+
&
they
I N DE D
i. 25.
X.
Situation at the Death of Julius Cefar, Salafli (the), conquered by M. Meffalag.
201, & feq. Its deplorable Condition iii. 133. And totally fubdued, 283.
under the Triumvirate, ii. 78. Greatly Salii, (the twelve) inſtituted by Numa,
diſtreſſed by the Soldiery, 251. And
by Famine, 328, 423. Set on Fire by Salinator (M. Livius) choſen Conſul with
its Inhabitants, iii. 140. Immenſely C. Claudius Nero, reconciled to him,
enriched by the Conqueſt of Egypt, and, jointly with him, faves his Coun-
220. But dependant on it for Bread, try from imminent Perdition, i. 69.
221. Nobly embelliſhed by Agrippa, Salluſt, the Hiſtorian, his Character, ii.
278, 282. Diftrefled by Inundations
54
of the Tiber, 301. By whom, and for Sallufilius (Criſpus) ſucceeds Mæcenas in
what Reaſons, allowed to be enlarged, the Miniſtry, iii. 454. His Character, ib.
432. Grandeur of Rome, 442. Salona, the Capital of Da'malia, taken by
Romulus, the Founder of Rome, i. 10. Afinius Pollio, iii 85.
Short Account of him, ib. & feq. His · Salvidienus Rufus; ſee Rufus (M. Salvi-
Policy to people Rome, 12, 19, 20. dienus).
Divides its Inhabitants into Patricians Samnites (the) oppoſe the infant Eſtabliſh-
and Plebeians, 15. His great Council, ment of Rome, i. 13. Afforded the
or Senate, ib. His Prerogatives, and Romans Cauſe for four aud twenty
civil and military Inſtitutions, ib. & Triumphs, 100.
17. Divides his infant Kingdom with Samoſata, the Capital of Commagene, fa-
Titus Tatius, 20. His Death, ib. mous for the Birth of Lucian, ii. 415.
Rufus. () takes a ſtrange Method to Beſi ged by M. Antony and Ventidius,
be reconciled to Auguftus, whom he
with Antiochus Prince of Commagene
had offended, iii. 308.
Thut
up in it, ib. But the Siege is raiſ-
Rufus (Egnatius) his daring Infolence, ed, 416.
Sarmatians (the) ſend an Embaſſy to Au-
Rufus (M. Salvidienus), a Favourite and
guſtus, iii. 341.
Adviſer of O&tavius when he firſt be- Satire, when firſt introduced among the :
gan to diſavow the Authority of the Romans, iii. 49. Brought to its Per-
Senate and People, i. 355. Attempts
fection by Horace, 66.
to invade Sicily, but is defeated by S. Saturninus (C. Sentius), baniſhed by the
Pompey in Octavius's Sight, ii. 99. Profcription, is reſtored by the Peace
Clears the Paſſage of the Alps, and of Miſeno, ii. 348. Is fole Conſul, iii.
joins the Ceſarean Army in Catalonia, 333. His intrepid Firmneſs, ib. He
280. In Danger of being ſurrounded, gains great Advantages over the Ger-
but is reſcued by M. Agrippa, 289. mans, 510. Marches with Tiberius
Turns a Traitor to his Benefactor, againſt the Marcomanni, 512.
and is put to Death, 331–333. Saxa (Decidius), a zealous Cefarean,
paſles over into Macedon with eight.
S.
Legions, ii. 101. His Character, ib.
Over-runs all Aſia, and forces Plancus
SABINES (the) united to the Romans
to retire, 381. Is defeated in Syria, of
Sabinus (Albius) eſcapes the Proſcription, which he was M. Antony's Governor,
and goes over to Caſſius, ii. 2. Is re and kills himſelf; ib.
ſtored by the Peace of Miſeno, 348. Scarpus (Pinarius.) his Infidelity to M.
Sabinus, (Calviſius), one of the Tools of
Antony, iii. 186. Delivers up Cyrene,
Octavius's firſt Factions in Rome, i. and his 'Troops, to Octavius, 187.
355. And of his Admirals in the Sici. Scipio Africanus, Story told of the Birth :
lian War, ij. 419. In which he is
of, iii. 231.
worſted by S. Pompey's Admiral, ib. Scipio, the younger, Saying of: Cato in
Rejoins Octavius at Rheggio, 420.
his Praiſe, i. 140.
Scribonia
lii. 333
$
**
ta
Y
.
2
*
I N D E X.
Scribonia married to Oētavius Cefar, ii. The Qualifications of a Senator fixed,
282. Divorced, 342. .
361. Indulged with an annual Receſs
Scriptures, the original Copy of the Jewiſh, from Buſineſs, 439. Reformed again
burnt with the
famous Alexandrian Li by Auguftus, 506. Gives up entirely
brary, iii, 276.
even the remaining Shadow of Liber-
Scythians (the) ſend an Ambaſſy to Au-
ty, S36.
guftus, iii. 33!.
Seneca, his Style defined, iii. 458. Some
Segelle (the Iſland of) now called Zyg Account of him and his family, ib.6
fa, or Landſpurg, Situation of, iii. ſeq.
97. Sudued by Octavius, ib.
Septuagint, the Original of the Verſion
Seleucus futrenders Pelufium to Oétavius, of the Scriptures diſtinguiſhed by this
iii. 201.
Name, burnt with the famous Alex-
Senate (the) or Grand Council of the Ro andrian Library, iii. 276.
mans, formed by Romulus, i. 15. Its Servilia, the Mother of M. Brutus, Cha-
Province, 16. Cauſe of its Increaſe racter of, i. 262. Was too intimate
of Power, 58. Its Authority, Pre with Julius Cefar, ib. Story of a Bil-
rogatives, &c. 6o. Its Power too much let of her writing to him, 263.
blended with that of the People, 131. Servilia, Wife of the younger Lepidus,
Too ſmall when put in Competition kills herſelf by ſwallowing live Coals,
with that of the Plebeians, 147. De iii
. 225. Which is miſtakenly related
prived by Julius Ceſar of the Power of of Cato's Daughter Portia, ib.
diſpoſing of the Conſular Provinces, Servius Tullius, his Character, Actions,
185. How changed after the Death Laws, and Inſtitutes, i. 35, 39.
of Julius Ceſar, 201. Guilty of a very Seftius (L.) a zealous Republican, ad-
wrong Step, 208. Terrified at the ho mitted to the Conſulſhip by Auguſtus,
ſtile Approach of M. Antony, 249 iii. 297. His Character and noble Be-
Sends a Deputation to him, when be haviour, ib.
fieging Modena, 312. Reduced to the Setina (the city of) beſieged by Octavi-
Shadow of what it once was, 314. Its us, and taken by Salvidienus, ii. 291.
Reſolution upon Antony's audacious Severus (Cecina), his-Behaviour in the
Demands from before Modena, 315.
Pannonian War, iii. 513-
Awed by Octavius, and forced to ap- Sewers (the Common) of Rome, begun
point him Conſul, 358. How fallen by Tarquinius Priſcus, i. 35. Î'he
from its priſtine Grandeur, when Oc great one dug by Tarquinius Super-
tavius began to rule, ii. 362. Com bus, 36. Their vaſt Magnificence,
pliments away its Remains of Liberty
to Auguſtus iii. 226, 227, 239, 244, Sextius (Publius), Queftor to M. Bru-
259, 260, 264, 402. Reformed by tus, Character of, ii. 15. Eſcapes the
him, 250. Gives a Sanction to all
Carnage at Philippi, 198. And joins
his former Violences, by a very abject the Republican Rear Admirals, 199.
Decree, 266, Servilely orders Thanks Sextius (Titus) a Creature of the Tri-
to the Gods for the Diſcovery of a umvirs, defeated in Africa, ii. 67, &
pretended Conſpiracy of Cornelius feq.
Gallus, 277. Helps Auguſtus to elude Shakeſpear (William) Character of his
the Laws, 288. Farther Inſtances of
Writings, iii. 344.
its, abject Servility, 298, 299, 338. Is Ships (the) of the Ancients were all Gal-
complimented by Auguſtus, 300. Ap-
lies, ii. 23:
plied to by Tiridates and Phraates, Short-hand Writing, the Invention of,
who are referred back to Auguftus, ib.
iii. 461.
Forced by the People to offer the Dic. Sicambri (the), where ſituated, iii. 419.
tatorſhip to Auguftus, 302. Again Their Manners, &c. ib. Their ſtub.
reformed by Auguſtųs, 353, & feq. born Fierceneſs when fubdued by Ti-
berius, 431.
Sicilian
iii. 443:
IN DE X.
......
& jeq.
Sicilian War (the) againſt S. Pompey, Eſpouſes Antony's Cauſe in the Senate,
ii. 417, o feq.
147. Leaves Rome, when Conſul,
Sicily reduced to a Roman Province by and goes over to Antony, 148.
ČI. Marcellus, i. 100.
Spain ruined by graſping at Univerſal
Sidonians (the) puniſhed by Auguſtus, Monarchy, i. 113-118. How diffi-
and why, iii. 327,
cultly conquered by the Romans, whilſt
Silanus (D.) one of the Corruptors of the its Inhabitants were free and uncor-
younger Julia, iii. 527. Is baniſhed, ib. rupted, and how eaſily its many Revo-
Silanus (M. Junius), after being ba lutions were afterwards brought on,
niſhed by the Profcription and Civil through Luxury, ii. 366, & /eq.
Wars, is reſtored by the Peace of Mi- Spaniards (the) invaded by the Roinans,
ſeno, ii. 348.
iii. 282. Their Character and natu-
Silius Italicus, the Poet, his Character, ral Advantages, 283. Subdued and pa-
and that of his Writings, iii. 350.
cified, after two hundred Years of War,
Sifenna reproves Auguſtus, iii. 404.
287, 333, Origin of their preſent
Siſkia, the Capital of the Segeltans, be Language, 286. Why leſs formidable
ſieged and taken by Octavius, iii. 99, than they might be, 283. Their Mo-
narchy greatly weakened by the Ex-
Slaves, the vaſt Number of, at Rome, pulſion of the Moors, i. 116. And
contributed to the Subverſion of the by their cruel Treatment of the Low
State, i. 145. How expoſed to Sale in Countries, ib. Their ill judged Poli-
Rome, iii. 381. How treated, accord cy, 117. Their Treaſures idly ſquan-
ing to the Roman Laws, 389. A Law dered away, 117, 118.
in their Favour eluded by Auguſtus, Spenſer (the Poet) a genuine original Ge-
440.
nius, iii. 343. Compared with Theo-
Smyrna, the Place appointed for the Ren-
dezvous of the two Armies under Bru- State (the Roman) as formed by Romu-
tus and Caſſius, ii. 16. Deſcription lusy was a mixed or limited Monarchy,
of this City, ib.
i. 15. How divided into Tribes, Cen-
Soldiery (the Roman) become the Maſters turies, &c. 74. Cauſes of its great
of the State, i. 314. And the only Riſe, 1-38. And of its Declinc,
Source of Greatneſs, ii. 247. Their 113, & feq.
· exceſſive Infolence, 249. Send a threat- Statius Murcus blocks up M. Antony in
ening Deputation to Octavius, ibid. Brindiſi, ii. 100. Is deceived by An-
Murmur furiouſly againſt him, and, tony and Octavius, who get clear of
in their Rage, kill their Tribune No him, 102. Is joined by Domitius Eno-
nius, ib. Are appeaſed by Octavius, barbus, and greatly diſtreſſes the Ce-
250. Remarkable Inſtance of their In ſareans, ib.
folence, 251. Take forcible Poffef- Statues (the) of the Romans were anci-
fion of the Lands and Property of
ently of Braſs or Copper, iii
. 352.
others, 251, 205. Their Will takes The firſt of Silver was erected to Au-
place of Law, 269, 270. Inſtances guſtus, ib.
of, and Reflections on the neceſſary Statutes (the Elian and Tufian, what,
Conſequences of an over-grown Mili-
i. 183.
tary Power, 270, & feq. Only two Style, in Writing, Reflections on,
Ways of guarding againſt it, and 458, 467.
what they are, 271, 272.
Stoics (the) principles of, iii. 474.
Solius (C.) fent to ſettle Herod on the Strato, who performed the laſt Office to
Throne of Judea, iii. 3. Jointly with the great M. Brutus, recommended to
him, takes Jeruſalem, 4. His Beha Otavius, and preferred by him, iii.
yiour to the depoſed Antigonus, 5, 136.
VOL. III.
Sueto-
critus, 344
ht
ali.
4 I
M
3
I N D D E x.
iii. 445:
ih
Sue:onius Tranquillus one of the few.ge. Terentia, Cicero's Wife, Character of
nuine Sources of hiſtorical Truth, i. ii. 324. At mortal Enmity with M.
317.
His Character as a Writer, Antony's Wife, Fulvia, ib.
ili. 305.
Terentia, the Wife of Mæcenas, is in-
Suevi (the) Situation, Manners, &c. of, formed by her Huſband of a Confpi-
iii: 419, &. feq. Their ſtubborn Fierce racy againſt Auguftus, iii. 318. And
neſs, when ſubdued by Tiberius, iii. procures the Eſcape of her Brother
431.
Muræna, ib. Her Character, 386, 453,
Superſtition, Reflections on, iii. 393; & Her Intrigue with Auguftus a knowa
feq.
Affair, 387
Sybilline Verſes (the) eaſy to find the Tefta (C. Trebatius) an eminent Law-
true Key to, iii. 88. How and where yer, his Adventures and Character, iii.
preſerved, 407
356.
Sylla (L. Cornelius) his Character, 138, Tetrinius Gallus, comforted by Auguſtus,
139. Taught the young Roman No-
bility to be debauched, 138. And ſpoilt Theatre (Progreſs of the Roman) from
the Diſcipline of the Roman Soldiery, the greateſt Simplicity to the greateſt
163
Pomp, iii. 35, & feq.
Sylla (Fauſtus) eſcapes the Profcription, Thebes, Origin of the Name of the City
and goes over to Brutus, ii. 2.
of, ii. 62.
Syria over-run by the Parthians, inſti- Theocritus compared with Spenſer, iii.
gated and guided by T. Labienus, ii.. 344, 345
383. Situation of that Province, then Theodore, Antyllus's Preceptor, betrays
governed by M. Antony's Favourite his Pupil to Octavius, iii. 214. And
Decidius Saxa, 384.
is himielf crucified for a Theft, ib.
Theodofius, the Sophift, Author of the
T.
Death of Pompey the Great, for which
he is puniſhed by M. Brutus, ii. 50.
ter and Actions, i. 35.
Thraſyllus, an Aſtrologer, artfully gains
Tarquinius Superbus, his Character and Tiberius's Confidence, iii. 501.
Actions, i. 35.
Thyatira relieved by Auguftus's Liberali-
Tarſus, the Inhabitants of, deſcribed, ii. ty, iii. 326.
231. Rewarded by M. Antony, 232. Tiber, Origin of the Name of the River,
Antony and Cleopatra there, ib. &
feq.
Tiberius begins to be diſtinguiſhed by
Taurus (Statilius) attempts to invade Si Auguftus, iii. 289. Places Tigranes
cily with Part of Auguſtus's Fleet, but upon the Throne of Armenia, 330.
is driven back by a Storm, ii. 441, 442.
Honcurs decreed him for it, ib. His
Commands Octavius's Land Forces at Expectations raiſed to a great Height
A&tium, ii. 173. Is ſent againſt the by a pretended Prophecy, ib. But ſadly
Cantabrians, 285. Made Governor of diſappointed by the Birth of Caius Ce-
Rome, 385.
far, 331. He is decorated with the
Temples were the ancient Repoſitories of Ornaments of Pretor, 337. Is fent
Learning, iii. 40. Temples built to with Druſus againſt the Rheti and Vin-
Octavius, 232, 233. TO Julius Ce delici, 390. Whom they ſubdue, 391.
far, 240. The Temple of the Actian Is promoted to the Confulſhip, 401.
Apollo enlarged and beautified by Oc Married to Auguftus's Daughter Julia,
tavius, 243. Temple and Altar erected 412. Chaſtiſes the Pannonians, 413.
to Auguftus by the Gauls, 424. His Perſon, Family, and Character,
Tenkteri (the) Situation, Manners, &c. ib. Treachery to his Brother Druſus,
of, iii. 419, Ewa ligi
418.. He was not, at firſt, eſteemed
3 by:
TARQUINIUS Priſcus, his Charac-
ii. 63
+
I N D E X.
mer
iii. 461..
by Auguſtus, ib. Haftens into Ger- Timagenes, the Behaviour and Character
many, to ſee his dying Brother Dru of, iii. 438.
fus, 428. Receives the Title of Im- Timancum, M. Antony's, ii. 188.
perator, a Triumph, and a ſecond Tiridates choſen King of the Parthians,
Conſulſhip, for his Advantages over
iii. 224. Is conquered and expelled
the Germans, 432. Is continued in by Phraates, ib. Ordered by Auguſtus
the Tribunician Power, 476. Takes to apply to the Roman Senate, 300.
Offence at Caius's Elevation, ibid. By whom he is referred back to Auguſ-
And ſtubbornly retires to Rhodes, 477 tus, ib. Is made King of Armenia by
Pretends to intercede for his Wife Ju Auguftus, 330.
lia, 486. But afterwards ſtarves her Tiro, Cicero's. Freedman, Iwas probably
to Death, 487. His Manner of Life at the Inventor of Short-Hand Writing,
Rhodes, 498. Confides in the Predic-
tions of the Aſtrologer Thrafyllus, 501. Titius leaves Antony, and goes over to
Obtains Leave to return to Rome, ib. Octavius, iii. 151. His Character, 152.
Is adopted by Auguſtus, 502. Though He brings Philadelphus, King of Cap-
not liked by him, 503. His exemplary padocia, over to Octavius, 167,
Behaviour in his private Life, 504. He Torquatus (M.) eſcapes the Profcription,
adopts Germanicus, ib. Kills Agrippa and goes over to Caflius, ii. 2. Eſcapes
Poſthumus, 505. Performs great Ex the Carnage at Philippi, 198. -
ploits in Germany, 510, E9 ſeq. Marches Tragedies, the beſt Roman, were written
againſt the Marcomanni, 511. But, by Afinius Pollio, iii. 75.
upon a Revolt of the Dalmatians and Tralles (the City of) relieved by Auguſtus's
Pannonians, concludes a Treaty with Liberality, iii. 326.
them, 512. His great Prudence in the Treaſon, what was meant by it among
War againſt the Pannonians and Dal-
the Romans, i. 251.
matiáns, 513, & feq. Whom he totally Trebonius (C.) Proconful of Aſia, cru-
ſubdues, 515. His excellent Behaviour elly put to Death by Dolabella, i.
in this War, 516. Importance of his 295
Victory, 517. Honours decreed bim Trevians (the), Situation, Manners, &c.
for it, 518. He returns to Germany, of, iii. 419, & ſeq.
and avenges Varus's Defeat, 532. Tribocci (the), Situation, Manners, &c.
Gains the Affection of Auguſtus, 533. of, iii. 419, & ſeq.
By whom he is promoted to the higheſt Tribunes (the) of the People, Power of,
Honours, 535. His magnificent Tri i. 63, 132, 134. Were deſpotic Ma-
umph for the Conqueſt of the Dalma giſtrates, 131. Cauſe of their Creation,
tians and Pannonians, 534. He is
ib, Their Office alone was not vacated
treated by Auguſtus as his intended by the Election of a Dictator, 132.
Heir, $41. Sets out for Illyricum, Bring about, by their Seditions, the
545. But is fent for back' by Li final Diſſolution of the Roman Go-
via, upon the Death of Auguſtus, vernment, 133. Form of their Com-
547
miſſion, 134. Note*. Their unbound
Tibullus, a great Poet, but not fufficient
ed Power, iii. 299,
to give us an adequate Idea of the State Triumvirate (the) of Octavius, Antony,
of Poetry in the Auguſtan Age, ii. 256. and Lepidus, agreed upon, i. 370.
Imitated Parthenius and the other Conditions of their horrid Compact,
Greeks, iii. 274:
ibid..
Tigranes, King of Armenia, reigns but Triumvirs (the) Octavius, Antony, and
a ſhort Time, iii. 490. Had his Crown Lepidus, bloody and tyrannical Com-
by the Refignation of Phraates, pact of, i. 370. Beginning of their
491
horrid Profcription, 373: Sketch of
their
.
IN ND E X.
*
their public Procedure, il. 79. In- Varro (Marcus), his Eftate feize by M.
ſtances of the Intenſeneſs of their Ty Antony, i. 236.
ranny, ib. Levy moſtexorbitant Taxes, Varro (M. Ter.) Account and Character
to ſatisfy their greedy Soldiery, 86. of the Writings of, ii. 61. And of
Nature of the Proclamation for that himſelf, 65. Pardoned by M. Antony,
Purpoſe, ib. Even the Ladies not ex after having been condemned by the
empted, 87. Are nobly oppoſed by Triumvirate, 94.
Retires into the
Hortenſia, 89. Begin to be weary of Country, where he wrote his Treatiſe
fhedding Blood, and want to colour of Husbandry, and lived till paft an
over their Enormities, 95. Apply to
Hundred, 95:
this End to A. Caſellius, a celebrated Varro (P. Ter.) put to Death by M.
Lawyer, who refuſes to draw up an In Antony, ii. 194. Some Account of
ſtrument for them, ib. Alarmed by the him and of his Writings, ib. Note *
Progreſs of Brutus and Caſſius, they Varus (Quintilius) dreſſes himſelf in his
ceaſe their Profcriptions, 97. And con pretorial Robes, and then orders one of
cert Meaſures for the enſuing Cam his Freedmen to ſtrike off his Head, to
paign, ib. & 98. Proceedings of An avoid falling into the Hands of the
tony and O&avius down to their gain Triumvirs, ii. 196. Some Account of
ing the ſecond Battle of Philippi, 99
him, ib. Note *
-163. Their horrid Cruelty after Varus (P. Quintilius) his Hiſtory, Cha-
the Battle, 192. They divide the Em racter, and dreadful Defeat in Ger-
pire between them, 204. Their re-
many, iii. 519, & ſeq. Kills himſelf,
ſpective Shares, ib.
523.
Tryphon, ſee Diodotus.
Vatia (C. Servilius), one of the Tools of
Túllus Hoftilius, his Character and Ac Octavius's firſt Faction, i. 355.
tions, i. 35.
Ubians (the), Situation, Manners, &c. of,
Turulins, Rear-Admiral of the Republi iii. 419, & ſeq.
cans, ii
. 199. Surrendered by Antony Veii, the Siege of, i. 14.
to Octavius, and put to Death, iii. Velleius Paterculus, his Character as
198.
Writer, i. 317. iii. 305. Was a mean
Tufcans, fee Etrurians.
Flatterer of the Ceſarean Family, i.
Tyrians (the) puniſhed by Auguftus, and 183, 510, 511.
why, iii. 327.
Venice, Parallel between the Government
of, and that of France, i. 39, & feq.
V.
How enfeebled, 40. The Council of
the Dieci a Canker in the Bofom of its
ALERIUS Maximus, his Character Conſtitution, 43. Piſa, and Genoa,
as a Writer, i. 317.
why ſo inſignificant now, 141. Its
Valgius (C.) a great Poet in the Auguſtan Government, how far like that of La-
Age, and once reckoned almoſt another cedemon, 148.
,
iii.
Ventidius joins M. Antony in his Flight
Vangions (the), "Situation, Manners, &c.
over the Appennines, i. 338. When or-
of, iii. 419, & feq.
dered by L. Antony to march to Pre-
Varius (L.) the greateſt Poet of the Au neſte, he only ſtands upon the Defen-
guſtan Age, follicits Horace's Pardon, five, ii. 269. Commands, with A. Pollio,
ii. 315. Appointed to overſee the Ex the Pallage of the Alps, 288. Where
ecution of Caffius of Parma, with whom they are very near ſurrounding Salvi-
he had a literary Quarrel, iii. 218. dienus, 289. Seizes on the Town of
And from whom he is ſuppoſed to Rimini, 293. Is appointed Governor
have ſtolen his Tragedy of Thyeſtes, of Syria by M. Antony, and ordered to
347, 348.
allift Herod, 396. His Treachery on
that
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· .... .......
I N N DE D
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X.
that Occaſion, ib. Fleeces the Jews, Ceſar, 434. Some Apology for him,
and defeats the Parthians three Times,
435436.
43
411-414. Picks a Quarrel with An The
true Occaſion of his celebrated
tiochus Prince of Commagene, and be Birth-day Ode, intitled Pollio, jii. 87.
fieges him in his Capital, 415. But Which is greatly miſapplied by ſeveral
raiſes the Siege, 416.
of the Learned, 90, 91. Beſides his
Venus Anaitis, the Temple of, plundered native flow of Verſe, he was extremely
by M. Antony, and the golden Statue learned, and perfectly verſed in Anti-
of that Goddeſs carried off by a Sol quity, 88. Not fo ftri&tly true as Ho-
dier, iii. 104.
mer, in the Genealogies of his Heroes,
Verres (C.) the Impeachment of, proſe and why, 242. Certainly not conſulted
cuted by Cicero, i. 155. Shews to what by Octavius about his reſigning, 250.
Miſery Vice had reduced the Romans, Occaſion of his Epiſode of the Shep-
ib.
herd Ariftæus, 274. Was greatly in-
Vertot (the Abbé) miſtaken in regard to
debted to the Poet Parthenius, ib. Imi-
Auguftus, iii. 262.
tated the Grecians, ib. His Eneid com-
Vetus (Antiſtius) joins M. Brutus, i. 300. -pared with Lucan's Pharfalia, 312.
Vindelici (the) join the Rheti againſt His Death, 341. Epitaph, Will, and
Tiberius and Druſus, iii. 391. But Character, 342, 346. Reflections on
are forced to ſubmit, ib. Two Ro his Writings, 343, & feq. His Geor-
man Colonies eſtabliſhed among them, gics a finiſhed Work, 345. Stri&t
392.
Friendſhip between him and Horace,
Vinicius (M.) quells the Germans, and 347.
triumphs, iii. 510.
Virtue, a Definition of, ii. 114.
Virgil, the Poet, in Danger of his Life Ulpian (Domitius), his Interpretation of
from a Centurion, who forcibly ſeized a Clauſe in the Papian Poppean Sta-
upon his finall Inheritance, ii. 253. His tute, iii. 366.
firſt puerile Compoſitions, ib. His Gra- Volſci (the) oppoſe the infant Eſtabliſh-
titude towards his Patrons and Bene ment of Rome, i. 14.
factors, 254. Great Applauſe with Volumnius cruelly put to Death by M.
which his fixth Paſtoral was received, Antony, ii. 193.
ib. To whom this Drama was probably Uſipii (the), Situation, Manners, &c. of
addreſſed, 255. Is again attacked in the
Poſſeſſion of his Eftate, put in Danger Utica, Origin of the Name of the City
of his Life, and righted by his former of, ii. 56. Its Situation deſcribed,
Patrons, 259. It was after this that he 68.
wrote his Eclogues, 260. He ſtudied Utrecht, the Peace of, Reflections on, i.
firſt at Cremona, and afterwards at
123.
Naples, 261. To whatthe great Sweet- Vulgar (the) Definition of, i. 129.
neſs of his Lines may generally be im-
puted, ib. His great Judgment in imi-
tating Theocritus, 262. Three differ-
ent Purpoſes anſwered by his Bucolics, AR, the Roman Method of de-
264. By his Intereſt with Mæcenas, claring and making, i. 92. Ex-
he procures Octavius's Pardon of Ho-
hauſts other Nations, but ſtrengthen-
race, 315. Wrote his Georgics at the
ed the Romans, and why, 99.
expreſs Deſire of Mæcenas, 430. Cha- Women (the Roman) Praiſe of, i. 81.
racter and Account of thoſe four Books Writers (the) of the Auguftan Age, cau-
of Agriculture, 431. He muſt be rank tious Circumſpection of, i. 7, 8.
ed among the Flatterers of the young
VOL. III.
iii. 419
W.
W
.
4 K
X.
*
4
1
ND DE X.
*
z
X
Š
X.
Z.
ANTHUS (the Inhabitants of ), ARMANOCHEGAS, an Indian
when beſieged by M. Brutus, burn Philofopher, burns himſelf in Au-
their City and themſelves, ii. 38-44. guſtus's Preſence, iii. 332.
This Affair greatly miſrepreſented by Zober, King of Albany, conquered and
Philo, 43. Note * Twice deſtroyed taken Priſoner by P. Canidius Craflus,
before, through the fame Spirit of
Deſperation, 44
jji. 3:
F I
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3
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​+
AR AV R. 1915
수
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ADVERTISEMEN T.
TH
fy
HIS Volume was printed off to p. 144. when Dr. BLACK-
WELL died. The Proprietor, unwilling to let the Sets of thoſe
Gentlemen who had purchaſed the former Volumes remain incomplete,
put all the Papers left by the Author, relative to this work, into
the Hands of the preſent Editor, who begs leave to obſerve, that
thoſe Papers being, in general, little more than looſe Leaves, detached
Notes, Memorandums, and, very often, only bare Hints of Things
intended to be ſaid, without any Conne&tion, Reference to each other,
or even paging, he hopes he may juftly claim fome Indulgence from
the Public, wherever he has erred in his Endeavours to give them
the Order and Method which he imagines might have been Dr.
BLACKWELL's, if that Gentleman had lived to finiſh his Work.
He has tried to connect thoſe looſe Papers, and to arrange them in a
regular Series ; and where they have been deficient, he has had Re-
courſe to the Ancients. The Editor humbly thinks himſelf the more in-
titled to ſome degree of Indulgence, as no fort of Plan, that he could
ever find or hear of, was left by the Author, for the Continuation of
theſe Memoirs.
the un
24
********
:
S
POETAST Gonne
THE THIRD VOLUME CONTAINS,
Book. STATE of the EAST.
X
STORY of HEROD THE GREAT continued:
PARTHIAN Expedition under M. ANTONY.
OCTAVIA's hard Fare.C.EOPATRA's unbounded Sway.
LIFE-of the ancient ROMANS,
ROMAN LITERATURE.
XI. Stage PLAYS. ANDRONICUS-ENNIUS–Nevius, &c .
POETRY.-HORACE-PERSIUS-JUVENAL.
-
DALMATIAN WAR.-Siege of METULO.
VIRGIL's celebrated BIRTH-DAY Ope, POLLIO.Sybilline PROPHECY.
CAMPAIGN upon the DANUBE-The DALMATIANS reduced-Segeste,
METULO, SISKIA, PROMONA, takeņ:--The Tranſalpine TRIBESreduced.
XII. HEROD THE GREAT, his Story continued.
ANTONY and CLEOPATRA at ALEXANDRIA.
WAR declared againſt CLEOPATRA.---ANTONY diveſted of all Employe.
ment under the Republic.
[ Battle of Actium. -- Flight of CLEOPATRA and ANTONY.
ANTONY and CLEOPATRA engageto die together.,
Octavius in Asia.-Continuation of the Story of HEROD THE GREAT.
TREACHERY of Cleopatra. Her Death, and that of ANTONY.
XIII.
EGYPT conquered, and made a Roman Province. ---Affairs of the PARTHIANS.
Octavius fole Maſter of the Roman Empire. Becomes a different Man.--
Receives the Appellation of AUGUSTUS.
Studies the Happineſs of
the People.
End of the REPUBLIC,
OCTAVIUS receives the Title of AUGUSTUS.
Gaul ſettled. SPAIN reduced.
MARRIAGE of MARCELLUS and JULIA.
AUGUSȚUS dangerouſly ill.-Gives his Ring to AGRIPPA.-Diſcontent content
MARCELLUS.-AGRIPPA removed from Court.-Death of Marcel-
LUS.Grief of his Mother Octavia.
AUGUsTUs becomes a moſt excellent Prince, and is deſerv.dly beloved. But
XIV.
CONSPIRACIES are formed againſt him.
Makes AGRIPPA bis Son-in-Law;---and Collegue in the Tribuničian Power.
Signal Virtues, and Greatneſs of Soul of AGRIPPA.
Death of Virgil. Character of his and of HORACE's Writings.
The Senate reformed.-Salutary Laws enabled.
LUXURY of the ROMANS--HORTENŠIU G--APICIUS.-P.VEDIUS POLLIA.
Birth of Caius and Lucius CÆSARS--Campaigns and Death of Drusus.
Victories and Riſe of TIBERIUS, GAUL and GERMANY pacified.-
TEMPLE of JANUS-cloſed,
Augustus tenderly and deſervedly beloved by the ROMANS. Receives the
noble Title of FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.
Death of OCTAVIA-of MæcEnAs-of HORACE. MÆÇENAS juſtly
immortalized by bis Protection of Learning.
ACADEMIES-Stoics and EPICUREANS.
Elevation of Caius and Lucius Cesars-Diſcontent of Tiberius, who
retires to RHODES.
XV.
Augustus's domeſtic Ills.---Debaucheries and Baniſhment of the two JULIAS.
Loſes his Grand-fons Caius and LUCIUS.
Adopię TIBERIUS and AGRIPPA POSTHUMUS;Which laſt he foon ba-
niſhes.--Nobly pardons CINNA.-Revolt and Reduction of the PANNONI
Ans and DALMATIANS. Dreadful Defeat of VARUS.-Baniſhes his
Grand-daughter Julia.
Promotes Tiberius to the highef Honours.
-Death and Character of
AUGUSTUS.
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