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766
T3742
v. 2
·
GEORGE ALLE

1
Ex. Libris.
Knowledge hath a bewildering tongue
and she will stoop and lead to the
you
stars, and witch with her mysteries,
you
till gold is a forgotten dross, and power
and fame toys of Bour.
an
Frank Perridge.
O
HISTORY
**
OF
SOUTH AFRICA
SINCE SEPTEMBER 1795
BY
GEORGE MCCALL THEAL, LITT.D., LL.D.
FOREIGN MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, AMSTERDAM, CORRESPONDING
MEMBER OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY, LONDON, ETC., ETC., ETC.,
FORMERLY KEEPER OF THE ARCHIVES OF THE CAPE COLONY, AND AT PRESENT COLONIAL
HISTORIOGRAPHER
WITH SIXTEEN MAPS AND CHARTS
IN FIVE VOLUMES
VOL. II.
THE CAPE COLONY FROM 1828 TO 1846, NATAL FROM 1824 TO
1845, AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE EMIGRANT
FARMERS FROM 1836 TO 1847

“ARDVA •QVÆ▪ PV LCRAF
LONDON
SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., LIM.
25 HIGH STREET, Bloomsbury
1908
All rights reserved
066
398 9/2
от
766 HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA.
T3742
V.2 The latest and most complete edition of this work
consists of:-
History and Ethnography of Africa south of the
Zambesi from the settlement of the Portuguese
at Sofala in September 1505 to the
conquest of the Cape Colony by the
British in September 1795.
In three volumes.
Volume I contains a description of the Bushmen, Hotten-
tots, and Bantu, an account of the first voyages round the Cape
of Good Hope of the Portuguese, the French, the English, and
the Dutch, and a history of the Portuguese in South Africa in
early times.
Volumes II and III contain a history of the administration
of the Dutch East India Company in South Africa, &c., &c.
History of South Africa since September 1795.
In five volumes.
Volume I contains a history of the Cape Colony from 1795
to 1828 and an account of the Zulu wars of devastation and the
formation of new Bantu communities.
Volume II is the one in the reader's hands.
Volume III contains a history of the Cape Colony from
1846′to 1860, of Natal from 1845 to 1857, of British Kaffraria
from 1847 to 1860, and of the Orange River Sovereignty and
the Transvaal Republic from 1847 to 1854.
Volume IV contains a history of the Orange Free State,
the South African Republic, Zululand, Basutoland, Betshuana-
land, and Matabeleland from 1854 to 1872.
Volume V contains a history of the Cape Colony and
Natal to 1872, Griqualand West to 1880, Great Namaqua-
land, Damaraland, Transkei, Tembuland, and Griqualand East
to 1885, Pondoland and the Portuguese Territory to 1894.
Each of these volumes is indexed and may be had separately
from the others.
1
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVII.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR GALBRAITH LOWRY COLE, GOVERNOR, INSTALLED
9TH SEPTEMBER 1828, RETIRED 10TH AUgust 1833.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL THOMAS FRANCIS WADE, ACTING GOVERNOR,
10TH AUGUST 1833 TO 16TH JANUARY 1834.
Dealings with Kaffir clans.—Account of commandos in 1824 and
1825.-Changes made by successive governors in the mode
of trying to recover stolen cattle.--Distribution of the clans
between the Fish and Keiskama rivers.-Acknowledgment of
Ndlambe as independent of Gaika.-Raid by Makoma upon
a Tembu clan.-Expulsion of Makoma and his people from
the valley of the Kat river.-Location of Hottentots in the
upper valleys of the Kat river.-Admission of Kaffirs into the
colony as servants.—Establishment of a military post at
Gwalana.-Location of Europeans along the Koonap river
under a system of military tenure.-Instructions by the
secretary of state prohibiting the alienation of crown lands
in any other manner than by public sale.-Events connected
with the liberation of the press from the control of the
executive branch of the government.-Alterations and improve-
ments in Capetown.-Establishment of savings banks.-
Foundation of the South African college.-Formation of the
village of Malmesbury.—Establishment of churches at Glen
Lynden and Wynberg.—Construction of a good road over
Sir Lowry's pass.-Retrenchment in public expenditure.-
Ravages by a robber band on the northern border.-Ordinance
concerning commandos.-Its disallowance by the imperial
government.-Retirement of Sir Lowry Cole.-Temporary
administration of Lieutenant-Colonel Wade.-Arrival
Governor Sir Benjamin D'Urban ...
...
of
iv
Contents.
MAJOR GENERAL
CHAPTER XVIII.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR, INSTALLED
JANUARY 1834; DISMISSED 20TH JANUARY 1838.
Particulars concerning Sir Benjamin D'Urban.-Policy of the im-
perial government towards South Africa.—Particulars concerning
the public revenue, expenditure, debt, customs duties, the
wine trade, production of wool, exports, and ships putting into
Table Bay. Severe retrenchment in the civil service.-Re-
vised charter of justice.-Unsuccessful efforts of the colonists
to obtain a representative legislature.-Creation of legislative
and executive councils.-Communications of the governor to
the Xosa chiefs.- Condition of western Kaffirland.-Death of
Ndlambe, Dushane, and Gaika.—Appointment of Makoma as
regent of the Gaikas during the minority of Sandile. -Estab-
lishment of mission stations in the Kaffir country by the London,
Glasgow, Wesleyan, and Moravian societies.-Expansion of
trade with the Kaffirs.-Constant depredations by the Kaffirs.
-Account of various patrols and commandos sent to recover
stolen cattle.-Slight rectification of the boundary.-Expulsion
of Makoma, Tyali, and Botumane from the ceded territory.—
Preparations of the Xosas for war.-Particulars of the treaty
made by the governor with the Griqua captain Andries
Waterboer
...
16TH
30
CHAPTER XIX.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR—(continued).
Agitation in the colony arising from new laws for the treatment of
slaves.—Ordinary condition of millions of Africans compared
with that of slaves to Europeans.-Particulars concerning the
introduction of slaves into the Cape Colony.-General treatment
of the slaves.-Establishment in 1816 of a slave registry.—
Succession of laws limiting the authority of slaveowners.—
Scheme of Lord Charles Somerset for the extinction of slavery.
-Attitude of the colonists.-Proposal of the colonists for the
gradual extinction of slavery.— Attitude of Sir Lowry Cole.—
Formation of a society for the purpose of purchasing slaves for
manumission.-Particulars of the imperial emancipation act.—
Manner of carrying out emancipation in South Africa.-Number
of the slaves.—Great distress caused by the loss of two millions
Contents.
V
worth of property.-Effect of the emancipation upon agricul-
ture and sheep breeding.-Tone of the abolitionist press.-
Agitation concerning an attempt to pass an ordinance against
vagrancy.—Condition of the British settlers.-Growth of
Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth.—Agitation for a distinct
government in the eastern province.-Abolition of the com-
missioner-generalship.--Expansion of mission work
...
60
CHAPTER XX.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR—(continued).
THE SIXTH KAFFIR WAR.
Strength and distribution of the military force in South Africa.-
Incessant depredations by the Kaffirs.-Account of a patrol
under Ensign Sparks.—Attack upon a patrol under Lieutenant
Sutton.—Attempt by Makoma and Tyali to entrap Colonel
Somerset.-Invasion of the colony by a great horde of Kaffir
warriors.-Devastation of the frontier districts and murder of
many colonists.-Instance of marked humanity of a Kaffir.-
Pillage of the trading stations in Kaffirland and murder of
some of the traders.--Abandonment of the three frontier forts
by the military.-State of the Hottentots at the Kat river.—
Distress of the frontier colonists. - Arrival of Lieutenant-
Colonel Smith at Grahamstown.-Despatch of troops from
Capetown. Insidious proposals for peace by Tyali and Makoma.
-Enrolment of burgher and Hottentot forces.--Expedition
against the chief Eno.-Arrival of Sir Benjamin D'Urban on
the frontier.-Measures for relief of the destitute.-Rescue of
the missionaries and surviving traders in Kaffirland.-Military
operations against the Kaffirs.-Arrangements with the Tembu
and Pondo chiefs.-Condition of their tribes.-Raid by the
Basuto chief Moshesh into Kaffirland
85
CHAPTER XXI.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR-(continued).
CONCLUSION OF THE SIXTH KAFFIR WAR.
Invasion of Kaffirland by a strong force under Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
-Description of the country along the base of the Amatolas.
--Condition of the emigrant Tembus.- Military operations
along the base of the Amatola mountains.-Entrance of the
colonial force into Hintsa's territory.—Character of Hintsa.—
vi
Contents.
Destruction of the mission buildings at Butterworth.-Con-
dition of the Fingos.-Plan adopted by Sir Benjamin D'Urban
for the settlement of border difficulties.-Military operations
against the Galekas.—Terms of peace with Hintsa.—Removal
of the Fingos to the territory between the Keiskama and Fish
rivers.-Plunder of cattle by the Fingos from the Galekas.—
Rejection of terms of peace by the Rarabes.-Annexation of
the territory between the border of 1819 and the Kei river to
the British dominions. Death of Hintsa. Agreement of
peace with Kreli.-Continuation of the war with the Rarabes.
—Attitude of various missionaries.—Conclusion of peace with
the Rarabes.—Partition of territory among the different clans.——
Misery caused to the colonists by the war.-Condition of the
Rarabes at the close of the war.--Gain to the Fingos by the
war
...
106
CHAPTER XXII.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR―(continued).
ABANDONMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE.
Arrangements for the administration of the province of Queen
Adelaide.-Census of the province.--Resumption of their work
by the missionaries.-Dealings with the emigrant Tembus.-
Annexation to the colony of the land between the Stormberg
spruit and the Kraai river.-Cession of territory by the chief
Kreli.-First landing of goods at the mouth of the Buffalo
river.-Popularity of Sir Benjamin D'Urban.-Opposition
to the governor's measures by the reverend Dr. Philip's party.
-Proceedings of Dr. Philip in England.-Alliance of Captain
Andries Stockenstrom with Dr. Philip's
Philip's party.—Attitude
of Lord Glenelg, secretary of state for the colonies.-Sub-
version of Sir Benjamin D'Urban's settlement of border
difficulties. Consternation throughout South Africa.-Appoint-
ment of Captain Stockenstrom as lieutenant-governor of the
eastern districts with very extensive special power.—
Commencement of a great emigration of farmers from the
colony.-Approval of Sir Benjamin D'Urban's proceedings by
the whole of the members of the legislative council.-
Attitude of the British settlers towards the lieutenant-governor.
-Renunciation by the lieutenant-governor of British authority
in the province of Queen Adelaide.—Conclusion of treaties
on equal terms with the Rarabe, Fingo, and emigrant Tembu
chiefs
...
129
Contents.
vii
CHAPTER XXIII.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR—(continued).
Deplorable condition of the eastern districts after the reversion of
Sir Benjamin D'Urban's measures.-Expulsion of the Fingos
from the Gaga location.-Attack by Kaffirs upon the Fingos
at Fort Peddie.--Violent conduct of the emigrant Tembus.---
Enlargement of the Hottentot regiment.-Abortive scheme of
the lieutenant-governor to form a line of Hottentot locations
along the Fish river.--Series of noteworthy prosecutions for
libel.-Creation of the districts of Port Elizabeth, Colesberg, and
Cradock.-Alterations in the boundaries of several districts.—
Introduction of municipal government in the towns and villages.
-Cessation of transportation of convicts to New South Wales.-
Establishment of the Cape of Good Hope bank.-Shock of
earthquake in Capetown.-Different views held by Lord
Glenelg and Sir Benjamin D'Urban.--Dismissal of the governor.
-Arrival of Major-General George Thomas Napier as his
successor. Subsequent career of Sir Benjamin D'Urban
MAJOR - GENERAL
CHAPTER XXIV.
154
GEORGE THOMAS NAPIER, GOVERNOR, INSTALLED 22ND
JANUARY 1838; RETIRED 18TH MARCH 1844.
Particulars concerning Major-General Napier. Leading events
during his government.-Condition of the eastern border of the
Cape Colony.-Mutiny of Hottentot soldiers at Fraser's camp.-
Visit of the governor to the frontier.-Treaty of alliance with the
Gunukwebe chiefs.--Dealings with the Fingos. -Increase of the
defensive force on the frontier.—Investigation into the charge
against Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom.-Acquittal of the
lieutenant-governor of the charge of wilful murder.-Departure
of Captain Stockenstrom for England.-Appointment of Colonel
Hare as lieutenant-governor.-Reprisal upon the emigrant
Tembus.--Conduct of the Gaikas.-Modifications of the Stocken-
strom treaties.-Unsuccessful efforts to punish a notorious robber
captain.--Condition of the freed slaves in the Cape Colony.—
Devastations caused by measles and small-pox.-Failure of
European immigration schemes.-Account of the Children's
Friend Society.-Addition of large numbers of negroes to the
population.—Payment of the public debt of the colony.-Con-
struction of "the queen's road.”—Account of harbour works
in Table Bay, Algoa Bay, and Port Frances
173
viii
Contents.
A
CHAPTER XXV.
SIR GEORGE THOMAS NAPIER, GOVERNOR-(continued).
Details concerning the revenue of the Cape Colony.-Details con-
cerning the imports and exports of the Cape Colony.-
Introduction of the Herschel system of public schools.—Changes
in the legislative council.-Increase in the number of Dutch
churches.-Partial release of the Dutch reformed church from
state control.--Progress of the English episcopal and Roman
catholic churches.-Formation of a number of banks and
insurance companies.-Introduction of steamships for the coast
service.-Erection of several public buildings in Capetown.—
Creation of the districts of Wynberg, Malmesbury, Paarl, and
Caledon.—Abrogation of matrimonial courts.-Shipwrecks in
Table Bay.-Introduction of an excellent system of constructing
public roads.-Retirement of Governor Sir George Napier.-
Arrival of Sir Peregrine Maitland as his successor
...
...
CHAPTER XXVI.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR PEREGRINE MAITLAND, GOVERNOR, INSTALLED
18TH MARCH 1844; SUPERSEDED 27TH JANUARY 1847.
Account of Sir Peregrine Maitland's earlier life.-Condition of
the colonial finances.-Discovery of the guano islands.—Ex-
portation of guano.-Delay in the annexation of the guano
islands to the Cape Colony.-Sale of drostdy buildings.-
Introduction of British immigrants.-Changes in the legisla-
tive council.-Desire of the people of the eastern districts for
a government of their own.-Formation of locations for
coloured people in eastern towns.--Abolition of the office of
lieutenant-governor. — Improvements in the Cape Colony.-
Erection of lighthouses. Removal of the leper asylum to
Robben Island.-Foundation of the villages of Richmond,
Burghersdorp, and Victoria West.-Establishment of churches
at French Hoek and Mossel Bay.-Statistics of schools.-
Manner of living of the country people.-Opening of Port St.
John's. Shipwrecks in Table Bay.—Increasing facility of com-
munication with Europe.-Dealings with the Xosa tribe.—
Proposals of Sir George Napier.-Views of Lord Stanley.-
Occurrences connected with the murder of Jan de Lange by
some Kaffirs.-Revival of obsolete vicious customs by the
Gaikas.-Erection of Post Victoria east of the Fish river.—
202
Contents.
ix
Terms of a treaty between Sir Peregrine Maitland and the
Galeka chief Kreli.-Modifications of the treaties with the
Rarabe and Fingo captains.-Treaty with the Tembu chief
Umtirara and a number of Tembu captains.-Events connected
with a design to build a fort at Blockdrift.-Murder of a
missionary by Pato's people.-Hostile conduct of Sandile.-
Proceedings of the government. Condition of the Xosas.
Warnings of impending trouble received by the British
authorities
233
CHAPTER XXVII.
COMMENCEMENT OF A GREAT EMIGRATION FROM THE CAPE COLONY.
Race and language of the old colonists of South Africa.
Various theories concerning the causes of the abandonment
of the Cape Colony by a large number of people.-Connec-
tion between the emancipation of the slaves and the
emigration of the farmers. Opinion of the emigrants con-
cerning their ceasing to be British subjects. --Account of the
first parties of emigrants under Louis Triechard and Jan
van Rensburg.—Account of a party under Hendrik Potgieter.
-Purchase by Potgieter of the land between the Vet and
Vaal rivers from the Bataung captain Makwana.--Exploration
by Englishmen of the country along the Limpopo river.—
Journey of Commandant Potgieter and a party of farmers
to Zoutpansberg.-Massacre of a number of white people by
the Matabele.-Resolute defence of a waggon camp by a few
farmers.—Repulse of a great Matabele army from a lager
at Vechtkop.-Account of a party of emigrants under Gerrit
Maritz.-Fate of a Xosa robber band in Moshesh's territory.
----Form of government decided upon by the emigrant far-
mers.-Condition of the various clans along the Caledon.-
Account of an exploring party under Dr. Andrew Smith.
Treaty between the governor of the Cape Colony and the
Matabele chief Moselekatse.-Destruction of Mosega by a
commando under Potgieter and Maritz.-Failure of American
missionaries to exert any influence on the Matabele.--
Foundation of the village of Winburg.-Account of Com-
mandant Pieter Retief.-Election of Retief to the post of
governor and commandant-general of the emigrants.—Abjura-
tion by the emigrants of all connection with the London
missionary society.-Provision for the observance of public
worship.-Account of parties of emigrants under Pieter
Jacobs and Jacobus Uys.-Attack upon the Matabele by a
X
Contents.
Zulu
army.-Jealousy and divisions among the emigrant
farmers.-Rout of the Matabele army by a commando under
Hendrik Potgieter and Pieter Uys.-Flight of Moselekatse
to the territory north of the Limpopo.-Proclamation of
Commandant Potgieter taking possession of all the territory
devastated by the Matabele
CHAPTER XXVIII.
EARLY ENGLISH ADVENTURERS AT PORT NATAL,
Boundaries at different times of the land termed Natal.-Formation
in Capetown of a company to trade on the south-eastern coast.
-Unfortunate voyage of the Salisbury.-Settlement at Port
Natal of Messrs. Francis George Farewell, Henry Francis
Fynn, and other adventurers.-Intercourse of the adventurers
with Tshaka.-Cession of territory by Tshaka to Mr. Farewell
and his associates.-Settlement at Natal of Messrs. John
Saunders King and Nathaniel Isaaes.--Adoption of European
chiefs by many of the Natal natives.-Building of a small
vessel at Natal.-Missions of Mr. King and John Cane to the
Cape government.-Dealings of Tshaka with the tribes south
of Natal.-Death of Mr. King.-Assassination of Tshaka.-
Succession of Dingan to the Zulu chieftainship.-Murder of
Messrs. Farewell, Walker, and Thackwray by the Amakwabi.
--Disastrous journey of Dr. Cowie and Mr. Benjamin Green
to Delagoa Bay. -Mission of John Cane and Thomas Holstead
as Dingan's envoys to the Cape.--Addition of a small party of
Englishmen to the adventurers in Natal.-Visit to Natal of
Mr. Pieter Uys and a party of Dutch farmers.--First visit of
Captain Allen F. Gardiner to Natal.-Foundation of the town
of Durban.-Arrival of the first American missionaries.-
Second visit to Natal of Captain Gardiner with the reverend
Mr. Owen.-Condition of Natal in 1837
...
265
295
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE EMIGRANT FARMERS IN NATAL.
1837 TO 1840.
Visit of Pieter Retief to Dingan.-Terms offered by Dingan for the
cession of Natal to the emigrant farmers.-Fulfilment of the
conditions.-Arrival of a large party of emigrant farmers in
Natal.-Second visit to Dingan of Pieter Retief, with sixty-
five white men and boys and about thirty Hottentots.-Cession
of Natal by Dingan to Retief.-Massacre of Retief's party by
Contents.
xi
the Zulus.—Massacre of men, women, and children in Natal.—
Expeditions against the Zulus.-Proceedings of the emigrant
farmers.-Arrival in Natal of Mr. A. W. J. Pretorius, and his
election as commandant-general.-Despatch of a commando
against Dingan.-Victory of the emigrants at the Blood river.
-Destruction of Dingan's kraal Umkungunhlovu.--Occupation
of Port Natal by an English military force.-Foundation of
Pietermaritzburg.-Negotiations with Dingan.-Withdrawal of
the English troops from Natal.-Revolt of Panda against his
brother Dingan. -Alliance between the emigrant farmers and
Panda.-March of the allied forces of Pretorius and Panda
against Dingan. — Execution of two Zulu envoys. Battle
between the forces of Dingan and of Panda, and victory of
the latter.-Flight of Dingan, and his assassination.-Installa-
tion by Mr. Pretorius of Panda as ruler of the Zulus.--Pro-
clamation of Mr. Pretorius, taking possession of the country
to the Umvolosi river
...
314
CHAPTER XXX.
THE REPUBLIC OF NATAL AND ITS OVERTHROW.
Boundaries of the republic of Natal.-Foundation of the village of
Weenen.—Constitution of the republic.-Form of union with
the districts of Winburg and Potchefstroom.-Correspondence
with Sir George Napier concerning the recognition by Great
Britain of the independence of the republic.--Account of the
Pondo and Baca tribes.—Attack upon the Bacas by the emi-
grant farmers.-Application to Sir George Napier by the
Wesleyan missionaries in Pondoland for the protection of
Faku.-Formation of a military camp on the Umgazi river.—
Resolution of the Natal volksraad with regard to the blacks.
-March of British troops from Pondoland to Natal.-Account
of Mr. J. A. Smellekamp's visit to Natal. Action between
the farmers and the troops.-Siege of the English camp at
Durban.-Relief of the camp by troops under Colonel Cloete.
—Conditions of capitulation of the republic
346
CHAPTER XXXI.
NATAL IN A TRANSITION STATE. 1842 TO 1845.
Views of the imperial government.-Action of Sir George Napier.
-Instructions by Lord Stanley.-Mission of Advocate Cloete
xii
Contents.
-
to Natal.-Neutrality of the government of Holland.-Sym-
pathy of many Dutch subjects with the emigrant farmers.
Return of Mr. J. A. Smellekamp.-Murder by Panda of one
of his brothers, followed by shocking barbarities.-Rush of
Zulu refugees into Natal. Proceedings of Commissioner
Cloete.-Stormy meetings at Maritzburg.--Submission of the
volksraad. Retirement from Natal of the great body of
emigrant farmers. Proposals of the volksraad as to the
future government of the country.-Arrangements with Panda.
-Treaty of Sir Peregrine Maitland with Faku, giving to the
Pondos the country as far north as the Umzimkulu.-Consti-
tution of Natal as a dependency of Cape Colony.-Boundaries
assigned to the district. -Appointment of a staff of officials.—
Commerce of Natal in 1845
379
CHAPTER
XXXII.
EVENTS NORTH OF THE ORANGE FROM 1837 TO 1843.
Cleverness of Moshesh.-Growth of the Basuto tribe.-Settlement at
Mekuatling of the Bataung clan under Molitsane.-Growth of
the Baphuti clan under Morosi.-Removal of some Barolong
clans to the Mooi river.-Acts of lawlessness along the lower
Caledon.-Project of native states under British protection.-
Application of Moshesh to the colonial government to be taken
into treaty relationship.—Proclamation of Sir George Napier
concerning the emigrants and the clans north of the Orange.-
Views of the imperial government.-History of the Griquas.—
Quarrels between the emigrant farmers and the Griquas of
Adam Kok.-Proclamation by Judge Menzies annexing a vast
extent of territory to the British empire.-Repudiation of this
proclamation by Sir George Napier.-Movement of troops to
Colesberg.-Application of Adam Kok to the colonial govern-
ment for assistance.-Creation by treaty of Griqua and Basuto
states.-Contentions raised by the treaties
...
...
CHAPTER XXXIII.
EVENTS NORTH OF THE ORANGE FROM 1843 TO 1847.
Violent proceedings of Adam Kok.-War between the emigrant
farmers and the Griquas of Philippolis.-Assistance supplied to
Adam Kok by the governor of the Cape Colony.—Skirmish at
Zwart Kopjes.-Visit of Sir Peregrine Maitland to the disturbed
401
Contents.
xiii
district.—Alteration in the treaty with Adam Kok.-Appoint-
ment of Captain H. D. Warden as British resident in the
territory north of the Orange.-Pretensions of Moshesh.—
Report of Commandant Gideon Joubert.-Removal of the Basuto
captain Poshuli to Vechtkop.-Meeting of chiefs at Platberg.-
Submission by the chiefs of their disputes to the governor's
decision. -Foundation of Bloemfontein.-Progress of the French
mission. Movements of the emigrants north of the Vaal. -
Foundation of the villages of Ohrigstad and Lydenburg, and
of the district of Zoutpansberg.-Account of the Bapedi.-
Hostilities between the emigrant farmers and the Bapedi.—
Proceedings of the emigrant farmers at Winburg
INDEX ...
...
...
:
...
...
:
423
445
CHARTS.
VI. SHOWING THE SCENE OF HOSTILITIES IN 1834-5
facing page
96
VII. SHOWING THE EXTENT AND DIVISIONS OF THE
COLONY IN 1838
CAPE
VIII. THE REPUBLIC OF NATAL
IX, THE GRIQUA, BASUTO, AND PONDO TREATY STATES
172
""
346
420
وو
HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA
SINCE THE BRITISH CONQUEST.
CHAPTER XVII.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR GALBRAITH LOWRY COLE, GOVERNOR,
INSTALLED 9TH SEPTEMBER 1828, RETIRED 10TH AUGUST 1833.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL THOMAS FRANCIS WADE, ACTING GOVERNOR,
10TH AUGUST 1833 TO 16TH JANUARY 1834.
SIR LOWRY COLE was second son of the earl of Enniskillen
and younger brother of Baron Grimstead. He was then
fifty-six years of age. His lady was a daughter of the earl
of Malmesbury, and sister of the wife of Lieutenant Colonel
Bell, secretary to government. As a military officer he had
served with such distinction in the peninsular war as on
several occasions to have received the thanks of both houses
of parliament for his eminent and gallant services.
Immediately after his arrival Sir Lowry Cole turned his
attention to the eastern border, where the Kaffirs were un-
ceasingly giving trouble. The condition of things there,
though termed peace, was in truth not very different from
open war.
In November 1824 a commando consisting of a troop of
cavalry of the Hottentot regiment, under Captain the
honourable John Massey, and a strong party of farmers
under Fieldcornet Cornelis van der Nest proceeded to
Makoma's kraal to make reprisals for cattle stolen from
residents along the Baviaans' river. They seized four
hundred and eleven head, and retired with them unmolested,
as the Kaffirs were taken by surprise. Captain Massey
A
2
[1828
History of the Cape Colony.
distributed the cattle among those who had suffered from
depredations since the unsuccessful raid upon Makoma's
kraal by Van der Nest in 1822.
During the night of the 22nd of December 1825 Lieutenant-
Colonel Somerset, with one hundred and seventy men of the
Cape regiment and a party of farmers under Commandant Jan
Durand, entered Kaffirland to recover stolen cattle that had
been traced to the kraal of Susa, a sister of Gaika, who
was associated with a daring robber named Nyoka. The
principal division of the commando crossed high up the
Tyumie, while a smaller division, under Captain Armstrong,
crossed the Keiskama above Fort Willshire. It was intended
to surprise Susa's kraal at daylight, but as there was a very
thick haze Captain Armstrong's division lost the way, and
came upon the kraal of the Imidange captain Botumane.
The approach of the horsemen was heard, however, and an
alarm was given, when most of the people fled, though some
prepared to resist. A few shots were fired, but no one was
hurt. Botumane then made his appearance, and the mis-
take was discovered. A satisfactory explanation followed,
which ended by the chief's furnishing guides to Susa's kraal.
The morning continuing hazy, the commando arrived there in
time to seize the horned cattle, but not the horses. The
cattle were driven to Fort Willshire, where soon afterwards
messengers arrived from Gaika claiming some of them as
that chief's property. These were given up, and after those
stolen from the colony were replaced, the remainder of the
herd was restored to Susa. The night after the arrival of
the cattle at Fort Willshire a soldier and a white man in
service there strolled to a distance, and next day both were
found murdered.
Though this system of reprisal was in strict accordance
with Bantu custom, it does not seem consistent with
European notions of justice. But no other method of
checking robbery had been devised, except the plan of
keeping an open belt of country between the two races
constantly patrolled by soldiers. There were not sufficient
1828]
3
Sir Lowry Cole.
troops on the frontier to patrol a line a fifth of the length
of that from the Winterberg to the sea, consequently the
other system was regarded as a necessity. Unfortunately
each succeeding governor made alterations in the method of
carrying it out.
Under Lord Charles Somerset its details were as follow:
When a troop of cattle was stolen from the colony, the
owners applied for assistance to the nearest military post, as
farmers were prohibited from crossing the boundary except
under command of an English officer. A party of soldiers
was then sent to follow the spoor of the cattle, the
owner or one of his relatives accompanying them to
identify the oxen and cows. Unless rain had fallen after
the time of the theft, there was no difficulty for a
practised eye to trace the spoor, and at the first kraal to
which it led the cattle were demanded, or compensation for
them. Sometimes the rule was to demand only an equivalent
number, at other times a number equivalent in value, which
might be four instead of every one stolen, Kaffir cattle being
worth much less than those reared by the colonists. If the
patrol succeeded in obtaining indemnification for the robbery,
there was an end to that particular case.
But it seldom happened that losses could be made good in
this way, and there was a constantly increasing account of
unredressed depredations, until at length the authorities on the
border considered it necessary to apply to the governor for
leave to call out a commando and make a reprisal. If per-
mission was given, a joint force of burghers and soldiers,
under command of a military officer, marched to the kraal
suspected of being most deeply implicated in the robberies,
and secured compensation. Every possible precaution against
the perpetration of abuses was thus taken by the government.
Still it cannot be said that the system was free of abuses.
Most of the charges against patrols and commandos made by
Dr. Philip and some others dwindled away upon close
investigation, but a residuum was certainly left that could
neither be proved nor disproved. This is certain, however,
.
4
History of the Cape Colony.
[1828
;
that if real wrongs were perpetrated upon Kaffir clans by
military patrols or mixed commandos, they were not regarded
by the Kaffirs themselves as sufficiently serious to leave a
lasting impression.* It must be remembered that from their
point of view communal responsibility for the acts of indi-
viduals seems reasonable, though from ours it looks like
holding the innocent accountable for the guilty.
General Bourke made a great change in the system. On the
11th of April 1826 he issued instructions that patrols were not
to cross the border, unless the stolen cattle were actually in
sight. On the boundary they were to stop and send word to
the nearest chief, who was expected to take up the spoor and
recover the animals. In a few instances the chiefs so called
upon complied, and naturally got into difficulties with the
kraals to which they traced the cattle. The result of General
Bourke's system was a series of quarrels among the border
clans and the recovery of about one head in every ten
stolen.
The
* When the war of 1877 broke out I was sent by the government to act as
diplomatic agent with Oba, son of Tyali and grandson of Gaika, and for nearly
five months I was without other society than the people of his clan. I was
selected for this post because Sir Bartle Frere was most anxious to keep Oba and
his followers out of the strife, and it was supposed that I, being known to those
people as one versed in their traditions, would have much influence with them.
While fighting was going on within a few miles of us, and the sympathy of the
people I was living with was entirely with their countrymen, I succeeded in
inducing them to leave their homes and to move far to the westward, where they
were not exposed to the temptation of joining their friends in the war.
clan of Oba, numbering about six thousand souls, was regarded by the Europeans
on the frontier as exceedingly restless, and it had taken a very active part in the
three preceding wars. There were inany old men in it, to whom the events
related in this chapter were the deeds of their early life, which they were fond of
talking about. We were living near the junction of the Tyumie and Keiskama
rivers, where Botumane's kraal had stood from 1829 to 1833, and our nearest
neighbours were Imidange on one side and Gunukwebes on the other. Cattle-
stealing from the European farmers beyond our limits had recently been rife, and
no subject was more frequently discussed. Yet I never once heard of wrongs
inflicted by commandos in bygone times. The question of taking the district
between the Keiskama and Fish rivers from Gaika was regarded very differently,
and Lord Charles Somerset's act was in their view real injustice. I believe
every person who has had long and intimate dealings with the Xosas will agree
with me in this matter.
1829]
5
Sir Lowry Cole.
In February 1829 Sir Lowry Cole made another change.
Patrols were thereafter to follow the spoor as far as they
could, and were to retake stolen cattle wherever they might be
found, but were not to seize Kaffir cattle as compensation.
Commandos, when necessary, could act as in the time of Lord
Charles Somerset, except that none but cattle with colonial
brand-marks on them could be retained after seizure and
inspection.
At this time-February 1829—a large portion of the ceded
territory was in possession of Xosa clans. Makoma occupied
the valleys at the sources of the Kat river. His half-brother
Tyali, left-hand son of Gaika, had taken possession of the valley
of the Mankazana, a stream which flows into the Kat; and
remained there without leave, though without being required
to withdraw. The Imidange captain Botumane, seeing others
moving in without being disturbed, had sent most of his clan
across the boundary, and had taken possession of the western
bank of the Tyumie from its junction with the Keiskama
nearly up to the present village of Alice. The chief himself
had recently followed his people. In the same way Eno,
head of the principal clan of the Amambala, had appropriated
to his use the land along the western bank of the Keiskama,
from the Gwanga nearly up to Fort Willshire.
From the Gwanga to the sea, as far westward as the
Beka, the Gunukwebes had obtained possession, mainly
through the agency of the reverend William Shaw, of the
Wesleyan society. In January 1824 at the desire of Major
Somerset he brought about a meeting between that officer
and the chiefs of the clans that adhered to Ndlambe. The
conference took place on the heights above the ford of the
Keiskama called Line drift. There were present the chief
Ndlambe, his sons Dushane and Umkayi, with Pato and his
brothers Kobe and Kama. The reverend Mr. Shaw was with
them, and about three thousand warriors formed the body
guards of the chiefs. Major Somerset was attended by three
hundred burghers of Albany and some soldiers of the Cape
regiment.
6
[1829
History of the Cape Colony.
The English officers and the chiefs met unarmed midway
between the two forces. On behalf of the colonial government
Major Somerset agreed to abandon the system of treating
with Gaika as the head of the Rarabe clans, to acknowledge
Ndlambe and his adherents as independent of Gaika, to deal
with them directly, and not to molest them if they chose to
settle in the territory between the Buffalo and Keiskama rivers.
Since 1819 Ndlambe and Dushane had been living east of
the Buffalo, and had been constantly in fear of being attacked
again by the colonial forces. On their part the chiefs agreed
to preserve peace, to abstain from thieving, to deliver up
deserters, and to surrender all stolen cattle then in possession
of their people.
In August 1825 the mission station of Mount Coke, on the
right bank of the Buffalo, was founded by the reverend Mr.
Kay, of the Wesleyan society. The missionaries soon identified
themselves with the wishes of the people among whom they
were living. These wishes were that the clans should make a
general movement westward. Ndlambe desired to have the
country about Mount Coke to himself, Dushane to have the
land towards the sea along the lower courses of the Tshalumna
and the Keiskama, and Pato and his brothers to have the
district between the Keiskama and Fish rivers nearly up to
Fort Willshire.
These aspirations were natural, for no people become easily
reconciled to the loss of territory. The district between the
lower courses of the Keiskama and Fish rivers had been the
home of the Gonaqua tribe as far back as tradition went; it
was theirs before their blood became mixed with that of
Kaffirs, and it remained theirs after they had adopted Kaffir
customs and had become a Kaffir-speaking people. They had
moved westward into the Zuurveld, but with a view of
enlarging their borders, not with the intention of abandoning
their ancient home. When Cungwa was killed in 1812, and
they were driven out of the Zuurveld, they settled here again,
because no one denied that the land was theirs. In 1819
Gaika, who was never their chief, gave their country to the
?
1829]
7
Sir Lowry Cole.
English governor. This was their version of the story, and
in telling it, they carefully omitted to state that they had
been among the most active invaders of the colony in 1819,
and that they had lost the land in war, having been driven
from it before the governor announced to Gaika that it was
to form part of a neutral belt between the Kaffirs and the
colonists.
Mr. Shaw urged the colonial government to give the
Gunukwebes permission to reoccupy the district, but Lord
Charles Somerset declined to put them in possession again of
the jungles along the Fish river, which he considered would be
an act of extreme folly. In January 1825, however, he con-
sented to permit some temporary grazing privileges, which
was the utmost that could be obtained from him. As soon
as he left the colony, the missionary renewed the request,
but Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset strongly opposed it. General
Bourke referred the matter to Earl Bathurst, with a recom-
mendation that the Gunukwebe clans should be allowed to
occupy the lower portion of the ceded territory, and that
Kaffir's should be permitted to come into the colony and take
service with the British settlers.
In August 1826 the secretary of state issued directions that
neither Kaffirs nor colonists should be allowed to settle in
any part of the ceded territory; but when General Bourke's
recommendation reached him, he so far modified these in-
structions as to permit the Gunukwebe chiefs to graze cattle
between the Keiskama and the Beka rivers as far up as
the Gwanga. This was sufficient for their purposes. Once
permitted to cross the Keiskama to tend their cattle, they
quickly moved in and built kraals, and in 1829 Sir Lowry
Cole found that they could not be dispossessed without
bloodshed.
At length an event occurred which made it necessary to
bring Makoma to account. A small clan under a captain
named Mtyalela had recently moved from the neighbourhood
of the Umtata into the country north of the Winterberg,
which was thinly occupied by the emigrant Tembus under
8
[1829
History of the Cape Colony.
Bawana, son of Tshatshu. They were kinsmen of Bawana's
people, but there existed a jealousy between the new-comers
and those who had been some years in the territory. After
a while a quarrel broke out between them and Makoma's
clan on the lower side of the Winterberg. In January 1829
Makoma made a raid upon them, drove them over the
boundary, and seized their cattle and killed some of their
warriors on farms along the Tarka occupied by colonists.
Bawana did nothing whatever to protect his kinsmen, and
was even suspected by them of sharing their property with
Makoma.*
The governor then directed Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset to
call upon Makoma to restore to the Tembus their cattle, three
thousand in number, and to retire from the ceded territory;
but allowed him two months to gather his crops, which were
then ripening. As he did not comply with the demand, two
hundred burghers were called out to assist the soldiers, and on
the 1st of May 1829 the combined force under Lieutenant-
Colonel Somerset, accompanied by Captain Stockenstrom,
entered the district which he occupied. On the following day
Captain Stockenstrom had an interview with Makoma, who
professed not to know why he was to be attacked, and was
ready to promise anything that was required. He denied
having as many as three thousand head of cattle taken from
the Tembus, but it was afterwards ascertained that he had
placed them under care of the chief Eno. The conference
resulted in nothing. Meantime Gaika and the minor chiefs had
been assured that there was no intention of disturbing them,
and they did not interfere in the matter.
* Bawana's people to the present time deny that he did so, but the suspicion
led to a violent feud. A little later on Batsa, a petty captain and friend of
Mtyalela, happened to meet Bawana alone and unarmed, and stabbed him to
death with an assagai. In the confusion that arose, Batsa's followers seized a
large herd of cattle belonging to Bawana's people, and fled with it into the
territory now known as Griqualand East. To that part of the country they were
speedily followed by Mtyalela's clan. These events are of little importance in
Tembu history, but they once occupied the attention of a committee of the house
of commons for several days.
1829]
9
Sir Lowry Cole.
The commando set fire to the kraals, and seized a sufficient
number of cattle to compensate the Tembus; but as Makoma's
people did not resist, and retired before the troops, they were
not further molested. They settled between the lower course
of the Tyumie and the Keiskama, and Makoma fixed his
residence near the mission station of Knappshope. A military
post was established in the vacated district to prevent their
return.
Within a few weeks after Sir Lowry Cole's arrival in the
colony he proposed to the commissioner-general to form
locations of Hottentots on vacant lands near some of the
villages, and also on several farms that had been reserved
for the use of the landdrosts in olden times. Thousands of
these people, released from all restraint by the fiftieth
ordinance, were wandering about the country in a condition
of vagrancy, and were regarded as a pest by owners of
property. Captain Stockenstrom disapproved of the governor's
plan, as locations near villages could be of no use to the
Hottentots; but when it was resolved to expel Makoma from
the Kat river, on the 17th of April 1829 he wrote from
Uitenhage suggesting that the ground about to be cleared
would be suitable for the purpose, and received a reply
authorising him to carry out the scheme.
Several small streams unite to form the Kat river, and in
their valleys the land is easily irrigated and is of great fertility.
The plan adopted was to form a number of locations, each
divided into plots of from four to six acres in extent, upon
which a family was to be placed. Ground not adapted for
cultivation was to remain as a commonage, each family
having a right to graze cattle on it. The settlers were to
remain five years on probation, at the expiration of which
period those who had built cottages and brought the ground
under cultivation were to receive grants in freehold, but all
garden ground not improved within that time was to revert
to government. The number of applicants was very great,
and it was impossible to make a selection where all had equal
claims. Over two thousand persons were located at the Kat
ΙΟ
[1829
History of the Cape Colony.
L
river, the majority of whom were ill qualified to occupy the
position of independent landowners. Those who had been in
service with farmers usually had a few cattle, but many
of the others had no means whatever. They set to work
enthusiastically, however, and in a short time the settlement
was in a fairly flourishing condition. The government
supplied seed corn. Watercourses were made, and a large
extent of ground was placed under cultivation, some of the
richer settlers assisting the poorer, though others derived
their principal sustenance from the wild fruits of the earth.
In the course of a few years it was ascertained that the
pure Hottentots were incapable of sustaining such efforts for
any length of time, but meanwhile the prospects seemed
highly encouraging to the friends of humanity. There was a
considerable number of halfbreeds among those to whom
plots of ground were assigned, and they formed an element
of comparative stability. The settlement was intended to
draw away some of the people from the London missionary
society's stations, which were regarded by the government
as politically dangerous institutions; but Dr. Philip, who had
recently returned to South Africa, perceived the design, and
counteracted it by sending the reverend James Read from
Bethelsdorp to reside at the Kat river. Sir Lowry Cole
then directed the reverend Mr. Thomson to remove from
Tyumie to the new settlement, and the office of government
agent with the Xosas was abolished. Mr. Thomson was
desired to reside at a place which the missionaries Ross and
M'Diarmid had named Balfour, in honour of the first
secretary of the Glasgow society, when in March 1828 they
tried to form a station there with Makoma's people. The
governor thought that by providing an able and zealous
clergyman at the public expense, the London society's agent
would be obliged to withdraw, and interference by Dr. Philip
be prevented; but he was mistaken. Mr. Read remained in
the settlement, and the mission then established is still in
existence. The halfbreeds attached themselves to Mr. Thomson,
and a congregation was formed which shortly afterwards
1829]
I I
Sir Lowry Cole.
joined the Dutch reformed communion and has ever since
been connected with that church.
The chief difficulty that the Hottentots at the Kat river
had to contend against was depredations by the Kaffirs, for
these people found their way in by night, and drove off all
cattle that were not strictly guarded. To enable them to
defend themselves, the government supplied them with muskets
and ammunition, greatly to the alarm of the frontier colonists,
who feared that these weapons might be used as in the
troubles at the beginning of the century. This alarm gained
strength when it became known that Kaffirs of the clans
opposed to Gaika were fraternising with the Hottentots and
settling among them. But no disturbance of the peace took
place for many years.
A census at the close of 1833 showed the population of the
settlement at the Kat river to consist of two thousand one
hundred and eighty-five halfbreeds and Hottentots and seven
hundred and thirty-one Kaffirs. The Hottentots had in their
possession two hundred and thirty horses, two thousand four
hundred and forty-four head of horned cattle, and four
thousand nine hundred and sixty-six sheep. To that time
there was no magistrate nearer than Grahamstown, but Major
Armstrong, the commandant of the military post, was then
created a special justice of the peace.
In July 1828, with the concurrence of the imperial authorities,
an ordinance was issued by the acting governor in council,
permitting Kaffirs seeking service to enter the colony, but
requiring them to obtain passes from the fieldcornet or justice
of the peace nearest the border. Hereupon numerous Kaffirs
came over the boundary, professing to seek employment, but
in most instances to wander about begging and looking for
opportunities to steal. After a while depredations became so
frequent that the frontier colonists were brought into a state
of panic.
On the 25th of August 1829 Sir Lowry Cole suspended the
ordinance for the admission of Kaffir servants, and instructed
the officials to apprehend all who were wandering about without
12
[1830
History of the Cape Colony.
proper passes. He then hastened to the frontier. Upon in-
vestigation he ascertained that upwards of five thousand head
of cattle had been stolen from colonists within five months,
that only fifteen hundred head had been recovered by patrols,
and that many individuals had been reduced to actual want.
He expressed regret at the error that had been committed
of allowing Kaffirs to occupy part of the ceded territory again,
thus bringing them within easy reach of the jungles along
the Fish river. With the chiefs of the clans in that district
he had a conference, when he informed them that he was
determined not to tolerate robberies any longer, and warned
them that if they did not prevent their followers from
stealing he would act with them as he had acted with
Makoma. They protested that they were doing all they could
to suppress thefts, but said that among their people were
evil - disposed men who would not obey them. This is a
common excuse with Kaffir chiefs to Europeans. The governor,
however, had made himself acquainted with their customs, and
was aware that if they were really in earnest not an OX
could be brought into the territory without their knowing
all about it. He did not attempt to argue with them, there-
fore, but replied that he had said sufficient, and would merely
repeat for the last time that cattle-stealing must be suppressed
or the clans would be expelled without further notice. The
chiefs saw that the governor was not to be trifled with, and
found such means to restrain robbery that for several months
it nearly ceased.
To overawe the Gunukwebes Sir Lowry selected a site for a
military post at Gwalana, near the place where in 1821 Sir
Rufane Donkin had tried to establish the village which he
named Fredericksburg. The buildings were constructed under
Colonel Somerset's superintendence, and in March 1830 a small
body of troops was stationed there.
The portion of the ceded territory that was not occupied
by Kaffirs and Hottentots the governor resolved to allot to
Europeans under military tenure. On the 2nd of August
1830 a notice was issued in which the conditions were
1831]
13
Sir Lowry Cole.
announced in general terms, and applications for farms were
invited. The commissioner-general was instructed to make a
careful selection from the applicants, so as to get a body of
trustworthy and able men on the ground. The farms were
to be given free of charge or rent. The grantees were to
occupy them in person, and to maintain a number of able-
bodied Europeans capable of bearing arms, in proportion to
the extent of the ground, so that a farm of the ordinary size
of three thousand morgen would have at least four men upon
it. The use of slave labour was prohibited. On these con-
ditions Captain Stockenstrom issued grants between the Koonap
and Fish rivers below the Hottentot settlement to about a
hundred individuals selected indiscriminately from the families
of old colonists and recent British settlers, no other distinction
than that of personal qualification being regarded.
Under this system the settlement of the border was being
effected in a manner that has since been proved well adapted
to the requirements of the country, when a despatch from the
secretary of state put a stop to it. The mind of Lord Goderich
had been poisoned by the calumnies concerning the old colonists
poured into English ears ever since the publication of Barrow's
book, and on the 26th of May 1831 he issued directions that
Dutch farmers were to be excluded from the ceded territory.
English settlers and Hottentots might be located there, but the
ground was to be sold, not given to them. These instructions
were followed in August by others that no crown lands in any
part of the colony were to be alienated except by sale at public
auction, and that one of the conditions of the sale should be
the exclusion of slave labour.
The governor attempted to
induce the secretary of state to reconsider this decision, but
without success. Consequently, on the 17th of May 1832 a
notice was issued that thereafter crown lands would not be
given out on quitrent, but would be offered for sale by public
auction, after an upset price had been placed upon them.
The position of the press in the colony was still very pre-
carious. By Earl Bathurst's instructions the South African
Commercial Advertiser was being published under a license
14
[1827
History of the Cape Colony.
from the governor in council, which could be cancelled at any
time. The rival newspaper had ceased to exist. On the 24th
of May 1826 an extract from the London Times appeared in
the Commercial Advertiser, relating to an official of the Cape
government who had appropriated public money to his own
use, and who was alleged to have been very harshly and
unjustly treated by Lord Charles Somerset in consequence
thereof. To an ordinary reader there was nothing to show
that this extract was not an original article. It came to
the eye of Lord Charles Somerset in London, who drew Earl
Bathurst's attention to it, and produced original documents
showing it to be incorrect. Earl Bathurst thereupon-3rd of
December 1826-sent instructions to General Bourke to
withdraw Mr. Greig's license.
On the 10th of May 1827 the Commercial Advertiser was
suppressed for the second time. Mr. Greig then put out a
handbill giving notice that he intended to publish an adver-
tisement sheet, and wrote to the secretary to government
asking whether it would require to be stamped. He received
a reply that he must not carry out his project before obtaining
a license. On the 13th he waited upon General Bourke with
the proof of his intended paper, which he proposed to publish
twice a week. The acting governor informed him that he
must make a regular application for a license, which would
be granted provided he would engage that the paper should
contain neither political discussion nor private scandal, but ad-
vertisements only. Mr. Greig declined to make the application,
and did not issue the proposed sheet.
On the same day a memorial signed by many of the prin-
cipal merchants in Capetown was sent to General Bourke,
requesting leave to hold a public meeting for the purpose of
taking into consideration the circumstances attending the sup-
pression of the Commercial Advertiser. The acting governor
submitted the memorial to the council, by whose advice he
declined to grant the permission requested.
Mr. Fairbairn, the editor of the paper, then proceeded to
England to endeavour to have the press liberated from the
1829]
15
Sir Lowry Cole.
control of the executive branch of the government, and made
subject only to the courts of law. General Bourke was in
favour of this measure, and wrote
wrote to Earl Bathurst,
recommending a free press with a law of libel.
None of the successive secretaries of state, however, before
Sir George Murray would consent to modify the system
under which periodical journals could be published at the
Cape. From Sir George Murray Mr. Fairbairn obtained
leave to resume the issue of his paper, with a promise that
the press should be freed from the control of the governor
and council, upon which he hastened back to South
Africa, and on the 3rd of October 1828 the Commercial
Advertiser appeared again.
In January 1829 the secretary of state transmitted to Sir
Lowry Cole a draft ordinance for the regulation of the
press, with instructions to have it published in the name of
the governor in council. This was done on the 30th of
April. The ordinance provided that the names of editors,
printers, publishers, and proprietors, with their places of
abode and other particulars, must be recorded on oath at the
office of the secretary to government, under penalty of a
fine of £100 for every paper sold or delivered without such
registration; that a copy of each paper must be furnished
to the secretary to government; that the publisher must
bind himself in the sum of £300, and furnish other security
to the same amount, to pay any fines inflicted upon him by a
court of justice for blasphemous or seditious libel; and that
conviction for a libel tending to bring the government of the
colony into contempt should debar any person from editing,
printing, or publishing a newspaper in the colony again.
This law now appears stringent, but in those days it was
regarded as sufficiently liberal to meet all reasonable require-
ments. It removed from the government the power of
interfering with the press, and referred to the judges of the
supreme court the decision whether matter was libellous or
not. Shortly after the ordinance was issued, quite a number
of newspapers and other periodicals sprang into existence,
16
[1829
History of the Cape Colony.
!
but most of them were short-lived. Two newspapers, how-
ever, remain to the present day: the Zuid Afrikaan, partly
in Dutch and partly in English (now incorporated with Ons
Land and wholly in Dutch), which was commenced in
Capetown on the 9th of April 1830, and the Grahamstown
Journal, a purely English sheet, the first number of which
appeared on the 30th of December 1831.
During the government of Sir Lowry Cole greater changes
took place in the appearance of Capetown than during any
previous period of equal length since the erection of the
castle.
Most of the old fortifications had become useless through
recent improvements in artillery, and in 1827 the imperial
authorities resolved to dismantle some and remove others.
Those condemned as not worth maintaining were the redoubt
Kyk-in-de-Pot and the whole of the fortifications and lines
along the beach between the castle and Craig's tower, except
Fort Knokke. Most of these structures had been familiar
to the oldest residents from childhood. Orders were at the
same time issued that the barrack at Muizenburg and the
batteries at Camp's Bay, Three Anchor Bay, Hout Bay, and
Mouille Point should be dismantled.
On the 25th of November 1824 a meeting was held in
Capetown, when it was resolved to attempt to build a
church and form a Scotch presbyterian congregation, and
Earl Bathurst was applied to through the governor for aid.
On the 30th of April 1825 the secretary of state authorised
Lord Charles Somerset to contribute one-third of the cost of
the building and to allow the clergyman £100 a year from
the colonial treasury. Subscriptions were then collected by
those interested in the undertaking, but a couple of years.
passed by before the promoters saw their way clear to make
a commencement with the edifice. On the 24th of October
1827 the foundation stone of the church on St. Andrew's
square was laid by Major-General Bourke, and on the 24th
of May 1829 the building was opened for divine worship.
A very pleasing occurrence after the first service was the
1830]
17
Sir Lowry Cole.
presentation of £75 towards the building fund by a dep-
utation from the Dutch reformed church. The reverend
Dr. James Adamson was the first pastor. He arrived from
Scotland on the 11th of November 1827, when the Lutheran
congregation kindly gave the use of their church to hold
service in until the building then just commenced should be
completed.
On the 26th of October 1829 the foundation stone of the
Wesleyan chapel in Burg-street-now known as the metro-
politan hall-was laid, and on the 13th of February 1831
the building was opened for public worship.
The members of the English episcopal communion made
use of the Dutch reformed church until December 1834. In
1824 they proposed to erect a building for themselves, and
appointed a committee to ascertain how many persons would
engage to rent pews, their plan being to raise money on
loan. But this scheme did not meet with sufficient support.
In October 1827 the bishop of Calcutta called at the Cape,
when General Bourke granted about an acre of ground in
the lower part of the government garden, which the bishop
consecrated. A subscription list was then opened for the
purpose of building a church, but only a trifle over £2,000
being promised, the design was again abandoned. The
secretary of state having promised pecuniary aid, in August
1829 it was resolved at a meeting of the members to try
to raise a portion of the capital in shares, to be repaid from
pew rents, and two hundred and fifty shares of £25 each
being taken, on the 1st of September of that year an
ordinance of the governor in council was issued, giving legal
sanction to the plan, and granting £5,000 from the colonial
treasury towards the building fund. On the 23rd of April
1830 the foundation stone of the church-which was named
St. George's-was laid by Sir Lowry Cole. On the fol-
lowing day, at the request of the trustees of the new
building, the street upon which it was to face was renamed
by the governor St. George's-street. It had borne the name
of Berg-street for more than one hundred and forty years.
B
18
[1831
History of the Cape Colony.
The church was opened for public worship on the 21st of
December 1834, though it was not then completed. The
whole of the £11,500 had been expended, and £2,000 more
were required to finish the tower and the internal fittings.
The old Dutch reformed church was too small to accom-
modate the congregation, and it was therefore resolved to
erect another in a different part of the town. Some money
was raised by subscription, and on the 18th of April 1833
the foundation stone of the church in Bree-street was laid
by Sir Lowry Cole. Delays, however, took place, and the
building was not opened for worship until the 27th of
October 1847.
A great many dwelling houses were erected, or rebuilt in
modern styles. During a heavy gale from the 16th to the
18th of July 1831 six ships were driven ashore in Table
Bay, happily without loss of life; but their cargoes, valued
at £40,000, were destroyed. This disaster led to the govern-
ment undertaking the construction of a stone pier from
which anchors and cables could be conveyed to ships in
danger of parting. The only wharf at this time was one
close to the castle, that had been built by the Dutch East
India Company in the most convenient place for its pur-
poses, though it was so far to leeward in winter gales that
boats could not reach the anchorage from it. The work on
the new pier, which was at the foot of Bree-street, was
suspended in 1833 by order of the secretary of state; on the
ground of deficiency of revenue; but in the mean time, in
anticipation of its becoming the principal place for landing
and shipping goods, several large stores were built in its
neighbourhood, and there was a gradual shifting of business
from the lower part of the town.
After April 1831 St. George's-street was lit on dark
nights with oil lamps, provided and maintained by subscrip-
tion of the householders. Many of the best residences were
in the gardens in the upper part of the valley, but the
Heerengracht was still the most fashionable part of the
town, though much of it was occupied with shops, the
1831]
19
Sir Lowry Cole.
society or club house, the leading hotel, and what was
termed a coffee house. Respectable females who went out
in the evening were usually carried in a sedan chair, and
a slave walked in front with a lantern. Early hours were
kept, and very few people of the better classes remained out
after nine.
At this time savings banks were established in the colony.
There was previously a department of the government bank
open for the reception of small sums of money, and this was
termed the savings bank branch; but in principle it did not
differ from the other depositing branch. At a meeting held
in the commercial hall on the 22nd of November 1830,
resolutions were adopted in favour of the formation of
savings banks on the same principle as those in England,
and a committee was appointed to carry out the project.
The government approved of the design, and on the 8th of
June 1831 an ordinance was issued legalising it. On the
25th of the same month the first savings bank, properly so
called, commenced to receive deposits in an office in St.
George's-street, and thereafter it was open every Saturday
evening from five to seven o'clock and every Tuesday from
eleven to one. Interest was allowed at the rate of four per
cent. In a very short time branches were formed at the
different seats of magistracy, and were found to be of great
service to the poorer classes of the people.
In March 1831 an association termed the South African
fire and life assurance company was founded, with a sub-
scribed capital of £30,000, and its office was opened
in
Capetown. It was the first company of the kind formed in
the colony, though there were several agencies of English
insurance offices.
A mark of advancement in another direction was the
establishment of the South African college. On the 14th of
October 1828 there was a meeting of heads of families in
the vestry room of the Dutch reformed church in Capetown,
when a discussion took place upon the advisability of
providing better means for the education of lads than the
20
[1829
History of the Cape Colony.
government free schools offered. No decision as to the
method of meeting the want was arrived at, but a committee
was appointed to frame a design and ascertain if sufficient
funds could be raised. The gentlemen who formed this
committee were Sir John Truter, late chief justice, the
reverend Messrs. A. Faure, G. Hough, J. Kloek van Staveren,
and Dr. Adamson, of the Dutch reformed, English episcopal,
Lutheran, and Scotch churches, Mr. W. F. Hertzog, assistant
surveyor general, and Mr. F. L. Mabille, a merchant in
Capetown. Advocate Johannes de Wet and Mr. D. Hertzog
acted as secretaries.
After much deliberation and inquiry the
the committee
resolved to endeavour to obtain a capital of £2,500 in shares
of £10 each, which should entitle the owners to have their
sons educated at a lower charge than others, and to employ
the interest of this capital and fees for tuition in paying
the salaries of professors and teachers. A prospectus was
issued on the 23rd of March 1829, and the required amount
having been subscribed, on the 4th of June a meeting of
the shareholders was held, when fifteen of their number
were elected to form a board of directors. The guardians of
the orphan asylum, having more accommodation than they
needed, offered a portion of their building free of rent for
six years. A contribution of £50 a year was promised from
the masonic education fund, and was paid until 1846.
On the 1st of October 1829 the college was opened with
about a hundred students. The first professors were the
reverend Messrs. Faure, Judge, and Adamson, who gave
instruction in Dutch and English literature, classics, and
mathematics. There was also a teacher of French, Mr.
Swaving* by name, and a gentleman named Woodward
assisted in teaching general subjects. The college received
no aid from the colonial treasury until March 1834, when a
*Of a good family in the Netherlands and well educated, he was sent from
England by the secretary of state as Dutch interpreter in the supreme court,
but owing to some peculiarity of accent his Dutch was nearly unintelligible
to the colonists.
1831]
2 I
Sir Lowry Cole.
.
subsidy of £200 a year was granted, and after that date two
of the directors were appointed by government.
On the 21st of December 1837 an ordinance was issued
establishing the college on a legal foundation. It provided
that the council should consist of seventeen members, fifteen
of whom were to be elected by the subscribers and the
remaining two were to be government nominees. Ten were
to retire every year, when successors were to be chosen.
There were to be at least four professors, namely one of
classics and English literature, one of modern languages
and Dutch literature, one of physical sciences, and one of
mathematics. A senate for the regulation of instruction and
discipline was to be composed of the professors and two
directors elected by the council. The government was to
have the right of nominating five free students when the
number of paying students was under fifty, and ten when
the paying students exceeded fifty. The whole of the
property belonging to the old Latin school, which had
recently been administered by the bible and school com-
mission, was transferred by the ordinance to the college
council.
The next event of importance connected with this institu-
tion was a bequest for educational purposes. On the 21st
of February 1845 there died in Edinburgh a gentleman
named Henry Murray, who had been a merchant in Cape-
town during the early years of the century, but who left the
colony in June 1817 and returned to Scotland. He was of
a benevolent disposition, and his wife was childless. In his
will he set apart a sum of five thousand pounds sterling, the
interest on which was to be drawn by his widow until her
death, when the principal was to be paid to the treasurer
and finance committee of the South African college "to form
a fund for the gratuitous admission of such number of
youths as the annual proceeds of the sum realised would
afford to partake of and enjoy all the privileges and
advantages the different classes professed to bestow, free of
any charge or fees whatever, and that for such period or
22
History of the Cape Colony.
[1829
number of years as might usually be occupied in acquiring
a thorough knowledge of the various branches taught
therein." He further made known his wishes "that of the
candidates for admission on this bequest those only be
chosen from among the less affluent portion of the colonists,
and the sons or descendants of the old Dutch settlers to
have the preference." The vacancies as they occurred were
to be publicly advertised under the title of Murray's Gift
at least two months previous to the day of election, and
the boys approved of were to be subject in all respects to
the ordinary regulations of the college. The first scholar-
ships under this generous and useful bequest were allotted in
December 1857.
Mr. Murray must have retained pleasant remembrances
of the Cape and the colonists, for after some legacies to
relatives and friends, he directed the trustees named in his
will "to pay and make over the whole residue and
remainder of his means and estate, heritable and movable,
real and personal, in favour of the secretary and directors
of the orphan house, Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, who
were declared to be his residuary legatees, but in trust
always for behoof of the said charitable institution." The
amount received by the orphan asylum from this bequest
was £3,300.
The increase of population in the Cape district made it
The
desirable to establish a village at Zwartland's church.
first building lots there were offered for sale on the 10th of
November 1828, and found ready purchasers. On the 21st
of May 1829 the governor named the new village Malmes-
bury, in honour of his father-in-law.
In 1829 two congregations of the Dutch reformed church
were established, making thirteen centres of religious instruc-
tion for the old colonists more than had existed in 1810,
when there were only seven in all.
* An attested copy of Mr. Murray's will, from which these extracts have
been made, is filed in the office of the master of the supreme court in
Capetown.
1829]
23
Sir Lowry Cole.
One of these was at Glen Lynden, the place where the
Scotch settlers of 1820 were located. The reverend John
Pears was sent out by the secretary of state to minister to
these people, but upon his arrival in May 1829 he found
that most of them had gone to reside in other parts of the
country. There were many Dutch people in the neigh-
bourhood, however, and several of them attended the services.
On the 17th of July 1829 elders and deacons were approved
by the governor for the congregation of Glen Lynden, which
was Scotch in name only. Mr. Pears found it necessary to
learn Dutch, and soon began to preach in that language, as
did his successor, the reverend Alexander Welsh. Then the
necessary formalities were gone through to have the con-
gregation represented in a presbytery and in the synod of
the Dutch reformed church. In April 1838 the foundation
stone of a place of worship was laid on the bank of the
Koonap river, where the village of Adelaide now stands.
It was intended as a branch of Glen Lynden, but it proved
to be a much better centre than the other, and in conse-
quence the clergyman went to reside there, though the
congregation retained its old name, and does so still.
The other congregation was formed at Wynberg on the
2nd of September 1829, by the governor's approval of
elders and deacons selected by the consistory of Capetown.
The reverend Abraham Faure shortly afterwards became
consulent, and acted as such until 1834, when the reverend
Philip Faure became resident minister, though his salary
was not paid by government until the beginning of 1839.
In September 1832 a place of worship was opened for use
which forms part of the present church.
Sir Lowry Cole was extremely desirous of facilitating
the means of communication between different parts of the
colony, but there was no money in the treasury that could
be used for this purpose. Without good roads, he wrote, the
country could never become prosperous. Major Michell, the
surveyor-general, having occasion to go over the Hottentots-
Holland mountains, was instructed by the governor to
24
[1830
History of the Cape Colony.
inspect the road carefully, and report whether it could not
be made safe at a moderate outlay. There were two other
passages through the first great barrier to the interior:
one, the French Hoek road, constructed by order of Lord
Charles Somerset, the other, the old road through the
Tulbagh kloof. But the passage over the Hottentots-Holland
mountains was so much more direct for people living along
the southern coast, that in their intercourse with Capetown
they almost invariably used it, even at the risk of having
their waggons broken and their cattle killed.
Major Michell reported that at an expense of about
£7,000 a perfectly safe road, with easy gradients, could be
made. Upon this, the governor gave instructions for the
work to be undertaken, and wrote to the secretary of state
that he was confident the cost would soon be repaid by a
toll. In reply, Sir George Murray declined to sanction it or
any other public work whatever while the revenue of the
colony was insufficient to meet the ordinary expenditure,
and threatened to surcharge the governor with the expense
already incurred. The principal merchants of Capetown
then offered to guarantee the governor against personal
loss; but the secretary of state, upon further representa-
tions of the great utility of the road, was induced to allow
it to be made. Practically it was constructed with borrowed
money, as the deficiency of the revenue was made good by
drawing upon the capital of the bank, and thus increasing
the public debt.
The new road cost £7,011. It was opened for traffic by
Major Michell on the 6th of July 1830, and was named Sir
Lowry's Pass, amid the acclamations of a large number of
people who had assembled to see a train of heavily laden
waggons go over it, which they did with the greatest ease.
The road was subsequently continued through Houwhoek.
A toll was placed upon it, which more than realised the
governor's expectations.
The expenditure of the colony continued to be in excess
of the revenue, though in June 1828 the imperial government
1831]
25
Sir Lowry Cole.
took over the charge of the Cape mounted riflemen.
General Bourke balanced his accounts by drawing upon the
capital of the loan bank, and Sir Lowry Cole was obliged to
do the same. Lord Goderich attempted to rectify this by
retrenchment. In May 1831 he issued instructions that
various offices, with salaries attached to them amounting
altogether to £3,718 a year, were to be summarily abolished.
As other situations became vacant, they were to be filled by
men with reduced salaries, or two posts were to be blended.
into one.
The first of these orders was carried out, but the
operation of the second was so slow that a succeeding
secretary of state was obliged to adopt a more decisive
measure. An account of this will be given in another
chapter.
For some time past the northern border of the colony
had been subject to the ravages of a band of miscreants,
who had their stronghold on the islands in the Orange river
between Olivenhoutdrift and the great falls. For about
seventy miles the river passes through a flat varying from
one to seven or eight miles broad. This valley or bottom is
filled with dense thickets, and from very few spots on either
side is water visible. The river, however, hidden by the
jungle, winds through it, and there are also smaller water
courses branching off from and rejoining the main stream.
During the greater part of the year the river is in flood,
and then these streams are almost innumerable and fre-
quently change their beds. The jungle is thus cut up into
a multitude of islands, many of considerable size, some of
which can only be reached by crossing four or five rapid
unfordable torrents. These islands contain a great deal of
pasturage, so that stock can be hidden in them most
effectually. Honey also abounds, and fish is tolerably
plentiful.
At the beginning of the century these islands were the
retreat of the notorious robber captain Afrikaner, but he
and his followers had long since abandoned them and gone
to reside in Great Namaqualand. In his old age Afrikaner
26
[1832
History of the Cape Colony.
came under the influence of missionaries, and led a reformed
life; but his son Jonker continued to follow the career of a
marauder. Jonker's ravages, however, being chiefly directed
against the Damaras, far away to the northward, he was
almost lost sight of in the Cape Colony. Between him
and the occupants of the islands in 1830 there was no
connection whatever.
The leader of the later robber band
a Hottentot
named Stuurman, who had in earlier years been connected
with one of the Griqua settlements. His followers were
chiefly Koranas and Griquas, but among them were several
fugitive slaves and desperadoes of mixed blood.
He was
perfectly indifferent as to whom he robbed, for he attacked
indiscriminately the Batlapin in the north, the farmers of
the colony in the south, and the Griquas under the captain
Andries Waterboer in the east, whichever at any time
seemed most likely to furnish spoil.
His custom was to send out parties of fifty to seventy
men, well mounted and armed, who appeared suddenly
where they were not expected, and slaughtered all who
attempted to prevent their driving away the cattle. In one
year there were more than thirty reports from the civil
commissioner of Graaff-Reinet detailing their atrocities. It
is needless, however, to relate the whole of these, as they
were all similar in character, and an account of one or two
will therefore be sufficient.
In August 1832 a strong party made a sudden raid into
the Nieuwveld, and found several graziers with their families
and cattle near Slangfontein. They drove off all the stock,
and murdered three colonists named Faber, Van der Merwe,
and Steenkamp, as also Van der Merwe's wife. A commando
of farmers, under the civil commissioner Van Ryneveld,
followed them as soon as possible, but found them so well
prepared for defence that after a harassing campaign of six
weeks, during which the colonists underwent the severest
hardships and privations, the commando was obliged to
return unsuccessful.
1833]
27
Sir Lowry Cole.
In September 1833 a band of about seventy of the
robbers made a swoop upon the farm of Jacob Swart at
the Hantam, murdered three men and one woman, wounded
four others, and carried off eight children with the flocks
and herds. A party of forty-five white men and halfbreeds
was got together by Commandant J. N. Redelinghuys, and
by riding for forty-four hours as hard as horses could carry
them, they overtook Stuurman's gang while yet a long
way from the river. An engagement followed, in which a
colonist-Mr. J. J. Louw-lost his life; but six of the
robbers were killed. The others then fled, leaving seven of
the children, the whole of the cattle, two of their horses,
and three muskets behind. What became of the other child
could not be ascertained, and it was supposed that it must
have died or been left on the road to perish. The men and
the horses of the commando being alike exhausted, it was
impossible to continue the pursuit.
Along the whole of the extensive northern border there
was not a single soldier or a policeman, and there was no
possibility of furnishing a defensive force of any kind. To
meet the ordinary expenditure of the colony, paper money
created as capital for the bank was being drawn upon year
after year, so that there were no means of affording
assistance to the farmers who were exposed to Stuurman's
depredations.
Under these circumstances on the 6th of June 1833 an
ordinance-No. 99-was issued by the governor in council to
amend the commando law. It was always difficult to get
men to leave their regular occupations and take the field,
where neither honour nor profit was to be had, and where
great hardships must be endured. Unless they were person-
ally affected by the occurrence for which their services were
demanded, they were apt to make excuses and to question
the authority of the district officials. To meet cases of
this kind a proclamation was issued by Lord Macartney,
empowering landdrosts and other magistrates to call out
burghers for military service, but without defining penalties
28
[1833
History of the Cape Colony.
for disobedience. This proclamation was the commando law
until June 1833. The ordinance No. 99 gave to civil com-
missioners, justices of the peace, commandants, provisional
commandants, fieldcornets, and provisional fieldcornets power
to call out burghers in cases of necessity, and fixed the
penalties at a fine from £5 to £20 for the first and a similar
fine together with three months' imprisonment for every
subsequent refusal.
This ordinance met with strenuous opposition from Dr.
Philip and from the party in England that supported him.
The Commercial Advertiser, which was the organ of that
party in Capetown, endeavoured to make it appear that the
new law empowered a provisional fieldcornet to levy war
upon the native tribes, and the ability with which that
newspaper was conducted gave great weight to its views.
It was at this time advocating a system of dealing with the
tribes beyond the colony exactly as if they were civilised
European powers, and laid it down as a principle that the
governor should meet chiefs like Makoma upon a footing
of the most perfect equality. The colonists who thought
differently, and especially the colonial government, were
frequently taken to task for not treating the coloured people
with justice, or what Mr. Fairbairn, the editor, regarded as
justice.
In England pressure was brought upon the secretary of
state to advise the king to disallow the ordinance No. 99.
In April 1833 Mr. E. G. Stanley succeeded Lord Goderich at
the colonial office, and he referred the matter to Sir Lowry
Cole for explanation. The governor did not consider the
commando system a desirable one, but under the circum-
stances of the country he regarded it as "the only possible
means to prevent or punish incursions into the colonial
territory." With regard to the alleged unjust treatment of
the coloured people, he observed that "it might suit the
views of some writers to hold up the local government and
the colonists to the detestation of mankind, as the authors
and abettors of a system of the most diabolical atrocities,
1833]
29
Sir Lowry Cole.
and to represent the native tribes as the most injured and
innocent of human beings; but those who had the oppor-
tunity of taking a dispassionate view of the subject would
judge differently."
In the condition of public opinion in England, however,
the secretary of state had hardly a choice when a question
was agitated by the leaders of the missionary and philan-
thropic societies, and on the 27th of November 1833 Mr.
Stanley informed the Cape government that the ordinance
No. 99 and Lord Macartney's proclamation also were dis-
allowed from the 1st of August 1834.
Sir Lowry Cole was desirous of returning to England for
reasons concerning his family, and in 1831 he requested
leave of absence, which was granted by Lord Goderich. But
upon further consideration, the governor expressed a wish
to retire altogether, and the secretary of state gave him
permission to transfer the duty to the senior military officer,
if a successor should not arrive by February 1833. Major-
General Sir Benjamin D'Urban, then governor of Demerara,
was appointed to take his place; but that officer was unable
to proceed to the Cape at once. After waiting until the
10th of August 1833, Sir Lowry Cole with his family em-
barked in the merchant ship La Belle Alliance, then ready
to sail for England, and Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Francis
Wade became acting governor. On the 16th of January
1834 the ship Mount Stuart Elphinstone arrived in Table
Bay, bringing as passengers Sir Benjamin, Lady, and Miss
D'Urban, and the celebrated astronomer Sir John Herschel,
with his lady, son, and two daughters. On the same day
the new governor took the oaths of office.
CHAPTER XVIII.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR, INSTALLED
16TH JANUARY 1834; DISMISSED 20TH JANUARY 1838.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN was the first English governor of
the Cape Colony who was without powerful family connec-
tions. His father was a commoner, and his relatives had
little or no influence with those in whose hands lay patron-
age. He owed his position to merit alone. He had served
through the peninsular war as commander of a division of
cavalry in the Anglo-Lusitanian legion, and since the fall of
Napoleon had been employed chiefly in the West Indies. In
1815 he was made a knight commander of the bath, and in
February 1831 received the civil appointment of governor of
Demerara. When sent as governor to the Cape Colony his
military rank was only that of a major-general. He was a
man of ability, and still more of honesty of purpose, who
did what he believed to be right regardless of consequences
to himself. Benevolent in disposition, he came to this
country impressed with the belief, then common in England,
that the coloured people were harshly dealt with by the
Europeans, and that a better relationship to the border
tribes could be brought about by kindness and confidence.
The new governor was sent to South Africa to carry out
the views of the ministry of the day with regard to several
important matters.
1. The civil establishments were to be greatly reduced,
and such retrenchment was to be effected as would not
only bring the revenue within the expenditure, but leave a
balance to be applied to the gradual extinction of the public
debt.
30
[834]
31
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
2. The system of dealing with the Kaffirs was to be
altered, and a policy of conciliation by means of alliances
with the chiefs be entered upon.
3. The emancipation of the slaves in accordance with
imperial legislation for the purpose was to be carried into
effect.
The financial condition of the country at the time was
extremely bad. From the conquest of the colony in 1806 to
the close of the year 1835 the public revenue remained
almost stationary, notwithstanding the large increase of
quitrents, the imposition of a poll tax and taxes upon
incomes, servants, and carriages, and the addition in
January 1828 of the local revenue of Capetown and the
district revenues, previously collected and administered by
the burgher senate and the boards of landdrost and
heemraden. Several causes contributed to this.
1. All taxes which were fixed in rixdollars and stivers,
such as land rents and stamps, though nominally increasing
in amount, decreased in value as the paper money fell.
2. The sale of the exclusive privilege to retail wines and
spirits was done away with in Capetown at the beginning
of 1824, and in the remainder of the colony at the beginning
of 1828. In its stead licenses were issued as at present, at
£112 10s. a year for each house approved of in Capetown,
and at variable rates in other places. In consequence, the
revenue from this source fell off greatly. The licenses were
written on stamped paper, and the proceeds were carried to
the account of stamps.
3. The commando tax was only imposed from 1811 to
1830.
4. The system of business introduced by English merchants
diminished the auction dues.
5. The reduction of the garrison after the fall of Napoleon
caused some branches of the revenue to decline.
6. The duty on wine entering Capetown and Simons-
town fell off with the decline of the wine trade, and
was abolished altogether from the 1st of January 1835.
32
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
The state of the revenue and expenditure was not per-
mitted to be made known to the colonists until 1831, except
from such returns as were called for in the imperial parlia-
ment or were included in the reports of the commissioners
of inquiry. There was consequently a vague impression that
the revenue was much greater than the government knew
it to be. In October 1831 Lord Goderich authorised the
publication in the Gazette of periodical statements for the
information of the taxpayers, which set the question at
rest.
The various items of revenue are given in the following
table, which shows the average yearly amounts during
successive periods. Before 1826 they have been reduced
to English money according to
to the current rates of
exchange. The district and town taxes together with all
the small taxes recently imposed are included in the item.
AVERAGE YEARLY REVENUE.

1806 to
1814.
1815 to
1819.
1820 to 1826 to
1825.
1830.
1831 to
1835.
£
£
£
£
£
Customs duties
16,103
27,377 24,353
20,183
17,616
Auction dues.
16,924
15,650
14,722
10,853
10,948
Stamps
9,235 13,854 12,650
14,789
16,517
Transfer dues on land sales
5,735
11,239
9,003 6,520
7,876
Interest from loan and dis-
count bank
9,098
11,042
11,090 9,847
8,430
Fees of office.
4,466 7,991
8,362 4,882
4,985
Land rents
14,166 7,702
10,643 4,856 4,223
Taxes paid at the barriers
on grain, wine, and spirits
entering Capetown
and
5,217 5,039
4,877
3,441
3,935
Simonstown
Port dues
715
1,433
1,146 1,129
1,451
Postage.
726
1,119
2,039
3,002
3,812
Tolls
480
927
98
1,989
Sale of exclusive privilege to
retail wines and spirits
13,715
12,559 14,850
4,175
Commando tax
Receipts of printing office
Miscellaneous
Total
101,508 124,392 123,345 116,216 119,552
1,361 4,538 3,528
1,500 1,664 1,665
2,067 2,258
4,774
543
4,319 27,222 37,770
1834]
33
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
miscellaneous. The land rents are incorrect, because in the
accounts of the treasury at that time arrears were included
in the miscellaneous receipts.
The expenditure after 1823 was constantly in excess of
the revenue, and was provided for either by loans or by
drawing upon the capital of the bank. From the private
fund of the orphan chamber a sum of £12,500 was appro-
priated. The Hottentot regiment cost
cost the colony about
£17,000 a year until June 1828, after which time this
charge was borne by the imperial treasury. Much the
greater part of the revenue was absorbed by the civil,
judicial, and ecclesiastical establishments; but schools had
to be provided for, the leper asylum at Hemel en Aarde and
the hospital in Capetown had to be maintained, the public
buildings, the road between Capetown and Simonstown,
that through the Drakenstein mountains at French Hoek,
and Sir Lowry's pass over the Hottentots-Holland mountains
required to be kept in repair, and various other expenses
could not be avoided.
On the 31st of December 1835 the public debt of the
colony was £264,768.
The laws regarding commerce underwent many changes
between 1806 and 1835. By an act of the imperial parlia-
ment, passed in April 1806, and subsequently renewed for
prolonged periods, the regulation of trade to and from the
Cape Colony was entrusted to the king in council, that is
the ministry for the time being with the king's concurrence
could issue orders upon this subject that would have the
force of law.
The regulations concerning commerce before 1813 have
been stated on pages 156 and 212 of the preceding
volume. On British goods imported in British ships a duty
of three per cent of the value was then paid for revenue
purposes. Ships belonging to countries in amity with
Great Britain were allowed to obtain refreshments in the
colonial ports, and if in distress sufficient cargo could be
sold to defray their expenses; but with this exception the
C
34
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
commerce of the country was carried on exclusively in
British vessels.
Up to this period Portuguese slave ships trading between
Mozambique and Brazil were accustomed to call at Table
Bay for water and other supplies, for though England had
prohibited the ocean slave trade by her own subjects, she
had not yet attempted to prevent its being carried on by
foreigners. On the 13th of July 1812, however, the secretary
of state issued instructions to the governor to prohibit
intercourse of any kind between residents in the colony
and slave ships putting into the ports, no matter to what
nationality the ships belonged.
By an act of the imperial parliament which came in force
on the 10th of April 1814 the Cape of Good Hope was for
certain purposes comprised in the limits of the East India
Company's charter. It was intended to encourage the
formation of a depôt for Indian goods, and Cape merchants
were therefore permitted to import merchandise of every
description, except tea, from any part of the east except
China, and to export it again to various parts of the world.
Such merchandise could be kept in bond for eighteen
months, and be released for exportation without payment of
duty. Traffic of this kind was required to be carried on in
British ships of above 350 tons burden, but was otherwise
unrestricted. Less advantage was taken of the privilege,
however, than was anticipated when it was conferred, and
the benefit to the colony was not very great.
By an order in council on the 12th of July 1820, followed
by an act of parliament in July 1821, trade to the colony
from foreign countries in amity with Great Britain was
thrown open, except in articles manufactured of cotton,
wool, or iron, on payment of an import duty of ten per cent
of the value of the goods; and foreign ships could be em-
ployed in such trade on the same footing as British. The
customs duty on Cape produce exported in foreign ships was
to be eight per cent of the value, unless equal privileges
were granted by the country to which the foreign ships
1834]
35
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
belonged. Foreign ships, however, were prohibited from
taking cargoes of Cape produce to British possessions.
By an order in council on the 14th of November 1821
customs duties on British goods imported into the Cape
Colony in British ships were to be levied for revenue
purposes at the rate of three and a quarter per cent of the
value.
The fourth clause of a statute passed on the 5th of July
1826 recognised the general rule that every foreign state in
amity with Great Britain might import its own produce
in its own ships into any British colony, provided the im-
portation was made directly from the country to which the
ship belonged. It further recognised that such foreign ships
might convey from the British colonies any goods to any
part of the world.
In the following year an act was passed to amend this
law. It provided that a foreign ship could convey from the
country to which it belonged the produce of that country to
any British colony, and could convey from that colony goods
to any part of the world. But this privilege depended upon
the fact whether such foreign country before the 5th of July
1826 had granted similar advantages to the navigation and
commerce of Great Britain. On the 16th of July 1827
instructions were issued by the secretary of state that no
foreign country was to be deemed to have fulfilled these
conditions, or to be entitled to any of the privileges in
question, until an order in council had been issued in its
favour. At the same time an order in council enumerated
various countries which were to be permitted to trade with
the Cape. The duty on goods brought in their vessels was
fixed at ten per cent of the value.
These regulations continued in force until the 22nd of
February 1832, when an order in council was issued repealing
all previous enactments, and fixing the duty on British goods
from British possessions anywhere except the East Indies at
three per cent of the value. East Indian produce and goods
from foreign countries were to pay a duty of ten per cent of
36
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
:
their value. Ships belonging to countries in amity with
Great Britain could convey to the colony any goods the
growth, produce, or manufacture of their own countries, and
could convey Cape produce to any part of the world on the
same terms as British ships. Hoops, staves, and casks used
in the wine trade were to be free of duty.
From 1806 to the close of 1814 the imports were at the
average rate of £105,026 a year. English merchants, being
apprehensive that at any time peace might be concluded and
the colony again be restored to the Netherlands, made no
effort to extend the Cape trade, and only sufficient goods
were imported to meet the most pressing demands. After the
convention which secured the colony to Great Britain there
was much commercial speculation, and goods were sent for
sale in greater quantities than were needed. From 1815 to
1825 articles were imported to the average value of £355,259
a year.
Then the trade became more settled, new markets
on the north and east of the colony were opened, and the
extent to which British manufactures could be absorbed was
ascertained. From 1826 to the close of 1835 the imports
were at the average rate of £336,647 a year. In addition to
this, after 1814 goods-chiefly East Indian-were imported
to the average value of about £43,000 a year, placed in
bond, and exported again without payment of duty. Nearly
the whole of the imports were brought in British ships from
Great Britain or British possessions in the east.
The exports of colonial produce were steadily rising.
Among these wine held the first place. During the long war
with France the British government held out great induce-
ments to South African winefarmers to increase the quantity
of their produce, and to improve its quality. Large premiums
were offered to those who made the most, as well as to those
who made the best wine. This encouragement, however,
was trifling
trifling when compared with customs regulations.
subsequently adopted.
On the 2nd of July 1813 the imperial parliament reduced
the customs duty on Cape wines from £43 1s. to £14 7s.-
1834]
37
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
that is to one-third of the duty on Portuguese and Spanish
wines, and the excise duty to £17 10s., the tun of two
hundred and fifty-two gallons. This gave such an impetus
to the planting and enlargement of vineyards that from
seven thousand seven hundred and seven leggers produced
in 1814, the quantity rose to nineteen thousand two hundred
and fifty leggers in 1824, when there were over thirty
million vines bearing.
No wine was permitted to be exported unless certified to
be of good quality by an officer termed the winetaster, who
was first appointed in 1811. This regulation had as its
object to improve the quality of Cape wines and thus to
remove the bad reputation which they had in Europe, but
it did not answer that purpose, for after several years'
experience it was found that the ordinary wines were
actually inferior to those produced before the appointment
of a taster.
The act of 1813 remained in force for twelve years, the
most flourishing period that South African winefarmers have
ever known. Then came a change. In March 1825 the
difference in the duties on Cape and other wines entering
Great Britain was reduced. Thereafter French wines were
to be charged six shillings a gallon if conveyed in British
ships, six shillings and sixpence a gallon if conveyed in
foreign ships; Cape wine was to be charged two shillings
a gallon if conveyed in British ships, two shillings and
threepence a gallon if conveyed in foreign ships; all other
wines were to be charged four shillings a gallon if conveyed
in British ships, and four shillings and fourpence a gallon if
conveyed in foreign ships.
Some slight modifications of this act were subsequently
made, but with these exceptions it remained in force until
October 1831, when it was repealed, and the duty on Cape
wine entering Great Britain was fixed at two shillings and
nine pence, and on all other wines at five shillings and six
pence a gallon. The export of this article now rapidly fell
off.
38
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
The wines of Constantia were in request in England at
high prices. But there was seldom much of these to spare
for exportation, as the local demand was large, and the Cape
government compelled the proprietors of the two estates—
Great and Little Constantia, into which the original farm
was divided-to adhere to an agreement made in 1793 by
their predecessors with the commissioners-general Neder-
burgh and Frykenius, under which each of them was bound
to deliver thirty aams yearly at fifty rixdollars an aam. A
few of the principal civil servants were accustomed to receive
a keg each as a present from the governor, and the
remainder was forwarded to the secretary of state for
distribution among his friends. This continued until 1828,
when Sir George Murray put an end to the distribution of
the wine as presents, and required it to be sold on account
of the Cape government.
For several years, owing to bad seasons, none was to be
had, but in September 1834 the secretary of state issued
instructions that the arrear quantities were to be collected
and sent to England for sale.
Hides and skins had now come to rank next in value to
wine in the list of exports. A large proportion of these
were obtained from the Kaffirs beyond the eastern border
and from the Griquas north of the Orange river. The
Griquas were hunters by occupation.
Fairs for dealing
with them were commenced when the village of Beaufort
West was founded, but in later years traders went among
them and obtained great numbers of skins of wild animals
in exchange for manufactured goods.
Many colonists were now devoting their attention to the
production of wool, though this article had not yet attained
a very prominent position in the list of exports. It had,
however, passed the experimental stage, for by several
farmers it had been proved to pay better than anything
else that could be grown on their lands.
Foremost among
these in the western districts was Mr. Jan Frederik Reitz,
who in 1812 purchased the estate Zoetendal's Vlei, and
1834]
39
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
placed upon it a flock of the best ewes obtainable, which he
crossed with imported merino rams. In three years by
cross-breeding with pure rams the wool was fit for use.
In 1817 Mr. Michiel van Breda, owner of the beautiful
estate Oranjezigt in Table Valley, became a partner with
Mr. Reitz, and the industry was extended, so that by 1825
the production of wool on this farm was about three tons,
and in 1829 six tons, worth in Capetown eighteen pence a
pound. Several other farmers in the western districts were
also breeding merino sheep, though on a smaller scale than
Messrs. Reitz and Breda.
Woolled sheep were introduced into the eastern districts
by some of the British settlers of 1820. Captain Duncan
Campbell, a half-pay captain of marines who subsequently
became civil commissioner of Albany, brought out a few
southdowns from England, and afterwards imported others
on several occasions, but this species of sheep was not found
to thrive. In 1823 Mr. Miles Bowker purchased two merino.
rams which Lord Charles Somerset sent to the eastern dis-
tricts, and from them and African ewes he raised a small
flock of wool-bearing sheep. But the grass in the part of
lower Albany where Mr. Bowker resided was not healthy for
sheep, and though the flock produced very fair wool, it did
not increase in number. At the same time there was no
market for wool in such small quantities, and several years
passed away before it could be turned to account. At length
a settler named Bradshaw, who had a loom, made
made an
arrangement with Mr. Bowker to turn
turn the wool into
blankets, and a few women living near Bathurst, who had
brought spinning-jennies from England and knew how to
use them, were employed to make the yarn. Some coarse
though durable blankets were manufactured, but after a
fair experiment, in 1834 it was found that the industry
would not pay. Mr. Bowker then for several years sold
his wool to a Mr. Allison, in Grahamstown, who made hats
with it. In 1835 most of his sheep were taken by the
Kaffirs, but a few were left, which were subsequently
40
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
removed to a farm on the Koonap river, and there increased
rapidly.
Mr. Bowker was followed as a breeder of wool-bearing
sheep by Major Pigot, who procured some merinos from the
government farm Groote Post. The experiment, however,
was on a small scale, and did not expand until several years.
later, when the progeny of these merinos came into Mr. J.
Carlisle's possession.
More than to any of these gentlemen the credit for the
success of this industry is due to three half-pay English
officers, Lieutenants Richard Daniell, Charles Griffith, and
Thomas White.
The first of these had been an officer in the royal navy,
and came to this colony in 1820 as an immigrant inde-
pendent of government aid, bringing a party of fifteen
individuals with him. He obtained as a grant the farm
Sweetmilk-fountain, not far from the Bushman's river.
Lieutenants Griffith and White came out as heads of parties
of British settlers, and were located first on the Zonderend
river, but ultimately removed to Albany. Previous to
leaving the west, Lieutenant Griffith spent some time on a
farm at Groenekloof, and observed how well the merinos
throve at Groote Post. After settling in Albany he pur-
chased a small flock of halfbreed sheep from Mr. Colebrooke
at Hottentots-Holland, and had it removed to the frontier.
Lieutenants Griffith and Daniell then entered into partner-
ship. From a man on the way to Australia who happened
to call at Capetown they purchased some pure merinos, with
which they greatly improved their flock. After a short
time the partnership was dissolved, when the sheep came
into Lieutenant Griffith's sole possession, and increased
to a considerable number on his farm Burntkraal, near
Grahamstown.
Meantime Lieutenant Daniell carried on farming in the
same manner as in England, with the result that he lost
nearly everything that he brought to South Africa. In 1827
he took again to breeding merino sheep, and was so successful
1834]
4I
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
that at the beginning of 1832 he clipped ten thousand
pounds of fine wool. At this time his flock was the choicest
in the eastern districts, and his rams, being carefully bred
from the purest imported stock, brought higher prices than
any others in the market.
Lieutenant White, after some experience of South African
farming, visited Europe and purchased in Saxony some
choice rams and ewes, with which he returned to the colony
in 1828. The stock from his estate-Table farm, near
Grahamstown-was afterwards considered second only to
that of Lieutenant Daniell.
By 1834 the industry was regarded as firmly established.
In that year an eastern province joint stock company com-
menced importing rams and ewes of the best breed from
Saxony, and a merchant skipper-Captain Robb, of the
Leda-brought as a speculation thirty young rams from
Sydney, New South Wales, which were sold at such a profit
that he repeated the venture on a larger scale.
In 1835 Captain Robb tried to introduce Angora goats
from New South Wales. Some died on the passage, but he
succeeded in landing two males and one female, which were
purchased by Mr. Frederick Korsten,* of Cradock's Place,
near Port Elizabeth, for £150. In 1830 Mr. Korsten com-
menced to farm with woolled sheep, and he now resolved to
make an experiment with the goats, to ascertain which was
most profitable. This was the origin of the production of mo-
hair in South Africa, though many years elapsed before that
article attained a noticeable place in the list of exports. In
1836 Captain Robb introduced four more Angora goats and
nearly three hundred fine woolled sheep. In that year the
Cape of Good Hope Agricultural Society presented to him a
handsome cup as a testimonial of the services he had
rendered to flockmasters. There is a plain tablet in his
*This gentleman, who arrived in 1795 as an officer in the Dutch navy,
was one of the most enterprising individuals in the colony. He was the
principal preparer in the eastern province of salted meat for exportation.
He died at Cradock's Place on the 16th of June 1839.
42
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
memory on a wall of the old Scotch church in Capetown,
and his name deserves a place among those of the men who
have helped to promote the prosperity of South Africa.
At almost the same time an effort to introduce Angora
goats of the purest breed was made by a retired military
officer. Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, a gentleman who was
well acquainted with Asiatic Turkey, had come to reside at
the Cape, and was impressed with the view that the country
was eminently adapted for the production of mohair, the
silk-like fleece of the Angora goat. Accordingly he procured
through agents, though with considerable difficulty and at
great expense, a flock of thirty-nine of the valuable animals,
which were sent through Constantinople to Egypt. From
Egypt they were taken through Persia to Bombay, and
from that port shipped to the Cape. Twenty-seven of them
died on the passage. In 1838 one she-goat, eleven of the
original males, and one male born on the way arrived, but
to the great disappointment of their owner, the whole of
the original males, though apparently perfect, had by some
means been made useless for breeding purposes. The she-
goat too never bred after arrival. The male born on the
passage, however, was purchased by Mr. Hendrik Vos, and
by crossing with selected ordinary goats, and then with
their offspring, in course of time a flock with fairly good
fleeces was obtained.
A beginning having been made, some merchants in Port
Elizabeth took the matter in hand, and managed to pro-
cure pure-bred goats occasionally, until the industry was
thoroughly established and South Africa became, what it is
to-day, the first mohair producing country in the world.
The Angora goat, being a highly-bred animal, is far from
hardy, and requires great care. It is not adapted to all
parts of the country, but in some places it thrives well
under good management, and brings in fair returns.
From 1806 to 1814 the colonial produce exported was of
the average value of £61,491 a year, from 1815 to 1825 it
averaged £198,446 and thereafter it steadily rose. The
1834]
43
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
principal articles, with their average values during periods of
five years each, were-

1826 to 1830.
1831 to 1835,
£
Aloes
2,012
Argol
441
£
2,204
623
Beef and pork
5,160
Brandy.
296
469
•
Butter
Dried fruit
Grain
Hides and skins
Horns
•
Horses and mules.
Ivory
•
Ostrich feathers
Tallow.
Whalebone and oil
4,599
4,710
2,854
2,714
16,917
27,390
37,454
62,829
3,904
5,431
9,274
6,504
4,362
2,438
1,719
2,052
297
11,108
·
4,254
6,799
Wine
Wool
Other articles
Total
•
•
120,750
84,028
1,307
8,184
7,972
11,003
218,412
243,646
Nineteen per cent of the exports were from Port Elizabeth.
From the 1st of January 1806 to the 31st of December
1825 the merchant ships-exclusive of coasters-that put
into Table Bay averaged one hundred and thirty-four yearly.
During the ten years that ended on the 31st of December
1835 the average yearly number was two hundred and
twenty-five. In the whole thirty years forty-seven wrecks.
took place in the bay, but the loss of life was very small,
altogether not exceeding fifteen individuals. There were
several disastrous wrecks on the South African coast,
however, the particulars of all of which it is not possible to
recover.
The financial condition of the colony was as here described
when Sir Benjamin D'Urban received instructions from Mr.
Stanley immediately to carry out the scheme of retrenchment
which Lord Goderich intended to be gradual. The salaries
of the principal officers were all reduced. The governor
1
44
History of the Cape Colony.
[1834
himself was to draw £5,000 a year, and be provided with a
town residence only. The secretary to government was to
receive £1,500 instead of £2,000, the attorney-general £1,200
instead of £1,500, the collector of customs £700 instead of
£1,000, the auditor-general £700 instead of £800, the com-
missioner of stamps £500 instead of £700, and the controller
of customs £500 instead of £700 a year.
The district of Simonstown was to be joined to the Cape,
and was to exchange its magistrate for a special justice of
the peace. George and Somerset were to be reduced to the
rank of sub-districts. Throughout the colony the offices of
civil commissioner and resident magistrate were to be united,
and a salary of £500 a year and a free residence was
allowed to each. These changes were to take place from
the 1st of July 1834. The governor was instructed to select
the most competent of the old officers to fill the combined.
situations, and to allow the others small pensions. Accord-
ingly, as civil commissioner and resident magistrate, Mr. P.
B. Borcherds was appointed to the Cape, D. J. van Ryneveld
to Stellenbosch, H. Rivers to Swellendam, P. J. Truter to
Worcester, J. W. van der Riet to Uitenhage, D. Campbell
to Albany, and W. C. van Ryneveld to Graaff-Reinet.
As assistant civil commissioners and resident magistrates,
each with a salary of £300 a year, Mr. Jan van Ryneveld
was appointed to Clanwilliam, Egbertus Bergh to George,
Jeremias Frederik Ziervogel to Somerset, and Jacobus
Johannes Meintjes to Beaufort.
These reductions were not applied to all officers on the
same scale, and upon some individuals they pressed with
great hardship. For instance, Mr. Wilberforce Bird, con-
troller of customs, a man of talent and superior education,
who had once drawn £1,000 a year for the same duty, was
now reduced to £500. He was then in his seventy-sixth
year, and during a long period of service had given the
highest satisfaction to the government. Mr. P. B. Borcherds,
civil commissioner and resident magistrate of the Cape, after
over thirty years' service was reduced from £800 to £500,
1834]
45
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
and had the former district of Simonstown added to his
care. He was, however, relieved of the task of trying police.
cases in Capetown, which duty was added to that of the
superintendent, the baron De Lorentz. This gentleman, who
had served as an officer in the royal fusiliers in the penin-
sular war and in America, but who had only been eight
years in South Africa, was reduced from £700 to £600. Mr.
Crozier, the postmaster-general, after twenty-seven years'
service, was reduced from £600 to £400.
The supreme court also underwent some changes in which
a decrease of expense was kept in view, though the primary
object was greater efficiency. On the 16th of June 1832 a
new charter of justice was issued. By it the judges were
reduced to three in number, and their restriction to barristers
or advocates was removed. By the terms of the first charter
they were appointed by letters patent under the great seal,
now their commissions were drawn up under the public seal
of the colony in pursuance of warrants under the king's sign
manual. The patronage of the court was transferred from
the chief justice to the governor. Two judges were to form
a quorum, and in case of difference of opinion judgment was
to be suspended until all three could be present. In civil
cases an appeal to the privy council could be made when
the matter in dispute was of the value of £500. The
orphan chamber was abolished, and its duties were
transferred to the master of the supreme court.
An ordinance of the governor in council, dated 5th of
May 1831, had provided that ignorance of the English
language was not to disqualify persons from being jurors,
and made all free men-except certain officials-between
twenty-one and sixty years of age, who possessed land of
the annual value of £1 17s. 6d. or paid taxes to the amount
of 20s. in the country and 30s. in the Cape district, liable
serve. The new charter of justice confirmed this
principle.
to
* At Salamanca he was once left for dead on the field of battle. In this
colony he was regarded as an excellent magistrate.
46
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
Though this charter was acted upon as far as the reduc-
tion of the number of judges was concerned, by the removal
of Mr. Justice Burton to the supreme court of New South
Wales in November 1832, it was not otherwise observed
until the 1st of March 1834. From that date it superseded
the first charter of justice.
Before May 1833 the colony had in England a special
agent-Mr. T. P. Courtenay-with a salary of £600 a year.
Messrs. George Baillie and Edward Barnard were then
appointed agents-general for the colonies, and matters
relating to South Africa were entrusted to the latter.
Towards the salaries of these gentlemen the Cape was
required to contribute £200 a year.
The colonists were disposed to think that if they could
obtain a representative assembly, many of the evils which
pressed upon them would be removed. Early in 1827 a
petition for such a form of government, signed by sixteen
hundred persons, was sent to England, and on the 8th of
June in that year was presented by Mr. Baring to the
house of commons. After a discussion which showed that it
would not be warmly supported, it was ordered to lie upon
the table, and there was an end to it.
Three years later it was followed by another to the same
effect, which was presented to the commons by Lord Milton
on the 24th of May 1830. Sir George Murray, then secre-
tary of state for the colonies, immediately opposed it, as in
his view it would be the means of setting the Dutch and
English colonists at variance, and an attempt would be
made by legislation to oppress the slaves and the Hottentots.
His remarks decided the fate of the petition.
The next appeal was to the king in council. On the 16th
of July 1831 a public meeting was held in the hall of the
commercial exchange at Capetown, when it was decided to
draw up a memorial, praying that the king might be pleased
to commit the administration of the internal affairs of the
colony to a governor appointed by the crown, an executive
council chosen by him with the sanction of the crown, and
1834]
47
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
a legislative assembly composed of representatives elected by
the inhabitants. This memorial was forwarded by Sir Lowry
Cole to Lord Goderich on the 6th of January 1832. No
immediate action was taken upon it; but in the course of
the following year the ministry resolved to make the govern-
ment of the Cape a little less despotic, by the creation of
two distinct councils to take the place of the council of
advice. Earl Grey was still premier, but Mr. Stanley had
succeeded Lord Goderich at the colonial office.
In Sir Benjamin D'Urban's commission as governor, which
was dated the 23rd of October 1833, provision was made for
the creation of a legislative council for the Cape Colony. It
was to consist of not less than ten nor more than twelve
members, exclusive of the governor. The military officer
next in rank to the governor, the secretary to government,
the treasurer-general, the auditor-general, and the attorney-
general were to have seats by virtue of their offices. The
other members were to be selected by the governor from the
most respectable inhabitants, and were to hold office during
residence and good behaviour, unless disallowed by the
secretary of state within two years of their nomination. The
governor and six members were to form a quorum. Meetings
could only be summoned by the governor, and in them he
was to preside unless his absence should be unavoidable,
when the senior member present was to occupy the chair.
The governor was to have a vote the same as other members,
and also a casting vote when the council was equally divided.
Decisions were to be valid on a simple majority of votes.
Draft ordinances were to be published in the Gazette at least
three weeks before being submitted for discussion.
An executive council was at the same time created. It
was to consist of the military officer next in rank to the
governor, the secretary to government, the treasurer-general,
and the attorney-general. The governor was to take the
advice of this council in questions of administration, but he
was not obliged to follow it if he saw good reason to act
differently.
48
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
On the 25th of February 1834 Messrs. Pieter Laurens
Cloete, John Bardwell Ebden, Michiel van Breda, Charles
Stuart Pillans, and Jacobus Johannes du Toit were gazetted
as the first unofficial members of the legislative council. On
the 2nd of April the first session was opened. All the
unofficial members were present, and also Lieutenant-Colonel
Wade, military officer next in rank to the governor, Mr. Jan
Godlieb Brink, acting secretary to government during the
absence on leave of Lieutenant-Colonel Bell, Mr. Joachim
Willem Stoll, treasurer-general, Mr. Pieter Gerhard Brink,
auditor-general, and Mr. Anthony Oliphant, attorney-general.
As the governor entered the council room, a military band
in attendance played the national anthem, and a salute was
fired from the Imhof battery. The debates were at first
held with closed doors, but an abstract of proceedings was
published for general information.
In October, however, a number of gentlemen sent in a
request to be permitted to listen to the discussions. There-
upon a resolution was carried that each member might
admit one friend, and each newspaper have one reporter
present at the meetings, so that from this time forward the
proceedings were public except on extraordinary occasions.
Such a council by no means satisfied the colonists. On
the 8th of October 1834 there was a large public meeting in
Capetown, when it was resolved to send another petition to
the king for a representative assembly. But the imperial
authorities were not disposed to comply with the desires of
the memorialists, and for many years no more liberal form
of government could be obtained.
While the orders concerning retrenchment were in course
of execution and the changes in the system of government
were being made, Sir Benjamin D'Urban was unable to visit
the eastern frontier to inaugurate the new policy which the
secretary of state had determined to carry out towards the
Kaffirs. If the matter had not been one of such importance
to the colony, some of Mr. Stanley's despatches concerning
it would be the most ludicrous documents in our archives.
1834]
49
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
A secretary of state, who holds office on the precarious
tenure of the support of a majority in parliament, who
accepts his post with no special knowledge of the countries
whose destinies are placed for a time in his hands, and who
is perhaps not long enough in power to acquire that know-
ledge, must always be liable to make blunders. At this
period the succession of secretaries was very rapid, and one
followed the other without any having more than a super-
ficial acquaintance with the condition of the people of South
Africa.
The governor was instructed by Mr. Stanley to "cultivate
an acquaintance with the chiefs of the Kaffir tribes by
stationing prudent and intelligent men among them as
agents," and for this purpose was allowed to expend a sum
not exceeding £600 a year. Mr. Stanley was of opinion
that "if not all, many of those chiefs might be gradually
induced in return for small annual presents of stores to
become responsible for the peaceable conduct of their
followers."
Shortly after Sir Benjamin's arrival, therefore, he caused
an official notification to be made to the several Xosa chiefs
that he intended to visit the border as soon as his duties
would allow him to leave Capetown, and that he would
then enter into the most friendly arrangements with them.
He hoped, he added, that on their part they would show
the same desire for concord, and that they would give a
proof of it by preventing their people from stealing the
cattle of the colonists. Instructions were sent to the officers
on the frontier, prohibiting the employment of force against
the Kaffirs. Military patrols could follow the traces of
robbers, but were not to use their arms except for purposes
of defence in the last extremity.
A little later Sir Benjamin took advantage of a tour
which the reverend Dr. Philip was about to make to the
stations of the London society, and requested that gentleman
to impress upon the chiefs that his intentions were most
friendly, and that it would be greatly to their advantage to
D
50
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
conduct themselves in harmony with his desires. Whether
Dr. Philip acted as the governor's agent on this occasion
and made certain definite proposals to the chiefs, or whether
he merely collected information for the use of the governor,
is uncertain. The arrangement was verbal, and this matter
was afterwards a subject of dispute between them. But it
is beyond dispute that during the winter of 1834 Sir
Benjamin D'Urban and the reverend Dr. Philip were on the
most confidential terms. Six months later it was very
different.
In the preceding chapter the history of some of the border
chiefs was brought down to 1829. Makoma, right-hand son
of Gaika, had then recently been expelled from the Kat
river, and was living between the Tyumie and the Keiskama.
Tyali, his half-brother of the left-hand house, was occupying
the valley of the Mankazana, Botumane with his Imidange
possessed the western bank of the Tyumie from the present
village of Alice nearly down to Fort Willshire, Eno and his
clan of the Amambala were on the western side of the
Keiskama, between Fort Willshire and the Gwanga, and
Pato, Kama, and Kobe, with the Gunukwebes, were in occu-
pation of the land farther down, between the Keiskama and
Beka rivers, the Gwanga and the sea.
Gaika, Ndlambe, and Dushane, the three most prominent
figures on the border during the first quarter of the century,
had all disappeared.
The old chief Ndlambe must have been nearly ninety
years of age when in February 1828 he died close to the
Wesleyan mission station Mount Coke, on the western bank
of the Buffalo river. His son Umkayi was by birthright his
successor, but being of feeble intellect, was supplanted by a
son of lower rank, named Umhala. Umkayi was obliged
to submit, but though left without power, he was treated
with respect by the people of the clan.
Within a few months Dushane followed his father to the
grave. His kraals were scattered over the country on both
sides of the Tshalumna and on the eastern bank of the
1834]
51
Sır Benjamin D'Urban.
lower Keiskama. He left by his great wife a son named
Siwani, who was still a child, and Siyolo, the heir of the
right-hand house, embraced the opportunity to secure as
much power as possible.
Gaika survived his uncle and rival less than two years.
Worn out with drunkenness and debauchery, he died at his
kraal on the Keiskama, near the Glasgow mission station
Burnshill, on the 13th of November 1829. His great wife,
Sutu by name, was mother of a son who was then only a
boy. Though no one believed Gaika to be his father, this
youth was regarded as the legitimate heir to the chieftain-
ship, and Makoma was appointed regent during his minority.
The boy's name was Sandile.
This event made Makoma the most powerful chief on the
border. He was a man of medium stature, but was strong
and muscular, brave, and possessed of great power of
endurance. At this time inebriety had not set its hideous
stamp upon him, and his open face and courageous demean-
our made him a favourite with the English officers on the
frontier. For a long time he had been regarded by his
father as a formidable rival rather than a dutiful subject.
Restless and daring adventurers from all the clans were
constantly swelling the number of his followers, for his
kraal was a refuge where they were sure to meet a welcome.
Another son of Gaika must be mentioned. This was
Anta, who was by birth inferior to Sandile, Makoma, and
Tyali, but whom good fortune made a man of note. Ntimbo,
right-hand son of Umlawu and half-brother of Gaika,
having died without issue, Anta was selected to succeed him,
and consequently became head of an important clan.
Of late years mission stations had been greatly multiplied
in Kaffirland. The London society had one where King-
William's-Town now stands, and one at Knappshope, on the
Keiskama. The Glasgow society had one near the source of
the Tyumie, another at old Lovedale, farther down the same
river, a third at Burnshill, on the Keiskama, and a fourth
at Pirie, near one of the sources of the Buffalo. The
52
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
Wesleyan society had one at Wesleyville, on a feeder of the
Tshalumna, one at Mount Coke, on the Buffalo, one at
Butterworth with the Galekas, founded in July 1827, one at
Morley with a clan of mixed European and Pondo origin,
founded in May 1829, one at Clarkebury with the Tembus,
founded in April 1830, and one at Buntingville with the
Pondos, founded in November 1830. The Moravian society
had one at Shiloh with the emigrant Tembus under Bawana,
founded in 1828.
Trading stations were also scattered thickly over the
country. The articles chiefly disposed of were blankets,
beads, metal buttons, brass wire, iron pots, axes, picks, and
knives. Barter was accompanied by a great deal of talking.
A man would not exchange a hide for a blanket until he
had consulted a dozen of his friends who accompanied him,
each of whom examined the article minutely. When at
length the exchange was made, the trader gave a little
tobacco or red ochre as a present, for until this ceremony
was completed, the purchaser was held at liberty to alter
his mind. To the Kaffirs time was of no importance.
Hardly any profit could have compensated for such a method
of doing business, if half a dozen articles were not being
disposed of at once to different individuals.
Anything like a really friendly feeling between the Kaffirs
and the colonists was prevented by the constant depreda-
tions upon the farmers' herds. In March 1830 the military
patrols that were engaged in following spoors were threatened
by Makoma and Tyali, and on one occasion a party of thirty
soldiers would have been surrounded if they had not made
ready to use their muskets to secure a retreat. On this
occasion both Makoma and Tyali had sent their cattle and
women to places of safety, and had bands scattered about,
each consisting of four or five hundred armed men.*
* The governor attributed the attitude of Makoma and Tyali on this occasion
to indiscreet language used by Dr. Philip in a recent interview with Botumane.
But I am convinced that this is an error. Dr. Philip could have had no influ-
ence whatever with any of the Xosa captains at that time, for in private they
1830]
53
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Owing to the defiant attitude of the chiefs, a commando
was called out to recover the stolen cattle in their possession.
On the 17th of June 1830 the burghers assembled at Fort
Willshire, and the final plan of operations was agreed upon.
It was resolved to surprise the kraals of four petty captains
subject to Makoma and Tyali, which were situated beyond
the Keiskama, as it was considered likely that the chiefs
would anticipate a visit to their own residences, and would
therefore take care to have the cattle at a distance.
One of the captains, named Magugu, was subject to
Makoma. At his kraal so much plunder was found that the
officer in command thought it right to make him a prisoner,
and he was taken to Fort Willshire, but was there released.
That his kraal was so successfully surprised was due to the
Gunukwebe captain Kobe, who acted as guide on the occa-
sion. Two of the others against whom divisions of the
commando marched received warning in time, and conse-
quently no cattle of any kind were found at their places.
The fourth kraal was under a petty captain named Sig-
cawu, an offshoot of the house of Rarabe and a dependent
of Tyali. Against this kraal a division of the commando,
consisting of a party of burghers under Fieldcornet Pieter
Erasmus, marched. The expedition was successful in sur-
prising the place, and found there a large number of cattle
stolen from the colonists-some quite recently. The whole
herd was seized, and Fieldcornet Erasmus informed the
captain that it would be taken to Fort Willshire, where the
stolen cattle would be selected and the remainder be restored
to him. Sigcawu requested that the milk cows might be
left, otherwise the children would be hungry and the calves
would certainly have ridiculed anyone holding his opinions. After 1836, when
it was proclaimed in every kraal in the country that it was by his agency the
ceded territory was restored to them, they of course attached great importance
to what he said. The cause of the chiefs' conduct cannot be ascertained from
Kaffir sources.
In all probability they were merely trying how far they could
go without actually provoking war, for the changes in the frontier system had
made them doubt the power of the government to act as in Lord Charles
Somerset's time.
54
[1833
History of the Cape Colony.
would die. The fieldcornet consented, and the cows were
driven out. The party then left the kraal with about two
thousand five hundred head of cattle.
The captain himself and six or eight of his men volun-
teered to assist in driving the herd, and were allowed to do
so, but not to take their assagais with them. After a time
a neck of land covered with bushes was reached, when
suddenly there was a great shout in front and a peculiar
shrill whistling which Kaffirs use when driving cattle. The
whole herd instantly turned about and nearly trampled
down the farmers. At the same time an assagai whizzed
past one of them. In the dust that was raised some Kaffirs
were seen, but the confusion was so great that no one knew
the whole circumstances. Several farmers raised their guns
and fired, when Sigcawu and six of his men fell dead. The
body of the chief was found with an assagai, which he must
have obtained from one of his people just before he fell, and
which furnished proof of his being implicated in the
attempted rescue. The Kaffirs succeeded in driving off
about nine hundred head of cattle, and with the remaining
sixteen hundred the expedition reached Fort Willshire.
Shortly afterwards Tyali arrived at the fort, and claimed
a good many of the cattle as his property. He was allowed
to drive out those which he selected, until
he selected, until some were
identified as belonging to colonists, when he was ordered
to desist.
This event had the effect of diminishing depredations for
a time, but in 1833 they were resumed on a very extensive
scale. Sir Lowry Cole then resolved to expel Tyali from
the valley of the Mankazana, and in September a military
force was sent to drive him out. He did not resist, but
retired quietly to the land along the Gaga, from its source
to its junction with the Tyumie. There he gave as much
trouble as in his former home.
When Lieutenant-Colonel Wade became acting governor,
he caused a strict inquiry to be made into matters in the
ceded territory.
He found that in 1832 Lieutenant-Colonel
1833]
55
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Somerset had given Makoma leave to cross the Tyumie with
a few followers, and that now the greater portion of his clan
was on the western bank, mixed with Botumane's people.
Colonel Somerset was in Europe on leave, and Lieutenant-
Colonel England was acting commandant of the frontier. No
reason except Colonel Somerset's partiality for Makoma
could be imagined for the permission given to him. Tyali's
people had only to cross the ridge which separated the
sources of the Gaga from those of the Mankazana, to be in
a position to plunder at will.
Under these circumstances Colonel Wade practically
defined a new boundary. The wording of the notice in
the Gazette issued after Lord Charles Somerset's arrange-
ment with Gaika in 1819 was somewhat obscure, and the
Gaga was not named in it. Another branch of the Tyumie
a little higher up better answered the description there
given. This stream-named the Kurukuru-rises a short
distance below the mission station founded by Mr. Brownlee,
and falls into the Tyumie where the commonage of the
present village of Alice commences. The dividing ridge
between the Kat and the Tyumie approaches the last named
stream much more closely at the sources of the Kurukuru
than at the sources of the Gaga, so that the higher tribu-
tary was much the better boundary. It cut off from
Kaffirland the beautiful site of the present Lovedale
missionary institution and several square miles of fertile
land now in possession of Fingos.
In November 1833 Captain Robert Scott Aitchison, of
the Cape mounted rifles, was directed remove Tyali
beyond the Kurukuru, and Makoma and Botumane beyond
the Tyumie. They did not attempt to resist, but retired
quietly with all their movable property. Their women were
afterwards permitted to cross over and tend the gardens
until the millet and pumpkins were ripe, and could be
taken away.
Colonel Somerset returned and resumed his
command in February 1834. He gave Makoma leave to
settle in the ceded territory again; but Captain Duncan
56
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
Campbell, civil commissioner of Albany and Somerset, re-
presented the imprudence of this step so strongly to
government that the Kaffirs were once more ordered out.
Thus there had been constant vacillation in the dealings
of the European authorities towards the Xosas
Xosas on the
border.
To the Kaffirs it appeared as if the white people must be
very weak or very foolish. A farmer had, for instance, ten
oxen stolen from him. The spoor was followed, and two
were recovered at a kraal. Was not this presumptive
evidence that the other eight had been brought there also,
and had either been slaughtered or driven farther away?
Yet the patrol could only take the two that were found, and
the thieves' own cattle were perfectly safe. Surely people
who acted thus must be unable to maintain their own
rights, or be very silly indeed.
To the Gaikas it seemed also as if the colonial government
had completely changed sides in their feuds. With the death
of Ndlambe, some of the old rivalry had disappeared; but
between Makoma's people and the Gunukwebes it remained
as strong as ever.
Now the Gunukwebes were permitted
to occupy the land between the Keiskama and the Beka,
and of all the clans that had at any time taken part
with Gaika, only the one under Eno was left in the ceded
territory. The feeling on this question among the followers
of Makoma and Tyali was very bitter indeed, sufficiently
So to make them think of taking up arms against the
colony. They could now count upon much the greater
number of the western Xosas being on their side. Umhala,
whose title against his half-brother Umkayi was weak,
leant upon them for support, and was one of their strongest
allies. Siyolo too, who was seeking power at the expense
of the youth Siwani, was wholly with them.
The condition of western Kaffirland in 1834 was thus one
of readiness for war. The assagai makers were busy manu-
facturing weapons, and the chiefs were tampering with the
Hottentots of the Cape corps and of the settlement at the
·་
1834]
57
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Kat river. But the missionaries and the traders in the
country noticed nothing amiss, and the only indication that
the colonists had of matters not being in their usual state
was that horses instead of horned cattle seemed now to be
preferred by robbers.
Although Sir Benjamin D'Urban was unable to visit the
eastern border during 1834, he managed to initiate the new
policy devised by the secretary of state for dealing with the
native tribes. In preceding chapters an account has been
given of the settlement of various people of Hottentot and
mixed blood in the territory near the junction of the Vaal
and Orange rivers, and of their adoption of the name
Griquas, which the reverend Mr. Campbell gave to them.
For some years they were nominally under the government
of the captains Barend Barends and Adam and Cornelius
Kok, but, being attached to the wandering life of hunters,
in reality many of them submitted to no government at all.
In 1820 all the captains moved away from Griquatown, the
principal mission station in that part of the country, which was
thus left without a ruler of any kind. The missionaries
then persuaded the people of the station to elect a captain,
and their choice fell upon a man named Andries Waterboer,
who was an assistant teacher in the school.
Waterboer proved himself competent for the situation.
knew how to preserve order, he was a capable leader in
warlike excursions, and he worked harmoniously with the
missionaries. He even declared that he governed as a vassal
of the London society. His authority indeed did not extend
beyond Griquatown and its outposts, but on every possible
occasion thereafter the missionaries put him forward as a
person of importance. Towards the close of 1834 the
reverend Peter Wright brought him to Capetown, to be
present at the festivities connected with the emancipation
of the slaves, and there he won great favour by his correct
conduct and sensible remarks at public meetings.
It was represented to Sir Benjamin D'Urban that if
Waterboer's people were supplied with guns and ammunition
58
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History of the Cape Colony.
they might be of great service to the colony by driving
Stuurman's robber gang from the islands in the Orange river.
They as well as the farmers were exposed to depredations
by the banditti, and they were so close by that they could
seize any favourable opportunity for attack. The governor
needed very little prompting. Waterboer and nearly all his
followers were born in the colony, but there was no desire
to regard them as British subjects. They wished to be
independent, and difficulties were not placed in their way.
Under these circumstances, on the 11th of December 1834
the first formal written treaty entered into between the
English authorities in South Africa and a native ruler was
signed at Capetown. In it Waterboer engaged to be the
faithful friend and ally of the colony, to preserve order in
his territory, to restrain and punish any attempt to violate
the peace of the colony by people living within his country,
to seize and send back any criminals or fugitives from the
colony, to protect that portion of the colonial border
opposite to his own-namely from Kheis along the Orange
river to Ramah-against marauders from the interior who
might attempt to pass through his territory, to assist the
colonial authorities in any enterprise for the recovery of
property or the apprehending of banditti who might take
refuge in the jungle or other fastnesses along the above line,
to give information of any intended predatory or hostile
attempts against the colony which might come to his know-
ledge, and to coöperate cordially and in all good faith with
the colonial government in preserving peace and extending
civilisation among the native tribes.
On the other part, the governor engaged that a yearly
stipend of one hundred pounds sterling should be paid to
Waterboer; that he should be supplied with two hundred
muskets and a reasonable quantity of ammunition, as occa-
sion might require; and that fifty pounds sterling a year
should be paid to the mission at Griquatown in aid of the
school, especially for the instruction of the children in the
English language.
1834]
59
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
To facilitate the observance of these engagements, the
governor undertook to appoint an agent to reside at Griqua-
town, whom Waterboer bound himself to protect, and with
whom he promised to communicate confidentially upon all
matters concerning his territory and the colony. The confi-
dential agent, who was named in the treaty, was the
reverend Peter Wright, the missionary at the station.
This treaty met with the entire approval of the imperial
authorities. On the 11th of April 1835 the earl of Aber-
deen, who was then secretary of state for the colonies, wrote
to Sir Benjamin D'Urban expressing the high satisfaction of
the king's government with it, and declaring that this was
the only policy which it became Great Britain to observe
and steadfastly to pursue in regard to the native tribes.”
CHAPTER XIX.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR-(continued).
DURING the ten years preceding 1834 the Cape Colony was
kept in constant agitation by the ever-increasing stringency
of the laws for weakening the authority of slaveholders
over their bondsmen, and thus preparing the way for complete
emancipation of the negroes.
Slavery is in truth an institution to be detested. But it
should not be judged solely by what civilised men and women
would suffer if reduced to that condition, for even in its worst
form it was in all European colonies an improvement upon the
ordinary existence of millions of the children of Africa. If the
condition of the slaves in the Cape Colony be compared with
the condition of the natives along the Zambesi at the close
of the sixteenth century, after the irruption of the Amazimba,
as described in the Portuguese records of the time, the condition
of the wretched survivors of Tshaka's butcheries, of the
Bakalahari when white men first appeared in Betshuanaland,
even of the Mashona before 1890, when the original fierceness
of their Matabele conquerors had largely died out, the system
will appear to be one of benevolence and mercy. The African,
whose ancestors through all time had been accustomed to see
the strong despise and trample upon the weak, felt no
degradation in serving the white man, whom he instinctively
recognised as his superior.
Still that does not justify the European in making a slave of
the negro. In the case of the Cape Colony the greater harm
done was to the white man himself, for the introduction of the
negro as a servant was a moral and political blunder. The
climate is such that Europeans enjoy robust health, and there
60
1834]
61
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
is no field of industry to which they cannot adapt themselves.
A gardener who should stock his ground with inferior plants
would be considered foolish, what then must be said of a
government that deliberately introduced people of the most
prolific and least improvable race into one of the choicest
parts of the earth. Plants may be rooted out, but the negro
once in a country in which he can thrive is there for ever.
It is, however, useless now to moralise upon the subject, for
there is no possibility of a remedy of any kind being devised.
During the whole period that the Dutch East India Company
held the colony slaves were brought into it, but not in very
large numbers, for their services could only be made remu-
nerative to a limited extent. From 1796 to 1802 more were
imported than at any period of equal length before or since.
The trade was then legal and profitable, and English energy
was directed to make the most of it. One of Lord Macartney's
proclamations and certain customs regulations of that governor
appear to restrict it; but they were not intended for that
purpose. There had been some attempts to smuggle in slaves
without payment of the import duties, and there were parts of
the African coast which were closed by the English govern-
ment as much as possible against trade, because the French
were known to obtain supplies of provisions taken there in
commerce. Under these circumstances, Lord Macartney
declared the importation and sale of slaves, without the
previous license and sanction of the government, punishable
with a fine of two thousand rixdollars for the first offence,
of five thousand rixdollars for the second, and of confiscation
of the ship and cargo for the third. The purchasers of
slaves introduced without license were declared to be liable
to a fine of a thousand rixdollars, and the slaves were to
be entitled to their freedom and to be sent back to their
native country.
Under the short Dutch administration from 1803 to 1805
measures were contemplated for putting an end to slavery.
In the ordinance for regulating customs duties slaves are
classified-a man at twenty-five rixdollars, a woman at twenty
62
[1834
History of the Cape Colony.
rixdollars, and a child under twelve years of age at fifteen
rixdollars; but as early as the 11th of April 1803 it was
made known in the Gazette that until further notice the
government would not grant permission to import cargoes of
slaves, and in point of fact it never did. Under special
circumstances a few were allowed to be landed from foreign
ships that put into Table Bay, but beyond that neither Mr.
De Mist nor General Janssens would go. There can be no
doubt whatever that if the Batavian government had remained
in possession of the colony a couple of years longer every
child born thereafter would have been declared free.
The suppression of the foreign slave trade by the British
government followed so closely upon the second conquest of
the colony that there was only time in the interval for a few
hundred negroes to be imported. From that date the increase
in the slave population was due to the excess of births over
deaths, which much more than compensated for the number
emancipated.
With regard to the treatment of slaves in South Africa, all
observers whose opinion is worthy of respect were agreed
that in no other part of the world did bondage sit so lightly.
In ploughing and harvesting on cornfarms the work might be
termed hard, but even then it was not more severe than that
performed by an English labourer. As far as food, clothing,
lodging, and abstinence from excessive toil were concerned, the
slaves upon the whole had nothing to complain of. The
testimony upon this point is practically unanimous. All the
English governors and officials of position who reported upon
the subject were agreed in this. Their statements might be
condensed into a sentence used by Lord Charles Somerset in
a despatch to Earl Bathurst: "No portion of the community
is better off or happier perhaps than the domestic slave
in South Africa."
Still, to a modern European mind, judging the sentiments
of negroes from those of Englishmen, the condition of the
bondsmen was intolerable. They could be bought and sold
like cattle, they were without legal family ties, they were
1816]
63
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
subject to the caprice of any one who happened to own them,
a mother and her children could be widely separated. There
were occasional cases of slaves being treated with excessive
rigour, and crimes of violence were sometimes perpetrated
upon them. These could be redressed by law, but it was not
always that a slave knew how to bring his case before a
court.
There never was an attempt in South Africa to defend the
system in theory. Indeed, it was a common observation that
it was worse for the white man, who had all the care and
anxiety, than for the negro, who had only manual labour to
perform. But there is great difficulty in disturbing any
system, good or bad, that has long been interwoven with the
life of a people. In the Cape Colony money to the amount of
over three million pounds sterling was invested in slaves, and
was secured not alone by ordinary law, but by the terms of
the capitulation to the British forces.
In this condition the matter remained until the general
peace which followed the fall of Napoleon, when something
was needed to take the place in men's minds that had been
occupied by the stirring events of war.
On the 26th of April 1816 a proclamation was issued by
Lord Charles Somerset providing for a complete record of
slave property and the prevention of any addition to it
except by birth. A register was opened in each district,
and was placed under the immediate inspection of the land-
drost, but the person employed in keeping it was subject
to the control of an officer in Capetown who was called
the inspector of the registry. Duplicates of all entries were
forwarded to the chief office in Capetown. Certificates of
sale were required to be given on stamps of five rixdollars,
and were subject to an additional fee of like amount towards
defraying the expenses of the establishment. A penalty of
one hundred rixdollars was imposed upon all who should
neglect to notify each case of manumission, death, inheritance,
or change of property; and those who should delay to make
a return of their slaves or to comply with the other
64
[1823
History of the Cape Colony.
regulations beyond the 31st of March-afterwards extended to
the 1st of September-1817 for the districts of the Cape and
Simonstown, and beyond the end of that year for the other
districts, were regarded as having manumitted their slaves.
Infants whose births were not registered within six months
were free.
This proclamation was issued by the governor on his own
initiative, but as it was in full accord with public opinion in
England, it at once received the approval of the secretary of
state. In the colony no opposition whatever was encountered
in carrying it out. Thereafter it became impossible to in-
troduce slaves by smuggling either from beyond the sea or
from any part of the interior, or to reduce a prize negro to
that class,* as no one whose name and description were not
on the register could be held in bondage. Major G. Rogers,
the governor's military secretary, was appointed inspector.
The fees payable for registration covered the cost of the
staff throughout the colony.
In September 1819 an act was passed by the imperial
parliament, by which an office was established in London
for the registration of the slaves in the colonies, and the
method of carrying out the system at the Cape was there-
after made uniform with that adopted in England.
The next legislation on the subject was a very important
proclamation issued on the 18th of March 1823 by Lord
Charles Somerset, under direction of the imperial govern-
ment. Its principal clauses provided that no slave should be
compelled to perform other labour on the sabbath day than
work of necessity; that slaves professing Christianity might
be manumitted without payment of the fee of fifty rixdollars
to the church; that in the towns and villages proprietors
should send slave children from three to ten years of age to
school at least three days in each week; that baptized slaves
* This is specially mentioned as one of the objects of the proclamation. A
return made by the collector of customs on the 7th of January 1823 shows
that between the 1st of January 1808 and that date 1,423 male and 451 female
blacks had been introduced as prize and had been apprenticed by him.
1823]
65
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
might intermarry with their proprietors' consent; that such
marriages should be performed by the clergymen without
payment; that after such marriages husband and wife could
not be sold apart, nor could their children under ten years
of age be sold separately from them except by a decree of the
high court of justice; that in no case should children under
eight years of age be sold separately from their mothers;
that slaves might acquire property by work during extra
hours, donation, inheritance, or any other honest means, and
could do with such property whatever they chose, either
during life or by will; that every slave should be provided
with sufficient clothing and food of a wholesome kind; that
slaves should not be employed in field labour more than ten
hours a day in winter and twelve hours a day in summer,
except in ploughing or harvesting, when they should receive
payment for the extra work, and might require the amount
of such payment to be fixed by the local magistrate; that
only mild domestic punishment, not exceeding twenty-five
cuts with a rod or similar implement, should be inflicted
on a slave, and that punishment should not be repeated
within twenty-four hours.
There were several other clauses of less practical import-
ance. Penalties for the infringement of each provision, in
no case less than ten rixdollars, were to be inflicted by the
landdrost of the district upon the transgressing master.
And to make detection easy, one-third of the fines under the
proclamation was to be paid to the informer. The other
two-thirds were to be placed to account of a fund for the
purchase and emancipation of slave girls.
This proclamation was not objected to by the colonists at
first, for it conferred upon the slaves very few privileges
that the well-behaved among them were not already in
possession of. But symptoms of intractability soon appeared
in many slaves, who found their masters' power limited by
law, and that they had now as a right what previously they
had received as an indulgence. Insubordination rapidly
gained ground, and the old feelings of attachment between
E
66
[1826
History of the Cape Colony.
the proprietors and their dependents became weakened. In
several places almost at the same time very disorderly con-
duct on the part of the slaves occurred, so that the fear of
a general negro insurrection became widespread.
The most serious instance of disorder occurred in the
district of Worcester. On the 1st of February 1825 a party
of seven slaves, aided by some Hottentots, rose against their
masters-named W. N. van der Merwe, J. H. van Rensburg,
and J. M. Verlee,-murdered them, assaulted and wounded
two others, and then plundered the houses. Having armed
themselves, they resisted a commando hastily assembled by
the fieldcornet Dutoit, but were ultimately compelled to
surrender. The slaves and five Hottentots were brought to
trial before the high court of justice, when it clearly
appeared that they believed they had been kept in servitude
by their masters in opposition to the intentions of the
government. Two of the Hottentots were acquitted, the
others were found guilty. Three were hanged, and their
heads were afterwards exposed on stakes, five were scourged
and imprisoned for long periods, and two were scourged
only.
In 1823 and again in 1824 Lord Charles Somerset sug-
gested to the secretary of state a scheme of gradual abolition
of the system of slavery. This he proposed to effect by
declaring every female child born thereafter free, upon
payment to the owner of £12 sterling. But this admirable
device for the suppression of slavery, which would have been
acceptable to the colonists and would have afforded a reason-
able opportunity of preparing the negro population for
freedom, found no countenance in the colonial office.
On the 19th of June 1826 by direction from England an
ordinance was issued by the acting governor in council for
the improvement of the condition of the slaves. The clauses
of the proclamation of March 1823 were reënacted with some
enlargements, and two important additions were made to
them. The enlargements consisted chiefly in requiring that
slaves should be paid for necessary work on the sabbath,
1826]
67
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
and that all should enjoy the special favours conferred by
the proclamation upon the baptized only. One of the addi-
tions provided for the appointment of a protector in Cape-
town and assistant protectors in the country districts, whose
duties should be to watch carefully over the interests of the
slaves and to see that the laws in their favour were strictly
carried out. The other addition was that slaves could
compel their masters to liberate either themselves, or their
children, brothers, sisters, wives, or husbands, at a price to
be fixed by valuators. The ordinance was to have effect
from the 1st of August 1826.
It was the custom to send
Much excitement was created throughout the colony by
its appearance in the Gazette.
copies of important official publications to the burgher
senate and to the respective boards of landdrost and heem-
raden, which were convened purposely to hear them read, in
order that the members might become acquainted with new
laws and make them known to the farmers. On this occa-
sion the burgher senate refused to have the ordinance read,
and addressed a remonstrance against it to the acting
governor. General Bourke then sent for the members, and
lectured them upon their duty, to which they replied with
another memorial. Two of them resigned rather than have
anything to do with the ordinance, and when at length it
was read by the president, only the salaried officers of the
board were there to hear it. In the same way the landdrost
of Stellenbosch read it to the officers of the court only, as
the heemraden declined to attend.
On the 26th of July 1826 a public meeting was held in
Capetown, by leave of General Bourke, to prepare a petition
to the king in council. The opinion was generally expressed
that the relationship between master and slave was already
so strained that it would not bear further tension. Every
one desired the total extinction of slavery upon reasonable
terms, but there was much diversity of view as to the
manner in which it could best be effected. A committee
was appointed to draw up a memorial that the ordinance
#
68
[1830
History of the Cape Colony.
might be annulled, but when the members requested leave
to lay before General Bourke their plans for improving the
condition of the slaves and for the ultimate extinction of
slavery, some doubts were thrown upon their power to
represent the public. The matter was referred to the
council, and the members expressed an opinion that there
would be danger of creating hopes in the minds of the
slaves which it might not be possible to realise. The
committee then separated, without further action.
On the 2nd of October 1826 there was a meeting of the
slaveholders of the district of Graaff-Reinet, when a resolu-
tion was unanimously adopted that in their opinion after a
date to be fixed by government all female children should
be free at birth, in order that slavery might gradually
cease. Another proposal was carried by a majority, that all
male children born after the same date should be free, but
a minority objected, unless the owners were compensated
for the boys. Captain Stockenstrom was requested by the
meeting to proceed to Capetown for the purpose of laying
these resolutions before the government, and to consult with
deputies from the other districts.
were generally accepted
The Graaff-Reinet resolutions
throughout the colony as a reasonable basis for the extinc-
tion of slavery, and a law founded upon them would
certainly have met with public approval, if vexatious and
irritating legislation had not been persevered in.
On the 2nd of February 1830 an order in council was
issued to amend and bring into one law the various enact-
ments concerning slaves in the colonies subject to the
legislative authority of the king in council, which were
Trinidad, Berbice, Demerara, St. Lucia, the Cape of Good
Hope, and Mauritius. It was published in Capetown on the
12th of August, with a notification that it would be in
force on and after the 26th. In this order the same treat-
ment was required for slaves thinly scattered over South
African farms as for those working in gangs on a West
Indian sugar plantation. Food, clothing, hours of labour, and
1831]
69
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
many other particulars were minutely entered into. The
twenty-sixth clause required that "a punishment record
book" should be kept by each slave proprietor, and that
it should be submitted twice in every year to the protector,
when the proprietor or manager of the estate should make
oath to its accuracy.
There were many provisions in this order which could
not be observed in South Africa. In consequence, numerous
petitions from slaveholders in all parts of the colony were
sent in, praying for the suspension or repeal of such pro-
visions. It was not in the governor's power to comply, but
he wrote to Lord Goderich urging a modification of the
order in council. After describing the excited feeling
"caused by the promulgation of a law to many of the pro-
visions of which obedience was impracticable, and which,
though apparently recognising the right of property in
slaves, virtually denied it, by placing in the way of the
slaveholders in the colony such obstacles to the management
of their slaves as to render that species of property worse
than useless," he informed the secretary of state that
numerous deputations had waited upon him, begging him to
suspend the obnoxious clauses. The slaveholders, he said,
were unanimous in their determination to suffer the
penalties of the law rather than comply with its provisions
relative to the book directed to be kept for recording
punishments." Even if he possessed the means, he should
not feel it right to compel the observance of this order, and
if he must do so a larger military force than was then in
South Africa would be required.
In Stellenbosch there was something like a riot. On the
11th of April 1831 a few slaveowners went to that village
to submit their punishment record books to the assistant
protector, whose office was in the public building, now the
theological seminary. As soon as their
their object became
known, a number of people assembled, and began to hiss at
them and pelt them with dirt. The assistant protector
endeavoured to see Mr.
see Mr. Faure, the resident magistrate,
70
[1832
History of the Cape Colony.
whose office was in the same building; but he was refused
admittance. The rioters broke the windows of the houses
of the assistant protector and another person who was
obnoxious to them, and kept control of the village until the
expiration of the five days specified by law for the
production of the punishment record books.
Mr. Faure did not report the circumstance until the 16th,
and when called upon for an explanation of his conduct
replied that from the weakness of the constabulary he did
not think it right to interfere. The governor thereupon
deprived him of office.
Seven of the principal rioters were put upon their trial
before the next circuit court at Stellenbosch. They pleaded
guilty, and were sentenced to pay fines of £10 each and to
furnish security to the amount of £20 to keep the peace.
On the 6th of February 1832 a supplementary order in
council was issued, relieving slaveholders, except those living
in Capetown and Grahamstown or within twenty miles of
those places, from keeping punishment record books. This
order was received in the colony with another of the 2nd of
November 1831, and both were published to come in force
on the 28th of August.
The order in council of the 2nd of November 1831 limited
the hours of slave labour to nine daily, prohibited the
employment of slaves between six p.m. and six a.m., gave
protectors and assistant protectors judicial and police powers
with the right to enter upon estates and into slave dwellings
at any time, with other clauses almost equally destructive of
the owners' authority.
The excitement was now so great that Sir Lowry Cole
considered it necessary to prevent the people assembling to
discuss matters. On the 6th of June 1832 he published an
ordinance for the prevention and suppression of meetings
whereby the peace and good order of the colony might be
endangered. It was to be in force for one year only. It
was issued as an ordinance of the governor in council,
though three members voted against it and only two in its
1832]
71
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
favour. At the same time the governor issued a proclama-
tion, reserving to himself "the full and entire power
lawfully vested in him to remove from the settlement any
person whose continuance therein should be deemed by him
to be prejudicial to the peace, good order, and security
thereof," and declaring that he would "not hesitate to give
full and immediate effect to the aforesaid power lawfully
vested in him, in any case where he should see fit to
exercise the same."
The ordinance was ratified by the imperial authorities,
but Lord Goderich instructed the governor to take the most
convenient opportunity at an early date to revoke the
proclamation, as far at least as respected the removal of
British subjects.
When the first ebullition of feeling subsided, the governor
gave his consent to a public meeting being held, and on the
17th of September 1832 about two thousand slaveholders
came together in Capetown. Mr. Michiel van Breda was
elected chairman. The utmost order was observed through-
out the proceedings, though speeches were made and resolu-
tions unanimously carried to the effect that many of the
clauses of the order in council were not only unjust in
principle but inapplicable to the condition of the colony, and
could not be carried out. The meeting resolved that if an
elective legislative assembly were granted to the Cape, so
that laws adapted to the country could be made, they would
willingly coöperate not only in the improvement of the
condition of the slaves, but in the abolition of slavery
itself.
The whole of the assembled slaveholders then marched
from the commercial exchange up Grave (now Parliament)
street, and halted in the open space in front of government
house. Mr. Michiel van Breda and Advocate Henry Cloete
were deputed to make known their resolutions and to con-
fer with Sir Lowry Cole, who had previously consented to
receive them. These gentlemen informed the governor that
the slaveholders were prepared to suffer the penalties of the
72
[1833
History of the Cape Colony.
law, but they could not obey it, and they entreated that the
operation of the order in council, which they regarded as
iniquitous, might be suspended. The governor answered that
it was beyond his power to comply with their wishes.
A document was then drawn up and generally signed, in
which the slaveholders declared that they could not obey
the obnoxious provisions of the order in council, and pro-
tested against the disastrous consequences that must arise
from an attempt to enforce them.
Meantime fruitless efforts were being made in the colony
to devise some medium between absolute ruin on the one
hand and the state of affairs caused by the irritating regu-
lations on the other. It was believed that the imperial
government intended to lay a tax upon the slaves, with the
object of compelling proprietors to emancipate them; but
the belief is now known to have rested only on apprehension
and rumour. On the 27th of May 1831 Lord Goderich
directed Sir Lowry Cole to impose a tax-but only of five
shillings-upon all slaves between ten and sixty years of
and even this order was cancelled upon a representation
by the governor that it would be very imprudent to enforce
it.
age;
The Graaff-Reinet proposals as accepted generally in the
other districts-all female children after date of arrange-
ment to be born free, on condition that no new legislation
other than provisions for the severe punishment of actual
ill-treatment should be imposed upon the slaveholders-met
with no response in England. Sudden emancipation was
regarded as impossible, even if there had been no dread of
turning the negroes without restraint upon society. Many
people had no other property, and throughout the colony the
majority of the slaves were mortgaged. All who were sick,
aged, and helpless had a legal claim upon their owners for
maintenance, and could not be cast away.
It was out of the power of most colonists to act in the
matter as the government had done. The last returns from
the official in charge of the slaves belonging to the public
1833]
73
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
service show that there were then only seventy-seven males
and forty-five females. In 1827, by direction of the secre-
tary of state, General Bourke apprenticed the children. The
able-bodied were then set free, and the infirm were placed
in a hospital to be supported while they lived.
Emancipation, however, had become more frequent than
formerly, for to the instances due to benevolent feelings
were now added those arising from a desire to be free of
vexatious legislation. In Capetown alone they rose to about
one hundred and twenty yearly.
On the 27th of June 1828 an association was formed in
Capetown termed the Cape of Good Hope society for aiding
deserving slaves and slave children to purchase their free-
dom. It collected subscriptions, and turned its attention
chiefly to the purchase of young girls, whom it was
authorised by an ordinance of the 3rd of February 1830
to apprentice to suitable persons. It hoped to receive
pecuniary aid from the British treasury and from benevolent
persons in England, but was disappointed in both, though on
the 22nd of May 1831 Lord Goderich authorised half of the
fines received under the various orders in council to be paid.
to its treasurer. With means limited almost entirely to
colonial subscriptions, this society was able to effect the
emancipation of about twenty-five girls yearly.
The tension under which the slaveholders were living was
so great that it was felt as a relief when an emancipation
act was finally passed by the imperial parliament. On the
12th of June 1833 resolutions were adopted by both houses
that immediate measures should be taken for the abolition
of slavery, upon which the government brought in a bill,
that rapidly passed through the requisite stages, and on the
28th of August received the signature of the king.
It provided that after a certain date-in the Cape Colony
the 1st of December 1834-slavery was absolutely to cease.
All slaves over six years of age were then to become appren-
tices to their former masters, either for four or six years,
but if for six years they were not to be required to work
74
[1833
History of the Cape Colony.
more than forty-five hours a week. Special magistrates
were to be appointed, who were to have exclusive jurisdic-
tion in cases between the apprentices and their employers,
except in matters under control of the supreme and circuit
courts. The sum of twenty million pounds sterling was
voted to compensate the owners in the nineteen slave
colonies of Great Britain, and the share of each colony was
to be determined by the value of its slaves, based upon the
average prices during the eight years preceding the 31st of
December 1830.
There was a general impression that the money voted by
the imperial parliament would suffice to meet the whole, or
nearly the whole value of the slaves, and this impression
was confirmed by the exulting declaration of the philan-
thropic party everywhere that Great Britain had not confis-
cated property, but had purchased the freedom of those who
were in bondage. The number and value of the negroes in
the other eighteen colonies was entirely unknown, still there
was very little uneasiness felt on this point. Most people
supposed that a vagrant act would be passed before the day
of final emancipation, and in that belief they were disposed
to accept the new condition of things without demur or
heartburning.
Colonel Wade was therefore able to report very favour-
ably upon the reception which the emancipation act met
with. He also added his testimony to that of his prede-
cessors in office upon the feeling with which the system was
regarded by the colonists. In a despatch to the secretary of
state, dated 6th of December 1833, he affirmed that "the
inhabitants in general could not with justice be accused of
brutal or inhuman treatment of their slaves, that there was
not then and never had been at the Cape an attachment to
slavery, that the existence of it had been a matter of
necessity not of choice, and that until the last few years
there had been no disinclination on the part of the colonists
to emancipation on fair and equitable principles." "On the
contrary," he wrote, "more than one plan for the gradual
1834]
75
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
extinction of slavery had emanated from the proprietors
themselves."
On the 26th of March 1834 the
the governor appointed
Messrs. P. M. Brink, E. Christian, W. Gadney, D. J. Kuys,
H. A. Sandenberg, and J. J. L. Smuts "assistant commis-
sioners of compensation," and the appraisement of the slaves
commenced. They were divided into a number of classes,
and the average value of an individual of each class was
ascertained from a comparison of all the sales that could be
ascertained to have taken place during the period defined in
the emancipation act. A few objections were made to this
manner of appraisement by persons who thought it unfair
that their slaves should be put on an equality with those
disposed of at forced sales, but in general the plan was
regarded as the safest that could be adopted.
On the 30th of November 1834 there were in the colony
thirty-nine thousand and twenty-one slaves, of whom
twenty-one thousand six hundred and thirteen were males
and seventeen thousand four hundred and eight were females.
Five thousand seven hundred and thirty-one were under
six years of age. Of the whole number, three thousand two
hundred and seventy-six were aged, infirm, or otherwise unfit
for work, and were regarded as having no pecuniary value.
A few weeks later, when the appraisement rolls were finally
completed, it was ascertained that to meet the value of the
remaining thirty-five thousand seven hundred and forty-five
£3,041,290 6s. would be required.
On the appointed day-1st of December 1834-slavery
ceased to exist in the Cape Colony. In most of the
churches throughout the country thanksgiving services were
held in the morning, and in the towns and villages the
afternoon was generally devoted to festivity. The negroes
themselves, whose idea of freedom was a state of idleness,
were mostly unable to realise the change that had taken
place in their condition, and were by no means enthusiastic
upon becoming apprentices; but the European philanthropic
party was exceedingly jubilant.
76
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
An ordinance regulating the details of the proceedings
under the emancipation act was before the legislative council,
and though not published until the 5th of January 1835, it
was acted upon as if already law. All the late slaves were
declared to be non-predial, and those over six years of age
to be apprentices to their former owners for four years.
The hours during which they were required to labour were
fixed on a sliding scale according to the seasons, so that in
the year they should average ten and one-sixth daily, sacred
and holidays excepted.
Under the emancipation act special magistrates were to
be appointed for the protection of the apprentices, and eight
half-pay officers had already arrived from England to fill
some of these situations. Six more were selected by the
governor, and for this purpose only the colony was divided
into fourteen districts, to each of which a special magistrate
was assigned. His sole duty was to enforce the provisions
of the emancipation act and the ordinance regulating details.
The necessity for such extreme precaution appears
doubtful, and the colonists regarded it as additional evid-
ence of England's partiality to coloured people. In 1833
a small stream of immigration had commenced to set into
the colony, in the form of destitute children sent from
London by an association termed the society for suppressing
juvenile vagrancy, later the children's friend society. About
one hundred boys and girls were being sent out yearly, and
were on arrival apprenticed to respectable people. It was
an excellent scheme, and all parties were benefited by it, for
the great majority of the children became useful and thriv-
ing men and women. But what appeared strange to the
old colonists was that no protectors were appointed by the
imperial government for these children of European blood,
while so many were employed to guard the interests of the
blacks.
The year 1835 was well advanced when a packet arrived
from England with intelligence that the returns for all the
slave colonies were complete, and that of the twenty
1835]
77
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
millions sterling the share awarded to the Cape by the
commissioners under the emancipation act was £1,247,401
Os. 7 d. The intelligence created a panic greater than any
ever known before in South Africa. A very large pro-
portion of the late slaves were mortgaged to the various
institutions for lending money, and the mortgage bonds
invariably contained a clause covering all other property.
At once there was a demand for the redemption of the
bonds, and goods and effects of all kinds had to be sold at
enormous loss. In many instances slaves had been the sole
property of families, widows, minors, or aged people, and the
late owners were at once reduced to indigence.
But the whole calamity was not even yet known. Suc-
ceeding mails brought information that the imperial govern-
ment would not send the money to South Africa, but that
each claim would have to be proved before commissioners in
London, when the amount apportioned would be paid in
three and a half per cent stock. All the expenses connected
with carrying out the emancipation act in each colony were
first to be deducted from the amount awarded to that
colony, so that it would not be possible to pay any claims
for some time. And each set of documents was to be
covered with a stamp of thirty shillings.
This decision of the imperial authorities brought into the
country a swarm of agents, who purchased claims from the
distressed and panic-stricken people at perhaps half their
real value, so that a colonist, instead of receiving about
one-third of the appraised value of his slaves, often received
only one-fifth or one-sixth.
It is not easy to bring home to the mind the widespread
misery that was occasioned by the loss of two millions'
worth of property in a small and poor community like that
of the Cape in 1835. There were to be seen families
reduced from affluence to want, widows and orphans made
destitute, poverty and anxiety brought into hundreds of
homes. Men and women were recently living who had a
keen remembrance of privations endured during childhood,
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History of the Cape Colony.
of parents descending to the grave in penury, of relatives
and friends once wealthy suddenly reduced to toil for their
bread, all through the mode of emancipation of their slaves.
The class of planters near the Cape peninsula whose estates
were the admiration of travellers, who lived in a luxurious
style and whose hospitality was unbounded, went entirely
out of existence. Agricultural industry of every kind
became almost stagnant, though, on the other hand, the
emancipation gave a great impetus to the production of
wool, as men could be obtained to look after sheep much
more readily than to till the ground.
Still harder to bear than the poverty brought upon the
unfortunate people who had been slaveholders was the
exuberant rejoicing of the philanthropists and the tone of
the abolitionist press. There was not one word, one thought
of sympathy for them. Instead of that they were taunted
as if they had been oppressors, and the statement was
made a statement to this day often echoed by the pre-
judiced and the ignorant that they were opposed to the
emancipation of the negroes. The act, as it was carried out,
was extolled as among the noblest and most glorious ever
performed by a nation, and the fact was suppressed that
they too were ready and willing to extinguish slavery, and
that without the cost of a penny to the British treasury,
provided it was done in such a way as not to bring ruin
upon themselves and their children.
No one disputes now that the emancipation was beneficial
to the character of the European race in South Africa.
Power such as that of a slaveholder over a slave has an
evil effect upon the mind of men, the contact of children
with slaves in the same house was in many respects
objectionable. Nor does anyone attempt to deny that the
Asiatics, mulattos, and slaves of lighter blood have shown
by their conduct that they were deserving of freedom.
The property in houses that many of them own, without
going further, would suffice to show that they were worthy
of liberty.
1835]
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
But some of the closest observers have doubts whether
the change was really beneficial to the pure blacks. A
comparison between the negro slave of 1834 and his grand-
children of 1900 shows much in favour of the former. As a
rule he was better fed, better clothed, better housed, more
cleanly in his person, more respectable in his conduct and
habits. In distress and sickness his grandchildren may
have the advantage of being somewhat more carefully pro-
vided for in hospitals, but it is not owing to their own.
exertions. His descendants are educated in schools, at little
or no expense to themselves; but it is very rarely that one
turns such education to account. They remain as rough
labourers, unwilling to toil longer than is necessary to pro-
cure a mere subsistence, careless about a provision for old
age or a day of need. Numerous associations have sought
to draw them into the Christian fold, and with a fair
measure of success, though the rivalry between the various
societies has caused them to regard joining a church as if it
were conferring patronage upon the missionary. But they
could have been converted as readily under the old system.
Taking all this into consideration, however, African slavery
cannot be justified. Every human being, white or black, has
a right to improve his condition if he can, and slavery
debarred the negro from this right. It was a violation of
natural law, and was inconsistent with the principles of
Christianity.
When intelligence of the emancipation act
was first
brought to South Africa, few colonists supposed that it
would be carried into effect without the enactment of a law
against vagrancy. Already, though there was a great de-
mand for labourers which could not be met, the colony was
swarming with able-bodied people in a state of destitution,
who were
a nuisance to owners of property. Betshuana
refugees, Xosas, and Hottentots released from restraint by
the fiftieth ordinance were wandering about, plundering the
farmers everywhere. Sir Lowry Cole recognised the need
of an ordinance to check vagrancy, but foresaw so many
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History of the Cape Colony.
difficulties in the way of passing one that he left the task
for his successor. Lieutenant-Colonel Wade was about to
bring the subject before the council of advice when Sir
Benjamin D'Urban arrived. He then laid the matter before
the new governor, with the result that on the 7th of May
1834 a draft ordinance was introduced and read for the first
time in the legislative council. It gave to commandants,
fieldcornets, and provisional fieldcornets power to apprehend
persons suspected of having no honest means of subsistence,
or who could not give an account of themselves, and to
bring them before a magistrate or justice of the peace.
After examination, if the charge was proved, the magistrate
or justice of the peace could compel such persons to make
roads or perform other public work for their maintenance
until they should find security for good behaviour, or enter
service, or show a reasonable inclination to accept employment.
The draft ordinance was no sooner published in the
Gazette than Dr. Philip declared himself opposed to it. He
sent a memorial to the council against it, and in the Com-
mercial Advertiser announced his intention to appeal to the
English nation and parliament if it were passed. The second
reading was therefore postponed until his memorial could be
referred to the civil commissioners to report upon.
With a
single exception-Mr. Van der Riet, of Uitenhage-the civil
commissioners emphatically denied Dr. Philip's statements as
to the condition of the coloured people, and especially as to
the decrease of crime by Hottentots after the publication of
the fiftieth ordinance; they declared their conviction that a
vagrant act was necessary for the welfare of the coloured
people themselves, inasmuch as those who were inclined to
be industrious were impoverished by idle acquaintances; and
they asserted their belief that such an act was urgently
required for the protection of the farmers.
The governor now saw that the ordinance could neither
be withdrawn nor passed without great difficulty. On the
31st of July it was read a second time, and the council then
went into committee, when the governor proposed to obtain
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
information from the judges regarding the existing laws
upon vagrancy. This was agreed to, and the discussion was
postponed.
The judges sent in an opinion that vagrancy was made a
crime by various placards issued in Holland between the
years 1531 and 1649, which after the occupation of the
colony became law here; and that certain clauses of the
Dutch ordinance for the administration of the country
districts were still in force, except where repealed by later
enactments. But they were of opinion that "no law for the
suppression of vagrancy could be carried into effectual
operation in respect of Hottentots or other free persons of
colour lawfully residing in this colony, so long as the second
section of the ordinance number fifty stood unrepealed, in
so far as it enacted that no Hottentot or other free person
of colour lawfully residing in this colony should be subject
to any hindrance, molestation, or imprisonment of any kind
whatsoever, under the pretence that such person had been
guilty of vagrancy, unless after trial in due course of law."
In other words, there were laws, long regarded as obsolete,
which could be revived and put in force against European
vagrants, but not against Hottentots and other free persons
of colour. The chief justice was further of opinion that
only the supreme and circuit courts could take cognisance
of charges of vagrancy. He afterwards changed his views
with regard to the second clause of the fiftieth ordinance,
but the other judges adhered to theirs, so that the matter
was involved in doubt.
Meantime great activity was displayed by Dr. Philip and
several of the missionaries of the London society, who con-
sidered the laws against theft and trespass ample to meet
the case.
Petitions against the ordinance were drawn up
and signed by every Hottentot under their influence, young
and old. The halfbreeds at the Kat river, however, who
possessed some property, refused to give their names, and
sent in a memorial in favour of the ordinance. The coloured
people in general became alarmed, and repaired in large
F
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History of the Cape Colony.
numbers to the stations as to places of protection.
This
movement was then described as the effect of two or three
fieldcornets declaring that the Hottentots would soon have
the privileges of the fiftieth ordinance withdrawn from them.
By Dr. Philip's instructions, the 18th of August was observed
at all the stations of the London society as
a day of
humiliation and prayer to Almighty God that it might
please Him to avert the impending evil of a vagrant law.
It
The opinion of the judges was laid before the council,
when it was resolved to request them to draft any amend-
ments that in their view would make the ordinance more
workable. They, however, declined such responsibility in
their official character, but Mr. Justice Menzies drew up
some amendments unofficially. On the 23rd of August these
were brought forward by Lieutenant-Colonel Wade, and
during several successive days were discussed and adopted.
Another petition was now presented by Dr. Philip.
was of great length, but its substance may be gathered from
a few of its sentences. "In the records of this colony,
whether Dutch or English," the memorialist had "seen
nothing in the shape of a law so appalling to humanity and
religion." "The object of the vagrant law was to secure
sufficiency of labourers to the masters on their own terms."
'Any law in this colony that would attempt to compel the
wilfully idle to labour would be a law which would give
back to the masters the whole of the slave population under
a law more cruel and dreadful in its operation than the old
slavery law of the colony, because the masters having no
interest in their lives beyond their immediate services, they
would have no checks upon their avarice."
(C
a.
On the 8th of September the ordinance was read a third
time by the vote of a majority of the council, the governor,
the acting secretary to government, the attorney-general, and
Mr. Ebden forming the minority. The governor gave as his
reasons for opposing it that several clauses would be regarded
in England with apprehension and alarm, and would pre-
judice the colony in the opinion of the English government
1834]
83
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
and nation. He had come to the conclusion that the exist-
ing laws were sufficient for holding a proper check upon
vagrancy. As yet, it must be remembered, he had not been
beyond the Cape peninsula, and had to form an opinion from
the conflicting statements of the officials and the missionaries
of the London society, with the latter of whom he was still
in strong sympathy.
After the ordinance was passed by the council, the
governor declined to sign it, but transmitted it to the
secretary of state to be laid before the king. In England it
was disallowed.
There were other causes for uneasiness in the colony in
1834. The wine trade—the most important industry in the
country-was in a state of rapid decline, and there was no
prospect of its recovery. There was also the depression that
is experienced everywhere when revenue falls short of ex-
penditure, when taxation is severely felt, when debt is
increasing, and when even the most necessary public works
cannot be undertaken.
Still, comparing the condition of the colony in 1834 with
its condition in 1819, signs of advancement were not wanting.
Recent improvements in buildings and in stock were to be
seen everywhere, but especially in the district of Albany,
which was dotted over with comfortable farmhouses. The
English settlers had overcome their early difficulties, and
believed that fair prospects were before them. They were
living on the most friendly terms with their neighbours
of Dutch origin, and intermarriages were becoming not
uncommon. Grahamstown contained six hundred houses and
three thousand seven hundred inhabitants exclusive of
soldiers. It had four churches-belonging to the English
episcopal, Wesleyan, Independent, and Baptist congregations,
-good schools, a commercial hall, a savings bank, a benefit
club, a reading room, and a newspaper. In other parts of
the district there were six Wesleyan churches, an English
episcopal church at Bathurst, eight or nine cornmills, and
several manufactories of waggons, leather, and tiles. Port
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History of the Cape Colony.
•
Elizabeth contained twelve hundred residents. The Inde-
pendents had a place of worship there, and on the 12th of
January 1834 St. Mary's church was opened for the use of
the English episcopalians. In one respect, however, the town
had gone backward, as in February 1832, owing to the neces-
sity for retrenchment, an ordinance was issued substituting
for the resident magistrate a special justice of the peace.
A large section of the eastern people was agitating for
separation from the western districts. They were of opinion
that there should be a strong government near the Kaffir
border, as from that quarter danger was always threatening.
At the beginning of 1834 they sent Mr. Thomas Philipps as
a delegate to England with petitions to that effect to both
houses of parliament. At that time there was not even a
commissioner-general for the eastern province. Captain
Stockenstrom, who found that he possessed no real authority
and who was jealous of the military commandant, Colonel
Somerset, in March 1833 applied for six months' leave of
absence, and went to Europe. Captain Campbell, civil
commissioner of Albany and Somerset, was directed to act as
commissioner-general; but Mr. Stanley, secretary of state for
the colonies, abolished the office altogether from the 1st of
January 1834, and issued instructions that Captain
Stockenstrom should retire with a pension of £300 a year.
There had been a great expansion of mission work
throughout the colony. The old associations continued their
activity, and others had entered the field. The Rhenish
society was founded in 1828, and during the next year three
missionaries were sent to this country. They established
themselves first at Stellenbosch, but soon afterwards, being
reinforced, they founded stations in other parts of the colony
and beyond the northern border. The Berlin society was
founded in 1824. In 1834 four of its missionaries arrived
in South Africa, who were speedily followed by others.
The first station occupied was Beaufort West, but they soon
spread themselves among the Koranas, Betshuana, and Xosas
in and beyond the colony.
CHAPTER XX.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR―(continued).
THE SIXTH KAFFIR WAR.
FOR a long time previous to 1834 the troops in South Africa
were so few in number that it was impossible to keep a force
on the eastern frontier strong enough to overawe the Kaffirs.
The garrison, when last mentioned, consisted of the 38th,
54th, and 72nd regiments. In November 1821 the 6th
regiment of foot arrived, and in February 1822 the 72nd
was removed. In March 1822 the 38th and 54th were
replaced by the 49th and 55th. In August 1824 the 98th
arrived from England, and in March 1825 the 6th left for
Bombay. In October 1828 the 49th was replaced by the
72nd, which regiment had formed part of the garrison seven
years before.
In August 1830 the 75th arrived, and in the
following month the 55th was removed. There were thus
in the colony in 1834 three regiments of the line-the 72nd,
75th, and 98th-consisting of less than fifteen hundred men
all told, besides a few artillerymen and engineers.
In December 1827 as a measure of retrenchment the
infantry of the Hottentot regiment were disbanded by order
of the secretary of state, and the cavalry-at its full com-
plement two hundred and fifty rank and file-was thereafter
termed the Cape Mounted Riflemen.
For the same reason-retrenchment-in March 1825 the
Albany levy was disbanded, and the British settlers were
placed on the same footing for military purposes as the
earlier Dutch colonists.
Of the troops, two battalions of infantry and a company
of artillerymen were in garrison in Capetown and Simonstown.
85
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History of the Cape Colony.
Distributed among six different posts on the frontier were
the Cape mounted rifles, two hundred and forty-seven
officers and men, the 75th regiment of the line, five hundred
and thirty-three officers and men, and fifty-five artillerymen
and engineers. Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Somerset was
commandant of the frontier and agent of the government
for dealing with the Xosas. His headquarters were at
Grahamstown, but a great portion of his time was spent
in active duty in the saddle. Lieutenant-Colonel Richard
England, of the 75th regiment, was stationed in Grahams-
town, and commanded the garrison there.
During the winter of 1834 the eastern border of the
colony was in the condition often described as worse than
open war, actual war during nominal peace. Cattlelifting
from the farmers of Albany and Somerset was carried on
by the Kaffirs to an extent seldom equalled in previous
years, and a very small proportion of what was stolen could
be recovered. Sir Benjamin D'Urban, however, was still of
opinion that the people who were giving so much trouble
could be induced by conciliation and kindness to live as
good neighbours. This opinion was strengthened when in
September and October the robberies almost ceased, owing
to messages
which he sent to the chiefs that he was
disposed to enter into arrangements which would be of
great advantage to them, and that he trusted they would
keep their people in order until he could visit the frontier.
The details of the arrangements could only be settled
after he had become acquainted with the condition of affairs
by personal inspection and inquiry, but the chiefs were led
to believe by an agent of Dr. Philip—if not by Dr. Philip
himself that a large portion of the unoccupied land west
of the Tyumie and Keiskama would be given to them. It
was with this reward in view that for a short time they
put restraint upon their people.
Two months' waiting for the appearance of the governor,
however, exhausted the patience of the Kaffirs, and in
November thefts were renewed as before. Tyali's people
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87
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
were particularly active in this respect, and also frequently
caused a great deal of annoyance by entering the ceded
territory and making kraals there. The troops were worn
out in driving them back, for as soon as a patrol retired,
the Kaffirs who had been expelled returned. over the
boundary. The soldiers were not allowed to fire upon them,
and no blood was shed in these wearisome operations.
About the middle of November four horses were stolen
from a farm on the Koonap, and the spoor was clearly
traced by the owner to one of Eno's kraals within the
ceded territory. So clear was the spoor that Eno himself
was obliged to admit it, and upon being requested to do
justice, he promised either to restore the stolen property or
to make good the loss with horned cattle. The owner of
the horses waited five days at the kraal, and then, finding
that the chief had no intention of doing anything in the
matter, he reported the circumstance at Fort Willshire.
At this time in cases where theft was clearly traced to a
kraal and was undisputed, compensation could be demanded,
but ample opportunity was to be given to the chief to make
good the losses before force should be used. Accordingly
the officer in command at Fort Willshire sent a message to
Eno, requiring him to restore the horses or to pay cattle to
the amount of their value within eight days, failing which a
patrol would be sent to take compensation.
The notice was disregarded, so on the 2nd of December
Ensign Robert Manners Sparks, with four farmers and
eleven men of the Cape mounted rifles, left the fort to
enforce the demand. It was not usual to entrust such
duties to officers under the rank of lieutenants, but in this
instance there was no one except an ensign available.
Sparks, whose whole thoughts were expended in the study
of mathematics, was one of the youngest officers in the
corps, a good-natured, but simple and awkward lad, quite
incapable of commanding the respect of Kaffirs.
On arriving at the kraal, an altercation with the head-
man took place, which ended by the ensign seizing forty
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History of the Cape Colony.
head of inferior cattle, of about the market value of the
stolen horses. There were very few men at home at the
time, but when the patrol was about eight miles on the
return journey a large body of warriors under Casa, one of
Eno's captains, rushed suddenly out from a place of conceal-
ment. The ensign caused a volley to be fired over the
heads of the Kaffirs, which checked them for an instant,
though no one was hurt by it. But until their firearms
could be reloaded, the farmers and soldiers were now almost
helpless, and there can be little doubt that they would have
been massacred, if Stokwe, Eno's son, had not ridden up at
the critical moment and ordered the assailants back. The
patrol then proceeded with the cattle, but about a mile
from Fort Willshire as Ensign Sparks was riding in the
rear he was attacked by a Kaffir, who sprang upon him.
from a small thicket, and gave him a severe wound with
an assagai. Fortunately he was rescued by his men in time
to save his life.
Colonel Somerset with a strong escort of Cape mounted
riflemen then proceeded to the Gwanga, and sent a message
to Eno desiring a conference. In the evening of the 4th
the chief arrived with a large armed following, having
previously removed the women and cattle of his clan to
the left bank of the Keiskama. The least accident would
have produced a collision, but Colonel Somerset managed
matters so skilfully that Eno admitted he was in fault, and
expressed regret that an English officer had been wounded.
Colonel Somerset then demanded that Casa and the people
under him should leave the ceded territory, and that Eno
should restore all the horses and one hundred and fifty head
of the horned cattle recently stolen, or should forfeit the
permission given to him to reside west of the Keiskama.
The chief agreed to these terms, and on the following day
gave up one hundred and thirty-seven head of horned cattle
and thirteen horses.
The explanation of this affair was not known until nearly
a year later, when it was ascertained that Eno's people were
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
at this time ready for war, but that the old chief himself,
though not very strongly opposed to it, objected to being
the means of forcing it on.
On the morning of the 10th of December Lieutenant
William Sutton, of the 75th regiment, was sent from Fort
Beaufort with a sergeant and twelve men of the Cape
mounted rifles to expel a party of Tyali's followers from a
kraal recently built on the ridge between the Mankazana
and Gaga rivers, and to endeavour to obtain compensation
for some horses belonging to officers at the fort that had
been stolen by those people and clearly traced to them.
The lieutenant found the intruders defiant and unwilling to
remove. He managed, however, to burn their huts and to
seize some oxen, which he informed them would be detained
until the stolen horses were given up. The oxen were the
personal property of Tyali, and according to Kaffir custom
taking possession of the cattle of a chief is equivalent to a
declaration of hostilities. But this circumstance was entirely
unknown to any individual in the patrol.
As soon
as the soldiers set out to return, the Kaffirs
attempted to surround them, which was only prevented by
the lieutenant ordering a shot or two to be fired. From
this moment a kind of running skirmish was kept up to
within a short distance of Fort Beaufort, when the sound of
the musketry brought out a relieving party, and the Kaffirs
withdrew. Night had already set in. One soldier and two
horses were wounded, and the cattle had been retaken. On
the other side two men were killed and two were wounded,
one of the latter-Koko (correct Kaffir spelling Xoxo) by
name-being a brother of Tyali. His wound was a mere
scratch, so slight that two days afterwards it could hardly
be seen; but by the Xosa chiefs the drawing of the blood of
a descendant of Tshawe was put forth as a very serious
matter.
During the night between the 11th and the 12th signal
fires blazing on every prominent hill between the Keiskama
and the Bashee announced to all the warriors of the tribe
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History of the Cape Colony.
that the time for gathering had arrived. Still the mission-
aries and traders in the country had no thought that an
invasion of the colony was about to take place. Several
traders were ordered by the chiefs to leave Kaffirland, and
they reported the circumstance to Colonel Somerset, but
regarded it merely as a new form of the indignity to which
for some time they had been subject. On the 18th of
December Colonel Somerset wrote to the governor that he
had not interfered with the orders of the chiefs, but had
notified to them that if personal injury were inflicted on
unprotected traders, he should immediately punish such
conduct with severity. "Indulgence and forbearance," he
said, "had been tried to their extreme limits with the
Kaffirs; the result had been a more continuous system of
depredations, and at length open defiance."
On the 20th of December, while the Xosas were massing
along the border, an attempt was made by Makoma and
Tyali to entrap Colonel Somerset, who was then at the Kat
river post. The reverend William Chalmers, missionary at
the Tyumie, was desired by Tyali to write to the colonel,
requesting him with two attendants to come over to the
station, where the chief would meet him with the same
number of councillors, and they could then discuss matters
concerning the condition of the country. After the letter
was sent away the mission-house was surrounded by some
hundreds of armed men, who lay in ambush until a reply
was received, declining Tyali's invitation.
On the evening of Sunday the 21st of December 1834 a
body of warriors, variously estimated from twelve to fifteen
thousand in number, began to cross the border along its
whole length from the Winterberg to the sea. Makoma's
men, who were in advance, passed the Kat river just below
Fort Beaufort. Tyali's followers were next, and kept farther
inland. Nearer the sea warriors of the clans under Umhala,
Siyolo, Botumane, and Eno, with many Galekas and
Gunuk webes, crossed the Fish river at various fords. In
ten or twelve days the whole of the open country was
1834]
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
laid waste nearly as far west as the village of Uitenhage, and
from the sea inland to the village of Somerset East. The
women and children were permitted to escape with their
lives, but every defenceless man encountered was murdered.
The number of white men who thus perished was twenty-
two, by name Stephanus Buys, John Shaw, Robert Cramer,
Thomas Mahony, H. W. Henderson, Alexander Forbes, Albert
Kirkman, Jan Theodore Ferreira, Pieter de Jager, Nicolaas
van der Meulen, Frederik Silverhoorn, S. Turner, - Newman,
James Blakeway, Liebergeld, Carel Matthys, Willem
Matthys, Cornelis Engelbrecht, John Brown, Philip Whittaker,
Samuel Webber, and F. Dougal. Some of these
surprised and put to death without an opportunity of
resistance, others were treacherously struck down when
confiding in promises of safety, others again fell after a
desperate struggle for life.
were
In this great raid and in other less destructive inroads
during the next few months the invaders burned four
hundred and fifty-six houses, and drove off five thousand
seven hundred and fifteen horses, one hundred and fourteen
thousand nine hundred and thirty head of horned cattle,
and one hundred and sixty-one thousand nine hundred and
thirty sheep and goats. Altogether, property officially valued
at £300,401 10s. was destroyed or swept away.
An instance of marked humanity must be recorded in
contrast with this dark scene. There was a Xosa named
Sitamba in the service of Mr. Thomas Mahony, at the place
known as the clay pits, near the Fish river. Mahony's son-
in-law Henderson, who was a resident of Grahamstown, was
there with two of his children on a visit. When the men
were murdered by a party of Kaffir raiders, Mrs. Mahony
escaped with one of the children. Sitamba took the other,
a boy of about three years of age, carried him all the way
to Grahamstown, and delivered him safely to his relatives
there.
Fortunately, intelligence of the invasion spread very
rapidly, and most of the farmers had time for flight with
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their families to the towns and villages. In some places it
would have been possible to save much property if there had
been any one on the spot with sufficient authority to collect
a few men and form a lager. But the disallowance of the
ordinance number ninety-nine left the people without
organisation in this time of need. The fieldcornets were
powerless, for no one but the civil commissioner had a right
to call together an armed force, and thus each individual
was obliged to rely on his own resources alone.
To Port Elizabeth, Uitenhage, Theopolis, Salem, Bathurst,
Grahamstown, and Somerset East, whichever place was
nearest, the fugitives made their way as best they could.
Grahamstown, being the centre of a thickly populated
district, was soon crowded with destitute people. Bathurst
was in a bad position for defence, and the Kaffirs threatened
to besiege it. On the 29th, therefore, the village was
abandoned, and its inhabitants with the refugees who had
taken shelter there removed to Grahamstown under protection
of an escort.
Meantime all the trading stations in Kaffirland were
pillaged. In some places the traders, after being robbed of
everything, were allowed to live; but at others they were
murdered. Ten of them-by name Edwards, Kent, Budding,
Cane, Robert Rogers, George Iles, James Warren, William
Hogg, John Stamford, and Robert Hodges--thus perished.
Colonel Somerset with the small force under his command
was unable to do anything towards checking the invasion,
and fearing that communication between the different posts
might be cut off and some of them be overpowered, he
abandoned the three farthest in advance. The garrison of
Fort Willshire fell back to Fort Beaufort, the garrison of
the Gwalana post was sent to hold a hill commanding the
lower ford of the Fish river, and the garrison of the Kat
river post was removed to a very strong position which
received the name Fort Adelaide.
Grahamstown at this time presented a piteous spectacle.
St. George's church was turned into a watch-house and an
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
asylum for destitute women and children who had escaped
from farms. Some of the adjacent houses were also occu-
pied by fugitives, and the streets leading to them were
barricaded, so that in the event of the town being attacked,
all who were not combatants could take shelter there.
Every man who had a gun was performing military service,
and those who had horses were constantly scouring the
surrounding country in small bodies, aiding fugitives,
endeavouring to recapture cattle, and falling upon parties of
the invaders whenever they could do so. Ammunition was
very scarce, and great care had to be taken not to waste it.
To this scene of misery, on the 2nd of January 1835 the
post from Capetown brought a few copies of the Commercial
Advertiser of the 27th of December, containing ill-judged
comments upon Colonel Somerset's recent transactions with
Eno, and displaying strong partisanship with the Kaffirs.
The poor people were looking and praying for sympathy and
aid, and they felt that if the views of the reverend Dr.
Philip and the newspaper which supported him were gener-
ally held, they might look and pray in vain. An advertise-
ment was therefore drawn up, and was inserted in the
Grahamstown Journal of that afternoon, "imploring all who
would not wilfully be made instrumental in stifling the cries
of the widow and the fatherless for protection to use their
best endeavours to suppress the circulation of the Commer-
cial Advertiser during the continuance of the present awful
crisis." The advertisement was signed by three hundred
and thirty-five individuals, among whom were the leading
men of the frontier, those who had taken the most active
part in promoting Christian missions, and the clergymen of
every denomination in the town.
A report that swarms of
of Kaffirs were crossing the
boundary reached Capetown by express in the afternoon
of the 28th of December, but particulars of the invasion
were not received until two days later.
The military officer in the colony next in rank to the
governor was Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Sir Harry)
94
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
Smith, a man of talent and experience, having entered the
95th regiment in March 1805, and served in the expedition
to Monte Video, in the peninsular war, in the last war
with the United States, and at Waterloo. He had been
deputy quartermaster general at the Cape since the 24th
of March 1829. It was arranged that he should proceed
with all haste to the frontier, and assume command there
until the arrival of the governor. He left Capetown at
daylight on the 1st of January 1835, and at the hottest time
of the year rode on horseback to Grahamstown, a distance
by the road of nearly six hundred miles, in less than six
days. He had full authority over all the inhabitants—
military and civil-in Albany, Somerset, Uitenhage, George,
Graaff-Reinet, and Beaufort, as those districts were placed
under martial law by a proclamation of Sir Benjamin
D'Urban on the 3rd of January.
The garrison of the Cape peninsula consisted of a few
engineers and artillerymen, the 98th regiment of infantry,
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John M'Caskill, and the
72nd highlanders, commanded by Lieutenant - Colonel
John Peddie, a veteran who had
had lost an arm at
Salamanca. The highlanders-four hundred and fifty-eight
officers and men-and thirteen artillerymen were sent to
the frontier as quickly as possible. Two brigs, named the
Kerswill and the Mary Jane, were chartered by the govern-
ment, and sailed for Algoa Bay on the 2nd of January with
as many soldiers as could be taken on board. Admiral Sir
Thomas Bladen Capel, recently appointed to the East Indian
command, happened to be here on his way out, and placed
the ship-of-war Wolf at the governor's disposal to convey
stores to Algoa Bay and if necessary to assist in the defence
of Port Elizabeth. The Wolf sailed from Simon's Bay on
the 5th of January, and reached her destination on the
9th. The ship-of-war Winchester, belonging to the South
African command, was employed as a transport, and a
coasting schooner was chartered to aid in the conveyance of
supplies. A few of the troops were sent overland in waggons.
1835]
95
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
On the 31st of December the chief Tyali required the
reverend Mr. Chalmers to write a letter to Colonel Somerset,
proposing a cessation of hostilities on condition that matters
should remain as they were. Mr. James Weir, a lay
missionary of the Glasgow society, was sent to Captain
Armstrong's post with it. At that time fifty or sixty
thousand head of horned cattle and as many sheep had
been driven over the Keiskama, and as one band of warriors.
was returning with spoil, another was entering the colony
in search of more. It was evident that Tyali's object was
merely to secure his plunder. A reply was therefore sent
rejecting his proposal, and a similar answer was returned to
a communication of like nature from Makoma.
Colonel Smith arrived at Grahamstown
at Grahamstown on the 6th of
January 1835. He at once took measures for placing the
town in a condition for defence, and began organising forces.
to act against the enemy. The burghers of the districts
beyond the ravaged territory were beginning to come in,
and all over the colony there were many Hottentots
without occupation, whose services were available. These
men, though not inclined to labour steadily, were well
adapted to form an auxiliary corps for field operations.
Colonel Smith enlisted them, and empowered Mr. George
Wood, an energetic colonist, to clothe and equip them.
In a store in Grahamstown there was a quantity of thick
baize which had been imported for the Kaffir trade, but
which was found to be unsaleable to those people. It was
bought up and rapidly turned into uniforms for the Hotten-
tots. Upon this transaction and a few others of the same
kind, in which three or four colonists derived large profits,
rested the charge subsequently made by the advocates of
the Kaffirs, that the white people had caused the war for
the sake of military expenditure. Altogether nearly thirteen
hundred Hottentots were levied, about eight hundred of
whom acted as auxiliaries to the regiments of the line, and.
two hundred and seventy-five were attached provisionally-
to the Cape mounted rifles.
96
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
F
On the 10th of January a well-equipped cavalry corps,
consisting of seventy-six British settlers, ninety burghers
of Uitenhage, and forty Cape mounted riflemen, under
command of Major William Cox, of the 75th regiment,
left Grahamstown and made a dash across the Fish river.
The patrol surprised Eno's kraal, and in a skirmish killed
several men, among them a son and two brothers of the
chief. One burgher was severely wounded. The huts were
destroyed, but very few cattle were recovered. Major Cox
then proceeded to Fort Willshire, which he found much
damaged by fire. He next visited Tyali's kraal in the
Tyumie valley. Upon his approach the kraal was aban-
doned, so he burned the huts, and returned to Grahamstown
by way of the Kat river.
The object of this movement was twofold: first to draw
the Kaffirs out of the colony, and secondly to prevent the
Hottentots at the Kat river from joining the enemy.
These Hottentots had not been molested by the Kaffirs,
and the impression was general both among the Xosas and
the Europeans that they would take part against the white
people. There was good ground for this belief, as it had
been instilled into the Hottentots by injudicious teachers
that they were oppressed by the government and the
colonists, and had no friends except the missionaries. An
attempt on a recent occasion to collect a small tax from
them was represented as an act of the grossest tyranny, and
the people were worked into a state narrowly bordering on
sedition. Such instruction, which bred discontent, and led
them to look to a protective power between them and the
government, could only result in evil. At a later date it
became known to a certainty that most of the Hottentots
at the Kat river had actually been wavering.
Subsequently it also came to light that some of the
soldiers who were connected with these people were ready
to rebel. In the garrison of Fort Willshire before its
abandonment there were twenty-five Hottentots of the
Cape mounted rifles, and a party of them arranged with
To face p 42.
32
LOCK
CRADOCK
Vlekpoort
SA
BOES
BER
Elands R
Tarka
et
R
This map shows the scene of Hostilities in 1834-5.

27
28
Klaas
Zwart
Smits R.
R
White Kei R.
O SHILOH M.M.S.
Indwe
Tsomo
Clarkebury W.M.S.
BUTTERWORTH
W.M.S.
Kei R
-33
SOMERSET E.
DISTRICT OF
Little Fish R.
SOMERSET
ZUURBERG RANGE
。 ENON M.M.S.
Sunday R
BETHELSDORP
L.M.S.
Koona
WINTERBERG
چای
Kabousie
KOMGHA HILL POTE
FORT WELLINGTON
x Fort
Warden
HOTTENTOT
TO
SETTLEMENT
Ka
TYUMIE
GM,90
Bontebok Flats
GAIKA'S KOP
Tumie
Neers R.
FORT Gaga
BEAUFORT
FORT THOMSON
hs.
OLD LOVEDALE
KNAPPEHOPE
LM.S
AMATOLA MTS
HOO'S BACK
kama R
FORT
Cox
ISIDENGE HILL
"BURNSHILL G.M.S.
INTABA-
KA-
FORT BERESFORD
PIRIE
Dabe
FORT
WHITE
Debe Nek
Bailie's Grave
Fish R.
FORT
WILLSHIRE
Guns Committee's (Drift
DISTRICTHA'S
HILL
OF
Trompetters
Drift
GRAHAMSTOWN
Karies
R.
ALBA
Bushman's R. SALEM
ALGOA BAY
Ohfants Hoek
THEOPOLIS
OL.M.S.
Clay Pits
G.M.S.
KINGOWILLIAMS
TOWN L.M.S.
MOUNT COKE
FORT MONTCOMERY,
WILLI
GwangaR
PORT PEDDIE
W.M.S.
GWALANA
POST
Beka R.
Gwalana
Kaffic Drift
BATHURST
Fish R.
W.M.S.
FORT MURRAY
Ev
Tahatana
Keiskama R.
Gonubie R.
OFORT
WATERLOO
WATER
Nahoon
Buffalo R.
WESLEYVILLE
W. M.S
R.
PORT ELIZABETH
-34
26
32-
Bashee R.
پایش
BONGO HILL
L.M.S. London Mission Station
M.M.S. Moravian......------------ 1 J.------
W.M.S. Wesleyan.
G.M.S. Glasgow.
Scale of English Miles.
10 5 0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
20
27
28
London. Swan Sonnenschein & Co L!³
33
80
90
100
2/9
Stanford's Geog? Estab
1835]
97
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Makoma to betray the post. A strong body of Kaffirs lay
in ambush in the vicinity for some hours, expecting a signal
to enter and take possession; but either no opportunity
occurred or the hearts of the conspirators failed them.
The half-breeds who formed the reverend Mr. Thomson's
congregation, however, were thoroughly loyal, and under
their fieldcornet-Christiaan Groepe by name-at once took
up arms on the colonial side. This and Major Cox's de-
monstration enabled Captain Armstrong to induce nearly
the whole of the Hottentots to repair to Fort Adelaide with
their women and children, and when once they had com-
mitted themselves their adherence was made tolerably
certain. The reverend Mr. Read was not permitted to visit
them during the continuance of the war. By these means
the Kat river Hottentots, with very few exceptions, were
prevented from acting in concert with the Kaffirs, and the
loyalty of the Cape mounted riflemen was preserved.
Lieutenant-Colonel Bell was empowered by Sir Benjamin
D'Urban to carry on the administration with the advice of
the executive council and under the title of the provisional
government. On the 8th of January Sir Benjamin em-
barked at Simon's Bay in the ship-of-war Trinculo, and on
the 14th reached Algoa Bay. At Port Elizabeth and at
Uitenhage he inspected and approved of the arrangements
for defence, and having done what he could to obtain more
men for the front, he hastened to Grahamstown, where he
arrived on the 20th. He had passed through a devastated
country, with nothing but ruins to mark where comfort-
able homesteads had recently stood. To the secretary of
state he wrote that he could not adequately point out the
horrors by which a beautiful and fertile province had been
almost converted into a desert.
In Grahamstown there were nearly two thousand
refugees, many of whom had saved no property whatever,
and were therefore absolutely destitute. One of the first
measures of the governor was to appoint a board of relief,
consisting of the clergymen of different denominations and
G
98
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
a few other leading men, for the purpose of alleviating the
misery of these poor people. To the board, through its
chairman, power was given to draw upon the assistant
commissary general for such provisions, clothing, and medi-
cines as were urgently needed. But there were destitute
refugees in many places besides Grahamstown, and other
aid than that afforded through the assistant commissary
general was required. The board of relief therefore appealed
to the charitably disposed throughout the colony and abroad,
and in course of time £3,737 in money was raised. The
governor headed the subscription list with a donation of
£150. Including the Hottentots at the Kat river, nearly
twelve thousand individuals at one time or other during
the war received assistance through the agency of this
board.
It was known that the lives of the missionaries and of
some of the traders in Kaffirland had been spared, but that
The
these people were in great discomfort and anxiety.
three Gunukwebe captains, Pato, Kama, and Kobe, had
not joined their countrymen against the colony, though
many of their followers had taken part in the invasion and
shared in the spoil. The captains remembered their ancient
feud with the Gaikas, and they hoped by siding with the
Europeans to recover the territory between the Beka and
Fish rivers, which was theirs before 1819. At the same
time they could shut their eyes if some of their people went
out and returned with a good drove of cattle. They offered
protection not only to the missionary and trader at Wesley-
ville, but to any other white men who could get to their
country. The Tinde captain Tshatshu, who lived where
King-Williamstown now stands, professed to be neutral in
the war.
But during the preceding half century the Tinde
clan had been constantly getting weaker, and Tshatshu's
following was SO small that he was unable to protect
himself or anyone else. The reverend John Brownlee was
stationed with this clan, and when his cattle were driven off
and a trader who took refuge in his house was threatened
1835]
99
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
with death, he thought it best to get away.
Under cover
of night Mr. Brownlee, his family, and the trader made
their escape, and managed to reach Wesleyville in safety.
The reverend Mr. Dugmore, missionary at Mount Coke, also
took shelter at Wesleyville, as did the families of several
traders in the neighbourhood.
A strong body of volunteers from Port Elizabeth, under
guidance of Messrs. Henry Fynn and Theophilus Shepstone,
both of whom spoke the Kaffir language fluently, then
proceeded to the station and brought out the white people,
nearly a hundred in number. The captain Kobe also
accompanied the party to Grahamstown, where he placed
himself at the disposal of the governor as a hostage for the
good conduct of his brothers Pato and Kama.
On the 20th of January the families of the reverend
William Chalmers and Mr. James Weir were conducted
from the Tyumie mission station to Fort Adelaide by a
military patrol sent to rescue them.
At Burnshill on the upper Keiskama—a station of the
Glasgow society founded in June 1830-there were several
families protected by Sutu, great widow of Gaika, who had
always been friendly to white people, and at this time was
anxious to keep in favour with the colonial government on
account of the boy Sandile. It was impossible for her not
to be jealous of Makoma, or apprehensive that he might
try to supplant her son. Her rank gave her influence, and
several of the old councillors of the clan, who were with
her, were men whom all Kaffirs respected. She promised
protection to any Europeans who could get to Burnshill,
which was
was close to her residence; and accordingly the
mission families from the Pirie-a station of the Glasgow
society founded in May 1830- and from the London
society's station Knappshope made their way to that place
as best they could. The trader at Knappshope was
murdered, but four others nearer the mountains escaped to
Burnshill. There the only danger was that they might be
killed in a sudden tumult.
100
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
On the 26th of January Major Cox with a strong escort
reached Burnshill, and brought out the four traders and the
families of the missionaries Laing, M'Diarmid, Ross, and
Kayser. In returning, the patrol passed by old Lovedale,
on the Ncera a station of the Glasgow society founded in
November 1824,-and was joined there by Mr. John Bennie
and his family. In all, thirty-five individuals were rescued
on this occasion. Matwa and Tente, two inferior sons of
Gaika, who were attached to the reverend James Laing,
accompanied the missionary to Grahamstown, and remained
with him until the conclusion of peace.
The clans of Makoma, Tyali, and Umhala retired to the
thickets along the Amatola mountains, but the warriors of
Eno, Botumane, and Siyolo were still in the broken country
between the Sunday and Bushman's rivers, and little bands
were wandering from one thicket in Albany to another,
gleaning whatever remained of value. Most of the cattle
taken from the colonists had been driven into the Galeka
country beyond the Kei.
Fort Willshire was now reoccupied, and various posts
were established in commanding positions. Strong patrols
were constantly pursuing the marauders within the colonial
boundary, and managed to shoot a good many and recover
a few cattle. Success, however, was not always on the
European side. At Fort Willshire one day four soldiers
of the 72nd and two Hottentots were cut off and killed
within sight of the garrison.
Early in February Colonel Somerset succeeded in clearing
the Zuurberg and Olifants' Hoek fastnesses, when the clans
of Eno, Botumane, and Siyolo retired to the thickets along
the Fish river. There they were joined by the warriors of
the other hostile clans, and resolved to make a determined
stand.
To attack them a strong force was organised, consisting of
several companies of the 72nd and 75th regiments, a troop of
the Cape mounted rifles with all the men provisionally
attached to that corps, a few artillerymen and engineers,
1835]
101
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
2
the burghers of Uitenhage, George, and Graaff-Reinet, the
Albany sharpshooters, the Port Elizabeth yeomanry, and the
Hottentot levies. This force was formed into three divisions.
On the 11th of February the central division under Colonel
Smith, who was in chief command, crossed the Fish river at
Trompetter's drift, the left division under Colonel England
crossed at Committee's drift, and the right division under
Colonel Somerset at Kaffir drift, a few miles from the sea.
At daybreak on the 12th the work of scouring the ravines
commenced, and was continued until the morning of the 15th,
when the Kaffirs almost as by one movement abandoned the
thickets of the Fish river and fled across the Keiskama.
They were believed to have lost seventy-three men, and they
left behind about four thousand head of horned cattle and a
considerable number of horses, sheep, and goats. The loss
on the European side was heavy. Seven burghers—W.
Western, John Goodwin, Richard Bland, Frederick van der
Schyff, Pieter and Hillegard van Rooyen, and Caspar Loetz—
were killed, also four soldiers of the 72nd regiment, one of
the 75th, and one of the Cape mounted rifles. Other twelve
men were severely wounded.
The Kaffirs, who were far from being disconcerted by these
reverses, at once resolved to act on the aggressive again, so
on the 19th of February Tyali's warriors made a raid into
the Kat river settlement, and attacked the military post there.
They were beaten back, however, with heavy loss. Field-
cornet Groepe, who had command of the half-breeds at the
settlement, and on several previous occasions had displayed
marked ability and bravery, was of great service in assisting
to repel this attack.
It is not necessary to trace the movements of either the
colonial forces or the Kaffirs for some weeks after this event,
further than to indicate that the object of the governor was
to collect men and supplies for an invasion of Kaffirland, and
the object of the chiefs was to recover the fastnesses of
the Fish river valley, which were guarded by military
encampments.
102
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
On the 6th of March a party of Kaffirs surprised the post
at Trompetter's drift, where a raft was being constructed for
the purpose of conveying commissariat supplies across the
river. Captain Harries, the officer in command, seeing that
he could not maintain the post, abandoned it, when four
colonists-Thomas Titterton, Francis Clark, Thomas Bilston,
and Robert Shaw-were killed in trying to escape.
Hottentots also fell on this occasion.
Four
The burghers of George and Uitenhage, under Commandant
Jacobus Ignatius Rademeyer, were at once sent to recover
the position. They succeeded in doing so, but the commandant
and forty men were surrounded in a wooded ravine which
they had entered to examine, and in fighting their way out
five colonists—Adam Boshof, Jan Bernard, Jan Meyer, Andries
van Zyl, and Hermanus Wessels were killed, and eight
were wounded. It was necessary to scour the Fish river
fastnesses again, and before the Kaffirs were driven from
them, four more white men
were killed and five were
wounded. The Xosas retired to the ravines along the Amatola
mountains.
-
On the 19th of March the plans for an invasion of Kaffirland
were completed. The force ready for this service consisted
of twenty-five artillerymen with six field
six field guns,
guns, three
hundred and seventy-one officers and men of the 72nd
regiment, three hundred and fifty-eight Cape mounted
riflemen, the mounted burghers of Swellendam, George,
Graaff-Reinet, and Somerset, one thousand five hundred
and thirty-seven men, the Beaufort volunteers, sixty-
two men, the corps of guides, forty men, and the Hottentot
levies, seven hundred and sixty-one men, altogether one
thousand nine hundred and ninety-seven cavalry and
one thousand one hundred and fifty-seven infantry. This
force was under the direct orders of Sir Benjamin D'Urban,
with Lieutenant-Colonel Smith as second in command. It
was formed into four columns, respectively under Lieutenant-
Colonel Peddie, Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset, Major Cox,
and Commandant Stephanus van Wyk.
1835]
103
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
The line of defence, which was to cover the Fish river
fastnesses and occupy all the posts on the frontier, was
placed under Lieutenant-Colonel England's direction. It
consisted of twenty-four artillerymen and engineers, four
hundred and sixty-one officers and men of
of the 75th
regiment, thirty-one men of the Cape mounted rifles, nine
hundred and eighty-three burghers, and Groepe's half-breeds
and Hottentots, five hundred and two men, in all six
hundred and eighty-eight cavalry and one thousand three
hundred and thirteen infantry.
In February, and again in March, Commandant Van Wyk,
by order of the governor, opened communications with
Hintsa, the paramount chief of the Xosa tribe, in which
he was called upon to restore the cattle that had been
driven over the Kei and to cease assisting the Rarabes,
under pain of being declared an enemy of the colony. As
head of the tribe he might have been held responsible for
the conduct of the subordinate clans, even had he done
nothing to aid them; but a difficulty in dealing with him
existed through the action of the colonial government in
former times, first in treating Gaika as a sovereign chief, and
then in treating Gaika, Ndlambe, and Dushane as all alike
sovereign and independent. After that it would have come
with very bad grace for an English governor to hold Hintsa
responsible for acts of his sub-chiefs. It was therefore not
as their head that he was called to account by Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, but as their ally and active assistant. He,
however, took no steps to comply with the governor's
demands.
Communications were also opened with the chiefs of the
Tembu and Pondo tribes, in the rear of the Xosas, with a
view of securing their neutrality. Mr. Henry Fynn was
sent by sea from Algoa Bay to Port Natal, and then made.
his way overland to the Umzimvubu. The Pondo tribe at
that time occupied the broken country between the Umzi-
mvubu and Umgazi rivers, a tract of land formed by nature
to be one great fortress. Cooped up in this stronghold,
104
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
which was almost impenetrable by a foe, the tribe was
secure against attack by the Zulus; but whenever sections
of it ventured out of their sheltering place, they were fallen
upon and dispersed by the Bacas under Ncapayi, who bore
them an inveterate hatred. The Pondos were thus in a
condition of extreme poverty.
Under these circumstances Mr. Fynn found the chief
Faku not only willing to declare himself a friend of the
colonists, but eager to attack the Xosas on one side while
Sir Benjamin D'Urban was doing so on the other. The
opportunity to become possessed of a good stock of cattle
presented itself very forcibly to his imagination, and he lost
sight of the fact that he had no means of preserving a drove
of oxen if he should acquire them. After a time, however,
his ardour cooled, and he began to see a difficulty in the
way of making a raid on the Xosas. Between him and
them were the Tembus, who would certainly not permit
spoil to pass through their territory without sharing it.
Then there was Ncapayi, whose warriors might intercept his
march. These considerations caused the plan of attacking
the Xosas to be abandoned; but Faku engaged to prevent
them from taking shelter in his country, and it was certain
that if anything in their possession should come within his
reach they would at once be deprived of it.
ว
The Tembu tribe at this time was governed by a man
named Vadana, who was acting as regent during the minority
of Umtirara, son and heir of the late chief Vusani. It was
not by any means as strong as the number of its warriors
would indicate. Vusani had taken as his great wife a woman
named Nonesi, daughter of the Pondo chief Faku; but by
her he had no children. Umtirara was therefore adopted
by the great house from a minor branch of the establish-
ment, and a regent governing in the name of a child in
this situation could not have much power over factious
clans. The people had not recovered the losses sustained in
the Zulu wars. Among them were many refugees driven
down from the north, and though these nominally recognised
1835]
105
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
!
the Tembu supremacy, in reality they acted as they
chose. Then there was the large and rapidly growing clan
under Mapasa, son of Bawana, on the border of the Cape
Colony, at a distance from the rest of the tribe and
virtually independent of it.
Vadana was sufficiently astute to see that friendship with
the colony would be to his advantage. When the white
people in the Xosa territory were being despoiled, he offered
protection to all who could reach his country, and several
families took refuge at
refuge at the Wesleyan mission station
Clarkebury near his kraal. Nothing can illustrate the
condition of Tembuland better than the fact that shortly
afterwards Vadana applied to the white men at Clarkebury
for assistance against the Bacas under Ncapayi, who were
about to attack him. The traders joined his army, and one
of them-Robert Rawlins by name-was killed in action.
The assailants were beaten back, but a large tract of
country was laid waste, and a great many Tembus lost
their lives.
To Sir
Sir Benjamin D'Urban's communication Vadana
replied that he was ready to give all the assistance in his
power, and would place his warriors at the disposal of a
British officer if the governor chose to send one.
Beyond the mountains on the north also the newly-
formed Basuto tribe was ready to seize plunder wherever
it could be obtained. When intelligence reached Thaba
Bosigo that the Xosas had invaded the colony and swept off
immense herds of cattle, Moshesh decided without delay to
turn the event to account. At the head of seven or eight
hundred men he crossed the Drakensberg, ravaged several
Xosa kraals, and seized three or four thousand head of
cattle. He was then attacked by a superior force under
Hintsa, and lost most of his plunder. In this expedition
his brother Makhabane was killed.
CHAPTER XXI.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR-(continued).
CONCLUSION OF THE SIXTH KAFFIR WAR.
ON the 31st of March 1835 the advance guard of Sir
Benjamin D'Urban's army crossed the Keiskama near Fort
Willshire, and entered Kaffirland. The Rarabe clans had
taken shelter in the country along the base of the Amatola
mountains, between the sources of the Tyumie and the
easternmost tributary of the Buffalo. More beautiful scenery
than this belt of land presents to the eye is nowhere to be
found in South Africa, but it is a very difficult country for
warfare by Europeans. It is a succession of vales and ridges,
deep gorges, patches of dense forest, grassy glades studded
with mimosas, and rivulets which after heavy rains rush
downward in foaming torrents. As a background the moun-
tain rises above the line of forest, its peaks of varied form
and tint standing out clear and sharp against the sky. Like
all the great ranges parallel to the coast, this, which on the
side towards the sea appears as a mountain chain, is really
the edge of an extensive tableland. Viewed from the interior
plain, the peaks and domes seen from below dwindle into
hummocks standing on the margin. In the winter season
snow often lies for days together on the highest parts, such
as Gaika's Kop and the Hogsback, but never descends to
the valleys below.
Three divisions of the army and part of the fourth were
employed in scouring the country at the base of the moun-
tains. The remainder of Commandant Van Wyk's division
was sent by way of the Kat river to the plain above, which
is called the Bontebok flats. The objects of this movement
106
1835]
107
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
were to prevent cattle being driven out in that direction,
to intercept any parties that Hintsa might send to the
assistance of the Rarabes, and to cut off communication
with the emigrant Tembus, who had been making petty
raids into the Tarka, though the chief Mapasa professed
to be friendly.
Mapasa was a man of less than average ability among his
fellows, and was exceedingly surly; but the missionaries at
Shiloh were of opinion that he was in earnest in wishing not
to embroil himself with the colonial government, and that
the plundering expeditions against the colonists were chiefly
undertaken by recent refugees from the Tembu country or
by members of little bands that had once been subject to
Mtshalela. A small Tembu clan under a captain named
Kwesha, who was not on good terms with Vadana, and who
was independent of Mapasa, had also recently settled in the
country east of the Zwart Kei. The condition of matters in
that territory was thus unfavourable to order, and some
months before the war commenced Colonel Somerset ex-
pressed regret that the force at his disposal was so small
that he could not establish a military post on the Zwart
Kei. Sir Benjamin D'Urban now decided not to treat the
emigrant Tembus as enemies, but to prevent communication
between them and the Rarabes.
This was one of the
reasons for sending a strong body of mounted burghers to
patrol the Bontebok flats.
From the 2nd to the 10th of April operations were
continued along the Amatola mountains, with such success
that about fifteen thousand head of cattle were recovered,
and the Kaffirs were driven from every point where they
attempted to make a stand. One of the most active of the
burgher officers was the veteran commandant Jacobus Linde,
who led the Swellendam contingent. He was seventy-five
years of age, and had served with marked ability in four
other Kaffir wars. The loss of the Europeans was one
colonist-Lloyd by name-and three soldiers killed, and five
soldiers, four burghers, and two Hottentots wounded. By
108
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History of the Cape Colony.
I
the 10th the Xosas had given up all attempts to resist, and
merely sought safety in concealment. Most of the Hotten-
tots who had joined them, and who were formidable on
account of being armed with guns, now surrendered.
On the 11th of April the first division moved towards the
Kei. The second division, which was composed entirely
of cavalry, proceeded towards the coast, with instructions
to scour the country in that direction, and then join the
commander-in-chief in Hintsa's territory. The third division,
under Major Cox, was directed to continue harassing the
Kaffirs along the Amatola mountains, and to prevent them
rallying in force. The division of burgher cavalry under
Commandant Van Wyk was required to form a line extend-
ing from the Tyumie valley to the Moravian station Shiloh
on the Klipplaats river. It was thus in a position to guard
the upper country and at the same time to strengthen the
line of defence under Colonel England.
On the 15th Sir Benjamin D'Urban with the first division
crossed the Kei. On the left bank of the river two Galekas
were seen, one of whom-a councillor of Buku-called to
the white people and asked if they knew what stream it
was. He was informed that they knew it was the Kei. He
then asked why they crossed it, as the country to the
eastward belonged to Hintsa, who had taken no part in the
war. He was told that it was not the governor's intention
to act in a hostile manner if Hintsa would comply with the
demands already made, and with that message he was sent
to the chief. Five days were allowed for a definite answer.
The assertion that Hintsa had taken no part in the war
was only true with regard to him as an individual, and not
as chief of the tribe. Many Galekas, his immediate subjects,
assisted the Rarabes to lay waste the districts of Albany
and Somerset. Tens of thousands of cattle brought out of
the colony were at that moment in his territory, having
been driven there for protection, and not only so, but the
greater number of the cattle belonging to the Rarabes had
been placed in the safe keeping of his retainers. The
1835]
109
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
trading stations in his country had been pillaged, and
though the lives of the traders had been spared, two of
them-by name Thomas Eccles and Robert Horton-had.
received very cruel treatment during a detention of thirty-
six days before they were permitted to retire to Clarkebury.
The missionary families at Butterworth had been threatened
in such a manner that they thought it necessary to leave.
With all this to his charge, Hintsa wished to make the
Europeans believe that he was acting as a neutral in the
war.
He was a poor specimen of a Xosa, this paramount chief of
the tribe, in intellect and in demeanour infinitely beneath
Kreli, his son, who was in later times so often in arms
against the European power in South Africa. His mother
was a daughter of the Tembu captain Tshatshu, and a sister
of Bawana. From her he inherited, or was commonly
believed to have inherited, several odious vices. He was
without affection for anyone, sensual in a very high degree,
and cruel to ferocity, but withal wily and plausible. His
great redeeming feature was personal bravery. To the
colonial government he ought to have acted in good faith,
for in 1828 he had received assistance against the
Amangwane which saved him from ruin, and he had no
grievance of any kind against a white man. In acting as
he did, he could therefore have had no motive except love
of plunder.
When the troops crossed the Kei a general order was
issued that the country about to be entered was not to be
treated as an enemy's, and that on no account was any act
of violence to be committed against the people or their
property. Following the line of the present high road, the
army then moved forward, and on the 17th of April reached
Butterworth. The mission buildings were found in ruins,
having been destroyed as soon as the reverend Mr. Ayliff
retired to Clarkebury. Here, on the 20th, the second
division, under Colonel Somerset, rejoined the commander-
in-chief. It had scoured the country along the Gonubie
IIO
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
river to the sea without meeting any resistance, and had
destroyed some kraals and secured a couple of thousand
cattle.
Shortly after the arrival of the governor at Butterworth,
a number of Fingo captains made their appearance at the
camp, and solicited protection. Among them were six men
named Umhlambiso, Jokweni, Mabandla, Matomela, Umsutu,
and Jama, who were respectively chiefs of remnants of the
Amahlubi, Amazizi, Amabele, Amareledwane, Abasekunene,
and Amakuze tribes.
The Fingos, whom these headmen represented, differ
slightly in appearance and much in disposition from the
Xosas. The taint of Hottentot blood gives the Xosas a
lighter skin, and may be the cause of their greater insta-
bility of character. The Fingos are comparatively
industrious, as they came
came from a country where the
cultivation of the soil was largely depended upon for means
of subsistence. The Xosa is careless, thriftless, quick-
tempered, proud, and impulsive; the Fingo is plodding,
calculating, acquisitive, and cold-blooded. At first despised
by the Xosas on account of their miserable condition, the
Fingos soon became detested owing to their talents in
overreaching.
The two peoples were thus not on friendly terms, and
there were many instances in which individual Fingos were
subjected to oppressive and cruel treatment. They were
liable to be reviled, robbed, and assaulted almost at will,
for they could get no satisfaction against a Xosa in the
court of a chief. Still they were not slaves in the sense
that they could be transferred from one owner to another.
They were in possession of tracts of land of considerable
extent, they were under the government of their own
captains, and they were not prevented from carrying arms.
The application of the Fingo
of the Fingo headmen caused the
governor to adopt a large plan for the settlement of border
difficulties. It involved the removal of the hostile Rarabe
chiefs and their most turbulent adherents to the territory
1835]
III
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
east of the Kei, the settlement of the Fingos between the
Fish river and the Keiskama, and the location of the
so-termed friendly Rarabes between the Keiskama and the
Kei. These latter were Sutu and her son Sandile; Nonibe,
great widow of Dushane, with her son Siwani; Umkayi, son
of Ndlambe; Matwa and Tente, inferior sons of Gaika; and
Tshatshu, captain of the Tinde clan; each with a small
body of followers. Those adherents of the hostile chiefs
who had not personally taken part in the great raid into
the colony or in the murder of the traders were to be
allowed to attach themselves to any of these clans. The
Gunukwebe captains Pato, Kama, and Kobe were also to
have a large tract of land assigned to them east of the
Keiskama.
The five days allowed to Hintsa to reply to the
governor's demand expired without his attending to it. The
Fingos were then taken under British protection, and pre-
parations for their removal were commenced. In the
meantime Captain Henry Douglas Warden with a troop
of the Cape mounted rifles was sent to Clarkebury to
relieve the white people there, and returned with sixty-five
Europeans, missionaries, artisans, and traders, with their
families. The missionaries were the reverend Messrs. W.
Satchell, T. Palmer, J. Ayliff, and W. J. Davis, respec-
tively of the stations Buntingville, Morley, Butterworth, and
Clarkebury. Twenty-four Hottentots and five hundred and
twenty-four Fingos, who had attached themselves to the
Europeans, also accompanied the relief party on its return.
When Clarkebury was abandoned, the only station occupied
by missionaries in any part of Kaffirland was Shiloh,
on the Klipplaats river.
On the 21st of April a British settler named Armstrong,
then serving as an ensign in the colonial force, was sent to
the colony with despatches, and was provided with an escort
of thirty men. On the road he very imprudently loitered
behind the escort, and was murdered by some Galekas.
Information of this event was conveyed to the camp, when
II2
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
a patrol was sent out and found the body with five assagai
wounds.
On the 24th, nine days after the passage of the Kei by
the colonial army, one of Hintsa's councillors, who had
come to the camp and was believed to be a spy, was sent by
the governor to the chief with a declaration of war. On the
following day the first division moved to the Zolo river, a
tributary of the Tsomo, leaving the second at the camp
close to Butterworth.
Colonel Smith with a strong patrol of burghers and
Cape mounted riflemen now began to scour the country,
and between the 24th and 28th of April succeeded in
capturing about fifteen thousand head of cattle. Captain
Warden also with a troop of the Cape mounted riflemen
joined the Tembu regent Vadana, and on the 27th attacked
one of Hintsa's kraals on the Bashee and took four thousand
head of cattle.
came
By these movements the chief was convinced of the power
of the European forces in his country, and on the 29th of
April, under the governor's pledge of personal safety, he
There on the
to the camp with fifty followers.
following day terms of peace were concluded. Hintsa
undertook to deliver twenty-five thousand head of horned
cattle and five hundred horses immediately, and the same
number of each at the expiration of a year; to cause
Makoma, Tyali, Eno, Botumane, Umhala, and Siyolo to
cease hostilities and to surrender their firearms; to punish
with death one of his people who murdered a trader named
William Purcell in his territory on the 13th of July 1834
for no other offence than refusing to sell goods on a Sunday;
and to pay three hundred head of good cattle to each of the
widows Purcell and Armstrong. For the due fulfilment of
these terms Hintsa agreed to give two hostages, and volun-
tarily offered himself as one. His brother Buku came to the
camp shortly afterwards, and remained as the other.
Thereupon hostilities ceased, and on the 2nd of May the
first division began to move towards the colony. Before it
1835]
113
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
reached the Kei, information was received from Colonel
Somerset, who had been left near Butterworth with the
second division, that by order of Hintsa and Buku the
Xosas had commenced to attack parties of Fingos, had
murdered several, and that a general massacre was immi-
nent. The governor thereupon threatened Hintsa that if
the Fingos were further molested, he and all the Xosas
with him would be held responsible, and would be hanged,
as by this act the assurance of personal safety which had
been given to him was forfeited. The chief seemed to
consider the murder of the Fingos a matter of no great
importance, but finding his own life endangered thereby,
he issued an order to his people to cease molesting them,
which was at once obeyed.
The attack upon the Fingos, however, was not an act
of wantonness, for the Xosas had been sorely provoked.
As soon as the Fingos were assured of British protection
and of removal to a new country, they commenced to
seize cattle to take with them, and what followed was
the natural result of such conduct.
On the 6th of May Colonel Somerset moved from
Butterworth with these people, and on the 14th reached
the district in which it was intended the greater number
of them should be located. This was the block of land
between the Keiskama and Fish rivers, and the roads
running eastward through Trompetter's and Committee's
drifts. The reverend John Ayliff was stationed at a suitable
place with this party of Fingos. Another, but much smaller,
party was located on the banks of the Gaga streamlet. A
census taken as they crossed the Keiskama showed that
they were in round numbers two thousand men, five
thousand six hundred women, and nine thousand two
hundred children. They had twenty-two thousand two
hundred head of cattle, which they had seized from the
Xosas during the last few days with impunity, as the
owners feared that resistance would cost the life of their
chief. No one has ever attempted to justify their being
H
114
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History of the Cape Colony.
i
|
allowed to carry off so much plunder, and the only excuse
that it is possible to make is that Sir Benjamin believed
the cattle to be the property of the Fingos themselves. But
there were men with him who knew better, who could have
told him that only a few years before these people had
reached the Galeka country as destitute fugitives from their
own homes in the distant north, and that no opportunity
had ever occurred of their becoming honestly possessed of so
much property.
While the first and second divisions of the invading force
were engaged beyond the Kei, the third and fourth divisions.
continued to follow up the Rarabes, without, however, being
able to do them much injury. It was believed by the
Europeans that they had lost all heart, and would be glad
to accept reasonable terms of peace. Accordingly, on the
4th of May Colonel Smith issued a notice and caused it to
be communicated to them, offering that if they would
surrender their arms they could keep all the cattle then in
their possession, except such as belonged to colonists, and
promising that none would be detained as prisoners except
chiefs, who would be well treated while awaiting the king's
pleasure. It was intended to remove them to the territory
beyond the Kei. But to the surprise of the British officers
no one accepted the conditions, for in reality the Rarabes
regarded themselves as very far from subdued.
On the 10th of May Sir Benjamin D'Urban issued a
proclamation-repeated in Grahamstown on the 16th of
June-by which the country from the border of 1819
eastward to the right bank of the Kei from its source in
the Stormberg to the sea was annexed to the British
dominions. To this territory the name Province of Queen
Adelaide was given.
After the issue of the proclamation the first division of
the army crossed the Kei, leaving only five hundred men
on the eastern side. Hintsa had not yet delivered the cattle
according to the agreement of the 30th of April, and from
the point of view of himself and his people it was excusable
1835]
115
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
that he had not done so. The reception of the Fingos as
British subjects, and the protection which enabled those
refugees to rob the Galekas of their choicest herds, in their
opinion cancelled all previous arrangements.
But instead of openly assigning this as the cause of his
not fulfilling his agreement, and claiming a deduction of his
debt to the extent of the number of cattle driven off by the
Fingos-a claim which Sir Benjamin D'Urban could not
have refused to admit,-Hintsa gave as an excuse that his
followers would not obey his orders to bring in the oxen and
cows which the Rarabes had placed in their charge. He
was naturally reluctant to leave his people and his territory,
and when he saw that he was about to be taken as a
hostage across the Kei, he proposed to the governor that a
patrol should be sent with him to collect the cattle, while
his son Kreli (correct Kaffir spelling Sarili) and his brother
Buku should remain in the British camp. His object-
though unsuspected at the time-was to make his escape,
and for the fate of his son and his brother he was without
concern. Sir Benjamin D'Urban consented to the proposal,
and Colonel Smith with five hundred men marched towards
the Bashee to carry it out.
On the second day of the march, while following the
spoor of an immense drove of cattle, the patrol came to a
very steep hill, and all except Colonel Smith dismounted to
spare their horses. The colonel was riding in advance.
Next came the chief and his attendants, carrying bundles of
assagais as was their usual custom, and leading their horses,
the one which
which Hintsa had in hand being a remarkably
strong animal. The top was a long and nearly level ridge,
and having gained it, Hintsa mounted and suddenly dashed
forward at full speed. The troops were still toiling up the
path.
The chief was pursued by Colonel Smith and Messrs.
William Shaw and George and William Southey, of the
corps of guides. The colonel overtook the fugitive, and
galloping at headlong speed by his side called to him to
116
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
stop, but he would not. The colonel drew a pistol and tried
to fire, but as the cock snapped twice he threw it away, and
grasping the chief's kaross pulled him over. Hintsa quickly
sprang from the ground, and hurled an assagai at his
opponent, which fell short, as the horse would not be reined
in. In another instant he was running down the side of
the hill. Mr. George Southey called to him in Kaffir to stop,
and as he took no heed, fired and slightly wounded him.
A second shot inflicted a wound which must in time have
proved mortal, though the chief lost none of his agility after
receiving it. Southey and another followed down the hill,
but Hintsa reached a thicket at the bottom before them.
Here, while Southey was searching about, he heard behind
him a sound caused by the rattle of an assagai against a
rock. Turning round, he saw Hintsa almost within arm's
length, in the very act of quivering an assagai, and on
the impulse of the moment he fired. The chief fell with
his skull blown away. Some wretch, whose name is
unknown, had the barbarity afterwards to cut off the ears,
and in that mutilated state the corpse was carried by a
party of soldiers to the nearest Kaffir kraal and left there.
He was buried by his own people at the foot of the Bongo
hill, in the present district of Willowvale.
Continuing his march, the same evening Colonel Smith
crossed the Bashee, and on its right bank captured three
thousand head of cattle, some of which were recognised as
the property of colonists. Next morning very early with a
party of picked men he pushed on farther, leaving a strong
guard with the captured cattle. During his absence Lieu-
tenant White, who was mentioned in a preceding chapter
as one of the successful breeders of merino sheep, was
killed by Kaffirs. This gentleman held the position of major
in a volunteer corps, and being an experienced surveyor
and draughtsman was employed in making a chart of the
country. He left the cattle-guard, and with an escort of
only four Hottentot soldiers went to the top of a hill to get
the bearings of prominent points in the surrounding country.
1835]
117
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
While thus engaged, a party of Kaffirs crept stealthily up
and killed him and one of the Hottentots. His body was
recovered, and was buried by his comrades on the bank of
the Bashee.
Colonel Smith did not succeed in obtaining any more
cattle, and on the 17th of May with his patrol he recrossed
the Kei. About a thousand Fingos joined him during the
march, and accompanied him to the province of Queen
Adelaide.
When information of the death of Hintsa reached Sir
Benjamin D'Urban he immediately had an interview with
Kreli, with the result that on the 19th of May an agree-
ment was concluded with the young chief. The terms were
that there should be peace between the contracting parties;
that Kreli should recognise and respect the Kei as the
colonial boundary; that he should deliver the cattle which
his father had undertaken to surrender; that he should
receive into his territory east of the Kei the clans of
Makoma, Tyali, Eno, Botumane, Umhala, and Siyolo, and not
permit them to recross the river without permission from
the governor; and that he should not in any way molest
the Tembus under the regent Vadana. Kreli was then
permitted to return to the people whose chief he had
become. Buku remained a hostage for the fulfilment of
the agreement made by Hintsa, and was detained two
months in Grahamstown; but was then set at liberty.
In the meantime efforts to induce the Rarabe chiefs 'to
submit to the governor's conditions were made in vain.
Sutu indeed represented that they were in great distress,
and through her agency Major Cox had an interview with
them at the foot of Intaba-ka-Ndoda on the 13th of May;
but they declined even to discuss the question of the
removal of their clans across the Kei. They showed clearly
that they were still able to resist, not only by their defiant
attitude, but by sending raiding parties to a great distance
into the colony. Many farms in Albany, Somerset, and
Uitenhage had been reoccupied, and their owners were now
118
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
again subjected to a course of pillage and destruction of
property.
At this time seven Europeans-Jan Greyling, James
Jenkins, Mrs. Jacob Trollip, John Bentley, James Jubber,
-Chipperfield, and-Faber-were murdered in cold blood
in the colony by raiding parties. The first of these, Jan
Greyling, had distinguished himself by bravery in the actions
along the Amatola mountains. He was returning home on
leave when he met his death. His father was one of those
who were murdered with Landdrost Stockenstrom in 1812,
and his mother some time after that event became the wife
of Commandant Pieter Retief, who was destined to meet a
similar fate on a more conspicuous field. A little earlier a
farmer named Andries de Lange was murdered on the
Koonap, and some weeks later a colonist named Tobias
Tharratt met his death by the hands of roving Kaffirs at
Botha's hill.
The Rarabes were encouraged to continue the war by
the language and conduct of the party in the colony that
even under these terrible circumstances tried to make it
appear that they were right and the white people to blame.
The first shot that was fired against a black man made the
reverend Dr. Philip an enemy of the governor, and thence-
forth all his energy was devoted to supporting the cause of
the Xosas. Those who took part with him were few in
number, but they spoke and wrote with the knowledge that
in England they would have strong sympathy. Public
meetings were held in the principal villages of the colony,
at which the action of Dr. Philip and his partisans was
indignantly condemned, and the governor in various public
notices censured their unnatural attitude, but all to no
purpose.
The Wesleyan and the Scotch missionaries, the men who
had been living among the Kaffirs and who took the deepest
interest in their welfare, with one solitary exception-the
reverend Stephen Kay, then resident in Europe-supported
the government and the colonists, and not only found
1835]
119
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
themselves abused in English newspapers for doing so, but—
the Wesleyans particularly-learned that they were regarded
as backsliders by the societies that sent them out. They were
taught a lesson indeed that only the most courageous and
godfearing among them afterwards dared to disregard: never
to run counter to the prejudices of their supporters. The
motives of Dr. Philip's party could not be comprehended
by the Kaffirs, but they knew that certain white men-who
they were told were persons with great interest in England
-were advocating their cause, and it led them to believe
that by holding out they might at length secure peace on
their own terms.
The governor caused a number of forts of very simple
construction to be built and occupied in the province of
Queen Adelaide. Along the Buffalo river there were three:
Fort Beresford-named after one of his aides-de-camp-near
the source; one at the site selected for a camp and for the
residence of the military officer in command of the province,
which on the 24th of May was named King-Williamstown;
and one on the right bank of the river about eight miles
farther down, which was named Fort Murray after the
colonel of the 72nd highlanders. Between the Buffalo and
the Kei there were three: Fort Wellington, named after the
great duke, on the Gonubie hill near the source of the
Gonubie river; Fort Warden, called after Captain Warden
of the Cape mounted rifles, on the Impotshana, five or six
miles from the Kei; and Fort Waterloo, half-way between
these and the sea. On the upper Keiskama was Fort Cox,
named after Major Cox, and on the line of communication
between Fort Willshire and King-Williamstown was Fort
White, named after the worthy colonist who was killed on
the Bashee.
In the old ceded territory three new forts were built:
Montgomery Williams, on the right bank of the Keiskama,
half-way between Fort Willshire and the sea; Fort Thomson,
called after the commanding officer of the royal engineers,
near the junction of the Gaga and the Tyumie; and Fort
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History of the Cape Colony.
Peddie, called after the lieutenant-colonel of the 72nd, in
the centre of the Fingo locations.
The planting season was now well advanced, so on the
23rd of May the farmers were permitted to return to their
homes for the purpose of getting in crops of grain. An
arrangement was made by which a little assistance was
given to those who were utterly impoverished. Of the
money lent by Lord Charles Somerset to the sufferers by
the flood of July 1822, a portion had been repaid, and was
then lying in the government bank. Sir Benjamin D'Urban
appointed Mr. Hougham Hudson a commissioner to lend this
fund again in small sums to the most distressed of the
frontier farmers. It amounted to £6,792, and there was
also a sum of £9,019 received for captured cattle sold by
auction, which was distributed in proportion to losses
sustained.
To this date the whole of the forces in the field were
supplied by the government with provisions, but neither
the burghers nor the Hottentot levies had received any pay.
When the farmers were permitted to return home for a
time, the Hottentots were retained in service, and the
governor therefore thought it only just that they should
have some compensating privilege. From the 1st of June
they were paid on the same scale as British infantry.
This arrangement of releasing the burghers and detaining
the Hottentots was carried out on the principle that it was
for the public good to get crops in the ground, while at the
same time it was necessary to keep a force in the field.
But the philanthropists in England regarded it as an act of
injustice towards the coloured people, and it was one of the
most serious complaints afterwards made and repeated again
and again concerning the governor.
Undoubtedly the opinions of Sir Benjamin D'Urban had
undergone a great change since the outbreak of the war.
He had come to know the Kaffirs as they were, and no
longer believed them to possess the virtues of civilised
Europeans. He had learned much about the Hottentots
1835]
121
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
also, and had discovered that Dr. Philip's views were greatly
distorted. He had ceased to be a philanthropist in the sense
in which that word was appropriated by the English
societies of the time, but had not lost an atom of his
former desire to benefit the coloured races of South Africa.
Only he would deal with them as they really were, as fickle
barbarians, prone to robbery and unscrupulous in shedding
blood, and not as the docile and inoffensive beings they
were pictured to be by those who claimed the title of their
only friends.
The soldiers, the colonial volunteers, and the Hottentot
levies were now kept constantly employed following the
Kaffirs from one stronghold to another. The object being
to compel them to retire across the Kei, as much damage
as possible was done to their cornpits, so as to reduce their
means of subsistence in the province of Queen Adelaide.
This also was one of the charges afterwards made against
Sir Benjamin D'Urban, as if it proceeded from inhumanity,
and was not a necessity of war.
On the 11th of June the governor proceeded to Grahams-
town to attend to matters connected with the civil adminis-
tration of the colony, leaving Colonel Smith in command at
King-Williamstown.
On the 25th of June Lieutenant Charles Bailie, a young
colonist of great promise, left King-Williamstown with
twenty-eight Hottentots to assist in scouring a kloof near
Intaba-ka-Ndoda. The party was surrounded by a large
number of Kaffirs, and on the 27th was brought to a stand
not far from the abandoned mission station Pirie. There,
when their ammunition was expended, the whole were
killed. Some days afterwards the dead bodies were found
by a patrol, and were buried on the spot, which is still
called Bailie's grave.
The comfortable home which this
colonist had created by his industry was burned to the
ground, and his young widow, who had been obliged to
flee from it for her life, was left so destitute that the only
property she had in the world beyond her personal attire
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History of the Cape Colony.
was a bible found in her dead husband's knapsack and
forwarded to her.*
On the 20th of July a boat from a little coasting schooner
named the James put ashore at the mouth of the Tshalumna
river to procure wood and water. About fifty Kaffirs
approached, who at first seemed friendly, but presently
seized some firearms which the seamen had with them. Two
of the sailors ran into the sea, and managed to swim off to
their vessel; the other two were stabbed to death with
assagais.
As soon as the seed grain was in the ground a notice was
issued to the burghers that they must prepare to take the
field again. But by this time the governor was convinced
that even if he could drive the Rarabes across the Kei the
means at his disposal were insufficient to keep them there,
and he was inclined to make peace on terms that would
admit of their remaining in the province of Queen Adelaide
* An unusual interest is attached to the fate of this young man, owing to
his father, Mr. John Bailie, having been the head of one of the large parties
of British settlers of 1820, and to the effect which his death had upon his
family. The old man was utterly ruined in purse by the war, but grieved
little about that. The loss of this son, however, caused him to become careless
and reckless. When the great emigration which will be treated of in a future
chapter took place, he with another son and their families went beyond the
Orange river, and there several years later in a quarrel caused the death of a
farmer named Duplooy. For this offence John and Thomas Bailie were tried
by the circuit court at Uitenhage in April 1846, were found guilty of murder,
and were sentenced to be hanged. This sentence was commuted to imprison-
ment for life, but some months later additional evidence was given by
Duplooy's widow which showed the act to have been committed in defence,
as the prisoners had all along maintained. In December 1847, therefore,
they received a free pardon, that being the legal manner of release from
confinement. At this time a brother of the elder Bailie was in command of a
regiment in India. The misfortunes of this family, once among the most
thriving on the eastern frontier, naturally called forth strong expressions of
sympathy in Lower Albany. A few months after his release Mr. Bailie,
senior, removed to Natal. On the 27th of July 1852 the barque Hector,
from Batavia bound to Bremen, ran ashore on the coast in a calm. Mr.
Bailie went on board to render assistance, but, owing to change of weather,
was unable to return to the shore again, and on the 29th he and five others
were drowned.
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123
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
under military supervision. The reverend William Boyce,
one of the ablest and most devoted of the Wesleyan mission-
aries, suggested a plan by which communications could be
opened with the chiefs of the hostile clans without com-
promising the government, and Sir Benjamin gladly availed
himself of it.
Early in August the reverend Messrs. William Boyce,
William Shepstone, and Samuel Palmer, Wesleyan mis-
sionaries well known by the Kaffirs, proceeded to Pato's
residence on the Beka. Although the Gaika and Gunukwebe
clans bore no love to each other, there were close matri-
monial connections between the families of the chiefs, and
several women were found willing to convey messages to
their relatives who were in the Amatola fastnesses. The
missionaries sent assurances of sorrow for the condition of
the chiefs, and advised them to apply to the governor for
merciful terms, stating as a matter of private opinion that
in such case less onerous conditions than their expulsion
from the country west of the Kei would perhaps be imposed,
recommending them to ask for land to live on under
English protection, and promising to intercede with his
Excellency on their behalf. The chiefs were also informed
that it was the governor's intention to collect a very strong
burgher force again, and to prosecute the war with the
utmost vigour, so that no time was to be lost if they
accepted the advice given.
The women easily ascertained where Makoma and Tyali
were to be found, and they delivered the message correctly.
The chiefs, who were anxious for peace provided it did not
imply the loss of their land, at once determined to follow
the counsel of the missionaries. Accordingly, on the 15th
of August they sent an envoy to the officer commanding a
patrol in their neighbourhood to ask for a conference. Major
Cox and Captain Warden consented, and met Makoma and
Tyali, who were attended by six or eight hundred men, fully
three hundred of whom were armed with muskets. A sus-
pension of hostilities was agreed to until the governor could
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History of the Cape Colony.
be communicated with, and Captain Warden immediately
set out for Grahamstown with the intelligence.
The governor directed the captain to return and inform
the chiefs that if they would agree to become British
subjects and to submit to restraint in a few small par-
ticulars which were named, he would grant them peace. In
pursuance of these instructions, Colonel Smith, Major Cox,
and Captain Warden held another conference with Makoma
and Tyali, who were attended on this occasion by about
four thousand well-armed men. They elected to accept the
conditions, and it was arranged that they should meet the
governor at Fort Willshire on the 11th of September, and
settle the details of the agreement.
All this time nothing was heard from England concern-
ing relief.
Under very favourable circumstances a reply
from the imperial government to a letter from Capetown
could be received in from four and a half to five months,
but usually a much longer time was taken. In this instance
the English ministry believed that military aid was not
needed, and consequently none was sent out.
Sir Benjamin D'Urban had left instructions that in case
reinforcements from England should reach Capetown or
Simonstown while he was on the frontier, they were to
be sent forward with all possible haste. On the 18th of
August the transport Rodney arrived in Simon's Bay from
Cork with the 27th regiment, five hundred and forty
officers and men, but she brought no information concern-
ing these troops except that their destination was the
Cape Colony. As soon as refreshments could be taken on
board, she sailed again for Algoa Bay, and on the 8th of
September the 27th regiment marched into Grahamstown.
Ten days later Sir Benjamin D'Urban received a letter from
Lord Fitzroy Somerset, dated the 8th of April, in which he
was informed that the 27th was sent out to relieve the
98th, and not to strengthen the force under his command.
The governor, however, took the responsibility of keeping
both regiments in the colony.
1835j
125
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
The arrival of these soldiers and the assembling of the
farmers again, which took place at the same time, greatly
strengthened the hands of Sir Benjamin D'Urban in the
negotiations which followed, though neither the troops nor
the burghers were called upon to take an active part in the
field.
On the 8th of September the governor arrived at Fort
Willshire, and on the 11th Makoma, Tyali, Eno, and some.
others proceeded there to meet him. But now a difficulty
arose in the fact that the Kaffirs during the truce had con-
tinued their depredations in the colony just as in time of
war. The governor therefore gave the chiefs a few days to
prove their earnestness by recalling their followers. When
this was done, on the 17th of September Makoma, Tyali,
Eno, Kusha for Sutu and her son Sandile, and Fadana for
Botumane, attached their marks to a document, in which
they agreed to become British subjects and to live in sub-
mission to the general laws of the Cape Colony, though
retaining their own laws and customs for the domestic
government of their people; to surrender all the muskets in
their possession; and each to pay a fat ox yearly in token
of fealty. On the other part, the governor agreed to protect
them in person and property, and to assign for their use the
land between the Tyumie and Kei rivers from the ridge of
the Amatola mountains to a line passing along the Keiskama
river from the junction of the Tyumie,
the Debe river, the
Debe neck, the Pirie mission station, the Isidenge hill, and
the Kabousie river, with reservation of the right to take
ground for roads, outspan places, churches, schools, magis-
tracies, military posts, and other public purposes. Anta,
having joined Makoma at the commencement of the war,
was regarded by the governor as one of that chief's captains,
and was therefore not included by name in this agreement,
though he was one of the consenting parties.
At the same time and place a precisely similar arrange-
ment was concluded with Umhala, Siyolo, and a captain
named Gasela, in which they had land assigned to them
126
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History of the Cape Colony.
between the Kei and Nahoon rivers from the sea up to a
line running a mile south of the high road from King-
Williamstown to the principal ford of the Kei. Gasela here
named was a grandson of Rarabe by a minor wife, and had
emerged from obscurity during the war.
On the same day, at the Beka, the Gunukwebe captains
Pato, Kama, and Kobe, who had been regarded as allies of
the colony, affixed their marks to a document of like import,
in which the land assigned for their use was the territory
between the Fish and Buffalo rivers, from the sea up to a
line running from Kaffir drift on the Fish river to Ford's
drift on the Buffalo. Thus they were rewarded for the
part they had taken by the restoration of their ancient
possessions east of the Fish river and by the addition of
a large tract of land west of the Buffalo.
In these arrangements land adjoining Burnshill was
apportioned to Sutu and Sandile, adjoining the Tyumie
mission station to Matwa and Tente, on the right bank of
the Buffalo above the Gunukwebe line to Nonibe and her
son Siwani, who during the war had been living on the
Beka with the reverend Mr. Dugmore under colonial pro-
tection, and in the same neighbourhood to Umkayi. It was
further stipulated that no Kaffir should cross the western
boundary of the locations without a pass from a government
commissioner, or armed, under penalty of being shot.
The only land in the province of Queen Adelaide left.
ungranted after the clans were finally located was the
narrow tract between the Buffalo and Nahoon rivers, which
the governor reserved for occupation by white people and
free communication between King-Williamstown and the sea.
But he intended to strengthen the European element on the
border by allotting to colonists all the ground in the territory
ceded by Gaika in 1819 that was not in possession of the
Hottentots at the Kat river, or the Gunukwebes and the
Fingos near the sea.
The leading events of the war have been related, but the
misery which it caused to the colonists has only been partly
1835]
127
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
pointed out. Those who were murdered or fell in action
were not by any means all whose lives were lost. Care,
anxiety, and distress brought many men and women to
their graves, and the number would have been enormously
increased if rations had not been furnished by the military
commissariat to those who must otherwise have perished
of want. About sixty thousand head of cattle had been
retaken from the Kaffirs, but four-fifths of these were either
lost again, died from fatigue and poverty, or were slaughtered
for the use of the forces in the field. It was one of the
hardships of the war that a farmer often assisted to recapture
his own cattle, and afterwards saw them used by the army.
Another hardship was that supplies of grain, waggons, &c.,.
were requisitioned from those who had them, and promises
of payment could not be met for want of funds. When the
accounts were adjusted, it was ascertained that the cost of
the war to the imperial government, or the excess of the
military expenditure above that of the previous year, was
£154,000. The ordinary military expenditure was £96,000.
The loss of men by the Kaffirs was considerable, though
it cannot be accurately stated. According to the reports of
the commissioners who were employed to locate the clans,
about four thousand had fallen, but shortly after the con-
clusion of peace the Kaffirs began to deny that the number
was anything like as large as that. Without a roll-call
there could be no absolute certainty, for in bush warfare
much was founded on conjecture. Their kraals were burned,
but the erection of new huts was easy, and this was not
regarded by them as of much importance. It was of greater
consequence that large quantities of maize and millet had
been destroyed, and that cattle the chief wealth of the
Kaffirs-had almost disappeared from the province of Queen
Adelaide. The Rarabes had taken nearly twice as many
from the colonists as had been retaken from them, but the
waste during the war was enormous. Cows were driven
about from place to place while their calves were perishing,
oxen were slaughtered recklessly to furnish a single meal.
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History of the Cape Colony.
When hostilities ended, the Galekas declined to give up the
cattle that had been placed under their care, so that the
Rarabes found themselves in a condition of great poverty.
Fortunately for them, it was the planting season for maize
and millet, and there was sufficient seed left.
The only people who gained by the war were the Fingos.
From being outcasts, they had become possessed of land and
cattle, and were now an organised community in a fair way
towards prosperity. As they had lost their principal chiefs,
they could be brought under European influence more easily
than the Xosas, and as their existence depended upon the
support of the colonial government, it was tolerably certain
that they would do nothing to annoy the settlers in Albany.
It must be observed that with their occupation of the terri-
tory along the left bank of the Fish river near the sea, the
Bantu race had taken another step in that southward march
which had been going on steadily for centuries.
CHAPTER XXII.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR—(continued).
ABANDONMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF QUEEN ADELAIDE.
THERE was again peace in the land. The settlement was
not indeed as satisfactory as if the restless Rarabe chiefs
and the most turbulent of their followers had been removed
beyond the Kei, but the colonists recognised that the
governor had made the best arrangements possible with
the limited means at his disposal.
Colonel Smith was left at King-Williamstown with
military control over the province of Queen Adelaide. Sir
Benjamin D'Urban's plans were to encourage the settlement
of Christian missionaries—not political agitators-among the
Kaffirs, to prevent the clans from fighting with each other,
to suppress the cruel practices connected with accusations of
having dealt in witchcraft, to guide and control the chiefs
in the government of their people by stationing respectable
European agents with them, to prohibit the sale of muni-
tions of war and intoxicating liquors while promoting
commerce in useful articles, and generally to embrace every
opportunity to foster a love of industry and order and
an advance towards civilisation by the new subjects of the
British crown.
To carry out these plans several officers of ability and
merit were selected. Mr. Hougham Hudson was appointed
agent-general, in which capacity he was to be the medium
through whom the subordinate agents were to receive
instructions and correspond with the government. He was
stationed at Grahamstown, where he was also to perform
the duty of resident magistrate. Mr. Theophilus Shepstone,
129
I
130
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History of the Cape Colony.
!
who had served as an interpreter during the war, was placed
in his office as a clerk.
As agent with the Gaika, Imidange, and Amambala clans,
Captain Charles Lennox Stretch, previously an officer in the
Cape regiment, was selected. Captain Stretch was fond of
maintaining that coloured people could easily be raised to
the intellectual level of Europeans, and he held some
fanciful theories with regard to miscegenation; but he was
an energetic and kindhearted man, and was possessed with
an ardent desire to be of use in improving the condition of
the Xosas. He was stationed at Fort Cox.
Mr. Richard Southey, one of the most active and intelli-
gent officers of volunteers who had come under the
governor's notice during the war, was placed with the clans
of Tshatshu, Umkayi, and Siwani, the last of whom was
under the guardianship of his mother Nonibe. These clans
occupied the country between the Buffalo and Keiskama
rivers from the Gaika line on the north to the Gunukwebe
line on the south. Mr. Southey was stationed at Fort
Murray.
With the clans under Umhala and Siyolo between the
Nahoon and Kei rivers, Mr. Fleetwood Rawstorne was
appointed agent, and was stationed at Fort Waterloo.
With the Gunukwebes Mr. John Mitford Bowker was
appointed agent, and was stationed at Fort Peddie, as he
was also to be superintendent of the Fingos.
The agents were to act practically as controllers of the
chiefs, though they were to avoid giving offence, and were
to appear as friendly advisers in social and general matters.
They were to take preliminary examinations in cases of
murder, rape, arson, assault, and theft; and if the evidence
was sufficient, were to send persons charged with such
crimes to the military commandant to be tried by court
martial until a simple code of laws could be framed and
sanctioned by the imperial government. A small body of
Kaffir police was enrolled to assist them. To the chiefs was
left power to try petty criminal cases and all civil cases
1835]
131
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
X
whatever, including disputes depending upon their marriage
customs.
A census
was taken, and it was ascertained that the
Xosas west of the Kei numbered in all seventy-two thousand
seven hundred souls. Of these, seven thousand five hundred
were Gunukwebes, nearly a thousand were Tindes, and nine
thousand two hundred were under descendants of Ndlambe.
With the Fingos, the total number of Bantu between the
Fish river and the Kei south of the Amatola range was thus
ninety thousand five hundred.
As soon as order was restored, the missionaries returned
and resumed their work. The Tyumie, Burnshill, and Pirie
stations were reoccupied by the reverend William Chalmers,
James Laing, and John Ross, with Messrs. James Weir and
Alexander M'Diarmid as assistants at the first two places.
Mr. John Bennie re-established the Lovedale station, but as
the buildings at the Ncera had been destroyed, he chose a
new and much better site, near the junction of the Gaga and
Tyumie rivers. These four stations were in the district
assigned to the Gaika clans, and were maintained by the
Glasgow society, Lovedale, Burnshill, and Pirie being named
in honour of Dr. Love, the reverend John Burns, and the
reverend Alexander Pirie, who were among the founders
of that association. The reverend Frederick Kayser, of the
London society, also returned to Knappshope, on the
Keiskama, and within the Gaika district.
The reverend John Brownlee, of the London society, the
first missionary in the country, resumed his work with
Tshatshu's clan. The reverend William Shepstone reoccupied
Wesleyville, the reverend William Boyce reoccupied
Mount Coke, and the reverend John Ayliff continued at
Fort Peddie. The last three were agents of the Wesleyan
society.
The governor was desirous that missionaries should
return to the stations beyond the Kei as soon as possible,
and with a view of trying to effect a reconciliation of the
tribes there, who were quarrelling with each other, Captain
132
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History of the Cape Colony.
P. Delancey, of the 75th regiment, was directed to visit
the different chiefs. On the 23rd of January 1836 with
an escort of a hundred and ten men he left Fort Warden,
of which post he was in command, and proceeded on the
journey. He visited in succession Kreli, Vadana, and Faku,
and obtained their promises to keep peace with each other
and with the colony. Three of Ncapayi's councillors also
met him, and in the name of their chief made a similar
promise. The reverend Samuel Palmer accompanied the
party, and Messrs. William Fynn and Aaron Aldum went
with it as interpreters. On the 17th of February Captain
Delancey reported himself at headquarters in King-Williams-
town, without the least accident having occurred during the
journey. Immediately after this the stations of Butter-
worth, Morley, Clarkebury, and Buntingville were reoccupied
by the Wesleyan missionaries.
By the extension of the British dominions to the Kei
from its source in the Stormberg to the sea the country
occupied by the emigrant Tembus was taken in, though
those people had never been declared enemies. The constant
strife that prevailed among them and the losses which the
inhabitants of the Tarka sustained from their predatory
habits, however, made it advisable to bring them under
control. To obtain the consent of their principal chief to
the act of annexation, Colonel Smith proceeded to the
Moravian station Shiloh on the Klipplaats river, and there
on the 23rd of October 1835 had an interview with Mapasa.
The chief offered no objection to the arrangements that had
been made. He engaged to obey the orders of government
officers, to assist in preventing his people from plundering
the colonists, to restore stolen cattle found in his kraals, and
to have nothing to do with the late enemies of the colony.
He was then formally taken under British protection.
Beyond the north-eastern border of the colony there was
a tract of land partly occupied by farmers, but of which the
larger portion was uninhabited except when cattle were
driven from Somerset to graze there, or Bushmen from the
1835]
133
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
neighbouring mountains roamed into it in pursuit of game,
or the followers of a roving Basuto chief named Moyakisani
who was called by the Europeans Kaptyn or Captain April
—made a temporary abode in it for the same purpose.
To
bring the wanderers there under the colonial laws, on the
14th of October 1835 Sir Benjamin D'Urban issued a pro-
clamation from Grahamstown, declaring the north-eastern
boundary of the colony to be a line from the source of the
Kei in the Stormberg to the source of the Kraai on the
northern side of the same range, thence along the left bank
of the Kraai to the Orange, and thence the Orange to the
junction of the Stormberg spruit.
Mr. James O'Reilly, special justice of the peace at Cradock,
was sent to obtain Moyakisani's consent, and found him
hunting on the banks of the Kraai. On the 26th of December
1835 an agreement was made, by which he and his people
were taken under British protection. But he did not com-
prehend what he was doing. He subsequently became a
subject of Moshesh, though as he was a son of Motlomi he
was of much higher hereditary rank than his new head. He
then went to live at the Koesberg, and in the course of a
few years the circumstance of his having once consented to
become a British subject was forgotten by all parties to the
arrangement.
In the Galeka country shortly after the war disease broke
out among the horned cattle, and many thousands died.
The chief Kreli was really desirous of effecting a settlement
with the colonial authorities, but was reluctant to part with
as many oxen as were due according to the terms of peace.
He sent in rather more than three thousand head, which for
one in his position and with his views must be regarded as
exceedingly creditable. An intimation was then made to him
that the governor might accept land in payment of the
balance, and accordingly he and Buku sent five of their
councillors to King-Williamstown, where on the 11th of
December an arrangement was concluded with Colonel Smith.
The councillors on behalf of the chiefs ceded to the British
134
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
government the land five miles on each side of the high road
from the Kei drift past Butterworth to the Gona river, with
a radius of fifteen miles round the Butterworth station, and
thence the right of way to the lower ford of the Bashee in
one direction and to Clarkebury in the other. In return the
balance of the debt was remitted. This agreement was con-
firmed by Sir Benjamin D'Urban, and thus a matter that
might have led to much irritation was removed.
The Gaikas meantime petitioned for an extension of their
land, and all that was not vacant west of Tshatshu's location
between the Buffalo and the Keiskama was assigned to them.
The whole of the Rarabe country east of the line of 1819
was thus given to the Kaffirs, with the exception of small
reserves around the military stations and the narrow belt
between the Buffalo and Nahoon rivers. On the reserves
the governor intended to allow traders to establish them-
selves, and to locate parties of Fingos. Along the eastern
bank of the Buffalo, as far as the Nahoon, he thought of
placing a compact body of white settlers. They would not
be more exposed in that position than on the right bank of
the Fish river, and they would be protected by a line of
forts extending from the sea to King-Williamstown.
this manner the Rarabe country would be divided into two
sections. No steps were taken to carry this plan into effect,
however, until the approval of the secretary of state should
be obtained.
In
It was regarded as certain that the mouth of the Buffalo
river could be used by shipping, though as yet no proper
survey had been made. A little later the commissariat
department chartered the brig Knysna, and on the 19th
of November 1836 she arrived there with a cargo of grain.
Her master, the same Captain John Findlay who has been
mentioned in connection with Lord Charles Somerset's
matters, did not think it prudent to attempt to cross the
bar, so the grain was sent in with boats. The brig lay at
anchor off the mouth of the river until the 31st of January
1837. She was built by Mr. George Rex on the bank of the
1835]
135
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Knysna river a short distance below the ford.* The owner's
son, Mr. John Rex, brought in her a quantity of merchan-
dise, which he disposed of to traders, taking hides in
exchange. The whole cargo was landed and the hides
were taken on board without the slightest mishap. Colonel
Smith by this time was replaced by Captain Stockenstrom,
who was so pleased with the success of the experiment
that he named the mouth of the river Port Rex, in honour
of the owner of the vessel. The name, however, did not
come into general use, and as no ships touched there during
the next ten years it dropped out of remembrance.
'
As soon as the arrangements for the province of Queen
Adelaide, were in a
fair way towards completion, the
governor left the frontier, and reached Capetown on the
30th of December 1835, after an absence of nearly a
twelvemonth. Never since the days of Father Tulbagh had
a South African ruler been as popular as Sir Benjamin
D'Urban at this time. His ability, straightforwardness, and
warm sympathy with the distressed caused him to be
esteemed and beloved. Respectful addresses poured in from
all parts of the colony, and at every stage on his return
journey to Capetown the people did their utmost to testify
their affection and loyalty. Nor was this confined to the
farmers and the townspeople. The Moravian, Wesleyan, and
Scotch missionaries were equally forward in commending his
conduct, and the two missionaries of the London society
who were living with the Kaffirs fully approved of the
settlement he had made.
1
Yet neither the colonists nor the missionaries anticipated
that cattle stealing would be entirely prevented by that
settlement. Every frontiersman knew that no system which
could be devised would have such an effect, because theft
was not regarded by a Kaffir as a moral offence, and when
cleverly performed brought a man credit-not disgrace-in
1
* She was built of stinkwood, which proved exceedingly durable though
somewhat heavy. For many years after this date the Knysna was employed
as a collier on the English coast.
་་
136
[1835
History of the Cape Colony.
the eyes of his companions. But the opinion was general
in the eastern districts that cattle lifting would be greatly
checked by the constant watch that could now be kept
upon the principal kraals, and by the certainty that
detected thieves would be punished.
Nor did anyone suppose that the Kaffirs would willingly
submit to be ruled by European officials. That the chiefs
would chafe under restraint was regarded as certain, and
that the whole body of the people would object to witch-
craft being ignored was fully realised by all who were
acquainted with Kaffir thought. They could not in reason
be supposed to appreciate a system which in their inmost
hearts they believed was giving them over to death and
destruction by powers of evil. But under a strong
European government it might be expected that the chiefs
would gradually lose influence, that the people under kind
and judicious treatment would come to see the advantage
of the colonial laws, and that the missionaries would have
vastly increased opportunities for weakening the force of
superstition.
There was, however, a party in Capetown that entirely
disapproved of the governor's policy. It was composed of
only a few individuals, but it had powerful support from
abroad, and its leaders were men of such ability and energy
as the reverend Dr. Philip, superintendent of the London
society's missions, and Mr. John Fairbairn, editor of the
Commercial Advertiser. The members of this party desired
the formation of states ruled by Bantu chiefs under the
guidance of missionaries of their own views, and from which
Europeans not favoured by missionaries should be excluded.
They maintained the theory that the Kaffirs were an
eminently docile and peaceably disposed people, who must
therefore have been provoked to take up arms by great
wrongs and cruelties. In the opinion of this party, the war
had been unnecessarily protracted, and had been conducted
by the Europeans in a barbarous manner. By its leaders
the sufferings of the colonists were either ignored or
1835]
137
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
represented as very trivial, while the utmost fear was
expressed that the Bantu tribes would perish if exposed to
free intercourse with white people.
Time has shown how groundless were such fears, but in
1835 that could not be seen as clearly as it can be to-day.
Men were then as it were groping in the dark towards a
solution of the difficult question how to protect the colonists
without disturbing the rights of the Kaffirs, and the views
set forth in the Commercial Advertiser could be legitimately
held without anyone having just cause of complaint.
was the manner in which those views were forwarded by
some members of the party, and the distorted charges
against the colonists made in support of them, that excited
anger from one end of the country to the other.
It
As the readiest means of opposing the governor, Dr.
Philip visited England, taking with him two men named
Jan Tshatshu and Andries Stoffels. The first-a son of the
captain of the Tinde clan-had been educated at Bethelsdorp
and was
a professed Christian, the last was a Kat river
resident of mixed Xosa and Hottentot blood, a clever
individual, who had been strongly suspected of treasonable
intentions during the war. A committee of the house of
commons was at the time taking evidence upon the con-
dition of the aborigines of British settlements. Of this
committee Mr. Fowell Buxton was chairman, and it is not
doing him injustice to say that he was trying less to
discover the simple truth than to prove the correctness of
statements which he had advanced. This is apparent from
the wording of his questions to the witnesses. As he was
in full accord with Dr. Philip, the evidence of the latter
was received at great length, and was allowed to outweigh
that of officers of experience in South African affairs, though
it consisted chiefly of opinion and copies of documents, of
which-to use the words of a committee of colonists who
subsequently caused the original papers to be carefully
examined—“ only the sentences consonant to his own views
were given, while all that was calculated to qualify those
;
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History of the Cape Colony.
sentences was omitted, without the customary marks of
excision."
Jan Tshatshu, whose father's clan was composed of less
than a thousand individuals of both sexes and all ages,
was represented as a powerful chief, who could bring two
thousand warriors into the field. He and Andries Stoffels
were examined by the committee, and spoke in accordance
with their training. Dr. Philip then went on a tour through
England with these men, everywhere attracting crowds of
people to see and hear the converts from heathenism, and
enlisting supporters for his cause. In stirring addresses, in
which the most sublime truths were mixed with fantastic
theories, he appealed to those feelings of English men and
women which are most easily worked upon. His eloquence
was amply rewarded. His tour was described by his
admirers as a triumphal procession, in which such incidents
were not omitted as Tshatshu and Stoffels taking ladies of
rank to the dinner tables of houses where they were guests,
and the enthusiastic cheers with which they were greeted
on appearing before public assemblies. The cost to the two
Africans seems never to have been thought of. Stoffels
speedily contracted consumption, and died at Capetown on
his way back to his home. Tshatshu became so conceited
and so fond of wine that he was utterly ruined, and we shall
meet him hereafter expelled from church membership and
fighting against the white man.
Before the committee of the house of commons appeared
another witness, whose evidence shocked as much as it
surprised the colonists. This was Captain Andries Stocken-
strom, lately commissioner-general of the eastern province,
then a pensioner living in Europe. Though so self-willed
and crotchety that his fellow officials of equal rank found
it very difficult to work in harmony with him, he was
unquestionably an able man. He could form large concep-
tions of useful projects, he was unremitting in industry, and
undaunted in presence of danger. If it were possible to
cut out of his life that portion commencing with the day
1835]
139
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
on which he first appeared before the committee of the
commons and ending with the day on which he became a
baronet, his claim to be regarded as one of the worthiest of
South African colonists would be disputed by no one. Both
before and after that period he served his country well and
faithfully. But during that time a shadow rests upon
him, which neither he himself nor any of those who have
attempted to give a favourable colour to his conduct has
ever been able to remove.
The evidence that he gave was at variance not only with
his own previous acts, but with his official reports and
correspondence. This is incontrovertible, as has been shown
by the publication of both in parallel columns. A man may
change his opinions without any one having a right to
blame him, but the case is different when he opposes his
own statements of occurrences that came under his personal
observation. This is
is the position in
in which Captain
Stockenstrom placed himself.
Various causes have been assigned for his acting as he
did, but perhaps none of them was correct. There was
first ambition. The temptation before him was great, so
great that he would hardly have been human if it had not
presented itself forcibly to his mind. He had only to say
what would please the party in power in England, and
there was no position lower than that of governor in the
colony to which he might not aspire. That
That Captain
Stockenstrom knew this there cannot be a doubt.
Secondly there was strong pique. His mind was warped
by jealousy of Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset, commandant
of the eastern frontier. Full of confidence in his own
opinions, impatient of control or suggestion, and resentful
of interference with his authority, as commissioner-general
he had found himself on many occasions ignored by the
governor and at all times practically destitute of power.
He had seen Colonel Somerset acting under orders from
Capetown without even consulting him. Meekness was no
part of his character, and he brooded over such slights and
'
140
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History of the Cape Colony.
his own disadvantages when opposed to a man with powerful
family influence, until-as he himself said with regard to a
fancied wrong done him by another member of the Beaufort
family-"his blood was distilled into bile." For many
years Colonel Somerset had been the chief executive officer
on the eastern frontier, and now there was an opportunity
of denouncing as unjust and oppressive all that he had done.
Thirdly there was self-delusion. It was as certain as
anything human could be that great changes were about
to be made in the relationship between the Europeans and
Bantu in South Africa, and as someone would be found to
carry them out, why should not he endeavour to be that
one, he who would deal more tenderly with his countrymen
than a stranger would?
These influences cannot be ignored, but it would not be
right-without other ground than the accusations of his
opponents to state that one or all of them caused Captain
Stockenstrom to turn round upon his past career.
Before the committee of the commons he gave an account
of the death of Sigcawu in 1830, in which the colonial force
was represented as a band of robbers and murderers. This
statement created intense indignation in South Africa,
because it was regarded as certain that Captain Stockenstrom
knew it to be untrue. Owing to his jealousy of Colonel
Somerset, shortly after the occurrence he had reported to
the proper authorities certain idle tales of some Hottentots
regarding it, when the matter was inquired into, and so
flimsy were the stories found to be that it was a matter of
general wonder how a man who had long acted as landdrost
of Graaff-Reinet with the strictest justice and impartiality
could have been deceived by them. As soon as possible
complete rebutting testimony was forwarded to England,
and was delivered to the committee of the commons by
Colonel Wade on the 25th of March 1836, but it was then
too late to be of use except for historical purposes. Captain
Stockenstrom declared in his evidence-19th of August
1835-that he believed there were civilised nations in which
1835]
141
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
the proportion of thieves was greater than among the Kaffirs.
He spoke repeatedly of Kaffirs who owned no allegiance to
any chief, which could only have been a supposition, for
there were then no such people in existence. He was of
opinion that arrangements could be made with the chiefs by
which robbery could be suppressed, and declared himself in
favour of entering into treaties with them.
Some of his evidence is capable of being construed to
mean that only a small minority of the colonists acted
towards the Kaffirs in defiance of justice and humanity,
while the great majority were honest and upright. His
apologists have always endeavoured to show that this was
its true import. But this was certainly not the impression
which in its entirety it made upon the people and the press
of England, for there it was regarded as condemning the
colonists in general as guilty of most atrocious deeds.
No evidence could have been more gratifying to Mr.
Buxton or to Lord Glenelg, who had then the fortunes of
South Africa in his keeping. Of late there had been frequent.
ministerial changes in England. In July 1834 Viscount
Melbourne succeeded Earl Grey as premier, and in his
cabinet Mr. J. Spring Rice had charge of the colonial
department. Five months later, in December of the same
year, Sir Robert Peel became premier, and the earl of
Aberdeen succeeded Mr. Rice. This ministry held office
only four months. In April 1835 it was overthrown, when
Viscount Melville returned to power, and Mr. Charles Grant
-shortly afterwards raised to the peerage with the title of
Lord Glenelg-became secretary of state for the colonies.
The new secretary was a distinguished member of the
so-called philanthropic party, a man of the best intentions,.
but sadly ignorant of the habits and character of barbarians.
He was born in Bengal in 1778, but left India at an early
age, and by his talents created for himself a name in Eng-
land. He first held cabinet rank in 1827, when he entered
Mr. Canning's ministry as president of the board of trade
and treasurer of the navy. Still his abilities were not of
142
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History of the Cape Colony.
the highest order. With regard to South Africa he made
greater blunders than any of his predecessors or successors
in office, but his position was not affected by them. When,
however, a few years later he committed errors with other
and more highly valued colonies, his colleagues in the
ministry, Lord John Russell and Lord Howick, urged upon
the premier that his incompetency made his dismissal
necessary, and threatened to resign if he remained in office.
Under this pressure Lord Melbourne gave way, but to save
appearances, on the 8th of February 1839 Lord Glenelg
retired.
This was the minister with whom rested the decision
whether Sir Benjamin D'Urban's plans should be carried
out or not. He professed to study the question, but as he
did not enter upon research with an unbiased mind, and as
his sympathies were all on one side, he accepted only the
evidence which accorded with his own views. Taking for
granted that the Xosas would not have made war without
sufficient reason, he complained that the governor had not
furnished him with a "clear and comprehensive explanation
of the causes which provoked the irruption of the Kaffirs
into the colony." He found fault also with the language in
which the governor described the Kaffirs, particularly with
the expression "irreclaimable savages," which he observed
he had read with pain that it would be difficult to describe.
The conclusions which he arrived at were contained in a
long despatch, dated 26th of December 1835, of which the
following extracts are the pith: "In the conduct which
was pursued towards the Kaffir nation by the colonists and
the public authorities of the colony through a long series of
years, the Kaffirs had an ample justification of the war into
which they rushed with such fatal imprudence at the close
of the last year." "Urged to revenge and desperation
by the systematic injustice of which they had been the
victims, I am compelled to embrace, however reluctantly,
the conclusion that they had a perfect right to hazard the
experiment, however hopeless, of extorting by force that
1835]
143
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
redress which they could not expect otherwise to obtain."
“The claim of sovereignty over the new province
bounded by the Keiskama and the Kei must be renounced.
It rests upon a conquest resulting from a war in which, as
far as I am at present enabled to judge, the original justice
is on the side of the conquered, not of the victorious party."
The same despatch announced that a lieutenant-governor
would be immediately appointed for the eastern districts,
and that to him would be confided the administration of
affairs within the boundaries of his command. An outline
of the policy to be adopted towards the Kaffirs by the
lieutenant-governor was given. Treaties were to be made
with the chiefs, who alone were to be looked to for restitu-
tion in cases of theft, as communal responsibility was not to
be enforced. No Europeans except Christian teachers were
to be allowed to settle east of the Fish river. Fairs for the
interchange of commodities were to be established at con-
venient places on the frontier. And to prevent injury to
the person or property of a Kaffir, the secretary of state
intended to submit to the imperial parliament the draft of
an act to enable courts of justice to take cognisance of
offences committed by British subjects beyond the border
of the colony.
The secretary indeed concluded by an intimation to the
governor that final instructions concerning the policy to be
pursued towards the Kaffirs would be withheld until his
reply should be received, but as the tenor of the despatch
was known to members of Dr. Philip's party in South
Africa even before the document itself reached the country,
and as it was published in England shortly after it was
written, a continuation of the system of border management
introduced by Sir Benjamin D'Urban became nearly impos-
sible. It could not be successfully carried on when every-
one knew it was about to be reversed. Practically, from the
day the chiefs became acquainted with the fact that the
king's adviser in colonial matters was taking part with
them, order could not be maintained. The governor's
144
History of the Cape Colony.
[1836
>
opponents now pointed to the condition of the frontier,
especially to the renewal of cattle thefts, which they
attributed as unjustly as ungenerously to the inherent
weakness of Sir Benjamin D'Urban's settlement.
Lord Glenelg's despatch spread consternation widely
over South Africa. Outside of Dr. Philip's little party in
Capetown there was but one opinion: that it destroyed
all hope of the enforcement of order, and placed life and
whatever property was left in the eastern districts at the
mercy of the Kaffirs. A little later tidings were brought
that Captain Andries Stockenstrom had been appointed
lieutenant-governor, and might shortly be expected. The
Dutch colonists along the frontier who still possessed the
means of moving then made up their minds to abandon the
colony and to seek a new home somewhere in the vast
wilderness unpeopled by the wars of Tshaka.
On the 4th of July 1836 Captain Stockenstrom reached
Table Bay in the ship Lord William Bentinck. On the
passage from England small-pox had broken out, and
though there were then no cases of sickness on board, it
was necessary for the passengers to be placed in quarantine.
From this they were released after a detention of three
weeks, and on the 25th of July Captain Stockenstrom took
the oaths of office as lieutenant-governor of the eastern
districts, which under his commission comprised Uitenhage,
Albany, Graaff-Reinet, and Somerset. He had been directed
to make Grahamstown his headquarters, and he was to receive
a salary of £1,000 a year with a free residence.
Sir Benjamin D'Urban received the lieutenant-governor
with every mark of honour, though he felt very keenly the
position to which he was reduced. In a confidential com-
munication to the earl of Aberdeen, he had recommended
that the seat of government should be removed from Cape-
town to Uitenhage, in order to bring it near the Kaffir
border, and had expressed an opinion that the appointment
of a lieutenant-governor would not only be attended with
considerable expense, but might cause collision with the
1836]
145
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
chief authority, or that the co-operation between them might
not always be efficient, in either of which cases the public
interests would suffer. Not satisfied with rejecting this
advice, Lord Glenelg published the governor's despatch to his
predecessor, with the express object of showing that it had
been considered and overruled.
To this time Sir Benjamin D'Urban had faintly hoped that
upon further reflection the secretary of state might change
his views. He had forwarded to England a great number of
documents showing how his system was working, but had
found it impossible to get all the papers copied which had
reference to intercourse between colonists and Kaffirs before
the war.
Lieutenant Donald Moodie, who held an office as
protector of slaves to the 30th of November 1834, and who
was fond of research, was instructed to collect and arrange
the records of the country districts regarding the treatment
of tribes beyond the boundaries of the colony by the govern-
ment, the local officials, and the colonists, as well as the
treatment of the latter by those tribes. As soon as he
entered upon the task it was found that the quantity of
papers was enormous, and that the extracts made by Dr.
Philip from some of them conveyed altogether erroneous
impressions. The governor, therefore, instructed him to
proceed as rapidly as he could, allowed him to continue
drawing a salary of £400 as protector of slaves, and directed
a clerk to assist him. This was the state of the matter when
Captain Stockenstrom arrived. Sir Benjamin D'Urban had
written a despatch intended to cover the documents called
for by the secretary of state, and was waiting for copies of
the papers required.
Captain Stockenstrom informed the governor that to the
date of his leaving England the opinions of Lord Glenelg
were the same as when the despatch of December 1835 was
written. Still as the final instructions for the abandonment
had not been received, it was arranged that matters should
continue as they were for a time. One change, however, was
regarded as necessary by the governor. Captain Stockenstrom's
K
146
[1836
History of the Cape Colony.
title was a military one, though he had only served a short
time as an ensign in the Cape corps. It was permissible for
officers to be promoted when engaged in civil duties and in
receipt of half pay, and in this manner he became a titular
captain. Among the Kaffirs justice was administered by
Colonel Smith under martial law, but as he was to be super-
seded by Captain Stockenstrom, who would not be regarded
as their military superior by officers in the army, on the
18th of August-the day after the lieutenant-governor left
Capetown on his way to the eastern districts-Sir Benjamin
D'Urban issued a proclamation abolishing martial law in the
province of Queen Adelaide.
This proceeding irritated Captain Stockenstrom exceedingly.
He professed to regard it as the subversion of the existing
system by Sir Benjamin D'Urban himself, because, as he
said, the colonial laws were not adapted to the requirements
of the Kaffirs, and he would be amenable to the supreme
court if he inflicted punishment under any other. But the
same difficulty has been overcome in more recent times, and
could have been then, if there had been the will to do it.
The proceedings of a legislative council constituted as that
of the Cape Colony in 1836 cannot always be regarded as
indicating the real views of the members, but when opinions
are expressed in direct opposition to those of the secretary
of state it is pretty certain that they are genuine. On the
24th of August the members present, official and unofficial,—
Pieter Gerhard Brink, John Bell, Jan Godlieb Brink, Anthony
Oliphant, Henry Cloete, John Bardwell Ebden, Charles Stuart
Pillans, and Hamilton Ross,-unanimously passed a series of
resolutions, and signed them for entry in the minutes of
proceedings.
These resolutions were that they deemed it due to the
governor to record their unqualified approval of all those
measures which were adopted and carried into effect in
repelling the late Kaffir invasion; that the arrangements
entered into between the governor and the Kaffir chiefs on
the 6th and 17th of September 1835 appeared to be best
1836]
147
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
calculated to ensure the tranquillity of the eastern frontier
of the colony, to raise the Kaffir tribes in the scale of civilisa-
tion, and to fit them for the blessings and advantages of
Christianity; that the measures subsequently adopted by his
Excellency in carrying the humane principles of those
arrangements into effect had eminently conduced to the
unprecedented tranquillity which then existed throughout the
eastern districts of the colony; and that those measures had
only to be followed up consistently to ensure both to the
eastern colonists and the Kaffir tribes a degree of prosperity
and happiness which otherwise would be unattainable by
either.
On the 3rd of September the lieutenant-governor reached
Grahamstown. An address was ready to be presented to
him, signed by four hundred and twelve British settlers,
expressing their loyalty to the crown, their attachment to
law and order, and their confidence that the establishment
of an officer on the frontier with extensive executive power
would be of great advantage to the colony; but calling in
question the evidence he had given before the committee of
the house of commons. This address he refused to receive.
On the 6th a mass meeting was held in the commercial hall,
at which men from all parts of the district were present,
when four resolutions were passed unanimously, challenging
proof of his assertions before the commons committee that
atrocities had been perpetrated upon the Kaffirs by the
colonists. So inauspiciously commenced Captain Stockenstrom's
term of office as lieutenant-governor.
The colonists were in no humour to let the statements
against them remain uncontradicted.
Numerous largely-
signed petitions were sent to England, praying that an
impartial commission of inquiry might be sent out to
investigate the charges made by Dr. Philip and Captain
Stockenstrom, but Lord Glenelg refused to grant the request.
Indeed, so closely did the secretary of state ally himself with
the accusers of the white people that at this very time he
introduced into the imperial parliament the act commonly
148
[1836
History of the Cape Colony.
known as the Cape of Good Hope punishment bill, the
preamble of which reads that "the inhabitants of the
territories adjacent to the colony of the Cape of Good Hope,
to the southward of the twenty-fifth degree of south latitude,
being in an uncivilised state, offences against the persons and
property of such inhabitants and others are frequently
committed by his Majesty's subjects within such territories
with impunity."
A people thus dealt with, in whose veins flowed the free
and proud blood of England and of Holland, could not
submit patiently. The Dutch farmers were abandoning the
land of their birth, and in great caravans were moving away
in search of a new home. The English settlers were still
attempting to prove to their countrymen in Britain that
when they crossed the sea they had not left their honour
and humanity behind. They solicited the governor to
publish the official records arranged by Lieutenant Moodie,
and offered a guarantee that the expense would be made.
good in case the secretary of state should decline to sanction
it. This could not be done, but Lieutenant Moodie was
directed to continue his researches, and a couple of years
later a good many of the documents were published by
subscription. In their unmutilated state they expose in a
very forcible manner the calumnies against the colonists.
On the 13th of September 1836 the lieutenant-governor
attended a meeting of the Kaffir chiefs and their principal
men at King-Williamstown. The chiefs had been called
together to be officially introduced to him and to hear
Colonel Smith's farewell remarks. There was a large gather-
ing of people, and all expressed regret at parting with the
able officer who had governed them kindly and justly for
nearly a year. The expression, however, was a mere matter
of form, for Makoma complained that the power of the
chiefs was being taken away, and it was evident that the
sympathy of every black man present was with him. On
being desired to make their wishes known, Makoma asked
for the country he had once occupied west of the Tyumie
1836]
149
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
and Tyali requested that punishment for dealing in witch-
craft should be restored. At the time nothing else seemed
to occur to them, but a day or two later the chiefs urged
that the military posts in the province should be withdrawn.
The lieutenant-governor then resolved to abandon the forts
Warden, Wellington, Beresford, and Murray at once, and
Waterloo after a short delay. Orders to this effect were
issued by him, and were promptly carried out. Some of the
Hottentot levies that had assisted to garrison these posts
were disbanded, the others with the European soldiers and
the Cape mounted rifles were sent to strengthen the forts
along the Fish and Kat rivers, which in October were made
the principal line of defence. Whether the province was
retained or abandoned, the lieutenant-governor stated it as
his opinion that in case of a disturbance of the peace such
a line would be better than scattered posts among the
Kaffirs.
Captain Stockenstrom next proceeded to Shiloh, and ascer-
tained the wishes of the emigrant Tembu chief Mapasa. His
wants were few and simple: to be left to govern his people
as he chose and to be protected by the Europeans against
his enemies.
On the 1st of December there was another large meeting
of the chiefs and their principal followers at King-Williams-
town. It had been convened by the lieutenant-governor for
the purpose of arranging for the withdrawal of the British
flag from the province. The greatest apparent difficulty in
the way was the position of the so-called British allies, by
which term was meant the individuals who professed either
to have been neutral or to have taken part with the
Europeans in the recent war. Every one knew that it
was not from attachment to white people that they had so
acted, but from clannish feuds and jealousies; and it was
certain that the followers of some of them had taken part
in plundering the colony. Still they professed to be attached
to the English government, and it was necessary therefore to
do something to prevent them from being despoiled as soon
150
[1836
History of the Cape Colony.
son
as the troops retired. They were Sutu with her
Sandile, Nonibe with her son Siwani, and Umkayi, Pato,
Kama, Kobe, Tshatshu, Matwa, and Tente, with their
retainers.
The lieutenant-governor advised them to become reconciled
with their rivals and opponents, and by informing Makoma
and Tyali that he could not withdraw the troops until there
was general concord, he brought those chiefs to profess
friendship towards all. During three successive days they
discussed their differences, and then they appeared before
Captain Stockenstrom and informed him that they were on
the best of terms with each other. This declaration enabled
him to act. On the 5th he issued a proclamation, renouncing
British dominion over the territory, releasing the people from
their allegiance, and repealing Sir Benjamin D'Urban's pro-
clamations of the 10th of May, 16th of June, and 14th of
October 1835. A little later, by direction of the secretary
of state the land ceded by Kreli beyond the Kei was
restored to that chief, and he was released from the
obligations contracted by his father and himself.
On the 5th of December 1836 treaties were concluded
between the lieutenant-governor on behalf of the king on the
one part, and on the other (1) Makoma, Tyali, Botumane,
Eno, and Sutu for herself and her son Sandile, (2) Umhala,
Umkayi, Gasela, Siyolo, and Nonibe for herself and her son
Siwani, and (3) Pato, Kama, and Kobe. The boundary
between the colony and the Kaffir territory was therein
declared to be that agreed upon by Lord Charles Somerset
and Gaika in 1819, that is the Keiskama from the sea up
to its junction with the Tyumie, thence the Tyumie up to
where it touches a ridge of high land connected with the
Katberg, and thence this ridge and the Katberg to the
Winterberg, so as to include within the colony all the
branches of the Kat river, and to include within Kaffirland
all the branches of the Tyumie. The ground in dispute
during the administration of Lieutenant-Colonel Wade was
thus transferred to the Kaffirs. It was partly occupied by
1836]
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Fingos, and in the treaty with the Gaika chiefs it was
stipulated that these Fingos were not to be molested till
their crops were reaped and until that time a garrison
should be kept in Fort Thomson for their protection. They
were then to be removed. With this exception, no rights
whatever were reserved in the territory beyond the boundary
as now defined, and the chiefs and people there were made
absolutely independent of Great Britain.
Between the Fish and Kat rivers on one side and the
Keiskama and Tyumie on the other the land from the Fingo
location around Fort Peddie as far up as Fort Beaufort
was still unoccupied. It had been Sir Benjamin D'Urban's
intention to place a European population upon it, and
Captain Stockenstrom was of opinion that it should be filled
as densely as possible with Hottentots. But Lord Glenelg
decided differently. He issued orders that this land was to
be given to the Kaffirs, and accordingly in the treaties it
was surrendered to them. It was indeed still to be called
British territory, but it was stipulated that the Kaffirs could
not be deprived of it unless they violated the treaties or
made war upon the colony, that they were to have the free
and full exercise of their own laws administered by their
own chiefs, that they could exclude white people from it,
and that the dominion of the king over it should in no
way be exercised, with the exception that the right was
reserved of stationing troops and building forts with lines
of communication within it. No patrolling, however, was to
be allowed, and the troops were not to deviate from the
lines of communication, or in any way to molest, disturb, or
interfere with the inhabitants. The Xosas undertook not to
molest the Fingos around Fort Peddie, but to consider them
under British protection.
The treaties placed the Kaffir chiefs on a perfect political
equality with the king's government. Taking the dividing
line between the two races as the Fish river from the sea
up to the junction of the Kat, thence the Kat river up to a
ridge just below Fort Beaufort, and thence a row of beacons
152
History of the Cape Colony.
[1836
to the watershed between the Kat and Tyumie rivers, so as
to keep the Hottentot settlement within the colony, the
treaties provided that the chiefs should station men of
position along its eastern side, just as the English govern-
ment should establish military posts along its western.
Colonists were to have no more right to cross the boundary
eastward without the consent of the Kaffir chiefs than Kaffirs
to cross it westward without the consent of the colonial
government. White people when in Kaffirland were to be
as fully subject to Kaffir law as Kaffirs when in the colony
were to be subject to colonial law. The European agents
were to be no longer magistrates, but ministers or consuls.
Through them satisfaction for wrongs on either side was to
be obtained. They were to collect proofs of losses caused by
Kaffir thieves, and were to demand compensation from the
chiefs, as well as to watch over the interests of British
subjects who might be permitted by the Kaffirs to enter
their country, and to secure redress for Kaffirs injured by
colonists.
Five days later the lieutenant-governor entered into a
treaty with Umhlambiso and Jokweni, the two most impor-
tant Fingo captains, similar to those entered into with
Makoma and the others; and they became independent
chiefs. Fort Peddie, however, was maintained, and a
garrison was kept there for the protection of the Fingos.
Fort Montgomery Williams was abandoned, as was also
Fort Willshire in March 1837. The weaker Fingo captains,
as well as Tshatshu, Matwa, and Tente, were regarded as
of too little importance to enter into treaties, and it was
understood that they would follow the fate of their stronger
countrymen.
The interpreter who acted for the lieutenant-governor
when concluding these treaties was Mr. Theophilus Shep-
stone, and the former agent-general, Mr. Hougham Hudson,
was present and signed as a witness. This gentleman had
ceased to be resident magistrate of Albany, and had become
secretary to the lieutenant-governor.
1837-1
153
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
On the 18th of January 1837 a treaty of the same import
as those with the Rarabes and Fingos was entered into at
Shiloh by the lieutenant-governor and the emigrant Tembu
chief Mapasa, wherein the Zwart Kei and Klaas Smit's
rivers again became the colonial boundary.
Looking back upon these arrangements, they are seen to
be worthless. They attempted to create an equality between
civilisation and barbarism, between a British magistrate and
a Kaffir captain. As well might such agreements be made
between grown men and little children.
Captain Stockenstrom was instructed to
to submit the
treaties to the governor and council for provisional ratifica-
tion, and then to send them to England for final approval.
These instructions he carried out, though he put the treaties
in force at once, and with the least possible delay withdrew
the troops from what had been the province of Queen
Adelaide. As a matter of form on the 2nd of February
1837 Sir Benjamin D'Urban issued a proclamation from
Capetown repealing and annulling his proclamations of the
10th of May, 16th of June, and 14th of October 1835; and
on the 1st of June he signed the treaties as provisionally
ratified in council. By the secretary of state the proceedings
of the lieutenant-governor were fully approved, as they were
in accordance with his own directions.
As soon as the treaties were concluded, Messrs. Charles
Lennox Stretch and John Mitford Bowker were directed to
act as consular agents with the Gaikas and the Fingos, and
Mr. Stretch was required to move from Fort Cox to Block-
drift on the Tyumie. On the 29th of December 1836 Mr.
William Macdowell Fynn was appointed agent with Kreli,
and Mr. Henry Francis Fynn agent with Mapasa.
CHAPTER XXIII.
SIR BENJAMIN D'URBAN, GOVERNOR-(continued).
THE condition of the eastern districts from the day that
Lord Glenelg's intentions became known was deplorable.
The lieutenant-governor, though he ignored the true cause
and attributed the anarchy that prevailed to ignorance on
the part of the farmers and prejudice against himself, in one
of his despatches described the state of things correctly.
The farmers complain, he wrote, that "strong armed parties
of blacks are wandering over the country, squatting them-
selves on any property they please, plundering with
impunity, and defying all threats, because the aggrieved are
afraid of prosecution in case they resort to violence in
defence of their lives and property." Admitting the truth of
this complaint, he was of opinion that the farmers should
be allowed to expel the intruders by force, and to shoot
marauders who would not retire or surrender.
Sir Benjamin D'Urban attributed the condition of things
to the "new and reckless policy which had sufficed to dispel
the salutary fear of our power with which we had impressed
our enemies, to shake-if not altogether to alienate-the
respect and confidence with which we had been regarded by
our friends, to banish the flower of the frontier farmers,
and to leave those who yet remained in a state of the most
fearful insecurity."
As the only remedy that could be devised under the
circumstances, an ordinance was enacted by the legislative
council "for the more effectual prevention of crimes against
life and property within the colony," and was published on
the 21st of June 1837. It provided that persons committing
154
18:7]
155
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
serious offences or suspected on reasonable grounds of
having done so, and refusing to surrender or offering
resistance, could be killed; that no person should go across
the boundary to recover stolen property, except in accord-
ance with the terms of the treaties, under penalty of a fine
of £50 or imprisonment for a
for a term not exceeding six
months; that no Kaffir, Hottentot, or Bushman-unless a
native of the colony-should be allowed to come within the
border armed; that all justices of the peace, commandants,
fieldcornets, and military officers should disarm such persons,
unless they were in service with colonists, and in case of
resistance could kill or disable them; that any such
foreigners found wandering over the country without passes
might be apprehended by any landholder and taken before
a fieldcornet or magistrate, when if they declined to enter
into service they could be removed beyond the boundary
under penalty of twelve months' imprisonment with hard
labour in case of their return; that if such foreigners refused
to be arrested they could be killed or disabled; that three
or more such armed foreigners entering the colony in a
party should be regarded as enemies, and could be expelled
by force of arms; and that all persons between the ages of
sixteen and sixty could be called upon by any officer of the
law to assist in carrying out these provisions, and should be
obliged to obey under penalty, if neglecting to do so, of
a fine not exceeding £20 or imprisonment not exceeding
three months.
This ordinance had some effect in reducing the evil,
though it left vagrants who were natives of the colony undis-
turbed unless they could be proved guilty of crime. But it
was soon nullified by the lieutenant-governor, who gave
permission to such numbers of Kaffirs to cross the border
and reside within the colony that all distinctions were lost.
Then he began to ignore the evil, and to write that the
border districts were in a condition of unparalleled tran-
quillity. His organ in Capetown-the Commercial Advertiser
-repeated this assertion, and week after week statements
156
[1837
History of the Cape Colony.
appeared in it to the effect that such order had never been
known before.*
During the year 1837, when these assertions were most
pronounced, twenty-four murders were committed, and
the cases of theft reported to the authorities amounted to
three hundred and eighty-four horses and two thousand four
hundred and three head of horned cattle. The number of
unreported thefts cannot be ascertained, but it was certainly
in excess of these figures. The farmers declared that it was
useless to give in accounts of their losses, because under the
treaties redress was not to be had. The lieutenant-governor
also employed a body of Kaffirs under the name of police,
and every sane man knew that detection of robbers was
impossible while they were about. They had been engaged
by Colonel Smith, and were of some service in the province
of Queen Adelaide, where the question was between Kaffir
and Kaffir; but in the colony, where the question was
between white men and Kaffirs, no greater obstruction to the
course of justice could have been devised.
The Fingos were nominally under British protection, and
they were now made to experience what that implied
under the Glenelg-Stockenstrom administration. Those of
them living along the Gaga were attacked by Matwa, and
driven away. The lieutenant-governor then gave them a
location of ample size at Zitzikama, two hundred miles within
the colony. There, however, they became greatly impoverished,
so that ultimately most of those who did not take service
with farmers joined their friends in the neighbourhood of
Fort Peddie.
* The Commercial Advertiser was in all respects except its views on the
native question a paper that would have reflected credit on any community,
and therefore it carried greater weight in England than a less ably conducted
sheet would have done. Its editor, Mr. John Fairbairn, was a son-in-law of
the reverend Dr. Philip, who was believed to be the guide of its policy in
frontier affairs. It, like Dr. Philip's work Researches in South Africa, was
so offensive to the British settlers of 1820 that a copy was very rarely seen
in Albany. The Grahamstown Journal, edited by Mr. Robert Godlonton,
was the favourite newspaper of the settlers. It was practical, and its
information on border questions could be thoroughly relied upon.
1837]
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
On the 2nd of August 1837 a large party of armed Kaffirs
of the clans of Eno and Siyolo, under Siyolo in person,
attacked the Fingo location around Fort Peddie, killed ten
Fingos, wounded eleven others, and drove off five hundred
head of cattle. The matter was aggravated by the fact that
as soon as the entrance of the Kaffirs into the location was
known, Mr. J. M. Bowker, his interpreter George Cyrus, and
Corporal John Porter, with a small military escort, hastened
to the spot. In defiance of Mr. Bowker's remonstrances, the
attack was continued. Corporal Porter was killed. The
Fingo captain Umhlambiso was badly wounded at the agent's
side, and would have lost his life if George Cyrus had not
helped him upon a horse, which enabled him to escape. The
whole of the Fingos were obliged to take shelter under the
walls of the fort.
The lieutenant-governor investigated the matter, and at
first tried to blame the Fingos for having provoked the
attack. But the Wesleyan missionaries challenged the
slightest proof of the Fingos having been at fault, and
Captain Stockenstrom found it impossible to maintain his
charges against them. He then acquitted Eno, chiefly on
the evidence of that captain's son Stokwe, "a prince of
savages," as he said, "who had been for three days on the
most intimate terms in his house;" and demanded from the
Kaffir chiefs redress for Siyolo's conduct. After some delay
seventy-four head of the most wretched cattle in the country
were sent to Fort Peddie, with which compensation he
declared himself satisfied. Throughout Kaffirland there was
nothing but merriment over this result of the fray, and even
from the distant station of Buntingville in Pondoland the
missionary wrote that the lieutenant-governor's conduct was
the subject of ridicule.
The emigrant Tembus were not behind the Rarabes
in setting so weak an administration at defiance. They
plundered the district of Somerset almost with impunity,
and on the 29th of July 1837 a large armed body of them
pursued some Hottentots far into the colony. On this
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History of the Cape Colony.
occasion, however, Colonel England by judicious management
induced them to return across the Zwart Kei without doing
further injury.
A regiment of infantry had been withdrawn from the
frontier, but the Cape mounted rifles were raised to four
hundred and sixty-two rank and file, and three hundred
Hottentot footmen were attached to the corps. Military
patrols were constantly marching up and down, but were
unable to suppress or even to check the incessant depreda-
tions of the Kaffirs.
Much additional alarm was created by an abortive attempt.
of the lieutenant-governor to locate parties of Hottentots of
the vagrant class along the Fish river. He announced that
the settlements were intended for protective as well as phil-
anthropic purposes, and to the secretary of state he wrote
that when they were formed the troops on the frontier could
be greatly reduced. His plan was to supply the Hotten-
tots with rations for the men and women, arms for the men,
and tracts of ground where they might congregate. To each
family thirty goats were given at the expense of benevolent
people in England, to enable them to commence stock-
breeding.
On no other subject did Captain Stockenstrom's des-
patches contain so many cutting
so many cutting remarks concerning Sir
Benjamin D'Urban, though his correspondence at this time
was very largely composed of taunts of the governor, bitter
invective against his opponents, assertions that the frontier
was enjoying perfect peace as far as the Kaffirs were
concerned, charges against the emigrant farmers of making
slaves of coloured children by acts of violence, and
unbounded confidence in the justice and wisdom of Lord
Glenelg's policy. In the matter of the Hottentot settlements,
his charge against Sir Benjamin D'Urban was that ground
which might have been applied to that purpose had been
granted by the governor to Captain Armstrong, Captain
Campbell, Lieutenant Moultrie, and others, who had converted
it into farms.
1837]
159
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
In the opinion of the colonists the great danger of these
settlements was that war with the Kaffirs might break out
before the Hottentots should disperse, in which case the
probabilities were that they would join the enemy. The
condition of the Kat river people at the close of the year
1834 could not be forgotten. No one acquainted with the
habits of the Hottentots supposed that they would remain
many months on the ground assigned to them, and in point
of fact even the inducement of rations for the adults could
not keep them together. The danger for a short time was
considerable, but it soon passed away.
So greatly disliked was the lieutenant-governor by nearly
the whole of the colonists that if the system he was trying
to carry out had really been a good one he could not have
succeeded in making it popular. He was in altogether a
false position. Normally an intelligent and honest man, he
had made a tremendous mistake, and being too stubborn to
own it, he was trying to cover it with extravagant words
and acts. Just so a man who has under great temptation
committed a crime, but who has always previously enjoyed
the public esteem and who will not admit his guilt, when
brought to trial before a magistrate often surpasses the most
hardened criminal in frantic and desperate efforts to clear
himself.
Never before by an officer of his rank in South Africa was
such abusive language made use of as that which Captain
Stockenstrom applied to those who opposed him. Among
them were the foremost men of the country, the members
of the legislative council, the editors of every newspaper but
one, the clergymen-almost without exception-of all denomi-
nations, the great majority of the missionaries, the farmers,
and nearly every resident in the eastern towns; but the
mildest language in which he described them to the secretary
of state was "a desperate, disappointed, unprincipled faction,
ready to sacrifice the tranquillity and happiness of the colony
to their thirst for revenge and lucre." He seemed to disdain
even the appearance of conciliation.
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History of the Cape Colony.
A series of prosecutions for libel, in which he was the most
prominent figure, forms a remarkable episode in the history
of these times.
When an account of his evidence before the committee of
the commons reached the colony, the fieldcornet Erasmus—
guilty according to that evidence of murder, robbery, and
mendacity-was an official of the district of Somerset.
Captain Campbell, the civil commissioner of the district,
naturally considered it his duty to make the strictest inquiry
into the charge. When doing so, Erasmus brought forward a
witness named Hendrik Klopper, who made a deposition that
when the commando under Captain Fraser entered Kaffirland
in December 1813 Captain Stockenstrom himself had shot a
Kaffir boy. Klopper named as persons who were present on
that occasion two men living at Graaff-Reinet and one living
at Cradock.
The result of the inquiry was the complete exculpation of
Erasmus and his companions. Captain Campbell then wrote
to Mr. O'Reilly, justice of the peace at Cradock, to take the
deposition of the man named by Klopper there, and he also
sent a request to Mr. Van Ryneveld, resident magistrate of
Graaff-Reinet, to act in the same manner. A copy of
Klopper's deposition he forwarded to Mr. John Centlivres
Chase, a custom house officer in Capetown, to be sent with
other papers to be laid before the committee of the commons,
as it was known that Mr. Chase was engaged in collecting
information that could be used on behalf of the colonists.
When Klopper's statement was thus sent away by Captain
Campbell, no intimation had been received in South Africa
of Captain Stockenstrom's appointment as lieutenant-governor,
and he was believed to be in business in Sweden. If the
charge even amounted to murder, he was not amenable to
a colonial court, for the occurrence took place beyond the
boundary.
The deposition made before Mr. O'Reilly at Cradock
seemed to substantiate that of Klopper. At Graaff-Reinet
Mr. Van Ryneveld associated with himself two justices of the
1837]
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
peace, one of whom was Lieutenant Donald Moodie, and
before these officials further corroborative testimony was
given. By this time, however, tidings of Captain Stockenstrom's
appointment had reached the colony, so beyond forwarding
the latest depositions to the government nothing more was
done.
While the lieutenant-governor was on the road from
Capetown to the frontier Captain Campbell sent him a copy
of Klopper's affidavit, that he might know all about the
matter and take any action he chose. He, however, ignored
it completely. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising
that a tale was soon in everybody's mouth of the lieutenant-
governor having once in cool blood shot an unarmed Kaffir
boy out of pure revenge for the death of his father, and
that he was afraid to proceed against the men who charged
him with the horrible crime.
On the 6th of July 1836 an article in very violent
language appeared in the Commercial Advertiser. Mr.
Fairbairn, the editor, whose writings on everything outside
of the politics of Dr. Philip's party must always command
admiration and respect, seemed to lose his temper and his
regard for accuracy whenever this subject was before him.
Lieutenant Moodie had incurred the enmity of the party by
collecting the documents which proved Dr. Philip's extracts
to be garbled, and his having sat as a justice of the peace
to receive depositions against Captain Stockenstrom added
to this feeling. In the article in the Commercial Advertiser
he was alluded to as "an unprincipled placehunter," and was
accused of "attempting the life and honour of the lieutenant-
governor in his absence by collecting evidence while drawing
the emoluments of an office (protector of slaves) long after
that office had expired." Mr. Chase was referred to in terms
somewhat less opprobrious.
Mr. Chase thereupon brought an action for libel against
Mr. Fairbairn, and on the 24th of February 1837 obtained
judgment for damages forty shillings and costs. Lieutenant
Moodie followed the same course. His case came before the
L
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History of the Cape Colony.
supreme court on the 26th of May 1837, when the various
depositions against Captain Stockenstrom were produced, and
the whole of the particulars concerning them were made
public. On the 30th the court gave judgment in favour of
Moodie for fifty pounds damages and costs.
This forced the lieutenant-governor to take action of some
kind, or to admit that he who had charged others with
the gravest crimes, of which they had afterwards been
proved innocent, was himself guilty of a worse offence than
he had imputed to them. He accordingly brought an action
against Captain Campbell for "maliciously and unlawfully
causing and procuring him to be falsely charged with having
deliberately fired at and killed
at and killed a Kaffir child, and for
maliciously and unlawfully publishing a libel of and
concerning him.” The publication was stated to be the
forwarding of Klopper's deposition to Mr. Chase.
From the 11th of November 1837, when the case first
came before the court, to the 1st of March 1838, when
judgment was given, it was the topic of greatest interest in
South Africa. Excepting the celebrated trials during the
circuit of 1812 and the libel case Mackay versus Philip, no
prosecution in the Cape Colony was ever regarded as involving
consequences of greater moment to the public.
Captain Campbell took the straightforward course of
pleading justification, so that the question to be decided
was whether Captain Stockenstrom did, or did not, fire at
and kill a Kaffir boy while engaged in the commando under
Captain Fraser. A great deal of evidence both documentary
and oral was taken, and the examination and cross-examination
of the witnesses were as perfect as the cleverest advocates
in South Africa could make them. The case for the plaintiff
broke down so completely that the court considered it un-
necessary for the defendant's advocate to conclude with an
address. The three judges, forming the full bench, agreed
in the decision, which was pronounced by the chief justice.
Judgment was in favour of Captain Campbell with costs, on
the ground that "justification had been fully and satisfactorily
1838]
163
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
made out." The costs against the lieutenant-governor were
between two and three thousand pounds.
Surely no other British colony has ever witnessed any-
thing like what happened on this occasion. On the night
after the tidings reached Grahamstown the streets were
illuminated, in defiance of attempts by the authorities to
suppress such manifestations of pleasure. The houses of
Port Elizabeth were lit up two nights in succession. From
Graaff-Reinet to Uitenhage, and thence eastward to the
border, blazing bonfires all over the country proclaimed the
public joy. And
And the man whose defeat caused these
universal rejoicings was the lieutenant-governor of the pro-
vince, the most obedient and devoted servant of the secretary
of state.
One more incident in connection with this trial remains
to be noticed. At the office of the Commercial Advertiser
a pamphlet was printed, which professed to be
a full
report, but two letters produced in evidence and of great
consequence to Captain Campbell were omitted. The
supreme court thereupon issued an interdict against the
publication of the pamphlet, but in the meantime it had
been widely circulated, and numerous copies had been sent
to England.
It is pleasant to turn from these scenes of discord, and
observe the introduction of measures of utility.
To facilitate reference to courts of justice, one of the
earliest acts of the lieutenant-governor was to increase the
number of magistrates. His power for such purposes had
to be exerted in an indirect way. All laws were made by
the legislative council, in which he had no seat; but every
ordinance affecting the eastern districts had to be sent to
him for comment before being passed, and he could submit
draft ordinances for consideration. In the matter of
appointments to office, he recommended individuals to the
governor, who was instructed by the secretary of state to
act upon his advice unless there were very cogent reasons
for not doing so.
164
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History of the Cape Colony.
Upon Captain Stockenstrom's proposal, on the 6th of
February 1837 an ordinance was
an ordinance was issued creating three
districts, named Port Elizabeth, Colesberg, and Cradock.
Port Elizabeth was growing rapidly. Its merchants were
among the most enterprising in the colony, and substantial
warehouses lined the main streets of the lower part of the
town, while neat residences stood on the high ground above.
Every year saw an increase in the volume of trade passing
through it, and by an order in council dated 13th of April
1836 it had become a free warehousing port. It had
altogether outgrown that stage when its requirements could
be met by a special justice of the peace. The district, as
now created, comprised only a small tract of land about
the town, extending from a point on the coast about fifteen
miles west of Cape Recife to the source of the Little
Zwartkops river, thence this stream to its junction with
the Zwartkops, and thence the Zwartkops to the sea. For
fiscal purposes it remained connected with the division of
Uitenhage. Mr. John George de Villiers was appointed
resident magistrate.
The district of Colesberg comprised the recently occupied
tract of land along the southern bank of the Orange river,
the north-eastern part of the colony. It was formed out of
the wards or fieldcornetcies of Achter Zuurberg, New
Hantam, Lower Seacow River, Middenveld, Winterveld with
exception of three farms, Upper Seacow River with ex-
ception of three farms, and Rhenosterberg with exception
of four farms, which had previously formed part of Graaff-
Reinet, and the ward Groote River which had previously
been included in Somerset. Mr. Fleetwood
Fleetwood Rawstorne,
recently agent with the Ndlambe clans, was appointed civil
commissioner and resident magistrate, and was directed t»
establish his office in the village of Colesberg.
The district of Cradock was formed out of the wards
Brak River, Tarka, Klaas Smit's River, and Achter Sneeuw-
berg, previously included in Somerset, and the country
below the Sneeuwberg drained by streams flowing into the
1837]
165
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Great Fish river. Mr. William Gilfillan, who had served
with much distinction as an officer of the Hottentot levies,
was appointed civil commissioner and resident magistrate,
and was directed to establish his office in the village of
Cradock.
The formation of the districts of Colesberg and Cradock
tended greatly to promote order in the wildest parts of the
colony. Many of the Europeans residing there were nomadic
in their habits, and contributed nothing directly towards the
revenue, as they had not been at the trouble and expense of
obtaining quitrent farms, but moved with their flocks and
herds from one locality to another where better grass was to
be found. There were many Hottentots and Bantu also, who
had previously been free from the restraints of law. All of
these were now subjected to proper control, and the additional
revenue collected was in a short time sufficient to cover the
expense of the new establishments.
-
On the 9th of October 1837 the lieutenant governor
proclaimed a new boundary between Albany and Somerset.
Running parallel to the Koonap for some distance from the
Winterberg is one of its tributaries named the Mankazana,
which must not be confused with the branch of the Kat
river so often mentioned in preceding chapters. From the
junction of the streams the watershed between them was
declared to be the boundary, the eastern side to be in
Albany, the western in Somerset. Three months previously
-14th of July 1837-the arrangement by which Somerset
and Albany were united under the same civil commissioner
was annulled, and each was now independent of the other
in fiscal as well as judicial matters.
In the western part of the colony the only changes made
in the boundaries of districts for a long time past were that
in January 1829 the ward Voor Piketberg was taken from
Worcester and added to the Cape, and the ward Palmiet
and Bot rivers was taken from Swellendam and added to
Stellenbosch, so as to extend the last-named district to
Langhoogte.
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History of the Cape Colony.
As the territory placed under the administration of the
lieutenant-governor included Graaff-Reinet and Uitenhage,
but not Beaufort and George, it was necessary to raise these
latter again from the rank of sub-districts, which was done
by an ordinance issued on the 10th of August 1836, when
their resident magistrates were appointed civil commissioners
also.
On the 1st of January 1837 by a resolution of the legis-
lative council the sub-district of Clanwilliam was separated
from Worcester and placed upon the same level as the other
divisions. Mr. Jan van Ryneveld, whose office was in the
village of Clanwilliam, was then appointed civil commissioner
and resident magistrate of the new district.
On the 4th of July 1834 Mr. J. Spring Rice, who was
then secretary of state for the colonies, gave directions for
the promulgation of an ordinance to permit the establishment
of elective municipal councils in the towns and villages.
Owing to his absence from Capetown, Sir Benjamin D'Urban
was for some time unable to carry out these instructions,
but in September 1836 the ordinance was passed by the
legislative council, and was at once put into operation.
It provided that upon a requisition signed by twenty-five
persons living within a mile of any central point, occupying
houses worth a yearly rental of not less than £10, and paying
yearly taxes exceeding six shillings, the resident magistrate
or justice of the peace should call a public meeting of house-
holders, who should determine by a majority of votes
whether the place should be created a municipality. If the
decision was in the affirmative, another meeting was to be
called for the purpose of appointing a committee to draft
regulations. The regulations, in which the number of com-
missioners and wardmasters was to be fixed, were then
to be referred, each one separately, to a third public meeting
for adoption, alteration, or rejection, and when these pre-
liminaries were completed, they were to be submitted for
approval, amendment, or disallowance by the governor acting
with the advice of the executive council. Upon a
1837]
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Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
proclamation by the governor notifying his approval, and
the publication of the regulations in the Gazette, the
municipality was established.
As many commissioners as had been decided upon were
then elected by the householders, to hold office for three
years, unless disqualified within that period. The repair
and lighting of the streets, the supply of water, drainage,
police protection, the care of the commonage, supervision of
slaughterhouses, and numerous other matters were confided
to them. Funds were raised by yearly rates levied by the
householders in public assembly.
That this measure was a great step forward is unquestion-
able. Apart from their utility for purely local purposes,
the municipal boards served as schools to train men to
take part in representative government, though as the
towns were small there was not much scope for the acquire-
ment of facility in debate or of an extensive acquaintance
with the management of public affairs. Their chief value
in this respect consisted in bringing home to the minds of
men possessed perhaps of ability, but with no very high
sense of honour, that to avoid the contempt of their fellows
they must pursue a course of rectitude. This followed from
such men being exposed to public observation, and from
their conduct being freely commented upon by the newspapers,
Municipal institutions have as a rule worked well in
South Africa. There have of course been blunders, where
public money has been misspent, and sections of ratepayers
have often been found complaining, but of positive corrup-
tion, of party purposes being served, of councillors making
use of their position for their own personal benefit, of such
contemptible practices the country for a long series of
years was singularly free.
Beaufort West has the honour of being the first town in
the colony to take advantage of the municipal act. In
January 1837 its regulations were approved by the governor,
and as soon as they were published in the Gazette a council
was elected and began to act. In February Somerset East
168
[1837
History of the Cape Colony.
followed, and then in quick succession George, Grahamstown,
and Cradock.
Capetown was excepted in this enactment, and until 1840
its affairs were controlled by the general government. On
the 3rd of March in that year, however, it was created a
municipality by a special ordinance, and in the following
September the old burgher watch-house in Greenmarket-
square, which since 1828 had been used as the magistrate's
court and offices, was transferred to the elected commis-
sioners, who then entered upon their duties. The first
secretary of the municipality of Capetown was Advocate
Pieter Jan Denyssen, who in after years became a judge of
the supreme court.
The ordinances of 1836 and 1840 have since been
amended on several occasions, but in many particulars they
still remain in force.
Prior to 1837 persons convicted of serious crimes were
often sentenced by the supreme court to transportation, and
were then sent to New South Wales in the first convict
ship that called. On the 26th of June of this year Lord
Glenelg directed that no more convicts were to be sent
from the Cape to Australia, and thereafter it became
necessary to keep them in prison and employ them in
some manner. This led a few years later to a scheme of
roadmaking through mountain passes, which was of great
benefit to the colony.
On the 1st of August 1837 the Cape of Good Hope bank
was opened for business in Capetown. The promoters were
desirous of establishing it under an ordinance, and one was
passed for the purpose by the legislative council, but the
secretary of state declined to advise its ratification by the
king, on the ground that in the condition of the colonial
revenue it would not be wise to assist an institution that
would probably draw away custom from the government
bank. It was then formed under a trust-deed, with a
capital of £75,000 in fifteen hundred shares of £50 each,
two-thirds of the capital paid up, and the shareholders
1837]
169
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
remaining responsible not only for the balance, but to an
unlimited extent for the liabilities of the institution. On
the date of opening thirteen hundred shares had been taken,
and the capital in hand was £43,333 6s. 8d. The remaining
shares were sold shortly afterwards at a high premium.
The first chairman was Mr. John Bardwell Ebden, and the
first board of directors consisted of Messrs. Hamilton Ross,
Thomas Sutherland, Thomas Tennant, Roelof Abraham Zee-
derberg, Harrison Watson, Charles Stuart Pillans, William
Dickson, and Antonio Chiappini.*
For many years Capetown had been free from seismic
disturbances when just before daybreak on the 11th of
November 1835 the residents were awakened by a smart
shock of earthquake. There was a loud noise as of a
heavily laden waggon moving quickly over stony ground,
which was heard in all parts of the town and caused much
alarm, though no damage to buildings was done.
Men holding such opposite opinions in an essential matter
as Lord Glenelg and Sir Benjamin D'Urban could not long
work together. One was a mere theorist, but in his hands
was the power of control. The other, who had held the same
opinions until experience and practical knowledge had forced
him to renounce them, was the subordinate. Sir Benjamin
D'Urban was too honest even to attempt to smooth down
remarks that were offensive to the secretary of state. What
he wrote he knew to be the truth, and he expressed it in
the plainest and most forcible language. He was no courtier.
He could not dissemble, nor mask his acts under words that
would bear more than one meaning. He did not even ask
himself the question whether his office was worth such a
price: to do so would be wrong, and the noble, god-fearing
governor did not want to know more. His notes, his
+
*This bank was reconstituted at a later date under the limited liability
act, and with a largely increased capital established branches in many
until the 23rd of
places in the colony. It continued in existence
September 1890, when it was closed owing to rash speculation by some of
its branches. Its winding up was attended with much distress to a great
many individuals.
170
[1837
History of the Cape Colony.
comments upon documents, his whole course of living and
acting prove this.
Lord Glenelg's charge against the colonists in his despatch
of December 1835 has been given. There could not be a
flatter contradiction of it than Sir Benjamin D'Urban's
language in a despatch dated the 8th of June 1836, in
which he begged the secretary of state to endeavour to
obtain compensation from the revenue of the mother country
for "faithful subjects who have been visited with calamities
rarely paralleled, to them as overwhelming as those of
hurricane or earthquake, as unexpected and unavoidable as
they were undeserved by any act of the sufferers, and which
neither prudence nor foresight on their part could have
averted or controlled."
Or take the subject of the emigration which was then
threatening to leave portions of the colony without civilised
inhabitants. Sir Benjamin D'Urban, in a despatch to the
secretary of state dated 29th of July 1837, attributed it to
the "insecurity of life and property occasioned by the recent
measures, inadequate compensation for the loss of the slaves,
and despair of obtaining recompense for the ruinous losses
by the Kaffir invasion." He described the Dutch farmers
who were leaving the colony as "a brave, patient, industrious,
orderly, and religious people, the cultivators, the defenders,
and the tax contributors of the country."
Lord Glenelg's opinions about the cause of the emigration
were well known in South Africa, though the despatch in
which he placed them permanently on record was not written
until the 28th of November 1837. In
In that despatch he
declared that "the motives of this emigration were the same
as had in all ages impelled the strong to encroach on the
weak, and the powerful and unprincipled to wrest by force
or fraud from the comparatively feeble and defenceless,
wealth, or property, or dominion." These reckless words,
in the sense which they were intended to bear, might be
mistaken for the utterance of an ignorant fanatic. Yet they
were embodied in a document revised by a man holding the
1837]
171
Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
high office of secretary of state for the colonies, but upon
whom the responsibility of his position must have sat lightly
indeed. He was one of the most prominent leaders of the
so-called philanthropic societies. What wonder that the word
philanthropist came to imply in South African minds a man
so blinded by extreme views as to be unable to discern
either truth or justice.
Lord Glenelg objected to the tone of the governor's
despatches, especially to the language of one in which Sir
Benjamin vindicated the colonists from the charge of pro-
voking the Kaffirs to war, and pointed out that if blame
for that event was to be attributed to any white people, it
must be solely to English officials and English soldiers, for
whose acts the burghers were in no way responsible. Some
annexures to this despatch, especially certain letters written
by Dr. Philip, gave great offence. They proved beyond the
possibility of contradiction that in giving credence to Dr.
Philip's assertions and throwing doubts upon the accuracy of
the governor's reports, the secretary of state had made a
blunder. His reply was dated the 1st of May 1837. It
ended with the information that the king had thought proper
to dispense with Sir Benjamin's services as governor of the
Cape Colony, and that he was therefore to consider himself
as holding office only until he should be relieved by a
successor.
On the 8th of September of the same year the secretary
wrote further that the governor might retire whenever it
suited his convenience, after transferring the administration
temporarily to the military officer next in rank. The same
mail that brought this despatch brought also private intelli-
gence that Major-General George Thomas Napier had been
appointed governor, though his commission was not dated
until the 4th of November. Sir Benjamin D'Urban therefore
resolved to await his successor's arrival.
He was at the time suffering from domestic affliction.
Advocate William Musgrave was his son-in-law, and the
governor was much attached to his eldest grandson. On
172
[1838
History of the Cape Colony.
the 18th of September 1837 the boy was returning from the
races on Greenpoint common, when some one rode violently
against his horse. By the concussion he was thrown to the
ground, and received injuries from which he died in a few
hours.
In military rank the governor was now higher than when
he arrived in South Africa, as on the 15th of January 1837
he became a lieutenant-general. At the same time the
lieutenant-colonels Wade, Smith, and Hare, all associated
with our history, attained the full rank of colonel.
On the 20th of January 1838 Major-General Napier
arrived in Table Bay in the Indiaman Euphrates, with two
sons and two daughters. On the 22nd he took the oaths of
office.
Sir Benjamin D'Urban remained in South Africa until it
was admitted generally in England as well as in this country
that he had acted wisely in his dealings with the Kaffirs.
On the 20th of June 1840 the order of knight grand cross
of the bath was conferred upon him, and shortly after Sir
Robert Peel became premier he was offered a high military
appointment in India, which he thought fit to decline.
On the 23rd of August 1843 Lady D'Urban died in
Capetown. As a mark of the esteem in which she had
been held, the colonists raised a sum of money to place a
memorial tablet in St. George's cathedral and to erect a
suitable building for a girls' school of industry at Wynberg,
which she had founded in 1836.
On the 15th of April 1846, just after the commencement
of another Kaffir war, Sir Benjamin D'Urban left the Cape.
He was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in British
North America, and in that capacity he died at Montreal
on the 25th of May 1849, at the age of seventy-two years.
An obelisk erected to his memory by the officers who served
under him bears the inscription that he died as he had lived,
in the faithful discharge of his duty.

The places where there were courts
of law were
Capetown,
Stellenbosch,
Swellendam,
Graaff Reinet,
Uitenhage,
George,
Centres of Districts.
Grahamstown,
Beaufort West,
Worcester.
Somerset East,
Clanwilliam,
Port Elizabeth,
Cradock,
Colesberg.
Police and Petty Simonstown.
Civil Court.
etty}
30%
32
Buffro
18°
20°
This map shows the extent and divisions of the colony in 1838.
22°
24
Prieska Drift
nge R.
26°
Starmb
Spruit
Caledon
OF
Colesberg
Plettenberg's
Beacon
COLES BERG
30
34
Kamies
Elephant R
St Helena Bay
Saldanha B
Lang B
Kabiskow
Spion
Berg
DISTRICT OF
Zak
R
Hantam B&
ANWILLIAM
Clanwilliam
Verloren Vei
Piker
Ro
HalfitesbuDISTRICT
DISTRICT OF
DISTRICT OF THE
Dassen I
Mogure
Robben I.
Table Bay
CAPETOWN
Wynberg
Simonstown
CAPE
Tulbagh
Paarl
Breede
StellenFrench Hoek
Kuils R
STELLENBOSCH
Somerset West
Cape of Good Hope
C.Hangidip
Genadendal
Biet K
WORCESTER
O
Worceste
Pex
urbrank
Tigerhoek
Ziekenhuis
Londerend R.
Caledon DISTRICT
OF
Swellendam
• Elim
DISTRICT
Pramberg
DISTRICT OF
Zeekoe
Seeuwberg
DISTRICT
Stormbe
OF
ADOCK
Hla Suit's R.
Shiloh
32
Ta
Bavian
Boschber
Zwart Kei R
Nieuwveldberger
Beaufort West
BEAUFORT
DISTRICT Graf-Reinet
Cradock
OF
GRAAFF-REINET
Zwartebergen
Zour
DISTRICT
Ceorge
angebergen
Lang
SWELLENDAM
Port Beaufort
foetendal's Vier
C.Agulhas
Breede R
Gamtoos
OF GEORGE
Pacaltsdorp
Mossel Bay
Fish B
Mesh B
Gaurits R
Longkloof
Keurbooms R
Plettenberg B
Knysna Harb
DISTRICT OF
Somerset East,
SOMERSET
Fort Beaufort
Ogish
HOTTENTOT
SETTLEMENT
DISTRIC
Litter
Riebeek East
DISTRICT OF
Grahamstown
UITENHAGE
Uitenhage
Hankey
Bethelsdorp stra
DIST. OF
C. St Francis
Klippen Pt
PORT
ZABET
ALBANY
Sunday R.
Zwartkops R
Algoa.Bay
Port Elizabeth
English Miles
50 40 30 20 10 0
24
London: Swan Sommerschein & Co Ltd
20° Longitude East of Greenwich. 22°
50
26°
100
Willshire
Ke
ma R
Fish R.
Port Frances
Theopolis
Kowie R.
Bushman's R
34
18°
CHAPTER XXIV.
MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE THOMAS NAPIER, GOVERNOR, INSTALLED
22ND JANUARY 1838, RETIRED 18TH MARCH 1844.
MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE THOMAS NAPIER, an elder brother
of the historian of the war in the peninsula, was a soldier of
distinction, but had not previously occupied an important
civil post. During the memorable retreat to Coruña he was
aide-de-camp to Sir John Moore, on the 16th of January 1808
when that general was mortally wounded he was at his side,
waited upon him to the last, and assisted to place his body
in the grave.
As a captain in the 52nd regiment he was
severely wounded at Busaco, again at Casal Nova, and on
the 19th of January 1812 lost his right arm when leading
the storming party at Ciudad Rodrigo.
One of the bravest of the brave in the field of battle, the
new governor was usually courteous and kindly in demeanour,
though he was somewhat irascible, and when provoked was
accustomed to make very cutting observations. He was less
determined in character than Sir Benjamin D'Urban, but was
honest and benevolent. Like his predecessor, he came to this
country with a strong impression that the colonists were
disposed to oppress the coloured people, and with a con-
viction that the principles which were being carried out by
Lord Glenelg were just and politic. At this time he was in
the fifty-fourth year of his age. He was accompanied to
the Cape by his wife, two sons, two daughters, and an
intimate friend, a student of natural history named Charles
Bunbury. A few months later he was created a knight
commander of the bath, of which order he was only a
companion when he arrived.
173
174
[1838
History of the Cape Colony.
The period during which he was at the head of affairs
appeared to the colonists then living as one of the gloomiest
ever known in South Africa, but looking back upon it
now it is seen to have been in many respects a turning
time towards brighter days.
The border policy of Lord Glenelg caused great losses to
the white people, and, so far from being of any benefit to
the blacks, withheld from them the advantage of judicious
control and in course of time excited them to a destructive war.
But it was necessary that this system with all its calamitous
consequences should have a trial, to convince the authorities
in England that the theories of those who claimed for them-
selves exclusively the title of philanthropists were formed
in ignorance and tended to evil.
The farmers in the western districts, left almost without
servants by the termination of the apprenticeships on the 1st
of December 1838, necessarily underwent much hardship;
but they speedily learned to accommodate themselves to the
new order of things. Many more than formerly turned their
attention to the breeding of merino sheep, and the production
of wool rapidly increased.
The colony was losing large numbers of its European
inhabitants, without a corresponding influx from abroad;
but the waste regions beyond the border were being
occupied by civilised men, who created a commerce and
opened the interior of the country to Christianity and
order.
No public works of consequence were undertaken until
towards the close of this period, but the colonial debt was
paid off, which made it possible to carry on important
improvements thereafter, and a much less vexatious method
of taxation was adopted.
The introduction of a more extended system of public
schools and an increase in the number of churches also
mark this period as not altogether one of gloom.
Too great a space in the history of these times may seem
to be devoted to transactions with the Xosas and Tembus
1838]
175
Sir George Napier.
on the eastern border, but it must be borne in mind that a
system of dealing with barbarous tribes, founded on the
principle that they were as trustworthy, honest, and peace-
ably disposed as civilised communities, was on its trial, and
that its working ought to be fully explained.
When the new governor arrived in South Africa the
condition of the eastern frontier was such that the colonists
feared war would break out again immediately. The Gaikas:
were threatening the Gunukwebes with a raid unless they
restored the cattle placed under their care during the war,
the Rarabes in general were constantly assailing the Fingos,
and the colonists were being plundered mercilessly. In April
1837 the 98th regiment had been sent home, and the force
on the border was too weak to prevent outrages.
On the 19th of February 1838 a party of Cape mounted
riflemen rose in mutiny at Fraser's camp, a post between
Grahamstown and Trompetter's drift on the Fish river.
Sixteen Hottentot soldiers fired at their officers, who were
seated in the messroom, and an ensign named Crowe was
killed. Every one feared that the whole corps was dis-
affected, and consternation was increased by its becoming
known that the chief Umkayi was in league with the
mutineers. Such prompt measures were taken by the
military authorities, however, that the rebels were speedily
captured and brought to trial before a court martial, when
thirteen were condemned to death. This sentence was
regarded by the governor as unduly severe, but the two.
ringleaders underwent the awarded punishment by the hands
of their former comrades, and seven others were banished
to Robben Island. By this example the authorities hoped
to check feelings of disloyalty in the corps, though the
colonists could not divest themselves of apprehensions of
danger from an alliance between the Hottentot soldiers and
the Kaffirs.
The governor felt it his duty to visit that part of the
colony as speedily as possible, and on the 22nd of March he
left Capetown for the frontier. At Port Elizabeth an address.
176
[1838
History of the Cape Colony.
was presented to him by the inhabitants, in which they
attributed the deplorable state of affairs "to the ruinous and
mistaken policy pursued towards the Kaffirs, by the sacrifice
of measures based on the principles of justice and equity in
favour of visionary and utopian theories." In his reply he
stated that he "accepted the government of the colony in
the conviction that the former system, as regarded the
Kaffirs, was erroneous, and he had come out agreeing in and
determined to support the system pursued by the lieutenant-
governor in accordance with instructions received from the
secretary of state, an opinion and determination to which he
still adhered."
As he proceeded onward, however, his views became
greatly modified. He found the Kaffirs plundering the
colonists almost with impunity, for the white people were
obliged to observe the conditions of the treaties, which the
blacks paid not the slightest regard to. The military line
of defence selected by Captain Stockenstrom he observed
was the worst that could have been adopted, and would
require a very much larger force to guard than the line of
the Keiskama and Tyumie rivers. After careful inspection,
on the 12th of July he wrote to Lord Glenelg, asking for
three regiments of the line, the Cape mounted rifles-which
he proposed to reduce to four hundred and eighty rank and
file,—and half a company of artillery, to be stationed on the
frontier "to prevent the ruinous stockstealing and provide
against a sudden rush of the Kaffirs into the colony." The
Xosas, he added, had no excuse for their daring depredations,
as on the part of the colonists the treaties had never been
infringed.
On the 19th of June 1838 the governor met the
Gunukwebe chiefs Pato, Kama, and Kobe at Fort Peddie.
They were in such fear of an attack by the Gaikas that they
were ready to promise anything in return for substantial
support. Captain Stockenstrom gave them a good character,
and expressed a belief that they would faithfully carry
out their engagements, upon which Major-General Napier
1838]
177
Sir George Napier.
entered into a supplementary treaty, establishing a defensive
alliance with them. They bound themselves before making
war to submit their disputes with other clans to the arbi-
tration of the British authorities, and they were not to be
entitled to assistance in aggressive movements. But they
were to be protected from attack, and in case of a sudden
raid upon them they were to be permitted to take shelter
on the colonial side of the Fish river. Thus in return for a
promise of such aid as they could give in time of war, the
governor took upon himself a great responsibility, without
securing any control in their affairs.
With the Rarabe chiefs the governor had several inter-
views. They desired that the Hottentots should be expelled
from the valleys at the sources of the Kat river, which
Makoma claimed as his property. This request could not
be complied with, but Makoma and Tyali repeated it again
and again. The governor informed them that he must insist
upon their carrying out the conditions of the treaties, as the
robberies committed by their people, unless checked, would
inevitably lead to war. He therefore warned them that if
they did not restore stolen cattle traced to their kraals, or
give up others equivalent in value within one month after
the robbery, he would send an armed party to enforce the
demand. That is, he would in effect revert to the old
reprisal system, though he chose to call it by another name.
A sum
The only course that suggested itself with regard to the
Fingos was to remove them all to the Zitzikama, and form
a large location there. As soon as the necessary arrange-
ments could be made this scheme was attempted.
of money was raised by benevolent people in England to
provide them with agricultural implements, a Moravian
missionary was selected as their instructor, and a tract of
land-to which the name Clarkson was given-was set apart
for their use. But now the same difficulty arose that has
often since been experienced in dealing with sections of the
Bantu. The Fingos declined to move in a body. They
were willing enough to send out a swarm to occupy the new
M
178
[1838
History of the Cape Colony.
location, but to surrender a square rood of ground in
exchange was something they could not make up their
minds to.
Very shortly came word that cattle would not
thrive at the new settlement, so that the scheme was of
necessity abandoned. Two years later the governor tried to
get the Fingos who were at the Zitzikama back to the
location between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, which he
then desired to strengthen so that it could resist an attack;
but he found it impossible to get the whole of them to
return.
Some changes were made in the position of the troops, and
a system of patrols was organised. During the winter of
1838 several Kaffirs were killed or wounded when in the act
of driving off stolen cattle, and for a short time depredations
became less numerous. But they were soon resumed on the
same scale as before, and although the imperial authorities
partly complied with the governor's request and sent to the
Cape a wing of the first battalion of the 91st regiment, which
arrived in April 1839, and enabled him to station eighteen
hundred soldiers on the border, it was impossible to check
thieving while the Kaffirs were in possession of the jungles
in the valley of the Fish river. The Cape mounted rifles-
reduced in June 1839 to six companies each of eighty rank
and file-were so harassed with patrolling that some of the
regiments of the line were furnished with horses to assist in
the duty. But it was all to little or no purpose.
With regard to the treatment of the Kaffirs by the colonists
before the recent war, the governor found himself obliged to
change the opinions which he held on his arrival in South
Africa. On the 18th of May he wrote asking Lord Glenelg
to apply to parliament for compensation to the farmers for
their losses, and pointed out that if a faulty system had
caused the war, the imperial government alone was responsible
for that system, as the colonists had no voice in the matter.
He therefore hoped that the secretary of state would plead
the cause of the unfortunate people, and try to obtain from
the imperial treasury a grant to make good a portion of
1838]
179
Sir George Napier.
the £350,000 worth of property which had been taken from
them. Lord Glenelg, however, declined to accede to the
request.
During this visit to the frontier the governor had a very
unpleasant duty to perform, by sitting as a judge at the trial
of the officer next in rank to himself in the colony. Before
bringing his unsuccessful action against Captain Campbell,
the lieutenant-governor had urgently requested the secretary
of state to appoint a commission to investigate the charge of
his having once shot a Kaffir boy, and on the 19th of Decem-
ber 1837 Lord Glenelg directed Major-General Napier to
constitute a court for that purpose and to preside in it. The
governor accordingly associated with himself Major Samuel
Charters, who was his military secretary, and Captain the
honourable Richard Dundas, of the ship-of-war Melville;
and on the 21st of May 1838 opened the inquiry at
Grahamstown.
Before this court Captain Stockenstrom tried to make it
appear that there was a malicious conspiracy against him,
of which the principals were Messrs. Campbell and Van
Ryneveld, civil commissioners of Albany and Graaff-Reinet.
He also endeavoured to show that the evidence against him
was so conflicting as to be valueless. A great number of
witnesses were examined, and many documents were put in.
The court sat daily, Sundays excepted, until the 6th of June.
The three members then, without consulting each other, drew
up separate verdicts, which were forwarded to the secretary
of state, and only made public in the colony several months
later.
They all found that during the operations of the com-
mando under Captain Fraser in December 1813 Captain
Stockenstrom had shot a Kaffir who was trying to conceal
himself under some driftwood in the bed of the Blinkwater
river, but it was while a rush was being made to scour the
thickets on the opposite bank into which a body of Xosas
had retreated with their cattle; they found further that the
Kaffir was armed with assagais and was between sixteen
180
[1838
History of the Cape Colony.
and twenty-five years of age, so that the deed was a lawful
military act; and they all fully and honourably acquitted
the accused of having shot an unarmed boy in a cold blooded
or cruel manner. At the same time they acquitted Messrs.
Campbell and Van Ryneveld of conspiracy or dishonourable
conduct, and the witnesses of corruption or collusion with
each other; but they expressed an opinion that in the
general antagonism towards Captain Stockenstrom some
other individuals had been over zealous in hunting up evidence
against him.
Thus the matter remained almost as the decision of the
supreme court had left it. A Kaffir lad had been killed by
Captain Stockenstrom, but no legal murder had been
committed, because it was an act of war. The judgment.
placed the lieutenant-governor in exactly the position of
Erasmus's patrol when Sigcawu was killed, and that was all
his opponents of any note ever asserted. It was he, not
they, who first professed to regard such an act as a heinous
crime.
As soon
as the inquiry was concluded, the lieutenant-
governor requested leave of absence to proceed to England
for the purpose of placing his resignation in the hands of
Lord Glenelg, and announced that he intended never to
return if he could find bread for his family in Europe.
Some expressions in the despatch ordering the court of
inquiry to be held made him fear that he had partly lost
the confidence of the secretary of state. Major-General
Napier complied with his request, and on the 9th of August
Colonel John Hare, of the 27th regiment, assumed duty as
acting lieutenant-governor.
Captain Stockenstrom left the public offices in the eastern
districts in a condition very different from that in which
he found them. The easy-going method of earlier
of earlier years,
under which the interests of private individuals were too
often made subservient to the convenience of officials, was
entirely done away with. Every one in the civil service
was required to be at his post during certain specified hours,
1839]
181
Sir George Napier.
and no work was allowed to fall in arrear.
The convenience
of the public was made the first consideration, no one was
kept waiting for half a day perhaps before he could pay his
taxes or enter a complaint. The great industry and power
of application of the lieutenant-governor enabled him to
watch over the minutest details of what was going on in all
departments of the province, and in this respect no man
could have exceeded him in ability.
Upon his arrival in England Captain Stockenstrom placed
his resignation in Lord Glenelg's hands, but withdrew it
upon the secretary of state expressing entire confidence in
him. It was arranged that he should return to South
Africa as lieutenant-governor of the eastern districts with a
salary increased to £1,500 a year, when on
when on the 8th of
February 1839 Lord Glenelg received an intimation from
the premier that the ministry had resolved upon certain
changes, in respect to which he had not been consulted,
and that he must retire from the office which he then held.
There were other colonies besides the Cape that had been
brought to the verge of ruin by his administration.
Lord Glenelg at once resigned, and on the 20th of the
same month was succeeded by the marquess of Normanby,
who had previously filled the posts of governor of Jamaica
and viceroy of Ireland, and was therefore regarded as a
man of experience. The new secretary would have per-
mitted Captain Stockenstrom to return as lieutenant-
governor, but matters soon came to his notice which made
him hesitate. On the 21st of September 1836 Captain
Campbell, civil commissioner of Albany and Somerset, was
required also to perform the duty of resident magistrate of
Albany, and in consequence of pressure of work the land
books of Somerset got in arrear. Captain Stockenstrom, in
his hostility towards that officer, then accused him of
neglect of duty, and pushed the matter as far as he possibly
could. Captain Campbell, broken down in health, was
obliged to retire from the service, and on the 21st of
August 1838 was succeeded as civil commissioner and
182
[1839
History of the Cape Colony.
resident magistrate of Albany by Mr. Martin West,
previously registrar of the supreme court of Bombay.
The question whether he was entitled to a retiring allow-
ance rested upon the accuracy of Captain Stockenstrom's
charge. Under these circumstances he retorted by taking up
a newspaper scandal and accusing Captain Stockenstrom of
corruption in having received a free grant of the farm
Maasstrom, consisting of ten thousand acres of the best land
in the old ceded territory. The charge and countercharge
came before the secretary of state, who was irritated by
having to attend to such matters when affairs of importance
were pressing upon him. Sir George Napier, to whom the
subject was referred, completely exonerated Captain Campbell,
and that gentleman was allowed a pension of £200 a year.
On the other hand Captain Stockenstrom was able to show
that he had obtained his estate from Sir Rufane Donkin in
a perfectly honourable manner, at a time when land was
being given away by the government to any official of
high position who applied for it.
During the investigation of this matter it was brought
strongly to Lord Normanby's notice that Captain Stockenstrom
was exceedingly unpopular in South Africa. Major Charters,
who was then in London, further gave the secretary of state
to understand that Sir George Napier considered Captain
Stockenstrom s return objectionable, though it was subse-
quently shown that he had mistaken some expressions of
the governor. The correspondence to which this communica-
tion gave rise settled a doubt that had arisen in Lord
Normanby's mind as to the prudence of forcing an unpopular
administrator upon an irritated people.
On the 31st of August 1839 the secretary of state
informed Captain Stockenstrom that in consequence of the
feelings of distrust and alienation which had taken such
deep root in the minds of a large proportion of the colonists
as to deprive his services of the value which would other-
wise belong to them, it was not expedient that he should
eastern districts. Some
resume the government of the
*
1839]
183
Sir George Napier.
flattering expressions were added concerning his personal
and official character, but he was left with nothing more
than a promise that any claims he might make to recom-
pense for the loss of his post would be
post would be taken into
favourable consideration.
Three days later a change took place in the cabinet.
Canada and Jamaica were violently disturbed, and matters
generally in the dependencies of the empire were in such
confusion that the ministers decided upon entrusting them
to the ablest member of their party. On the 3rd of
September Lord John Russell became secretary of state for
the colonies, and the place he vacated was filled by the
transfer of the marquess of Normanby to the home depart-
ment. The new secretary offered Captain Stockenstrom
the governorship of a West Indian island with knighthood,
which he declined, and asked for a pension of £1,000 a year.
Lord John Russell then offered him a pension of £700 a
year from the colonial revenue and a baronetcy of the united
kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, which he accepted.
On the 31st of May 1840 the late lieutenant-governor,
now Sir Andries Stockenstrom, reached South Africa again.
Still sore from the loss of his office, he showed much
resentment towards Sir George Napier, and involved himself
in an acrimonious controversy with Judge Menzies, in which
he was very severely worsted. But his good qualities
rapidly gained the ascendency. Removed from the false
position in which one great error had placed him, freed
from the delirium caused by an unavailing struggle to make
it appear that his conduct had been correct and consistent,
and with ample time for reflection, his whole course of
life was changed. The upright, honourable, patriotic
conduct of his younger days was resumed as natural to
him. He wanted indeed several elements of true greatness :
he did not relinquish the habit of abusing imaginary
opponents, he did not cease to quarrel with every one
whom he regarded as a rival, and to his latest hour he
would not admit in words that he had grievously erred ;
: 184
[1839
History of the Cape Colony.
=
but there never lived a man whose conduct at different
periods formed a stronger contrast. Captain Stockenstrom
giving evidence before the committee of
the committee of the house of
commons and acting as lieutenant-governor of the eastern
districts, and Sir Andries Stockenstrom fifteen years later
in occurrences that must be dealt with in other chapters,
can hardly be recognised as the same individual. Fortune
was kinder to him than to most men who tempt her: she
gave him time and opportunity to recover the esteem and
affection of his fellow-colonists, and he availed himself to
the fullest extent of her favours.
Colonel Hare succeeded to the title of lieutenant-governor
of the eastern districts, but the office ceased to be one of
any importance. The administration was carried on by the
governor as before 1836, the only difference being that
instructions and reports now passed through a greater
number of hands, and were consequently subject to more
delay than in former years.
In October 1838 Sir George Napier reached Capetown
again, after a long detention on the eastern border. He
returned by way of the northern districts, and at Shiloh had
a conference with the emigrant Tembu chiefs, whose people
were at the time plundering the farmers in their neighbour-
hood almost at will. The governor informed them that he
intended to enforce the observance of the treaties, and
demanded the restoration of the stolen cattle known to be
in their possession. They promised to comply, but failed to
keep their word. Colonel Hare then sent a detachment of
troops to the Zwart Kei, and at a meeting with Mapasa,
Diniso, and other chiefs, urged them to act honestly, at the
same time informing them that if they did not give up their
booty he would be obliged to take it by force.
After allowing them ample time without any good result,
the lieutenant-governor found himself obliged either to revert
to the old reprisal system or to submit to be set at defiance.
With Sir George Napier's approval, in April 1839 he
assembled a strong military force in two divisions, respectively
1840]
185
Sir George Napier.
under Lieutenant-Colonel Greaves, of the 75th regiment,
and Major Armstrong, of the Cape mounted rifles. This
force marched to the kraals of Mapasa and Diniso, seized
the whole of their cattle, and drove the herds to Shiloh.
There the farmers who had been plundered were compen-
sated by Mr. Henry Fynn, the political agent, and the
residue was afterwards restored to the chiefs. In the march
Major Armstrong's division was attacked, and was obliged
to fire upon the Tembus, when one of them was killed.
This action had a decidedly good effect, and for some time
afterwards that part of the country enjoyed comparative
tranquillity.
Makoma also learned a lesson from it, and being threat-
ened with similar treatment if he did not keep his people in
order, for some months there was almost a cessation of
robberies along the Gaika line. But the memory of bar-
barians is short, and the temptation was too great to be
long resisted.
Early in 1840 Sandile, son of Sutu and legal heir of
Gaika, was circumcised. He was a weakminded boy, and
was frail in body also, for one of his legs was withered. As
is customary on such occasions, the event of his circumcision
was celebrated with prolonged revelry by the people over
whom he was about to become the head. Month after
month dancing and feasting continued in all the glens of
the Amatola range, and he was the hero of the hour who
brought the most and the fattest cattle from the pastures
of Albany to contribute to the supply of food. Sir George
Napier hardly knew what to do. With experience his views
of the Glenelg system had become greatly changed, and on
the 21st of September 1840 he informed the secretary of
state that after a trial of four years the Stockenstrom treaties
had utterly failed. Decisive action of some kind was needed,
as delay was no longer possible "without the risk, nay
almost the certainty, of the plundered, harassed, and justly
irritated farmers taking the law into their own hands and
suddenly entering the Kaffir country with commandos to
186
[1840
History of the Cape Colony.
retake their cattle by force, if not to revenge by bloodshed
all their wrongs."
Under the Stockenstrom treaties a farmer was obliged
to employ armed herdsmen, otherwise he had no claim to
aid from the government if his cattle were stolen. This
condition acted like a premium upon murder. The Kaffirs
regarded the killing of the herdsmen as a clever performance,
and within four years after the introduction of the system no
fewer than forty-nine individuals thus lost their lives. In
addition to these a trader named Charles Bezant was
murdered at Pato's kraal on the 6th of July 1838, and his
shop was plundered as the Gunukwebes asserted-by
Nonibe's people. Thus fifty murders within four years.
were chargeable to the Kaffir clans, though the governor
wrote that not a single act of injustice or infringement of
the treaties had been committed towards those people by
colonists.
The difficulty of the situation was increased by the 72nd
regiment being recalled to England in April 1840. The
governor dared not move a man from the frontier, so he
kept there the 27th, 75th, and a wing of the 91st, with
the Cape mounted riflemen and some artillerymen and
engineers, leaving the defence of the Cape peninsula to the
25th regiment only. Three companies of the 91st were at
St. Helena.
In 1839 the chief justice, Sir John Wylde, when on
circuit sentenced nine convicted cattle thieves to death,
with a view of deterring others from the commission of this
crime; but the governor mitigated the sentence, knowing
that public opinion in England would be horrified if it was
carried into effect. The secretary of state approved of the
mitigation. He issued instructions to try if a better
arrangement could not be made with the chiefs, though
the treaties were not to be abrogated until some other
feasible system should be submitted for his consideration,
and the clans must be dealt with as independent powers.
With these instructions, on the 6th of October 1840 the
1840]
187
Sir George Napier.
governor left Capetown to visit the frontier for the second
time.
On the 24th and 25th of November he had an interview
with some ninety or a hundred farmers at Fort Beaufort,
when he heard their complaints and discussed measures of
relief. Mr. Stretch, diplomatic agent with the Gaika clans,
who was in attendance, was then sent to the chiefs to
propose certain alterations in the treaties, and to invite
them to meet the governor on the 1st of December at a
spot close by Lovedale mission station.
On the day appointed, Sandile, Makoma, Tyali, Anta,
Botumane, Eno, Tshatshu, and some others of less note,
with about four thousand armed followers, gathered on the
high ground above Mr. Stretch's residence, hardly a musket
shot from the present classrooms of the Lovedale institution,
and there, after a long conference, at which the Kaffirs all
agreed that friendship should be renewed on account of
Sandile having come of age, the chiefs consented to some
very important modifications of the Stockenstrom treaties.
The principal of these were that British subjects should be
at liberty to enter Kaffirland in pursuit of stolen cattle,
provided they went unarmed and in small parties; that
they need not be accompanied by Kaffir police; that it
should not be necessary for farmers to maintain armed
herdsmen; that persons from whom cattle were stolen could
claim reasonable damages as well as restitution of their
property; and that murderers of people in British territory
should be surrendered by the chiefs to the colonial
authorities.
To this effect on the 2nd of December the chiefs
attached their marks to modified clauses of the Stocken-
strom treaty, which were also duly signed by Sir George
Napier, Colonel Hare, and the diplomatic agents.
On the 29th of December precisely the same course was
followed at Fort Peddie with the Fingo chiefs Umhlambiso,
Jokweni, Matomela, and Zibi, and the Gunukwebe chiefs
Pato, Kama, and Kobe. On the 31st of December at
188
[1841
History of the Cape Colony.
Fort Peddie similar arrangements were made with the
Ndlambe chiefs Umkayi, Umhala, Gasela, Siyolo, and
Nonibe for her son Siwani. And lastly, on the 28th of
January 1841 the emigrant Tembu chief Mapasa met the
governor at Grahamstown, and attached his mark to the
same conditions.
These changes were regarded with much satisfaction by
the frontier colonists, though no one supposed that the
chiefs had any intention of keeping their new engagements.
But considering treaties of this kind merely as rules of
conduct for white people, they found themselves much less
hampered now by regulations which seemed to have been
framed purposely to tempt robbers.
Shortly after these arrangements were made intelligence
reached South Africa that the Melbourne ministry had fallen.
Having been defeated by a majority of one on an important
question, on the 23rd of June parliament was dissolved, and
the ministers appealed to the country. The result was a
victory for the conservatives, and on the 3rd of September
1841 Sir Robert Peel became premier and Lord Stanley
secretary for the colonies. In South Africa it was supposed
that the new government would introduce a more vigorous
policy in favour of order; but for a considerable time no
changes were made, except that the military force on the
frontier was greatly strengthened.
In
The 72nd regiment had left for England in April 1840,
but the 25th arrived at the same time to take its place. In
April 1842 the 25th left for India, when three companies of
the 91st, completing the first battalion of that regiment,
arrived from St. Helena, and in August of the same year
the second battalion was added to the Cape garrison.
February 1843 a transport bound to Mauritius put into
Table Bay with the reserve battalion of the 12th on board,
and the governor took the responsibility of detaining the
troops to garrison Capetown, and adding the second battalion
of the 91st to the force on the frontier. On the 1st of
May of the same year the 45th arrived from Cork to relieve
1842]
189
Sir George Napier.
the 75th, which enabled the governor to allow the 12th to
proceed to Mauritius. In June the skeleton of the 75th
embarked for England, about two hundred and fifty men
belonging to the regiment having taken their discharge in
the colony. The 7th dragoon guards, three hundred and
thirty-two strong, arrived from England within the same
week, and were at once sent to the frontier. The artillery
and engineer force was also strengthened. The troops in the
colony now consisted of four battalions of infantry-namely
the two of the 91st, one of the 27th, and one of the 45th-
a regiment of dragoons, the Cape mounted rifles, and a.
number of artillerymen and engineers.
Even with the large force which could now be stationed
on the frontier it was found impossible to prevent depreda-
tions, though there was an agreement of opinion among the
military officers that if the line of the Keiskama and the
Tyumie had been preserved, so as to cover the jungles of the
Fish river, a smaller body of troops would have sufficed for
the purpose.
On the 1st of May 1842 the chief Tyali died of a chest.
complaint at his kraal in the Tyumie valley, and as his
sons Fini and Oba were mere lads, his brother Xoxo was
appointed regent of the clan. Xoxo was possessed of a
fair amount of ability, and was guided by the old coun-
cillors, so that the condition of this branch of the Gaikas.
underwent very little change upon the death of its turbulent.
head.
Tyali had long been ill, but the people would not believe
that a man of his rank had died a natural death, and a
witchfinder was therefore employed to smell out those who
had killed him. This man pointed to Sutu, great widow of
Gaika, as the guilty person, and for some hours she was in
danger of being maltreated. But the diplomatic agent.
Stretch and the missionaries of the Glasgow society, learn-
ing what was taking place, hastened to the dead chief's
kraal, and as they found a large party doubtful of Sutu's
guilt, or at any rate unwilling that the mother of Sandile
190
[1843
History of the Cape Colony.
६
should suffer punishment, they succeeded in rescuing her.
She was conveyed to the mission house at Burnshill, and
remained there until the excitement was
over. It was
generally supposed in the colony that Sutu was smelt out at
the instigation of Makoma, who was believed to be ambitious
and would have gained greatly by her fall; but men who
are well acquainted with Kaffir ideas, and who know the
full particulars of this event, acquit him of the atrocious
design.
During the early months of 1843 the pillage of the colony
was leading to such exasperation of the farmers that the
governor resolved to make an example of the most notorious
robbers. There was a clan of the Imidange under a captain
named Tola, whose kraals were between Fort Beaufort and
the abandoned fort Willshire. These people prided them-
selves upon being the most expert stock lifters in the country,
and their reputation in this respect was so widespread that
they were joined by many clever and aspiring men from
other parts.
Tola thus rose to be a chief of importance
among his fellows, though the farmers of Albany were wont
to stigmatise him as the greatest scoundrel at large. The
other chiefs assured Colonel Hare that they had no sympathy
with him, and would punish him for his misdeeds if he
were not so strong.
An arrangement was then made with Sandile that a body
of troops should assist to chastise the offender, he promising
to aid with the whole of the Gaika clans. Accordingly on
the 7th of June 1843 four divisions of soldiers, in all six
hundred men, under the general direction of Lieutenant-
Colonel Somerset, marched from Grahamstown towards
'Tola's kraals. At the same time Mr. Theophilus Shepstone,
who in February 1839 had succeeded Mr. J. M. Bowker as
diplomatic agent with the Fingos and Gunukwebes, marched
from Fort Peddie with a Fingo contingent to attack the
marauder from the south. Sandile with the Gaikas was to
have cut off his retreat northward and eastward, so that it
was hoped he might be secured.
843]
191
Sir George Napier.
But when the soldiers reached the kraals of Tola they
found that he and his people had fled eastward to the
Kwelegha river, and so far from the Gaikas assisting, it was
apparent that they were prepared to protect the robbers
against seizure, and that a further advance of the troops
would be the signal of a general war. The Fingos pursued
some distance, but were then recalled, and the military
force retired, taking with them five hundred head of cattle,
the only trophy of this inglorious expedition. The cattle
were distributed at Fort Beaufort to the principal sufferers
from robberies, and the soldiers went back to their posts.
On the 23rd of June the lieutenant-governor had a
conference with the Rarabe chiefs at Fort Beaufort, when
he remonstrated with them upon their treacherous conduct.
As usual, they were quite ready to upbraid themselves for
the past, and to make ample promises for the future; but
on both sides the proceedings were regarded as a farce. Yet
this was the method by which what was called peace was
preserved under the modified Stockenstrom treaties.
At this time-June 1843-the Gunuk webe captain Kama,
the most orderly and honest of all the Xosa chiefs, foreseeing
that a general war must soon take place and not wishing to
be involved in it, abandoned the country near the coast and
with his people moved to the neighbourhood of the Lesuto,
where he was provided with a location by Moshesh. Kama
was a convert to Christianity, and was held in much respect
by the white people. His removal from the vicinity of Fort
Peddie was an intimation of the part he knew his brother
Pato would take in the coming struggle.
On the 1st of December 1838 the period of negro
apprenticeship expired, and the farmers of the western
districts found themselves almost without servants. In
some instances indeed the attachment to their late masters
was strong enough to keep the freedmen at work until the
crops then ripening were gathered, but in general they made
their way to the nearest towns and villages, where they
-could lead lives of comparative idleness. Huddled together
192
[1840
History of the Cape Colony.
in little apartments in back streets and alleys-especially in
Capetown-they could exist upon the merest trifle, and for
more than that the majority seemed to have no desire. The
townspeople were only too glad to get their services occa-
sionally at high wages, and with the payment for a couple
of days' labour they could live upon fish and rice for a
week. Numerous philanthropic societies provided for them
in sickness, and ineffectually strove to inculcate a desire
for industry and cleanliness. Their children were gathered
together in schools, and were taught to read and write, a
kind of knowledge that without improved habits of life
they could not turn to much account.
The freed people were in this state when on the 20th of
February 1839 the measles appeared in Capetown. For
more than thirty years the colony had been free of that
disease, and no one knew how it originated on this occasion,
but very shortly it made its presence felt in an alarming
manner. Spreading through the country, it
country, it attacked
especially the coloured people who were living amidst filth
in stifling rooms, and during the next three months created
fearful havoc among them.
In January of the following year the small-pox broke
out among some negroes landed from a captured vessel,
and although every possible effort was made by the govern-
ment to check it, it spread with frightful rapidity. Since
1812 this loathsome disease had been unknown in the
colony, though towards the close of 1831 it was prevalent
among the Griquas and Koranas north of the Orange river,
having been brought there as was supposed from Delagoa
Bay. During the winter of 1840 it proved fatal to a good
many white people, and carried off several thousand negroes.
The exact number could not be ascertained.
At this time the imperial government made such alterations
in the duties on wines entering Great Britain that the Cape
could no longer compete with Southern Europe. Coupled
with the scarcity of labour, this produced such an effect.
that the exportation of wine rapidly fell off. Instead of it,
1839]
193
Sir George Napier.
wool was now fast rising to the first place in the list of
exports, and it may be said that merino sheep saved the
country from general bankruptcy.
To compensate for the great number of white people who
were leaving the colony, efforts to obtain emigrants from
Great Britain were made by means of petitions to the
imperial government and proposals of some of the unofficial
members in the legislative council. The plan generally
favoured was to appropriate to immigration purposes from
£8,000 to £12,000 yearly from the loans being repaid to the
government bank, instead of destroying that amount of paper
money. Applications were then to be called from persons.
requiring labourers of any kind, and upon their giving a
guarantee to provide employment for a fixed term at
specified wages, an agent in England was to select the
people needed and send them out at the cost of the
colony.
But the imperial authorities declined to sanction any
expenditure that could be avoided until the public debt was
paid off, as under the measures adopted in 1825 Great
Britain was responsible for the notes which represented the
greater part of the debt, they being exchangeable for
treasury bills. There was thus no state-aided emigration
from Europe to the Cape at this time. A few families
came out of their own accord, three or four hundred soldiers
whose term of service had expired were allowed to take
their discharge on the frontier, some English emigrants
bound to Australia and New Zealand were wrecked in Table
Bay and remained here, and in 1843 some artisans began to
arrive at Port Elizabeth from England under a system of
advanced passages inaugurated by Mr. Joseph S. Christophers;
but the whole number thus added to the European population
was small.
Even the supply of juvenile immigrants received by
means of the Children's Friend Society came to an end in
1839. This society was founded in 1830 by Captain Edward
Pelham Brenton, of the royal navy, with the benevolent
N
194
[1839
History of the Cape Colony.
design of rescuing destitute children in the great cities of
England from a life of vice and misery. In Capetown there
was a committee of clergymen and government officials, who
co-operated with the directors in
the directors in London, received the
children when they were sent out, and saw that they were
apprenticed to suitable persons. Of the Capetown committee,
Mr. John Fairbairn, editor of the Commercial Advertiser,
was secretary, and no man could have been more careful of
the interests of the children than he. There was a special
ordinance providing for the protection of the immigrants,
and empowering the committee to apprentice them,
By this means about seven hundred and fifty children
were brought to South Africa, when an untoward event
caused the enterprise to come to an end. Though efforts
were made by the directors to exclude hardened criminals
from their operations, a few lads of depraved habits eluded
their vigilance, and arrived in the colony only to give
endless trouble. Some letters which one of these boys
wrote to his friends in London were made public, and caused
benevolent people there to suspect that the children were
subject to very harsh treatment in South Africa. The
directors of the institution at once requested the secretary
of state to appoint a special commission of inquiry, and
Lord Normanby instructed Sir George Napier to do so and
forward a a full report. The society also sent out Mrs.
Bourhill, the matron of one of its receiving establish-
ments near London, to report upon the condition of the
girls, and to remain here as superintendent of female
immigrants.
Just at this time a boy named Trubshaw, who was one
of twelve lads apprenticed to Mr. G. H. de Wet, a farmer
near Stellenbosch, ran away from his employer, and worked
his passage in a ship to England. Two days after his arrival
in London he was taken before a magistrate on a charge of
theft, and there he told a story which roused an outburst of
prejudice against the Children's Friend Society. He said that
he had been sold at the Cape of Good Hope as a slave to a
1839]
195
Sir George Napier.
farmer, by whom he had been so cruelly treated that he had
been forced to run away, and as he had no food nor means
to obtain any when he reached home he was obliged to
steal.
In accordance with Lord Normanby's instructions, the
governor directed Captain Hill and Majors Longmore, Piers,
and Barnes to inquire into the condition of the juvenile immi-
grants. They found that there had been a few instances of
harsh conduct towards the children, the very worst of which
was by an English officer who was afterwards dismissed
from the queen's service by a court-martial on account of
it; but that in the vast majority of instances the apprentices
were very well treated. As for Mr. De Wet, from whom
Trubshaw had run away, he was an exemplary master, and
the eleven apprentices remaining with him had not a word
of complaint. As a rule the children were in excellent
health, were comfortably provided for, were learning to get
an honest living by labour, and altogether had much better
prospects than they could ever have had in England.
According to their indentures a small sum of
of money
ranging from three pence to a shilling a week was placed
to the credit of each in a savings bank. There were
exceptions to this general statement, but they were mostly
of children with vicious habits, who should never have
been sent out.
Mrs. Bourhill died in July 1839, after sending home a
report which might be termed enthusiastic regarding the
condition of the girls. She expressed an earnest wish
that many thousands of poor children then going to ruin
in the great English cities could be placed in as good
positions.
Meantime it was ascertained in London that the boy
Trubshaw under another name had been twice convicted of
petty theft before the Children's Friend Society took him
under its care. The society challenged the strictest investi-
gation into his statement that he had been sold as a slave,
and asserted that the only ground for such a charge was the
196
[1840
History of the Cape Colony.
fact that persons in the colony on receiving an apprentice
were required to contribute from £7 to £9 to their funds to
aid in defraying the expense of outfit, passage, and mainte-
nance of the child.
This, however, did not allay the outburst of prejudice
against the society by the very class of people benefited by
its operations, and even respectable newspapers continued
to hurl charges of gross mismanagement against it, only one
of which had any foundation in fact, namely that the
children sent out were often placed as apprentices in such
situations that they could not attend church regularly every
Sunday. Captain Brenton's death was hastened by the
opprobrium heaped upon him, and the mourners at his
funeral were insulted by an angry mob.
The committee in Capetown resigned, declaring that
they would no longer expose themselves to the abuse of
those persons in England who paid implicit belief to every
foolish report or misrepresentation to the discredit of the
colony.
On the 2nd of January 1840 Sir George Napier published
a notice in the Gazette, stating his confident trust that the
reports of the commission of inquiry would effectually dis-
abuse the public mind in England as to the general treat-
ment and actual condition of the apprentices, and recording
his opinion that the directors in London as well as the
commissioners on the spot deserved thanks instead of the
unmerited reproach to which they had been subjected.
The society tried to live down the bitter feeling against
it, and after a time the committee in Capetown consented
to resume its labours. In November 1840 the farm Belle
Ombre, four hundred and twenty-two acres in extent, a
little beyond Wynberg, was purchased for £1,750 with a
view to its being converted into an industrial and training
school for the children until it could be seen which were
fit to be apprenticed either to tradesmen or farmers. But
popular prejudice in London was not to be overcome, and
in May 1841 the Children's Friend Society was finally
[840]
197
Sir George Napier.
dissolved, thus bringing to an end one of the best schemes
ever devised for benefiting alike poor English children and
Cape colonists.
Though European immigrants were few at this period,
it was different with blacks, many of whom were brought
in by British cruisers, taken in captured slave ships. Such
vessels went through the form of being condemned by a
court of mixed commission, established under treaties
between Great Britain and Spain and Portugal. The
negroes were then landed, and apprenticed by the collector
of customs; but by an order from England none under
nineteen years of age could be given out for farm work.
Some two or three thousand blacks also, who were being
maintained at St. Helena at the expense of the imperial
government, were forwarded to the Cape by order of Sir
George Napier, and so great was the want of the farmers
that they were not only eagerly inquired for, but there was
no difficulty in raising money by subscription to defray the
cost of their transport.
·
As regards public works, Sir George Napier, like every
preceding governor, saw the need of roads, bridges, light-
houses, and harbour improvements; but without money
nothing could be done, and the instructions of both Lord
John Russell and Lord Stanley were to pay off the colonial
debt before proposing any expenditure that could
avoided.
be
Many of the colonists maintained that Great Britain
ought to redeem the debt, because she had imposed such an
expensive government upon the country from 1806 to 1834
as to cripple its finances, and was also in possession of the
military buildings which formed part of the security for the
paper money. The secretaries of state, however, did not
concur in this opinion, and thought England was acting
generously by not claiming payment for £67,233 of the
paper money for which treasury bills were given in exchange
by the commissariat shortly after the value of the rixdollar
note was fixed at one shilling and sixpence. That amount
198
[1845
History of the Cape Colony.
Great Britain consented to lose, and the colony was now
required to pay off the remainder. Expenses of every kind
were therefore cut down as much as possible, and every
penny of surplus revenue was applied to the extinction of
the debt. Wherever government farms had been leased, as
at Groenekloof, the occupants were permitted to become
proprietors by paying fifteen years' rent at once, and several
public buildings were sold. The money thus obtained, as
also the private fund of the orphan chamber, or surplus
interest as it was called after that institution was placed
under the master of the supreme court, and even Mr. Van
Dessin's legacy to the chamber, was devoted to the same
object.
By these means the debt was greatly reduced, when in
April 1843 Mr. John Montagu became secretary to government.
He applied himself to the subject with the closest attention,
and having ascertained that there was a large amount of
revenue many years overdue, he set about collecting it with
an intensity of purpose from which even pity for the
distressed was absent. He succeeded so well that upon the
expiration of Sir George Napier's tenure of office the debt
was almost extinguished. There was then sufficient recover-
able arrear revenue with the estimated surplus of the following
year to meet the amount still due, except £40,000 for which
provision was made by an offer to convert quitrent tenure
land into freehold upon payment of fifteen years' rental,
the offer to hold good only until the sum required was
realised. Before the close of 1845 the colony was free of
debt.
The only important improvement in the thoroughfares of
the country at this time was the construction of what is
known as "the queen's road," between Grahamstown and Fort
Beaufort. It was made by military labour under the super-
vision of Mr. Andrew Geddes Bain, and its cost was entirely
defrayed from the military chest. There were no extraordinary
physical difficulties to be surmounted, but the road is still
regarded as a good specimen of what engineering skill can
1842]
199
Sir George Napier.
effect in a broken country. The Fish river at Fort Brown
and the Kat river at Fort Beaufort were spanned by
substantial stone bridges. The foundation stone of that at
Fort Beaufort-named the Victoria bridge-was laid by
Lady Napier in November 1840.
In December 1836 Lord Glenelg authorised the creation
of a harbour board for Table Bay, with power to collect
wharfage charges, to borrow money on security of such
charges, and to complete the stone pier, the work on which
was suspended in 1833. But the unofficial members of the
legislative council objected to this scheme, and in its stead
urged that the government should construct two or three
cheap dwarf jetties, which would serve the purposes of trade
until a comprehensive scheme for the improvement of the
bay could be taken in hand. This course was adopted, but
after the completion of the first jetty, close to the old wharf
at the castle, Sir George Napier did not venture to com-
mence another until the merchants of Capetown raised
£2,900 by subscription, purchased a range of buildings
previously used by a fishing company, and transferred it to
the government to be turned into offices and stores. He
then caused a substantial jetty to be built at the foot of
Bree-street. The first cost only £1,404, the second £7,479.
The last was opened for use on the 1st of January 1842.
An association called the commercial wharf company was
now formed for the
for the purpose of landing and shipping
merchandise, which was still conveyed in boats to and from
vessels at anchor. The Table Bay boatmen enjoyed the
reputation of being among the most expert of their class in
the world, and their feats in conveying anchors and cables
to badly-found ships in winter gales often required the
utmost daring as well as the greatest skill.
As several vessels in succession were lost at night on the
rocks at Mouille Point, the secretary of state was induced
to give his consent to a lighthouse of an inexpensive class
being built there. A clear white light forty feet above
sea-level was first exhibited on the 1st of July 1842.
200
[1843
History of the Cape Colony.
In Algoa Bay a jetty was constructed by a commercial
company. In 1837 a vessel named the Feejee foundered there
near the shore, when it occurred to Mr. John Thornhill, a
resident of Port Elizabeth, to turn the wreck to account.
He purchased it, drove a number of piles round it, framed
them together, and let the structure stand for some months
on trial.
As it remained firm, in March 1838 he formed a
company to build a jetty. The woodwork was completed,
and on the 10th of April 1840-the twentieth anniversary
of the landing of the first British settlers on the same spot-
the foundation stone of the inshore portion was laid with
much ceremony by Mr. William Lloyd, resident magistrate
of the district. But the enterprise ended disastrously. In
a gale on the 25th of August 1843 four ships were wrecked
in Algoa Bay. One of them struck the jetty, and eleven of
her crew sprang upon it, believing it to be a place of safety.
The next moment the whole structure was swept away, and
the men disappeared in the general wreckage. Theirs were
the only lives lost on the occasion, and of twelve vessels at
anchor in the morning eight rode out the gale.
Great efforts to improve Port Frances were made by an
enterprising British settler named William Cock, who main-
tained that the mouth of the Kowie could be made one of
the best harbours in the world. He was a man of means,
and was willing to venture his capital in the project. On
the 27th of November 1839 an ordinance was issued to
enable him and his partner-Mr.
his partner-Mr. George Hodgskin-to
improve the port, and to levy fees for a specified period
upon goods landed or shipped there. Mr. Cock then set to
work to construct training walls of wattled timber banked
behind with sand and bushes, for the purpose of narrowing
the mouth of the river and washing away the bar. He
believed himself to be in a fair way of success, but the loss
of two sailing vessels in succession when leaving Port Frances
caused others to be doubtful.
Mr. Cock then got out a steamer of one hundred and
forty tons and forty horse power, named the Sir John St.
1843]
201
Sir George Napier.
Aubyn, to ply between Port Frances and Table Bay and
also to tow sailing vessels in and out of the Kowie. She
arrived from England on the 2nd of July 1842, but on the
31st of January 1843 was wrecked when endeavouring to
enter the Kowie with a vessel in tow.
Not discouraged yet, Mr. Cock next got up an association
called the Kowie Navigation Company, of which he was the
chief shareholder, and had a couple of small iron sailing
vessels built in England to trade between Port Frances and
Table Bay.
These vessels-named the British Settler and
the Chanticleer-were for some time running on the coast,
but could seldom procure cargoes at or for Port Frances.
The place did not therefore attain that importance which
the British settlers had anticipated for it ever since their
arrival.
CHAPTER XXV.
SIR GEORGE THOMAS NAPIER, GOVERNOR (continued).
AT the strongly expressed desire of the legislative council,
the secretary of state consented to great reforms being
made in the method of raising the revenue. The taxes
between 1836 and 1850 were the following:-
1. Capitation tax. This was levied at the rate of six
shillings yearly on all males over sixteen and unmarried
females or widows over twenty years
years of age. It was
imposed by an ordinance on the 5th of March 1829, but.
was abolished in January 1840, after which arrears only
were collected.
2. Taxes on male house or stable servants, at the rate of
ten shillings a year, on horses and mules kept for pleasure,
at the rate of ten shillings a year, on horses and mules
maintained for trade or agriculture, at the rate of one
shilling a year, on four-wheeled vehicles kept for pleasure,
at the rate of four pounds a year, on carts kept for pleasure,
at the rate of two pounds a year, on four-wheeled vehicles
kept for trade or agriculture, at five shillings a year, on
carts kept for trade or agriculture, at two shillings and six
pence a year, and on incomes over £30 a year not derived
from agriculture or cattle rearing, at the rate of two per
cent. These taxes were imposed by an ordinance on the
5th of March 1829, but ceased to be levied after the 6th
of February 1839 except as arrears.
3. Taxes on stock and produce. The first of these was
the impost levied for district purposes from the earliest days.
of the colony, and was based upon returns of their cattle
furnished by the farmers themselves. On the 1st of April
1814 the rates were altered to three farthings a year for
202
1844]
203
Sir George Napier.
each horse or head of horned cattle, and two pence farthing
for every twenty-five sheep or goats. At the same time
grain was taxed at three farthings a muid, wine at six
pence a legger, and brandy at one shilling and a penny
halfpenny a legger. After the 1st of January 1828 these
taxes-probably in their effect upon the character of the
people the very worst that could be devised-were paid
into the general revenue, but were abolished at the close
of 1838.
4. Taxes on grain, brandy, and wine brought to Cape-
town or Simonstown for sale. The impost on grain was a
commutation of the ancient tithes, and that on brandy and
wine was also of long standing. On the 13th of December
1820 these taxes were reduced in amount, on the 10th of
December 1834 that on wine was abolished, and on the
8th of July 1842 those on grain and brandy were done
away with.
5. Port dues. These were modified by an ordinance
dated the 27th of November 1827, and were thereafter
levied at the rate of two pence farthing a ton on vessels
touching for refreshment, four pence halfpenny a ton on
trading vessels, and nine pence a ton yearly on coasters.
A fee of seven shillings and six pence was also charged
for anchorage, and a similar amount for a clearance. These
taxes were abolished on the 30th of January 1844.
6. Government bank. The revenue from this institution
was derived from interest on paper money lent and discount
on bills. After the establishment of the Cape of Good Hope
and South African banks it ceased to pay, it was then some
time in liquidation, and was finally closed on the 31st of
December 1842.
7. Tolls and ferries. On the 22nd of November 1843
these were transferred to the central board of commissioners.
for public roads.
8. Stamps and Licenses. Stamps of different value
were required on almost every legal document. Licenses
were needed to carry on business of different kinds, and
204
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
especially to deal in spirituous liquors. Until the 5th of
October 1846 a retail license to sell wines and spirits cost
from £112 10s. a year in the principal towns to £3 a year in
country places, but by an ordinance of that date a uniform
charge of £20 a year was substituted.
9. Auction dues. This tax was of ancient date, and was
confirmed by ordinances of the 7th of December 1827 and the
20th of February 1844. The charge was four per cent on
auction sales of movable property and two per cent on auction
sales of land.
10. Transfer dues. This also was an ancient tax, but was
modified by a proclamation of the 2nd of January 1818, con-
firmed by an ordinance of the 26th of December 1844. The
charge was four per cent on the purchase amount of freehold
property or quitrent farms, and two and a half per cent on
the bonus given for loan places.
11. Fines and fees of office. These were sums paid for
drawing up legal documents of various kinds, charges in the
orphan chamber branch of the office of the master of the
supreme court, judicial fines, pound fees, &c.
12. Somerset hospital. The receipts under this heading
arose from a charge to patients of means, varying from one
shilling and three pence to three shillings a day.
13. Land rents. After the 6th of August 1813 these were
derived from quitrents and from land leased before that date
and not subsequently brought under quitrent tenure. The
quitrent varied according to the value of the land when
assigned to the first holder, and was fixed by a board with
the governor's approval.
14. Postal receipts. By ordinances of the 11th of June
1834 and the 6th of November 1837 the charges for con-
veyance of letters from one part of the colony to another
were made to vary from two pence to thirteen pence halfpenny
the quarter-ounce, according to distance. Ship letters were
charged four pence the quarter-ounce additional. Newspapers
were charged a penny for any distance inland, and a penny
for ocean transit. By an ordinance of the 7th of January
1844]
205
Sir George Napier.
1846 the postage on letters inland was fixed at four pence
the half-ounce, irrespective of distance, and the same charge
was made for ocean transit. Newspapers remained as before.
After the 1st of January 1846 there was a post twice a
week between the principal seats of magistracy throughout
the colony.
15. Sale of land. During this period all the old drostdy
buildings, except that at Worcester, were sold, and the civil
commissioners and resident magistrates were obliged to pro-
vide themselves with dwelling houses. By this means the
excessive charges for repairs, which the government had
previously been obliged to meet, were got rid of. The
government farms in Groenekloof and elsewhere were also
disposed of, the lessees being allowed to purchase them by
paying fifteen years' rent. The proceeds of the sale of waste
lands and a small item for sale of stone quarried at Robben
Island were also included under this heading.
16. Customs duties. At the strongly expressed desire of the
legislative council, the secretary of state consented to increase
these dues, so as to allow of the abolition of the various
vexatious and unpopular taxes. The order in council of the
22nd of February 1832-given in a preceding chapter-was
superseded by another on the 10th of August 1840, which
placed special duties on various articles. An order in council
on the 8th of May 1841 reduced the import duties on goods
from British India to the same rates as on similar goods
from other British possessions. On the 11th of March 1842 an
order in council was issued, raising the duties on all articles
not specially rated to five per cent of the value if brought
from British possessions, and to twelve per cent of the
value if brought from foreign countries. Further small modifi-
cations were made in specialised articles by orders in council
on the 24th of April 1847 and the 31st of October 1848.
The average yearly revenue during periods of five years
each is here given, but for one of the periods it is not
absolutely correct, as the returns for 1841 in the records are
not complete.
206
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.

From
From
1836 to 1840. 1841 to 1845.
From
1846 to 1950.
Capitation tax
Tax on servants
Tax on horses and carriages
Income tax
Tax on stock and produce
Tax on grain brought to Capetown
or Simonstown for sale
£4,031
127
£1,825
29
3,658
1,230
2,224
899
2,102
94
1,197
431
Tax on wine and brandy brought
to Capetown or Simonstown for
sale
169
32
Port dues
2,142
1,164
Government bank
6,597
1,800
Tolls and ferries
3,073
1,865
Stamps and licenses
18,877
18,945
19,260
Auction dues
16,024
14,112
17,102
Transfer dues -
18,338
17,854
21,958
Fines and fees of office
6,335
6,313
5,620
Somerset hospital
342
419
402
Land rents
12,896
17,471
16,509
Postal receipts
5,704
7,722
11,493
Sale of land
6,140
5,370
11,982
Customs duties
40,157
64,471
99,145
Licenses to remove guano
9,375
785
Miscellaneous
-
1,631
1,840
1,518
£151,764 £173,261
£205,774
The Capetown local taxes were paid into the colonial
treasury after the abolition of the burgher senate on the 1st
of January 1828 until the establishment of a municipal
council on the 1st of October 1840. They were on an
average from 1836 to 1840 :—
House rates
Water rates
Rent of shambles and quarries
Market dues
-
£1,267
1,463
885
2,630
£6,245
The imports were greatly inflated during the early years of
this period by speculation upon the money received for the
slaves, and it was necessary to seek other markets for large
quantities of goods intended in the first instance for sale in
South Africa. The following figures give the average yearly
values:-
1844]
207
Sir George Napier.

From
1836 to 1840,
From
1841 to 1845.
From
1846 to 1850.
Goods entered for home consump-
tion
Goods imported, placed in bonding
warehouses, and afterwards ex-
ported to other countries
Proportion of imports in British
ships
£843,297
£708,458
£1,010,104
342,254
143,139
155,108
96 per cent. 94 per cent. 93 per cent.
The exports of colonial produce were steadily rising in
value, owing, however, almost entirely to the increase of
sheep's wool. In agricultural produce, especially in wine,
there was a considerable falling off, due largely to the
scarcity and dearness of labour. The average yearly values
were :-
:-

Aloes
Argol
Beef and pork -
Brandy
Butter
Dried fish
Dried fruit
Grain
Hides and skins
Horns
Horses and mules
Ivory
Ostrich feathers
Tallow
Wax
Whalebone and oil
Wine
Wool
Other articles
•
From
1836 to 1840.
From
From
1841 to 1845. 1846 to 1850.
£2,159
£8,886
£2,929
343
1,347
5,279
4,852
853
9,057
105
290
613
8,166
6,111
3,839
3,838
8,654
8,334
4,018
3,541
3,166
23,635
15,117
13,645
47,842
48,713
46,564
3,790
1,881
1,130
11,034
10,953
8,767
1,508
2,320
7,243
2,144
4,528
4,353
5,556
5,287
3,385
163
143
451
1,872
976
508
92,111
52,717
41,227
30,229
99,593
201,932
15,355
23,819
22,471
£259,147
£299,728
£380,467
Proportion of colonial produce
shipped at Port Elizabeth -
18 per cent. 37 per cent. 47 per cent.
·
Upon Sir George Napier's arrival in South Africa he
found that Sir Benjamin D'Urban
D'Urban had contemplated a
208
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
reform in the system of public education, and that an
exhaustive report upon the condition of the country schools
had been prepared by Colonel Bell, the secretary to
government.
An account of the introduction of the system of education
then existing has already been given, but in most of its
details changes had recently been made. The free schools
established in 1822 were still open, though they had long
ceased to maintain as high a position as in earlier years.
Some of the most competent teachers had secured more
lucrative situations, others had died, and an inferior class of
men had taken their places. The bible and school com-
mission-which consisted of a few of the high officials
selected by the governor, and the clergymen of the Dutch
reformed, Lutheran, English episcopal, and Scotch presby-
terian churches in Capetown-was supposed to exercise
control over all schools in the colony receiving aid from
the government; but in reality its supervision was only in
name. Of this commission the reverend Jan Hendrik von
Manger was chairman for many years, but the infirmity
attending advanced age prevented his displaying much
energy, though he did not retire from active service as a
clergyman until the 21st of July 1839, and continued to
take an interest in educational matters until his death on
the 2nd of May 1842.
In each district there was a school board, consisting of
the resident magistrate as chairman, the clergyman, and a
number of members elected by contributors to the funds.
These boards nominated the teachers, but the governor had
the right of appointment. They
They provided schoolrooms,
school furniture, and residences for the teachers, usually
collecting funds for the purpose by public subscription.
Until 1834 the masters received fixed salaries from the
colonial treasury, but after that date, by desire of the
bible and school commission, they received salaries not
exceeding £40 a year, with £5 extra for every ten pupils
over twenty, and small fees from parents able to pay. In
1844]
209
Sir George Napier.
1838 there were in the whole colony twenty-three village
schools of the class established in 1822. There was also a
class of elementary schools connected with churches, in
which the church clerk acted as schoolmaster, and received
a small salary from government for both services.
For the coloured people much better provision was made
by mission societies, aided in many instances by grants
of money from the government. Mission schools were
scattered broadcast over the land. Zealous teachers were
ever busy gathering children together and instructing them
free of charge, for benevolent people in Europe and South
Africa bore the cost. At this time there were in the colony
seventeen Moravian clergymen, fifteen clergymen connected
with the London mission, and having as their head the
reverend Dr. Philip, whose zeal was unwearied in advancing
the education of the coloured people, ten clergymen of the
Wesleyan society, six of the Rhenish, one of the Berlin,
one of the Paris, and one of the South African missionary
society. All of these had numerous lay assistants, male and
female, and all were intent upon instructing the children of
the negroes, mixed breeds, and Hottentots, in the use of
books. The Moravians and some of the others regarded
industrial training as equally necessary, but with many
the sole object was to impart an education such as was
given to English children in English schools.
The farmers were still in the habit of employing private
tutors, who were usually men of little learning and of
intemperate habits, so that their office was held in small
esteem.
There were several excellent private schools for both
sexes in various parts of the colony, and in Capetown there
was an educational institution of a high class, founded at
the beginning of the century by a branch of the society
Tot nut van't algemeen. There were also a few memorial
schools under various names in different parts of the colony.
The South African college in Capetown was in receipt of
£200 a year from the treasury. The college classes met
O
210
[1838
History of the Cape Colony.
:
still in the orphan house, but the governor had already
promised to make a grant to the directors of part of the
great garden in Table Valley for the purpose of erecting a
suitable building. In 1839 this promise was carried out,
when the ground on which the last government slave lodge
was standing and part of that where wild animals were once
kept was transferred to the college. A sum of over £3,000
was on hand from the old Latin school fund, and could be
used for building purposes. The government lent the
directors other £2,000 from the prize negro fund,* for which,
however, four per cent yearly interest was to be paid. By
these means a commencement was made with the building
now in use, into which the classes were moved in 1841.
Before 1839 about £2,000 a year was expended from the
colonial treasury in aid of schools.
The eminent astronomer Sir John Herschel was residing
at Feldhausen-now called the Grove-in the present village
of Claremont, where an obelisk marks the position of his
twenty-feet reflecting telescope. As he was known to take
a very warm interest in matters relating to education, Sir
George Napier asked for his opinion upon a system suitable
to the circumstances of the country. In reply, on the 17th
of February 1838 he furnished a memorandum on the
subject, and as the principles which he advocated were
afterwards acted upon, the system was called by his name.
But to Mr. John Fairbairn, editor of the Commercial
Advertiser, as much credit is due as to either Sir George
Napier or Sir John Herschel for the improvement which at
this time was made in the public school system. His articles
upon the subject were frequent, written in an excellent
style, and attracted general attention. On the 19th of
February 1838 he addressed the governor upon the matter
in a letter which Sir George Napier regarded as of almost
equal value with Sir John Herschel's memorandum.
*A sum of money raised many years before by a tax on the employers of
negro apprentices for the purpose of providing for their maintenance when old
and infirm.
1839]
2II
Sir George Napier.
The secretary of state having approved of the new system,
it was put into working order as speedily as possible. The
bible and school commission was replaced by a super-
intendent-general, whose whole time was devoted to control
and inspection. Two classes of schools were established
in the chief centres of European population throughout
the colony. Those of the elementary class were provided
with as competent teachers as could be obtained, whose
salaries were fixed at £100 a year from the government, with
a free house or an allowance of £30 for rent. Local boards,
elected by contributors to the funds and approved by the
governor, were expected to provide proper schoolrooms and
furniture, and might supplement the teachers' salaries.
These schools were open without charge to every child
of good behaviour in the community. Religious instruc-
tion was given from the bible at a stated hour, but no child
whose parents objected was required to attend at that time,
and it was free to any clergyman to catechise the children
of his congregation in a room by themselves. The Dutch
language was used as the medium of instruction where parents
desired it.
Above these in the principal villages were classical schools,
provided with teachers of higher standing, most of them
graduates of Scotch universities. The salaries were £150
a year, with free house or £30 allowance for rent, and fees,
which were not to exceed £4 a year from each pupil. The
governor had the right to nominate a limited number of
free scholars. The same rules were to be observed as in the
elementary schools regarding religious teaching, but the
medium of instruction was to be the English language
exclusively.
A normal seminary was established in Capetown to train
teachers for the elementary schools, but to take charge of
those of the higher class it was necessary to procure men
from Europe.
On the 11th of May 1839 Mr. James Rose Innes, once
teacher at Uitenhage, and recently professor of mathematics
212
[1841
History of the Cape Colony.
in the South African college, was appointed superintendent-
general of education, with a salary of £500 a year and
travelling expenses when on tours of inspection.
In March 1838 Sir John Herschel returned to Europe.
At the governor's request he selected five Scotch teachers
Messrs. Francis Tudhope, John Gibson, Humphrey
Buchanan-
M'Lachlan, Thomas Paterson, and Thomas
who were sent out by Lord John Russell, and arrived in
July 1840. The last-mentioned took charge of the normal
school in Capetown, the others were stationed in the order
of their names at Grahamstown, Uitenhage, Stellenbosch,
and George.
After visiting the schools throughout the colony and
putting them in as good order as possible, in May 1840
Mr. Innes proceeded to Great Britain to observe the latest
methods of education and to procure more teachers. The
degree of doctor of laws was conferred upon him by the
university of Aberdeen; and in March 1841 he reached the
colony again, bringing with him Messrs. John Paterson,
John M'Naughton, Patrick Black, George Bremner, and
Joseph Reid, who
stationed at Port Elizabeth,
Wynberg, Worcester, Paarl, and Somerset East. Mr. George
Cromar, another teacher engaged by Dr. Innes, followed
shortly afterwards, and was stationed at George, Mr.
Thomas Paterson being transferred to Graaff-Reinet.
were
The finances of the colony would not allow of the estab-
lishment of a larger number of high schools at this time,
but as the revenue improved they were increased. In 1850
the amount expended on education from the colonial treasury
was £7,923.
There was a sum of £5,906 18s. 4d. unclaimed as compen-
sation for slaves, those who were entitled to receive it from
the imperial treasury declining to apply for it on the ground
that by doing so they would admit the justice of the treat-
ment to which they had been subjected. With the sanction
of the secretary of state, this money was now transferred
to a committee consisting of the secretary to government,
1841]
213
Sir George Napier.
the collector of customs, and the superintendent-general of
education, who were required to invest it, and to use the
interest to assist in the education of children of emancipated
slaves.
An attempt to wreck the public schools was made in
some places by a few individuals to whom it cannot be
considered harsh to apply the word fanatical. They desired
to force all kinds of coloured children upon the teachers,
which could only result in the exclusion of respectable
European pupils. No man with any regard for the morals
of his offspring could allow them to associate with children
of the vagrant class, whose ordinary environment
mental and physical filth.
Two distinct lines of thought were in collision over this
question. One was represented by those missionaries of the
London society who were in the habit on festival days of
getting white and coloured children to march in procession
hand-in-hand, with banners bearing their favourite motto:
ex uno sanguine. The other was represented by the
practical colonial farmers, who did not dispute the theory of
one blood, but who accounted it folly to train pointers as
they would mastiffs, and held that there was at least as
much difference between the extreme races of men as
between the different breeds of dogs.
Dr. Innes was called upon to decide between these
conflicting opinions. To him it seemed as if the question
was not whether the coloured children were to be educated,
but whether white children were to be driven from the
public schools. There was ample provision made by the
mission societies and by the government for the require-
ments of one class, why then should the other be forced to
forego advantages or to conform to ideas rightly or wrongly
regarded as revolting? The words white and coloured could
not be used in the school regulations, as public opinion in
England would not tolerate it. The terms decently clothed
and of good deportment, however, could offend only a few
persons, and by means of them and a judicious exercise of
214
[1841
History of the Cape Colony.
tact and conciliation on the part of Dr. Innes the same
end was attained, and the usefulness of the schools was
preserved.
In Sir George Napier's commission great changes were
made in the constitution of the legislative council. Thence-
forward the unofficial members were to hold their seats
during the pleasure of the queen, not as previously for life;
and there was to be no debate upon any subject unless the
governor proposed it. The attorney-general was of opinion
that by these changes the old council was abolished, and the
governor therefore reappointed the unofficial members. These
gentlemen, though consenting to retain their seats under the
new conditions, at once forwarded to Lord Glenelg a protest
On the 8th of
against the restriction of their liberties.
August the secretary of state replied that the changes had
been made in mistake, and issued fresh orders restoring the
former constitution of the council, except that the unofficial
members were to hold their seats only during the queen's
pleasure. As the military officer next in rank to the governor
held also the appointment of lieutenant - governor
resided in Grahamstown, which made his attendance im-
possible, on the 26th of June 1840 Lord John Russell directed
that the collector of customs should be a member of both the
legislative and executive councils.
and
Of the members of the legislative council on its formation
in 1834, only three remained ten years later.
Lieutenant-Colonel Bell, secretary to government, obtained
leave of absence to visit Europe, and embarked on the 10th
of June 1841. Upon his arrival in England he received
military promotion, and therefore he did not return. When
he left the colony, Mr. John Moore Craig, the governor's
private secretary, was directed to act as secretary to govern-
ment. Sir George Napier requested the secretary of state to
as he was
appoint Mr. Craig permanently, but
connection of the governor by marriage, Lord Stanley did
not think it advisable to do so, and gave the situation to
Mr. John Montagu, previously secretary to government in
a near
1844]
215
Sir George Napier.
Van Diemen's Land, who arrived and took over the duty on
the 23rd of April 1843.
Mr. Joachim Willem Stoll, treasurer-general, died soon
after the creation of the council. Mr. William Henry Harvey,
an eminent botanist and later author of three volumes of
the Flora Capensis, was appointed to the vacant office by the
secretary of state. He arrived on the 18th of October 1836,
and took over the duty. On the 7th of December 1841 he
embarked for Europe suffering from aberration of mind, and
as his malady increased, he was obliged to retire. Mr. Harry
Rivers, previously civil commissioner and resident magistrate
of Swellendam, who was directed to act as treasurer-general
when Mr. Harvey went home, received the permanent
appointment.
Mr. Anthony Oliphant, the attorney-general, having been
promoted to the office of chief justice of Ceylon, left the
Cape on the 16th of March 1839, and Advocate William
Musgrave acted for the next six months. On the 16th of
September Mr. William Porter, who was appointed by the
secretary of state, arrived and took over the duty. Advocate
Musgrave returned to his practice, but upon the retirement
of Mr. Justice Kekewich on the 12th of October 1843, he
became second puisne judge.
Of the unofficial members of the legislative council, Messrs.
Pieter Laurens Cloete, Charles Stuart Pillans, and Jacobus
Johannes du Toit had retired, and were succeeded by Messrs.
Henry Cloete, Hamilton Ross, and Advocate Henry Cloete.
The legislative council in 1844 thus consisted of the
governor, as president, Messrs. John Montagu, Harry Rivers,
Pieter Gerhard Brink, William Porter, and William Field,
official members, and Messrs. John Bardwell Ebden, Michiel
van Breda, Henry Cloete, Hamilton Ross, and Advocate
Henry Cloete.
This period is marked by a considerable increase in the
number of churches throughout the colony. It was the
custom for the government to appoint a clergyman and pay
his salary when the people who were to form a new
1
.216
[1840
History of the Cape Colony.
congregation built a place of worship and a parsonage. Several
young colonists who had pursued their studies for the
ministry in Europe returned at this time, and there was
no longer a difficulty in filling the pulpits. The ordinary
manner of proceeding was for a committee to purchase a
farm in a suitable place, to lay out a village upon it, and
with subscriptions and the proceeds of the sales of building
allotments to pay for the farm and erect the church and
parsonage.
The village of Riebeek East was founded in 1840. Ten
years earlier the Dutch-speaking people in the district of
Albany, being desirous of having a church of their own, sent
a petition to the government, with the result that Captain
Campbell, the civil commissioner, was instructed to select
elders and deacons. This was in accordance with the
twenty-third article of Mr. De Mist's church regulations,
which provided that when a new congregation was estab-
lished, the landdrost of the district should nominate the
first consistory for the governor's approval. The clergy
claimed the nomination as a right of the presbyteries, and
though this was not conceded by the government, the land-
drosts always chose the persons recommended by those
bodies. The elders and deacons thus appointed were
installed in January 1831 by the reverend Alexander Smith,
of Uitenhage, and from that date the congregation existed
distinct from others. On the 22nd of April in the same.
year the presbytery of Graaff-Reinet approved of what had
been done, and elected as consulent the reverend George
Morgan, of Somerset East. The first resident clergyman
was the reverend John Pears, who commenced duty on the
2nd of April 1839. There was as yet no church building or
parsonage, but in April 1840 the consistory purchased the
farm Mooimeisjesfontein, which had once belonged to Mr.
Pieter Retief, with the object of laying out a village upon it
and building a church. In January 1842 the reverend Dr.
Roux succeeded Mr. Pears as minister, and by his wish
the name Mooimeisjesfontein was changed to Riebeek East.
€840]
217
Sir George Napier.
The village of Piketberg also was founded in 1840. On
the 1st of April 1832 the people of that part of the country
sent a petition to the presbytery of the Cape asking that
they might be formed into a congregation separate from
Tulbagh and Clanwilliam. The presbytery recommended the
request to government, and leave was given to take the
preliminary steps. On the 18th of August, therefore, a
meeting was held on the farm of Mr. J. Basson, when a
committee was appointed to carry out the design. In the
following year the committee was superseded by properly
appointed elders and deacons, who commenced their duties
about the 17th of October 1833. In the records the exact
date is not given. On the 31st of December 1835 the govern-
ment granted to the consistory the farm Grootfontein, two
thousand two hundred and twenty-four morgen in extent,
upon which to build a place of worship. There, after 1840,
a village gradually grew up, which was named after the
adjacent mountain. At the close of 1839 or beginning of
1840 the reverend Dr. John W. L. Scholtz became the first
resident clergyman of Piketberg, but his salary was not
paid from the public treasury until the 1st of March 1843.
In a similar manner the village of Riversdale was founded.
The people of that part of the colony, being desirous of
having a church in their midst, elected a committee to
whom on the 24th of July 1838 a portion of the estate
Doornkraal-afterwards increased to eight hundred and
forty-eight morgen-was transferred by the farmer from
whom it had been purchased. Building sites for a village
were then surveyed and sold. On the 7th of March 1839
the presbytery of Swellendam commissioned some of its
members to choose elders and deacons, and to inspect
suitable boundaries for the new parish. The names of the
elders and deacons having been submitted to the governor
by the civil commissioner, they were formally approved of
on the 27th of April, and in June they were installed and
the new congregation was established. The reverend
Hubertus Adriaan Moorrees, who commenced his duties on
218
[1840
History of the Cape Colony.
the 19th of May 1839, was the first clergyman of this parish.
At the request of the committee by whom the preliminary
steps were taken, the name Riversdale was given to the
village by government notice on the 30th of August 1838,
in honour of Mr. Harry Rivers, the civil commissioner and
resident magistrate of Swellendam, in which district the new
parish was situated.
The people of the southern part of the district of
Swellendam were also desirous of having a church of their
own, but were divided in opinion as to where it should be.
Two committees were consequently elected, one of which
purchased the farm Langefontein and the other the farm
Klipdrift. Each resolved to form a village and build a
church. 1n 1838 their applications came before the
presbytery of Swellendam, but were rejected on the ground
that there were parts of the colony in much greater need
and the number of clergymen was limited. The members of
the Langefontein committee, however, were not disheartened.
In May 1838 the first building sites of their village were
sold, and they obtained the interest of the governor by
requesting him to give it a name. He called it Bredasdorp,
in honour of Mr. Michiel van Breda, member of the
legislative council. The result was that a salary for a
clergyman at Bredasdorp was voted at the next session of
the council, and the presbytery of Swellendam then reversed
its decision and took the necessary steps to establish the
new congregation. The first clergyman was the reverend
Johannes Jacobus Brink, who was inducted on the 27th of
May 1839. On the same day the first elders and deacons
who had been approved by the governor on the 27th of
April commenced their duties.
The other committee also built a church and formed a
village, the first erven of which were sold on the 4th of
June 1838. They requested the governor to give his own
name to the place, and on the 5th of March 1840 Klipdrift
was changed into Napier by notice in the Gazette. But it
was a long time before a separate church was established
1840]
219
Sir George Napier.
on
there. An arrangement was made by which the clergyman
of Bredasdorp held service occasionally at Napier, and
the 20th of February 1848 elders and deacons were installed.
The first resident minister-the reverend Arnoldus G. M.
Kuys-commenced duty on the 1st of September 1852.
it any
In 1837 the people of Waggonmakers' Valley and the
Groenberg decided to have a church nearer than the Paarl,
and elected a committee to take action in the matter. Of
this committee Mr. Richard Addey, a justice of the peace,
was chairman. In the following year ground was purchased,
and erven were sold as soon as surveyed. In 1839 a church
building was erected. The committee thought to secure the
governor's interest by requesting him to name the village
after himself, but their letter arrived a little too late. They
then requested that it might be named Blencowe, in honour
of Lady Napier's father, Mr. Robert Blencowe, of Hayes, in
Middlesex. This, however, the governor and his lady for
some unassigned cause declined to assent to. Baffled again,
the committee desired the governor to confer upon
name that he chose, and on the 26th of March 1840 by a
notice in the Gazette he called it Wellington. At the same
time the committee requested that they might have as their
minister the reverend Andries François du Toit, a young
clergyman on the way out from his studies in Holland. The
governor complied, and on the 19th of June 1840 Mr. Du
Toit was appointed first clergyman of Wellington. In April
of the same year the presbytery of the Cape confirmed what
had been done, and commissioned some of its members to
select elders and deacons and to define boundaries for the
new parish. The elders and deacons chosen were nominated
by the civil commissioner, on the 22nd of June were appointed
by the governor, and entered into office on the 26th of July
1840, after which the duties of the committee ceased.
In 1841 the people of the Zwartberg desired the presbytery
of Graaff-Reinet to form them into a congregation separate
from that of Beaufort West, of which they had previously
been part.
The consistory of Beaufort supported their
220
[1841
History of the Cape Colony.
request, and the presbytery appointed a commission to inspect
a boundary for the proposed parish, but deferred further
proceedings until the consent of the governor could be
obtained. The leading men in the movement then elected a
committee, who purchased the farm Kweekvallei, caused a
village to be laid out upon it, and commenced to build a
church and a parsonage. In 1842 the presbytery of Graaff-
Reinet did not hold a session, but on the 1st of November in
that year the synod met in Capetown, and after a few days
the action of the Zwartberg people was brought before it.
The synod approved of what had been done, named elders
and deacons, who were appointed in the usual manner by
the governor on the 24th of the same month, and thus the
new congregation was established. On the 1st of August
1844 the reverend Pieter Kuypers Albertyn became its first
clergyman. By a notice in the Gazette on the 31st of July
1845, the name Prince Albert was given to the village at the
request of the consistory.
In 1843 the congregation of Tulbagh was divided into two.
Upon the death of the reverend Mr. Kicherer on the 1st of
April 1825, Dr. George Thom, previously of Caledon, was
removed to Tulbagh. Unfortunately this able and zealous
man a few years later became subject to periodical fits of
insanity, and in course of time, as the malady increased,
it became necessary to remove him to an asylum. On the
1st of November 1835 the reverend Robert Shand was
inducted as his successor.
successor. In his first sermon the new
minister made use of remarks by which many members of
the congregation considered themselves insulted, and his
declaration that he would not baptize children unless their
parents were converted gave rise to much discussion.
was an old subject of dispute in the Dutch reformed church.
The division between the minister and the congregation
widened rapidly, and on the 12th of March 1836 Mr. Shand
was suspended from duty by the governor at the request of
the presbytery. The reverend Hubertus Adriaan Moorrees
then appointed to act temporarily as clergyman of
was
It
1843]
221
Sir George Napier.
Tulbagh, and the case was referred to the synod. In October
1837, as Mr. Shand promised to conform to established usages,
his restoration was recommended by the synod, and, by
order of the secretary of state, on the 14th of December
1838 he resumed duty at Tulbagh. Petitions for his removal
were sent to England in vain. About half the congregation
then resolved to secede, and on the 21st of January 1843 at
a public meeting carried their decision into effect. They
then established what is still known as the Kruisvallei con-
gregation, which is identical with the Dutch reformed church
in doctrine and forms of service, but is not represented in
the synod. The reverend H. A. Moorrees became its first.
minister, commencing duty on the 6th of August 1843. No.
aid was given by the government to the new congregation.
The restraints imposed by the civil authorities upon all
matters connected with the church, and especially the great
power of the political commissioners in the synod,* where
no resolutions could be adopted without their approval, led
to urgent appeals to the government by the clergy and
Sir George
congregations for greater liberty of action.
Napier expressed himself as "most anxious to free the
church from the trammels of secular interference in all
spiritual or purely ecclesiastical matters," and accordingly in
November 1842 a number of rules and regulations were
attached to
drawn up by the synod, which were
ordinance passed by the legislative council and confirmed
on the 8th of November 1843,
an
This ordinance repealed Mr. De Mist's regulations of the
25th of July 1804, as well as all other previous laws affecting
the relation of the church to the state, and invested the
general assembly or synod of the Dutch reformed communion
with the power of regulating its own internal affairs. The
synod was to consist of all acting ministers and of an acting
or retired elder elected by each consistory except that of
* In 1826 the country consistories were permitted to transact their business.
without the supervision of political commissioners, and in 1828 the same
liberty was conferred upon the consistory of Capetown.
222
[1843
History of the Cape Colony.
The
Capetown, which was entitled to elect two elders.
synod was to assemble in Capetown every fifth year on the
second Tuesday in October. It was further constituted the
highest court of appeal in the church.
Next to it in order came the presbyteries, which were to
assemble yearly on the second Tuesday in October, except
when the synod met. They were then five in number,
namely, the presbytery of Capetown, consisting of the
clergymen and an elder of each of the congregations of
Capetown, Stellenbosch, Paarl, Somerset West, Durban ville,
and Wynberg; the presbytery of Tulbagh, representing in
the same manner the congregations of Tulbagh, Malmes-
bury, Worcester, Clanwilliam, Piketberg, and Wellington;
the presbytery of Swellendam, representing the congrega-
tions of Swellendam, Caledon, George, Bredasdorp, and
Riversdale; the presbytery of Graaff-Reinet, representing
the congregations of Graaff-Reinet, Cradock, Beaufort West,
Somerset East, Colesberg, and Prince Albert; and
and the
presbytery of Albany, representing the congregations
Uitenhage, Riebeek East, Glen Lynden, and Balfour
of
Below the presbyteries were the consistories, consisting
of the elders and deacons of each congregation, with the
clergymen where there was one-as president. The elders
and deacons were still named by their predecessors in office.
In 1837 the synod decided that all who had performed
these duties at any time should have the right of taking
part in the elections, and after that date only the names
of as many deacons as were required were submitted to
the governor for approval, instead of as previously a double
list of names from which he could make a selection. *
The
ordinance now dispensed altogether with the governor's
approval of the choice of elders and deacons.
*Under Mr. De Mist's church regulations it was not necessary to send a
double list of names to the governor for selection, but most of the congre-
gations had followed the ancient custom of doing so. This refers to deacons
only. The governor had the power of disapproving of the elders chosen, but
from the earliest days of the colony except in a few particular instances only
as many names of elders as were required were submitted to him for ratification
or rejection.
844]
223
Sir George Napier.
To guard the interests of the church and to regulate
matters when the general assembly was not in session, there
was to be a synodical commission, consisting of the president
of the last synod or his secundus, the scriba, the actuarius
synodi, and one delegate elected yearly by each presbytery.
Political commissioners were dispensed with, and the
civil government was relieved of the necessity of attending
to matters affecting the church in its spiritual capacity
only. There was much joy among the clergymen and the
congregations over the change, which they believed gave
them almost unlimited freedom of action. They were
destined a few years later to learn that with clergymen
appointed and paid by the state, and with the proceedings
of the synod liable to be brought before the civil courts of
law, they were in reality hardly more free now than they
were before.
At the beginning of 1844 the English episcopal church
had congregations with clergymen in Capetown, Ronde-
bosch, Wynberg, Simonstown, Port Elizabeth, Grahamstown,
Bathurst, Fort Beaufort, and Sidbury. On the 10th of
October 1841 a place of worship in connection with this
body of Christians was opened for use on Robben Island,
but was not provided with a resident clergyman.
The ministers of this church were under the superinten-
dence of an ecclesiastical board, composed of the archbishops
of Canterbury and York and the bishop of London. By in-
structions from Earl Bathurst on the 24th of March 1826
they were required to correspond with this board, but General
Bourke obliged them to send their letters and reports through
the secretary to government, that he might see them.
Succeeding governors enforced this rule, and were in the
habit of forwarding to the ecclesiastical board in London
returns of other churches as well as of the English episcopal.
Instructions were issued on the 17th of July 1828 that the
senior colonial chaplain should take upon himself a general
supervision of ecclesiastical matters connected with the
English episcopal church, and that the other clergymen
224
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
should send their reports to the government through him;
but these instructions were not observed until after the 19th
of February 1834, when by order of the secretary of state,
who acted by the advice of the bishop of Calcutta, a circular
was issued strictly enforcing them. At long intervals, bishops
on their way to India called at Capetown and performed the
duties which in this communion are entrusted to them
alone.
The Roman catholic church in Capetown-the only one in
the colony-had met with several reverses. The reverend
Mr. Scully left South Africa on the 11th of July 1824, and
the congregation was without a clergyman until the arrival
of the reverend Theodore Wagener on the 30th of March
1826. On the 25th of May 1827 the reverend Thomas
Rishton reached Capetown from Europe, and during the next
five years the two clergymen conducted services. Mr.
Wagener alone received a salary from government. Mr.
Rishton was offered a salary if he would remove to Grahams-
town, but he declined to entertain the proposal. On the
15th of May 1832 Mr. Wagener resigned in order to return
to Europe, and his companion was then appointed by the
governor Roman catholic clergyman of Capetown, with a
stipend of £200 a year. In March 1835 Mr. Rishton's health
so completely broke down that he was obliged to retire, and
then for rather over three years there was no clergyman of
this communion in South Africa except a Spanish monk-
the reverend Thomas Moral-who in January 1836 happened
to call in a homeward-bound ship from the Indies, and was
induced to remain in Capetown for a few months.
The chapel in Harrington-street and the clergyman's
dwelling-house were built partly by subscription, but chiefly
by means of loans of money from the government bank.
The ground on which they stood was transferred-7th of
September 1821-to the reverend Mr. Scully personally, and
after his departure from the colony was held by legally
appointed curators of his private estate. The loans were
never wholly repaid, and in a heavy storm of rain which
1844]
225
Sir George Napier.
lasted from the 28th of June to the 7th of July 1837 the
chapel fell down, after which the ruin was sold for the
benefit of the creditors.
The Roman catholics in South Africa were thus for some
time without either a clergyman or a place of worship. On
the 6th of June 1837 Pope Gregory XVI created the vicariat
apostolical of the Cape Colony, and on the 14th of April
1838 the right reverend Patrick Raymond Griffith with the
reverend Messrs. Burke and Corcoran arrived in Capetown
from Europe. Dr. Burke proceeded to Grahamstown, and
took up his residence there. In that town, on the 21st of
July 1844, the first Roman catholic place of worship in the
colony that was destined to exist permanently was opened
for public service. Mr. Corcoran remained in Capetown,
and the bishop made his headquarters there also, though he
spent much time in travelling and establishing congregations
elsewhere, which were speedily supplied with clergymen who
arrived from Europe.
The extension of other Christian societies has been
mentioned in connection with the introduction of the new
system of schools.
The money received from the imperial government as part
compensation for the freedom of the slaves rapidly found its
way into the hands of a small number of people, chiefly in
Capetown, who saw no chance of investing it profitably in
agricultural pursuits. To this circumstance is owing the
formation of many of the joint stock companies which were
established at this time. Chief among these were the Cape
of Good Hope fire assurance company, with a capital of
£20,000 in four hundred shares, which commenced business
in Capetown on the 1st of December 1835; the Board of
Executors for administering estates, with a capital of £10,000
in fifty shares, which commenced business in Capetown on
the 22nd of August 1838; the Cape of Good Hope marine
company, with a capital of £75,000 in fifteen
hundred shares, which commenced business in Capetown on
the 30th of August 1838; the Protecteur fire and life assurance
assurance
$
P
226
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
company, with a capital of £40,000 in two thousand shares,
which commenced business in Capetown on the 29th of
September 1838; the South African bank, with a capital of
£100,000 in two thousand shares, which commenced business.
in Capetown on the 1st of October 1838; the Eastern Province
bank, with a capital of £40,000 in sixteen hundred shares,
which commenced business in Grahamstown on the 1st of
January 1839; and the Eastern Province fire and life assur-
ance company, with a capital of £20,000 in four hundred
shares, which commenced business in Grahamstown on the
2nd of September 1839.
An association termed the Cape of Good Hope steam
navigation company got out from England a small vessel
for coasting purposes. She was named the Hope, and was
of three hundred tons burden, with two engines of fifty horse
power each. On the 8th of December 1838 she arrived in
Table Bay, and thereafter plied regularly between Capetown
and Port Elizabeth. She was bound to Algoa Bay with
seventy-two souls on board, including the crew, and was
seventy-six hours out, when at half past two o'clock in the
afternoon of the 11th of March 1840 in a thick mist she
ran on a ridge of rocks about two hundred yards from the
shore ten miles west of Cape St. Francis, while the captain
thought he was twenty-five miles from land. Among her
passengers were Advocates Ebden and Denyssen, who after-
wards became judges of the supreme court, Advocate William
Hiddingh, whose valuable donations to the South African
public library entitle him to the gratitude of all colonists,
and Mr. John Owen Smith, one of the leading merchants
of Port Elizabeth. An attempt was made to lighten and
float the vessel by staving in the heads of a number of
brandy casks, but this only created another danger, for the
spirits caught fire, and it was some time before the flames
could be got under. There were only two small boats, and
one of these got so damaged that it was useless. By half
past seven in the evening a raft was made, and the women,
children, most of the male passengers, and some of the crew
1844]
227
Sir George Napier.
-forty-one souls in all-embarked on it. The mist had by
this time cleared away, and it was seen that the coast was
rocky and that a heavy surf was breaking upon it. It was
feared, however, that the wreck would break up, so the raft
was taken in tow by the sole remaining boat, and fortunately
all on it got to land alive, though many were bruised and
most were half naked. The boat was stove in against the
rocks, but it was found possible next morning to repair it
sufficiently to rescue the people still on the wreck. This
was hardly accomplished when the Hope went to pieces.
After this disaster, the company got out a steamer of
four hundred and five tons, named the Phoenix, which arrived
in Table Bay on the 19th of December 1842. This vessel
was regarded as a superb specimen of naval architecture,
and when she made the passage from Algoa Bay to Table
Bay in forty-seven hours without hoisting a sail, it was
considered almost marvellous.
In Capetown several prominent public buildings were
erected while Sir George Napier was governor. The old
Dutch reformed church was too small for the needs of the
people, so the side walls were broken down in order that it
might be enlarged. The Lutherans gave the congregation
the use of their church in Strand-street from the 31st of
August 1835 to the 31st of January 1841, when the present
building between Church-square and Adderley-street was
opened for public worship. The new structure cost £20,000.
The monuments and memorial tablets which linked the old
building to the past, and which should have been respected,
were not replaced in the new. The Roman catholic cathedral,
on the upper side of Roeland-street, was commenced, and
the large military hospital, on the beach between the castle
and Fort Knokke, was built at this time. A magnetic
observatory was established by the imperial government,
and was attached to the astronomical observatory a short
distance from Capetown.
On the 23rd of January 1839 an ordinance was issued
creating four new magisterial districts: Wynberg, Malmesbury,
228
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History of the Cape Colony.
Paarl, and Caledon. Under the emancipation act, in 1834
the same areas were provided with special magistrates,
whose duties were confined to looking after the interests of
the apprentices. When the apprenticeship ceased on the 1st
of December 1838, the governor considered it advisable to
retain the services of the special magistrates of these four
areas, which he thought should be created magisterial
districts for all purposes. The legislative council concurred
in this opinion, and an ordinance was passed, which was
confirmed by the secretary of state. Major George Longmore
then became resident magistrate of Wynberg, Major Henry
Piers resident magistrate of Paarl, Captain John Montgomery
Hill resident magistrate of Malmesbury, and Major James
Barnes resident magistrate of Caledon.
On the 5th of February 1839 a proclamation was issued
by Sir George Napier, requiring the word district to be used
officially to designate the area under the jurisdiction of a
resident magistrate, and the word division to designate the
area under the administration of a civil commissioner.
An institution which was in existence from the early
days of the colony was swept away by an order in council
on the 7th of September 1839, which provided that when
banns of marriage were published in churches, the bride-
groom and bride need not obtain a certificate from a
matrimonial court that there were no legitimate obstacles
to the union.
In 1841 the villages of Villiersdorp and Schoemansdorp
were founded. At the first named a church was built by a
wealthy farmer named De Villiers, in which services could be
held occasionally, though there was no resident clergyman.
On the 4th of April 1843 the famous exploring ships
Erebus and Terror, under command of Captains J. C. Ross
and F. R. M. Crozier, from the Antarctic seas, put into
Simon's Bay, and during their stay in that port were
naturally objects of much interest.
The year 1842 was more disastrous to shipping than any
since the British occupation of the colony.
1842]
229
Sir George Napier.
At four o'clock in the morning of the 7th of August the
Spanish ship Sabina, of five hundred tons burden, bound
from Manilla to Cadiz, struck on Cape Recife, and quickly
went to pieces. The ship was leaky, and her master was
trying to reach Algoa Bay, but at the moment of the disaster
believed himself to be several miles from land. Forty-five
men were saved, twenty were drowned or crushed to death
in the wreckage.
On Saturday the 27th of August 1842 a gale from the
northwest set into Table Bay. During the night it increased
in violence, and just before dawn on Sunday the transport
Abercrombie Robinson parted her cables. She was a strong
well-built ship, of fourteen hundred and fifteen tons burden,
and only arrived from Dublin Bay on the 25th with a
battalion of the 91st regiment. The troops were still on
board, as it was intended that the transport should proceed
with them to Algoa Bay. The ship struck near the mouth
of Salt River, and filled with water at once, but she held
together, and the discipline of the soldiers and sailors was
So perfect that there was not the slightest confusion or
disorder. To this it was owing that not a single life was
lost, for in the course of the morning every one got to land
in safety.
At eleven o'clock on Sunday morning the convict ship
Waterloo parted. She had put into Table Bay for refresh-
ments on the 24th, and was bound to Van Diemen's Land.
The Waterloo struck close to the wreck of the Abercrombie
Robinson, but being old and rotten, fell into fragments in less
than half an hour. A few persons were got ashore in boats,
but there was not time to save many. When the ship broke
up, all on board were precipitated into the heavy surf,
amidst fragments of wreckage. Altogether ninety persons
got to land alive, some very sorely bruised. Four women,
thirteen children, and fifteen men belonging to the guard
of the 99th regiment which was on board, fourteen of the
crew, and one hundred and forty-three convicts lost their
lives.
230
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History of the Cape Colony.
In this gale some other vessels drifted, and were damaged
by coming into collision, but only the two here mentioned
were wrecked.
On the 9th of September another gale from the north-
west set into Table Bay, when the British barque John
Bagshaw, the American barque Fairfield, the British brigs
Reform and Henry Hoyle, and the coasting schooner Ghika
were driven on shore. No lives were lost on this occasion,
and eighteen vessels rode out the storm at their anchors.
In 1843 a system of constructing public roads was
commenced, which has been of enormous benefit to the
colony. Previous to that date convict labour was employed
in making roads, but without proper supervision, and the
parties were too small and too scattered to be of much
service. Major Michell, the surveyor-general, first conceived
the design of massing convicts upon difficult mountain
passes. In May 1839 he was in England, and with Sir
George Napier's concurrence urged the secretary of state to
permit the construction by this means of good roads over
Cradock's pass, in the range of mountains bounding the coast
belt near the village of George, and up Mosterd's hoek,
connecting the valley of the Breede river with the Warm
Bokkeveld. But as at the same time he was urging the
construction of lighthouses on the capes Recife, Agulhas,
and Good Hope, the secretary of state came to regard him
as an enthusiast bent upon squandering money, and declined
to sanction his projects.
drew up a plan
the legislative
provided for the
Shortly after Mr. John Montagu's arrival as secretary to
government, he turned his attention to this subject, and
which received the approval of the governor,
council, and
council, and the secretary of state. It
creation of a central board of commissioners
of public roads, to consist of three official and three
unofficial members, to be appointed by the governor. This
board was to have power to levy rates not exceeding a penny
in the pound of the value of landed property, it was to have
the right of making use of any public lands required for
1843]
231
Sir George Napier.
main roads, it was to have control of such convict labour as
the governor should see fit to transfer to it, it was to have
the proceeds of tolls and ferries, and was to employ upon
roadmaking such grants of money as the legislative council
might make. Divisional boards, subordinate to the central
board, and composed of the civil commissioner and four
members elected triennially by owners of landed property
worth one hundred pounds, were to have power to levy
branch
rates for the construction and maintenance of
roads.
An ordinance to this effect was issued on the 22nd of
November 1843, and on the following day Messrs. John
Montagu, Harry Rivers, Charles Cornwallis Michell, John
Bardwell Ebden, Frederick Stephanus Watermeyer, and
Joseph Busk were appointed commissioners of the central
board. The divisional boards came into existence shortly
afterwards.
All able-bodied convicts, except those sentenced to very
short terms of imprisonment, were now massed at two
stations, one convenient of access from the eastern districts,
the other similarly situated as regards the west. At these
stations proper discipline could be enforced, and the best
means be carried out for improving the moral and physical
condition of the convicts. The cost to the country of each
convict was found to be less under this system than under
the old, and their labour was of much greater value.
A large amount of free labour was also employed by the
board, as liberal grants were made in course of time from
the public treasury. The first works taken in hand were the
construction of a good road over Cradock's pass, and of a
hard road over the rolling waste of sand called the Cape
flats. This necessitated the planting of the flats with the
mesembryanthemum, which fixed the sand, and enabled trees
and shrubs afterwards to grow.
It had now come to be a fixed principle with the imperial
authorities to limit the term of administration of governors
of colonies to six years, unless under special circumstances.
232
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History of the Cape Colony.
:
Sir George Napier was anxious to retire, and on the 19th
of December 1843 a commission was issued to Sir Peregrine
Maitland as his successor.
The new governor arrived with his wife, three sons, and
three daughters, in the ship Zenobia on the 16th of March
1844, and on the 18th took the oaths of office.
On the 1st of April 1844 Sir George Napier and his
family embarked in the Maidstone, and sailed for England.
In retiring from the Cape Colony, the late governor retired
altogether from public life. He died suddenly at Geneva on
the 8th of September 1855, when he was a few weeks over
seventy-one years of age.
While he was governor three men who had previously
held the same office ended their days. On the 8th of April
1839 the earl of Caledon died suddenly at his residence
Caledon Hall, in the county of Tyrone. He was then in the
sixty-second year of his age. On the 4th of October 1842
Sir Lowry Cole died after only an hour's illness at Highfield
Park. Very much sadder was the ending of Sir Rufane
Shawe Donkin. A long and cruel illness was attended by
great mental depression, and on the 1st of May 1841 during
temporary insanity he committed suicide at Southampton.
:
L
CHAPTER XXVI.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR PEREGRINE MAITLAND, GOVERNOR,
INSTALLED 18TH MARCH 1844; SUPERSEDED 27TH
JANUARY 1847.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR PEREGRINE MAITLAND, like his
predecessor, was an officer of high reputation. He entered
the army in 1792, served in Flanders, was at Coruña and
many other battles in the Spanish peninsula, and com-
manded a brigade at Waterloo. For distinguished valour
during that famous battle he received the thanks of the
house of commons. Recently he had been commander-in-
chief in Madras, but resigned that appointment rather than
show respect to an idolatrous custom believed by the East
India Company to be necessary to secure the loyalty of the
natives.
He had some experience in civil business also, having
been lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada and afterwards of
Nova Scotia.
Though a thoroughly honest, upright, and deeply religious
man, his virtues were not evenly balanced, and the very
excess of some prevented him from being a good ruler. His
benevolence was so great that he overlooked the failings of
subordinates who should have been dealt with more severely
than by a reprimand. His patience would have been
creditable to an investigator such as Newton or Darwin,
but was often the cause of needless delay in the transaction
of business that required to be dealt with promptly. He
placed little confidence in his own judgment, and allowed
himself to be guided by others even in matters of the first
importance. As long as there were only the ordinary duties
of administration to be attended to this was of little
233
234
[1843
History of the Cape Colony.
consequence, because the secretary to government - Mr.
Montagu-and the attorney-general-Mr. Porter, the men
whose advice he followed, were possessed of great ability
and integrity. But when troublous times came on, and
these officials were not at his side, he made many mistakes.
When he arrived in South Africa he was in the sixty-
seventh year of his age. His second wife, who accompanied
him, was a daughter of the duke of Richmond. Two of his
sons, the reverend Brownlow Maitland and Captain Charles
Lennox Maitland, of the grenadier guards, acted as his
private and military secretaries.
He found the public debt of the colony very nearly paid
off, important public works being carried out, and the
revenue in excess of the ordinary expenditure. The prospect
was altogether pleasant, except on the eastern frontier.
At the beginning of his government a considerable sum
of money came into the public treasury from an unexpected
source.
In 1828 an American schooner named the Antarctic was
engaged collecting seal skins and oil on the western coast.
Her master, Benjamin Morrell by name, in 1832 published
an account of this voyage and three others, and incidentally
mentioned that on a certain island there was a deposit of
guano twenty-five feet in depth. The book had a very
small circulation, and the value of guano being then
unknown either in the United States or in Europe, the
remark attracted no notice; but in 1842 a copy happened
to come into the hands of one Andrew Livingston, who
communicated the information to Mr. John Rae, a broker
in Liverpool. Rae's son induced several persons to form a
company with a small capital, and three vessels were sent
out to look for the island.
One of these vessels met with an accident, and put back;
another, after reaching the African coast and finding no
fresh water, sailed away without further search. The third,
a brig named the Ann, of Bristol, arrived in Table Bay on
the 15th of February 1843, where her master, Captain Parr,
1843]
235
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
learned from the crew of an American whaler the exact
position of the island.
The Ann then sailed from Table Bay, and reached with-
out difficulty an islet to which the Hottentots on the main-
land a mile and a half distant had given a name resembling
Itshabo. That being as near an approach to the sound of
the word as the European tongue was capable of making,
the rock has ever since retained the name, which is usually
written Ichaboe by Englishmen. There the brig took in
three-fourths of a cargo of guano, when in a gale she
parted her cables, so she bore away for England, and
reached Bristol in safety. Litigation followed, and the
existence and position of the guano deposit became known
to the public.
Before this date the islands off the coast of Peru were
the sole sources of supply of this valuable manure, which
had recently been introduced into Europe, and was then
worth £9 58. a ton in the English market. A firm in
Glasgow and another in Liverpool at once sent out a
number of vessels, most of which reached the African coast
before the close of 1843. The first to arrive was the barque
Douglas, whose master, Benjamin Wade, on
Wade, on the 11th of
November took possession of Ichaboe for the queen of
England.
The islet is a rock less than a mile in circumference, the
highest point of which is only thirty feet above the level of
the sea. It was found covered with myriads of penguins.
and other seabirds, and had upon it a deposit of guano
varying from forty feet in depth at the northern to ten
feet at the southern end. Large deposits were also found
on other islets in the neighbourhood, but on none was the
bulk so great as on Ichaboe.
Shipping stages were erected, and the fleet was laden.
The speculation proved so successful that many people
embarked in the enterprise, and before the close of 1844
three hundred vessels were lying at once in the channel
between the islet and the mainland. By February 1845
236
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
the whole deposit was removed. During the busiest period,
when some thousands of labourers were engaged on shore,
there was a tendency on the part of the unruly to create
disturbances; but a frigate was sent from Simon's Bay to
support a committee of shipmasters and agents in enforcing
order.
The quantity of guano that entered the English market
from these islands during 1844 and 1845 was about three
hundred thousand tons, which, being sold at an average
price of £7 a ton, was equal in value to £2,100,000. The
importers cleared about £2 a ton, freight being £4 and the
cost of shipping and landing about £1. Only a few ship-
loads were taken to foreign countries. The guano did not
contain as large a proportion of ammoniacal salts as that
from Peru, and was consequently of less value.
The only benefit the Cape Colony derived from the original
mass on the islands off the coast of Namaqualand was
through the sale of provisions, but after the rocks were
cleared the business fell into the hands of merchants of
Capetown, who caused the fresh deposits to be removed
whenever the birds were not breeding.
Except by the unauthorised act of Captain Wade already
mentioned, Ichaboe was not annexed to the British
dominions until the 21st of June 1861, when it was taken
in possession for the crown of England by authority of the
government. In the same manner, on the 5th of May
1866 the islets named Holland's Bird, Mercury, Long
Island, Seal Island, Penguin Island, Halifax, Possession,
Albatross Rock, Pomona, Plumpudding, and Roastbeef or
Sinclair's Island were declared to be part of the British
dominions. On the 16th of July 1866 Governor Sir Philip
Wodehouse proclaimed them all annexed to the Cape Colony.
This proclamation was confirmed by an act of the colonial
legislature, which was assented to on behalf of the queen on
the 26th of June 1873. After that date the islets were
leased to individuals by auction, the rental going to the
treasury until quite recently, when the government took
*
1844]
237
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
the collection and sale of the guano into its own hands in
order to supply it to colonial farmers at cost price.
While Ichaboe was a scene of the busiest industry a
careful search was made along the coast, with the result
that deposits of guano were found on Malagas Island at
the entrance of Saldanha Bay, Dassen Island, and several
other rocks in colonial waters. The government claimed
the guano, and on the 5th of November 1844 a notice was-
issued that it could be removed on payment of twenty
shillings for every registered ton of the vessel employed for
the purpose. Applicants on these terms were plentiful, and
a sum of about £50,000 was received by the treasury for it.
Another item that at a little later date swelled the-
receipts of the treasury by rather more than £10,000 was
derived from the sale of several of the drostdy buildings..
Mr. Montagu was of opinion that it would be cheaper to
allow the resident magistrates a certain sum yearly for
rent than to provide them with residences, as repairs.
and alterations were very frequently asked for. Some-
of the old drostdies had already been sold to aid the
redemption of the public debt, but there still remained
those of Stellenbosch, Swellendam, Clanwilliam, Graaff-
Reinet, and Worcester. The last of these was retained by
the government, those at Stellenbosch and
and Swellendam.
were disposed of on the 12th of April 1846, that at.
Clanwilliam on the 19th of December in the same year,
and that at Graaff-Reinet on the 16th of January 1847.
The great improvement in the financial condition of the
colony enabled the government to apply a considerable
amount of money to the introduction of industrious European.
settlers. In June 1844 the council without a dissentient.
voice voted £10,000 for this purpose, with the understanding
that a similar or larger sum should be so applied every
succeeding year. At that time the road board was unable.
to obtain as many labourers as it needed, though offering
two shillings a day with lodging and rations superior to.
those supplied to British soldiers.
238
[1846
History of the Cape Colony.
·
It was
at first intended that persons in the colony
requiring mechanics or labourers of any kind should make
application for them, stating the term of service, nature of
the work, and amount of wages. If the proposal was
approved of, bounty orders were to be issued by the
government to the applicant, under which the persons
needed could be brought from Great Britain at the public
.cost.
Only thirty-four individuals came out under this system,
however, because in a few months it was altered by the
imperial authorities. The emigration commissioners in
England then contracted with Messrs. John Marshall
& Co., of London and Southampton, to select and convey
agricultural labourers, mechanics, and domestic servants to
Capetown and Port Elizabeth, where they were to be at
liberty to make any arrangements they chose after arrival.
An approved vessel was to sail from Southampton or
Plymouth every two months during the English autumn
and winter seasons, and the contractors were to receive
£10 Ss. for each statute adult selected and sent out.
This plan was an improvement upon the other, as the
demand for labour was so great that no industrious healthy
person had any difficulty in obtaining employment, and the
more enterprising among the immigrants were able at once
to make much better arrangements for themselves than if
they had come out under contract.
On the 27th of January 1846 the barque Susan arrived
in Table Bay from Plymouth with the first party of immi-
grants under the amended system, and she was followed
within the next five years by nineteen other ships conveying
similar passengers. Altogether four thousand one hundred
and eighty-five individuals of both sexes and all ages were
added to the European population of the colony by this
system of immigration. They were the very best class of
people that could be introduced, and with hardly an excep-
tion were
soon in thriving circumstances. They did not
supply the want of labourers, because they rapidly rose to
1844]
239
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
the position of employers, but in a very few years the
country benefited by their presence to an extent far beyond
the amount expended for their introduction.
A party of ninety-three British immigrants also arrived
at Port Elizabeth on the 23rd of January 1846 from Monte
Video, having left that country on account of its disturbed
condition at the time.
The legislative council now began to hold sessions at stated
periods. Previously it met whenever the governor chose,
upon a week's notice being given. On the 15th of May
1844 a rule was adopted, and was afterwards confirmed,
that there should be a regular session every year commencing
in the month of April, of which twenty-one days' notice was
to be given in the Government Gazette.
This body was not regarded by the colonists as in any
way representative of their views or interests. The council
expired with the retirement of each governor, and was
created anew by his successor's commission. The individuals
composing it were, however, retained by name in the new
commission, so that there was no absolute break of continuity.
The unofficial members were practically powerless. On one
occasion Sir George Napier, in his blunt contemptuous manner
when annoyed, told Mr. Ebden that he might spare his breath
in discussing a question, as matters of importance were settled
before they were brought up there.
Upon the death or retirement of an unofficial member,
the successor nominated by the governor was sometimes
required to undergo a long trial before the appointment was
confirmed by the secretary of state. For instance, Advocate
Henry Cloete having left the colony, Mr. Thomas Butter-
worth Charles Bayley, an English gentleman then residing
at Caledon, was nominated by Sir Peregrine Maitland to
succeed him as member of the council, 10th of December
1845. The nomination was reported to Lord Stanley, but
Mr. Gladstone, who on the 23rd of December 1845 succeeded
that minister as secretary of state for the colonies, did not
see fit to confirm it. In the next commission, that of Sir
240
[1845
History of the Cape Colony.
Henry Pottinger, dated 1st of October 1846, Mr. Bayley was
not named, but he was again nominated provisionally. He,
however, declined any longer to submit to such treatment,
and refused to take the seat, which remained vacant until
the 26th of October 1847, when Mr. William Cock, of Port
Frances, was sworn in as Advocate Cloete's successor. He
was the first unofficial member selected from the eastern
districts. Sir Henry Pottinger offered another seat to Dr.
Atherstone, district surgeon of Albany, but that gentleman
declined to resign his appointment in the civil service, and
the offer was therefore withdrawn..
The next vacancy arose from the death of Mr. Michiel van
Breda on the 12th of August 1847. A western man, Mr.
Pieter Voltelen van der Byl, was chosen to succeed him,
and took the oaths on the 11th of September of the same
year. At this time there were six official members, exclusive
of the governor, against five unofficial members, the senior
military officer in the garrison of Capetown having been
added by the secretary of state on the 1st of October 1846.
The people of the eastern districts were not very desirous
of being represented in a council such as this. What they
wanted was a government of their own, nearly or quite
independent of that at Capetown. It was on the eastern
frontier, they said, that all the danger from an enemy existed.
There then should be a strong head and hand ever ready to
act, instead of which they had merely a nominal lieutenant-
governor in the person of Colonel Hare. In December 1845
they sent a strong petition to England to this effect.
Sir Peregrine Maitland and his advisers were of a different
opinion. On the 24th of October, while the petition was
being signed, the governor wrote to Lord Stanley that he
thought if a frontier commissioner was appointed to see
that the treaties with the Xosas were carried out, the
lieutenant-governor's establishment might with advantage
be done away with. He knew of no benefit to be derived
from retaining it after a bi-weekly post was established
between Capetown and the frontier.
[847]
241
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
Lord Stanley was undecided as to what was best. He
approved of the appointment of a commissioner as proposed
by Sir Peregrine Maitland, but he did not dispense with
Colonel Hare's services. Anything like independent govern-
ment for the eastern districts, however, he decidedly objected
to. If that were granted, the western districts would be
absolved from affording assistance in the event of a rupture
with the Kaffirs, and the whole burden would fall upon
England. His successor, Mr. Gladstone, in a despatch dated
the 13th of January 1846 authorised Sir Peregrine Maitland
to accept Colonel Hare's resignation of the office of lieutenant-
governor, which he had frequently tendered. The minister
intimated that the situation would remain vacant, at least
for a time. Upon Colonel Hare's retirement therefore the
business of the eastern districts was transferred to the
secretary to government at Capetown.
A little later it was resolved in England to re-establish
the office, and Sir Henry Edward Fox Young, previously
government secretary in British Guiana, was sent out to fill
it. He arrived on the 9th of April 1847. In June he issued
a circular to various individuals requesting them to furnish
him with their opinions as to whether more liberal institutions
should be granted to the eastern province. A mass of manu-
script was collected, including correspondence between the
lieutenant-governor and Sir Henry Pottinger on the subject,
and after being printed was referred to England, but nothing
came of it, as in consequence of events to be related in
another chapter, British authority was established beyond
the colonial border, and the office of lieutenant-governor of
the eastern districts was then regarded by the secretary of
state as quite unnecessary.
The only other event of importance connected with Sir
Henry Young's tenure of office was the formation of locations
for coloured people within the boundaries of eastern province
municipalities. On the 7th of July 1847 he issued a notice
concerning these locations. They were to be within one or
two miles of the centre of the town, and were to be divided
Q
242
[1847
History of the Cape Colony.
into building and garden lots with regular streets. Married
blacks with recommendations from a magistrate, a clergy-
man, or a commissioner of the municipality, were then to be
received as probationary settlers for two years. Within that
time they were to enclose their ground and erect houses at
least twenty-four by twelve feet in size, when they could
claim titles upon condition of giving one day's work in a
month for the general benefit; but they were not to be at
liberty to sell the ground to Europeans without special sanction
by the government. The locations were to be under the
control of superintendents.
This system of providing for coloured people has since
undergone several modifications, but in its principal features
it is still carried out in eastern towns. The difference in
cleanliness between these towns and those in the western
districts is therefore all in favour of the former, because in
the east Europeans live by themselves and there is no
difficulty in requiring the observance of sanitary arrange-
ments, whereas in the west Europeans and coloured people are
intermingled, and it is almost impossible for any municipal
authority to enforce rules that are regarded by the blacks as
troublesome and unnecessary. To one class a foul atmosphere
is of little or no importance, to the other it is a matter
involving wretchedness, sickness, and death.
Sir Henry Young's tenure of office was very short. Having
received the appointment of lieutenant-governor of South
Australia, he left Grahamstown for that country on the
4th of November 1847, and the situation which he had
held in the Cape Colony was not again filled.
Among the marks of progress during the time Sir
Peregrine Maitland was governor may be mentioned the
opening in Capetown on the 1st of October 1844 of the
Colonial bank, with a capital of £100,000; the formation
of the South African Mutual life assurance society, which
opened its office in Capetown on the 26th of May 1845 ;
and the opening of the Port Elizabeth bank, with a capital
of £40,000, on the 1st of January 1847. During the
18471
243
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
02
short tenure of office of Sir Henry Pottinger the Frontier
Commercial and Agricultural bank was opened in Grahams-
town, 15th of June 1847, with a capital of £75,000; the
Union bank was opened in Capetown, 17th of July 1847,
with a capital of £150,000; and the Western Province
bank was opened at the Paarl, 2nd of August 1847, with a
capital of £20,000.
For the safety of ships of war making use of Simon's Bay,
Lord Stanley directed that a lighthouse should be built upon
Miller's Point; but he was induced by the naval officers on
the station to abandon that design, and instead of it on the
10th of January 1845 a light was first shown from a hulk
moored off the Roman rock. It was a bright revolving
light, thirty-seven feet above sea-level, and was the third
exhibited on the South African coast, the others being at
Green Point and Mouille Point on the shore of Table Bay.
In 1845 the legislative council voted £10,000 towards the
construction of lighthouses on the capes Agulhas and Recife.
A light at the last named place was urgently needed,
owing to the growing importance of Algoa Bay. Vessels
that could not come to anchor before dark were obliged
to stand out to sea, and were often three or four days
beating back. As for Cape Agulhas, so anxious were ship-
owners that a lighthouse should be erected there that they
raised by subscription a sum of £1,738 which they offered
to contribute towards it. The loss of life and property on
and near this dangerous point-the southern extremity of
Africa-had often been very considerable. Not including
small craft, within ten years the following vessels were
wrecked there :-
Sometime during the night of the 17th of July 1836 the
barque Doncaster, bound from Mauritius to London with
troops and other passengers on board, struck a few miles
west of Agulhas, and before daybreak crumbled into
fragments. Every one on board perished. The bodies of
thirty-eight men and boys and of nineteen women and
girls were washed ashore and buried, but how many others
244
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History of the Cape Colony.
i
were lost was never ascertained. Even the name of the
vessel and her destination remained long unknown. In the
night of the 25th of August 1838 the fine Indiaman
Northumberland, homeward bound from Madras, struck on
the point which still bears her name, and went to pieces.
The people on board were saved, but the cargo was lost.
During the night of the 9th of March 1840 the French ship
Lise, bound from Mauritius to Bordeaux with a valuable
cargo, struck on Agulhas reef and went to pieces, when
twenty lives were lost. At five o'clock in the morning
of the 20th of September 1844 the barque St. Mungo, from
Culcutta bound to Newcastle, was wrecked at the same
place, and ten of her crew were drowned. At eleven
o'clock in the night of the 29th of April 1846 the American
ship Gentoo, bound from Calcutta to Boston, was wrecked
at Struys Bay, when seven lives were lost.
The construction of the lighthouses took more time than was
at first anticipated, owing to a long correspondence with the
secretary of state, which resulted, however, in half the
cost being borne by the British treasury, as the matter
was regarded as of importance to the whole empire. The
lanterns were specially made in France. Owing to these
delays, the light at Cape Agulhas was not exhibited until
the 1st of March 1849. It was a steady white light of the
first order, one hundred and thirty-one feet above sea-level.
That on Cape Recife was a clear white light with brilliant
flashes at intervals of one minute, ninety feet above the
level of the sea, and was first exhibited on the 1st of April
1851. The total cost of the two was £24,100.
The hard road over the Cape flats was opened in sections
as fast as they could be completed. Montagu bridge, over
the Salt river, began to be used for general traffic on the 1st
of July 1844; the last section through the sand towards
Klapmuts on the 24th of December 1845; and the branch
to Stellenbosch on the 1st of September 1846. Exclusive
of convict labour, this road cost about £50,000. The money
was raised partly by rates, partly by tolls, and partly by
1847]
245
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
special grants from the public treasury. In 1846 the grants
amounted to £27,422 and the tolls to £2,755.
Besides the road over the Cape flats, the construction of
a good carriage way through the mountain range close to the
village of George was being carried on. This range was a
formidable barrier to intercourse between the eastern and
western districts near the coast. The place where it was
crossed was known as Cradock's pass. It was thickly
strewn with broken vehicles and the skeletons of oxen that
perished in the attempt to get over it, for it was a succession
of crags and precipices on one side or the other. A smooth
road winding through ravines and along mountain sides was
being made here, but it was not opened for traffic until the
18th of January 1848, when it received the name Montagu
Pass. The most delicate carriage could then be driven along
it at a gallop. The construction of these roads was regarded
as of immense importance in opening up the country, as
much so indeed as the laying down of a trunk line of
railway is in our days.
Capetown was now partly lit at night by gas, a company
having constructed gasworks and laid down mains in 1846.
Early in 1846 the asylum for lepers at Hemel en Aarde
was broken up, and the patients were removed to Robben
Island, where the convict quarters were available for their
use, as the former occupants were transferred to road
stations. It was believed that the lepers could be better
provided for on the island, and that by their removal from
the mainland danger from their intercourse with healthy
people would be avoided. The reverend Mr. Lehman,
Moravian missionary, accompanied the sufferers to their new
home. An arrangement, however, was shortly afterwards
made by which the spiritual care of the lepers was under-
taken by the English episcopal church, and under the charge
of that body of Christians they still remain.
In honour of members of Sir Peregrine Maitland's family
only two places in South Africa are named. One is the
hamlet Maitland on the Cape flats, the other is the village
246
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History of the Cape Colony.
of Richmond. This village, like many others in the colony,
was founded as a church place. On the 11th of October
1843 elders and deacons for a new congregation in that
locality were chosen by the presbytery of Graaff-Reinet, and
on the 2nd of November were approved by the lieutenant-
governor. A tract of land between eight and nine thousand
morgen in extent, being part of the farm Driefontein, was
purchased, and a village was laid out, of which the first
building allotments were sold on the 19th of April 1844
Early in January services were held by a consulent, and
shortly afterwards the reverend Jan Frederik Berrange
became clergyman of the new congregation. For a few
months he was without other salary than the offerings of
the people, but on the 18th of June 1844 he was placed
upon the clerical establishment of the colony. The members
of the consistory proposed to call the village Maitland, but
the governor would not give his consent. They then re-
quested that it might be called Richmond, in honour of
Lady Sarah Maitland's father, and by notice in the Gazette
on the 29th of November 1844 that name was substituted
for Driefontein.
To another newly formed village, on the Stormberg spruit,
then the north-eastern boundary of the colony, the governor
also declined to allow his name to be given. The territory
between the border and the Kraai river was occupied by
about three hundred families of farmers, who had moved
from the colony into it when it was without any occupants.
except a few Bushmen. The roving Basuto captain
Moyakisani, who was found there in 1835, had long since
abandoned the country south of the Orange and had gone
to live at the Koesberg. The farmers were desirous of being
under a settled government, and early in 1845 sent a
petition to Colonel Hare requesting that the territory might
be annexed to the Cape Colony. On the 22nd of August Sir
Peregrine Maitland forwarded the petition to Lord Stanley,
with his opinion that it should be complied with; but the
secretary of state, acting in accordance with the ideas of
1847]
247
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
the time, declined to sanction an enlargement of the British
possessions in South Africa.
Before a reply was received from England the people of
the territory resolved to build a church, and on the 22nd
and 23rd of January 1846 a meeting was held on the farm
of Jan Steenkamp to decide as to the course to be followed.
The reverend Messrs. Murray, of Graaff-Reinet, Reid, of
Colesberg, and Taylor, of Cradock, were present, and took
part in the proceedings. It was resolved to purchase a farm
and lay out a village upon it, so that with the proceeds of
the sale of building plots and voluntary subscriptions a
church and parsonage could be erected. A committee-
consisting of Messrs. J. C. Greyling, P. van der Walt, M.
Kruger, P. H. Henning, Jan Steenkamp, A. J. Coetsee, J. P.
Smit, and John Montgomery-was appointed to carry out
this resolution. Having carefully inspected several places, a
choice was made, and on the 9th of February 1846 the com-
mittee purchased the farm Klipfontein, three thousand six
hundred and seven morgen in extent, on the Stormberg
spruit, from Mr. Gerrit Buytendag. A request was then sent
to the governor that he would allow the village which was
about to be formed to be called Maitland, but he would not
consent. The committee thereupon gave the place the
democratic name Burghersdorp.
On the 18th of January 1847 a regularly appointed
consistory held its first meeting, and the committee was
dissolved. On the 16th of March of the same year a number
of erven were disposed of. Mr. Taylor, of Cradock, acted as
consulent until the 27th of May 1849, when the reverend
John Murray was installed as first resident minister. The
site of Burghersdorp was not as well chosen as that of most
villages founded under similar circumstances, being a narrow
valley between bare steep hills, exposed to great heat in
summer, and without room for much expansion. But its
founders' principal design was to secure a convenient centre
for establishing a church for the benefit of people previously
at a great distance from a place of worship, and they never
248
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History of the Cape Colony.
anticipated that within the lifetime of some of their number
a railway would pass through it.
In the same manner the village of Victoria West had its
origin at this time as a church place. On the 11th of
October 1843 the presbytery of Graaff-Reinet appointed
elders and deacons for a new congregation in the division of
Beaufort West, but as the governor had not previously
given his consent some delay took place, and they were not
inducted until the 17th of April 1844. The farm Zeekoegat
and part of the farm Kapokfontein were then acquired,
and a village was laid out. By desire of the consistory
these names were changed to Victoria West by government
notice on the 25th of September 1844. The first clergyman
of this congregation was the reverend Willem Adolf Krige,
who was appointed by the governor on the 1st of August
1844, and was inducted on the 27th of the following
October.
In a different manner churches of the Dutch reformed
communion were established at this time at French Hoek
and at Mossel Bay.
The church at French Hoek grew out of a mission that
dated as far back as 1834, when several farmers contributed
funds to erect a chapel and dwelling house, and engaged
the services of an evangelist to instruct the coloured people
in the neighbourhood. In 1844 the evangelist left, and they
then determined to form themselves into a congregation
distinct from that of the Paarl, with a clergyman who would
also carry on mission work. For this purpose they set
about building a church in which the Europeans and
coloured people could meet together for worship, so that
the chapel might be used as a schoolhouse; and they then
applied to the presbytery of the Cape to carry out their
wishes.
Some people in the parish of Caledon who lived nearer
to French Hoek than to their own church desired to join
them, and sent a petition to that effect to the presbytery of
Swellendam. Both presbyteries approved of the design, and
1847]
249
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
conjointly appointed a commission to define boundaries for
the proposed parish. On the 10th of February 1845 these
boundaries were submitted for the governor's approval, and
were confirmed. On the 8th of May in the same year the
names of the first elders and deacons were forwarded to the
governor as a matter of courtesy by the secretary of the
presbytery of the Cape, and being approved on the following
day, the congregation was established. The reverend Pieter
Nicolaas Ham had then for several months been labouring
at French Hoek among both Europeans and coloured people.
His salary was paid by the congregation until the 2nd of
October 1845, when he was placed by the governor upon
the clerical staff of the colony.
In 1843 the people of Mossel Bay obtained a grant of a
small plot of ground, and set about building a church by
subscription. Their request to be formed into a distinct
congregation came before the presbytery of Swellendam in
October 1844, and being received with approval, a commis-
sion was appointed by that body to define the boundaries
of the new parish and to appoint a consistory. On the
30th of April 1845 the reverend Tobias Johannes van der
Riet received from the governor the appointment of
clergyman of Mossel Bay, and was inducted on the 11th of
the following month, on the same day that the church
building was first used for public worship.
In 1845 clergymen of the English episcopal church were
stationed at Graaff-Reinet and at George, and in 1847 one
was stationed at Uitenhage. A second place of worship in
connection with this body-Trinity church in Harrington-
street-was opened in Capetown on the 12th of July 1845.
The extension of churches by other Christian bodies was
proceeding at an equal rate, but it is not necessary to
record the particulars as in the case of the Dutch
communion, because they were not connected with the
formation of new villages, nor had they that influence
upon the great mass of the people except in purely mission
work. In this respect also the Dutch church was making
250
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History of the Cape Colony.
rapid advances, as at this time there were forty-eight
mission centres directly or indirectly connected with it.
In 1846 there were in the colony twenty-five public
schools supported exclusively by the public treasury, and
fifty-six receiving grants in aid. The subsidy to the South
African college had just been doubled, bringing it up to
£400 a year. The normal school in Capetown was pro-
viding teachers of a better class than could previously be
obtained for elementary schools.
The country people still lived in a very simple style. On
the farms it was usual to rise at early dawn, and after
partaking of a cup of coffee
a cup of coffee to sing a psalm before
commencing the labours of the day. Strangers were always
welcome to a seat at the table, and indeed looked upon
hospitable entertainment as a matter of course. The food
was plain, but plentiful, and consisted largely of flesh. In
many of the frontier houses dried venison-called in this
country biltong-was used as vegetables and bread are by
English people. Dried fruit was also used more largely
than in Europe. Milk was the ordinary beverage at dinner,
and coffee at daybreak, at breakfast, and again in the
afternoon. It was customary to sleep for an hour when the
midday meal was over, especially in the hot summer days,
when the hour was often lengthened to two. A hearty
meal in the early evening was followed by listening to the
reading of a chapter of the Bible and family prayers, when
after a short conversation all retired to rest. Remedies for
various ailments were known to most women advanced in
years, and in nearly every house was to be seen a small
tin box containing bottles of well-known medicines and
labelled Huis Apotheek.
The country people were firm believers in ghosts and
apparitions, and stories of haunted places were told with
bated breath. Though they ridiculed the grosser ideas of the
Bantu and Hottentots with regard to witchcraft, many of
them were by no means free of fear of powers of evil brought
into action by human agency. Their favourite tales were
1847]
251
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
such as required a large amount of credulity in the listener.
To make a simpleton believe something that to themselves
was utterly absurd-usually some feat of their own or their
friends-was commonly regarded with great satisfaction, and
they never reflected that such tales might be repeated to
their prejudice in books in Europe.
In the villages the course of life was almost as prosaic.
The great event was the gathering of the farmers with their
families every three months for the celebration of the Lord's
supper. They usually arrived on Friday, and remained until
the following Monday evening or Tuesday morning. Many
of the country people had cottages in the village, which were
nearly always built of red brick with green shutters to the
windows, and in these they lived during their stay. Others
slept in great tent waggons, and had their meals in the open
air. To these gatherings came traders and speculators, and
though the clergyman was sure to remonstrate, auction sales.
of cattle took place and goods of various kinds changed
hands. When the last waggon left to return home the
village resumed its ordinary quiet appearance.
The green
shutters were closed in the little red cottages, and grass or
weeds soon began to grow in front of the doors. Now and
then a stranger would arrive and stay overnight at the inn,
which was almost invariably kept by a German. Further
than this there was little except the weekly post to relieve
the monotony. A few old people had their grandchildren
staying with them in order to attend school, and a few others
lived in the village to be near the church. The customs of
the farms were observed in such houses. Then there were
shopkeepers and mechanics of various kinds, mostly English,
Scotch, Irish, or German, who carried their national habits
with them. As the village grew, a church, or perhaps more
than one, of some other denomination than the Dutch
reformed would be established. A medical practitioner would
take up his residence in the place, and there would certainly
be several land and law agents. Finally a magistrate would
be appointed, and a municipal council would be elected.
252
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History of the Cape Colony.
*
The old style of clothing had nearly gone out of date,
though tanned leather trousers and fur waistcoats were still
occasionally seen. On the farms home-made shoes with raw
hides soles were still generally worn, except by the wealthiest
people. Soap and candles of home make were also to be seen
in all the country houses. With these exceptions, English
manufactured goods, clothing, crockery, and ironware, had
come into general use.
In the towns people lived as they do in Europe and
America under similar conditions.
A new port on the South African coast was opened in
October 1846 by the entrance of the little schooner Rosebud,
commanded by Captain Duthie, into the mouth of the
Umzimvubu, "the place of residence of the hippopotamus."
This stream rises in the Kathlamba mountains, and with its
numerous tributaries which flow through some of the richest
lands and most picturesque scenery in South Africa, drains a
great extent of country. The mouth, in common with those
of all the streams along the coast, is often nearly closed by a
bar of sand. When heavy rains fall in the uplands, a channel
is sometimes opened across the bar thirty feet and upwards
in depth; but on other occasions it is often not more than
three feet deep. Above the bar a sheet of water, from two
hundred to two hundred and fifty yards across and from
twenty to thirty feet in depth, extends some eleven or
twelve miles, when a ford is reached. For the last two miles
of its course the river passes through an enormous rent in
the elevated coast, called the Gates of St. John. From the
water rises on each side a steep bank covered with dark
evergreen forest trees, above which frown sheer precipices of
naked rock a thousand feet and upwards in height. Above
the Gates the river winds between rugged banks clothed
with trees and grass, but less grand than the stupendous
cleft below.
The entrance to the Umzimvubu was thus difficult and
dangerous. The Rosebud, however, met with no accident. A
schooner named the Ann was then chartered by some traders,
[847]
253
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
and sailed from Algoa Bay for the newly-opened port. On
the 18th of January 1847 she anchored in the offing, when
the traders and some sailors went in two boats to look for
the channel, but were overturned in the surf and ten men
were drowned. The Ann then returned to Algoa Bay.
Notwithstanding this disaster and the wreck of the schooner
Conch on the 7th of November of the same year-fortunately
without loss of life-the mouth of the river continued to be
used by small craft. For a short time it was called Rosebud
Bay, but thereafter it became better known as Port St.
John's. The greatest drawback to this port was not the
difficulty of landing and shipping, but of communicating
with the back country, owing to the ruggedness of the land
near the coast and the absence of anything like a waggon
road.
On the 7th of January 1846 Table Bay was visited by
a violent north-west gale, a very unusual event in mid-
summer. Two vessels were driven ashore. One-the Diana,
a Portuguese slaver-was a prize to the British cruiser
Mutine. No lives were lost in her wreck. The other was
a barque of three hundred and sixty-eight tons, named the
Francis Spaight, and was bound from Manilla to London
with a cargo valued at £32,000. When she struck, a whale-
boat belonging to Mr. Jearey, of Capetown, put off from the
south jetty to run a line from the wreck to the shore. As
.soon as the boat got alongside, officers and sailors alike
rushed into her, which caused her to swamp, and twenty-
one men were drowned. Only two boatmen and two of the
wrecked ship's crew reached the land alive.
Owing to improvements in the building and rigging of
sailing vessels, and especially to the rapidly increasing use
of steam as a propelling power, communication with Europe
was now much more easy and rapid than it had been in the
early years of the century. Letters from England were
often received in from forty to fifty days after being written.
A passage of then unequalled rapidity was made by the
Peninsular and Oriental Company's iron paddle-wheel
254
[1847
History of the Cape Colony.
steamship Pottinger, of one thousand four hundred and two
tons burden, which put into Table Bay on the 9th of April
1847. Her steaming time from Southampton, touching at
Gibraltar, Ascension, and St. Helena, exclusive of detentions
at those places, was thirty-four days and three hours. But
she had the most powerful engines known to naval
architects of that time, and was considered the swiftest
vessel afloat.
The all-important question at this period was the relation-
ship between the Europeans and the Bantu. It is not a
pleasant subject to write of, because its incidents have little
or no variety except in the changed attitudes of the European
authorities, and everything connected with it is petty and
dull. But it is the subject that makes the history of the
Cape Colony different from that of other British possessions,
it is still, and must continue to be, a matter of vital impor-
tance to South Africans, and it is only by a knowledge of
past events that such great mistakes as were then made can
be avoided in future. For these reasons the minutest details
of the dealings of the English authorities with the Bantu
tribes must find a place in the history of the country.
Sir Peregrine Maitland found that the Xosas would likely
give him as much trouble as they had given his pre-
decessors. The object of the Stockenstrom treaties was "to
raise the Kaffirs in the scale of civilisation by appealing to
their sense of justice for restitution of stolen property,
rather than extorting it by force of arms." Sir George
Napier, who wrote that sentence, found by experience that
the original treaties did nothing of the kind. He therefore
arranged certain modifications with the chiefs, and hoped for
a better result. He was disappointed, and then the truth
came forcibly home to him that the system had completely
failed. But what was to be substituted in its place, as long
as the imperial government declined to deal with the border
clans except as independent powers?
On the 4th of December 1843 he submitted a scheme to
Lord Stanley, which was in effect to pay tribute in order
1844]
255
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
to be released from plunder. He proposed that salaries
should be given to the chiefs along the border, upon
condition of the good conduct of their people and the
surrender of thieves for punishment. He was of opinion
that the thieves, upon conviction, should be severely flogged
in public, so as to inflict upon them a mark of disgrace in
the eyes of their countrymen. And further he suggested
that institutions should be established in Kaffirland at the
cost of the colony, for the purpose of promoting habits of
industry and imparting religious instruction to the people.
To this despatch Lord Stanley replied on the 11th of
March 1844, instructing Sir Peregrine Maitland to omit no
safe and proper measure which it might be in his power
to adopt for increasing the security of the persons and
property of the queen's subjects in the frontier districts. Sir
Benjamin D'Urban's system might indeed be better than
the one existing, but it would be necessary to go to war in
order to revert to it, and that was not to be thought of..
In his opinion the infractions of the treaties by the Kaffirs
absolved the queen's government from the obligation of a
strict adherence to them, and he claimed the right of
insisting on their modification. He approved of Sir George
Napier's proposals, but feared that the prospect of improving
the character of the Xosas by education was too uncertain.
and remote to be relied on as a means of escape from the
dangers to which the colony was exposed by their vicinity.
He gave the governor permission to change the duties of
the diplomatic agents to promoting the lawful claims of
their fellow colonists, instead of acting as the protectors.
and advocates of the Kaffirs; and in very urgent cases he
sanctioned reprisals from the chiefs, but only as a last
resource. In conclusion he left the whole matter to Sir
Peregrine Maitland's judgment, but reminded him that there
were limits beyond which the military force of Great.
Britain could not be employed.
On the 1st of July 1844, before the governor had time.
to make any new arrangements, seven robbers of Sandile's.
1
256
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
clan, while being pursued by a party of farmers in the
district of Albany, mortally wounded a burgher named Jan
de Lange. One of the robbers was afterwards shot by De
Lange's companions, but six made good their escape.
Lieutenant-Governor Hare then demanded of Sandile that
they should be surrendered for trial, and met with a
refusal. Upon this he marched with a body of troops to
Blockdrift-now the village of Alice, and announced that
the soldiers would not leave the
the territory until the
murderers were given up. After some delay Sandile sur-
rendered two, but either allowed the others to escape or
actually concealed them.
Meantime Sir Peregrine Maitland had proceeded to the
frontier, and was busy making inquiries. He speedily came
to the conclusion that the line of defence on the right bank
of the Fish river was a great mistake in a military point
.of view, and that no salutary moral influence was produced
on the minds of the Kaffirs by troops stationed there such
as would arise from the presence of a considerable force in
their midst. He found that the Xosas were sinking deeper
in barbarism, owing to the policy pursued towards them,
and the Scotch and Wesleyan missionaries gave some infor-
mation which shocked him. They stated that an ancient
custom which permitted the chiefs to ravish any girls they
took a fancy to had recently been revived, though Lord
Charles Somerset in 1819 had induced Gaika to abolish it.
But that was not by any means the only evil result of the
Stockenstrom treaties that they had to tell of.
In order to overawe the most turbulent clans the governor
selected a site for a fort on the watershed between the Keis-
kama and Fish rivers, at the head of the Sheshegu streamlet.
The fort was to be nothing better than a simple bank of
earth enclosing military huts for the accommodation of four
,hundred men. It was named Post Victoria. Botumane's
people lived in the neighbourhood, and some of Sandile's
kraals were only a few miles distant. For a time the estab-
lishment of this post seemed to answer the purpose intended,
1844]
257
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
as for the next eight months hardly any cattle were stolen
from the colony.
On the 3rd of October a notice was issued offering a
reward of £50 each for the apprehension of the four
murderers of De Lange who were still at large. They
were not secured, however, but Sandile, upon Colonel Hare's
demand, paid fifty head of cattle to the murdered man's
widow.
At Fort Peddie Sir Peregrine Maitland met the captains
of the Ndlambe, Gunukwebe, Amambala, and Fingo clans
and arranged with them the terms of new treaties, which
were prepared after his return to Capetown. As the Fingos
could be depended upon in case of need, and as they were
exposed to raids by the Xosas, he left two hundred muskets
with Mr. Shepstone for their use.
Travelling rapidly, on the 5th of October he was at Fort
Beaufort, where Umtirara, Mapasa, and other Tembu chiefs
were waiting to meet him. Sandile, Makoma, and Botumane
were also there. The terms of new treaties with all of these
were arranged, but the documents were not drawn up until
a later date.
The governor tried to overawe the Rarabe chiefs by inform-
ing them that he was entering into treaties of alliance with
Faku and Kreli, and would therefore have friends in their rear;
but he deceived himself if he thought his communication
had any such effect.
The treaty with Faku will be described in another chapter,
that with Kreli was signed by Sir Peregrine Maitland at
Fort Beaufort on the 7th of October, and Mr. Theophilus
Shepstone was then sent with it to Butterworth to obtain
the chief's mark.
Its principal provisions were that Kreli would protect
missionaries, traders, and other British subjects residing in
his territory as well as travellers and the post passing
through it, that he would deliver up for trial all persons
committing crimes in the colony and taking refuge with
his people, that he would cause any witnesses whose evidence
R
258
[1844
History of the Cape Colony.
should be required to appear before the colonial courts, that
he would restore stolen cattle traced to his territory or
make compensation for them, that he would prevent the
landing of goods on his part of the coast without a license
from the colonial government, that he would keep peace
with his neighbours, and that he would respect the British
agent living with him. As long as he should carry out all
these conditions the governor undertook to pay him yearly
fifty pounds sterling in money or in useful articles.
To this treaty Kreli affixed his mark on the 4th of
November 1844, in presence of Mr. Shepstone and the
agent residing with him, Mr. William Macdowell Fynn.
The governor seems to have hoped that the yearly payment
of £50 would be an inducement to the Galeka chief to keep
his agreement, though he must have had some doubt about
it, for in writing to the secretary of state he observed that
"the efficacy of any treaties with the Kaffir tribes must
depend chiefly on the machinery for carrying their provisions
into operation." Another year's experience was needed to
convince him that treaties with the Kaffirs were useless
under any circumstances.
The arrangements made by the governor with the Rarabe
captains were embodied in documents which were forwarded
to the frontier officials after his return to Capetown.
They provided that all former treaties should be annulled,
and these be substituted in their places. The boundary of
1819, as agreed to by Gaika, was recognised as dividing
British territory from Kaffirland, and the captains accepted
as a special favour the loan of the district they were occupy-
ing west of that line, which the governor guaranteed to them
in perpetuity, except in case of their committing acts of
hostility or breaking the terms of the agreement. The
right of the British government to build forts and station
troops anywhere west of the line of 1819 was recognised.
The ground to be occupied by British subjects and Kaffirs
remained the same as in the Stockenstrom treaties, as did
also the articles concerning diplomatic agents and the
1845]
259
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
necessity for passes. The captains recognised the right of
the colonial police and the Cape mounted riflemen to enter
any part of the territory west of the line of 1819, and
promised to assist them in apprehending criminals and
seizing stolen property; they promised to deliver up persons
committing crimes in the colony for trial before colonial
courts, and to compel the attendance of witnesses; also to
restore any stolen property found on the land occupied by
their people, and to pay the cost of recovering it. They
promised further to make compensation for any stolen
cattle traced to their grounds, but which could not be
discovered. The remaining clauses provided for the protec-
tion of missionaries and British subjects in general, the
encouragement of schools, the preservation of peace with
their neighbours, and other matters of the kind.
At Fort Peddie on the 2nd of January 1845 the captains
Umkayi, Umhala, Siwani, and Gasela attached their marks
to a treaty to this effect, in presence of Colonel Hare, Mr.
Theophilus Shepstone, and Captain John Maclean of the
27th regiment, who was in command of the fort.
As long
as they should observe its conditions, the governor under-
took to pay to them jointly £200 a year in money or useful
articles.
At the same time and place Eno and his son Stokwe
attached their marks to a copy of the treaty, and were
promised £50 a year between them if they kept it. Pato
and Kobe were parties to another of the same tenor, and
were promised £100 a year; and the Fingo captains Jokweni,
Mabandla, Kwenkwezi, Matomela, Kawulela, Pahla, and
Jama attached their marks to a copy, and obtained £100 a
year among them.
These four treaties were then returned to Sir Peregrine
Maitland, and were signed by him in Capetown on the 30th
of January 1845.
Sandile, Makoma, Botumane, and Xoxo attached their
marks to their copy on the 21st of January 1845, but were
promised nothing in return, and as they raised objections to
260
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History of the Cape Colony.
the constitution of a border court of appeal, some time was
spent in negotiations, and the governor did not sign it until
the 22nd of November. Very little value was attached to it
by him, as by that time he had learned much from experi-
ence. He had no hope, wrote the secretary to government
to the diplomatic agent Stretch, "that these or any other
treaties would be found effective, unless the chiefs and heads
of kraals were determined to act faithfully and honestly
towards the British government."
One of similar import received the marks of the Tembu
chiefs Umtirara, Mapasa, and six others on the 25th of
March 1845, and was signed by the governor in Capetown
on the 11th of April.
As Sandile declared that the robbery of the farmers was
carried on against his wish, and that he had not sufficient
authority over his followers to suppress it, Mr. Stretch was
instructed to ask him if he would like a fort near his kraal
to strengthen his hands. The chief replied that he would,
and he seemed so earnest that the agent really believed
him.
Under the treaties the governor had a right to build forts
wherever he chose west of the line of 1819, but the proposal
now before Sandile was that one should be erected on the
eastern bank of the Tyumie at Blockdrift, close to the
Lovedale school and Mr. Stretch's residence. The governor
thought the site much better than that of Post Victoria,
because the latter place was poorly supplied with water;
but he could not make use of it without Sandile's consent.
The terms
terms proposed by the chief-on the 19th of
November 1845-were that he should receive a yearly rent
for the ground, that no traders should settle there without
his permission, and that each should pay him £20 a year
for a license. There were also a few stipulations of less
importance.
On the 29th of the same month the border was thrown
into excitement by the murder of a missionary near Fort
Peddie. The reverend Mr. Dohne, of the Berlin society,
1845]
261
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
had recently formed a station called Bethel with Gasela's
people, at the site of the present village of Stutterheim.
Three missionaries were on the way from Port Elizabeth to
join Mr. Dohne, and were resting for the night about seven
miles from Fort Peddie. The waggons in which they were
travelling were conducted by Mr. Richard Tainton, and one
of them was the property of Mr. Theophilus Shepstone.
He was
Mr. Shepstone had been replaced as diplomatic agent by
Captain John Maclean only sixteen days before.
out of favour with Pato's people, and as he was supposed
at the time to be travelling towards Fort Peddie, a plan
was made to murder him on the way. He was, however,
not with the missionary party, though his Hottentot
servant was. About two o'clock in the morning the
waggons were attacked by a band of Gunukwebes. The
Hottentot servant, who was asleep by a fire, was stabbed to
death. Mr. Tainton and another slipped out of one of the
waggons and concealed themselves. Into the one in which
the missionaries were sleeping an assagai was thrown, and
the reverend Ernest Scholtz received a wound from which
he died a few hours afterwards. The Kaffirs then decamped.
The surrender of the murderers was demanded from
Pato, and he promised to comply; but from the first it was
evident he had no intention of doing so, and they were
never given up.
During the excitement caused by this event, the governor
sent a message to Captain Walpole, of the royal engineers,
to inspect the ground at Blockdrift and report upon it. By
some mistake Lieutenant Stokes and four sappers were sent
by Captain Walpole to make a regular survey of both
banks of the Tyumie at Blockdrift, and pitched a tent on
the eastern side of the river for their accommodation while
doing so.
Sandile, who never seemed of the same mind two months
in succession, was just then acting in a most aggravating
manner towards the Europeans in his country. Although
every trader paid him four pounds yearly for a license, he
262
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History of the Cape Colony.
was in the habit of begging from them, and if they did not
give what he asked for, he demanded it in such a manner
that they were afraid to refuse. On the 13th of January
1846 he was seen approaching a shop at the Tyumie mission
station, when the trader, a man named Thomas Maclachlan,
to avoid being compelled to give his goods away, went out
and locked the door. Sandile ordered him to open it again,
and upon his refusing to do so, struck him in the face, took
the key, entered the shop, and helped himself to a bridle, a
blanket, two packets of brass chain, and a roll of tobacco.
Eight days after this event some of his men who were
looking for stolen cattle traced the spoor to Bethel. There
they found their cows mixed with those belonging to the
station people, and without waiting for an explanation they
wounded the reverend Mr. Dohne's herd and took away two
of his calves. Thereupon Mr. Dohne made a complaint to
the diplomatic agent.
Mr. Stretch sent a message to Sandile demanding redress
for both these offences, and on the 24th of January received
the chief's reply. Let the governor come for payment of
the trader's goods, it ran, his warriors were ready. The
traders and their goods were under his feet, and he would
do with them as he liked. The matter of the mission
station was nothing. Lieutenant Stokes and the four men
surveying at Blockdrift must leave the next day, and Post
Victoria must also be removed.
Major Thomas Charlton Smith, of the 27th regiment, had
in the preceding month been appointed agent-general and
frontier commissioner, purposely to see that the treaties
were carried out. He was
stationed at Fort Beaufort.
Upon receiving Sandile's message, Mr. Stretch reported it
to him, and he considered it so threatening that he at once
sent a hundred men of the 91st to Blockdrift to protect the
residency. He then despatched an express to the lieutenant-
governor at Grahamstown, who sent every available soldier
from that place to reinforce Fort Beaufort and Post Victoria,
and proceeded to the front himself.
1846]
263
Sir Peregrine Maitland.
On receipt of the intelligence at Capetown, two hundred
rank and file of the 27th were ordered to Simonstown, were
embarked there in the war-steamer Thunderbolt, and on the
2nd of February left for Algoa Bay.
Colonel Hare had a meeting with Sandile at Blockdrift
on the 29th of January. The chief was attended by about
three thousand armed men, and though he toned down his
message of the 24th and expressed regret for having used
hasty words on that occasion, he stated his determination
not to permit the erection of a fort at the residency and
urged that Post Victoria should be removed. It was evident
to Colonel Hare that Sandile was in the hands of those who
were ready for war, but that he was fainthearted himself,
for privately he sent a penitent message for what had
occurred. The matter was then allowed to drop.
The condition of the Xosas at this time was very aptly
described by the governor in his despatches. The treaties
were useless to repress their marauding habits, as the chiefs
were under no moral restraint. If a moderate amount of
robbery could be committed without their being called to
account, the chiefs would prefer such peace to open war;
but rather than suppress it altogether they would resort to
hostilities. The young warriors were ready to make a dash
into the colony to sweep off the cattle, and Sandile was too
weakminded to check their inclinations.
Setting robberies aside, since the signing of the Stocken-
strom treaties one hundred and six individuals had been
murdered by Xosas at different places on the frontier,
though not a single act of violence could be traced to a
colonist. Makoma was the only chief who even pretended
to have been injured by white people, but when his
complaints were investigated they dwindled down to a
statement that some deserters from the 7th dragoon guards
had once hired a couple of horses from him, and he had
never seen them again. As a matter of policy the governor
gave him £30 to cover the loss of the horses, when the
chief expressed himself perfectly satisfied.
264
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History of the Cape Colony.
Makoma's jealousy of Sandile was so great that he could
not heartily join the war party, because the other was
regarded as its head. A very miserable life he was leading,
even for a barbarian. Missionary effort had been concen-
trated on him to no purpose, for though his words to the
teachers were always good, his acts were those of a heathen.
The same man that said to a missionary in reference to his
work among the Kaffirs, "the rock is hard: you may not be
able to break it to pieces, but you must pound away and
you will get bits off it," in a moment of passion compelled
one of his wives to bury her new-born infant alive, and
frequently caused wealthy followers to be murdered on a
charge of sorcery that he might confiscate their property.
He had become a slave to brandy, and much of his time
was spent in drunkenness in the canteens of Fort Beaufort.
When in this condition he was a source of terror to his
wives and attendants, whom he assaulted at will, as it
would have been deemed a dreadful crime to resist a chief
of his rank.
On the 23rd of February Makoma applied to Major Smith
for a location in the colony for himself and his people, as
he wished to be out of the way in case of war.
It was
doubtful whether he was in earnest, and under any circum-
stance the request was one that could not be granted.
This was not the only warning the government had of
what was coming. On the 29th of January Toyise, who
succeeded to the chieftainship of an important clan upon
the death of his father Gasela in March 1845, informed
Captain Maclean that Sandile was trying to induce the
Ndlambes to enter into alliance with him against the
colony. On the 16th of February Mr. Stretch received
reliable information that Sandile had sent to Mapasa and
other Tembu chiefs to ask for assistance in the coming
strife; and on the 14th of March Umkayi for the second
time applied to Captain Maclean to allow him to retire to
the colony, as he was sure there would shortly be war.
CHAPTER XXVII.
COMMENCEMENT OF A GREAT EMIGRATION FROM THE
CAPE COLONY.
THE abandonment of the Cape Colony by many thousands
of substantial burghers, who were intent upon seeking a new
home in the wilderness where they could be free from what
they regarded as intolerable vexation, is an event unique in
the modern history of European dependencies.
No people not of British descent ever offered such favourable
material for conversion into loyal subjects as did these South
Africans when forty years earlier they came by conquest
under British rule. They were men of our own race, of
that sturdy Nether-Teuton stock which peopled England and
Scotland as well as the delta of the Rhine. With the main
stream of their Batavian blood had indeed mingled many
rivulets not of Batavian origin, but the stubborn current
had flowed on unchanged, absorbing and assimilating them all.
They spoke a dialect which our great Alfred would have
understood without much difficulty, which is nearer to the
language of the men who fought under Harold at Senlac
than is the English tongue of to-day. Their religion was
that of the people of Scotland, of a considerable number of the
people of England. That there was nothing of the nature of
race antagonism between them and the people of Great Britain
is shown by the readiness with which intermarriages have
taken place ever since the colony came under our flag. Even
the feeling of dislike which long commercial rivalry engendered
between the English and Dutch in Europe was not shared
to any appreciable extent by the colonists of South Africa.
There was in truth hardly any difference in sentiment between
•
265
266
[1836.
History of South Africa.
them and a body of Englishmen or Scotchmen of equally
limited education that can not be referred to what hereditary
instinct would create between a purely agricultural and
pastoral people living for nearly two centuries in seclusion
from the rest of the world, and a people chiefly engaged in
manufactures and commerce, with the working of modern
ideas all around them.
No single event brought on the emigration, but causes of
disaffection had been accumulating ever since 1811. A sum-
mary of the opinions of the secretary of state and of the
governor upon this matter has been given in their own
words. Here is the declaration of one of the ablest men
among the emigrants, which he caused to be published before
he left the colony:
GRAHAMSTOWN, 22nd January 1837.
1. We despair of saving the colony from those evils which threaten it
by the turbulent and dishonest conduct of vagrants, who are allowed to
infest the country in every part; nor do we see any prospect of peace
or happiness for our children in a country thus distracted by internal
commotions.
2. We complain of the severe losses which we have been forced to
sustain by the emancipation of our slaves, and the vexatious laws which
have been enacted respecting them.
3. We complain of the continual system of plunder which we have
for years endured from the Kaffirs and other coloured classes, and
particularly by the last invasion of the colony, which has desolated the
frontier districts and ruined most of the inhabitants.
4. We complain of the unjustifiable odium which has been cast upon
us by interested and dishonest persons, under the name of religion,
whose testimony is believed in England to the exclusion of all evidence
in our favour; and we can foresee, as the result of this prejudice, nothing
but the total ruin of the country.
5. We are resolved, wherever we go, that we will uphold the just
principles of liberty; but, whilst we will take care that no
one is
brought by us into a condition of slavery, we will establish such
regulations as may suppress crime and preserve proper relations between
master and servant.
6. We solemnly declare that we leave this country with a desire to
enjoy a quieter life than we have hitherto had. We will not molest
any people, nor deprive them of the smallest property; but, if attacked,
1836]
267
Emigration from the Colony.
we shall consider ourselves fully justified in defending our persons and
effects, to the utmost of our ability, against every enemy.
7 and 8. (Of little importance.)
9. We quit this colony under the full assurance that the English
government has nothing more to require of us, and will allow us to
govern ourselves without its interference in future.
10. We are now leaving the fruitful land of our birth, in which we
have suffered enormous losses and continual vexation, and are about to
enter a strange and dangerous territory; but we go with a firm reliance
on an all-seeing, just, and merciful God, whom we shall always fear
and humbly endeavour to obey.
In the name of all who leave this colony with me,
P. RETIEF.
Two theories of the emigration remain to be noticed.
The first is that it was really nothing more than a con-
tinuation of what had been going on since the beginning of
the eighteenth century. This is incorrect. An expansion of
the colony had been constantly taking place by men who
were without farms, or who held farms of small value,
moving to the nearest unoccupied land on the border, and
then applying to the government for it, or wandering about
in it without permission. This expansion was gradual, and
those who were engaged in it had at the time no thought
of founding new and distinct states. The emigration after
1836 was that of masses of people, including some of the
very best men in the country, who abandoned or sold for
little or nothing some of the choicest lands in South Africa,
and who left the colony avowedly to get rid of English rule
and to form independent communities anywhere and at any
distance in the interior.
The other theory is that of most people in England,
that the movement was due to an objection by the Dutch
colonists to the freedom of the slaves. This is equally
incorrect. To what has been related in previous chapters
may be added that in the records of the emigrants-
including a vast number of private letters to friends and
relatives there is not a word in favour of slavery, though
there is much concerning losses from the manner in which
the slaves were emancipated. The best and readiest method
268
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History of South Africa.
of showing how little the slavery question in any of its
aspects really had to do with the emigration, when compared
with other matters, is to give the number of slaves in
different parts of the colony and the number of people who
removed from the same areas. The first can be ascertained
with the greatest accuracy from the protector's returns, and
for the last there are reports from the civil commissioners
specially called for by the government, which, however, can
only be regarded as approximately correct.
On the 30th of November 1834 there were in the Cape
and Stellenbosch districts twenty-one thousand six hundred
and sixty-seven slaves, or fifty-six per cent of the whole
number owned in the colony. From these districts there was
no emigration worth noticing during the years 1836 to 1839.
In the districts of Worcester, Swellendam, and George there
were eleven thousand and twenty-one slaves, or twenty-eight
per cent of the whole number, and the emigrants from these
districts were a little less than two per cent of the whole.
Finally, in the districts of
of Beaufort, Graaff-Reinet,
Somerset, Albany, and Uitenhage that is the part of the
colony exposed to marauders, on the 30th of November
1834 there were six thousand three hundred and thirty-three
slaves, or sixteen per cent of the entire number, and the
people who left these districts were rather over ninety-eight
per cent of those who left the whole colony between the 1st
of January 1836 and the 31st of December 1839. It is true
that in the last-named districts the slaves were more equally
distributed among the burghers than in the south-western
part of the colony, still far the greater number of those
who migrated had never owned a negro. Except those who
were without cattle, waggons, and other means, those who
had been slaveholders were indeed the least able of all the
Europeans in the country to use the personal exertion needed
in removing to the distant interior and making new homes
there.
Some years later when, owing to the internal weakness
of the different governments established by the emigrants,
1836]
269
Emigration from the Colony.
coupled with security against violence by blacks, it became
possible for runaway debtors and rogues of different descrip-
tions to live and thrive upon the borders of their settlements,
it was frequently asserted by their enemies that the farmers
left the colony to free themselves from the restraints of law.
This charge was untrue. The early emigrants constantly
maintained that they left the colony to free themselves not
of law but of lawlessness. A few men of indifferent character
may have gone with the stream, but their boast as a body
was that they left in open day and after their intentions
had been publicly announced. That they should be followed
by men whose motives were different was quite natural, but
they cannot in justice be blamed for it.
On leaving the colony the emigrants maintained that they
ceased to be British subjects. They asserted that the Cape
having become an English dependency by conquest and
subsequent cession by the prince who had just become
sovereign of their former fatherland, they were English
subjects while they remained within its bounds, but that no
allegiance was due to the king by them when they left it,
This claim,
as they were not his subjects by descent.
however, was not admitted by either the colonial or the
imperial government, who denied their right to throw off
allegiance in this way.
In one respect the Dutch colonists were very unlike their
kindred in Europe. In the Netherlands men were strongly
attached to the locality of their birth and to their own little
province, but in South Africa beyond the first range of
mountains, owing to the old land tenure the people had lost
all feeling of this kind. Their affection was for the country
as a whole, and it was very strong, but whether they
lived in one part or in another five hundred miles away
a matter of little concern to them. It was thus not
a cause of much regret in itself for these men and women
to tear themselves away from the part of South Africa
termed the Cape Colony, and make new homes in a part
bearing another name.
was
270
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Nor was the travelling in waggons over a roadless
country for hundreds of miles so formidable an undertaking
for them as it would be for persons born and reared in an
English city. To colonists the tented ox-waggon is by no
means an uncomfortable conveyance in fine weather, when
meals can be taken in the open air. Provided with a katel,
which is almost equal to a spring bedstead, it supplies fairly
good accommodation at night, while its various chests inside
and out afford convenient receptacles for everything needed
on a journey. A few folding chairs, a similar table, and a
screen constitute the only furniture required in the veld.
Still, when all this is said, it was no light matter to leave
the colony and plunge into the interior, where there were
no churches or stores or markets, even if that interior was
in all other respects the same as the districts they were
abandoning. The clergy set their faces decidedly against the
movement, as they feared that the people when away in the
wilds would retrograde from civilisation, and their influence
restrained many who otherwise would have gone.
Not a
single clergyman joined the movement.
Most of the emigrants abandoned the colony in parties or
bands, each under an elected leader termed a commandant.
The first to leave was a little band from the district of
Albany, consisting of Louis Triechard with wife and four
children, Carel Triechard with wife and two children,
Hendrik Botha with wife and five children, J. Pretorius with
wife and four children, G. Scheepers with wife and nine
children, H. Strydom with wife and five children, J.
Albrecht with wife and five children, and a young man
named Daniel Pfeffer. Louis Triechard, who was the leader
of this party, was a man of violent temper, and had given
vent to his animosity to the imperial government in such
blustering language that he was regarded by the colonial
authorities as capable even of joining the Kaffirs against the
English. At the close of the war, Colonel Smith offered a
reward of five hundred head of cattle for his apprehension,
which led to his leaving at once.
1836]
271
Emigration from the Colony.
This party was joined before it crossed the colonial
border by another of equal size, consisting of Jan van
Rensburg, as leader, with wife and four children, S.
Bronkhorst with wife and six children, G. Bronkhorst the
elder with wife and one child, G. Bronkhorst the younger
with wife, Jacobus de Wet with wife, F. van Wyk with
wife and two children, P. Viljoen with wife and six children,
H. Aukamp with wife and three children, N. Prins with wife
and eight children, and M. Prins.
Together they had thirty waggons. After crossing the
frontier they continued their course northward, travelling
just as suited their inclination or convenience, until they
reached the place now known as Potgieter's Rust, in the
Zoutpansberg, where they arrived in May 1836. In passing
through the vast almost uninhabited waste beyond the
Orange river they had escaped the observation of Mosele-
katse's warriors, and had met so few blacks that they
considered themselves quite secure. The men hunted game
constantly on horseback, and had seen vast areas of land
suited for settlement, but as they wished to open communi-
cation with the outer world through Delagoa Bay, they had
gone on until they believed themselves to be in the latitude
of that port.
At the Zoutpansberg they halted while the young men
explored the country around, which they considered admir-
ably adapted for stock-breeding and agriculture. They were
in ignorance that Moselekatse's kraals were only two hundred
and fifty miles to the south-west, and of the ferocity of
the Matabele they likewise knew nothing, or they would
not have been so satisfied with the locality. They were
almost at the mouth of a lion's den, and yet were in such
utter carelessness that after a short time the two bands
separated, in order that each might have a district of its
own.
Rensburg's party moved eastward, and from that time
nothing certain is known of the events that happened to it.
It was said by some blacks in after years that it fell in
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History of South Africa.
with a band of Magwamba robbers, who murdered men,
women, and children alike, but just when and where this
occurred could never be ascertained. In August 1867 a
white man and woman, who spoke no language but that of
the Eastern Bantu, and whose habits were those of barbarians,
were sent to Commandant Coetzer, of Lydenburg, by a Swazi
chief who had obtained them from the Magwanba. They
could tell nothing of their history beyond their residence
among the Bantu, and did not even know their European
names or those of their parents; but as they had never
seen other whites that they could remember, it was
cluded that they were the sole survivors of Rensburg's
party, and that they must have been very young when
their relatives were murdered. They had been treated by
the blacks as superior beings, and had never done any
work, as food was always provided for them.
For some
time they had lived as man and wife, and had two children
when they were rescued.
con-
After resting a few months at the Zoutpansberg, Triechard's
party resolved to explore the country between them and
Delagoa Bay, and then return and settle permanently in the
goodly locality they had found. They had no idea of the
distance they would have to travel or of the obstacles in
their way, and they considered it necessary to acquire that
information. They were in reality about two hundred and
ten miles in a straight line from Lourenço Marques, which
lay almost due south-east, for without knowing it they had
gone fully a hundred and twenty miles farther north than
its latitude. So far they had enjoyed excellent health, as
after passing the Stormberg they had been on the high
plateau, and travelling from south to north they had not
met with any serious obstacles. They were now to have a
very different experience.
They reached the edge of the plateau safely, and com-
menced to descend to the terraces along the coast, but here
they were attacked by fever, which carried off several of
their number and for a time prostrated all the others. The
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Emigration from the Colony.
country was more densely wooded than that they had left
behind, and the grass was so thick and high that travelling
was extremely difficult, besides which the edges of the
terraces were so precipitous that it was with the greatest
difficulty they could get down. Fortunately, great herds of
buffaloes and other large game were always to be seen, so
that they were in no want of animal food.
On entering the forest country they observed an insect a
little larger than a common fly settling on their cattle, but
they paid hardly any attention to it at first, for they had
never heard of the tsetse, whose sting is death to the horse
and ox. Seeing the zebras and buffaloes, animals so like their
own, in vast numbers roaming about unharmed, they could
not suspect the destructive power of the fly. But soon the
domestic cattle began to pine away and at length to die,
when the unfortunate people found themselves in a deplorable
condition. Their only hope now was in reaching Delagoa
Bay, and by dint of almost superhuman exertions, in April
1838 those who still remained alive arrived at Lourenço
Marques, where the Portuguese had recently rebuilt a fort.
There they met with unbounded hospitality.
At Lourenço Marques they remained more than a year,
their number constantly diminishing by fever. At length
their friends, hearing where and in what condition they
were, chartered the schooner Mazeppa to proceed to Delagoa
Bay to their relief, and in July 1839 the remnant of the
party, consisting of Mrs. H. Botha and five children, Mrs. G.
Scheepers and five children, Mrs. J. Pretorius and two
children, three young men, and seven orphan children, were
landed in Natal. One young man, a son of Louis Triechard,
had gone to Mozambique in a Portuguese vessel before the
Mazeppa reached the bay, but in the following year he
managed to travel overland to his friends in Natal. Thus
of the ninety-eight individuals who formed the first body of
emigrants all had perished except the twenty-six who reached
Natal in a state of destitution and the two still more
wretched who were living with the blacks.
S
!
*
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History of South Africa.
[1836
During the winter of 1836 preparations for emigration
were being made all over the eastern and northern districts.
The government was perfectly helpless in the matter. The
attorney-general, Mr. A. Oliphant, was consulted by Sir
Benjamin D'Urban, and gave his opinion that “it seemed
next to an impossibility to prevent persons passing out of
the colony by laws in force or by any which could be framed.”
On the 19th of August Sir Benjamin wrote to the lieutenant-
"he could see
governor that
no means of stopping the
emigration except by persuasion and attention to the wants
and necessities of the farmers." In that direction the
governor had done all that was in his power, but he could
not act in opposition to the instructions of the secretary of
state. Captain Stockenstrom himself, in replying to an
address from the inhabitants of Uitenhage, stated that "he
was not aware of any law which prevented any of his
Majesty's subjects from leaving his dominions and settling
in another country, and such a law, if it did exist, would be
tyrannical and oppressive."
Before this time the second party of emigrants had left.
It consisted of farmers from the Tarka, and was under
Commandant Andries Hendrik Potgieter, a substantial
burgher of kindly disposition and moderate views. Attached
to this party, and acknowledging Potgieter as chief com-
mandant, was a body of burghers from the neighbourhood
of the village of Colesberg. The subsequent sufferings of
this section of the party, and the events which those
sufferings gave rise to, entitle it to particular notice. It
consisted of Carel Cilliers with his wife and six children,
Jan du Toit with his family, Jan Botha with his family,
three families Kruger, eight families Liebenberg, four
families Broekhuizen, four families Brits, and three families
Van Rensburg. These did not all move out in one body, but
about half of them joined Potgieter and went on in advance,
and the others followed as fast as they could get away.
Commandant Potgieter directed his course northward
past Thaba Ntshu until he came to the Vet river. On its
1836]
275
Emigration from the Colony.
banks, close to the site of the present village of Winburg, he
found a remnant of the Bataung tribe under the chief
Makwana. Makwana claimed the whole country between
the Vet and Vaal rivers as having once been in possession
of his tribe, but he was then in an abject condition, poor,
powerless, and afraid to do anything that might draw upon
him the notice of Moselekatse. Under these circumstances
he was ready to enter into an arrangement with Potgieter,
by which he ceded to the emigrants all the land between
the Vet and Vaal rivers, except a tract which he reserved.
for the use of his own people, upon condition of being
protected from the Matabele and provided with a small
herd of cattle. This arrangement having been concluded
the emigrants in fancied security scattered themselves over
the vacant country, and some of them even crossed the Vaal
and went down along its northern bank to the junction
of a stream which they named the Mooi.
The territory stretching northward to the Limpopo was
to them an unknown land, though English people were
acquainted with its features from accounts of explorers and
traders. As early as 1829 the reverend Robert Moffat, of
the London missionary society, travelled from Kuruman to
the kraal of Moselekatse, about a hundred miles east of the
present town of Zeerust. In 1832 a trader named Whittle
travelled from Grahamstown to the Limpopo where its
course is to the northwest beyond the Magalisberg. In
1835 the territory in that direction was explored by the
expedition under Dr. Andrew Smith, and also by Mr.
Andrew Geddes Bain, who was then trying to trade, but
whose property was seized by the Matabele owing to the
misconduct of his Griqua servants. By these travellers
reports were received of Lake Ngami, and Dr. Smith was
only prevented from pushing on to that sheet of water by
the overdrawn statements of the Betshuana concerning the
perils of the intervening desert. In February 1836 the
trader David Hume returned to Grahamstown from a journey
along the Limpopo to the place where it passes through the
276
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History of South Africa.
eastern mountains in its way to the sea. He brought back
an account of the regions he had visited, of the damages
caused by the tsetse, and descriptions of the country as far
as the lake received from numerous natives. During the
early months of 1836 Captain Sutton and Lieutenant
Moultrie, of the 75th regiment, and also Captain Cornwallis
Harris, on furlough from India, hunted along the Limpopo.
In every case, the individuals here named proceeded first to
Mosel katse's kraal, propitiated that chief with presents,
and obtained his permission to go farther.
On the 24th of May 1836 a party consisting of the com-
mandant Hendrik Potgieter, his brother Hermanus Potgieter,
Messrs. Carel Cilliers, J. G. S. Bronkhorst, R. Jansen, L. van
Vuuren, A. Swanepoel, J. Roberts, A. de Lange, D.
Opperman, H. Nieuwenhuizen, and C. Liebenberg, left the
Sand river for the purpose of inspecting the country as far
as Delagoa Bay. During the first eighteen days of their
journey they met no one, but after passing Rhenoster Poort
they found a few scattered inhabitants. To the eastward
the land appeared exceedingly rugged, and they observed
no opening that promised an easy route to the sea, so they
pushed on to the north until they reached Louis Triechard's
camp at the Zoutpansberg. Not far from this place-in
their account they use the expression "opposite to it"-
they were shown what they termed a gold mine, and they
saw rings of that metal made by native workmen.
Wherever they met blacks they observed quantities of
manufactured iron, a certain proof of an abundance of the
ore close at hand. Game in the greatest variety and in vast
numbers was everywhere encountered.* The flora in the
north differed in some respects from that they had been
accustomed to. Strange trees in particular gave them cause
* The prodigious quantity of game in the territory between the Orange
and Limpopo rivers can hardly be realised since it has nearly all been
destroyed. Some idea may be formed from the fact that before September
1837 two hundred and forty-nine lions were killed by the emigrants in the
neighbourhood of Thaba Ntshu alone, and in other localities they were even
more numerous.
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Emigration from the Colony.
for wonder, and they looked with something like awe upon
the wide-spreading baobab. But they were simple farmers,
and that which struck them most was the richness of the
grasses, surpassing anything they knew of even in the best
parts of the Cape Colony.
From Triechard's camp they turned back, and after seven
days' travelling towards the south-east came to a kraal of
the Magwamba, a tribe that had for its distinguishing mark
a peculiarly ugly puncturing of the face, on which account
the travellers called them Knobnoses, a name by which they
are still known. At this kraal they met two half-breed sons
of that Coenraad du Buis who has often been mentioned
in preceding chapters. Du Buis remained at Swellendam,
where General Janssens required him to live, until early in
the year 1815, when he again fled from civilisation, and took
up his abode near Klaarwater-now Griquatown-north of
the Orange river. Here he acted as a freebooter. Suspecting
that an expedition was on the way to arrest him, he fled
farther northward, and spent the remainder of his life in the
country along the Limpopo. His gigantic frame, his reckless
courage, the iron strength of his constitution, and his perfect
familiarity with Bantu customs enabled him to become a
leader among the barbarians. Wherever he went he took to
himself female companions. Of his many sons, two, whose
European names were Doris and Carel Buys, were living at
the Magwamba kraal when Commandant Potgieter visited it,
and they formed a link of communication between the two
races.
At this kraal the travellers saw both Indian and European
calicoes, different kinds of cloth, shawls, and even straw hats,
which had been obtained in exchange for ivory. Some blacks
from Lourenço Marques, who could speak Portuguese, were
there trading at the time. They stated that there were
vessels then waiting in Delagoa Bay until they should return
with the ivory which they were collecting. This intelligence
was very satisfactory to the farmers. The open uninhabited
country to the westward would be an admirable place for a
278
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History of South Africa.
:
settlement, and communication with the outer world could
be had through the port from which these traders came.
They were now anxious to return to their families, so
without inspecting the route to Delagoa Bay, they set out
again towards the south. On the 2nd of September they
arrived at the spot where they had left the last encamp-
ment on their outward journey, and found that a dreadful
massacre had just taken place.
It had been committed in the following manner. Mr.
Stephanus P. Erasmus, who lived near the Kraai river in
the present district of Aliwal North, had got up a party to
hunt elephants, and had gone some distance north of the Vaal
for that purpose. The hunting party consisted of Erasmus
himself, his three sons, Pieter Bekker and his son, Jan
Claasen, and Carel Kruger. They had with them a number
of coloured servants, five waggons, eighty oxen, and about
fifty horses. They had not been very successful, and were
slowly returning homeward, still hunting by the way. One
morning they left the waggons and cattle as usual in charge
of the servants, and in three small parties rode away in
different directions. In the evening Erasmus and one of his
sons, who were together during the day, returned to the
waggons and found them surrounded by five or six hundred
Matabele soldiers, who had been sent out by Moselekatse to
scour the country. It was ascertained long afterwards that
the other two sons of Erasmus and Carel Kruger, who
formed a separate hunting party, had been surprised by the
Matabele and murdered. The Bekkers and Claasen were out
in another direction, and when the Matabele came upon
them they were some distance from each other. The first
two escaped, the last was never heard of again.
Erasmus and the son who was with him rode for their
lives towards the nearest party of emigrants, who they
knew were not farther off than five hours on horseback.
They obtained the assistance of eleven men, and were
proceeding to ascertain the fate of the others, when they
encountered a division of the Matabele army, and turned
!
1836]
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Emigration from the Colony.
back to give notice to those behind. The families farthest
in advance had hardly time to draw their waggons in a
circle and collect within it, when the Matabele were upon
them. From ten in the morning until four in the afternoon
the assailants vainly endeavoured to force a way into the
lager, and did not relinquish the attempt until fully a third
of their number were stretched on the ground. Of thirty-
five men within the lager, only one, Adolf Bronkhorst, was
killed, but a youth named Christiaan Harmse and several
coloured servants, who were herding cattle and collecting
fuel at a distance, were murdered.
In the meantime another party of the Matabele had gone
farther up the river, and had unexpectedly fallen upon the
encampment of the Liebenbergs. They murdered there old
Barend Liebenberg, the patriarch of the family, his sons
Stephanus, Barend, and Hendrik, his son-in-law Jan du Toit,
his daughter, Du Toit's wife, his son Hendrik's wife, a
schoolmaster named Macdonald, four children, and twelve
coloured servants; and they carried away three children to
present to their chief. The two divisions of Matabele
warriors then united, and returned to Mosega to procure
reinforcements, taking with them
them large herds of the
emigrants' cattle.
To an Englishman who visited him shortly afterwards
Moselekatse tried to make it appear that the massacre was
committed in mistake by his soldiers. He told Captain
Sutton that his men were sent against the Koranas under
Jan Bloem, who were in the habit of making sudden raids
upon his cattle posts, and that they believed the farmers to
be Bloem's people. But this was evidently an attempt to
find an excuse for a deed that he had reason to fear would
not remain unavenged. The soldiers were not so stupid as
to confound white people with Koranas, nor will the place
where the farmers were attacked admit of the supposition
that Jan Bloem was being sought for.
Six days after the assault upon the lager, Erasmus, in his
anxiety as to the fate of his sons, rode to the spot where
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History of South Africa.
his waggons had stood, and found there nothing but the
bodies of five of his servants. His waggons were seen at
Mosega by Captain Harris a few days later, and the same
traveller learned that two of the captive children, being
girls, had been taken to one of Moselekatse's residences
farther north. He does not seem to have heard of the
captive boy. At that time the emigrants themselves were
ignorant that the children were still alive, as until Captain
Harris's return they believed that all had been murdered.
As soon as the Matabele were out of sight, the farmers
hastened across the Vaal, and formed a lager at the place
since known as Vechtkop, between the Rhenoster and Wilge
rivers. The lager was constructed of fifty waggons drawn
up in a circle, firmly lashed together, and every opening
except a narrow entrance closed with thorn trees.
·
The month of October was well advanced when one
morning a few frightened Bataung rushed into the camp
and announced that a great Matabele army was approach-
ing. Immediately the horses were saddled, and after a
short religious service conducted by Mr. Carel Cilliers, the
farmers rode out with Commandant Potgieter at their head,
and encountered a division of Moselekatse's forces, about five
thousand strong, under Kalipi, Moselekatse's favourite captain.
Riding close up, they poured a volley into the mass of
savages, and then retired to reload their clumsy guns. This
manœuvre they repeated, constantly falling back, until the
lager was reached.
The Matabele now thought they had the farmers in a
trap, and encircling the camp, they sat down at some
distance from it and feasted their eyes with a sight of their
intended victims. After a while they suddenly rose, and
with a loud hiss, their ordinary signal of destruction, they
rushed upon the lager and endeavoured to force an entrance.
There were only forty men and boys capable of using fire-
arms, among whom was a lad named Paul Kruger,-inside,
but luckily they had spare guns, and the women knew how
to load them. The assailants were received with a deadly
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Emigration from the Colony.
fire, and fell back, but only to rush on again. The waggons
were lashed together too firmly to be moved, and finding it
impossible to get to close quarters, the foremost Matabele
soldiers abandoned their usual method of fighting, and hurled
their assagais into the lager. One thousand one hundred
and thirteen of these weapons were afterwards picked up in
the camp. By this means they managed to kill two of the
defenders, Nicolaas Potgieter and Pieter Botha, and to
wound twelve others more or less severely. Still the fire
kept up by those who remained was so hot that Kalipi
judged it expedient to withdraw, and in less than half-an-
hour after the first rush the Matabele turned to retreat.
They collected the whole of the cattle belonging to the
emigrants, however, and drove them off, leaving not a hoof
except the horses which the farmers had been riding and
which were within the camp.
Potgieter with his little band followed them until sunset,
and managed to shoot a good many, but could not recover
the cattle. On their return to the camp, they counted a
hundred and fifty-five corpses close to the waggons. Alto-
gether, the Matabele had now killed twenty whites and
twenty-six persons of colour, and had swept off a hundred
horses, four thousand six hundred head of horned cattle, and
more than fifty thousand sheep and goats.
Just at this time the first families of the third party of
emigrants from the colony arrived in the neighbourhood of
Thaba Ntshu. This party came from the district of Graaff-
Reinet, and was under the leadership of Mr. Gerrit Maritz,
who had previously been the proprietor of a large waggon-
making establishment, and was a man of considerable wealth.
They had not less than one hundred waggons with them,
and as their flocks and herds were very numerous, they were
obliged to travel slowly and to spread over a great extent
of country. Almost the first information of the earlier
emigrants which came to their ears after they crossed the
Orange was brought by Hermanus Potgieter to Thaba Ntshu,
to which place he was sent by his brother to seek assistance
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History of South Africa.
for the families at Vechtkop, who were left in a helpless
condition by the loss of their cattle.
The reverend Mr. Archbell, Wesleyan missionary at Thaba
Ntshu, spared no exertions to procure aid for his suffering
fellow Christians. Through his influence, Moroko supplied
some oxen, the missionary sent his own, the emigrants in
the neighbourhood went with theirs, and by these combined
means the whole of Potgieter's camp was brought back to
Thaba Ntshu. Upon the arrival of the distressed people,
Moroko treated them with great kindness. He gave them
corn, and even lent them a few cows to supply their children
with milk.
Another massacre, but from which a very different class
of people suffered, took place at this time about a day's
journey south-east of Thaba Ntshu. The Xosa chief Jalusa,
who professed to be a dependent of Hintsa, after the con-
clusion of peace with the colony in September 1835 collected
a band of turbulent characters in which there were many of
the Imidange clan, and migrated with them to the country
near Thaba Bosigo. There he commenced to plunder out-
lying Basuto kraals, and would not desist, though Moshesh
made the most friendly overtures. For several months the
Basuto submitted to this treatment, but their patience
becoming exhausted, one night in the month of September
1836 they surrounded Jalusa's encampment, and when the
sun rose next morning between a thousand and twelve
hundred corpses of all ages were lying on the ground.
Tshunongwa, who was believed to be the actual murderer
of the elder Stockenstrom, was among the number. Only
five men and three women escaped. They managed to break
through the circle of death-dealing Basuto, and conveyed to
Kaffirland tidings of the fate of their companions.
On the 2nd of December 1836 a general assembly of the
emigrants was held for the purpose of deciding upon the
form of their future government. They resolved to elect
a body of seven members, which should have supreme
legislative power.
The choice of the electors fell upon
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Emigration from the Colony.
Messrs. Gerrit Marthinus Maritz, Andries Hendrik Potgieter,
Jan Gerrit Bronkhorst, Christiaan Jacobus Liebenberg, Pieter
Greyling, Daniel Kruger, and Stephanus Janse van Vuuren,
who constituted the first volksraad. It was decided also
that the same persons should form a court of justice, in
which Maritz should sit as landdrost and the others as
heemraden.
The question where they were to settle was not discussed.
The country to the north as far as Mosega was almost
without inhabitants, but it was evident that Moselekatse
was determined to keep it in that condition. While his
power lasted, it was therefore useless to think of trying
to establish themselves anywhere in that direction in peace.
At Thaba Ntshu the emigrants were in the territory
occupied by the Barolong, of whom Moroko was by far the
most important chief, though there were others who claimed
to be higher in rank. All of them were delighted to find
the white people involved in difficulties with the Matabele,
those destroyers of the Betshuana tribes, as a prospect of
deliverance from the fear which rested upon them was
thereby opened.
To the eastward the various little communities under
Moshesh at Thaba Bosigo, Sikonyela at Imparani, Gert
Taaibosch at Merumetsu, Carolus Baatje at Platberg, and
Peter Davids at Lishuane, were in the state described in
a preceding chapter. Lepui and his Batlapin were at
Bethulie, away to the south-west, on the right bank of
the Orange.
About equi-distant from Thaba Ntshu and Bethulie, in
the preceding year a mission station had been founded
close to the Caledon, at the place called Zevenfontein.
The farmers who had been living there had gone to the
assistance of the colony against the Kaffirs, and during their
absence the ground they had occupied was taken possession
of by the French missionary society. The reverend Mr.
Rolland had left Motito to the sole care of Mr. Lemue,
and moved to Zevenfontein with a horde of refugees,
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History of South Africa.
composed partly of Bahurutsi who had once lived at Mosega
and partly of the remnant of a Barolong clan under a petty
chief named Moi. For agricultural purposes Zevenfontein
was vastly superior to any locality that could be selected
in the Betshuana country, it was close to the other stations
of the French society, and it was a long way from
Moselekatse. For these reasons it was selected by Mr.
Rolland. It was not within Moshesh's jurisdiction, but Mr.
Rolland considered it convenient to acknowledge his authority
as paramount, and the station became a kind of semi-inde-
pendent fief of the Basuto chief. Subsequently also several
little bands of Basuto origin settled there. Mr. Rolland
changed the name Zevenfontein to Beersheba.
A few months before the arrival of the emigrants at
Thaba Ntshu, the various chiefs along the Caledon were
visited by a scientific and exploring expedition under Dr.
Andrew Smith, sent out under the patronage of the Cape
government, but at the expense of a body of subscribers.
Dr. Smith was provided with medals attached to chains,
and presented one each to Moshesh, Sikonyela, Moroko,
Lepui, Peter Davids, Carolus Baatje, and Gert Taaibosch.
The chiefs regarded these medals as assurances that the
colonial government recognised them as the rightful rulers
of their respective communities. They all declared to Dr.
Smith that they were desirous of friendly relations, and
anxious that white people should visit them from time to
time for the purpose of trading. No formal agreement was
concluded, however. In order to make a distinction between
the more and less powerful chiefs, Dr. Smith presented to
Moshesh, Sikonyela, and Moroko each an ornamented cloak.
The expedition visited the Batlapin chief Mothibi, who
was found living on the right bank of the Vaal below its
junction with the Hart, and who, like the others, was
pleased with being recognised by the Cape government.
Dr. Smith proceeded to Mosega, and was well received
by Moselekatse. He took the precaution not only to send
messengers in advance to announce his approach and to
1836]
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Emigration from the Colony.
inform the chief that he was coming on a mission of
friendship from the Cape government, but to wait for leave
to do so. Thus the pride of the Matabele ruler was
flattered, and his suspicions were dispelled. Probably if the
expedition had entered his country as Erasmus's party did,
it would have met with a similar fate.
Moselekatse was found as ready as any of the petty
captains along the Caledon with expressions of good-will.
He received with pleasure the presents offered-a medal
with a chain, two large mirrors, and two ornamented cloaks
—and when the expedition left, he sent with it to Capetown
one of his favourite indunas, named Nombate, with four
attendants, to greet the white man's chief.
On the 3rd of March 1836 a treaty was signed in
Capetown by Sir Benjamin D'Urban on the one part and
by Nombate, on behalf of Moselekatse, on the other, by the
terms of which the Matabele chief engaged to be a faithful
friend and ally of the colony, to maintain peace, to protect
white people visiting his country, to encourage missionaries,
and generally to act as a promoter of civilisation. The
governor made similar engagements, and further undertook
to supply suitable presents periodically. Nombate returned
to Mosega delighted with his reception, and laden with gifts,
but without a thought that his chief had incurred any
responsibility by his having put his hand upon a pen while
a mark was made.
The party to which Lord Glenelg belonged, however,
regarded such documents as having the same value
value and
importance as those entered into between civilised powers,
and thus at the time when the emigrant farmers came into
collision with the Matabele, that tribe was spoken of as
being in alliance with the colony.
As soon as possible the commandants Potgieter and
Maritz assembled a force for the purpose of punishing
Moselekatse. The Griqua captain Peter Davids eagerly
tendered the services of his followers, in hope that the
expedition might effect the release of his daughter and his
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History of South Africa.
nephew. Matlabe, the petty Barolong chief who had once
been a soldier in the Matabele army, volunteered to be the
guide, and a few Koranas and Barolong engaged their
services with a view to sharing the spoil. As ultimately
made up, the force consisted of one hundred and seven
farmers on horseback, forty of Peter David's Griquas and
five or six Koranas, also on horseback, and sixty Barolong*
* This does not agree with statements made of late years on behalf of
Montsiwa, in which his father Tawane is represented as having entered into
alliance with Potgieter and as having furnished a powerful contingent on
the express understanding that he should have the whole "
country of Tao "
restored to him. The authority on which I give the total number of
Barolong that accompanied the commando is the following:-
In an account of their proceedings drawn up by the leaders of the emigrants
at the Sand river on the 3rd of December 1838, and addressed to Sir George
Napier, it is stated that "" slight assistance " was received from Moroko,
Peter Davids, and Sikonyela, but Tawane is not even mentioned.
Mr. Gerrit Maritz, who having quarrelled with Mr. Potgieter took the
whole credit of the expedition to himself, in a letter which he wrote to a
friend on the 17th of March 1837, and which was immediately published in
several of the colonial newspapers, says: "Ik ben uitgetrokken tegen
Masselikatse met 107 man burgers, benevens 40 bastaards en 60 man van de
Marolesen."
Captain Harris, who had just returned from Moselekatse's country and who
was well acquainted with all the circumstances, in his account in The Wild
Sports of Southern Africa states it as "sixty armed savages on foot."
Judge Cloete, in his Five Lectures on the Emigration of the Dutch Farmers,
gives the number of the entire commando as two hundred, without saying in
what proportions the force was composed.
The reverend Mr. Grout, in his Zululand, follows Harris and says "sixty
armed savages on foot," and as he like Judge Cloete had the very best means
of information concerning this event, while the sources of their knowledge
were different, if this was an error and the party had been a large one he
would most likely have corrected it.
Mr. Carel Cilliers, who accompanied both this and the next expedition
against Moselekatse, in his journal published in H. J. Hofstede's Geschiedenis
van den Oranje Vrijstaat, never once mentions auxiliaries.
He says:
"En
de nood drong ons dat wij met 107 man het ondernam om tegen de magtige
vijand op te trekken, en onze God gaf hem in onze handen, dat wij hem een
groot nederlaag gaf en 6,000 beesten van hem namen, en niet een van ons
gemis."
Mr. G. J. Kruger, who was with both this expedition and the one in the
following November, in an account of the emigration written in February
1852 for the assistant commissioners Hogg and Owen, does not allude to
assistance from blacks on either occasion. His account remained in
manuscript among the documents relating to the Orange River Sovereignty
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Emigration from the Colony.
on foot, belonging in about equal numbers to the clans of
Gontse, Tawane, Moroko, and Matlabe.
Under Matlabe's guidance the commando pursued its march
through a country so desolate that after crossing the Vaal
not a single individual was met, and the approach of a hostile
force was quite unknown to the Matabele. At early dawn
on the morning of the 17th of January 1837 the military
camp in the valley of Mosega was surprised.
This camp
consisted of fifteen separate kraals, and was under command
of the induna Kalipi, who happened at the time to be away
at Kapayin fifty miles farther north.
Seven months earlier, three American missionaries - Dr.
Wilson and the reverend Messrs. Lindley and Venable-had
taken up their residence at Mosega with Moselekatse's per-
mission. The chief had met Christian teachers before, but
had never comprehended even the first principles of the
doctrines which they endeavoured to expound.
As soon
as he ascertained that the preaching of the American
missionaries was against his actions he forbade his people
to listen to them, and shortly afterwards he left Mosega
and went to reside at Kapayin. The missionaries had been
attacked by fever, and some members of their families had
until 1886, when at my instance it was published in the Zuid Afrikaansche
Tijdschrift.
Mr. J. G. van Vuuren, who was with the commando, in his evidence before
the Bloemhof commissioners in 1871, says: "About forty coloured people
with us under Matlabe."
Matlabe himself, in his evidence on the same occasion, says: "Tawane
gave two sons, Gontse also gave two of his sons; Tawane's sons took a small
number of Kaffirs with them, also Gontse's sons, and I took fourteen,
including myself; Moroko did not send any men, but three of his men joined
us afterwards."
Against all this evidence, in addition to the overwhelming testimony of
subsequent events, the advocates of Montsiwa have to support their views
nothing but a letter from Mrs. Erasmus Smit, who was in the emigrant camp
at the time, and who wrote to her son in overdrawn language of “ een groot
aantal ruiters van Marokke" helping them; the evidence of Moroko at
Bloemhof, in which he says "we mustered a great many men"; and the
assertions of some of Montsiwa's followers made for the first time more than
a quarter of a century after the event, when they had long been under the
tuition of a European fabricator of fictitious statements.
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History of South Africa.
died; but they still continued at their post, hoping and
praying for an opportunity to carry on the work to which
they had devoted themselves. On the morning of the 17th
of January they were awakened by the report of guns, and
rushing out of their hut they saw clouds of smoke rising
above the entrances of two of the passes into the valley,
indicating the position of the farmers under Potgieter and
Maritz.
The Matabele soldiers grasped their spears and shields,
and rushed forward; but volleys of slugs from the long
elephant guns of the farmers drove them back in confusion.
Their commanding officer was away, and there was no one
of sufficient authority to restore order. The soldiers took to
flight, and were hunted by the farmers until the sun was
high overhead, when it was computed that at least four
hundred must have been slain. The commando then set
fire to the kraals. Most of the waggons that had belonged
to the slaughtered emigrants were found there, and six or
seven thousand head of cattle were seized. With this spoil
Potgieter and Maritz considered it advisable to return to the
Caledon rather than to follow up their victory. Not a single
individual, European or black, had been hurt on their side.
The missionaries and their families left Mosega with the
commando, feeling that to remain with the Matabele would
only be exposing themselves to danger, without the remotest
likelihood of their being able to effect more good in the
future than in the past. The Barolong auxiliaries acted as
herdsmen, and received payment in cattle for their services.
Matlabe, in his evidence at Bloemhof, stated that he "got
forty-seven head, and Tawane's and Gontse's sons each
thirty-seven head; he received the most cattle because he
was the leading man and the guide."
After returning from Mosega, Potgieter removed from the
neighbourhood of Thaba Ntshu to the Vet river, and formed
his camp at a place to which he gave the name Winburg,
from the recent victory. There his party was strengthened
by the arrival of numerous families from the colony,
In a
1837]
289
Emigration from the Colony.
short time some of them erected rough cottages, and thus the
foundation of a permanent village was laid. Unfortunately,
jealousy of each other, an evil which was afterwards
prominent among the emigrants, already began to appear.
Potgieter and Maritz quarrelled, and party feeling was
bitter and strong.
In April 1837 another band arrived in the neigh-
bourhood of Thaba Ntshu. It came from the Winterberg,
and consisted of Pieter Retief and family, James Edwards
and family, three families Greyling, seven families Van
Rensburg, two families Malan, three families Viljoen, one
family Meyer, one family Van Dyk, two families Joubert, one
family Dreyer, three families Van Staden, and a schoolmaster
named Alfred Smith, in all one hundred and eight individuals,
besides servants.
Mr. Pieter Retief, who was its leader, traced his descent
from one of the Huguenots who fled from France after the
revocation of the edict of Nantes and came to South Africa
in 1688. He was born and brought up near the present
village of Wellington, but when still young removed to the
eastern frontier. In 1820 when the British settlers arrived
he was living in Grahamstown, and was considered to be the
wealthiest man in the district of Albany, as also one of the
most honourable. Being brought into close contact with the
leading settlers, he soon acquired their confidence and esteem.
Subsequently heavy losses in building contracts reduced his
circumstances, and he then went to reside at the Winterberg,
where the war of 1834-5 still further impoverished him. At
this time he was a commandant, and had proved himself a
man of ability in the field. His remonstrances against the
policy pursued towards the Kaffirs brought him into disfavour
with Captain Stockenstrom, who wrote to him in such a style
as to create much irritation. He then resolved to leave the
colony, and was elected by the intending emigrants from the
Winterberg to be their head. A document embodying the
reasons for emigrating was drawn up by him, and was
published in the Grahamstown Journal, upon which the
T
290
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History of South Africa.
lieutenant-governor officially announced that he was dismissed
from the position of commandant because he had signed it.
On the 6th of June 1837 there was a mass meeting of
emigrants at Winburg, when a new volksraad was elected,
and the chief executive power was entrusted to Mr. Retief,
with the title of governor and commandant-general. The
legislative power was vested in the volksraad, of which Mr.
Maritz was elected president, and Messrs. J. G. L. Bronkhorst,
E. F. Liebenberg, P. J. Greyling, L. S. van Vuuren, and M.
Oosthuizen were chosen members. It was decided that Mr.
Maritz should continue to perform the duties of landdrost,
with six heemraden to assist him in difficult cases. Nine
articles were agreed upon as a kind of provisional constitu-
tion. In these the emigrants bound themselves to show
respect and obedience to the officers whom they had chosen,
and to abide by the old Dutch laws of the colony in all
matters not provided
not provided for by special enactment of the
volksraad.
One of the articles demands particular notice. It was to
the effect that every member of the community and all who
should thereafter join them must take a solemn oath to have
no connection with the London missionary society. It must
be clearly understood that by this was meant the political
and social principles professed by the reverend Dr. Philip
and some of the agents of that society in South Africa, and
that it had no reference whatever to religion or religious
instruction given to coloured people. The phrase "London
missionary society" had to the farmers long ceased to have
any other than a political signification, implying anarchy and
the social equality of civilised Europeans and naked savages.
It was regarded by them as something like blasphemy to
speak of Dr. Philip as a teacher of the Gospel. In point of
fact, there were several missionaries of this society for whom
as individuals they had the highest esteem, and who at any
time would have been heartily welcomed in their midst, as
had frequently been the case in the colony. But these
missionaries confined themselves to instructing the coloured
1837]
291
Emigration from the Colony.
people in religious truths and the improvement of their
condition, without interfering in political matters or ques-
tions affecting the right of all persons to social equality.
The meeting at which these articles were adopted and the
oath as here described was taken was opened and closed
with prayer and the singing of psalms, as was indeed all
other public gatherings of the emigrants.
Mr. Retief's first task was to compose the quarrel between
Potgieter and Maritz, and he apparently succeeded in restoring
friendship between them, though it only lasted a short season.
His next care was for the observance of public worship.
There was no ordained clergyman among the emigrants, but
there was an old missionary teacher named Erasmus Smit
and he was engaged to conduct the services. Mr. Retief
then visited the chiefs Moroko, Tawane, Moshesh, and
Sikonyela, and entered into agreements of mutual friendship
with them.
While these arrangements were being made, the number of
the emigrants was rapidly increasing. They were arriving
by single families as well as in parties. One large band,
under Mr. Pieter Jacobs, came from the district of Beaufort.
Another, under Mr. Jacobus Uys, came from Uitenhage. It
numbered more than a hundred souls, and was composed
entirely of Mr. Uys's sons and daughters with their wives
and husbands, children and grandchildren, for the leader was
nearly seventy years of age. He was one of the most widely
respected men in South Africa. His son Pieter Lavras Uys
had won the admiration of the British settlers by his gallant
conduct in the Kaffir war, and when the party reached
Grahamstown on its way towards the border, the residents
of that place testified their sympathy by a public deputation
which in the name of the community presented a large and
very handsome bible to the old man.
There were now more than a thousand waggons between
the Caledon and Vaal rivers, and four or five hundred
armed men could be mustered. Mr. Retief sent word to
Moselekatse that if everything taken from the emigrants was
292
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History of South Africa.
restored, he would agree to peace, but as no answer was
returned he prepared to send another expedition against the
Matabele. Sikonyela, Moroko, and Tawane, seeing the white
people in strength, offered their services, which Mr. Retief
declined with thanks, as he knew from experience how
impossible it would be to satisfy the demands of such allies.
The expedition, however, was prevented from proceeding by
rumours that the Griquas of Waterboer and Kok were
preparing to attack the emigrants.
About this time, possibly a month earlier or a month later,
Dingan, Tshaka's successor, sent an army against Moselekatse.
The Matabele were defeated by the Zulus in a great battle,
in which one of their regiments perished almost to a man.
They saw their cattle in possession of the conquerors; but
they had courage and discipline enough to rally, and by
another engagement they managed to recover some of their
herds. The Zulus then retreated to their own country,
taking with them among the captured cattle some oxen and
sheep that had once belonged to the farmers.
In the spring of 1837 the quarrel between Potgieter and
Maritz was revived, and the whole of the emigrants were
affected by it. Retief found it impossible to restore concord.
From this time onward for some years jealousies were SO
rife, and party feeling ran so high, that it is not safe to take
the statement of any individual among them as an accurate
version of occurrences. Even the account of Mr. J. N. Boshof,
their calmest and best writer, is distorted by partisan feeling.
These jealousies caused the secession of a large number of
the refugees from the principal body under Mr. Retief.
The parties of Potgieter and Uys resolved to set up distinct.
governments of their own, the first on the ground purchased
from Makwana, the last somewhere in Natal. To Natal
also Retief determined to proceed, and in October he paid
a preliminary visit to that district. While he was absent,
the second expedition against the Matabele set out.
The commando consisted of two divisions, mustering
together one hundred and thirty-five farmers, one division
18371
293
Emigration from the Colony.
being under Hendrik Potgieter, the other under Pieter Uys.
It was also accompanied by a few Barolong herdsmen,
exactly how many it is impossible to ascertain, as they are
not even mentioned in any of the contemporary accounts.
Matlabe, in his evidence at Bloemhof, said that "he did not
go himself, he sent three of his brothers with twenty men,
but none of the other captains did that he saw." Mongala,
a brother of Matlabe, stated on the same occasion that he
accompanied Hendrik Potgieter and Pieter Uys with the
second commando against Moselekatse, and had some Baro-
long under his command," without mentioning how many.
Moroko may have furnished two or three men, but no record
can be traced of any having been sent by Gontse or Tawane.
In November 1837 this expedition found Moselekatse on
the Marikwa, about fifty miles north of Mosega. The grass
was in good condition, and the farmers had taken care in
the long march not to weary their horses, which were as
fresh now as when they left Winburg. The tactics adopted
were the same as at Vechtkop, to form a long line so that no
two men would aim at the same object, to ride up swiftly
and deliver a volley, and then as swiftly ride away again.
The Matabele never had a chance of using their spears. Yet
warfare like this, if warfare it can be called, was not
without danger to the Europeans, for the failure or loss of a
horse would have meant the loss of its owner's life.
For nine days the hunting of the enemy went on, of
course only for an hour or two at a time, as it was
necessary to go far to rest at night and to keep scouts in
all directions while the horses were loose at grass. Then one
morning the kraals were found abandoned, and following the
trail the farmers had the joy of seeing the entire Matabele
host in full flight to the north. By this time the supplies
were becoming short, so Potgieter and Uys contented them-
selves with cutting off a large herd of cattle, with which
they returned to Winburg.
The accounts as to the number of Matabele killed on this
occasion are very conflicting, both in the documents of the
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History of South Africa.
time and in the relations of the actors many years after the
event. Mr. Carel Cilliers, who was with the expedition, in
his journal set it down as over three thousand. The
reverend Mr. Lindley, who obtained his information from
members of the commando, and who wrote immediately after
the event, evidently thought four or five hundred would be
nearer the mark. His words are: "On returning to his
encampment Mr. Retief found that a considerable number
of the farmers were absent on an expedition against
Moselekatse
which had about the same success as
the one in January." Between these extremes there are
many accounts, no two of which agree in this respect. The
fighting-or rather the pursuit of the Matabele soldiers, for
no farmer was killed-took place over a large extent of
ground, and the dead could not have been counted. The
fact remains that the punishment inflicted upon Moselekatse
was SO severe that he found it necessary to abandon the
country he had devastated, and flee to the far north, there
to resume on other tribes his previous career of destruction.
Six or seven thousand head of cattle were captured by
the expedition, and given over to the Barolong herdsmen to
take care of. One night these were surprised by a sinall
party of Matabele, when several lost their lives, and some
of the cattle were retaken. In the division of the captured
stock the herdsmen were liberally dealt with, Matlabe's
people receiving sixty-nine head for their services.
After the flight of Moselekatse, Commandant Potgieter
issued a proclamation, in which he declared that the whole
of the territory which that chief had overrun and now
abandoned was forfeited to the emigrants. It included the
greater part of the late South African Republic, fully half
of the late Orange Free State, and the whole of Southern
Betshuanaland to the Kalahari desert, except the district
occupied by the Batlapin. This immense tract of country
was then almost uninhabited, and must have remained so if
the Matabele had not been driven out.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
EARLY ENGLISH ADVENTURERS AT PORT NATAL.
NATAL, as a geographical name, has not always had the same
signification as it has at present. To the Portuguese it meant
the country along the coast from about the mouth of the Bashee
to the headland known in our times as the Bluff. People
wrecked farther south had on several occasions passed by
the inlet on the shore of which the town of Durban now
stands, in their efforts to reach Delagoa Bay, but there is no
instance on record of a Portuguese vessel ever having
entered that sheet of water. By English and Dutch
navigators the word Natal was applied to the country
between the Umzimvubu and Tugela rivers, but as it had
never been properly explored, its extent inland was un-
certain. In the early years of the nineteenth century the
position of the harbour then as now termed Port Natal was
well known and correctly marked on maps, though of its
capabilities no one was cognizant.
In 1823 some merchants at Capetown formed a joint stock
company for the purpose of trading with the natives on the
south-eastern coast, and with that object chartered a brig
named the Salisbury, of which Mr. James Saunders King,
who had once been a midshipman in the royal navy, was
then master. The Salisbury sailed from Table Bay on the
23rd of June 1823. She had on board two members of the
company that chartered her: Mr. J. R. Thomson, one of the
founders of the Capetown firm of Thomson & Watson, and
Mr. Francis George Farewell, previously a lieutenant in the
royal navy and a close friend of Mr. King.
295
296
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History of South Africa.
On her passage up the coast she put into Algoa Bay, and
found there his Majesty's surveying ship Leven, under
command of Captain Owen. Mr. Farewell went on board
the Leven, and obtained a good deal of information concern-
ing the coast. Seven Kaffirs, selected by the Cape
government from the convicts on Robben Island, had been
given to the surveying expedition as interpreters, and two
of them, named Fire and Jacob, were transferred with their
own consent by Captain Owen to Mr. Farewell. Fire was
shortly afterwards accidentally shot, and Jacob managed to
ruu away, but was subsequently met under strange circum-
stances.
On the 13th of July the Salisbury sailed from Algoa
Bay. In trying to land on an open beach north of Natal
two boats were lost and six men were drowned,* but twelve
others got safely to shore. Five weeks elapsed before they
could be recovered, the brig having been blown to sea in a
gale; but during that time they were well treated by the
natives. The Salisbury then put back to Algoa Bay for
supplies, after which she once more proceeded up the coast,
and having found no safe harbour or river that could be
entered, she dropped her anchor in the roadstead off Port
Natal. While there a strong breeze set in from the south-
east, which caused those on board to fear the vessel would
be driven on shore. Captain King therefore cut the cable,
stood in, and fortunately passed over the bar in safety.
After rounding the long spit of sand called the Point, a
secure harbour was reached, and Messrs. Farewell and
*This is taken from a letter written by Mr. King to Earl Bathurst on the
10th of July 1824, and from the shipping reports in the Cape Gazette. Lieutenant
Farewell's account, as given in a letter to Lord Charles Somerset, dated 7th of
January 1824, is slightly different, as it gives the number of men drowned as
four. In this letter he requests the governor's countenance to his project of
establishing a trade with the natives from the Cape frontier to Delagoa Bay.
Lord Charles Somerset replied, giving him permission to take with him about
twenty-five persons, including principals and servants, and wishing his under-
taking success, but informing him that he (the governor) could "not sanction
the acquisition of any territorial possessions without a full communication being
made to him of the circumstances under which they may be offered and be
intended to be received."
1824]
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English Adventurers in Natal.
Thomson then explored the country around, while Mr. King
roughly surveyed the sheet of water and made a chart of it.
When this was completed the Salisbury sailed again, and
on the 3rd of December reached Table Bay.
The voyage was
an unfortunate one for the company.
Mr. Farewell, however, was so impressed with the capa-
bilities of Natal for colonisation, and of its port as a
gateway for trade with the interior of the continent, that
he resolved to return and establish himself there. Some
twenty-five individuals joined him in the enterprise. They
purchased a sloop of thirty tons burden, named the Julia,
which was intended to ply between Natal and the Cape,
and chartered the brig Antelope to convey them with their
stores and some horses to their destination.
In April 1824* the Julia sailed for Natal with a few of
the party under the leadership of Mr. Henry Francis Fynn,
son of a man who for many years after the English conquest
in 1806 kept an inn called the British Hotel, in Long-street,
Capetown. During the preceding four years Mr. Fynn had
been resident in the district of Albany, and being endowed
with much energy was now seeking some place where he
could make a home with more satisfactory prospects than
the eastern districts of the Cape Colony then appeared to
present.
Mr. Farewell with the remainder of the party sailed from
Table Bay in the Antelope on the 27th of May, and arrived
safely at Natal six weeks after the Julia. But the hearts
of most of the adventurers soon failed them. On the 7th
of September Messrs. Hoffman, father and son, Pietersen,
Buxman, Collins, Nel, De Bruin, Johnstone, and Davids.
embarked in the Julia, and set sail for the Cape.
The Julia returned to Natal, and on the 1st of December
sailed again for Algoa Bay with eleven other members of
* In Mr. Fynn's narrative he says he arrived at Natal in the Julia in
March 1824. But this must be incorrect, for on the 27th of March the Julia
reached Table Bay from Saldanha Bay with a cargo of grain. See shipping
list in the Cape Gazette. No notice of her sailing to Natal on this occasion
appears in the Gazette.
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History of South Africa.
the party.
She was never afterwards heard of, and is
supposed to have foundered at sea with all on board.
The Europeans at Natal were now completely cut off from
intercourse with the outer world. The little party consisted
of Messrs. Farewell and Fynn, two men named John Cane
and Henry Ogle, and a boy named Thomas Holstead. Of
the antecedents of the two last nothing is known. Cane
was a man of unusual physical strength, who arrived in
Capetown from London in August 1813. After working
for a few months as a storeman, he went with Dr. Mackrill
to the Somerset farm as a labourer. Then he bound himself
to a carpenter, and learned that trade before he joined the
Natal party. Mr. Farewell had three Hottentot servants.
A wilder venture can hardly be conceived than that of
these few Englishmen. All that they knew of the country
around them was that its soil seemed rich, that it abounded
with elephants, that it was almost uninhabited, and that
Tshaka claimed it. Early in July Mr. Farewell, accompanied
by Messrs. Fynn, Pietersen, and several others, visited
Tshaka at his principal military kraal, where no European
had ever been before. To their surprise they found there
the interpreter Jacob, who had run away from the Salisbury
at St. Lucia Bay, and was supposed to be dead. Jacob,
who had received from the Zulus the name Hlambamanzi,
was high in Tshaka's favour, and had already a large drove
of cattle and several wives. He was obliging enough to
commend his former master to his present one, and the
Europeans were therefore well received.
When the rest of the party returned to Natal, Mr. Fynn
and a Hottentot remained at the kraal. Two days after-
wards an attempt was made to assassinate Tshaka while he
was dancing, and he received a very severe wound. Fynn,
who knew something of surgery, attended him, and by
means of ointments and medicines sent by Farewell a rapid
cure was effected. Nothing could have happened more
opportunely for the interests of the Europeans, as from
that time forward Tshaka was their friend.
1824]
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English Adventurers in Natal.
As soon as the chief was out of danger, Mr. Fynn sent
a message to Natal, and Farewell, accompanied by Henry
Ogle, three of the crew of the Julia, and a Hottentot,
proceeded to the kraal to congratulate him upon his escape.
Tshaka presented a number of oxen to the party, and
attached his mark to a document in which he "granted,
made over, and sold unto F. G. Farewell and Company the
entire and full possession in perpetuity to themselves, heirs,
and executors, of the port or harbour of Natal, together
with the islands therein, and surrounding country," which
is described as running about a hundred miles inland and
embracing the coast ten miles to the south-west and about
twenty-five miles to the north-east of the harbour. This
deed was dated the 7th of August 1824. It had upon it
the marks of Tshaka himself, four of the indunas or officers.
of rank, among whom Jacob appeared under his Zulu name;
and it was signed by the whole of Mr. Farewell's party.
The territory thus ceded was described by Mr. Farewell
in a letter to Lord Charles Somerset as containing not more
than three or four hundred native inhabitants. They were
living in the most wretched condition imaginable, though
one of them-a man named Umnini-had once been the
head of a powerful clan. On the 27th of August Mr.
Farewell hoisted the English flag at the port, fired a royal
salute, and in the presence of several of Tshaka's indunas
proclaimed the territory ceded to him a British possession.
The
Meantime Mr. King, the master of the Salisbury, had
gone to England, and being impressed with the value of
Port Natal for trading purposes, applied to Earl Bathurst
for countenance in opening an establishment there.
secretary of state was not disposed to furnish active
assistance, but wishing to encourage commercial enterprise,
he gave Mr. King a letter of recommendation to Lord
Charles Somerset. This was equivalent to granting him
permission to settle at Natal if he chose to do so on his
own responsibility. He came out in a brig named the Mary,
and brought with him from St. Helena a young man named
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History of South Africa.
Nathaniel Isaacs, whose Travels and Adventures in Eastern
Africa, published in 1836, contain a very complete account
of the events of the next six years. On the 1st of October
1825 the Mary was wrecked on the outer beach while
attempting to cross the bar at Port Natal, but no lives
were lost. The chief mate and three of the seamen
proceeded to Algoa Bay in the longboat; the remainder
of the crew, with Messrs. King and Isaacs, joined the little
party of white people.
The circumstances in which these Europeans were placed
were not favourable to the growth of a civilised community.
They were under the dominion of Tshaka, and though they
kept him friendly by frequent presents, they were obliged
more than once to accompany his armies to war.
On one
of these occasions, of which Mr. Isaacs has given the
particulars, that adventurer himself was severely wounded.
The natives who had been living concealed in thickets
ventured to place themselves under the protection of the
white men, who very shortly became practically petty chiefs,
each with his own following.
Mr. Fynn set the example in this respect. In his account
he says that they found some three or four hundred blacks
in a famishing condition. Tshaka allowed him to collect
these poor wretches together, and afterwards to receive
some refugees from Zululand upon his reporting each case.
Tshaka would not permit any trade whatever with his
subjects, and all their business transactions were with him
in person. They made him presents, rarely of less value
than £100 at a time, and in return he gave them large
quantities of ivory and grain and droves of cattle. Mr.
Fynn frequently received fifty to a hundred head at a time,
and corn in such abundance that he had no use for it. The
Xolo tribe had once owned the country between the
Umzimkulu and Umtentu rivers, but it was reduced to a
few wretched wanderers. Its chief, Umbambe by name,
was a soldier in Zululand. Tshaka allowed Mr. Fynn to
locate the Xolos on a part of their old territory, and at his
1828]
301
English Adventurers in Natal.
request set Umbambe at liberty.* Mr. Fynn then formed
two establishments, one near the port, and one west of
the Umzimkulu. To the people of each he gave cattle and
grain, which he derived from Tshaka's liberality.
After a
time the Zulu chief granted him the whole country between
Mr. Farewell's district and the Umzimkulu, and attached a
mark to a document to that effect. Over that large tract
of country he was the chief, and was responsible to Tshaka
for the conduct of the people residing in it. Ultimately
over five thousand individuals were gathered together under
the different Europeans.
A bitter feud soon arose between Farewell and King.
They had obtained a considerable quantity of ivory, when
a trading vessel put into the bay, and gave them an
opportunity of exchanging it for merchandise, principally
muskets and ammunition, with which they armed some of
their followers.
On the southern shore of the inlet the crew of the Mary,
under guidance of the carpenter, Mr. Hatton, built from the
wreck and native timber a small schooner, which they named
the Elizabeth and Susan. Mr. King then induced Tshaka to
send him with a couple of indunas as an embassy to the
Cape government. The little vessel arrived safely in Algoa
Bay in April 1828, but the object of the embassy could not
be ascertained, for the indunas asserted that they were
ignorant of their chief's intentions, and the government
declined to receive Mr. King in the character of Tshaka's
plenipotentiary. After a stay of nearly three months in
Port Elizabeth, the indunas were sent back to Natal in a
man-of-war, and Mr. King followed in the schooner.
A few weeks after the return of Mr. King and the indunas,
Tshaka sent John Cane with a party of Zulus overland to
* The Xolo tribe is still living where it was located by Mr. Fynn, the
district being now part of Alfred County, Natal. Umbambe was succeeded by
his son Kani, who got into trouble with the Natal government, and fled into
Pondoland, where he died. A few of his followers who entered Pondoland
with him then returned to Natal. Patwa, great son of Kani, is the present
representative of Umbambe.
302
[1828
History of South Africa.
greet the governor, and express his thanks for the attention
that had been shown to his people. These messengers were
forwarded by the officials on the frontier, and reached Cape-
town on the 7th of November 1828. Their business was
purely formal and complimentary, and neither Cane nor the
Zulus with him knew whether Tshaka desired to enter into
friendly relationship with the Cape Colony or not, so on the
24th of November Captain Robert Scott Aitchison, of the
Cape mounted rifles, was directed to return with them and
ascertain what the chief's wishes really were. Before Captain
Aitchison could set out, however, tidings of Tshaka's death.
were received, and his instructions were then countermanded.
The Zulu chief had for some time determined to destroy
the tribes between the Umzimvubu and the Cape Colony,
and in July 1828 he sent an army against them, which
marched unopposed to the Bashee. Tshaka himself, with
one regiment as a bodyguard, remained at the Umzimkulu.
There Mr. Fynn, by representing that the colonial governinent
would certainly protect the Tembu and Xosa tribes, induced
him to recall the army until the result of Mr. King's mission
to the Cape could be known.
Early in September 1828 Mr. King died at Natal, and
within a few months was followed to the grave by Mr.
Hatton, the builder of the little vessel. For nearly three.
years there had been no additions to the European party,
but about this time Mr. William Macdowell Fynn was sent
from the Cape to Delagoa Bay to search along the coast for
the wreck of a small vessel named the Buckbay Packet, and
having found it in the Maputa river, he proceeded to Natal
and cast in his lot with his brother and the other adventurers.
On the 23rd of September 1828 Tshaka was assassinated
at Tukusa, a military kraal on the river Umvoti, about fifty
miles from Port Natal. The mother of the chief had died a
few months before, and so many people were butchered for
not participating in his grief, as he said, that even the most
bloodstained of the Zulus were appalled. The army, after
returning from the Bashee, was sent against Sotshangana's
1828]
303
English Adventurers in Natal.
tribe at Delagoa Bay, but met with great reverses. Several
thousand men fell victims to dysentery, and the survivors
were retreating in the greatest distress from hunger. At this
juncture Dingan and Umthlangana, two of Tshaka's half-
brothers, and Umbopa, his most trusted attendant, entered
into a conspiracy to put him to death.
From his brothers Tshaka seems never to have anticipated
danger. According to Bantu ideas, Dingan was of higher
rank by birth, but the original Zulu tribe was such a small
fraction of the nation then existing, that he was not suspected
of ambitious designs. Tshaka was sitting conversing with
several of his attendants when the conspirators attacked him.
Dingan struck the first blow, but it was his treacherous
servant who gave the death wound. His body was left
uncovered on the ground, but on the following day it was
buried, the residents of the place having been struck with
superstitious dread when they saw that the hyenas had not
devoured it. His grave is in a knoll at the upper end of the
present village of Stanger, and is still regarded by the Zulus
with the greatest awe.
Shortly after the death of Tshaka, Dingan with his own
hand murdered Umthlangana, his brother and fellow-
conspirator. Another brother with several indunas refused
to acknowledge him as their head, and a short civil war
followed, which resulted in the flight of one of Dingan's
principal opponents and the extermination of all the others.
The one who fled was named Qeto. He had with him a
horde called the Amakwabi, with which he crossed the
Umzimvubu and committed dreadful ravages south of that
river.
The remnants of the conquered tribes far and near hailed
Dingan as a deliverer, and for a year or two after his
accession his government really was an improvement upon
that of his predecessor. But gradually he began to display
the vilest qualities. The favourites of Tshaka were the ablest
men in the country, for that chief appreciated talent in his
officers, and even had sufficient magnanimity to spare the
304
[1829
History of South Africa.
men of rank in clans that sought incorporation with the
Zulu tribe. Most of these were murdered by order of
Dingan. Tshaka delighted in a display of force, Dingan in
gaining his ends by treachery. The devastations of the latter
were trifling in comparison with those of the former, only
because there was so little left within his reach to destroy.
Five years after his assumption of power his people felt his
tyranny as much as they had felt that of Tshaka.*
The Europeans at the port were invited by Dingan to
remain there under his protection for commercial purposes,
and they were well pleased to do so. On the 1st of December
1828 Messrs. Farewell and Isaacs sailed from Natal in the
Elizabeth and Susan, with a view of procuring goods in the
colony. All that were left of the crew of the Mary went
with them, so that there remained at Natal only Messrs. H.
and W. Fynn, John Cane, Henry Ogle, and Thomas Holstead.
Upon the arrival of the schooner at Algoa Bay she was seized
and detained by the authorities, and of all who had embarked
in her, only Mr. Isaacs saw Natal again. In April 1830 he
returned in an American trading vessel.
Mr. Farewell a second time interested a good many people
in his scheme of colonising Natal, and in September 1829
was returning overland with a party of young Englishmen
and some waggons laden with merchandise when his career
was terminated. He and two companions named Walker
and Thackwray left the waggons one afternoon, and rode on
horseback to visit Qeto, with whom he had been acquainted
in Zululand. They were received with apparent friendship,
Captain Allen F. Gardiner, in his Narrative of a Journey to the Zulu
Country, gives several instances of the despot's ferocity which fell under his
observation. William Wood, who lived with the great chief for some time
when nothing unusual was taking place, in his Statements respecting Dingan,
king of the Zoolahs, asserts that the executions at the kraal where he was
residing were at the rate of fourteen a week. Dr. Andrew Smith, who
visited him in 1834, in his report says: "As characteristic of his system of
proceeding, I may only mention that when I was at his kraal I saw portions
of the bodies of eleven of his own wives whom he had only a few days
previously put to death merely for having uttered words that happened to
annoy him."
*
1830]
305
English Adventurers in Natal.
but Qeto did not conceal his annoyance at their intention of
proceeding to trade with his enemy Dingan. A hut was
given them to sleep in, and at a late hour they laid down to
rest. Just before dawn next morning a band of Amak wabi
fell upon them, murdered the three Europeans and five of
their black servants, and then proceeded to plunder the
goods. The members of the party who remained with the
waggons managed to escape, but left everything behind in
their flight.
After Mr. Farewell's death, John Cane and Henry Ogle
divided his people between them, and a few years later,
owing to constant accessions to their clans, they were the
most powerful chiefs in Natal.
Early in 1829 Dingan was visited by Dr. Cowie, district
surgeon of Albany, and Mr. Benjamin Green, who were
an exploring expedition from the Cape Colony. They left
their waggon and most of their Hottentot servants at his
residence, and proceeded on horseback to Delagoa Bay,
where they found fever raging so severely that the European
inhabitants of Lourenço Marques had been reduced from
forty to six in number. Their horses died, and the explorers
were compelled to leave on foot. On the 4th of April Dr.
Cowie died, and was followed a few hours afterwards by one
of the Hottentot servants. Four days later Mr. Green died,
after giving the journal of the expedition to the interpreter,
who brought it to the colony.
In this journal the explorers state that after crossing the
Umzimvubu they entered a nearly depopulated country,
through which they were thirty-five days in making their
way to Mr. Fynn's kraal near Port Natal. During this time
they saw no natives. At Dingan's residence they met about
forty half-breed Portuguese traders from Delagoa Bay, whose
principal article of traffic was a coarse kind of bead.
In October 1830 Dingan sent John Cane and Thomas
Holstead with Hlambamanzi and six Zulus to greet the
governor of the Cape Colony in his name, and to deliver
a few tusks of ivory as a present. The party reached.
U
306
[1831
History of South Africa.
Grahamstown on the 21st of December, after a journey of
seventy days from the Tugela. There they were detained
until the governor's pleasure could be made known, and it
was decided eventually that they should not proceed farther.
It was also thought advisable to decline the present of ivory,
lest its acceptance might lead to incorrect impressions on the
part of the Zulu ruler.
Cane and his associates returned to Natal, when the
unsatisfactory account which they gave of their mission
irritated Dingan greatly. The Europeans suspected Hlam-
bamanzi of prejudicing the chief against them. They accused
him of stating that he had learned in Grahamstown that
Colonel Somerset was about to attack the Zulus, and would
be assisted by them, which was the cause of the ivory not
being accepted by Captain Campbell on behalf of the governor.
Whether this was true or not, they came to learn of the
approach of a Zulu regiment, and thought it prudent to get
out of the way. The two brothers Fynn fled to Buntingville
in Pondoland, Cane, Ogle, and Holstead retired to a thicket
on the Umzimkulu, and Isaacs left in the American brig
St. Michael, which happened to be there at the time.
Isaacs never returned to Natal, but his liking for Africa.
was so great that he spent the remainder of a long life on
an island in the gulf of Guinea. As soon as Dingan's passion
was over he sent for the others, and they all went back.
The Fynns left Buntingville on the 11th of August 1831
in company with Mr. James Collis, who had visited Natal
in the preceding year, and was now on his way from Grahams-
town to establish himself as a trader at the port. He took
with him several assistants, among them the parents of
William Wood, who was afterwards Dingan's interpreter.
Within the next year some fifteen or twenty other English-
men-among them the father and a younger brother of the
Fynns-also made their way to Natal, and sought a living
either as traders or elephant hunters.
The little community was not bound by any laws, except
that some of its members were chiefs of parties of blacks,
1834]
307
English Adventurers in Natal.
and owned the supremacy of Dingan. These men exercised
absolute power over the people under their protection. Dingan
threw upon Hlambamanzi the blame of his conduct towards
them after the return of his embassy, and by his instructions
Ogle caused that individual to be put to death.
This condition of things, as well as that white men were
in the habit of assisting Dingan in war, came to the know-
ledge of the imperial government, and on the 25th of May
1832 Lord Goderich, who was then secretary of state for
the colonies, instructed Sir Lowry Cole to send an officer to
Natal to exercise authority over the Europeans there. But
as he restricted the salary of the officer to a sum not
exceeding one hundred pounds a year, the governor was
unable to carry out the instructions.
In June 1834 the Europeans came to suspect hostile
intentions on the part of Dingan, and they all fled over the
Umzimkulu. It turned out, however, that their alarm was
due to a mistake; and Dingan, to restore confidence, withdrew
his soldiers from the country south of the Tugela for thirty-
five or forty miles upwards from the sea, a tract of land
that has never since been occupied for more than a few days
by a Zulu army. The Europeans then returned, but in
September of this year Messrs. Henry and William Fynn
abandoned the district, and shortly afterwards both of them
took service under the Cape government.
In 1834 Natal was visited by a party of farmers from
the Cape Colony, who were desirous of ascertaining by
personal observation whether the reports concerning its
beauty and fertility were correct or not. Among them was
Mr. Pieter Uys. They travelled through Kaffirland with
fourteen waggons, and after inspecting the port, where they
met with a very friendly reception from the European
residents, they thoroughly explored the uplands. The
luxuriant pasturage and well-watered soil charmed them
exceedingly. Having satisfied themselves as to its capabili-
ties, they returned to the colony to find that the Xosas had
laid waste the eastern districts during their absence.
308
1835
History of South Africa.
In January 1835 Captain Allen F. Gardiner, previously of
the royal navy, visited Natal with the object of preparing
the way for the establishment of Christian missions among
the Zulus. In his Narrative of a Journey to the Zulu Country
he states that there was then at the port but one house
constructed after a European model, and that was built of
reeds and mud. It was occupied by Mr. James Collis, at
that time the principal trader in the country, who lost his
life by an explosion of gunpowder a few months later.
As the huts of the residents were all carefully concealed
in the thicket, the place presented a wild and deserted
appearance.
By this time, however, the Europeans began to aspire to
the possession of better habitations. On the 23rd of June
1835 at a public meeting they resolved to lay out a town,
and to name it D'Urban* in honour of the governor of the
Cape Colony. Accordingly they selected a site a little
farther up the shore of the inlet than where the present
town is built. The regulations which they adopted included
provision for a church and a hospital, and show that the
little community was intelligent and progressive. Including
Captain Gardiner, his interpreter George Cyrus, and his
waggon driver Richard King, the whole white population
did not amount to thirty-five souls, most of whom were
elephant hunters who merely lived there for a month or two
in the year.
They held advanced views upon representative govern-
ment, as is shown by a petition which they sent to Sir
Benjamin D'Urban for transmission to England. In it they
stated that the country between the Tugela and Umzimkulu
rivers was unoccupied except by about three thousand blacks,
who were living under their protection and who acknow-
ledged their chieftainship, although there was no recognised
authority among themselves. They had named the district
Victoria, and requested that it might be made a colony of
the British empire, with a governor and council appointed
*Now usually written Durban.
18351
309
English Adventurers in Natal.
by the king to act in concert with a house of assembly
chosen by themselves.
On the 20th of January in the preceding year there was
a meeting in the commercial exchange in Capetown, when
it was resolved to request the imperial government to
acknowledge the settlement at Natal; and a petition to that
effect, with one hundred and ninety-two names attached to
it, was forwarded a few months later. The governor, in his
covering despatch, observed that the adoption of the scheme
would prevent other powers settling there, but he was of
opinion that a garrison of at least a hundred soldiers would
be needed. On the 10th of November Mr. Rice wrote,
declining to give his consent on account of the expense.
On the 4th of December 1835, when forwarding the
petition from the residents at Natal, Sir Benjamin D'Urban
recommended the occupation of the district as a British
possession, and suggested the appointment of Captain
Gardiner as administrator. Lord Glenelg replied on the
29th of March 1836, refusing to accede to the petitioners'
request, on the ground that "his Majesty's government was
deeply persuaded of the inexpediency of engaging in any
scheme of colonisation or of acquiring any further enlarge-
ment of territory in Southern Africa." Thus the country
remained without law or court of justice.
There was one ever - present cause of irritation between
Dingan and the European settlers. Fugitives from his
tyranny were continually placing themselves under protection
of the white chiefs at the port, and naturally the Zulu
despot was incensed at any interference between him and
his subjects. On the other hand, the Europeans found it
difficult to turn away poor creatures applying for shelter, as
the only charge against them might be that they were
relatives or dependents of some one that had incurred the
wrath of Dingan, who in many instances condemned to
The
death not only an offender but his entire family.
danger to the community from this circumstance was, how-
ever, so great that the white people agreed to observe a
310
[1836
History of South Africa.
*
treaty entered into on the 6th of May 1835 by Captain
Gardiner on their behalf and the indunas Umthlela and
Tambusa on the part of Dingan.
In this arrangement the Zulu chief consented to waive
all claim to the persons and property of every individual
then residing at Port Natal, in consequence of their having
deserted from him, and to accord them his full pardon,
without, however, ceasing to regard them as his subjects,
liable to be sent for whenever he might think proper. On
their part, the British residents engaged for the future never
to receive or harbour any deserter from the Zulu country
or its dependencies, and to use their best endeavours to
secure and return to the chief every
chief every such individual
endeavouring to find an asylum among them.
the
In accordance with this treaty Captain Gardiner himself
conveyed a party of four fugitives back to Dingan, by
whose orders they were starved to death. The captain was
now considered so trustworthy that Dingan gave him
authority over the whole of the Natal people, with liberty
to establish a mission station at the port, and one also in
the district along the northern bank of the Tugela, which
was under charge of the induna Nongalaza. Captain Gardiner
thereupon returned to England as speedily as possible, with
a view of procuring men to occupy these posts.
In 1835 the first American missionaries, six in number,
arrived in South Africa. Three of them went northward to
Moselekatse's country, and the others-Dr. Adams and the
reverend Messrs. Champion and Aldin Grout-proceeded to
Natal. They visited Dingan at his residence, Umkungunhlovu,
and obtained leave to establish themselves in his country.
In February 1836 their first station was founded about
eight miles from Port Natal, on the river Umlazi; and in
November of the same year they commenced another, which
they named Ginani, on the Umsunduzi, about ten miles north
of the Tugela. In July 1837 the three who had been com-
pelled to abandon Mosega, joined their colleagues in Natal,
and shortly afterwards commenced two other stations, one
1837]
311
English Adventurers in Natal.
thirty miles south-west of the port, and the other about
the same distance beyond Ginani.
In June 1837 Captain Gardiner reached Natal again,
having brought with him from England the reverend Mr.
Owen, of the church missionary society. By dint of
coaxing, Dingan's consent was obtained to Mr. Owen
being stationed at Umkungunhlovu. The missionary had
his wife, his sister, and a maid servant with him, and was
accompanied by an interpreter named Richard Hulley, who
with his family had joined the party at Butterworth on its
way overland from Port Elizabeth. Captain Gardiner took
up his residence at the station which on his former visit he
had named Berea. Here he endeavoured to act in the
double capacity of a missionary and a magistrate under the
Cape of Good Hope punishment bill, which at Lord Glenelg's
instance was passed by the imperial parliament and received
the royal assent in August 1836.
This act made crimes committed by British subjects in
any part of Africa south of the twenty-fifth parallel of
latitude cognisable in the courts of the Cape Colony. It
empowered the governor to grant commissions to persons to
arrest, commit to custody, and bring to trial the king's
subjects charged with crime anywhere south of that parallel.
It was not to be construed, however, as investing the king
with any claim or title to sovereignty or dominion over
territory beyond the colonial border.
The Europeans in Natal, upon being informed that
Captain Gardiner claimed authority by virtue of a com-
mission which he held under this act, immediately resolved
not to submit in any way to his control. They desired,
they said, to be recognised as a British colony, and to have
proper courts of law established; but to submit to the
operation of an act which took no cognisance of offences
committed against them, which left them without protection
to be robbed or murdered, while it tied their hands even
against self-defence, was something which as free men they
could not consent to.
312
[1837
History of South Africa.
This was then the condition of affairs when Pieter Retief
visited Natal. Dingan claimed the whole country between
the Drakensberg and the sea as far south as the
Umzimvubu, but did not practically exercise direct authority
south of the Tugela. There were six mission stations, three
north of the Tugela and three south of that river, occupied
by two medical men, four clergymen of the American
presbyterian church, one clergyman of the English episcopal
church, and a retired captain of the royal navy, nearly all
of whom had families with them. At Durban and its
vicinity there were about thirty Englishmen residing either
permanently or in the intervals between hunting excursions.
The leading man and principal trader was Mr. Alexander
Biggar, who came to South Africa in 1820 as the head of a
party of British settlers, and in 1834 moved from the
district of Albany to Natal. His fate, with that of his two
sons, will presently be told. Several of these Europeans
were living as chiefs of little bands of Bantu, and exercised
power even of death over their followers.
The actual number of blacks between the Tugela and the
Umzimvubu cannot be accurately given. No estimate of
that period rises so high as ten thousand, yet it would not
be safe to say that there was not fully that number
between the two rivers.* They were living in the most
secluded places, and kept out of observation as much as
possible, through fear of drawing a Zulu army upon them.
Those who were under European chiefs were in possession
of small herds of cattle, and a few of the best men among
them were provided with muskets, of which they had been
Mr. John Bird, the compiler of The Annals of Natal, in a pamphlet of twenty-
nine pages published at Pietermaritzburg in 1890, entitled Is the Kaffir population
in Natal Alien or Aboriginal? A brief inquiry, estimates the number of natives
in Natal in 1838 at forty-seven thousand, and says the commissioner Cloete had
not sufficient evidence before him when he calculated their number in that year
at thirteen thousand. An influx of people from each side into Natal commenced
in the winter of 1838, and probably Commissioner Cloete's estimate would have
been too small at the end of that year. But Mr. Bird's estimate is almost
certainly much too large. The English hunters, who knew every inch of the
country, and who were not dreaded by the natives, were competent to form a
*
-
1837]
313
English Adventurers in Natal.
taught the use; but the others were in a condition of
extreme poverty.
fairly correct opinion of the number before the beginning of 1838, and the Dutch
immigrants could do so with regard to those who entered the lonely land during
that year, but their estimates and Mr. Bird's are widely different. There is also
a marked difference between the views of the early European residents in Natal
and those of Mr. Bird with regard to the rights of the Bantu immigrants. He
regarded the remnants of the tribes that were driven out by the wars of Tshaka,
and that returned after the European occupation of the country, as having
unimpaired rights as aborigines. The early European settlers maintained that
the ownership of the ground had been lost by those people when they were
dispersed in Tshaka's devastations, and could not be reclaimed by them without
the consent of those who had wrested it from the Zulus.
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE EMIGRANT FARMERS IN NATAL.
1837 TO 1840.
EARLY in October 1837 Pieter Retief with a few of the
leading emigrants set out from the neighbourhood of Thaba
Ntshu for the purpose of examining the capabilities of Natal
and obtaining Dingan's consent to its occupation. On the
19th the party arrived at the port, without having met a
single individual after they crossed the Drakensberg. The
residents of Durban were greatly pleased on hearing that it
was the desire of the emigrants to settle in their neighbour-
hood. They presented an address of welcome to Mr. Retief,
and did all that was in their power to assist him. A
messenger was immediately sent forward to announce his
intended visit to the Zulu chief, and some days were then
spent in examining the harbour and the country around it.
On the 27th the party left the port for Umkungunhlovu,
accompanied by John Cane and Thomas Holstead, two of
the oldest inhabitants of Natal, in the capacity of guides and
interpreters. Their reception by Dingan was outwardly as
friendly as possible. He seemed to agree with what Mr.
Retief said concerning the advantages to his people of a
European settlement in their neighbourhood, and he promised
to take the request for land south of the Tugela into con-
sideration and give a decisive reply in a few days. In the
meantime he entertained the farmers with exhibitions of
dances, in one of which nearly two hundred oxen, all of the
same colour, were mixed with the men of a regiment, and
went through certain manoeuvres with the most perfect
accuracy. Among the stock recently captured from
314
1837]
315
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
Moselekatse were some of the sheep taken by the Matabele
from the emigrants on the Vaal. Dingan informed Mr. Retief
that most of these were dead, but he restored one hundred
and ten as a present, and offered the skins of the others.
On the 8th of November Mr. Retief arranged to return to
his friends. On leaving, Dingan gave him a document written
by the reverend Mr. Owen, in which the Zulu chief stated
that he was willing to grant the land asked for, but the
farmers must first recover and restore certain cattle that
had recently been stolen from one of his outposts by a
party of horsemen clothed as Europeans and armed with
guns. He asserted that some of his people suspected the
robbers were farmers, and he wished them to prove their
innocence. It was, however, certain that the Zulus knew the
plundering band to be some of Sikonyela's Batlokua.
The conditions seemed to Mr. Retief easy of fulfilment.
The stolen cattle were only about seven hundred in number,
and the Batlokua, by driving them through an encampment
of the emigrants and thereby bringing the spoor upon the
farmers, had made themselves liable to be called to a
reckoning. Mr. Retief therefore returned to the Caledon, sent
for Sikonyela, and when that chief appeared informed him
that he would be detained as a prisoner until the cattle
stolen from the Zulus were given up. They were at once
surrendered, and the great body of the emigrants thereupon
moved off to Natal. In the course of a few weeks nearly a
thousand waggons crossed the Drakensberg.
The emigrants spread themselves out along the Bluekrans
and Bushman rivers, and Mr. Retief then prepared to visit
Dingan again to deliver the cattle recovered from Sikonyela.
But by this time many of the farmers had acquired such a
feeling of uneasiness as induced them to urge their leader
not to venture again into the Zulu despot's power. A man
whose life was of less value to the community they thought
should be sent, and there were not wanting many who
nobly volunteered to fulfil the dangerous task. Mr. Maritz
offered to go with only three or four others. But Mr.
·
316
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History of South Africa.
Retief objected to anything that might lead Dingan to
suspect that they distrusted him, and he therefore deter-
mined to go himself and take a suitable escort of volunteers.
Some sixty of the best men among the emigrants offered to
accompany him, and several of these imprudently allowed
their sons-boys from eleven to fifteen years of age-to go
also.
Before they left, Thomas Holstead and George Biggar
arrived at the Bushman river. The last named was a young
man who had been residing in Natal since 1834, and who
came up from the port as his father's agent to ascertain the
requirements of the emigrants in the way of trade. He
remained for this purpose after Mr. Retief's party left.
Thomas Holstead, who had been thirteen years in Natal,
and who spoke the Zulu language as readily as the English,
went again with Mr. Retief as interpreter. There were also
about thirty Hottentot servants leading spare horses with
the party.
On their arrival at Umkungunhlovu, 3rd of February
1838, Dingan expressed himself highly satisfied with their
conduct, regretting only that they had not brought Sikonyela.
bound to him to be put to death for having dared to plunder
a Zulu cattle post. He asked for some firearms and horses
which the Batlokua chief had been required to give up, but
appeared satisfied when he was informed that these had
been restored to their legitimate owners. As on the former
occasion, the farmers were entertained with exhibitions of
dances and sham fights.
The day after their arrival, Dingan requested the reverend
Mr. Owen to draw up a document to show that he had given
the farmers a country to live in. Mr. Owen thereupon
drafted a paper in the English language, which met with
Dingan's approval after it had been explained to him. The
document then received his mark, and when it was signed
by witnesses, he handed it to Mr. Retief. It transferred to
the emigrants for their perpetual property "the place called
Port Natal, together with all the land from the Tugela to
1838]
317
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
the Umzimvubu river, and from the sea to the north, as far
as it might be useful and in his possession."
Grants similar to this, and covering the same ground or
portions of it, had been previously made by Tshaka and
Dingan himself successively to Messrs. Farewell, Fynn,
King, Isaacs, and Gardiner; and under no circumstances
would such a cession in the minds of Bantu mean more than
permission to occupy the ground during the lifetime of the
reigning chief, whose supremacy would be assumed. But
Dingan from the first was only seeking to lure the white
men to destruction, and never intended his cession to mean
anything.
The farmers were entirely thrown off their guard by the
trouble that was taken apparently to entertain them. On
the morning of Tuesday the 6th of February 1838 Mr.
Retief and his party prepared to return to their friends, and
went to take leave of Dingan, whom they found, as usual,
surrounded by warriors. Great care had been taken to
show them that according to Zulu custom no one could
approach the chief armed, and consequently when they were
requested to leave their guns outside the kraal, they did so
without suspicion of danger. They were received in the
ordinary manner, and were pressed to seat themselves and
partake of some beer, which was being handed round freely.
While in this defenceless position, into which they had
been so carefully entrapped, Dingan suddenly called out
"Seize them," when instantly the Zulu soldiers rushed upon
them. Thomas Holstead, the interpreter, exclaimed: "We're
done for," and added in the Zulu language: "Let me speak to
the king." Dingan heard him, but waved his hand in token
of dissent, and called out repeatedly: "Kill the wizards."
Holstead then drew his knife, and mortally wounded two of
his assailants before he was secured. One of the farmers
also succeeded in killing a Zulu, but the others were seized
before they could spring to their feet. They were all
dragged away to a hill where executions were commonly
performed, and were there murdered by having their skulls
318
[1838
History of South Africa.
broken with knobkerries. Mr. Retief was held and forced
to witness the death of his companions before he was
murdered. His heart and liver were then taken out and
buried in the path leading from Natal to Umkungunhlovu,
but no other mutilation of the bodies took place, nor was
their clothing removed.
van
There perished on this memorable morning sixty-six
Europeans, named Dirk Aukamp, Willem Basson, Jan de
Beer, Matthys de Beer, Barend van den Berg, Pieter van
den Berg the elder, Pieter van den Berg the younger, Jan
Beukes, Joachim Botha, Gerrit Botma the elder, Gerrit Botma
the younger, Christiaan Breidenbach, Jan Brits, Pieter Brits
the elder, Pieter Brits the younger, Pieter Cilliers, Andries
Dyk, Marthinus Esterhuizen, Samuel Esterhuizen,
Hermanus Fourie, Abraham Greyling, Rynier Grobbelaar,
Jacobus Hatting, Thomas Holstead, Jacobus Hugo, Jacobus
Jooste, Pieter Jordaan, Abraham de Klerk, Jacobus de Klerk,
Jan de Klerk, Balthazar Klopper, Coenraad Klopper, Lukas
Klopper, Pieter Klopper, Hendrik Labuschagne, Barend
Liebenberg, Daniel Liebenberg, Hercules Malan, Carel Marais,
Jan van der Merwe, Pieter Meyer, Barend Oosthuizen, Jacobus
Oosthuizen, Jan Oosthuizen, Marthinus Oosthuizen, Jacobus
Opperman the elder, Jacobus Opperman the younger, Frederik
Pretorius, Jan Pretorius, Marthinus Pretorius, Matthys
Pretorius the elder, Matthys Pretorius the younger, Pieter
Retief, Izaak Roberts, Jan Roberts, Christiaan van Schalkwyk,
Gerrit Scheepers, Jan Scheepers, Marthinus Scheepers,
Stephanus Scheepers, Stephanus Smit, Pieter Taute, Gerrit
Visagie, Stephanus van Vuuren, Hendrik de Wet, and Jan
de Wet.
The servants had been sent for the horses when the
farmers went to take their leave of Dingan. They were
surrounded by a party of soldiers, and were also put to
death. One of them nearly made good his escape by the
fleetness of his feet, but eventually he was run down and
killed like the rest.*
* It has been generally asserted that John Cane instigated Dingan to
1838]
319
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
While the massacre was taking place, Mr. Owen sat in his
hut, not knowing but that any moment he might hear the
footsteps of the messengers of death. Dingan sent word to
him that the farmers were being killed because they were
wizards, but that he need not fear for himself. Notwith-
standing this message, he felt that his life was in imminent
danger, as the chief appeared to delight in nothing so much
as in treachery. His interpreter, Mr. Hulley, was absent,
having gone to Natal for supplies; but Mrs. and Miss Owen,
a woman named Jane Williams, who had accompanied them
from Wales, Mrs. Hulley, and her three children were with
him. Another European who was present was a youth
named William Wood, who had been living for several
months at Umkungunhlovu in the capacity of interpreter
to Dingan. Mr. Owen, Wood, and Jane Williams have
published accounts of
accounts of the massacre. They remained at
Umkungunhlovu a few days in order that Dingan might not
suspect them of having lost confidence in him, and then
they retired to Natal. Before they left, Dingan asked Mr.
Owen for his best waggon and most of his household
·
commit this massacre. In the colonial records I have found only one letter
bearing upon the charge. It is dated 20th of July 1838, and was written
from Port Natal by Edward Parker, a recent arrival there, to Major
Charters, military secretary to Major-General Napier. Mr. Parker accuses
John Cane of having caused the massacre of Retief's party by treacherously
sending a message to Dingan that the Boers, who had run away from the
Cape Colony against the wishes of the English government, would try to
drive him from his country, and that the English would not assist them.
Parker states that Daniel Toohey, a clerk in Maynard's business at the
port, informed him he had it from Cane's own mouth that he had sent such
a message. On the other hand, in none of the statements by Zulus con-
cerning the massacre is any such charge brought against Cane, though if it
Neither
had been correct they would almost certainly have mentioned it.
Mr. Owen nor William Wood, both of whom would most likely have heard
of such a message and been questioned by Dingan concerning its accuracy,
say anything of it. The real evidence against him, apart from popular belief,
being very weak, and the probabilities of the case being all in his favour, I
have not referred to this charge in my relation of the massacre. A similar
charge was made against Henry Ogle, and even against the reverend Mr.
Owen, by a few prejudiced persons, but failed to obtain credit.
320
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History of South Africa.
effects, which the missionary did not think prudent to
refuse.
A few hours after the massacre two other Europeans
arrived at Dingan's kraal. They were the reverend Mr.
Venable and his interpreter, Mr. James Brownlee. The
indunas at the different stations had shortly before this
issued orders that no person was
that no person was to attend the mission
services or schools, and Mr. Venable was deputed by his
colleagues to visit the chief and endeavour to get these
orders countermanded. But when he learned what had
happened, he thought it best to say nothing of the object of
his journey. As soon as he could prudently leave he did so,
and gave notice to his colleagues at the different stations,
all of whom retired immediately to the port.
At noon on the same day that Retief and his party were
killed some ten thousand Zulu warriors marched towards
Natal, with the intention of falling upon the Europeans
before they could hear what had happened and prepare for
defence. Having formed themselves into several bands, at
early dawn on the morning of the 17th they burst upon the
encampments near the present village of Weenen, which has
obtained its name, meaning wailing or weeping, from the
events of that day. Men, women, and children were bar-
barously murdered, and every European in that part of
Natal must have met this fate had not, fortunately, two or
three young men escaped, who hastened to inform the
parties farther on of their imminent danger. These at once
made the best possible preparations in their circumstances,
by forming lagers with their waggons. Hardly had they
time to effect this arrangement when they were assailed,
but in no instance were the Zulus able to penetrate the
lagers, though great numbers perished in the attempt. At
one place on the Bushman river they persevered for a whole
day in the endeavour to reach the farmers, whose ammunition
was nearly exhausted when a shot from a three-pounder,
in ploughing through a mass of the assailants, struck down
several of their leaders, which caused the remainder to retire.
1838]
321
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
In the defence of the lagers the women were nearly as
serviceable as the men, by loading spare muskets for their
husbands and brothers.
As soon
as the Zulus retired, the farmers hastened to
learn the fate of their friends in front, when they found
that, with few exceptions, all who had not time to take
shelter in lagers had been murdered. Their cattle had
been swept off, and their household goods had been destroyed.
The waggons had been broken to pieces and burned for the
sake of the iron in them, and beside the ruins lay the corpses
of men and women, boys and girls, in some cases horribly
mutilated. A few individuals had been left for dead, but
subsequently recovered. Among these were two girls,
named Johanna van der Merwe and Catherina Prinsloo,
about ten or twelve years of age, who were found still
living, though one had received nineteen and the other
twenty-one stabs of the assagai. They were tended with
care and recovered, though they ever after remained cripples.
In another place, on a heap of corpses lay the mangled
remains of George Biggar, the young Englishman from the
port.
The number of white men thus cut off without warning
was forty-one, named Christiaan de Beer, Stephanus de
Beer, Zacharias de Beer, Josua van den Berg, Andries Bester,
Wynand Bezuidenhout, George Biggar, Jan Botha the
elder, Jan Botha the younger, Roelof Botha, Abraham
Botma, Louw Botma the elder, Louw Botma the younger,
Jacobus Coetsee, Gerrit Engelbrecht the
the elder, Gerrit
Engelbrecht the younger, Willem Engelbrecht, Lourens
Erasmus, Michiel Grobbelaar, Stephanus Grobbelaar, Willem
Jacobs, Jan Joubert, Josua Joubert the elder, Josua Joubert
the younger, Lourens Klopper, Frederik Kromhout, Christiaan
Lochenberg, Hendrik Lochenberg the elder, Hendrik Lochen-
berg the younger, Marthinus van der Merwe, Willem van
der Merwe, Joachim Prinsloo, Carel Roos, Jan Roos the
elder, Jan Roos the younger, Adriaan Russouw, David
Viljoen, Willem Wagenaar, Pieter de Wet, Frans van Wyk,
X
322
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History of South Africa.
and Cornelis van Zyl. Fifty-six white women, one hundred
and eighty-five white children, and about two hundred and
fifty coloured servants also perished.
The survivors of this fearful massacre, after ascertaining
the full extent of their loss, held a consultation to decide
upon what was to be done. One or two proposed to with-
draw from the country, but they were put to shame by the
women, who declared that they would never leave Natal till
the blood of their relatives was avenged. Their earnest,
deep-seated religion supported them in this hour of distress,
and gave a tone to all their proceedings. What had happened,
said one, was in punishment for their sins, but let them call
upon God and He would certainly help them. And then
from that sorrow-stricken camp went up their cry to the God
of heaven, that He would not forsake His people nor let the
heathen triumph over them. After this the discussion was
not what was expedient for them to do, but what it was
their duty to do. The resolution they arrived at was that
they ought to punish the murderers of their friends. For
this they were then too weak, but they were not left long
without assistance.
Commandants Potgieter and Uys, upon hearing of these
events, hastened across the Drakensberg to aid their country-
men. The Englishmen at the port, having ample proof from
the fate of Thomas Holstead and George Biggar that they
were in the same danger, offered to attack Dingan with their
people from one direction while the farmers should do the
same from another. This was decided upon, but even in this
juncture the jealousies which were the bane of the emigrants
prevented that action in obedience to a single will which
alone could ensure success. After Retief's death Mr. Maritz
became the head of the whole of the parties in Natal, and
they desired that he should command the expedition against
Dingan. But neither Hendrik Potgieter nor Pieter Uys
would serve under him, nor would one of these serve under
the other. At last it was arranged that Maritz should
remain in charge of the lagers in Natal, while Potgieter and
1838] The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
323
Uys should proceed against Dingan, acting in concert, but
each having independent control over his followers.
Early in April the two expeditions set out. The one from
the port consisted of about twenty English traders and
hunters, the same number of Hottentots, and from a thou-
sand to fifteen hundred blacks. These last were nearly all
fugitives from Zululand, so that their fidelity could be
depended upon. The whole expedition was nominally under
command of Robert Biggar, a brother of the young man who
had been murdered; but in reality each white chief, such as
John Cane and Henry Ogle, had absolute authority over his
own people and obeyed only such orders as pleased him.
Four days after leaving the port this commando reached a
Zulu kraal, from which most of the men were absent. They
secured here the whole of the cattle, variously estimated
from three to seven thousand head, and a considerable
number of women and girls. The bonds of discipline were
too weak to stand the strain of this success. Cane's people
raised a quarrel with Ogle's as to the division of the spoil,
and a combat with sticks took place in which the latter were
badly beaten. The English leaders saw that they could not
proceed farther until the plunder was disposed of, and they
therefore returned to Natal.
In the meantime Commandants Potgieter and Uys were
advancing towards the Zulu capital. Between them they
had three hundred and forty-seven men. Take the fact of
their being mounted and armed with muskets into considera-
tion, and this expedition must still remain one of the most
daring events on record, considering that Dingan could bring
into the field at least a hundred times their number of
warriors, trained to despise death in battle, disciplined to
move in concert, and armed with the deadly stabbing assagai.
The loss of their horses, either through straying away or
through overwork, at any moment must have been fatal to
the commando. For five days their march was unopposed,
the country which they passed through appearing to have
been abandoned.
324
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History of South Africa.
On the 11th of April they came in sight of a division of
the Zulu army, which they attacked impetuously, and were
drawn into a skilfully planned ambuscade. Before them were
two parallel ranges of hills, between which was a long defile,
and into this the farmers were led by the Zulus apparently
retreating before them. Uys's division was in advance.
When in the narrowest part of the gorge they found them-
selves surrounded by an immense force which had been lying
in ambush, and by which they were so hemmed in that they
could not fall back rapidly after firing and again load and
charge, as was their mode of fighting with Moselekatse. The
horses of Potgieter's division became almost unmanageable.
through the din created by the Zulus striking their shields.
There was but one course open. The farmers directed all
their fire upon one mass of the enemy, when, having cleared
a path by shooting down hundreds, they rushed through and
escaped. They left their led horses, baggage, and spare
ammunition behind.
The loss of the farmers in this engagement was ten men,
Pieter Lavras Uys, Dirk Cornelis Uys, Joseph Kruger, Frans
Labuschagne, David Malan, Jacobus Malan, Jan Malan, Louis
Nel, Pieter Nel, and Theunis Nel. Commandant Uys was
assisting a wounded comrade when he received a stab from
an assagai. As he fell he called to his followers to leave
him and fight their way out, for he must die. His son, Dirk
Cornelis Uys, a boy of fifteen years of age, was some distance
off, but looking about he saw his father on the ground, and
a Zulu in the act of stabbing him. The gallant youth turned
his horse and rode to help his parent, but could only die at
his side. Englishmen will remember how bravely another son
of the same Commandant Uys conducted himself forty-one
years later in our war with Ketshwayo, and the manner of his
death at Hlobane on the 28th of March 1879.
While this event was taking place, the Englishmen at the
port were about to leave for the second time. The quarrel
concerning the division of the spoil taken on the first occasion
was, however, not altogether made up, so that neither Ogle,
1838]
325
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
nor his people, nor his partisans, would go again. The second
expedition consisted of seventeen Englishmen, about twenty
Hottentots, and fifteen hundred blacks, of whom between
three and four hundred were armed with muskets. It was
nominally under command of Robert Biggar, as before. A
few miles south of the Tugela the commando came upon a
Zulu regiment, which pretended to take to flight, left food
cooking on fires, and even threw away a number of shields
and assagais. The Natal army pursued with all haste, crossed
the Tugela, took possession of a kraal on the northern bank,
and then found it had been drawn between the horns of a
Zulu army fully seven thousand strong.
The battle that was fought, on the 17th of April 1838,
was one of the most despérate contests that ever took place
on that bloodstained soil. Three times in succession the
Natal army beat back the regiments that charged furiously
upon it. Then a strong Zulu reinforcement came in sight,
and renewed the enemy's courage. Another rush was made,
which cut the Natal army in two, and all hope of successful
resistance was over. One of the divisions tried to escape by
the only open path, which was down a steep bank of the
Tugela and across that river. A Zulu regiment hastened
to cut off the retreat of the fugitives, and many were killed
in the water; but four Englishmen, two or three Hottentots,
and about five hundred blacks managed to get through.
The other division was entirely surrounded. But no lion at
bay ever created such havoc among hounds that worried him
as this little band caused among the warriors of Dingan
before it perished. The young regiments were selected to
charge upon it, while the veterans watched their prowess
from a neighbouring hill. Whole masses went down before
the withering fire, the survivors recoiled, but again they
were directed to charge. At last a rush of a regiment, with
another in reserve close behind, carried everything before it,
and the stubborn fight was over. A thousand Natal blacks
had perished, and probably three times that number of
Zulus. Thirteen Englishmen lay dead on the field of battle,
326
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History of South Africa.
Robert Biggar, Henry Batts, C. Blanckenberg, William
Bottomley, John Cane, Thomas Carden, John Campbell,
Thomas Campbell, Richard Lovedale, Robert Russell, John
Stubbs, Richard Wood, and William Wood.
After this victory Dingan's army marched leisurely to
Durban; but, fortunately, the Comet, a small vessel bound
to Delagoa Bay, had called at Natal and was then lying at
anchor there. The American missionaries, except Mr.
Lindley who had volunteered to remain behind and report
occurrences, had already left in a vessel bound to Port
Elizabeth. Mr. Owen and his family, with Mr. Lindley
and the surviving residents of Durban, took refuge on board
the Comet at night and on one of the islands during the
day. The blacks retired to the thickets. The Zulus
remained at the port nine days, during which time they
destroyed all the property they could find, leaving not
even a dog or a fowl alive. They then returned to
Umkungunhlovu to report themselves.
Some eight or nine Englishmen-among them Alexander
Biggar, Henry Ogle, Daniel Toohey, Charles Adams, Robert
Dunn, and Richard King-now resolved to try their fortune
once more in Natal, and accordingly they left the island
and sought out the blacks in the thickets. The missionaries
and the remaining traders and hunters sailed in the Comet
to Delagoa Bay, where fever attacked them, and one-
Charles Pickman-died. From Delagoa Bay they proceeded
to the Cape Colony. The missionaries intended to return
as soon as prospects should be favourable; but of them all,
only Mr. Lindley, Dr. Adams, and Mr. Aldin Grout saw
Natal again.
Commandant Hendrik Potgieter with his adherents also
left Natal at the same time. Party feeling was running so
high that there were not wanting those who attributed the
disaster in which Pieter Uys lost his life to mismanagement
on Potgieter's part. He had the country purchased from
Makwana, and that abandoned by Moselekatse, to fall back
upon; and he did not care to remain in Natal, where the
1838] The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
327
A large
opposing faction was much stronger than his own.
party recrossed the Drakensberg with him. On the 16th of
May an officer sent to make inquiry by the civil com-
missioner of Colesberg met them two days' march on the
inland side of the mountains, moving towards the Sand
river. There they remained until November, when they
proceeded onward to the Mooi river, and formed on its
banks the first permanent settlement of Europeans in the
country north of the Vaal. To the town which they built
there they gave the name Potchefstroom in honour of their
chief. Henceforth until September 1840 this party had a
government of its own, independent of that of the other
emigrants. Its volksraad claimed jurisdiction over the whole
territory north of the Vaal and also over an extensive
tract of land south of that river.
The secession of Mr. Potgieter's adherents was, however,
more than compensated by the arrival at Natal of fresh
parties from the Cape Colony. The largest of these con-
sisted of thirty-nine families from Olifant's Hoek, under
the leadership of Mr. Carel Pieter Landman.
In May Mr. Maritz' camp was visited by Fieldcornet
Gideon Joubert of the district of Colesberg, and Mr. Jacobus
Nicolaas Boshof, first clerk to the civil commissioner of
Graaff-Reinet and a justice of the peace. Mr. Joubert's
object was to endeavour to induce the emigrants to return
to their former homes. Mr. Boshof had leave of absence
from the colonial government to visit his parents at
Swellendam, and for proceeding to Natal on this occasion
he was dismissed from the service by Major-General Napier,
but shortly afterwards he threw in his fortunes with the
emigrants. Both of these gentlemen drew up reports upon
the condition of the people and the country. That of Mr.
Boshof has been published, and that of Mr. Joubert is still
in manuscript in the colonial secretary's office. The
emigrants were found resolute to remain in Natal, and to
punish Dingan as speedily as possible. Mr. Landman had
been sent on a mission to the port, near which, in
328
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History of South Africa.
compliance with a request of the English settlers, a camp
was about to be stationed. At this time there were in Natal
about six hundred and forty male Europeans capable of
bearing arms, and three thousand two hundred women and
children.
On the 16th of May Mr. Landman, with the concurrence
of the few remaining Englishmen at Durban, issued a pro-
clamation taking possession of the port in the name of the
"Association of South African Emigrants." He appointed
Mr. Alexander Biggar landdrost, and Mr. William Cowie field-
cornet. Mr. Biggar, who was suffering under great depression
of spirits consequent on the loss of his sons and his entire
property, did not care to perform the duties, and therefore a
few weeks later Mr. L. Badenhorst was appointed landdrost
in his stead. He, in his turn, after a very short tenure of
office was succeeded by Mr. F. Roos.
In July Major-General Napier issued a proclamation inviting
the emigrants to return to the Cape Colony, promising them
redress of well-founded grievances, stating that they could
not be absolved from their allegiance as British subjects, and
informing them that whenever he considered it advisable he
would take military possession of Port Natal. He had
previously announced that "the determination of her Majesty's
government was to permit no further colonisation in this
part of Africa, nor the creation of any pretended independent
state by any of her Majesty's subjects, which the emigrant
farmers continued to be." But proclamation and announce-
ment alike fell upon deaf ears, for those to whom they were
addressed were resolved not to return.
In August Dingan's army attacked the camp on the
Bushman river again, and on three successive days endea-
voured to force an entrance, but on each occasion was
compelled to retire with heavy loss. Only one farmer,
Vlodman by name, was killed.
Most of the emigrants were at this time in great distress
from want of proper food and other necessaries of life, so
much property having been destroyed and so many cattle
1838]
329
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
swept off.
Disease, in the form of low fever, broke out
among them, probably induced by insufficient nourishment
and clothing; and many must have perished if supplies of
medicine and other necessaries had not been forwarded by
their countrymen at the Cape. This winter was, indeed,
one of such suffering and hardship that it was long remem-
bered as the time of the great distress. Mr. Landman was
now the nominal head of the emigrants in Natal, for the
health of Mr. Maritz had broken down, though he lingered
in life until early in October.
In November Mr. Gideon Joubert was sent by Governor
Napier to Natal to ascertain the condition and number of
apprentices with the emigrants who were entitled to freedom
on the 1st of December, and to demand that they should be
allowed to return with him. He found no difficulty in
carrying out his instructions. Most of the apprentices had
already been set at liberty, and when this was not the case
they were without exception offered the choice of returning
with Mr. Joubert or of remaining as servants with wages.
Nearly all preferred to remain, so that Mr. Joubert brought
back only eight men, eleven women, and twenty-one
children.
While Mr. Joubert was engaged in this mission Mr.
Andries Willem Jacobus Pretorius, a man whose name was
often to be heard during the next fifteen years, arrived in
Natal, and was elected commandant-general. He had visited
the country on a tour of inspection just before the massacre
of Mr. Retief's party, and had been so well satisfied with its
appearance that upon his return to Graaff-Reinet he and his
friends resolved to remove to it. The new commandant-
general was a man of considerable wealth and of high
character. His family traced its descent through many
generations to Jan Pretorius, son of a clergyman at Goeree
in South Holland, who arrived at Capetown in the early
days of the settlement; and they prided themselves upon
having preserved an unstained reputation for integrity during
that long period. Mr. Pretorius, like most of the farmers
330
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History of South Africa.
of that day, had received very little education from books,
and had no knowledge of modern history or the condition
and relative strength of European nations, but in bible
history he was as well versed as his remote ancestor could
have been. His knowledge and his opinions, as well as his
virtues and his failings, were those of the seventeenth, not
of the nineteenth century. At this time he was in the noon-
tide of life, being but thirty-nine years of age, and in full
vigour of mind and body.
Early in December a strong commando was ready to take
the field against Dingan. It was under direction of Mr.
Pretorius as commandant-general, Mr. Landman being the
officer next in rank. Guided by experience, the farmers
determined to take a considerable number of waggons and
some artillery with them for defensive purposes. Mr.
Alexander Biggar, whose grief for the loss of his sons
was inconsolable, joined the burgher army with a small
party of Natal blacks to act as scouts. Altogether four
hundred and sixty-four men mustered, exclusive of the
commandants.
At this season of the year thunderstorms are frequent,
and the rivers of Natal and Zululand are usually in flood.
The Tugela in its lower course being impassable, the
commandant-general resolved to cross it near the Kathlamba.
The march towards Umkungunhlovu was conducted with
the greatest caution, to guard against sudden attack.
Scouts were continually riding in all directions, and every
night a lager was formed by drawing the waggons up in
a circle and lashing them together. The commando re-
sembled an itinerant prayer-meeting rather than a modern
army on the march, for the men were imbued with the
same spirit as the Ironsides of Cromwell, and spoke and
acted in pretty much the same manner. There was no
song, no jest heard in that camp, but prayers were poured
forth and psalms were sung at every halting place. The
army made a vow that if God would give them victory
over the cruel heathen, they would build a church and set
1838]
331
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
apart a festival day in every year to commemorate it. The
church in Pietermaritzburg and the annual celebration of
Dingan's day bear witness that they kept their pledge.
They did not wish to fight merely for the sake of revenge.
On three occasions the scouts brought in some captured
Zulus, and Mr. Pretorius immediately sent these to Dingan
to inform him that if he would restore the property taken
from the emigrants they were prepared to enter into
negotiations for peace.
Dingan's reply came in the form of an army ten or twelve
thousand strong, which attacked the camp at early dawn
on Sunday the 16th of December 1838. The camp was on
the bank of a river, which here formed a long and deep
reach, giving complete protection on that side. Another side
was also well protected by a water drain, then dry, with
steep banks about fourteen feet in height, which opened
into the stream. The Zulus attempted to force an entrance
by sheer pressure of numbers on the two open sides, and
they persevered in their efforts for two full hours, notwith-
standing the terrible havoc created among them by the fire
of the artillery and of the farmers' guns. At last they
concentrated their strength on one point, when Mr. Pretorius
led a body of horsemen out and attacked them in the rear,
while they were being mowed down in front. This move-
ment decided the action, for the Zulus, finding themselves
between two fires and utterly unable to reach either, broke
and fled. There were four or five hundred in the water
drain and along the bank of the river, and these were all
shot down. The farmers had three men slightly wounded,
Mr. Pretorius himself being one of them. They estimated
the number of Zulus lying dead around the camp at over
three thousand. The ground was covered with corpses and
gore, and even the water was discoloured. From this cir-
cumstance the stream on the bank of which the carnage took
place received the name Blood river.
On the 17th the commando moved forward, and on the
21st reached Umkungunhlovu, when it was found that
332
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History of South Africa.
Dingan had set fire to his capital and had fled with his army
to the thickets and ravines skirting the Umvolosi river. The
first man to enter the still burning kraal was Mr. Jacobus
Uys, brother of the late commandant, and next to him was
young Jacobus Uys, the late commandant's son. Mr. Carel
Cilliers, the most earnest preacher and at the same time
one of the very best warriors among the farmers, was not
far behind. They found nothing living in that awful place
which had been the scene of so many murders and so
much woe.
On the hill outside the kraal they discovered the skeletons
of Mr. Retief and his companions, who ten months before
had fallen victims to Dingan's treachery, and whose death
they were then avenging. The bodies appeared never to
have been disturbed since the day of the massacre, and even
the riems with which the victims had been dragged to the
place were still attached to the skeletons. All the skulls
were broken, showing how thoroughly the murderers had
done their work. The skeleton of Mr. Retief was recognised
by some fragments of clothing and a leather despatch bag
suspended from the shoulder. In this bag was found the
deed of cession of Natal, written by Mr. Owen, in a perfect
state of preservation.
After the interment of the remains, a camp was formed
some miles farther on, and then Mr. Pretorius sent a patrol
of two hundred and eighty horsemen in pursuit of Dingan.
A Zulu army was found in an extensive and broken valley
with rocky and precipitous sides, and here for nearly a whole
day the farmers were skirmishing. Towards evening they
found that another body of Zulus was closing them in from
behind, when they resolved to turn at once and cut their
way out. In doing so they were obliged to cross a swollen
rivulet, and here the enemy got among them, and killed Mr.
Alexander Biggar, five emigrants, named Gerrit van Staden,
Barend Bester, Nicolaas le Roux, Marthinus Goosen, and
Jan Oosthuizen, and five of the Natal blacks. The others
got away in safety.
1838]
333
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
The commando then commenced its return march. When
it reached the Buffalo river a patrol was sent out, which was
fortunate enough to fall in with a herd of four or five
thousand cattle, guarded by only a hundred men. The
guards were shot, and the cattle seized.
All this time the imperial government was undecided
how to act. In the opinion of Lord Glenelg extension of the
colonial territory implied not alone extension of responsibility
and increase of military expenditure, but injustice towards
native tribes. Knowing nothing of the condition of the
Bantu of the interior, the secretary of state believed that the
emigrant farmers were in collision with inoffensive tribes,
and did not imagine that the Zulus and the Matabele were
the most cruel foes the aborigines ever had. These erroneous
impressions were strengthened by the violent language of
Captain Stockenstrom and the reverend Dr. Philip concerning
the dealings of the emigrants with the blacks, which, though
it seemed to South Africans to be the phraseology of
vindictiveness, appeared to Lord Glenelg as the outpouring of
indignation against the perpetrators of wrong.
How could further emigration be prevented, and the
farmers who had left the Cape Colony be compelled to
return? Captain Stockenstrom urged that Port Natal
should be occupied by troops, so as to cut off supplies
of ammunition, and thus leave the emigrants only the
alternative of retreat or death. His representations on this
subject show as plainly as his evidence before the commons
committee that at this unhappy period of his life his
chief object was to please the secretary of state. Thus he
recommended Lord Glenelg to occupy Port Natal as "the
first step towards further arrangements for arresting a system
of encroachment, usurpation, oppression, and bloodshed,
which, though familiar in the history of South Africa, was
even there unparalleled in atrocity and extent." Lord
Glenelg could not see that language such as this conveyed
utterly erroneous impressions, but he declined to act as
advised.
334
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History of South Africa.
Without instructions from England, in November 1838
Major-General Napier took the responsibility of sending a
company of the 72nd highlanders and a few artillerymen to
close the harbour of Natal. These troops were embarked at
Port Elizabeth in the merchant ship Helen, which was
engaged for the purpose; and a little coasting vessel named
the Mary conveyed the stores. The brig-of-war Leveret
accompanied the expedition. Major Samuel Charters, of
the royal artillery, military secretary to the governor, was
in command, and Mr. Theophilus Shepstone went as Kaffir
interpreter.
In a proclamation the governor announced that the
occupation of Port Natal was temporary and purely military,
not partaking in any degree of the nature of colonisation
or annexation to the British dominions. The harbour was
declared closed against all trade except such as should be
carried on under special license of the Cape government.
Clearances granted by a British, colonial, or foreign custom-
house were not to be respected, and the officer in command
of the troops was directed to prevent-by force of arms if
necessary-the entrance of vessels into the harbour for
purposes of trade, or the landing of cargo of any description
upon the adjacent coast, unless the vessel was provided with
the requisite license.
The proclamation further gave the officer in command of
the troops power to expel or confine any persons whom he
might consider dangerous. It directed him to search for,
seize, and retain in his charge all arms and munitions of
war which at the time of the occupation of Port Natal
should be found in possession of the inhabitants, but he was
to take care that the same should be kept in proper order,
and to grant receipts to the owners.
This action on the part of the governor was very offensive
to the emigrants, but neither he nor any other Englishman
could look with indifference upon their design of establishing
an independent republic upon the coast, with a harbour
through which access to the interior could be had. Even
1838]
335
The Emigrant Farmers in Natai.
those who sympathised most deeply with them approved of
the governor's taking possession of the port, but would have
been better pleased if it had been declared a permanent
British possession, and the safety and welfare of the
emigrants had been provided for.
After the landing of the troops, on the 4th of December
Major Charters proclaimed that he had taken possession of
the ground surrounding the inlet within two miles of high-
water mark, and declared martial law in force within these
limits. There was standing near the Point a substantial
stone store, recently erected for Mr. Maynard, with a small
wooden building close by belonging to Mr. John Owen
Smith, of Port Elizabeth. These were obtained from their
occupants, and were converted into a warehouse for
provisions and a magazine for arms. Three guns were
landed, and were mounted on neighbouring sandhills which
commanded an extensive range. The troops were provided
with tents, which they occupied until wattle and daub
barracks could be erected. The whole encampment was
enclosed as soon as possible with stockades cut in the
mangrove thickets, and it then received the name Fort
Victoria.
Major Charters took possession of a large quantity of
ammunition which was found
was found in the stores of Messrs.
Maynard and John Owen Smith, as well as the contents of
a small magazine belonging to the emigrants. Upon the
return to Natal of the commando under Mr. Pretorius, the
volksraad deputed Mr. Landman to confer
confer with Major
Charters, and to receive from him the ammunition which
they hoped he would not detain after full information
concerning them had been given. The major, however,
declined to release it without a pledge from the leading
emigrants that they would not again cross the Tugela, and
would only use it for defensive purposes. This pledge they
declined to give, on the ground that they were a free people
and the ammumition was property which they had a full
right to.
336
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History of South Africa.
At this time there were three small camps of emigrants
close to the port. One, consisting of about five and twenty
or thirty families under Mr. L. Badenhorst, was near the
head of the inlet. A second, rather larger, was at the
Umlazi; and the third, of about fifteen families, was ten or
twelve miles beyond in the same direction. The last two
were under Andries de Jager and Jacobus Uys.
Major Charters returned overland to Capetown as soon as
the troops were settled, leaving Captain Henry Jervis of the
72nd in command. This officer held a commission under the
Cape of Good Hope punishment bill, and under it he
summoned a farmer who was accused of assault to appear
before him. The farmer, however, declined to attend,
alleging that he was a member of an independent com-
munity, and responsible only to the landdrost appointed by
the volksraad. Thereupon Captain Jervis referred the case
to Major-General Napier, by whom he was informed that it
would be inexpedient to press the matter. Thus began and
ended the attempt to exercise judicial authority over the
emigrants at Natal, for in no other instance was the
slightest effort made to interfere with their civil govern-
ment. In the absence of instructions from the secretary
of state, which were repeatedly solicited, but in vain, the
governor could do nothing more than inform them on every
opportunity that they were still regarded as British subjects,
and officially ignore their volksraad and courts of law, while
all the time they were acting as an independent people.
*
In March 1839 Pietermaritzburg was laid out. It was
named in honour of the late commandants Pieter Retief and
Gerrit Maritz. Here, from this date onward, the volksraad,
or governing council of the emigrants, met. It consisted of
twenty-four members, elected annually, who met every three
months, and not only exercised supreme legislative power,
but appointed all officials, the commandant-general included.
Early in 1839 an attempt was made by Captain Jervis to
bring about an agreement of peace between the emigrants
* Now usually termed Maritzburg for the sake of brevity.
1839] The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
337
and Dingan. He obtained a messenger from Henry Ogle,
whom he sent to invite Dingan to appoint delegates and
direct them to proceed to Natal to talk matters over. As
afterwards seen, the Zulu chief had no intention of ceasing
hostilities. He had lost about ten thousand men in all the
engagements, but his army was still so large that he was by
no means humbled. He was, however, quite ready to enter
into an arrangement which would enable him to keep a
constant watch over the emigrants' proceedings. He there-
fore sent delegates to Natal with three hundred and sixteen
horses and a message indicating a wish for peace.
On the 26th of March the delegates had a meeting close
to the fort with Mr. Pretorius and some other leading
emigrants, in presence of Captain Jervis, when they were
informed that the farmers would consent to peace if Dingan
would confirm the cession of land made to Mr. Retief, would
restore the cattle and other property which his army had
taken, would make good all the damage caused by his
people, and would agree that Zulus crossing the Tugela
southward and white people crossing it northward should be
shot.
The Zulu delegates professed to consider these conditions
fair and reasonable, but said that Dingan's approval was
necessary. They accordingly returned to their chief, and
shortly afterwards came back to the port with a message to
Captain Jervis to the effect that the farmers' property had
been collected, and would be delivered to them if they
would send for it. Captain Jervis hereupon communicated
with the emigrants at the nearest camps, and they with
the volksraad at Maritzburg. Upon this, Mr. Pretorius
assembled a commando of three hundred and thirty-four
burghers near the junction of the Mooi and Tugela rivers
where he formed a camp, aud then sent a commission
consisting of Messrs. William Cowie, J. A. van Niekerk, and
J. P. Roscher, for the property.
Dingan was found at a new kraal about four hundred yards
from the site of the one that had been burnt six months
Y
338
[1839
History of South Africa.
before. He stated that much of the farmers' stock had died,
and that many of the guns had been lost, but he sent back
with the commission thirteen hundred head of horned cattle,
about four hundred sheep, fifty-two guns, and forty-three
saddles, which were delivered at the camp on the 7th of
June. He expressed himself very anxious for peace, but
circumstances that indicate the still unbroken spirit of the
people are noted in the report of the interview which Mr.
Cowie furnished to Captain Jervis.
The Zulu chief promised to send his great indunas to the
camp of the emigrants to make final arrangements, but
instead of doing so he deputed two petty captains, who stated
that he agreed to the terms delivered to his delegates in
presence of Captain Jervis at the port. Mr. Pretorius then
informed them that the losses and damages for which com-
pensation was still due were estimated at nineteen thousand
three hundred head of cattle, but part might be paid in ivory
if more convenient. The captains then affixed their marks
to the conditions of peace, and engaged on behalf of their
master that delegates of rank should ratify their acts and
that as
soon as they returned home a quantity of ivory
which had already been collected should be sent to Mr.
Pretorius on account.
When the conditions were signed, the commandant-
general wrote to Captain Jervis, requesting the delivery of
the ammunition seized by Major Charters, on the ground
that there could be now no pretence for detaining it.
Captain Jervis replied that he would give it up upon the
leaders of the emigrants signing an engagement that they
would not use it against the Zulus or other tribes, but
would restrict themselves to measures of defence on the
territory which they then occupied.
Neither Mr. Pretorius nor any other of the principal
leaders, however, would admit the right of an English officer
to impose conditions, and so the powder and lead remained
in the magazine of Fort Victoria. That there was no
scarcity of ammunition among the emigrants was well known,
1839]
339
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
and if other evidence had been wanting it was proved by a
fire which broke out in the evening of the 3rd of June in
one of the camps near Maritzburg, in which nine individuals
lost their lives, ten others were severely injured, and the
waggons and household effects of twenty-nine families were
utterly destroyed. The principal damage was caused by the
explosion of gunpowder stored in different waggons.
On the 30th of June two messengers arrived at Maritzburg
from Dingan. They brought no ivory, but said they had
come to ratify the terms of peace and to inquire when the
cattle would be taken over. The volksraad, ascertaining that
they were persons of no rank, declined to confer with them
further than to direct them to inform Dingan that he must
send some of his chief captains within twelve days, otherwise
they would treat with him no longer, but settle matters with
a commando. On several occasions afterwards messengers
arrived, who did nothing but deliver compliments, make
promises, and apologise for mistakes, until it became evident
that Dingan's only object was to ascertain whether the
farmers kept in lager or were dispersing over the country.
At this time the emigrants were agitated by a rumour
that a large body of English colonists would shortly be
landed at Natal with the object of overturning their govern-
ment. Great as was the danger from Dingan, they regarded
this as greater. On the 31st of July the commandant-
general and the volksraad wrote to Captain Jervis that they
would never allow people not subject to their jurisdiction
to settle in the country. "The bones," they wrote, "of our
innocent and treacherously murdered relatives and friends
at the Bushman river will remain a lasting evidence of our
right to this land until another beacon of similar materials
shall overshadow ours." On the 11th of November the
volksraad passed a resolution to oppose the landing of
immigrants without its previous consent, and if such
immigrants should be attended by a military force too
great to be resisted on landing, to carry on a guerilla
warfare against them.
340
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History of South Africa.
But their fears were groundless. The marquess of
Normanby, Lord Glenelg's successor as secretary of state
for the colonies, was indisposed to add another acre of land
in South Africa to the empire. On the 30th of April 1839
he wrote to Governor Napier, approving of the temporary
occupation of Port Natal for the purpose of preventing the
introduction of munitions of war and checking the desire of
emigration from the Cape Colony, but announcing his agree-
ment "to the fullest extent in the views of his immediate
predecessor as to the impolicy of extending the dominions
of the British crown in Southern Africa."
The 72nd regiment was expecting orders to embark for
Europe, and the governor therefore made up his mind to
withdraw the garrison from Fort Victoria and to leave the
cmigrants entirely to themselves.
His Own opinion, often
repeated and urgently pressed upon the successive secretaries.
of state, was that Natal should be constituted a British
colony, but, as he stated in a despatch to Lord John Russell
on the 22nd of June 1840, "the reiterated expression by
Lords Glenelg and Normanby of their merely temporary and
conditional approval of the military possession of the port,
their observations on the expense attending it, and the
apparently fixed determination of her Majesty's government
not to extend colonial possessions in this part of the world,
made him feel confident that the colonisation of that country
would never be sanctioned, and therefore he felt the further
retention of the port might give rise to hopes or even fears
which it was probably the wish of her Majesty's ministers
not to foster."
On the 24th of December 1839 the troops embarked in a
vessel sent for them. The farmers' ammunition was at last
restored without any guarantee as to its use, and they saw
the symbols of English sovereignty disappear, though in a
farewell letter of Captain Jervis he stated that they were
still considered British subjects. Under such circumstances,
however, they concluded that the imperial government had
practically abandoned its claim to their allegiance.
1839]
341
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
About four months before the departure of the troops, a
very important event took place in the Zulu country.
Umpande, or Panda as he is usually termed by Europeans,
one of the younger sons of Senzangakona, entered into a
conspiracy against Dingan. In ability he was far inferior to
either of his brothers, and almost immeasurably lower than
his son Ketshwayo in later years. But he possessed a large
amount of low cunning, and he was clever enough to seize
the opportunity that then occurred to improve his position.
A great number of the incorporated Zulus-the remnants of
tribes that had come under Tshaka as the only means of
saving themselves were ready to rally round any leader
who could give them reasonable hope of deliverance from
incessant bloodshed and tyranny. The induna Nongalaza,
who was in command of the district along the northern
bank of the Tugela, declared for Panda, and they joined
him. The rebel chief, with a large following, then crossed
the Tugela, and sent three messengers to Landdrost Roos
at the port to ask protection from the Europeans. These
messengers arrived on the 14th of September, and stated
that Panda was accompanied by Nongalaza, Sotobe who had
been sent by Tshaka to the Cape with Mr. King in 1828,
and six other great indunas.
The emigrants at first regarded Panda with suspicion, as
it was by no means certain that his flight was not merely a
pretence to draw them to destruction. But in an interview
which he had with the volksraad on the 15th of October he
convinced the members of his sincerity, and permission was
given to him to occupy for the time being a tract of land
between the Tugela and Umvoti rivers. On the 26th of
the same month he was installed "reigning prince of the
emigrant Zulus" by a commission from the volksraad, of
which Mr. F. Roos, landdrost of the camps around the port,
was president. An arrangement was soon afterwards entered
into that the volksraad should require from Dingan immediate
payment of their losses, and that in the event of the
demand not being complied with, the emigrants should
342
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History of South Africa.
assist Panda to depose his brother, in which case he under-
took to pay the debt. It was understood on both sides that
the first clause
clause was a mere matter of form, and Panda
therefore paid about two thousand head of cattle at once.
In accordance with this arrangement, on the 4th of
January 1840 the volksraad directed Commandant-General
Pretorius to march against Dingan, to demand from him
forty thousand head of horned cattle, and if they were not
given, to take them by force. Ten days later a burgher
commando of four hundred men, supported by five or six
thousand of Panda's adherents under Nongalaza, set out for
Zululand.
During the campaign several prisoners were taken, and
to the astonishment of the Zulus who were acting in
concert with the farmers, they were released.
Ún one
occasion this happened after a mountain had been occupied
with difficulty. Panda's followers could not appreciate such
gentleness towards enemies, which they considered repre-
hensible. A tragic deed, which must always remain a
reproach on the reputation of this commando, was more
in accordance with their views of propriety.
The approach of the commando was made known to
Dingan by his spies, and recognising the gravity of the
position in which he was placed, he attempted-possibly in
earnest-to come to terms with the emigrants. There were
two officers immediately under him, whose advice he
frequently sought, and through whom he carried on his
government. Their names were Tambusa and Umthlela.
The first named of these he now sent to the emigrant canıp
to renew negotiations for peace.
Upon Tambusa's arrival, he and his servant Kombazana
were made prisoners, and contrary to all law and justice
were brought to trial before a court martial. Panda and
some of his officers were kept by Mr. Pretorius in his own
camp as security against treachery, the column under
Nongalaza being at some distance and marching in a
parallel line.
These persons, who would assuredly do all in
18401
343
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
their power to cause the death of one of Dingan's magnates,
were allowed to take part in the mock trial. Panda acted
indeed in the double capacity of prosecutor and judge. He
attributed the massacres of the emigrants
of the emigrants to the advice
given to Dingan by Tambusa, and accused the chief prisoner
of many other enormities.
Tambusa, finding himself in the hands of those who
were determined on his death, acted with the utmost
calmness and dignity. He did not deny the truth of
Panda's assertions, but said he was not there to defend
himself: he had come as an envoy from a great chief to
arrange terms of peace. He scorned to ask mercy for
himself, but demanded the release of his servant, who, he
said, was obliged to obey any orders given to
to him.
Kombazana, on his part, displayed equal pride by refusing
to be separated from his master even in death. They were
both condemned to be executed.
When the sentence was pronounced, Mr. Pretorius spoke
to the prisoners of God, the Almighty master before whose
judgment seat they must soon appear, and besought them
to pray to Him for pardon of their sins while yet there
was time.
Tambusa answered that he had but one master; that
it was his duty to remain faithful to Dingan to the last
moment of his life; and that if he did this the great chief
of whom Mr. Pretorius spoke could not fail to be satisfied
with his conduct.
Two
A few hours later on the same day, 31st of January 1840,
the condemned men were led to execution. They were
manacled together, and both were perfectly naked.
farmers from a distance of sixty paces fired at them, when
Kombazana was killed instantly. Tambusa fell to the
ground with a ball in his body, though he was not mortally
wounded. Rising immediately, he again stood erect, though
manacled to the still quivering corpse of his servant, and
faced the executioners with an undaunted eye. The second
discharge followed speedily, and he rose no more.
344
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History of South Africa.
This act of Mr. Pretorius-for the chief blame must rest
upon him-was a great mistake as well as a great crime.
It gave those who were jealous of his influence an opportunity
to attack him, which they at once availed themselves of. In
the volksraad he was accused of having exceeded the
authority entrusted to him by creating a tribunal with power
of life and death. His
His partisans, however, were so strong
that after a time the charge was allowed to drop.
Immediately after this event a messenger from Nongalaza
brought word to the burgher column that on the preceding
day, 30th of January 1840, he had fought a great battle at
Magongo, near the Umkuzi river, with Dingan's army led by
Umthlela, and had won a complete victory.
This battle proved a decisive one. At its commencement
Dingan's army was superior in number, but during the action
a body of his troops went over to Panda's side, and turned
the scale. Those who were faithful stood their ground, and
fell as became Zulu warriors. The slaughter on each side
was enormous. The two best regiments of Dingan perished.
The veterans who had won their
won their plumes under Tshaka
preferred to die rather than show their backs to the traitors
who had deserted their cause. Umthlela placed himself at
the head of the reserve, and went into the hottest part of the
field, where he was pierced through the heart with an assagai.
Still the issue of the day was doubtful, when the cry echoed
along Nongalaza's ranks: "The Boers are coming." It was
not so, but the belief that it was answered Nongalaza's
purpose. The remnant of Dingan's army, the men who
could not flee from a foe armed with spear and shield, gave
way in their fear of those dreaded horsemen who had power
to deal out death without meeting it themselves. A bushy
country spread out before them, and favoured their escape.
The battle was over, and the terror which the Zulu name
had inspired for twenty years was a thing of the past.
Dingan fled northward to the border of the Swazi country,
where he built a kraal in a secluded and tolerably secure
position. There he was soon afterwards assassinated by a
1840]
345
The Emigrant Farmers in Natal.
I
Swazi who stole upon him unawares. Those who had adhered
to him in his misfortunes then tendered their submission
to Panda, by whom they were received with every mark of
favour, and were indeed afterwards trusted by him as his own
early adherents never were. He acted on the principle that
men who were traitors once might be traitors again. Even
Nongalaza, to whom he owed so much, was always regarded
by him with suspicion, and in 1843 was murdered in a
brutal manner by his order.
After the decisive engagement an enormous booty in
cattle fell into the hands of the conquerors. About forty
thousand head were delivered to Mr. Pretorius, and were
subsequently distributed among the emigrants in proportion
to their losses.
On the 10th of February Mr. Pretorius formally installed
Panda as chief of the Zulus, but in vassalage to the volksraad,
to which he promised fidelity. It was arranged that he
should remove his followers to the northern side of the
Tugela, and that the ground on which he was to reside
should be an appanage of the republic of Natal. To this
end, on the 14th of February 1840 Mr. Pretorius issued a
proclamation in the name of the volksraad, taking possession
of the land between the Tugela and Black Umvolosi rivers
from the Drakensberg to the sea, and declaring St. Lucia
Bay and the coast southward to the mouth of the Umzim-
vubu to belong to the emigrants.
CHAPTER XXX.
THE REPUBLIC OF NATAL AND ITS OVERTHROW.
THE territory under the government of the emigrant farmers
between the Drakensberg and the sea, and which they
termed the republic of Natal, had as its northern boundary
the Tugela river from its source to its mouth, which divided
it from the subject Zulu state under Panda. Thus the whole
of that triangular block of land now comprised in the
counties of Klip River and Newcastle was in the dependency
of Zululand, not in the republic proper. On the southwest
the boundary was the Umzimvubu river, and embraced
therefore large portions of the present districts of Pondoland
and Griqualand East.
The republic was divided into three magisterial and
ecclesiastical districts, named Pietermaritzburg, Weenen, and
Port Natal.
The village of Weenen was laid out in 1840. As in
Maritzburg, the erven or building allotments were paral-
lelograms one hundred and fifty by four hundred and fifty
feet in size, thus providing space for each family to have its
own garden and orchard, while the public grounds were so
large as really to make the village the centre of an immense
grazing farm. The commonage around Maritzburg was
about one hundred and twenty square miles in extent.
Every burgher of full age who had settled in Natal before
the beginning of 1840 was entitled to two farms of three
thousand morgen each and one erf in either of the villages.
Each lad above fifteen years of age was entitled to one farm
and one erf. Every head of a family arriving after that
346

29
G-E-N
This map shows the Republic of Natal.
30
31
Umzinyali
32
-28
-29
Pela R.
Black Umvolosi R
SUBJECT ZULU STATE
White
Umvolosi
Black
OUMKUNGUNHostR
RULED BY PANDA AS A VASSAL OF THE REPUBLIC
Bluckrans
Bushmans
R
Tugela R
WEENEN
Moot
Umhlatusi R
-31
29
Շաղձալքալ
Umzimhlava
REPUBLIC
Umgeni R
PIETERMARITZBURG
Umvoti R
F
Umkomanzi R
NATA
DURBAN
Umlazi R
love R
Umzumbi R
Umgeni R
SPORT NATAL
Umkamanzi R
Umzimkulu R.
Umtamvuna
ww
UmtentuR.
Umzimvubu R
PORT STJOHN'S
31
Tugela R.Mouth
ST LUCIA BAY
28
29-
30-
Scale of English Miles.
31-
1056
10
20
30
40
50 60
70
80
90
100
London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co Ltd
32
33
1840]
347
The Republic of Natal.
date and casting in his lot with the community was to be
entitled to one farm free of payment.
The public revenue was derived from:—
(a) Duties levied at the port.
All wines were charged
thirty shillings the aam. Spirits of any kind were charged
three shillings a gallon. Tobacco in any form, timber, and
all articles made of wood were charged one-fourth of their
value. All other merchandise was charged three per cent
of the value.
(b) Port dues paid by vessels dropping anchor, at the rate
of three pence a ton.
(c) A tax of eighteen shillings yearly on every farm not
exceeding three thousand morgen in extent. Farms above
that size paid in proportion.
(d) Transfer dues at the rate of two per cent on the
purchase amount of land.
(e) Fines of court.
The civil list was so small as to be unique in the history
of European communities. The landdrost and the clergyman
of Maritzburg were each paid at the rate of £100 a year.
The secretary of the volksraad received £75, and each of the
landdrosts of Port Natal and of Weenen £37 10s. a year.
The clergyman Smit, whose health had completely failed,
drew a yearly pension of £45. The port captain, collector of
customs, and entire police establishment cost the republic
less than £100 a year.
The total civil list was under £500.
At Port Natal and at Weenen congregations were organised,
each with its own elders and deacons, but neither of these
places had a resident clergyman. In June 1839 Dr. Adams
and the reverend Daniel Lindley, two of the American
missionaries, returned to Natal. Dr. Adams resumed his
labours with the blacks at his former station on the Umlazi,
but Mr. Lindley, seeing the Europeans without pastoral care,
conceived it his duty to minister to them. The affection
with which his name was pronounced in hundreds of South
African households long after his death was a proof that his
devotion to their spiritual welfare was appreciated. He
348
[1840
History of South Africa.
}
became the resident clergyman of Maritzburg, but once every
year he visited Durban and Weenen, and also went over the
Drakensberg to hold services at Winburg and Potchefstroom.
In June 1840 the reverend Aldin Grout returned to Natal,
and joined Dr. Adams at the Umlazi, where he devoted
himself solely to the blacks. In May of the following year he
removed to Zululand, and commenced mission work in the
centre of some large kraals on the Umhlatusi. But Panda
viewed the mission with no friendly eye, as he took offence
at Mr. Grout's doctrine, and feared that such teaching would
weaken his authority. At dawn on the morning of the 25th
of July 1842 a band of warriors, acting under his orders,
attacked the station, and wiped out of existence three of the
kraals that were believed to have paid most attention to the
white teacher's words. Mr. Grout himself was spared, but
he deemed it prudent to return at once to Natal, where he
shortly afterwards tried to found a station on the Umgeni.
The volksraad, which was the supreme legislative power
in the republic, consisted of twenty-four members, and met
at Maritzburg in regular session on the first Monday of
January, April, July, and October. Twelve members formed
a quorum. At each session a chairman was chosen, who
took the title of president, and with the aid of a few
members who formed what was termed the commissie raad,
carried on the government during the following three
months. All appointments to office were made by the
volksraad. No sentence of death could be carried into effect
without its sanction. At the end of every year the field-
cornets sent in papers signed by the burghers of their wards,
on each of which was the name of the individual whom the
subscribing burgher desired as a representative. The twenty-
four individuals having the greatest number of votes formed
the volksraad for the following year. As if this form of
government was not sufficiently democratic, whenever a
measure of importance was to be decided a meeting of what
was termed the public, that is of all who chose to attend,
was called together to sanction or reject it.
1840]
349
The Republic of Natal.
The result was utter anarchy. Decisions of one day were
frequently reversed the next, and every one held himself free
to disobey any law that he did not approve of. The most
violent language was used in discussing even ordinary
matters. The landdrosts frequently found themselves without
power to enforce their decisions, or even to compel the
attendance before their courts of persons summoned for
debt or accused of crime. Public opinion of the hour in each
section of the community was the only force in the land. In
the volksraad and in the public service, exclusive of Mr.
Lindley, there were only two individuals sufficiently educated
to be able to write English correctly, and not more than five
or six who were acquainted with the rudiments of Dutch
grammar. Mr. J. N. Boshof excepted, there was not one who
had the slightest experience of office work. Under such
a government any people with less stability of character
than the emigrant farmers must have become thoroughly
demoralised.
The political tie between the people of Natal and those
who occupied the country west of the Drakensberg was
exceedingly frail, though the sympathy of blood was strong.
After recrossing the Drakensberg in 1838, Commandant
Hendrik Potgieter took up his residence on the Mooi river,
and established an independent government. There was no
Bantu tribe near enough to disturb him, for Moselekatse
had fled so far away that when in July 1840 a commando
assembled to follow him up and endeavour to recover the
captive children, the Matabele could not be found.
In September 1840 a loose kind of alliance was formed
between the government of this section of the emigrants
and the volksraad of Natal. The emigrants west of the
Drakensberg were thenceforth under what they termed an
adjunct raad, consisting of twelve members, and claiming
authority over the districts of Winburg and Potchefstroom.
The district of Winburg was defined as the whole country
south of the Vaal, from the Vet river to the Drakensberg,
that is nearly half of the territory that was later the
350
[1840
History of South Africa.
Orange Free State. The district of Potchefstroom was held
to be all the country north of the Vaal conquered from
Moselekatse. Its boundaries were not accurately defined,
but in the articles of agreement between Messrs. A. W. J.
Pretorius and A. H. Potgieter the land open for settlement
is described as extending from the desert on the west
to Rhenoster Poort on the east, and from the Vaal river
and the saltpan near Lithako on the south to Zoutpansberg
on the north. At the villages of Winburg and Potchef-
stroom there were landdrosts and church officers without
clergymen, as at Weenen and Port Natal.
In each of these districts, just as in each of the three
districts of Natal, there was a commandant who had power
in case of war to call out all the burghers capable of
bearing arms. Mr. Potgieter, who was over these again,
was styled chief commandant. In Natal Mr. A. W. J.
Pretorius, the officer of highest military authority, was
termed commandant-general. They all lived by farming as
other burghers did, and received no salaries.
Under the agreement of union, the adjunct raad retained
full and independent control in minor matters over the
districts of Winburg and Potchefstroom, and had the right
of sitting with the volksraad at Maritzburg whenever
important subjects were considered.
Between the Vet river and the Orange there were several
parties of emigrants acting independently of either of the
councils here named. With all of them the form of govern-
ment was merely probationary. They readily acknowledged
that they knew nothing of the policies of other people,
ancient or modern, except from bible history, and were only
experimenting until they could work out a system adapted
to their needs.
The details of the administration having been settled,
the volksraad deemed it advisable to enter into corres-
pondence with the governor of the Cape Colony, with a view
of obtaining recognition of their independence. Sir George
Napier, a large party in South Africa, and an influential
1840]
351
The Republic of Natal.
association in London, of which Mr. Abraham Borradaile
was chairman and Mr. Saxe Bannister secretary, had long
been urging the imperial government to take possession
of Natal for colonisation purposes, but the ministry was
unwilling to increase England's responsibilities in this
part of the continent. Lord John Russell declared that
he was not in principle averse to the extension of colonies,
unless where the occupation of territory previously held by
aboriginal tribes would cause flagrant injustice, cruel wars,
and protracted misery, or where it would require a large
expenditure without prospect of adequate compensation.
These considerations, he wrote, made him hesitate to give
his sanction to the colonisation of Natal, as the settlers in
all probability would be exposed to continual conflicts, and
fresh troops would be often needed.
On the 18th of June 1840, however, he instructed the
governor to send a detachment of soldiers to resume posses-
sion of the port, and thus re-establish the influence of the
British name in the country; and on the 5th of September
he wrote that he was favourable to the settlement of Natal
as a British colony, but not prepared to expend large sums
of money to conquer the territory from the emigrant
farmers. He desired therefore that they should be con-
ciliated, and that for this purpose a president and council
should be appointed by the governor from among themselves,
and be entrusted with civil authority.
When these despatches arrived the aspect of affairs on
the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony was such that the
governor dared not withdraw a single company of soldiers,
and as he feared that the military occupation of Port Natal
would be resisted, he felt himself obliged to temporise.
Matters were in this condition when on the 4th of
September 1840 Mr. L. Badenhorst, then president, and Mr.
J. J. Burger, secretary of the volksraad, wrote to Sir George
Napier, informing him that they had established peace with
the surrounding tribes, and asking through him that the
queen might be graciously pleased to acknowledge and declare
352
[1841
History of the Cape Colony.
them a free and independent people. They proposed to
send two commissioners to Capetown to treat for "an
acknowledgment of their independence, with the rights of
British subjects." Such a sentence as this is an illustration
of much of the correspondence of the volksraad when the
letters were not drafted by Mr. Boshof.
Sir George Napier replied on the 2nd of November,
asking for an explicit statement of the terms on which
they were disposed to treat, but without making any
promises or admissions.
On the 14th of January 1841 the conditions which they
desired to embody in a treaty were agreed to by a majority
of the volksraad after long discussion, and were communi-
cated to Sir George Napier in a letter signed by Carel
Pieter Landman, then president, and twelve members.
They provided for the acknowledgment by the British
government of the independence of the republic; for a close
alliance; for neutrality in the event of war between Great
Britain and any other power; for reciprocal customs duties
at the same rates as if Natal was a British settlement,
except on wines and spirituous liquors, which were to be
heavily taxed; for an engagement that the republic should
not make war upon the tribes to the southward without
giving due notice to the colonial government and stating
the cause, and should not extend its boundaries to the
disadvantage of the bordering tribes, or make any hostile
movements against those people unless first attacked; for
the encouragement of the spread of the gospel among the
heathen and of their civilisation; for the withholding of aid
from the declared enemies of Great Britain; for the free
passage of British troops through the republic in case of
war between the colony and the Kaffirs, should the governor
desire it; for the prohibition of trade in slaves; and for the
protection of British subjects residing in the country.
While this correspondence was being carried on, an event
took place which altered the whole aspect of affairs, and
which necessitates a reference to the Pondo tribe.
1830]
353
The Republic of Natal.
In July 1828 Major Dundas, landdrost of Albany, visited
these people, and had an interview with Faku, their para-
mount chief, who was then living in the valley of the
Umgazi river. Tshaka's army had swept the country of
cattle, and after an occupation of a month and a half had
left only ten days before Major Dundas's visit. Faku had
sent to Hintsa and Vusani, chiefs of the Galekas and
Tembus, for assistance, but had received none, and he was
then about to beg Tshaka to receive him as a vassal. The
messengers whom he sent for that purpose actually reached
Tshaka's kraal on the very day that chief was assassinated.
In May 1829 the reverend William Shaw visited Faku
at his kraal on the Umgazi. The country close around was
thickly populated, and the people had gathered a plentiful
harvest of corn, but had very few cattle.
In this year
Morley mission station was founded by the reverend Mr.
Shepstone among Depa's people, who were partly descended
from Europeans wrecked on the coast, but who were Pondo
vassals. The station was destroyed a few months later by
the Amakwabi, when Mr. Shepstone's family narrowly
escaped; but it was subsequently rebuilt in another and
better position on the western bank of the Umtata.
In 1830 the Buntingville mission was commenced by the
reverend Messrs. Boyce and Tainton. Faku, who believed that
the missionaries were powerful rainmakers, gave them one of
the driest sites in the whole country, in hope of benefiting by
the rain which he anticipated they would cause to descend
for their own profit. When, however, he found that his
expectations were not realised, he granted a much better site.
elsewhere, and the mission was removed.
At this time the Pondos were not by any means a power-
ful tribe, and they were entirely confined to the western.
bank of the Umzimvubu. It was not alone invasions of their
country by Tshaka's armies that had brought them to this
condition. Numerous hordes, fleeing before the Zulu spear,
sought refuge in the rugged district drained by the
Umzimvubu, others made a pathway through it to safer
Z
354
[1838
History of South Africa.
regions beyond. Every horde that came was an enemy of
all the rest, and so there was for years a continual scene of
pillaging and butchering throughout the land.
It would be a waste of time to search out and place on
record the titles of all the clans that made their appearance
on the Umzimvubu between 1820 and 1830, let alone to trace
their history. Many of them have become incorporated with
the Pondo tribe. Many others are now subject to the
government of Natal. Several have perished utterly, among
these being the Amakwabi, mentioned in another chapter.
One clan only requires a brief notice. This was the remnant
of the Baca tribe, which had been driven down from the
north, and which was then under a regent named Ncapayi,
owing to its hereditary chief being a minor. The Baca clan
was the most powerful body of refugees in the valley of the
Umzimvubu. Its propensities for plundering all within its
reach were no greater than those of the others, but its
strength enabled it to hold its ground when weaker people
perished. The fame of Ncapayi extended to the Cape
Colony, where he was spoken of as pre-eminently the
freebooter of Kaffirland.
Of the negotiations with Faku by the colonial government
during the war of 1835, and the promise which he made to
Captain Delancy in 1836, accounts have been given in
previous chapters. He did not keep his promise long. In
November 1836 Ncapayi attacked the Tembus, and took
from them immense herds of cattle, which raised the cupidity
of Faku to the highest pitch. Vadana, the Tembu regent,
sent to Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom imploring aid, on
the ground of his having assisted the white people in the late
war, but received in response nothing more than a friendly
greeting conveyed by Mr. William Fynn. Faku, observing
this and being informed that the British troops were retiring
over the Fish river and the Xosas were advancing westward,
thought also of enriching himself with Tembu cattle. Early
in 1838 he made friends with Ncapayi, and together they
swept the country between the Umtata and the Bashee three
1838]
355
The Republic of Natal.
times in succession. The Tembus were reduced to such a
state that in October the missionary at Clarkebury reported
the people around him to be dying of hunger, and sub-
scriptions were opened in the colony to provide them with
food. These events caused the great bulk of the Tembus to
move away from their ancient home to the territory along
the upper branches of the Kei.
One of the earliest acts of the emigrant farmers after
entering Natal was to communicate with Faku, who had the
reputation of being abler and better disposed towards white
people than the other chiefs in the neighbourhood. To their
communication he replied in a friendly manner. Nothing
was said of the extent of the territory belonging to him, and
he put forward no pretensions to any part of the country
north of the Umzimvubu. Though desiring to be on good
terms, the farmers did not consider him a chief of much
power, but rated his military strength below that of
Ncapayi.
A lady who for the next forty years was the unwearied
champion of what she termed Pondo rights just at this period
went to reside in the country. This was Mrs. Thomas
Jenkins, wife of a Wesleyan missionary, afterwards commonly
called the queen of Pondoland. Her first letters describe the
people as being in a condition of great poverty. They had
no cattle of whose skins to make clothing, so the men went
entirely naked, and the women wore nothing but a girdle of
maize leaves round their waists. There were constant feuds
and battles between the different clans of the Pondos, Bacas,
Pondomisis, Xesibes, Hlangwenis, and others. She and her
husband were residing at Buntingville. Faku was opposed to
the preaching of Mr. Jenkins, for he said it would make his
people cowards in fight if they were often spoken to about
another world.
In February 1838 tidings reached the Pondo kraals of
the massacres at Umkungunhlovu and Weenen, but the
bearers of the news added that the farmers had repulsed
the Zulus from every lager attacked, and that the white
356
[1839
History of South Africa.
people were in possession of the country south of the
Tugela. The intelligence was received with the greatest
joy, for it gave deliverance from the dread of that terrible
power before which the tribe had cowed so long. At once
the valley of the Umgazi became too small in Faku's opinion
for him and his people. On the 10th and 11th of March he
set fire to his old kraals, and crossing the Umzimvubu, built
new ones on the banks of the Umzimhlava, a streamlet a
short distance to the northward. To Mr. Jenkins he gave
as his reason for doing so that he feared the colonial govern-
ment would send a commando to punish him for attacking
Vadana, and therefore wished to get as far away as possible.
It is not likely, however, that he was guided by such a
motive, for he continued his raids upon Vadana just as before.
Early in 1839 the
the reverend Mr. Jenkins delivered
message to Faku as coming from the governor that Sir
George Napier guaranteed to him the possession of the
country northward as far as the Umzimkulu river, and if
that territory was violated by the emigrant farmers he should
apply for military aid. No such construction could fairly
be put upon the language which the governor actually used,
but thereafter the European partisans of the Pondo chief
constantly laid claim to the whole of that country.
In those days many missionaries took a different view of
government by Bantu chiefs from that now held by their
successors, though it is but fair to the Wesleyan society to
add that the opinions of most of its agents even then were
those of the present day, and they would gladly have seen
British dominion established over the people with whom
they were labouring. The opinion, however, of a majority of
those under the reverend Dr. Philip's supervision and of all
who had recently arrived from Great Britain was in favour
of Bantu states under missionary guidance, and a cry of
oppression and wrong was raised and made to echo through-
out England whenever anything was undertaken that tended
to prevent the growth of a chief's authority. The barbarous
rulers of petty tribes, who were unable to comprehend any
1840]
357
The Republic of Natal.
other power than that of brute force or of magic, were in
missionary documents of the time commonly styled kings.
In many instances the missionaries were violent partisans
of the chiefs with whom they were living, and claimed more
for them than did the hereditary councillors of the tribe. As
each, however, supported his own potentate, and the interests
of these were continually clashing, the government at the
Cape had the means of forming a tolerably correct judgment
between them. In this instance Mr. Jenkins went far
beyond any Pondo, in claiming for the tribe not only the
district occupied by its ancestors and lost in war, but a great
extent of country beyond.
That Faku himself made no claim to such a large district
is proved by a message which he sent to the commander of
the troops at Port Natal in October 1839. His messengers.
were directed to ask Captain Jervis's consent to the occupa-
tion by Pondos of the land between the Umtentu and
Umtamvuna rivers, a tract of country a long way south of
the Umzimkulu. Captain Jervis avoided all responsibility,
though his language was ambiguous, by replying that the
government had no wish to interfere in Faku's affairs, but that
in his own territory he could move wherever he pleased.
At the close of the year 1840 the Pondo tribe was in a
much more prosperous condition than it had been at any
time since 1823. The crops of 1838 and 1839 were so scanty
that Mrs. Jenkins wrote of the sufferings of the people from
famine as indescribable; but this season the gardens yielded
abundance of food. The tribe had enjoyed three years of
protection from the fear of Zulu inroads, by which its
scattered members were enabled to rejoin their chief; and a
considerable number of cattle had been captured from the
Tembus and the Bacas. Still it was doubtful which was the
more powerful of the two, Faku or Ncapayi. Fighting
between them was renewed in April 1840, when Faku sent
to Maritzburg to ask the farmers to allow him to receive
assistance from the Hlangweni chief Fodo, who was living
under their jurisdiction on land south of the Umzimkulu.
358
[1840
History of South Africa.
The clan under Fodo was one of the numerous branches
of the large Hlangweni tribe, that had been driven by the
Zulus from its original home near the Tugela. In its flight
it fell upon and routed the Bacas, who were then living
where Maritzburg now stands. Nombewu, Fodo's father,
wandered from place to place until he reached the eastern
bank of the Kei, where the descendants of some of his
followers are still to be found. After a time he retraced his
steps, and settled on a feeder of the Umzimvubu, but there
he was attacked and killed by the Bacas under Ncapayi.
His son Fodo escaped, and after much roaming about had a
tract of land south of the Umzimkulu assigned to his use
by the emigrant farmers, where he collected the remnant
of the clan, and where their descendants, under the chief
Dungazwe, now reside. Thus there was a bitter feud
between the Bacas and the Hlangwenis, which Faku
wished to turn to account when he resumed hostilities
with Ncapayi.
While affairs were in this condition a number of cattle
were stolen from various farmers in Natal.
The spoors
were traced to the rugged country along the Umzimvubu
which was occupied by Neapayi's people, and it was ascer-
tained that although the principal plunderers were Bushmen,
the Bacas were implicated in many of the thefts. A discus-
sion was held in the volksraad as to what steps should be
taken to punish the robbers and prevent further stealing.
Some were for making such an example of Ncapayi that no
one in his direction would dare to molest the emigrants
again. Others counselled a close alliance with Faku, and
the punishment of the robbers through him. Moderate
men like Mr. Boshof and Mr. Landman saw clearly that an
attack upon any tribe on their southern border, without the
concurrence of the Cape government, would be resented by
the colony as endangering the peace of its frontier. The
party of violence, however, was the more numerous, and
while the negotiations were being carried on which they
hoped would terminate in the acknowledgment of their
1841]
359
The Republic of Natal.
independence by Great Britain, two hundred and sixty men.
assembled to punish Ncapayi.
This force was under the direction of Commandant-
General Pretorius, but Commandant Hendrik Stephanus
Lombard took the most active part in the operations. On
the march it was joined by Fodo and his men. The Bacas
were attacked early one morning, and were driven from
their kraals without any loss on the part of the assailants.
According to the information supplied by Ncapayi to the
missionaries, twenty-six men, ten women, and four children
were killed on his side, and the horned cattle belonging to
sixty-two families, together with about two thousand sheep
and goats, were driven off. He also stated that a great
many women and children were taken away. Commandant
Lombard's account is that the spoil was three thousand
head of horned cattle, among which were some of those
that had been stolen from the farmers. The sheep and
goats were taken by Fodo's people, as also were the women
and children, but as soon as it was known that these had
been made captive, the farmers liberated them and allowed
them to return to their friends. Seventeen children, how-
ever, whose parents were ascertained to be dead, were kept
to be apprenticed until they should be of age.
Faku's satisfaction on hearing of his enemy's loss was
blended with fear that he also might some day meet with
the same fate. In his dealings with white people he had by
this time come to be guided entirely by the missionaries,
and he now sent messengers to Buntingville to request Mr.
Jenkins to pay him a visit. On the 1st of January 1841
the reverend Messrs. Palmer, Jenkins, and Garner assembled
at the chief's residence on the Umzimhlava, where they
remained until the 5th, and during that time the course to
be pursued was decided upon. A letter was sent to Sir
George Napier, who was then on the colonial border,
begging that Faku might be taken under his protection, and
containing a declaration that the chief, being in great fear
of the emigrant farmers, was about to remove from the
360
[184 1
History of South Africa.
eastern side of the Umzimvubu, but claimed the whole
country from that river to the Umzimkulu. On this
document appeared the
the marks of Faku, Damasi, and
Bangasili, and the signatures as witnesses of Samuel Palmer,
Thomas Jenkins, and William H. Garner, Wesleyan
missionaries. It was dated 5th of January 1841.
Whether the attack upon Ncapayi was morally justifiable
or not, Sir George Napier was convinced that British
interests in South Africa were imperilled by the attitude of
the emigrants, as anything that tended to press the Bantu
tribes down upon the Cape Colony increased the danger of
war. On the 18th of June 1840 the secretary of state had
sent him authority to use his discretion as to reoccupying
Port Natal with a military force, or not; and he would
have sent troops there months before only that he believed
they would be resisted, and it would therefore be imprudent
to employ fewer than three hundred men, a number which
as he wrote to Lord John Russell on the 20th of
September-" under the unsettled and irritated state of the
farmers on the eastern frontier, occasioned by the constant
and unprovoked plunder of their cattle and horses by the
Kaffirs, he did not feel justified in detaching, as it would
endanger the safety of the colony." He now resolved to
form a military post in Faku's country, where it would
serve the double purpose of preventing another attack by
the emigrant farmers upon a tribe south of Natal, and of
placing the Xosas between two fires.
A few hours after receiving the letter from the mission-
aries his orders were issued, and on the 28th of January
1841 Captain Thomas Charlton Smith of the 27th left Fort
Peddie at the head of two companies of his own regiment,
fifty men of the Cape mounted rifles under Captain H. D.
Warden, a lieutenant and eight men of the royal artillery,
and a lieutenant and four men of the royal engineers. He
had with him a train of fifty-four transport waggons, and
was accompanied by several men whose names have since
become well known in South Africa, among whom may be
1841]
361
The Republic of Natal.
mentioned Major-General Bisset, then an ensign in the Cape
nounted rifles, Lieutenant Charles Somerset of the same
regiment, and Mr. Charles F. Potgieter, then a commissariat
clerk, afterwards assistant commissary general. Though there
were no roads through the wild country, no difficulty was
met in the march to the Umgazi river, where Captain Smith
formed a camp.
Upon being apprised by Sir George Napier that he was
sending troops to protect Faku, the volksraad caused a
letter to be written, justifying the attack upon the Bacas,
and denying that the Pondo chief was in any danger from
them, as they were on the most friendly terms with him,
and had interchanged professions of peace and good will
while their commando was in the field against Neapayi.
But there were many men in Natal who felt that a great
blunder had been committed; and party feeling, always
violent, after this occurrence became more violent still.
The tone of the correspondence concerning the position of
the emigrants was now changed. The governor did not
reply to the volksraad's letter of the 14th of January until
the 10th of June, when he wrote that he "could not enter
into any negotiation or further communication with them
until they distinctly acknowledged their full and entire
allegiance to the queen of England, and further declared
their willingness to obey the lawful authority of the British
government."
The imperial ministry was still desirous not to enlarge the
possessions and responsibilities of England in South Africa,
and withheld from the governor authority for taking action
of any kind, except to station a garrison again at Port Natal
to control the trade, if he thought that by so doing the
emigrants would be induced in time to return to the Cape
Colony. On the 3rd of September he wrote to the president
of the volksraad, in terms of his instructions, that "her
Majesty had desired him to inform the emigrant farmers
that she could not acknowledge a portion of her own sub-
jects as an independent republic, but that on their receiving
362
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History of South Africa.
a military force from the colony, their trade would be
placed on the footing of that of a British possession."
To this letter a reply was received, dated the 11th of
October and signed by Mr. Joachim Prinsloo, as president,
and Mr. J. J. Burger, as secretary, in which the governor
was informed that the emigrant farmers declined to be con-
sidered British subjects, and that they would "not consent
to her Majesty's proposal to receive a military force, as they
had not asked for it and had no need of it for their
protection."
After the farmers settled in Natal, several thousand Bantu
refugees of different tribes moved in, and the few natives
who survived the Zulu invasions crept out of the forests
in which they had concealed themselves. There was every
likelihood of these people giving trouble if they were allowed
to take possession of land wherever they pleased. In August
1841 therefore the volksraad passed a resolution that except
those who might choose either to return to Zululand or to
take service, they should be collected together and be located
in the district between the Umzimvubu and Umtanivuna
rivers, so as to effect a separation between them and the
Europeans. In that district the blacks were to be left
pretty much to themselves, but an officer of the emigrant
government was to be stationed with them to exercise
general control, for they were to be regarded as subjects
of the republic.
This resolution could not be acted upon at once, as some
months were required to make the necessary arrangements,
and before these were completed Sir George Napier inter-
fered. In his view the project was one tending to crowd
the tribes down towards the colonial frontier, and could not
therefore be permitted.
There was yet another cause of irritation. In August
1841 an American trading brig named the Levant arrived
at Port Natal, crossed the bar in safety, and discharged a
quantity of merchandise which her supercargo offered for
sale. There was so little money and such a small quantity
1841]
363
The Republic of Natal.
of ivory and hides on hand that the amount of trade done
was very trifling. The fact, however, was established that
a port was open through which the commerce of the interior
might eventually pass, and the merchants of the Cape Colony
raised a cry of danger.
To the letter of the 11th of October from the volksraad
no reply was made, as shortly after its receipt Sir George
Napier received a despatch from Lord John Russell, dated
21st of August 1841, in which he was instructed to make
arrangements for reoccupying Port Natal in such a manner
as to command the harbour, but not to interfere with the
emigrant farmers unless the troops or friendly Kaffir tribes
were attacked. In accordance with these instructions, on
the 2nd of December he issued a proclamation, in which,
after stating the emigrants' claim to be considered an inde-
pendent people and the resolution of the volksraad to locate
the blacks on the ground between the Umtamvuna and
Umzimvubu rivers, which country, he affirmed, formed part
of the territories of Faku, and that from such an unjust
and illegal proceeding there was reason to apprehend that
warfare and bloodshed would be occasioned, he declared
that the queen would not recognise the emigrants as an
independent people, nor permit them to form themselves
into an independent state, and that he should resume
military occupation of Port Natal by sending thither without
delay a detachment of her Majesty's forces. Finally, he
warned all British subjects, including the emigrants, of the
consequences of resisting either her Majesty's troops or the
exercise of her Majesty's authority.
To carry this proclamation into effect, Captain Lonsdale,
of the 27th, was instructed to march from the colonial
frontier to reinforce Captain Smith at the Umgazi with one
hundred and eight men of his own regiment, and seventeen
engineers, Cape mounted riflemen, and artillerymen. He was
also to take two field-pieces. Captain Smith was directed
upon the arrival of this reinforcement to leave a guard at the
Umgazi camp, and to move on to Port Natal himself with
364
[1842
History of South Africa.
.
two hundred and twenty-two men of the 27th regiment, seven-
teen artillerymen with three guns, six engineers, and eighteen
Cape mounted riflemen. Instructions were also issued as to
his intercourse with the emigrants, which may be briefly
summed up as follows: Pledge the government to nothing
until her Majesty's pleasure is known. Do not interfere
with the emigrants. Treat them courteously, but call them
constantly her Majesty's subjects. Protect all from attack,
black and white, and see that peace is kept.
Upon receipt of these instructions, and while awaiting
Captain Lonsdale's arrival, Captain Smith opened communi-
cation with some English residents at Durban, by whom he
was informed of the condition of affairs there and promised
assistance. Several emigrants also forwarded. assurances.
that they were weary of the constant strife between the
different sections of the community, and would welcome his
arrival with troops as the only means of relief from anarchy.
These letters and messages were secretly forwarded to and
fro by native runners supplied by Henry Ogle, who was then
living on the Umkomanzi, about thirty miles south of the
port.
The tone of the volksraad was, however, very different.
In a long letter to Sir George Napier, dated at Maritzburg
on the 21st of February 1842, and signed by Joachim
Prinsloo as president and eighteen of the members, a deter-
mination to resist was made known. It was not their
object, they said, to defy the power of Great Britain, but
they could not allow might to triumph over right, without
employing all the means at their disposal to prevent it. In
God and in the justice of their cause they trusted, knowing
that He could protect the weak against oppressors. Their
arrangements for the removal of the blacks were founded
on true philanthropy. They were not aware that Faku had
any claim to the land between the Umtamvuna and Umzi-
mvubu rivers, as he had informed them that it belonged to
Tshaka and afterwards to Dingan, and he had recognised
their right to it. Under the British government, which gave:
1842]
365
The Republic of Natal.
no protection except to uncivilised people, they could not
exist in Natal. They were therefore driven to choose either
to move again and leave their possessions behind, or to take
up arms in defence of their rights; and they left to his
Excellency's judgment which of the two was preferable.
Finally, they protested against the movement threatened in
the proclamation, and declared that whatever the result they
would be blameless before God, their own consciences, and
the world.
On the 1st of April 1842 the force destined for Natal
left the camp on the Umgazi. The little army consisted of
two hundred and sixty-three men of all ranks, and it was
furnished with one howitzer and two light field-pieces. It
was accompanied by a long waggon train, sixty of the
drivers of which were Englishmen and were armed. The
distance between the point left and that aimed at by the
route followed was reckoned to be two hundred and
sixty miles. There was no road through the country, and
heavy rains had recently fallen, so that the rivers were
swollen and nearly impassable.
On the thirty-third day of the march, as the expedition
was drawing near to Durban, it was met by two farmers,
who handed to Captain Smith a written protest from the
volksraad against the troops entering Natal; but he declined
to receive it. On the day following, the 4th of May, the
troops reached their destination, and encamped on a plain
at the base of the Berea, about half a mile from the few
scattered buildings that then constituted the town of
Durban. Not a single casualty had occurred during the
march. While the camp was being formed the volksraad's
protest was again tendered, and its acceptance again
rejected. The same thing occurred on the 5th, and on this
last occasion the deputation informed Captain Smith by
word of mouth that the republic was in treaty with
Holland and under the protection of that power.
The origin of this statement was one of the strangest
episodes in the history of Natal. When information reached
366
[1842
History of South Africa.
the Netherlands that thousands of families were leaving the
Cape Colony, much interest was created, and sympathy with
the emigrants in their sufferings was every where warmly
expressed. To several individuals the occasion seemed
favourable for establishing new business connections. In
particular, Mr. George Gerhard Ohrig, of the firm of Klyn
& Co., of Amsterdam, exerted himself to form an association
purposely for trading with Natal. He published a pamphlet
in which the former greatness of the Netherlands was
referred to, the emigrants were applauded as worthy
descendants of the men who had fought for liberty against
Spain and who had founded a world-wide commerce, and
the advantages of establishing a trade with them and
securing a port of call for Dutch ships in time of war
were dwelt upon.
This pamphlet-entitled The Emigrants at Port Natal—
was privately distributed in the Netherlands, and so care-
fully was its circulation guarded that the British consular
agents in that country were unable to obtain a single copy.
With some difficulty the colonial authorities procured one,
when it was found to be just such a production as might
be expected from an enthusiastic man with strong national
feeling and a single object—that of creating sympathy-in
view.
Mr. Ohrig failed to induce men of sufficient capital to
take shares in his projected association, so the firm of Klyn
& Co., of which he was a partner, had a small vessel built.
on their own account, in which they shipped an assortment.
of goods for Natal. This vessel, called the Brazilia, arrived
at her destination on the 24th of March 1842. She had as
supercargo a man named Johan Arnaud Smellekamp, who
was full of enthusiasm for the cause of the emigrants, and
who was gifted with a fair share of ability and perseverance.
The arrival of this vessel at a time when men's minds.
were dejected at the prospect of the renewed English
occupation had an extraordinary effect upon the emigrants.
They persuaded themselves that the government of the
1842]
367
The Republic of Natal.
Mr.
Netherlands would certainly aid them in resistance.
Smellekamp and Skipper Reus of the Brazilia paid a visit.
to Maritzburg, and were met some distance from the town.
by a large party of young men, who unyoked the oxen and
themselves drew the waggon in which the strangers were
seated. All the bunting and red and blue calico in the
place was turned into flags, and above scores of house tops
and waggon tents waved the tricolour of the Netherlands..
The volksraad formally welcomed the visitors as representa-
tives of the fatherland. Then there were religious services,
and strong men were observed to shed tears when a
distribution was made of a number of bibles and books of
devotion, which had been sent out as a present by Mr..
Jacob Swart, lecturer and examiner at the naval college of
Amsterdam. The eight days that Messrs. Smellekamp and
Reus spent at Maritzburg were days of public meetings,
feasting, and religious services. Mr. Ohrig's pamphlet was
read by many who had seldom read anything but their
bibles and hymn-books before, and by a strange perversion
it was taken to convey the views of the Dutch government..
Mr. Smellekamp was furnished by the volksraad with
funds, and was sent back to Holland to negotiate a treaty
He left Maritz-
and procure clergymen and schoolmasters.
burg on the 30th of April, and was accompanied overland to
Graaff-Reinet by the landdrost, Mr. J. N. Boshof. From
Graaff-Reinet he proceeded to Swellendam, where he was
arrested under the obsolete proclamation of the 25th of
February 1806 for travelling without a pass, and was
forwarded as a prisoner to Capetown. There he was kept.
two days in confinement, but as he did not choose to reveal
anything and evidence against him was not obtainable, he
was released and allowed to embark for Europe.
The greater portion of the cargo of the Brazilia was found
unsuitable for the requirements of the emigrants. Skipper
Reus therefore, after disposing of as much as he could,
sailed for Batavia just before Captain Smith reached.
Durban.
368
[1842
History of South Africa.
The assertion of the deputation on the 5th of May that
the republic was under the protection of Holland was
thus really in accordance with what the emigrants had
deluded themselves into believing would soon be the truth.
Captain Smith, however, treated the statement with derision.
Messengers were now sent by Commandant - General
Pretorius in all haste to Potchefstroom and Winburg to ask
for aid. Chief-Commandant Potgieter refused to take part in
resistance to the English troops, but Commandant Mocke
called out his burghers and prepared to go down to Natal.
The burghers of Pietermaritzburg and Weenen were in the
meantime gathering at Kongela. On the 9th of May Captain
Smith with a hundred soldiers marched towards Kongela
with the intention of calling upon the farmers to disperse,
but on the way he was net by Mr. Pretorius, and after a
short parley he returned to his camp. Captain Smith stated
afterwards that he returned because Mr. Pretorius agreed to
withdraw his men from Kongela. Mr. Pretorius asserted
that he had promised nothing more than to remain quiet
until the volksraad should meet, unless he was molested.
On the 11th a party of armed farmers paraded in sight of
the English forces, in Captain Smith's opinion to provoke an
attack.
On the 17th Captain Smith wrote to Mr. Pretorius, but
his letter was returned unopened, on the ground of its not.
being addressed with the title of commandant-general. On
the same day the volksraad met at Kongela, and instructed
Mr. Pretorius to write to Captain Smith, demanding that he
should leave the port before noon on the 19th and march
back beyond the boundaries of the republic. Captain Smith
declined to receive the letter. On the 20th two messengers
from Mr. Pretorius visited the English camp and verbally
demanded that the troops should leave at once. Captain
Smith's reply was laconic: "I shall not go, I shall stay."
During this time two vessels had arrived at Natal and
crossed the bar. One was a brig named the Pilot, with
provisions and munitions of war from Capetown. Her cargo
1842]
369
The Republic of Natal.
was discharged at the Point, and to protect it a guard of
twenty-three men under a sergeant was stationed there.
The other was a schooner named the Mazeppa, from Algoa
Bay with merchandise for the traders and some private
property of the military officers.
On the 23rd of May the farmers took possession of a large
number of transport cattle belonging to the commissariat
train, this being the first overt act of hostility.*
That night at eleven o'clock Captain Smith left his camp
at the head of one hundred and nine men of the 27th regi-
ment, eighteen of the royal artillery, eight sappers, and two
Cape mounted riflemen, for the purpose of attacking the
farmers at Kongela, who were known from an intercepted
letter to be then two hundred and sixty-four strong. A
large gun was placed in a boat, with orders to the boatmen
to convey it to a spot where the troops would receive it.
The attack was badly planned. It was clear moonlight,
yet it was hoped to take the farmers by surprise. The
boat could reach its destination at high water only, and
* Since the issue of the previous editions of this volume, in which the seizure
of the cattle by force with the intention of retaining them was stated to be
doubtful, owing to the conflicting accounts of the two parties, I have seen a
letter which sets the matter at rest. It is one of a number of documents of the
time that were removed to Amsterdam after the British took possession of
Natal, and are still in that city, where I had the benefit of their perusal.
Written by Commandant-General Pretorius himself, and addressed to the
landdrost of Weenen, there can be no question as to its being conclusive
evidence against those who have asserted that there was no intention to keep
the cattle, that they had got mingled with the farmers' herds on the grazing
ground, and would have been sent back as soon as they could be separated.
The following is an extract from this letter:
66
'Hoofkwartier Congella avond van den 23 Meij, 1842.
"Nadat wij alle consideratie gebruikt heeft met de troepen en op alle
manieren geprobeerd heeft om met Capteijn Smit in onderhandeling te komen
om optebreeken en te vertrekken zelfs nog heden oggend heb ik een paar man
na hem gezonden nog voor het laats. Daarop zijn wij overgegaan zijn ossen
in beslag te nemen waarop hij overging om vris met de canon op ons te
schieten zelfs met de geweren, maar heeft niets uitgevoer. Wij zullen niet
opgeven voordat wij zullen gedaan hebben wat in ons vermogen zijn endien
er menschen van agter aankompt laten zij toch met de meeste spoet aankoomen
de menschen die hier zijn is nog soo vol moet en so eensgezind als een eenig
man om onze eer en vrijheid te verdedigen.”
2 A
370
[1842
History of South Africa.
the troops, by the route taken, theirs only when the tide
was out.
The distance was a march of about three miles,
and the road was along a patch of dense thicket. There
is but one way of accounting for such a movement, and
that is on the supposition that the commanding officer
altogether underrated the vigilance and courage of his
opponents.
The troops were marching fully exposed past the thicket,
with two field-pieces drawn by bullocks, when a sharp fire
was opened upon them. They returned the volley, but
without doing the slightest damage to the farmers, who
were well protected and thoroughly concealed. Another
discharge from the thicket wounded some of the oxen,
which broke loose from the yokes and rushed furiously
about, adding to the confusion. There was no remedy but
retreat. Sixteen killed and thirty-one wounded were found
by the farmers on the ground next day; but when the roll
was called, fifty out of the hundred and thirty-eight men
who formed the expedition were not there to answer to their
names. The three missing are supposed in the confusion to
have got into deep water, and to have been drowned. The
two guns, the oxen, and indeed everything that could be
left behind, fell into the hands of the farmers.
Captain Smith was closely followed to his camp, where
he prepared for defence. There was, however, no attempt.
to storm the position, but until dawn a desultory fire was
kept up, by which one farmer-Abraham Greyling by name
-was killed.
At sunrise the farmers returned to their
quarters. The wounded soldiers were carefully tended, and
as there was no medical man at Kongela, they were all
sent to the English camp in the course of the day. The
dead bodies of the soldiers were also sent to the camp for
burial by their late comrades.
Mr. Richard King, an old resident at Durban, who was
an expert horseman and thoroughly acquainted with the
route and the tribes to the southward, now undertook to
ride overland to Grahamstown with intelligence of the
-
1842]
371
The Republic of Natal.
द
disaster. Mr. George Christopher Cato, who since 1839 had
been agent at Natal for the mercantile establishment of Mr.
John Owen Smith of Port Elizabeth, ferried him across the
inlet, so as to avoid passing the farmers' quarters; and
King, though fired at, got safely away.
The 25th passed without any event of importance. The
troops were busily engaged strengthening their camp, in
hourly expectation of an attack, but no enemy appeared.
Just before daylight on the morning of the 26th about a
hundred farmers presented themselves at the Point, and
called upon the sergeant in command of the guard there to
surrender. This he refused to do, whereupon they opened
fire, killing two soldiers and an old English resident named
Charles Adams, and wounding two soldiers. The sergeant
then surrendered, when an eighteen-pounder, with all the
stores and ammunition brought by the Pilot, fell into the
hands of the farmers. This was immediately followed by
the seizure of the Pilot and the Mazeppa, but with the
exception of the masters no one was removed from these
vessels. The property of Captain Smith and of such other
persons as were in arms against the republic was declared
confiscated by the volksraad, and a party of men under
direction of Messrs. Michiel and Servaas van Breda went
on board the Mazeppa and removed it. Mr. Pretorius then
sent to propose that the troops should leave in the Pilot
and the Mazeppa; and Captain Smith agreed to a truce
until the 31st of the month, under pretence of considering
the matter. His real object was to gain time to strengthen
his defences and increase his supply of provisions by salting
down cattle which Mr. William Cowie and some other
residents of Durban were conveying to the camp by night.
The negotiations for removal of course came to nothing,
and at six o'clock in the morning of the 31st of May the
camp was invested and fire was opened upon it from the
farmers' batteries, on which were mounted the eighteen-
pounder taken at the Point and the two six-pounders taken
on the night of the 23rd. Sixteen of the soldiers captured
372
[1842
History of South Africa.
at the Point, together with ten English residents of Durban
who had assisted the troops-G. C. Cato, F. Armstrong, S.
Beningfield, J. Douglas, J. Hogg, H. Ogle, H. Parkins,
D. Toohey, F. McCabe, and B. Schwikkard-were sent as
prisoners to Maritzburg.
On the 1st of June the reverend Mr. Archbell, then
Wesleyan missionary at Durban, was requested by Mr.
Pretorius to go to the camp with a flag of truce, and propose
that the women and children should be removed for safety
to the Mazeppa. The offer was gladly accepted, and
twenty-eight individuals in all, including the wives and
children of several of the prisoners at Maritzburg, took
refuge on board that vessel.
Captain Smith then determined to defend himself to the
last extremity. He had caused deep trenches to be dug, in
which the soldiers could remain in security, and he increased
his stock of provisions by slaughtering his horses and drying
their flesh. The men were put upon short allowance, which,
as the siege advanced, became less and less, until they had
nothing more than a few ounces of biscuit dust and dried
horseflesh daily. Fortunately there was no want of water,
which was obtained from wells sunk within the camp.
The arrival of Commandant Mocke with a large contingent
raised the force under command of Mr. Pretorius to six
hundred men. They fortified the entrance to the inner
harbour, and pressed the siege with vigour. Their cannon
balls having become exhausted, they manufactured others
by casting leaden ones over links cut from a chain cable.
But so well were the soldiers protected that the fire against
them was almost harmless, only eight men being killed and
eight wounded on the British side during the twenty-six
days that the siege lasted, though six hundred and fifty-one
cannon shot were fired at the camp. On the other side four
men were killed, and eight or ten-the exact number cannot
be given-were wounded.
On the 10th of June the crew of the Mazeppa managed
to slip the cable and get to sea, being in hope of meeting
1842]
373
The Republic of Natal.
with a British ship-of-war, from which relief could be
obtained. There was very little food and no ballast on
board, and the schooner had to run the gauntlet at the
Point, sailing slowly along, with a light breeze, at a distance
of only thirty yards from eighty farmers armed with muskets
and a four-pounder. Her sails and rigging were pretty well
cut up, but no one on board was hurt. She ran northward
as far as Delagoa Bay, and then, having met with no assist-
ance, put about and found the frigate Southampton at the
outer anchorage of Natal.
Famine was beginning to tell upon the soldiers, and they
could have held out only a very short time longer, when in
the evening of the 24th of June rockets flashing through
the air over the outer anchorage announced that relief was at
hand. All that night and the next day the famished soldiers
watched and waited in vain. As night fell on the 25th
rockets were again seen shooting skyward, and soon after
dark the booming of heavy guns far out at sea was heard.
When Richard King reached Grahamstown with intelli-
gence of the disaster at Natal, one hundred rank and file of
the 27th regiment, under Captain Durnford, were at once
sent by Colonel Hare to Port Elizabeth, and were there
embarked in a coasting schooner named the Conch, which
was chartered as a transport. Captain Bell, the master of
this vessel, had been to Natal before, and was well acquainted
with the harbour. On the 11th of June the Conch sailed
from Algoa Bay. She arrived at the outer anchorage of
Natal on the 24th, and sent up the rockets that evening
which were seen from the camp.
As soon as the news reached Capetown, a wing of the
25th regiment, then under orders for India, was embarked
in the frigate Southampton. Lieutenant-Colonel Abraham
Josias Cloete, deputy-quarter-master-general of the forces in
South Africa and a member of one of the oldest European
families in the country, was directed to take command.
The Southampton sailed from Simon's Bay on the 14th of
June. She arrived off Natal during the night of the 25th,
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History of South Africa.
and it was the booming of her guns in answer to the rockets
from the Conch which was heard in the camp.
A few additional troops and some stores were sent from
Table Bay on the 15th of June in a chartered brig named
the Maid of Mona, but she did not reach Natal in time to
be of any service.
On Sunday the 26th of June 1842 a light breeze was
blowing from the south-east, of which Colonel Cloete deter-
mined to take advantage. The Bluff at the entrance to the
inner harbour was occupied by three hundred and fifty
farmers, who could pour down a torrent of musket balls
upon the deck of any vessel attempting to pass.
Southampton was therefore brought as close to the bar as
was considered prudent, and from that position she opened
her broadside and dispersed all who were within reach of
her guns.
The
To the hundred men already on board the Conch thirty-
five were added, and eighty-five were embarked in boats and
taken in tow. Colonel Cloete himself was in command of
the party, and Captain Hill, of the royal navy, was in
charge of the boats. A line was run along the schooner a
couple of feet above her bulwarks, and was covered with
the soldiers' blankets, to prevent the men on deck from
being aimed at. Having taken this precaution, all sail was
set on the Conch, and at three o'clock in the afternoon,
with the wind and tide in her favour, she crossed the bar,
passing under the farmers' fire with the loss of three soldiers.
killed and three soldiers and two sailors wounded.
The troops were landed without further resistance, for the
farmers were already retreating. At four o'clock Colonel
Cloete met Captain Smith, and the camp was relieved.
Commandant Mocke and the burghers from beyond the
mountains now abandoned the cause, and returned to their
homes. The farmers of Natal also deserted in such numbers
that Mr. Pretorius was soon left without power of resistance.
He therefore formed a camp a few miles inland, and awaited
the course of events.
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The Republic of Natal.
Colonel Cloete, as senior in rank, assumed command of
the whole of the troops in Natal. And now another diffi-
culty arose. The Conch had hardly any provisions on
board, the Maid of Mona had not yet arrived, and a sudden
gale sprang up which compelled the Southampton to put to
sea before anything of consequence could be landed. Under
these circumstances the fresh troops were in danger of
suffering from hunger as much as those they had been the
means of relieving.
Some hundreds of blacks were hovering about the neigh-
bourhood. Their condition had greatly improved since the
occupation of the country by the white people, and they
were now in possession of small herds of cattle and plenty
of maize, pumpkins, and tobacco, the products of their
gardens. Certainly they had no reason to take part against
the farmers, but on this, as on every other occasion of the
kind of which South African history furnishes a record, the
Panda even,
Bantu were ready to join the winning cause.
the vassal of the emigrants, showed himself no exception to
this rule. When Captain Smith was in almost desperate
circumstances he managed to communicate with the Zulu
chief, whom he vainly entreated to come to his aid. "No,"
was the reply, "you are now fighting for the upper hand,
and whichever wins must be my master." So he refused
to assist either party. But as soon as the troops proved the
strongest, he sent messengers to Colonel Cloete to say that
he was about to march against the farmers, and it was only
when he was informed that he must not do so that he
abandoned the project.
In his necessity Colonel Cloete called upon the blacks in
the neighbourhood of Durban to bring him all the horses
and cattle they could get, and they, interpreting this order
into a general plundering license, commenced to ravage the
nearest farms. Three emigrants, named Dirk van Rooyen,
Theunis Oosthuizen, and Cornelis van Schalkwyk, were
murdered in cold blood. Mr. Pretorius sent a letter of
remonstrance against these proceedings to Colonel Cloete,
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History of South Africa.
who replied that he would endeavour to prevent excesses,
but that he could not withdraw the order. "You," wrote
he, "have caused this state of things by rebelling, and you
must bear the consequences."
Colonel Cloete then called upon the farmers to acknow-
ledge that they were the queen's subjects, and to break up
their military organisation. Mr. Pretorius replied by letter
on the 4th of July, that it was impossible to accede to con-
ditions which required as a preliminary step a declaration of
submission to the queen's authority. He stated that the
emigrants had already made over the country to the king
of the Netherlands, and had called
upon that power to
protect them, so that they had every reason to expect that
their cause would be supported in Europe.
The farmers now retired to Maritzburg, where a meeting
of the volksraad took place at which the discussions were
so stormy and the language of party recrimination was so
violent that the best men lost all hope of being able to
defend the country. Messrs. Pretorius, Boshof, Landman,
and others thereupon sent an invitation to Colonel Cloete to
visit Maritzburg for the purpose of talking matters over,
and they guaranteed perfect safety and full freedom in
going and returning.
The colonel accepted the invitation, and on the 14th of
July, accompanied by Major D'Urban and Lieutenants
Napier, Maclean, and Fuller, he entered the emigrant
capital. Confusion is but a weak word to describe the
condition of affairs there. One little group after another
had gone to their farms, declaring they would take no part
in any arrangement whatever. Mr. J. N. Boshof, who was
then elected president, Mr. Pretorius, and Mr. Landman were
using all their influence to induce the excited farmers to
come to terms, but the argument that had most effect
was that by doing so time would be gained for Holland
to interfere in their behalf. On the 15th of July half of
the members of the volksraad consented to the following
conditions:-
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The Republic of Natal.
1. The immediate release of all prisoners, whether soldiers
or civilians.
2. The giving up of all cannon, those taken from the
troops as well as others, with the ammunition and stores
belonging to them.
3. The restitution of all public and private property that
had been seized and was then in their possession.
These conditions were signed by Mr. Boshof and eleven
other members of the volksraad, and with a declaration of
their submission to the authority of the queen, comprised
all that they engaged to do.
On the other hand Colonel Cloete agreed to a general
amnesty, excepting only the persons of Joachim Prinsloo,
late president, Jacobus Johannes Burger, late secretary of
the volksraad, and Michiel and Servaas van Breda, who
had removed the goods from the Mazeppa; to respect all
private property; to permit the farmers to return to their
homes with their guns and horses, and to protect them
against the blacks; not to interfere with the existing
administration or civil institutions until the pleasure of the
queen should be made known, except in the district bounded
on the east by the Umgeni, on the west by the Umlazi, and
on the north by a line along the crest of the Berea hills
and the ridges between those rivers, which district was to
be under the exclusive control of the commander of the
troops; to leave all revenue at the disposal of the volksraad,
except the port and customs dues, which were to belong to
the crown; and not to disturb the blacks on any lands then
occupied by them.
Matters having been arranged in this manner, Colonel
Cloete returned to Capetown with four companies of the
25th, to be in readiness to embark for India. An old tender
named the Fawn, under command of Lieutenant Joseph
Nourse, was sent to Natal with a strong armed crew, and
was anchored in the inner harbour, where she served as a
floating fort until June 1844, when she was sold as a hulk.
Upon her arrival the remaining company of the 25th was
378
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History of South Africa.
withdrawn, and the late commanding officer, now entitled
Major Smith, was left with a garrison consisting of two
hundred and seventy-five men of the 27th, twelve Cape
mounted riflemen, twenty-four artillerymen, and twenty
engineers.
These arrangements seem incapable of being misunder-
stood; yet the great majority of the emigrants afterwards
maintained that they implied nothing more than a truce of
six months. The volksraad continued its functions, and
party feeling ran as high as ever. Mr. Pretorius resigned
his office, and Mr. Gerrit Rudolph was appointed com-
mandant-general in his stead, as if the country was perfectly
independent. On the 11th of August Sir George Napier
issued a proclamation offering a reward of £250 for the
apprehension of each of the four persons excepted from the
amnesty, but they continued to live as publicly as before,
and no one thought of disturbing them.
CHAPTER XXXI.
NATAL IN A TRANSITION STATE. 1842 TO 1845.
WHILE the events narrated in the last chapter were taking
place, important despatches concerning Natal were passing
between Sir George Napier and Lord Stanley.
On the 6th of December 1841 the governor wrote that
he was resuming military occupation of the port, and
recommending that a colony should be established there.
Lord Stanley replied on the 10th of April 1842 that
nany considerations concurred to dissuade the imperial
government from increasing its responsibilities in South
Africa. They were derived from a general survey of the
extent of the British possessions in different parts of the
world, from the magnitude of the naval and military forces
required for their defence, and from the demands to which
the national revenue was already subject. He believed that
the establishment of a colony at Natal would be attended
with little prospect of advantage, that for many years it
would be a serious charge upon the revenues of the parent
state, that it would tend to disperse the population and
impair the resources of the Cape Colony, and that it would
bring Great Britain into new and hazardous relations with
aboriginal tribes. He instructed the governor to inform the
emigrants that their pretensions to be regarded as an inde-
pendent state or community could not be admitted, that the
allegiance which they owed to the British crown was an
obligation which it was not in their power to disclaim or
violate with impunity, that within the limits of her Majesty's
dominions they would receive from their sovereign effective
379
380
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History of South Africa.
protection of their persons and property, and that by remov-
ing beyond the boundaries they forfeited their claim to
protection, though they did not absolve themselves from
responsibility to the queen for their conduct.
The governor was directed further to offer an amnesty
and pardon to all who would return to the Cape Colony
within a specified time, and to render every assistance in
his power to facilitate their doing so. Those who should
persist in residing in the territories of which they had taken
possession were to be informed that her Majesty's govern-
ment would adopt every practicable method of preventing
commercial intercourse and communication between them
and the people of the Cape Colony; that if they should
presume to molest the Kaffir tribes with which her Majesty
was in alliance, military aid would be afforded to the tribes;
and that any of the emigrants found in arms against the
forces of their sovereign, whether beyond or within the
precincts of the colony, would be regarded by the queen as
rebels, and be liable to be dealt with accordingly.
Finally the governor was instructed to desire the admiral
on the station to intercept all supplies sent by sea to Natal,
and immediately to withdraw the military detachment from
the port.
On the 25th of July Sir George Napier wrote, acknow-
ledging the receipt of this despatch, and stating that he took
upon himself the responsibility of not carrying the instruc-
tions into effect until he should have a reply to what he was
then communicating. At great length he explained his views.
He had come to South Africa, he said, determined to uphold
the policy of the secretary of state, by refusing on every
occasion to listen to schemes which contemplated an
enlargement of the territorial limits of the Cape Colony;
but he had changed that opinion. He then reviewed the
events that led to the existing condition of affairs, and
stated that he could not protect the blacks or control the
inland trade as Lord Stanley desired without a much greater
force than he had at his disposal. The occupation of Port
:
1842]
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Natal in a Transition State.
D
Natal was necessary as a check upon unrestricted commerce.
The facility with which munitions of war could be smuggled
through that port, if it were not in English hands, was
very great. In conclusion, he referred to the disastrous
consequences to friendly whites and blacks of the withdrawal
of the troops, and maintained that keeping possession and
colonising the country from the Tugela to the Umzimkulu
was the best course that could be followed under the
circumstances.
On the 12th of October Lord Stanley replied that he
considered the governor justified in not withdrawing the
troops from Natal. He approved of the provisional measures
taken, and would bring the question before his colleagues.
On the 13th of December he wrote again, instructing
the governor to send a commissioner to Natal to investigate
matters there and report upon them. He was to inform the
inhabitants that the queen approved of the amnesty, that
they were taken under her protection, and that they would
be allowed to retain all lands actually occupied for twelve
months previous to the commissioner's arrival. The revenue
from land and customs would be vested in the queen and
applied exclusively to the maintenance of the civil govern-
ment. Her Majesty was anxious to place the institutions
of the country upon such a footing as might be most
acceptable to the people, consistent with her authority, and
the commissioner was therefore to invite an expression of
opinion. In legislation, however, the queen reserved the
most entire freedom of action. The commissioner was to
understand that he was sent to collect information, and
not authorised to make any definite arrangements. What-
ever might be the institutions ultimately sanctioned, three
conditions were absolutely essential, namely:-
1. That there should not be, in the eye of the law, any
distinction or disqualification whatever, founded on mere
difference of colour, origin, language, or creed; but that the
protection of the law, in letter and in substance, should be
extended impartially to all alike.
382
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History of South Africa.
2. That no aggression should be sanctioned upon the
natives residing beyond the limits of the colony, under any
plea whatever, by any private person or any body of men,
unless acting under the immediate authority and orders of
the government.
3. That slavery in any shape or under any modification
should be absolutely unlawful, as in every other portion of
her Majesty's dominions.
This despatch was received in Capetown on the 23rd of
April 1843, and on the 12th of May Sir George Napier
issued a proclamation appointing Advocate Henry Cloete
her Majesty's commissioner for the district of Port Natal,
and announcing that
that this district, "according to such
convenient limits as should be fixed upon and defined,
would be recognised and adopted by the queen as a British
colony." All farms occupied for twelve months before the
commissioner's arrival would be registered by him, and their
possession be confirmed to the occupants. Advocate Cloete
was a brother of Colonel A. J. Cloete, and a member of
the legislative council of the Cape. On the 5th of June he
and his secretary, Mr. C. J. Buissinne, arrived at Natal,
where the emigrants were found in a state of unusual
excitement.
On the 8th of the preceding month the schooner
Brazilia had again anchored in the roadstead.
She was
from Rotterdam, with a clearance for Mauritius, but her
real destination was Natal. Upon Mr. Smellekamp's return
to Holland, the government of the Netherlands not only
declined to countenance any act that could be construed
into encouraging the emigrants to resist British authority,
but threatened to enforce with stringency its laws against
its subjects taking part in hostilities against a friendly
Baron Kattendycke, then minister for
power.
minister for foreign
affairs, gave the strongest assurance to that effect to the
British representative at the Hague, and a copy of his
assurance was printed in South Africa and circulated by the
government with a view of informing the emigrants how
1843]
383
Natal in a Transition State.
vain were their expectations of aid from that quarter.
They, however, professed to regard it as not authentic.
But if the government of the Netherlands disclaimed
sympathy with the emigrants, many Dutch subjects were
their enthusiastic advocates. A society was formed at
Amsterdam, termed the "commission for supplying the
religious wants of the inhabitants at Natalia."
It was
composed of persons of respectability and wealth, and was
directed by a committee of clergymen of the Dutch reformed
church, Mr. Swart, who has been already mentioned, being
its guiding spirit. This commission engaged the services of
a young licentiate named Ham and a schoolmaster named
Martineau as pioneers to the emigrant republic.
A small trading company was also formed at Amsterdam,.
Mr. Swart and Mr. Ohrig being leading men in it. The
Brazilia was engaged, and for the second time sent out,
with Mr. Smellekamp as chief director, Mr. and Mrs. Ham
and Mr. Martineau, who were to place themselves at the
disposal of the volksraad, and an assistant trader, who was
to set up a store at Port Natal. Upon the Brazilia casting
anchor, Skipper Reus and Mr. Smellekamp went ashore,
but were not permitted by Major Smith to communicate
with any one except himself and his officers. Lieutenant
Nourse, of the Fawn, went on board the Brazilia and
examined her
cargo with the expressed intention of
detaining her if he should find any munitions of war..
Nothing of the kind was discovered, and the skipper and
director were allowed to return to their vessel after being
informed by Major Smith that he would permit nothing
whatever to be landed unless they produced a clearance-
from a port of the Cape Colony.
The Brazilia then sailed for Delagoa Bay, where Mrs.
Ham died. The schoolmaster had died on the passage out.
Messrs. Smellekamp and Ham landed at Lourenço Marques
with their personal property and some cases of books sent
out by the Amsterdam commission, and the Brazilia
proceeded to Java to look for a market for her cargo.
384
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History of South Africa.
By Major Smith's action the farmers were thoroughly
convinced that the document circulated by Sir George
Napier was spurious, and that Mr. Smellekamp was
expelled because he had something important to tell them.
Another matter causing great excitement was an influx
of an enormous number of Zulus, which was then taking
place. Panda, upon suspicion that some of his subjects
were conspiring against him, had recently put his brother
Xoxo to death with the usual circumstances of barbarity,
had caused his brother's wives to be ripped up and the
brains of their children to be dashed out, and was
proceeding to exterminate all whom he suspected, when a
great rush was made into Natal. In the course. of eight
or ten days it was calculated that no fewer than fifty
thousand individuals of both sexes and all ages crossed the
Tugela to be under
under the white man's protection. The
principal fugitive was a chieftainess of high rank, a widow
of Senzangakona, named Mawa, from whom this inroad is
commonly called in the documents of that day "the flight
of Mawa."
Panda sent messengers to Major Smith to demand that
the fugitives should be compelled to return, and that the
cattle they had taken with them should be given up, but
the major refused to do either. He was horrified at the
cruelty perpetrated upon Xoxo's family, and announced that
he would protect Mawa and her people.
Fifty thousand strangers were wandering up and down
Natal. Wherever the pasture suited them, or a locality
took their fancy, there they settled for the time being. In
terror many of the farmers abandoned their homes and
sought safety in Maritzburg. They wanted a commando
called out to clear the country, their view being that the
fugitives should be compelled to return to Zululand, but
should be located there in a district by themselves, and that
Panda should be given clearly to understand that if he
molested them the farmers would punish him severely.
But Major Smith threatened to assist the fugitives if force
1843]
385
Natal in a Transition State.
was used against them, so that the farmers were prevented
from taking any action.
When Mr. Cloete reached Maritzburg, the machinery of
the emigrant government, with the exception of the
volksraad, was at a complete standstill. There was not a
sixpence in the treasury. The salaries of the officials, petty
as they were, were months in arrear, and there was no
prospect of any of them ever being paid. Since the loss of
the customs and the port dues, the receipts had been next
to nothing. In all the country there. was only one
individual, an infirm half-breed, doing duty as a policeman.
The landdrosts gave judgment when cases. were brought
before them, but they had no means of enforcing their
decisions, consequently their sentences were in most instances
disregarded.
On the 9th of June the commissioner had a meeting with
four or five hundred of the inhabitants of Maritzburg, and
made them a long address explaining the object of his visit
and enlarging upon the advantages of a settled government
under the English flag. When he had concluded, a farmer
named Anthonie Fick rose up and read a resolution
adopted at a mass meeting the day before, that the
emigrants should not communicate with the British com-
missioner until they had seen Mr. Smellekamp. Immediately
there was an uproar, which did not cease until the meeting
dispersed. A little later in the day Mr. Cloete received a
letter from the secretary Bodenstein, informing him that the
volksraad had adjourned until the first Monday in August,
to allow of deputies and "the public" from beyond the
Drakensberg being present.
The commissioner, however, had by this time discovered
that some of the best men in the country were prepared
to accept the proposed government as offering the only
alternative from anarchy. There was hardly one who had
been in office but who candidly admitted that the republic
of Natal was a failure. Mr. Jan Philip Zietsman, then
landdrost of Maritzburg, waxed eloquent when describing
2 B
386
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History of South Africa.
Messrs. Joachim
the utter impotency of its officials.
Prinsloo, Bernard Rudolph, A. W. Pretorius, J. N. Boshof,
C. P. Landman, and L. Badenhorst all gave the commissioner
information to the same effect.
Mr. Cloete thereupon returned to Durban and requested
Major Smith to occupy Maritzburg with two hundred and
fifty soldiers, so as to support the well affected, before the
meeting of the volksraad. The major considered that it
would be imprudent to march inland with a smaller force
than five hundred men, and as he had not so many under
his command, he could not comply. The commissioner wrote
to Sir George Napier, and two hundred rank and file of
the 45th regiment, being all that could be spared, were sent
from Capetown in the Thunderbolt, which reached Natal on
the 21st of July; but the governor's opinion was against
the proposed military movement, so that it did not take
place.
In the mean time the commissioner called upon the
inhabitants of Natal to send in their claims to land, with
particulars of occupation, in order that the intentions of the
secretary of state might be carried out. The majority of the
people ignored him, however, and very few returns were
sent in. As an instance, he reported to Sir George Napier
that there were four hundred and fifty erven in Maritzburg,
most of them built upon or cultivated, but after ample time
had elapsed claims to only one hundred and twenty had
been made. Beyond the Umzimkulu he believed there were
no farms occupied then or during the previous twelve
months, though he ascertained that some situated there
were registered in the title book kept by the volksraad.
By the end of July armed bands of farmers from beyond
the mountains began to arrive at Maritzburg. Mr. Cloete
ascertained that there were no less than fourteen distinct
parties, numbering altogether some ten thousand souls, who
did not acknowledge the authority of either the volksraad or
the adjunct raad. The two largest of these independent.
parties were under Commandants Mocke and Greyling. On
1843]
387
Natal in a Transition State.
this occasion several of these communities claimed the right
of taking part in the proceedings, on account of their South
African blood. Commandant Mocke arrived at Maritzburg
at the head of two hundred armed men, and was followed by
eight or ten others, each with a small band of adherents.
On the 30th of July the commandants who were most
opposed to submission, believing that there would be perfect
unanimity with their views and desiring that the commis-
sioner should see that the whole of the emigrants were
determined to stand or fall together, wrote to Mr. Cloete
inviting him to be present at Maritzburg on the 7th of
August, and pledging themselves for his safety. This letter
was signed by Commandant-General Gerrit Rudolf, Com-
mandants Jan Kock, J. G. Mocke, J. P. Delport, and eighteen
others. Mr. A. W. Pretorius wrote separately to Mr. Cloete,
assuring him of personal safety.
On Saturday the 5th of August the commissioner arrived
at Maritzburg from Durban, and found six or seven hundred
armed men in the town. The volksraad was to meet on the
7th. At the close of 1842 twenty-four members had been
elected as usual for the ensuing year, but eight of these had
never taken their seats. Among these eight were Messrs. J.
N. Boshof and A. W. Pretorius. The sixteen members met
on Monday the 7th, and were joined by two of those who had
previously abstained from taking part in the proceedings.
The commandants from beyond the Drakensberg then
demanded that an entirely new volksraad of thirty-six
members should be elected by the whole of the emigrants.
To this the eighteen members objected, and they refused to
resign; but they passed a resolution to allow the emigrants
from beyond the mountains to fill up the number to thirty-six.
At this stage Commandant Mocke, finding his party less
powerful than he had expected it to be, withdrew from the
deliberations, heaping abuse upon his
upon his opponents. The
commissioner feared every moment that blood would be
shed, for several hundred armed men, violently agitated,
were quarrelling with each other, some stamping their guns
A-
388
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History of South Africa.
upon the ground amid an uproar of voices. The ferment
was at length allayed by the expostulations and entreaties.
of Messrs. A. W. Pretorius and Joachim Prinsloo, and at a
late hour of the night the crowd dispersed, after an arrange-
ment by which the volksraad was made up to thirty-two
members, namely twenty-four for Natal and eight for
Winburg' and Potchefstroom.
On the morning of Tuesday the 8th the enlarged volks-
raad met, and Mr. Stephanus Maritz was chosen president.
At his instigation a discussion was brought on as to the
extent in which the people beyond the mountains would be
affected by any arrangement with the commissioner, and it
was observed that they had not been parties to the agree-
ment with Colonel Cloete in the preceding year. A
deputation was sent to the commissioner's lodgings to ask
him how far the queen intended to assert her authority, to
which he replied that he could not say, but that he intended
to recommend the Drakensberg as the future boundary of
Natal. The members for Winburg and Potchefstroom then
determined to withdraw, as they said the settlement of the
question would not affect them.
The deliberations were continued with incessant clamour.
At length a resolution was adopted offering to surrender
absolutely and unconditionally a strip of country along the
coast, if the commissioner would receive it with defined
limits; but when this offer was made he stated that he had
no power to accept such a cession, and that the queen's
government alone could decide finally upon the question of
boundaries.
The proceedings were next interrupted by a mass
meeting of the women of Maritzburg. The commissioner
good-naturedly went into the court-room where they were
assembled, when he found every means of getting out closed
against him. For two hours he was obliged to listen to an
impassioned harangue from Mrs. Smit, the wife of the
infirm clergyman, in which their grievances were enumerated,
and which was followed by the unanimous declaration that
1843]
389
Natal in a Transition State.
rather than submit to English rule again they would march
barefoot over the mountains to liberty or death.
After this interruption the volksraad proceeded with its
debates, and recognising the fact that resistance was out of
the question, resolved upon endeavouring to obtain the best
terms possible. A deputation waited upon the commissioner
and informed him that the members were unanimous in
their decision to submit to the queen's authority, if only
the first of the three conditions laid down as essential in the
secretary of state's despatch could be modified. They were
quite prepared to agree to the second and third of those
conditions in letter and in spirit, but they saw insurmount-
able difficulties in the way of carrying out the first. If
nature herself had not made a great constitutional difference
between white men and black, the training of the two races
during countless generations had been so unlike that it
seemed to the volksraad impossible that they should live
harmoniously together under exactly the same laws. As
well might one put the horse and the ox in the same yoke.
Could not the first condition be modified and so expressed
as to prevent any oppression or injustice to the blacks,
without putting them upon precisely the same
same political
footing as the whites?
Mr. Cloete replied that it was beyond his power to make
the slightest departure from the letter of the conditions.
The volksraad then gave way to necessity, and with only
one dissentient voice resolved to submit. As evening was
setting in the members forwarded a declaration to the
commissioner, in which they agreed to accept the three
conditions. The declaration was signed by J. S. Maritz,
president, M. G. Potgieter, P. F. R. Otto, P. H. Zietsman,
B. Poortman, W. S. Pretorius, S. A. Cilliers, G. Z. Naude,
G. R. van Rooyen, C. P. Botma, L. J. Meyer, E. F. Potgieter,
P. R. Nel, A. F. Spies, P. G. Human, J. A. Kriel, W. A. van
Aardt, G. C. Viljoen, Gerrit Snyman, H. S. van den Berg,
A. L. Visagie, M. Prinsloo, C. A. Botma, and N. J. S.
Basson.
390
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History of South Africa.
On the 9th the whole of the farmers from beyond
the mountains left Maritzburg to return to their homes,
denouncing in bitter language those who they said had
betrayed the cause of liberty by their submission to the
English government. Many of the inhabitants of Natal
were in the same frame of mind, and the subscribers to the
declaration and those who thought with them were sub-
jected to so many insults and annoyances that it became
necessary to move troops to Maritzburg for their protection.
On the 31st of August Major Smith with two hundred men
and two guns arrived and took possession of a commanding
hill at the west end of the town, where he formed a camp
which in course of time developed into Fort Napier. The
most determined among the farmers now abandoned their
homes again, and moved over the Drakensberg, so that at
the close of the year there were not more than five hundred
emigrant families left in Natal.*
It was arranged that until the appointment of officials
by the English government the volksraad should continue
to act as before, and that it should make known the wishes.
of the inhabitants as to the future administration of the
country. On the 4th of September the discussion on this
subject closed, and Mr. Cloete was requested by letter to
recommend that Natal should be constituted a colony distinct
from that of the Cape of Good Hope, with the machinery
of government as simple and inexpensive as possible.
The volksraad desired that there should be a legislative
council of twelve members, elected by the burghers for two
years, six to form a quorum. That no one should be entitled
to vote unless he was in possession of landed property to
the value of £150, a resident in the country for six months,
and able to read and write the English or the Dutch
language. That the governor should have power to sanction
*This is the highest computation, and is that of the reverend Abraham
Faure, who made a pastoral tour through Natal at this time at the instance
of the Cape government. The reverend Mr. Lindley's computation at the
close of 1843 was three hundred and sixty-five families. No census was taken
by the landdrosts.
1843]
391
Natal in a Transition State.
or reject laws enacted by the council, those approved of to
have immediate effect. That the landdrosts should have
jurisdiction without appeal in criminal cases to the extent
of sentencing to a fine of thirty shillings or fourteen days'
imprisonment, and in civil cases of less value than thirty
shillings. That the landdrosts with two heemraden or
justices of the peace should have jurisdiction without appeal
in criminal cases to the extent of sentencing to a fine of
five pounds, a month's imprisonment, or twenty-five lashes,
That
and in civil cases of less value than five pounds.
courts of landdrost and heemraden should hold monthly
sessions. That a circuit court composed of two or more
landdrosts and two or more heemraden, with a jury of
nine persons, should sit once in six months to try more
serious cases. That no sentence of death, transportation, or
imprisonment for more than two years, should be executed
without the governor's fiat. That the governor should have
That
a right of mitigation or remission of punishment.
the governor with two or more members of the executive
council should sit once in three months as a court of
appeal in civil cases. That with the exception of local
enactments the laws should be those of the Cape Colony.
That the language of the courts of law should be Dutch,
except where the majority of the inhabitants of a district
spoke English. That the inhabitants of each district should
every two years nominate eight persons, of whom the
governor should select four as heemraden. That the land-
drosts should be elected by the people of their districts,
but be confirmed by the governor, who should have power
of rejection. That all inferior officers should be appointed
by the governor alone. That every town or village, at the
request of the inhabitants, should be constituted a munici-
pality. That religion should be free, that there should be
no state church, but that all should be entitled to protection.
That education should be provided for by the legislature.
That all grants of land made by the volksraad should
remain undisturbed. That trade should be permitted with
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History of South Africa.
all nations, except the bordering tribes until laws could be
framed to forbid the sale of guns and ammunition. That
paper money should not be forced into circulation. That
there should be no compulsory military service. That the
inland boundary of the colony should be the Drakensberg
until the people beyond were willing to come under the
queen's authority. And that the immigration of paupers
should be prohibited.
The all-important subject of the recent influx of refugees
from Zululand came next under discussion. Every emigrant
in Natal felt that the question really was whether the
country was to become a white or a black settlement. Its
discussion occupied the volksraad two days, and resulted in
a request to the commissioner to recommend that the
refugees should
should be
be removed over the Tugela and the
Umzimvubu, with the exception of such as should choose
to take service, no farmer, however, being permitted to
engage more than five
The volksraad then
five families.
adjourned.
Mr. Cloete as his next proceeding resolved upon paying
Panda a visit. On the 18th of September he left Durban
with that object, accompanied by his clerk - Mr. C. J.
Buissinne, an interpreter-Mr. Joseph Kirkman, a guide—
Mr. D. C. Toohey, and Messrs. Gerrit Rudolph and Henry
Ogle, who went out of curiosity. On the 1st of October he
had an interview with Panda, and found him prepared to
comply with everything proposed. The Zulu chief must
have felt that his position at the time was similar to that
of Dingan in the early days of 1840, and that it would be
dangerous to refuse anything asked of him.
The commissioner proposed a new boundary between
Zululand and Natal, namely the Umzinyati or Buffalo river
from its source to its junction with the Tugela, and thence
the Tugela to the sea, instead of the Tugela along its whole
course. Panda consented without demur, and on the 5th of
October an agreement to this effect was drawn up in
writing and was formally signed and witnessed. The new
1843]
393
Natal in a Transition State.
boundary gave to Natal a large and valuable tract of
country, but a portion of it was occupied by natives. In
making this agreement the independence of the Zulu tribe
was assumed, and after this date the authorities of Natal
never spoke of Panda as a vassal or treated him as one.
On the same day, and by another formal document, the
shores at the mouth of the Umvolosi river and the bay of
St. Lucia were ceded by Panda to the queen, but the extent
of land was not defined.
The commissioner's object in obtaining this cession was to
prevent any foreign power from acquiring a harbour in the
neighbourhood of the new colony, as well as to keep the
farmers from renewing their efforts to obtain a seaport, for
after the loss of Natal many of them declared their
intention of opening a communication with the outside
world through St. Lucia Bay. On these grounds the cession
was subsequently confirmed by the imperial government, but
Panda was informed that there was no intention of forming
a settlement there. The arrangement making the Tugela
and Buffalo rivers the northern boundary of Natal was also
confirmed by the secretary of state, who at the same time
directed that the Drakensberg should be the inland
boundary, and that communication with the country beyond
that range should be discouraged and as far as possible
prevented, as the British government could not be
responsible either for the conduct or the protection of any
one there.
After leaving Panda's kraal, Mr. Cloete inspected St. Lucia
Bay, and then returned to Durban, where he arrived on the
21st of October.
On the 28th of September Sir George Napier issued a
proclamation placing Natal in the same relationship as any
other British possession to the Cape Colony. Its exports
were to be free of duty. Its imports were to pay the same
duties as
in the Cape Colony. This proclamation was
supplemented by another issued on the 3rd of October,
fixing the duty on Cape wines at half that payable on
394
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History of South Africa.
wines from foreign countries, and on spirits at two shillings
a gallon.
On the 21st of November the first civil servants were
appointed by Sir George Napier. They were Mr. Samuel
Woods, collector of customs, and Mr. George Prestwich, tide
waiter. Mr. Woods was found dead in his room shortly
afterwards, and Mr. William Swan Field was then appointed
collector of customs.
The number of blacks in the territory--that is the former
republic and the land between the Tugela and Buffalo rivers
--was estimated by Mr. Cloete at this time to be at least
between eighty and
eighty and one hundred
hundred thousand. He recom-
mended that they should be collected together in locations
with defined boundaries, and placed under the authority of
superintendents.
Messrs. Smellekamp and Ham were all this time at
Lourenço Marques. The former wrote to the volksraad at
Maritzburg that they need not expect aid from Holland, but
in December Messrs. Joachim Prinsloo, Gerrit Rudolph,
Cornelis Coetsee, and youth named Bezuidenhout left
Weenen on horseback, and rode to Delagoa Bay to have an
interview with him. Mr. Smellekamp informed them of the
position taken by the government of the Netherlands, and
advised them to abandon Natal and move north of the
twenty-fifth parallel of latitude, where the company which
he represented could open a trade with them either through
Delagoa Bay or some
some port farther up the coast. At
Lourenço Marques three of the party were taken ill with
fever, from the effects of which Mr. Coetsee died when
endeavouring to return, and Mr. Prinsloo fourteen days
after reaching home.
Soon after this Mr. Ham abandoned all hope of being
able to serve the emigrants, and left Lourenço Marques in a
vessel bound for Table Bay. The remainder of his life was
spent as a clergyman in the Cape Colony. Mr. Smellekamp
remained at Delagoa Bay, where he was visited by Com-
mandant Potgieter and several others, to whom he gave the
1844]
395
Natal in a Transition State.
same advice as to Mr. Prinsloo's party. In another chapter
it will be seen that this counsel was followed.*
It was not intended by the secretary of state that the
district of Natal should extend as far as the Umzimvubu
river; but he left the south-western boundary to be fixed by
the governor, with the single condition that it was not to
embrace land occupied by any well-established tribe. Fodo
and his people were living on the southern bank of the
Umzimkulu, and that river was therefore selected by Sir
Peregrine Maitland. In the opinion of his advisers it had
also the advantage of cutting off from the district a large
tract of country without a single port through which
produce could be shipped, and therefore adapted only for
pastoral purposes.
As regards the tribes with which the government had
intercourse, the policy of the day was still to a great extent
founded on the opinions of the reverend Dr. Philip, who
desired the formation of powerful native
of powerful native states under
missionary guidance. His plan was
was to
to select the best-
disposed chief within a given area, and to enter into treaty
arrangements with him. With this view, Sir Peregrine
Maitland resolved to surrender to Faku all the territory
south of the Umzimkulu, though the Pondos certainly could
not have claimed with any show of right an inch of ground
north of the Umtentu.
1
On the 7th of October 1844 a treaty was prepared and
signed by Sir Peregrine Maitland at Fort Beaufort, and
Messrs. Theophilus Shepstone and William Fynn were then
sent to Faku with it. The reverend Thomas Jenkins
explained the different clauses of the document, which Faku
unhesitatingly agreed to, and on the 23rd of November the
* The Brazilia on her homeward passage from Java put into Delagoa Bay,
and Mr. Smellekamp returned to Holland in her. In 1848 he was back in
a vessel named the Animo, but fever and the tsetse prevented him from
carrying out his plans. Undaunted still, he returned to Holland, and two
years later tried again, as the agent of a new company by which a vessel
named the Vasco da Gama was laden and sent out. His name will often
appear in connection with events after that date.
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History of South Africa.
marks of the chief and his son Ndamasi were affixed to it in
presence of Messrs. Shepstone, Fynn, and Jenkins, and four
of the leading Pondo councillors.
In this treaty Faku was acknowledged as paramount
chief over the whole country between the Umtata and
Umzimkulu rivers, from the Kathlamba mountains to the
sea, and this territory was secured to him against all claims
and pretensions on the part of British subjects. On the
other hand it bound him to be the faithful friend of the
Cape Colony, to use his best exertions to seize and deliver
up refugee criminals, to facilitate the production of evidence,
to make restitution for stolen cattle traced to his country, to
protect travellers and the post passing through and traders
and missionaries residing in his country, to prevent the
landing of goods from ships not provided with colonial
licenses, to avoid as far as possible making war with neigh-
bouring tribes, to submit to the mediation of the colonial
government any disputes with other chiefs which he could
not settle peaceably, and to aid the colony with all his forces
whenever called upon to do so.
When this treaty was signed, Sir Peregrine Maitland
was aware that there were other tribes within the bound-
aries assigned to Faku, that they were frequently fighting
with the Pondos, and that Faku exercised no jurisdiction
over them. Of their past history and their claims to inde-
pendence he knew nothing. But to set his conscience at
rest concerning them the treaty contained a provision that
the rights of all petty chiefs and tribes residing within the
territory should remain unaltered, and that they should be
allowed to live there in the same manner as before they
were disturbed by the Zulu wars.
The treaty was one of a series which gave to certain
chiefs claims to vast tracts of land which were not then in
their possession, and never had been. On this account it
could not fail to give offence to all except the favoured
tribe. So far from preventing disturbances, it tended to
increase them, as Faku now put forward claims to
1844]
397
Natal in a Transition State.
supremacy, which the other chiefs naturally resisted. Feuds
and constant strife remained as before. In July 1845
Ncapayi, the most formidable of Faku's opponents, was
killed in battle; but he left his son Makaula to carry on
hostilities. With the Pondomisis and the Xesibes also war
with the Pondos remained the normal condition of things.
Sir Peregrine Maitland thought he was securing sub-
stantial advantages by the treaty. He informed the
secretary of state that he hoped it would restrain the
Xosas from rashly attempting hostile operations against
the Cape Colony, by the knowledge that if they did so
they would have in their rear an enemy more powerful
than themselves, in alliance with the British government,
and ready to fall on them with an overwhelming force. He
thought also by it to secure a friendly neighbour on the
south-western boundary of Natal, to keep an open road to
the new dependency, and to prevent ships without a license
from discharging cargo along the coast.
On the 25th of May 1844 Lord Stanley announced to
Sir Peregrine Maitland that the form of government of
Natal was decided upon. The district was to be a
dependency of the Cape, though separate for judicial,
financial, and executive purposes. All its communications
with the secretary of state were to pass through the
governor. It was to be provided with а lieutenant-
governor, who was to be aided by an executive council of
not more than five members, and this body could
recommend such laws as it might consider necessary. On
the 31st of May letters patent were issued under the great.
seal providing-—
1. That Natal was to be part of the Cape Colony.
2. That nevertheless no colonial law or magistrate was,
by virtue of the annexation, to have force or jurisdiction
there.
3. That the governor and legislative council of the Cape
Colony, acting in the regular manner, were to have
authority to make such laws as should be needed.
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History of South Africa.
The long delay in providing an effective government was
tending to inspire the emigrants with hopes that perhaps
after all Great Britain would leave them to themselves. In
August 1844 a new volksraad was elected, as the old one
had then been in existence a full year. When the members
came together, most of them refused to take the oath of
allegiance to the queen, and declared that they did not
consider themselves bound by the deed of submission of
their predecessors. Thereupon Major Smith dissolved the
assembly, and announced that the old volksraad should
continue to act. But this body also now showed a
refractory spirit. Some recent acts of atrocity by Panda
had caused the flight of more blacks into Natal, and the
volksraad passed a resolution to eject them from all farms.
Major Smith, however, notified that he would not permit the
resolution to be carried out.
Nothing further was done by the imperial government
until the 30th of April 1845, when a commission was
issued providing that the governor of the Cape Colony
when in Natal should supersede the lieutenant-governor, and
empowering him to appoint provisionally, until the queen's
pleasure could be made known, a lieutenant-governor under
any of the following circumstances: (a) the death of the
officer holding that appointment; (b) his absence from the
territory; (c) his incapacity; (d) in the event of there
being no one commissioned by the queen.
of these clauses the secretary of state
governor to appoint provisionally some
requisite qualifications.
Under the last
instructed
the
one with the
On the 21st of August Sir Peregrine Maitland issued two
proclamations: one defining the boundaries of Natal to be
the right banks of the Tugela and Umzinyati rivers, the
south-eastern base of the Drakensberg, and the principal
western branch of the Umzimkulu to its junction with the
main stream and thence that stream to the sea; the other
announcing that "her Majesty the queen, by graciously
establishing in the district of Natal a settled form of
1845]
399
Natal in a Transition State.
government, was not to be understood as in the least
renouncing her rightful and sovereign authority over any
of her subjects residing or being beyond the limits of that
district."
The selection of a staff of officials followed. Up to this
date the only civil officers were the collector of customs and
tide waiter already mentioned, a postmaster at Durban—Mr.
William Cowie-appointed on the 22nd of December 1844,
a harbour master-Captain William Bell, previously master
of the Conch-also appointed on the 22nd of December 1844,
and a surveyor-general-Dr. William Stanger-appointed on
the 2nd of January 1845. The American board having
decided to withdraw its agents from Natal, in April 1844
Dr. Adams and the reverend Aldin Grout were offered
situations as government missionaries with salaries of £150
a year each. Dr. Adams declined, but Mr. Grout acted in
that capacity about a twelvemonth. Both then resumed
connection with the American board, which not only reversed
its previous decision, but increased the number of its agents.
On the 28th of August 1845 Lieutenant-Colonel Edward
French Boys, who had just succeeded Major Smith in
command of the garrison of Fort Napier, Dr. Stanger, and
Mr. W. S. Field were invested with the power of local
magistrates.
On the 27th of August 1845 an ordinance was passed by
the legislative council of the Cape Colony, establishing the
Roman-Dutch as the fundamental law of Natal. Another
ordinance, passed on the 16th of October, provided for the
establishment of a court under a judge to be termed a
recorder. Criminal cases were to be tried with a jury of
nine men, and in certain circumstances before sentence was
passed reference was to be made to the supreme court of
the Cape Colony. In important civil cases also there was
to be an appeal. The recorder was to be stationed at Maritz-
burg, where his ordinary duties were to be performed and
the records of cases be preserved, but twice a year he was
to hold a circuit court in the other divisions.
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History of South Africa.
On the 13th of November Mr. Martin Thomas West,
previously civil commissioner of Albany, was
Albany, was appointed
provisionally lieutenant-governor of Natal, and
was also
provided with a commission as a magistrate under the
Cape of Good Hope punishment bill. At the same time
Advocate Henry Cloete was appointed recorder, Mr. Donald
Moodie secretary to government, Mr.
government, Mr. Walter Harding
crown prosecutor, and a few days later Mr. Theophilus
Shepstone diplomatic agent for natives.* On the 22nd of
November Sir Peregrine Maitland named as members of an
executive council the senior military officer, the secretary
to government, the surveyor-general, the collector of customs,
and the crown prosecutor. With the arrival of these officers
on the 4th of December 1845 the new administration was
established.
In 1845 the imports of Natal were to the value of
£30,283 from the Cape Colony and £1,337 from foreign
countries. The exports were ivory £3,557, hides £2,538,
butter £2,246, maize £858, wool £232, and other produce
£731, in all £10,162. The vessels that put in were twenty-
one from the Cape Colony, two from Boston, and one from
Sweden.
* By the word natives was meant all Bantu, whether born on the soil or
refugees from beyond the border. The term, as employed in this country, has
no reference to place of birth other than the continent of Africa, and it is used
only of coloured people.
CHAPTER XXXII.
EVENTS NORTH OF THE ORANGE RIVER FROM 1837 TO 1843.
AMONG the first to realise the great change effected in South
African affairs by the expulsion of Moselekatse from the
territory south of the Limpopo and the overthrow of
Dingan was the chief of the mountain, as Moshesh had
come to be called, in reference to his stronghold of Thaba
Bosigo. There was now a clear field to work in, and of all
the men in the country he was the one most gifted with
the talents necessary to take advantage of it. This is
crediting him with powers of observation greater than
those of all the officers of the colonial government and of
all the missionaries with the different tribes. But it is no
more than his due. For ages the Bantu have been develop-
ing this peculiar kind of intelligence, and Moshesh was the
cleverest man that the race has produced in modern times.
It was several years after the fall of Dingan before the
stupendous consequences of that event to the blacks of
South-Eastern Africa are found recorded in official docu-
ments. One would suppose that the missionaries, at any
rate, must have quickly appreciated a change which enabled
the remnants of broken tribes to emerge from barren
mountains and deserts, and which opened to them vast
fields of labour from which they had before been excluded.
Yet they were the very last to perceive it. Their docu-
ments for many years display an almost incredible want of
power to realise the importance of events that had given
life itself to the greater number of the tribes now existing.
Who, for instance, would imagine that such a sentence as
401
2 C
402
[1840
History of South Africa.
the following could be penned by a missionary more than
five years after the expulsion of Mosele katse from the
Betshuana country? "Since the emigrant boers commenced
their aggressions upon the unoffending tribes beyond the
colonial boundary, they have spilled more than twice as
much human blood as was shed in the war which arose out
of the Kaffir invasion of the colony in the year 1835."
Yet that sentence, just as it stands here, may be seen in
a memorial to Lord Stanley from the Wesleyan missionary
society, dated 2nd of February 1843, the information in
the document having been derived from agents of that
society in South Africa. And extravagant as such language
appears at the present day, it is mild when compared with
expressions used by some of the London society's agents.
Moshesh had observed more than this. When information
was carried to Thaba Bosigo that the white men, like the
blacks, were divided into parties, and that they were
fighting with each other, the chief at once realised that he
could turn our quarrels to account; and he formed a
decision, from which he never afterwards swerved: to take
advantage of the dissensions of the Europeans, and to
profess attachment to whichever party was the stronger.
While the events which have been recorded were taking
place in Natal, the power of the Basuto chief was constantly
increasing. Individuals, families, even small clans belonging
to broken tribes, were streaming in and allying themselves
with his people. In 1837 the strong Bataung clan under
Molitsane, which has already been mentioned on several
occasions, and which has ever since taken a prominent part
in the affairs of the country, placed itself in vassalage to
Moshesh, and was located at Mekuatling. Its chief had
been for years a noted warrior, and had taken a large share
in the plunder of several of the Barolong clans.
By the
missionaries he was known as a man capable of assuming
the most varied characters, and of being equally insincere
in all. He was then already in middle age, though he
lived until October 1885. With this clan the reverend Mr.
1840]
403
Events north of the Orange.
Daumas, of the Paris evangelical society, took up his
residence.
In the opposite direction from Thaba Bosigo, along the
Orange, Morosi, Moshesh's vassal, was becoming formidable.
To the original clan of the Baphuti were now added refugees
of various tribes, among them being a strong body of Tembus
and even a number of Bushmen. During the war with the
Xosas in 1835 these people committed depredations far in
the colony, though the chief was shrewd enough to make it
appear that he was neutral. On one occasion the resident
magistrate of Somerset East with a commando followed the
spoor of stolen cattle to his residence, Klein Tafelberg.
Morosi was at the time absent on a foray in another
direction. The magistrate seized all the cattle at the kraal,
and retired with them. On Morosi's return home he was
advised to appeal to the governor, as among the cattle seized
only a few could be proved to have been stolen from the
colony. The chief acted upon this advice, and soon after-
wards proceeded to Grahamstown, where he had an
interview with Sir Benjamin D'Urban, by whom his cattle
were restored to him, 21st of October 1835. This was the
first direct intercourse between the Baphuti chief and the
colonial government.
For many years the Basuto were subject to destructive
raids from a band of Korana marauders whose fastness was
on the Riet river, but in 1836 Moshesh and Moroko joined
their forces, attacked the Koranas, and succeeded in
destroying some and dispersing the others.
And now for several years there was comparative tran-
quillity in the land. Petty disputes between the different
branches of the
the community were indeed frequent, and
occasionally a few lives were lost in an obscure brawl, but
there was
no invasion from outside, no devastation on a
large scale. The gardens were tilled again and cattle
increased, so that food became plentiful, and wherever this
is the case African tribes speedily recover the numbers
wasted by famine and war.
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History of South Africa.
It is no easy matter to
so insignificant as these
official documents of the
Some time in 1841 the Barolong captains Gontse, Tawane,
and Matlabe moved from Thaba Ntshu northward over the
Vaal, and never again returned.
follow the movements of people
chiefs, who are not mentioned in
time, of whom no newspaper editor ever heard, and who are
only casually referred to in missionary reports. The exact
date of their removal therefore cannot be given. Com-
mandant Hendrik Potgieter was then at the Mooi river, and
to him they applied for ground on which to live. To the
end of his life the commandant never forgot the services
which Matlabe and Moroko had rendered, and many years
after this, when he was far away in the north, he continued
to send frequent complimentary messages and presents to
these men who had helped him in his time of need. To be
Barolong was to have a claim which he never failed to
recognise. Accordingly, with the utmost cordiality he
acceded to their request, and ground was given to them in
the district of Potchefstroom, close to the farms occupied by
the emigrants.
According to the universal practice of the Dutch in South
Africa, these chiefs were permitted to govern those who
submitted to their rule, as long as white people were not
affected, though they were regarded as subjects by the
council at Potchefstroom, and in all matters in which
Europeans were concerned were amenable to the laws of
the civilised community.
They were more highly favoured, however, than other
Bantu, because they had acted a friendly part. The emigrant
farmers permitted many refugee clans to settle upon territory
under their government, on condition of furnishing a certain
number of labourers for a fixed term yearly, and at a fixed
rate of payment. The commandant or the landdrost of each
district apportioned the labourers among those who needed
their services, and was required to see that the conditions
were faithfully carried out. The system opened a door to
abuses, especially in places where the authority of law was
1841]
405
Events north of the Orange.
feeble; but while it has been condemned in the strongest
terms by various missionaries as being of the nature of
slavery, the farmers have as persistently maintained that in
practice it is more humane than the imposition of hut-tax.
In the one case, they assert, strong men are taught to work,
and are thus gradually civilised; in the other an additional
burden is placed upon the females, who have to grow more
grain for sale, or in some other way earn money to pay the
tax. From the labour impost the Barolong clans were free,
and they were often addressed by the farmers as allies.
In 1845 Gontse moved to another part of the district
without any notice being taken of his doings, or any im-
portance being attached to his presence in one place or the
other. At his new location he lived nearly four years,
when the thieving propensities of his followers got him into
trouble, and a few exasperated farmers compelled him to
leave. He retired to the Setlagoli river, where he died.
Masisi, his successor, moved to Taung, on the Hart river,
and died there in 1871, when Moshete became chief of this,
the elder clan of the Barolong.
Tawane and Matlabe remained near the Mooi river some
years longer. Both will be met with again.
The great majority of the emigrant farmers moved either
to Natal or to the country drained by the various tributaries
of the upper Vaal, but a few hundred families remained
along the lower Caledon. These did not acknowledge the
authority of either of the governments established at
Maritzburg and Potchefstroom, and were in point of fact
free of all control whatever. They had neither a police
nor a tribunal of justice. A few individuals of lawless
habits, taking advantage of these circumstances, removed
from the colony and fixed their abode in a territory where
they could do as they pleased. In June 1837 two of these
individuals, who were of notoriously bad character, perpe-
trated an outrage at the mission
the mission station Beersheba, by
forcibly carrying off some Bushman children with a view of
making servants of them. This matter
matter was promptly
406
[1842
History of South Africa.
brought to the notice of the colonial and imperial govern-
ments, but nothing effectual was done to punish the criminals.
Two years later other acts of violence were reported to
Colonel Hare, who replied that the criminals were in a
place where the colonial laws could not reach them, but
that being in the country of Moshesh they were subject to
his jurisdiction.
Moshesh in all probability thought very little of the
matter. The crimes committed, outrageous as they appear
to civilised Europeans, could not have been regarded as very
serious by a chief whose favourite vassals almost weekly
committed more heinous offences without a word of reproof
from him. The victims of the outrages happened not to
be his subjects either, and judging from the whole tenor
of his after-life he could not have been much interested
in their fate. He affixed his mark to the letters written
by the missionaries on the subject, and affected an air of
indignation in their presence, but in reality was almost
indifferent.
A matter, however, that really must have caused him much
anxiety was the rapid occupation by white men of the vacant
land beyond his outposts. How was the tribe of which he
was the head to grow and expand as he wished it to, if
hemmed in by farmers? In 1842 the French missionaries
computed that his people already numbered from thirty to
forty thousand souls, and that estimate was certainly not too
high. Accessions were constantly being made by the influx
of refugees from broken tribes, so that Moshesh could not
view with composure the increase of Europeans on his
borders.
At this time the reverend Dr. Philip practically exercised
the same power in the Cape Colony that the secretary for
native affairs did at a later period under responsible
government. He had the whole of the great philanthropic
and missionary societies in England to support him. With
these in opposition no ministry could retain office long, and
therefore the governor was obliged not only to consult him
1842]
407
Events north of the Orange.
on all questions affecting coloured people, but to act upon his
advice.
Dr. Philip's project of the creation of a belt of native
states under British protection along the border of the Cape
Colony had been under discussion ever since 1834, and had
been generally approved of by the French missionaries as well
as by the members of his own society. The project was that
the chiefs who were apparently the most powerful within
certain areas were to be recognised as the paramount rulers of
these territories, all other chiefs within the areas were to be
regarded as subordinate to them, and they were to be aided
in repelling white people except missionaries and those whom
the missionaries favoured.
When this scheme was laid by Dr. Philip before Moshesh,
that astute chief at once comprehended its importance and
gave his assent to it. Messengers had just conveyed to
Thaba Bosigo the intelligence that British troops were
marching from the Umgazi to Natal. His missionaries had
told him of the enormous strength and vast resources of the
British nation. He had determined to be on the side that
was safest. And so on the 30th of May 1842 he approved
of a letter written by the reverend Mr. Casalis to Lieutenant-
Governor Hare, asking that he might be taken into treaty
relationship with the colonial
colonial government, as he was
convinced that the existence and independence of his tribe
could only be preserved by the protection of the sovereign of
England.
Compliance with this request was urged upon the
governor by Dr. Philip. On the 7th of September 1842 Sir
George Napier issued a proclamation announcing that the
queen would regard with the liveliest indignation the
attempt by any of her subjects to molest or injure the
native tribes, or to take unlawful possession of land belong-
ing to them. By any such attempt, he added, the offending
parties would forfeit all claim to the queen's protection and
regard, and be held by her to have placed themselves in an
attitude of resistance to her will and authority. The tribes
408
[1842
History of South Africa.
upon whose territories the emigrants were represented as
having evinced a disposition to encroach were stated in the
proclamation to be the Basuto of Moshesh, the Barolong of
Moroko, the Batlapin of Lepui, the half-breeds of Carolus
Baatje, and the Griquas of Barend Barends and Adam
Kok.
With the next mail that left for England the governor
made the secretary of state acquainted with the matter as it
had been represented to him, and stated that there were
two modes of overcoming the difficulties of the case: one
being protection of the tribes by means of treaties and the
promise of armed support, the other the subjection of both the
blacks and the whites to British authority. The last course
was rejected by the imperial government, who feared additional
responsibility, but the first was approved of.
Attention must now be directed to the Griquas, and
their history must be more fully traced than it has been in
preceding chapters. It has already been related that shortly
after the arrival of agents of the London missionary society
in South Africa, their attention was drawn towards a little
horde of hunters leading a nomadic life on the great plain
south of the Orange river. These people were chiefly
Hottentots, or of mixed Hottentot and slave descent, but
some of them had European blood in their veins, as they
were the remote offspring of degraded colonists and Hottentot
women. Their language was the Dutch of the colony, though
their habits and dispositions were those of Hottentots. They
acknowledged a man named Barend Barends as their captain,
but their subjection to his authority was only nominal. For
nearly four years the missionaries accompanied them in their
wanderings, but in 1803 the horde was induced to settle in
a well-watered valley, a short distance north of the Orange
river. There a mission station was formed, which received
the name Klaarwater. The reverend Messrs. Anderson
and Kramer instructed the people in the principles of the
Christian religion, and induced a few of them to cultivate
the ground and to erect better dwellings than mat huts.
1805]
409
Events north of the Orange.
The nucleus of a settlement being thus formed, some of
the surrounding savages were drawn towards it. It became
also a place of attraction for free blacks and Hottentot
refugees from the colony. Among others a party of mixed
breeds moved up from Little Namaqualand under two
brothers named Adam and Cornelis Kok, who were the sons
of old Cornelis Kok, a noted elephant hunter and a captain
of good reputation in that part of the colony. Some years
later the old man joined his sons in their new home, and
brought with him from the Kamiesberg another band of
half-breeds. The clan, if such a word can be used to signify
a body of people so loosely joined together, originated with
Adam Kok, old Cornelis Kok's father. This man was а
half-breed, who, a generation earlier, had been permitted by
the Cape government to collect a party of people of his own
class about him, and had been commissioned to maintain
order among them.
As the population increased, outstations were formed
wherever sufficient water could be found. There was a vast
extent of arid country on every side, inhabited only by
wandering Bushmen, with a few Koranas along the banks of
the rivers and a few Batlapin to the north at places where
there were fountains.
The settlement was still in its infancy when the colonial
government looked upon it with a suspicious eye. It was
feared that it might become a refuge for runaway slaves and
criminals, and that a hostile community might grow up
there. In 1805 a commission, consisting of the landdrost of
Tulbagh and Dr. Henry Lichtenstein, was sent to inspect
and report upon it. The commissioners found six villages
already established, with a population numbering in all
nearly a thousand souls. Their report was to the effect that
no danger was to be apprehended, and the government,
acting upon this opinion, permitted matters to take their
course.
The community now enjoyed several years of prosperity.
The people profited by the labour of the missionaries, and
410
[1813
History of South Africa.
adopted some of the customs of civilised life. They did not
acquire habits of industry, as neither precept nor example
could rouse them from indolence; but the chase, of which
they were excessively fond, was a mine of wealth. They
became mighty hunters, and with the ivory, ostrich feathers,
and peltries which they procured, they carried on trade with
the colonists. They found
They found means to purchase waggons,
ammunition, guns, English clothing, coffee, sugar, and many
other articles, the value of which they were capable of
appreciating. Their flocks and herds increased rapidly, as
they obtained from the chase nearly all the animal food they
needed.
The missionaries led out water, and irrigated several
acres of land, which they placed under cultivation. They
also planted willows along the watercourse and fruit trees
in their garden, and when these grew up the village of
Klaarwater was considered the most attractive in appearance
of the London society's stations in the interior of South
Africa.
The reverend John Campbell, who was sent out by the
directors to make a tour of inspection, in 1813 proceeded
as far as Lithako, and passed through Klaarwater both in
going and returning. He drew up a constitution and a
code of laws for the settlement, and directed the appoint-
ment of numerous officials. Two of the leading men, Adam
Kok and Barend Barends, were to be military commanders
with the title of captain, and were also with the two
missionaries to form a supreme court of justice.
Mr.
Campbell even proposed to have money specially coined by
the society for the state which it had created.
Upon his return to England he published a volume which
gave its readers the
the impression that he had left a
missionary settlement with a highly organised government
at the junction of the Vaal and the Orange. A simple,
honest, credulous man, he was himself deceived.
of his regulations was ever enforced, nor did his courts
exist except in his book. It was he that gave the name
Not one
1822]
411
Events north of the Orange.
Griquas to the people, and Griquatown to the station at
Klaarwater, names which were readily adopted, and which
were the only permanent memorials of his visit to the
country. He states the inhabitants to have been one
thousand two hundred and sixty-six Griquas and one
thousand three hundred and forty-one Koranas. There were
also a few Bushmen and Batlapin in the country, but no
estimate of their number is given.
In 1820 dissensions broke out. The reverend William
Anderson, who had done so much for the welfare of these
people, was obliged to retire, as his life was in danger,* and
the captains Kok and Barends also removed from Griqua-
town. Under the guidance of some missionaries the people
who remained at that place then elected Andries Waterboer,
a coloured schoolmaster, to be their captain. On the 22nd
of March 1822 a gentleman named Melvill—who subse-
quently became a missionary of the London society-was
appointed by the colonial government resident agent in the
Griqua territory. Acting according to the agent's advice,
Waterboer ruled his people discreetly, and became fixed in
his position. An account of the treaty which Sir Benjamin
D'Urban entered into with him in 1834 has already been
given. It is not necessary now to continue the history of
this branch of the Griquas, but it will frequently be met
with in after years.
Barend Barends went to a place called Daniel's Kuil,
where he set up an independent government, and declined
in any way to be guided by Mr. Melvill. From Daniel's
Kuil this horde afterwards moved to Boetsap. Its subse-
quent history to December 1833, when it was settled by
Wesleyan missionaries at Lishuane near the Caledon, has
been given in a preceding chapter.
* This amiable and devoted missionary, who had gone through more hard-
ships and difficulties than any of his contemporaries during his residence
of twenty years with the Griquas, retired to Pacaltsdorp, where he continued
He died on
to perform excellent work with the Hottentots at that station.
the 24th of September 1852, leaving a name highly honoured by all classes
of the community in that part of the colony.
412
[1823
History of South Africa.
The adherents of the Koks moved to Campbell, where
Adam, the elder brother, was acknowledged as their sole
captain, independent of all other authority.
Sir Rufane Donkin was at this time acting governor, and
as he feared that the dissensions among the Griquas would
end in their becoming bands of marauders, he at first con-
templated an attempt to seize them all and bring them into
the colony. From this he was dissuaded by Captain
Stockenstrom, then landdrost of Graaff-Reinet, by whose
advice the plan of stationing a resident agent in the country
was adopted instead. On the 4th of October 1821 a letter
was sent from the colonial secretary's office, acknowledging
Adam Kok as captain of Campbell, Barend Barends as
captain of Daniel's Kuil, and Andries Waterboer as captain
of Griquatown.
In May 1824 Adam Kok resigned, and his brother
Cornelis was chosen to succeed him as captain of Campbell.
Adam then wandered about the country between the Vaal
and Modder rivers, where in December 1825 he was joined
by a number of marauding half-breeds and Hottentots, who
were usually termed bergenaars, on account of their strong-
hold being in the Long mountains. These people chose
him to be their captain, but after a few weeks the worst
characters among them, who had the reputation of being
the most ruthless ruffians in South Africa, returned to their
old haunts, where in course of time nearly all of them met
with violent deaths.
In 1823 Landdrost Stockenstrom and the reverend
Abraham Faure, clergyman of the Dutch reformed church
at Graaff-Reinet, caused a school to be established a couple
of hours' ride north of the Orange river, at a place which
Mr. Faure named Philippolis, in honour of Dr. Philip. They
were in hopes of collecting together there a number of
Koranas and Bushmen who were wandering about on both
sides of the river, but they were disappointed, for these
people could not be induced to settle anywhere permanently.
In 1826, on the invitation of the head of the London
834]
413
Events north of the Orange.
missionary society, Adam Kok and the Griquas who were
with him moved to the district between the Riet and
Orange rivers, and made Philippolis their head-quarters.
At this time there were no other people than Bushmen
and Koranas in those parts, except when a few farmers from
the colony went over the Great river with their herds, and
remained while the grass was good. Dr. Philip's benevolence
towards the coloured races was unbounded, and the Bush-
men especially occupied a high position in his affections.
He held a theory regarding them that they were descen-
dants of Hottentots who had been despoiled of their
possessions by rapacious Europeans, and that they were
compelled by sheer want to lead the life of robbers. In
giving the district of Philippolis to Adam Kok he stipulated
that the Griquas should protect them against the farmers.
As well might a hyena be put into a fold to protect the
sheep. The records of the first European settlers in South
Africa prove the enmity between the Hottentots and Bush-
men to have been as deep-seated in the middle of the
seventeenth century as it has been ever since. But this was
unknown to Dr. Philip. He had formed a theory, and he
acted upon it. The result was the disappearance of Bush-
men, not only from the district of Philippolis, but from the
territory far beyond. Whether the sickening tales that are
found scattered about in South African literature, of the
throats of some being cut after they were hunted down by
the Griquas, of others being roasted alive, and so forth, are
wholly or only partially true, can never be positively
known. That the Bushmen were exterminated remains in
any case, and the process is of secondary importance.
Cornelis Kok, the captain of Campbell, meantime re-
pudiated the authority of the missionary society in secular
matters, and consequently lost favour with that body. In
July 1834 Dr. Philip applied to Sir Benjamin D'Urban to
pronounce him deposed, and officially to acknowledge
Andries Waterboer as his successor; but
the governor
declined to interfere in the matter.
414
[1837
History of South Africa.
In the following year Adam Kok, captain of Philippolis,
by advice of his missionary visited Capetown in order to
enter into a treaty with the colonial government, as Water-
boer had done. But he was disappointed. Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, who was then on the eastern frontier engaged in
the Kaffir war, was either too much occupied to issue the
necessary instructions, or did not think it prudent to do so.
On his way home in September 1835 Adam Kok died at
the Berg river, and when this intelligence reached Philip-
polis, his eldest son, Abraham Kok, was chosen to succeed
him.
Lieutenant-Governor
On the 7th of January 1837
Stockenstrom, who was on a tour along the northern
border, had an interview with Abraham Kok at Philippolis,
at which the reverend Messrs. Wright and Atkinson were
also present.
Kok's Griquas were then at variance with
those under Waterboer, so that he could not enter into a
treaty with the captain; but it was arranged that as soon
as peace was made he would do so.
६
Accordingly the missionaries exerted themselves to bring
about an accommodation, with the result that on the 25th
of February a treaty of close alliance was entered into by
Abraham Kok and Andries Waterboer. The utter absurdity
of the proceeding is shown by the fact that these petty
captains divided between them on paper the whole territory
from Kheis, on the Orange, to Kornet Spruit, ignoring not
only Cornelis Kok and Lepui, but the Basuto chief Moshesh.
Yet documents such as this were regarded by the imperial
authorities of the day as important state papers.
Before Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom had time to con-
clude the proposed treaty, Abraham Kok's younger brother,
Adam by name, attempted to seize the captaincy. Abraham's
moral character was decidedly bad. He got out of favour
with the missionaries, who termed him a renegade savage, and
henceforth all their influence was on the side of Adam. This
turned the scale, and in September 1837 a majority of the
people of Philippolis elected Adam Kok as their captain..
1841]
415
Events north of the Orange.
Abraham was obliged to retire to Campbell, where he took
refuge with his uncle Cornelis, the captain of that place. A
considerable party, however, still adhered to him, and a kind
of petty civil war followed.
Cornelis and Abraham Kok were on one side, Andries
Waterboer and Adam Kok on the other. The question at
issue really was whether the missionaries or the captains were
to be paramount.
The armies, as the little troops of raga-
muffins under the different leaders were termed, fired at each
other on several occasions, but at such distances that the balls
fell midway between them. The only real fighting was when
Abraham and Cornelis made a sudden attack upon Philippolis
in the winter of 1838, and were beaten back by Adam and
Waterboer. After a time, however, Abraham gained the
ascendency, recovered Philippolis, and in January 1840 thought
he had quite vanquished his rival. But a few months later
Waterboer and Adam succeeded in driving him away, and
about the commencement of 1841 the strife ceased by a
general consent that Andries Waterboer should be captain of
Griquatown, Cornelis Kok captain of Campbell, and Adam
Kok captain of Philippolis. Thereafter Abraham Kok sank
into utter insignificance, and the missionary influence was
everywhere predominant except at Campbell, which was on
that account left with only a catechist.
On the 9th of November 1838, while this petty strife was
being carried on, Adam Kok and Andries Waterboer entered
into a treaty, in which they divided between them the country
as far north as Platberg on the Vaal, and ignored all other
claimants. This document was forgotten by every one during
a period of thirty-two years, but in 1870 Waterboer's copy
was found, and was brought before a court of arbitration as
good evidence of his son's right to an immense extent of
land.
The farmers who have been mentioned as occasional
residents in the territory around Philippolis were owners of
ground in the northern districts of the colony, and only
moved across the Orange in seasons of drought or when
416
[1838
History of South Africa.
the grass was destroyed by locusts. They were less affected
than any other class of colonists by the events that led to the
great emigration, for they were far from the Kaffir frontier,
they were not slaveholders, and they were ignorant of the
statements made concerning them in Europe. Their lives
were passed in seclusion from the world, and the care of their
cattle was almost their only occupation. Periodically they
attended religious services at the nearest church, from which
many of them were hundreds of miles distant, and once a
year they presented themselves at the court-house of the
civil commissioner in whose district their lands were situated,
and paid their taxes. Government was to them only a
shadow. There was nothing to make them disloyal, and
they had no ideal grievances. For nearly a century their
ancestors had been living in exactly the same manner:
paying rent for farms within the colonial border, but moving
beyond it at will. Then the government would annex the
ground so occupied, and thus the process of enlarging the
settlement was continually going on.
These farmers believed they had a right to graze their
cattle in the country along the Riet and Modder rivers by
virtue of agreements with certain individuals who claimed to
be chiefs of the wandering savages there. To these chiefs
they had paid a few cattle as a matter of form, but it is open
to question whether that gave them any rights in the country
which their beneficial occupation of it would not equally have
conferred.
After the elder Adam Kok took possession of the territory,
the farmers on crossing the Great river found the choicest
pasturage in possession of Griquas, each of whom claimed a
tract of land of enormous extent. But the presence of these
people was regarded at first as advantageous, for in their
neighbourhood there were no Bushmen cattle-lifters. The
Griquas were quite ready to turn their claims to account
by selling or leasing the ground at a very low rate and
moving to other places themselves, and so all parties were
satisfied. After a while, one farmer after another settled.
1842]
417
Events north of the Orange.
permanently in the territory, and from about 1839 onward
they formed a tolerably strong community. At this time
they had as their head a sensible, well-disposed man, named
Michiel Oberholster.
After Natal was taken by the British forces under Colonel
Cloete in June 1842, a great number of the emigrant farmers
recrossed the Drakensberg. Some moved over the Vaal,
others joined their friends along the Riet, Modder, and
Caledon rivers. In the neighbourhood of Philippolis there
were henceforth two strong parties: one under Michiel
Oberholster, well disposed towards the British government,
the other under Jan Mocke, bitterly opposed to it. On the
3rd of October 1842 Mr. Oberholster wrote to the civil
commissioner of Colesberg that Mocke's party intended to
hold a meeting on the 24th of the month at Alleman's drift,
the ford of the Orange nearest to that village, to erect a
beacon and to proclaim the whole country north of the
river a republic. The emigrants were in a state of excite-
ment, owing partly to the occurrences in Natal and partly
to the arrest of two of their number, named Hugo and
Pretorius, and their committal to prison at Colesberg on a
charge of murder.
Some days later Mr. Justice Menzies arrived at Colesberg
on circuit for the purpose of holding a court.
Hugo and
Pretorius were brought before him for trial, but the evidence
for the prosecution showed their act to have been justifiable
homicide, and without hearing the defence the judge
directed their discharge. Adam Kok was then at Colesberg.
He had gone there to complain that the emigrant farmers
were acting independently in the district of Philippolis,
and to ask for protection according to the tenor of Sir
George Napier's recent proclamation, which had just reached
him. The evidence given before his court, Adam Kok's
statement, and the rumours which he heard convinced the
judge that many of the people were disposed to submit to
the queen's authority, and that it was his duty to forestall
Mocke.
2 D
418
[1842
History of South Africa.
On the 22nd of October he proceeded to Alleman's drift,
crossed the river, and on its northern bank, in presence of
Mr. Rawstorne, civil commissioner of Colesberg, Captain
Eardley Wilmot, of the royal artillery, Advocate William
Hiddingh, Mr. Cock, justice of the peace, Commandant Van
der Walt, Fieldcornets Joubert, Visser, and Du Plessis, a
number of farmers from both sides of the river, Adam Kok,
and about twenty Griquas, he hoisted the union jack and
proclaimed the whole country British territory from the
twenty-second degree of longitude eastward to the sea, and
from the Orange northward to the twenty-fifth parallel of
latitude, excepting only such portions as were in possession
of the Portuguese or of native tribes. A willow tree was
cut down, and to its trunk, which was placed in a cairn of
stones, was nailed a board with the inscription: "Baken
van Koningin van England."
On the 24th Mocke with three hundred armed followers
arrived at Alleman's drift, and found Judge Menzies with
about a hundred supporters there. An interview took place,
at which one Diederikse was the chief speaker on Mocke's
side. He disputed the legality of the judge's proclamation,
stated that the emigrants would not respect it, and claimed
the whole country north of the Orange down to the military
lines around Durban as a republic. Mocke's adherents,
however, did not disturb the beacon or the flag as long
as the judge was there, though it was evident that any
interference with their movements would have been
resisted.
Sir George Napier disapproved of Judge Menzies' pro-
clamation, on the ground that sovereignty carried with it
responsibility for the maintenance of order, and without more
troops he had no means either of protecting the well-disposed
or of punishing criminals. He therefore issued a notice
repudiating the whole proceeding as having been unauthorised,
but he still claimed the emigrants as British subjects, that
the imperial government might decide on what should be
done.
1843]
419
Events north of the Orange.
He considered it advisable, however, to make a display of
force, and in December of this year two columns of troops
under command of Lieutenant-Governor Hare marched from
the Kaffir frontier to Colesberg. Together they comprised
three hundred and sixty-one men of the 91st regiment, one
hundred and ninety-eight of the 27th, two hundred and
sixty-two Cape mounted riflemen, twenty-two of the royal
artillery with two six-pounders, and five staff officers. Upon
their arrival the excitement beyond the river was found to
have subsided, and after a short stay the main body of the
troops returned to the eastern outposts, leaving two com-
panies of infantry under Major Campbell and a company of
the Cape mounted riflemen under Captain Donovan in camp
at Colesberg.
On the 26th of August 1843 Adam Kok signed a letter
written by his missionary to the governor, asking that a
treaty of alliance might be entered into between them. Sir
George Napier replied on the 6th of October, that prior to
its receipt he had been in communication with the lieutenant-
governor and the reverend Dr. Philip in regard to the state
of the country north of the Orange, and was happy to be
able to transmit for signature a treaty which appeared to
him to embrace all the provisions suited to the wants of
Kok and his people, and calculated to ensure their prosperity.
At this time Adam Kok's clan consisted of from fifteen
hundred to two thousand souls, all told. The land which he
claimed was bounded on the north by the Modder river, on
the south by the Orange, on the east by the districts
occupied by the people of Moroko and Lepui, and on the
west by a line upwards from Ramah, that is territory fully
eleven or twelve thousand square miles in extent. Within
the borders as described by him to the governor there were
then more white people than Griquas.
On the 5th of October 1843 two treaties, one with Moshesh,
the other with Adam Kok, were signed by Sir George
Napier in Capetown, and were witnessed by Mr. John
Montagu, secretary to government, and the reverend Dr.
420
[1843
History of South Africa.
Philip. They were both drawn up on the model of the
one entered into by Sir Benjamin D'Urban and Andries
Waterboer in 1834, most of the clauses being identical in
them all. There were, however, one or two important
differences. In Moshesh's treaty the limits on all sides of
the country acknowledged to be his were defined, while in
Adam Kok's only the southern boundary, from the neigh-
bourhood of Ramah to that of Bethulie, was mentioned.
Adam Kok was promised a yearly subsidy of £100 in
money, the use of one hundred stand of arms with a
reasonable quantity of ammunition, and a grant of £50 a
year to the London society for the maintenance of a school.
Moshesh was promised £75 yearly, either in money or in
arms and ammunition, as he might choose.
•
Mr. Rawstorne, civil commissioner of Colesberg, proceeded
to Philippolis with one treaty, and his clerk, Mr. James
Walker, was sent to Thaba Bosigo with the other. Adam
Kok signed his on the 29th of November, with his secretary
and his missionary as witnesses, and Moshesh affixed his
mark to his on the 13th of December, in presence of his
brother Moperi, his chief warrior Makoniane, and the
reverend Messrs. Casalis, Arbousset, and Dyke.
In the treaty with Moshesh the territory acknowledged to
be his was bounded by the Orange river from its source to
its junction with the Caledon, and by a line about twenty-
five to thirty miles north-west of the Caledon from the
district of Bethulie to the country occupied by Sikonyela's
Batlokua.
A glance at a map
a map of South Africa will show how
completely the Cape Colony was enclosed by the states thus
created on paper and the one similarly created by the treaty
with Faku in the following year. If they could have been
maintained, the white man and the civilisation which he
carries with him would have been effectually excluded from
the regions beyond the Orange. But they satisfied no one
except Adam Kok and his Griquas, and they were respected
by no one, least of all by the emigrant farmers.

1301
22
Theis
Treaty of
1834
ndrie
ran
ge
aterboer's
River
CAPE
24
Line
20
~
28
Modder
River
Territory claimed
Ramah by Adam Kok by
Thaba
Besige
Territory assigned
Treaty of 1848
Orang
Plalippolis
Bethulie.
Treaty
to Moshesh by
1843
an
COL QN
182
Map of the
GRIQUA, BASUTO, AND PONDO
TREATY STATES
The Country north of the Orange and
west of these States is a desert
22
er
Cape
Colony
корито
Pern
River
Territory as
signed
aku by
Treaty of 1844
Country occagied
Umtata R.
by Osaand Tembus
by Osa
in 1843
24.
20
28
Fish R
London, Swan Sonnenschein & Co Ltd
INDIAN
30
30
To face p.392
30
R.
imkahu
CEAN
Stanford's Goog? Estab
82
1843]
42 [
Events north of the Orange.
Moshesh through his missionaries complained that the
whole of the territory occupied by the clans of Moroko and
Gert Taaibosch was not included in his dominions, and he
wanted the treaty amended so that his boundaries should
embrace their entire districts. He said not one word about
the land between the lower Caledon and the Orange which
was given to him, though he had no more right to it than
to the Isle of Man.*
Moroko, Peter Davids, Carolus Baatje, and Gert Taaibosch,
on the other hand, complained that the treaty gave either
the whole or portions of their districts to Moshesh, and
“inflicted a far more ruinous stroke of injustice upon them
than any they were ever likely to suffer from the emigrant
farmers." Through the reverend William Shaw, general
superintendent of the Wesleyan missions in South-Eastern
Africa, they asked that it should be rectified by excluding
their ground from it, and that a similar arrangement should
be entered into with them.
The treaties irritated the emigrant farmers more than
anything that had occurred since they left the colony.
Adam Kok's Griquas were as
as much British subjects, they
said, as themselves, most of them having been born under
the British flag; yet the independence of these semi-
barbarians was acknowledged, and they were admitted to the
position of allies and furnished with arms, while white men
with exactly the same claims to freedom were told that go
where they would they could not throw off their allegiance,
except that while living in the territories of coloured chiefs
* Moshesh's early ideas of government were tribal more than territorial,
and he had only of recent years come to comprehend our system. In an
interview with Major Warden at Bloemfontein on the 30th of April 1847 he
claimed all the land up to the junction of Kaal Spruit with the Modder
river, on account of some Basuto having once resided there. On another
occasion when asked to define his territory, he replied that it was wherever
his foot had pressed the ground or one of his people had ever lived. His son
Letsie still held the same views. Several years later he described the
Bushmen in the Lesuto as being Moshesh's subjects in the same way that
the jackals were, that is they lived in the country, but were not under its
laws.
422
[1843
History of South Africa.
they were under the jurisdiction of such chiefs. One and
all they refused to subject themselves
themselves to the puppet
sovereigns set up by the treaties.
There were at the time more than a thousand emigrants
along the Riet river, in the very heart of the territory
claimed by Adam Kok, who would gladly have seen a
government established there under the British flag, if they
could be allowed equal rights with the blacks. Two hundred
and fifty-eight heads of families among them signed a
document in duplicate, and deputed two of their number-
Willem Jan Oberholster and Lukas van den Heever-to
convey it to Maritzburg and deliver it to Advocate Cloete,
then commissioner in Natal. In this memorial they stated
their willingness to submit to the queen's authority on the
same terms as those offered to the emigrants there. After
recounting the history of their settlement north of the
Orange, they stated that it was not their intention to deprive
the coloured people of anything, but it was their wish that
measures should be adopted to give rights to white people
also. When passing through Winburg the deputation was
stopped by some of Mocke's party, and one copy of the
memorial was seized, but as it was not suspected that it was
in duplicate, Messrs. Oberholster and Van den Heever were
able to carry out their mission. No action, however, was
taken upon it by the British authorities.
With everything in turmoil beyond the Orange, with
passion running higher there than ever it had run before,
with the French and Wesleyan missionaries contending on
opposite sides, with jealousies raised among the chiefs and
an opportunity given to Moshesh to increase his power—
the immediate effects of treaties which Englishmen at home,
so sadly misinformed, were led to believe had been entered
into to prevent the aborigines from being despoiled of their
possessions by slave-holding colonists,-Sir George Napier left
South Africa and Sir Peregrine Maitland became governor of
the Cape Colony.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
EVENTS NORTH OF THE ORANGE FROM 1843 TO 1847.
THE new governor found awaiting his consideration a letter
from Adam Kok soliciting military aid. His first act of
interference with the emigrant farmers had got him into
trouble, and he believed they were about to attack him. In
January 1844 there was a quarrel between two white men
named George Mills and Hermanus van Staden, not far from
Philippolis, and shortly afterwards Mills died, as was reported
from injuries received from Van Staden. Thereupon Adam
Kok caused Van Staden to be arrested and sent to Colesberg
for trial, and he took possession of the property of Mills,
ostensibly to secure it for the heirs.
As soon as Van Staden's arrest became known, Diederikse,
who was Mocke's secretary, wrote from Modder River to
Adam Kok, demanding that he should be given up to the
emigrant farmers to be tried by their courts. Kok's reply
was a stinging taunt. He that is the missionary in his
name-wrote to Diederikse that "his request had been com-
plied with in one sense, for as all emigrants from the colony
were looked upon as British subjects, they were amenable
to the laws administered in the colony." Mocke's party then
threatened war, upon which Kok sent to Colesberg and
obtained from the military store two hundred pounds of
powder and four hundred pounds of lead. For a week or
two there was considerable excitement on both sides, but at
length, on Van Staden's release, the affair was allowed to sink
into oblivion, with a warning, however, to Adam Kok not
to repeat the provocation.
423
424
[1844
History of South Africa.
In the first week of June there was a large meeting of
farmers and Griquas at Philippolis, convened by Michiel
Oberholster with the object of discussing matters affecting
them all, and trying to come to a common understanding.
Mr. Gideon Joubert, who was present during the discussions,
reported to the civil commissioner of Colesberg that the
dissensions among the emigrants prevented anything like
joint action. Oberholster's party repudiated their subjection
to Adam Kok by the treaty, but they and the Griquas
resolved that no one who disavowed allegiance to the British
government should be permitted to reside in the territory.
Upon this a commandant named Jan Kock declared that he
would resist any such resolution being put in force, and he
had a strong body of adherents. The meeting was therefore
dissolved.
Commandant Jan Kock, here mentioned, had shortly before
this moved from the present colonial division of Hanover
to the bank of the Modder river. He had received rather
more education from books than the generality of the
emigrants, and was as genial and hospitable a man as could
be found anywhere in South Africa. His chief failing was,
perhaps, too much confidence in his own ability to do any-
thing and everything. A great many of the emigrants,
however, thought as much of him as he thought of himself,
and so he soon became a leader among them. His aim at
this time was to bring all the Europeans north of the
Orange under the government established at Potchefstroom,
of which Mr. Hendrik Potgieter was chief commandant.
The position taken up by the party of which he was a
leading member was defined in a resolution unanimously
adopted by the council of Potchefstroom and Winburg on
the 10th of April 1844, and was that the emigrants were
free and independent, that they were unwilling to enter into
any negotiations whatever with the English government, and
that their territory extended southward to the Orange river.
During the year 1844 many efforts were made by this
party to compel those who disagreed with them either to
1844]
425
Events north of the Orange.
return to the Cape Colony or to fall in with their views.
Oberholster's adherents in particular complained that they
were subject to incessant persecution. Sir Peregrine
Maitland was wearied with communications, all of the
same nature, showing that without a strong force north of
the Orange the treaties could not be maintained. Adam
Kok wrote asking for soldiers to expel the emigrants from
his territory. Lukas van den Heever wrote on the 24th of
October, on behalf of the parties under himself, Michiel
Oberholster, and Jacobus Snyman-the last named being
head of a body of farmers in the valley of the lower
Caledon asking whether they could rely on obtaining
protection. He added that if the government did not assist
them they would in the end be obliged against their will to
submit to the council at Potchefstroom.
On the 13th of December of this year Commandant Jan
Kock, in the name of Chief-Commandant Potgieter, wrote
to Adam Kok inviting him to a conference with a view of
establishing peace and friendship between them. The Griqua
captain replied through his missionary, the reverend W. Y.
Thompson, that he did not feel himself at liberty to meet
any one officially who assumed authority over the subjects
of the queen. A few days later Mr. Potgieter arrived at
Philippolis, and met Adam Kok. He proposed that as the
farmers and the Griquas were alike emigrants from the
Cape Colony, they should not interfere with each other in
any way, but should live in peace, each party under its own
government. Adam Kok answered that he would abide by
the terms of the Napier treaty, and could only regard the
white emigrants as British subjects. They came therefore to
no terms.
It was almost impossible under the circumstances that
they should long continue at peace. The civil commissioner
of Colesberg reported that Jan Kock's adherents constantly
went about armed. On the 13th of January 1845 Adam
Kok wrote asking that a military post might be established
in his country. The secretary to government replied on the
A
426
[1845
History of South Africa.
19th of February that "if any general movement of the
emigrants should take place for the purpose of attacking
him, there would be marched from the colony with all
possible despatch such a force as should seem calculated to
ensure his protection against an unprovoked aggression."
After a promise like this it might be certain that the
Griqua captain would abate none of his pretensions, and
that in the state of irritation in which both parties were, a
pretext for a quarrel would not long be wanting.
The following event brought matters to a climax :-
Two blacks from beyond the Vaal, who were in the
service of an emigrant named Jan Krynauw, quarrelled with
a European residing on the same farm, and menaced him
with their assagais, but did not go so far as to wound him.
Krynauw secured the offenders and took them to Com-
mandant Jan Kock, who sentenced them to a sound flogging.
Adam Kok thereupon inquired of Mr. Rawstorne whether he
would receive Krynauw if delivered at Colesberg for trial.
Mr. Rawstorne advised him to be cautious, but neglecting
counsel that did not coincide with his own views, the
Griqua captain sent a band of a hundred armed men to
arrest Krynauw. When the Griquas reached the farm
Krynauw was not at home, so they poured a storm of abuse
upon his wife, broke into his house, and carried away with
them three guns and a quantity of ammunition.
Thereupon the burghers, fearing a general attack, assem-
bled under arms, and the Griquas did the same.
A party
of farmers from the district between the Orange and the
lower Caledon, under Commandant Jacobus Duplooy, came to
the aid of their countrymen, The burghers then formed a
lager or camp at Touwfontein, a farm occupied by one
Adriaan van Wyk, about thirty miles from Philippolis.
There they left their families under protection of a guard,
and the two parties then commenced seizing each other's
cattle. Whenever they met shots were exchanged, each
invariably accusing the other of being the first to fire. Mr.
Rawstorne, as a special magistrate under the Cape of Good
I 845]
427
Events north of the Orange.
Hope punishment bill, issued a circular calling upon the
farmers to keep the peace; but it had no effect. He then
supplied Adam Kok with a hundred muskets and a quantity
of ammunition for the use of his followers, and desired Major
Campbell to move the military force under his command from
Colesberg to Alleman's drift to protect fugitives and prevent
any one from crossing the river to the assistance of the
farmers.
As the seizure of cattle and skirmishing continued, on the
22nd of April 1845 Major Campbell with two hundred men
crossed the Orange, and, marching at night, reached Philip-
polis next morning without molestation. Mr. Rawstorne
accompanied the troops. A conference with the emigrant
leaders was then arranged, which took place at Alwyn's
Kop on the 25th of April. Among the deputies from the
emigrant camp were Jan Mocke, Jan Kock, Hermanus Steyn,
and Michiel Oberholster.
Mr. Rawstorne informed them that as British subjects they
could not be permitted to make war on Adam Kok, who
was an ally of the government. Messrs. Mocke and Kock
replied that they were independent of Great Britain, and
subject only to the council of Potchefstroom and Winburg.
They affirmed that the Griquas began the war, but they
stated their willingness to restore the cattle they had captured
if the Griquas would do the same. They were also willing
to engage not to renew hostilities, if the Griquas would
refrain from doing so. They desired, however, as indispen-
sable to any agreement that a line of demarcation should be
drawn between the Griquas and themselves, and that they
should be placed upon an equality with the Griquas, that
is, that they should be recognised as a free people. Mr.
Rawstorne could not concede this, so the meeting was un-
successful in bringing about peace. To this date four or
five farmers had been wounded, but they had killed one
Griqua, made six prisoners, and captured two hundred and
eighty horses and three thousand six hundred head of horned
cattle.
428
[1845
History of South Africa.
The 7th dragoon
dragoon guards, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Richardson, with some artillery under Captain Shepherd,
and a troop of Cape mounted riflemen under Captain H. D.
Warden, had meantime been ordered to proceed as rapidly
as possible from the eastern colonial frontier to the assist-
ance of the Griquas. On the morning of the 26th of April
this force crossed the Orange, and on the same day reached
Philippolis. There Colonel Richardson issued a proclama-
tion calling upon the "emigrant British subjects unlawfully
assembled in arms to surrender themselves unconditionally
to her Majesty's troops." The proclamation had no effect.
On the night of the 1st of May 1845 Colonel Richardson
left Philippolis with one hundred and eighteen cavalry, one
hundred and sixty infantry, and most of Adam Kok's
Griquas, and made a forced march towards Touwfontein,
with a view of surprising the emigrant camp. A body of
Griquas was sent in advance to draw out the farmers. They
succeeded in doing this, and then pretended to run away.
Some two hundred and fifty farmers under the commandants
Jan Mocke, J. Kock, H. Steyn, and J. Duplooy, pursued
them to a plot of broken ground called the Zwartkopjes,
about five miles from Touwfontein. Under cover of some
hills the cavalry then got unobserved in the rear of the
farmers, who suddenly and unexpectedly found themselves
in front of British troops.
The action that followed is not deserving of the name of
a battle, for the farmers did not even attempt to make a
stand. On the English side one Griqua was killed. On the
side of the emigrants one farmer and a French adventurer
were killed, and another farmer was mortally wounded.
Fifteen prisoners were taken, among whom were two
deserters from the British army. These men were subse-
quently brought to trial before a court martial, when one
was sentenced to death and the other to fourteen years"
imprisonment with hard labour.
After the skirmish at Zwartkopjes, Colonel Richardson
sent the infantry to Touwfontein to take possession of the
1845]
429
Events north of the Orange.
emigrants' camp. The great majority of the occupants of
the lager were women and children. Only about one
hundred men were there, who surrendered without resist-
ance. All the arms and ammunition were seized, but other
property was left undisturbed.
Commandants Mocke, Kock, and Duplooy, with their
adherents, retired hastily to Winburg. Oberholster's party
had tried from the first to keep as much as possible out of
the strife, and they now came in to Colonel Richardson's
camp at Zwartkopjes and took the oath of allegiance to the
queen. Hermanus Steyn's adherents did the same, and by
the 17th of May three hundred and sixteen emigrants had
taken the oath. About two thousand of the cattle taken
from the Griquas were restored through the exertions of
Mr. Steyn.
There was another large party of farmers at no great
distance, who acknowledged as their head Mr. Jacobus
Theodorus Snyman, but they took no part in these dis-
turbances. They were mostly living along the lower
Caledon, and professed to hold their lands from Moshesh.
The great chief therefore favoured them greatly, and was
always pleased to allot a farm to any of their friends, as by
so doing he established his title to the district in which
they were living. He appointed agents to give out land in
his name, and in after years constantly brought this forward
as an admission by the emigrants of his right to that part
of the country. The adherents of Snyman were for this
reason regarded with little affection by the remainder of
their countrymen.
On the 22nd of May Colonel Richardson broke up his
camp at Zwartkopjes, and moved on to Touwfontein, where
Sir Peregrine Maitland had convened a meeting of all the
chiefs between the Orange and the Vaal.
The governor
was trying to devise a plan by which matters could be
settled and the future peace of the country be assured, and
he was on his way to Touwfontein to introduce a new order
of affairs.
430
[1845
History of South Africa.
Before his arrival Commandants Mocke, Kock, and
Duplooy sent a letter to Mr. Rawstorne, offering to restore-
everything they had taken from the Griquas on condition
that everything taken from them by the Griquas and the
British troops should likewise be returned. In reply, Mr.
Rawstorne was directed to write that "his Excellency could
not entertain any proposals or terms whatever on the part.
of her Majesty's subjects who had been in arms against
the government, and would accept only of an unconditional
restoration of the cattle in question."
Towards the close of June the governor, attended by Mr.
Porter, the attorney-general of the Cape Colony, and several
other gentlemen, arrived at Touwfontein. The chiefs
Moshesh, Moroko, Molitsane, Lepui, Gert Taaibosch, Carolus
Baatje, Peter Davids, Adam Kok, and Andries Waterboer,
with a large number of missionaries, were there to meet
him. Sikonyela, the head of the Batlokua, was the only
chief of any note in the country between the Vaal and the
Orange who was absent. With Waterboer there was nothing
to settle, for the district that was his under the treaty of
1834 was beyond the disturbed area. Lepui, Carolus Baatje,
and Peter Davids had no quarrels on hand and asked for
nothing, so there was no need of any special negotiations
with them. Molitsane desired that he might be considered
a dependent of Moshesh, and therefore included in any
arrangement made with his superior. Moroko and Gert
Taaibosch would not admit that they were vassals of
Moshesh, and Moshesh would not renounce his claim to
sovereignty over them, so that only a provisional arrange-
ment could be made with these chiefs.
Adam Kok remained. In the first conference with the
governor this petty captain of a rabble horde put forth pre-
tensions which would have been extravagant if made by
Peter the great of Russia. He claimed that every one within
his territory who did not implicitly obey his orders was a
rebel, and forfeited thereby all his property. He declared
that all leases of land within his territory which had been.
1845]
431
Events north of the Orange.
made by any person whatever without his approval were
invalid. And he requested that all who had been in arms.
against him should be driven out by British troops.
Subsequently, however, he moderated his tone.
The governor proposed that the territory which Adam
Kok claimed should be divided into two districts. In one
of these districts no white men except missionaries and
traders and these only with the consent of the colonial
government should thereafter be permitted to purchase or
lease ground, and those who were then resident within it
should be compelled to leave upon the expiration of their
leases. In the other district land could be freely leased to
white men either by the Griqua government or individual
Griqua claimants. The dominion of the Griqua government.
over the whole was to be maintained, but practically the.
administration of the European district was to be entrusted
to an English officer with the title of British resident. This
officer was to hold a commission under the Cape of Good
Hope punishment bill, and Kok was to confer upon him the
same power as exercised by magistrates in the Cape Colony.
He was to have jurisdiction over all Europeans in any part.
of the Griqua territory. He was to collect the rents and other
revenues, and to pay over half to the Griqua government,
the other half being retained to defray the cost of adminis-
tration. All persons of European birth or descent in the
Griqua territory were to be considered British subjects.
Adam Kok was to place a force of three hundred men at the
control of the resident to maintain order, whenever called.
upon by that officer to do so.
The Griqua captain at once fell in with these proposals,.
for they gave him the advantage of a revenue, preserved his
territorial claims intact, and relieved him of anxiety with
regard to European settlers.
It was agreed that the inalienable district, or Griqua
reserve as it may be termed, should comprise all the land
between the Riet and Orange rivers, from a straight line
drawn between Ramah on the Orange and David's Graf at.
432
[1845
History of South Africa.
the confluence of the Riet and Modder rivers eastward to
Kromme-Elleboog Spruit, Van Zyl's Spruit, and Lepui's
district of Bethulie. At the time this arrangement was
made there were upwards of eighty farms held by Europeans
in this reserve. Some of these had been purchased from
individual Griquas, but it was arranged that as such
purchases had not received the sanction of the Griqua
government they should be regarded only as leases for forty
years.
An agreement embracing these provisions was made
between Sir Peregrine Maitland and Adam Kok at Touw-
fontein in June 1845, and was immediately acted upon,
though it was not until February of the following year that
a formal treaty to that effect was signed. On the 1st of
July the governor left to return to the colony. Before
quitting Touwfontein he issued instructions to Mr. Rawstorne
to take up his residence at Philippolis and act there as
special magistrate. He was to visit Colesberg once a
fortnight to hold a court. All the troops were ordered
back to the eastern colonial frontier, except the company of
Cape mounted riflemen under Captain Warden, that was to
proceed to Philippolis and remain there to support the
special magistrate.
The situation of British resident was offered by Sir
Peregrine Maitland to Major Smith, who had recently been
relieved of the command of the troops in Natal, but that
officer declined it. It was then offered to Captain Sutton,
of the Cape mounted riflemen, who accepted it provisionally,
and took over the duties on the 8th of December. Finding,
however, that its retention would prevent his promotion in
the army, Captain Sutton resigned in January 1846, and was
succeeded by Captain Henry Douglas Warden, who has been
already mentioned on several occasions.
At Touwfontein the disputes between the chiefs and the
conflicting views of the French and Wesleyan missionaries
prevented an arrangement being concluded with Moshesh
similar to that with Adam Kok. When spoken to on
1845]
433
Events north of the Orange.
the subject, the Basuto chief professed to be very willing to
fall in with the governor's views. A minute of the con-
ditions proposed by Sir Peregrine Maitland was drawn
up, to which Moshesh through his missionaries replied in
writing that he was ready to accept a treaty framed according
to its principles and provisions. He then proposed to give
up for the use of Europeans a small triangular piece of
ground between the Caledon and the Orange, stretching
upwards from the junction of those rivers to a line drawn
from Commissie Drift to Buffels Vlei. From the remainder
of the territory assigned to him by the Napier treaty, he
desired the governor to enforce the
the removal of the
removal
Europeans, who numbered then four hundred and forty-seven
families.
The pretensions of Moshesh were surely hardly less extra-
vagant than those of Adam Kok. There never had been any
Basuto residents in or near the little plot of ground which
he expressed himself willing to give up for the use of white
people, and he wanted a reserve capable of accommodating a
tribe six or eight times as great as the one of which he
was then the head. According to a return drawn up by his
missionaries and forwarded to the governor in his name,
his people numbered then between forty and fifty thousand
souls.
Sir Peregrine Maitland, though expressing himself “gratified
by the readiness with which the chief acceded to the pro-
posals made," deferred proceeding any further with the
negotiations until he could obtain a report upon the
condition of affairs throughout the country from some able
and impartial person. For this
this purpose he selected
Commandant Gideon Joubert, a loyal, intelligent, and
trustworthy man, who had previously been employed on
several occasions as a special commissioner, and had always
performed the duties entrusted to him in a satisfactory
manner.
In July and August 1845 Mr. Joubert made a tour of
inspection through the country. His first interview of any
2 E
434
[1845
History of South Africa.
¡
importance was with a farmer named David Stephanus Fourie,
who informed him that in the year 1839 he had purchased
a large tract of land from a Korana captain named David
Danser. The land is described in his report as extending
"from the Vaal river at the Platberg above the Hart river,
which runs in on the north side, in a right line south to the
Modder river, along the Modder river upwards to Doorn
Spruit, along Doorn Spruit up due north to the Vet
river, and thence to where the Vet river runs into the
Vaal." The price paid was three hundred sheep and a
waggon.* Fourie's statement was afterwards confirmed by
several farmers whom Mr. Joubert met, and also by the
Bataung chief Tulu, son and successor of Makwana. This
purchase of Fourie's was then occupied by twelve emigrant
families.
On a tract of reserved land at the head of Coal Spruit,
Mr. Joubert found Tulu, the highest chief in rank of the
Bataung tribe. Tulu informed him that his father had sold
the country to the farmers, except the reserve in which he
lived, and he gave a correct account of the destruction of his
tribe by the Zulu invasions. Besides the few people with
him, he said that there was another remnant of the
Bataung in existence, namely the clan under Molitsane,
then living under Moshesh's paramount chieftainship.
Molitsane, he stated, was a son of Maputu, who was a
brother of Makwana's father, Tulu had no complaints to
make.
Along the route Mr. Joubert ascertained that the farmers
were greatly divided in opinion. A few were desirous of
acknowledging the sovereignty of the queen, but most of
them were opposed to it. On his arrival at Winburg he
* It would be curious to compare the present value of that tract of land
with the price given for it to its native claimant by Fourie. The waggon is
stated by Mr. Joubert to have been valued at £67 10s. Supposing the sheep
to have been worth £75, the whole purchase amount of the principal South
African diamond fields and an immense area to the eastward was £142 10s.
Mr. Joubert describes the district as badly supplied with water, and says
Fourie estimated that it would suffice for fifty farms, most of which would
be on branches of rivers, but without springs.
1845]
435
Events north of the Orange.
found himself in a republican centre. Commandant Jan
Kock and his adherents were there, and the chief political
topic was denunciation of the British government. Com-
mandant Mocke had moved over the Vaal. At Winburg
there was
a court of landdrost and heemraden. Mr. J.
Meyer, the landdrost, was a timid old man, who was afraid
to be seen conversing with a commissioner of the British
government, and therefore only communicated with him at night.
From Winburg Mr. Joubert proceeded to visit the chiefs
along the Caledon. He found the missionaries of the French
and the Wesleyan societies holding opposite opinions as to
the right of Moshesh to the sovereignty of the country
occupied by Moroko, Gert Taaibosch, Peter Davids, and
Carolus Baatje. The commissioner heard the statements of
both parties. Though he was indignant at some of the
preposterous claims advanced on behalf of Taaibosch, he was
inclined on the whole to favour the view of the Wesleyan
missionaries, because it was better supported by evidence.
He thought it advisable to prevent Moshesh from becoming
too powerful, and he correctly forecasted what the result
must be if the Basuto tribe should be permitted to absorb
its neighbours.
no
Moroko and Taaibosch offered large tracts of unoccupied
ground for the use of Europeans, but Moshesh declined to
relinquish more than the little slip which he proposed at
Touwfontein. Mr. Joubert reported that he found
Basuto south of the Koesberg, but between that mountain
and the line proposed by Moshesh there were seventy-two
farms occupied by two hundred and eighty-nine emigrant
families.
Mr. Joubert estimated Moshesh's people at fifty or sixty
thousand, Moroko's at ten thousand, Molitsane's at one
thousand, Gert Taaibosch's at three hundred, Carolus Baatje's
at two hundred, and Peter Davids' at two hundred of all
ages.
The commissioner's report showed such difficulties in the
way of making any arrangement with Moshesh, without
436
[1846
History of South Africa...
violating the Napier treaty, that no immediate action was
taken.
During the summer of 1845-6 a great expansion of the
Basuto tribe took place. Moshesh pushed his outposts far
forward, on one side towards the Batlokua border, and on
the other deep into the district occupied by the farmers.
His brother Poshuli, who had up to this time lived at Thaba
Tsheu, was sent some thirty-five or forty miles farther
southward to take up his residence on Vechtkop,* a mountain
of great natural strength as a fortress. This Poshuli,
though Moshesh's full brother, had none of the abilities of
the great chief. He was a barbarian pure and simple, with
no ambition to be anything higher than the head of a
robber band, and no qualifications for anything else. He
was already notorious as an expert cattle-lifter, and in that
capacity he soon attracted a large following. Robbers from
the Cape Colony and from Kaffirland, among whom were
many Tembus and Fingos, found at Vechtkop a secure
retreat for themselves and their booty.
It
The object of sending Poshuli among the Europeans can
only have been to compel them to abandon their farms.
is noteworthy that an experiment like this was never made
by Moshesh until he was convinced that such a proceeding
towards one body of white men would be viewed with
complacency by other white men in South Africa.
His advance in the other direction may have been a
feint to divert attention, or it may have been a true forward
movement. For several years there had been no serious
fighting between the Batlokua of Sikonyela and the Basuto of
Moshesh, though the feud between them was as strong as
The Batlokua occupied the country on both sides of
the Caledon down to the confluence of the Putiatsana.
Between them and Moshesh's people there was no defined
ever.
* Not to be confounded with the Vechtkop where Potgieter's party repelled
the Matabele, from which it is distant some two hundred miles as the crow
flies. It is unfortunate that the emigrants were in the habit of giving the
same name to various places, a custom which they carried with them from
the colony, where it often causes confusion.
1846]
437
Events north of the Orange.
boundary, and the border land was thinly inhabited. A
body of fresh immigrants was placed under Moshesh's son
Molapo, who was directed to occupy it, and when Sikonyela
threatened an attack, a strong Basuto army was sent to the
front.
At this stage Moshesh reported the matter to the colonial
government. Professing to stand in awe of the great power
of which he had heard so much, and to believe in its
friendly disposition towards him and his people, he announced
that he would not enter upon a war without its sanction,
unless compelled to do so in self-defence. The British
resident considered it his duty to endeavour to prevent
hostilities, and Sir Peregrine Maitland approved of his
offering to mediate between the chiefs in the capacity of
an arbiter selected by themselves to preserve the peace of
the country.
With the object of trying to settle this matter and the
complicated land questions previously referred to, the British
resident invited all the disputants to a conference, which
took place at Platberg in March 1846. There were present
Captain Warden and his clerk, two French missionaries, a
Wesleyan missionary, the chief Moshesh with his sons
Letsie and Molapo, the chief Sikonyela with his brother
Mota, the chief Molitsane with his sons Moiketsi and
Mokhele, the chief Moroko, the captains Adam Kok, Peter
Davids, and Carolus Baatje, a representative of Gert
Taaibosch, and a number of councillors and leading men
of all parties.
The conference lasted nearly two days, at the end of
which the British resident, finding it impossible to bring
the various chiefs to consent to any arrangement, proposed
that they should submit their respective claims to a com-
mission to be appointed by the governor, and engage to
keep peace with each other until his Excellency's pleasure
should be known. The chiefs agreed to the proposal, and
a document to this effect was drawn up and received the
anarks of them all.
438
[1846
History of South Africa.
The
A commission, however, was not then appointed.
governor favoured the proposal, but while the preliminary
arrangements were in progress the Kaffir war of 1846-7
broke out on the eastern colonial frontier, and occupied the
attention of Sir Peregrine Maitland and of his successor,
Sir Henry Pottinger, to the exclusion of less pressing
matters.
The British resident, whose title of captain was about
this time changed into that of major, selected as the seat of
his court and the station of the troops under his command
a farm between Kaal Spruit and the Modder river that had
been in occupation of an emigrant named Brits, and as
Adam Kok was recognised as the sovereign of the territory,
the form was gone through of obtaining a cession of the
ground from him. The place so selected was Bloemfontein,
which thus dates its origin in 1846.
In June of this year some farmers who had been expelled
from ground claimed by Griquas placed themselves under
the leadership of Commandant Jan Kock at Winburg, and
sent messages to Adam Kok threatening to attack him.
Thereupon Major Warden demanded assistance from Moroko,
Gert Taaibosch, Carolus Baatje, and Peter Davids, and with
the troops and a few men furnished by these chiefs he
marched to Winburg and dispersed Commandant Kock's
followers. On this occasion the major disarmed all the
farmers he could get hold of. It was afterwards made a
subject of complaint that among those disarmed were
several who had never taken part in disturbances, and who
were so poor as to depend principally upon game for
subsistence.
Towards the close of 1846 Sir Peregrine Maitland
endeavoured to eliminate one element of discord from the
question of territorial ownership, by offering to Carolus
Baatje and Peter Davids, the two captains of the mixed
breeds, tracts of land in the valley of the Buffalo river, in
the present division of King-Williamstown, if they would
remove from Platberg and Lishuane; but the negotiations
1846]
439
Events north of the Orange.
fell through. Not long after this, some of Peter Davids'
people moved away beyond the lower Vaal, others dispersed
in different directions, and the little clan was broken up.
During the progress of the war with the Xosas and
Tembus Moshesh
Moshesh expressed the most friendly feelings
towards the British government. He offered assistance
against the enemy, but the colonial authorities considered
it advisable not to encourage his active co-operation. Some
strangers, at first believed to be fugitive Kaffirs, having
crossed his boundaries, he placed a strong armed party on
the frontier professedly to prevent any enemies of the colony
from entering his country. It was subsequently ascertained
that the strangers who had caused the alarm had not been
implicated in the war.
The Baphuti under Morosi were robbed of a few hundred
head of cattle by a petty Xosa chief, who took advantage of
a time of disturbance to fall upon this clan, between whom
and himself there was an ancient feud. This circumstance,
however, can hardly be connected with the Kaffir war,
though Moshesh wished it to be regarded as a loss sustained
by his people in consequence of his alliance with the colony.
A few months later both Moshesh and Morosi gave assist-
ance to the British resident in an attack upon some Tembus
in the Wittebergen district south of the Orange river. These
people were known to be secreting great herds of cattle
swept off from the colony by the Xosas, but Major
Warden's movement against them, being conducted without
instructions, was severely censured by Sir Henry Pottinger.
Now and again the feud between the Batlokua and the
Basuto showed itself. Sikonyela adhered but a very short
time to the agreement to keep the peace made at Platberg,
and with hardly any pretence attacked a petty Basuto
captain named Letsela, killed several of his people, and
drove off some of his cattle. The affair was investigated by
the British resident, whose decision was that the Batlokua
chief should restore the booty, but though he promised to
do so, he failed to keep his word.
440
[1847
History of South Africa.
Fourteen years had now elapsed since the arrival of the
pioneer French missionaries in the Lesuto, during which
time the society had scattered its agents over a large extent
of country. In 1837 a station at Thaba Bosigo was founded
by Mr. Gosselin, and in the following year Mr. Casalis took
up his residence there, leaving Mr. Arbousset at Morija. In
1843 a station was founded by Mr. Maitin at Berea. In the
same year a station named Bethesda was formed by Mr.
Schrumpf at the principal village of the Baphuti chief
Morosi, on the northern bank of the Orange. Three years
later Morosi abandoned that side of the Orange, and occu-
pied the district on the southern bank, now called Kuthing
(correct Kaffir spelling Quthing), but the country around the
station was taken possession of by other individuals of the
tribe. In 1846 Mr. Keck commenced a mission at Cana
among the people along the Putiatsana, who had only
recently been cannibals. Molapo and his followers now
removed from Morija as already related, and in defiance of
Sikonyela took up their residence near Mr. Keck. In 1847
a station was formed at the Koesberg by Mr. Cochet, and
was named by him Hebron. The country all about was
occupied by Europeans, but the chief Lebenya with a few
followers lived on the mountain. One of the avowed objects
of Mr. Cochet in founding this station was to attract a
Basuto community to it, and thus extend the tribe in that
direction. In 1847 also the station of Hermon was founded
by Mr. Dyke. A little later the station of Carmel, which,
however, had but a brief existence, was established by Mr.
Lemue, who removed from Motito.*
Moshesh, without embracing Christianity himself, was a
firm friend of the missionaries, giving them ample protection,
making necessary grants of land whenever and wherever
they desired, and requiring his subjects to reside in the
neighbourhood of the churches and schools. He even took
part in public services, and frequently acted as an exhorter.
* Motito was retained by the French missionaries until 1867, when it was
transferred to the London society, and became an outstation of Kuruman.
=847]
441
Events north of the Orange.
On all important occasions he sought counsel from the
Christian teachers, and seldom neglected to do as they
advised.
But if the missionaries owed much to Moshesh, he
certainly owed more to them. The English government
contributed to make him great by its countenance and its
protection. The emigrant farmers, by acting as a wall of
defence against external enemies, preserved the people from
extermination. But the existence of the Basuto as a powerful
tribe must be attributed to the French missionaries more
than to all other foreign agencies combined. Disintegration
would have followed the return of prosperity, the various
elements which had not yet had time to blend must have
fallen asunder, but for them. They saw the danger of
anarchy, and directed every effort to support the influence
and power of the great chief, who was not only the friend
of missions, but the sole individual capable of preserving
order in the land.
His communications with the colonial government were
now conducted in the manner of a civilised power, letters
being written to his dictation by one or other of the
missionaries residing with him, and read by his sons who
had been educated in Capetown. His people had advanced
greatly in knowledge under the teaching of the French
clergymen. Hundreds of his subjects went every year to
take service with farmers in the colony, and other hundreds
returned, bringing with them the heifers or the guns which
they had earned. Large quantities of millet, maize, and
even wheat were exchanged after every harvest for articles
of English manufacture.
After the skirmish at Zwartkopjes most of those farmers
who were opposed to the British government moved from
the Riet, Modder, and lower Caledon, either to Winburg or
over the Vaal. To this time the districts of Potchefstroom
and Winburg had been united under one council and one
chief commandant, Hendrik Potgieter. Mr. Potgieter resided
at Magalisberg, but occasionally he visited the southern
442
[1845
History of South Africa.
portion of the republic. In January 1843 he convened a
meeting at Thaba Ntshu of the chiefs along the Caledon,
and renewed with them the old agreements of peace and
friendship. From the first appearance of the English troops
in Natal, however, his attention was directed to the far
north, where alone he believed the emigrants would be left
to themselves. With the country in that direction as far as
the Limpopo he was already well acquainted. Besides the
journeys which have been mentioned, in May 1843 he con-
ducted another unsuccessful expedition against Moselekatse,
for the purpose of endeavouring to recover the three captive
Christian children, whose relatives would not be comforted,
but insisted upon an effort being made for their release.
When Natal was lost to the emigrants, Messrs. Smellekamp
and Ham found means to communicate with Commandant
Potgieter from Delagoa Bay. In December 1843 a party of
fifty farmers left Winburg with sixteen waggons to convey
these gentlemen inland, but their cattle were destroyed by
the tsetse, and they were obliged to turn back before
reaching their destination. In June of the following year
Commandant Mocke with eighty farmers made another
attempt to reach Delagoa Bay, but again met with failure.
Mr. Smellekamp then advised the emigrants to make a
general move to the north-east, and this fell in with
Commandant Potgieter's own views. Towards the close of
1844 a few families were on the march, and in 1845 there
was a large migration from Potchefstroom and Winburg.
The object was to get within easy reach of Delagoa Bay
and to be beyond fear of collision with the British govern-
ment. A little north of the twenty-fifth parallel of latitude
and near the thirty-first degree of longitude this party of
emigrants founded a village which they named Andries-
Ohrigstad, after the first name of the commandant and the
surname of Mr. G. G. Ohrig of Amsterdam. There they
were smitten with fever, and were reduced to extreme
distress. Some then moved to a better site a short distance
away, and founded the village of Lydenburg, which was so
1846]
443
Events north of the Vaal.
called from their recent suffering. This party was speedily
reinforced by fresh arrivals from the south.
Another detachment with the commandant himself moved
farther towards the interior, and settled at Zoutpansberg.
Andries-Ohrigstad was, however, for some time considered the
seat of government of the whole republic, and Potchefstroom
and Winburg were termed adjuncts to it.
which was thus
which
party was taken
The district along the Mooi river
abandoned by Commandant Potgieter's
possession of by those emigrants who would not submit
to the British authorities after the establishment of the
colonial government in Natal and after the skirmish at
Zwartkopjes.
In the rugged district of the Lulu mountains, east of the
Olifants river, there was then living a
was then living a tribe called the
Bapedi. The people composing it were of the same section
of the Bantu as the retainers of Moshesh, and their recent
history was almost identical. Some twenty-eight years
earlier, just after the death of Tulare, the great chief of
the country, a Zulu army led by Moselekatse laid waste
the land, destroyed most of its inhabitants, and compelled
the remainder to disperse. After a time Moselekatse with-
drew, and then Sekwati, son of Tulare, returned from beyond.
the Limpopo, where he had taken refuge. In the land of
his fathers he collected together not only the remnant of the
original Bapedi, but refugees from numerous other broken
tribes who now took the Bapedi name.
In the winter of 1846 a quarrel arose between the Bapedi
and the emigrant farmers. Thereupon Commandant Potgieter,
with one hundred and fifty burghers, Matlabe's Barolong
and a party of blacks under a half-breed son of the outlaw
Coenraad du Buis, attacked the Bapedi, and took from them.
eight thousand head of horned cattle and six thousand goats.
The spoil was equally divided between the Europeans and
the blacks belonging to the commando. Peace was restored
by the submission of the Bapedi chief to the emigrant
government.
444
[1847
History of South Africa.
In June 1847 Commandant Potgieter led another expedition
against Moselekatse. After a weary march the Matabele
were found a long way north of the Limpopo, and sixteen
hundred head of cattle were seized at an outpost. But
during the same day Moselekatse's warriors appeared in
such force that the commando was compelled to retire.
Their horses were nearly worn out, so that they were unable
to bring away the captured cattle.
In June 1846 the court of landdrost and heemraden,
which had existed at Winburg ever since the foundation of
that village, ceased to meet, owing to the attack by Major
Warden which has been related. This court had acted not
only in a judicial capacity for the trial of civil and criminal
cases, but as an orphan chamber, and before it marriages
had been contracted. Its want was therefore greatly felt.
On the 5th of August 1847 those emigrants who were well
affected towards the British government met at Winburg,
and elected Mr. Gerrit Hendrik Meyer landdrost. Mr.
Meyer stated that he would not accept the office without
the sanction of her Majesty's high commissioner, and a
memorial asking Sir Henry Pottinger's approval of their
proceedings was therefore drawn up and signed by seventy
individuals. In order that this might become generally
known, it was resolved not to forward the memorial until
the 17th of September.
On the 27th of October a much larger meeting was held
at Winburg, when Mr. Meyer was deposed, those who had
elected him were denounced as enemies of the republic, and
Mr. Willem Jacobs was chosen as landdrost.
At this time there were some two thousand emigrant
families between the Vaal and Orange rivers, and of these
fully fifteen hundred were opposed to British rule. Jan
Kock's party was scattered along both sides of the Vaal as
far down as the Mooi river. The commandant himself was
occupying a farm near Potchefstroom.
SYNOPTICAL INDEX.
An asterisk denotes that the subject before which it is placed is continued,
from a previous volume.
Abercrombie Robinson, British transport: on the 28th of August 1842 is
wrecked in Table Bay, 229
Aberdeen, earl of: from December 1834 to April 1835 is secretary of
state for the colonies, 141
Adams, Dr., of the American board: in February 1836 assists in founding
the first mission station in Natal, 310; in April 1838 is obliged to
abandon that country to save his life, 326; in June 1839 returns and
resumes work at the Umlazi station, 347
Adamson, Rev. Dr. James: in November 1827 arrives in South Africa as
minister of the Scotch church in Capetown, 17
Afrikaner, Hottentot captain: in his old age leads a reformed life, but
his son Jonker continues the career of a marauder, 26
Agent for the Cape Colony in England: particulars concerning, 46
*
*
Albany condition in 1834 of, 83
Albany levy in March 1825 is disbanded, 85
Albertyn, Rev. P. K.: in August 1844 becomes the first resident clergy-
man of Prince Albert, 220
Amatola mountains: description of the country along the, 106
American missionaries: in 1835 arrive in South Africa, 310; see Adams,
Champion, Grout, Lindley, Venable, and Wilson; particulars con-
cerning missions in Natal, 399
Anderson, Rev. William: is the first missionary to the Griquas, 408; on
account of dissensions among those people in 1820 he is obliged to
leave them, 411; on the 24th of September 1852 dies at Pacaltsdorp
Angora goats: in 1835 are introduced into the Cape Colony, 41
Anta, minor son of the Xosa chief Gaika: upon the death without heirs
of Ntimbo, right-hand son of Umlawu, is chosen to be his successor,
51; takes part against the Cape Colony in the sixth Kaffir war, but
on the 17th of September 1835 agrees to become a British subject,
125; on the 5th of December 1836 is released from his allegiance
to the queen by the Stockenstrom treaties, 150
Archbell, Rev. Mr.: in 1836 is Wesleyan missionary at Thaba Ntshu, and
renders important service to the emigrant farmers, 282; in June
1842 is a missionary in Durban, Natal, and conveys a flag of truce
from Commandant-General Pretorius to Captain Smith, 372
445
446
History of South Africa.
Armstrong, a British settler: on the 21st of April 1835 when on military
service beyond the Kei is killed by some Galekas, 111
Armstrong, Captain: at the commencement of the Kaffir war of 1834-5
induces the Hottentots at the Kat river to espouse the colonial side,
97; (Major) in April 1839 commands a division of the force sent
against the emigrant Tembu chief Mapasa, 185
Ayliff, Rev. John, Wesleyan missionary: shortly after the commencement
of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 retires from his station Butterworth to
Clarkebury, where he is protected by the Tembu regent Vadana,
109; in April 1835 he leaves Clarkebury with a patrol sent to
rescue the Europeans there, and moves with a body of Fingos to the
district between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 111 and 113; after
the conclusion of peace he remains at Fort Peddie as missionary
with the Fingos, 131
+
Baatje, Carolus: complains of the injustice done to him by the treaty
of 1843 between Sir George Napier and the Basuto chief Moshesh,
421; in June 1846 assists Major Warden to disperse the adherents
of Jan Kock, 438
Baca tribe: see Makaula and Ncapayi
:
Badenhorst, L. in June 1838 is appointed landdrost of Port Natal, but
only holds the office a few weeks, 328
Bailie, Charles: on the 27th of June 1835 is killed near Pirie mission
station, 121
*
Bailie, John particulars concerning, 122
Bain, Andrew Geddes: in 1835 explores the territory along the upper
Limpopo, and is pillaged by the Matabele, 275: superintends the
making of the queen's road between
queen's road between Grahamstown and Fort
Beaufort, 198
Balfour, on the Kat river: in March 1828 receives its name, 10
Ballot, Rev. J. S. S. on the 31st of May 1827 is appointed clergyman
of George
Bapedi tribe: history of the, 443; see Sekwati
*
Barend Barends: in 1820 moves away from Griquatown and sets up
an independent government at Daniel's Kuil; subsequently moves
to Boetsap and settles there, 411
Barnes, Major James in January 1839 becomes the first resident
magistrate of Caledon, 228
*
Barolong tribe: see Matlabe, Masisi, Moroko, and Tawane
Basutoland: by a treaty in December 1843 between Sir George Napier
and Moshesh a great tract of country is assigned to the Basuto
tribe, and is thenceforth termed Basutoland or the Lesuto
* Basuto tribe: see Molitsane, Morosi, and Moshesh
*
*
Bataung tribe: see Makwana, Molitsane, and Tulu
Bathurst, village of at the beginning of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is
abandoned, 92; but is shortly afterwards reoccupied
Index.
447
:
* Bawana in 1829 is murdered by a petty captain named Batsa, 8
* Beaufort West, district of: in August 1836 is placed under a civil
commissioner independent of Graaff-Reinet, 166
* Beaufort West, town of is the first municipality in the Cape Colony,
167
Beersheba mission station: in 1835 is founded by the reverend Mr.
Rolland at Zevenfontein on the right bank of the Caledon river, 284
Bell, Lieutenant-Colonel John: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5
administers the government while Sir Benjamin D'Urban is on the
frontier, 97; on the 10th of June 1841 goes to England on leave,
and as he receives military promotion there does not return, 214
Bell, William, master of the schooner Conch: in June 1842 conveys
troops to Natal to aid the British force beleaguered there, 373; on
the 22nd of December 1844 is appointed harbour master of Port
Natal, 399
Berea mission station in 1843 is founded in the Lesuto by the Paris
evangelical society, 440
*
Bergh, Egbertus in the great retrenchment of 1834 is reduced to be
assistant civil commissioner and resident magistrate of George, 44
Berlin missionary society in 1834 commences to labour in South Africa,
84
:
Berrange, Rev. J. F.: in 1844 becomes the first resident clergyman of
Richmond, 246
Bethesda mission station: in 1843 is founded in the Lesuto by the
Paris evangelical society, 440
Bezant, Charles: on the 6th of July 1838 is murdered at Pato's kraal, 186
Biggar, Alexander in 1820 arrives in South Africa as head of a party
of British settlers, 312; in 1834 establishes himself as a trader at
Port Natal, 312; in May 1838 is appointed landdrost of Port Natal,
but declines to perform the duties, 328; on the 23rd of December
1838 is killed in battle with the Zulus, 332
Biggar, George, son of Alexander in 1834 arrives in Natal, 316; on
the 17th of February 1838 is murdered by the Zulus in the great
massacre of the emigrant farmers, 321
Biggar, Robert, son of Alexander is in nominal command of a force
which marches from Port Natal against Dingan and which succeeds
in securing a good deal of plunder, when it is broken up by
internal dissension, 323; a few days later, when in command of
another expedition, on the 17th of April 1838 is killed in battle
with the Zulus, 326
Bird, Wilberforce is controller of customs at Capetown, 44; on the
19th of April 1836 dies
:
Blankets before 1834 are manufactured in the district of Albany, 39
Bloemfontein, town of: in 1846 is founded, 438
Board of executors for administering estates: in 1838 is founded in
Capetown, 225
448
History of South Africa.
:
Board of relief is constituted by Sir Benjamin D'Urban soon after the
commencement of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 to alleviate the misery
of the ruined colonists, 98
Borcherds, P. B.: in 1834 his title is changed to civil commissioner
and resident magistrate, and the district of Simonstown is joined to
the Cape and placed under his charge, 44
:
Boshof, Jacobus Nicolaas in May 1838 arrives in Natal, and thereafter
takes a leading part in the affairs of that territory, 327
Botumane, captain of a section of the Imidange clan of Xosas: in 1828
takes possession of the western bank of the Tyumie river, 5; in
November 1833, owing to depredations by his people, he is required
to leave that territory, 55; in December 1834 sends his followers
to lay waste the frontier districts of the Cape Colony, 90; continues
the conflict until the 17th of September 1835, when he agrees to
terms of peace and becomes a British subject, 125; on the 5th of
December 1836 is released from his allegiance and enters into a
treaty with the British government, 150; on the 2nd of December
1840 agrees to certain modifications of the treaty proposed by Sir
George Napier, 187; on the 21st of January 1845 enters into a new
treaty framed by Sir Peregrine Maitland, 259
* Boundaries of the Cape Colony: see Extension
:
Boundary between the districts of Albany and Somerset East in October
1837 is defined, 165
Boundaries of the republic of Natal, 346
Bowker, John Mitford in 1835 at the close of the sixth Kaffir war is
appointed agent with the Gunukwebes and the Fingos, and is
stationed at Fort Peddie, 130; in February 1839 is succeeded in
that office by Mr. Theophilus Shepstone, 190
Bowker, Miles: is the first breeder of woolled sheep in Albany, 39
Boyce, Rev. William at the commencement of the Kaffir war of 1834-5
is obliged to abandon his station, 111; assists in the negotiations by
which the war is brought to an end, 123; upon the conclusion of
peace reoccupies the mission station Mount Coke, 131
:
van Breda, Michiel is one of the earliest successful breeders of merino
sheep in the Cape Colony, 39; is one of the first unofficial members
of the legislative council established in 1834, 48
:
van Breda, Michiel (not the above) in June 1842 takes a leading part
in resistance to the British troops at Natal, 371; in July is excepted
from the general amnesty agreed to by Colonel Cloete, 377; a
reward of £250 is offered by Sir George Napier for his appre-
hension, but no one molests him, 378
van Breda, Servaas: in June 1842 takes a leading part in resistance to
the British troops at Natal, 371; in July is excepted from the
general amnesty agreed to by Colonel Cloete, 377; a reward of
£250 is offered by Sir George Napier for his apprehension, but no
one molests him, 378
Index.
449
Bredasdorp, village of: in May 1838 is founded, 218
Bredasdorp, Dutch reformed church at: on the 27th of April 1839 the
first consistory is appointed, 218
Brink, Rev. J. J. in May 1839 becomes the first resident clergyman
of Bredasdorp, 218
Brownlee, James: visits Dingan a few hours after the massacre of
Pieter Retief and his party, 320
*Brownlee, Rev. John, missionary with the Tinde clan at the begin-
ning of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 with his family takes refuge at
Wesleyville, and is there rescued by a party of volunteers, 99;
upon the conclusion of peace re-establishes the mission with
Tshatshu's people, 131
:
Buchanan, Thomas in July 1840 opens in Capetown the first normal
school in the Cape Colony, 212
Buffalo river mouth, on the south-eastern coast of Africa in November
1836 is first used as a place for landing and shipping goods, 134
* du Buis, Coenraad: in 1815 flees from Swellendam to the neighbourhood
of Klaarwater, north of the Orange river, where he leads a lawless
life, 277; after a time moves farther northward, and spends the
remainder of his days on the banks of the Limpopo, 277
Buku (correct Kaffir spelling Buru), right-hand son of Kawuta, Xosa
chief on the 1st of May 1835 is given by his half-brother Hintsa to
Sir Benjamin D'Urban as a hostage for the fulfilment of terms of
peace, 112; is detained two months, and is then set at liberty,
117
Bunbury, Charles: accompanies Sir George Napier to South Africa, 173
Buntingville mission station in March 1830 is founded in Pondoland
by the Wesleyan society, 52; is abandoned during the Kaffir war
of 1834-5, but early in 1836 is reoccupied, 132
Burger, Jacobus Johannes: from 1840 to 1842 is secretary of the volks-
raad of Natal, 351; in July 1842 is excepted from the general
amnesty agreed to by Colonel Cloete, 377; a reward of £250 is
offered by Sir George Napier for his apprehension, but no one
molests him, 378
Burgerskloof, in the district of Piketberg: on the 1st of February 1846
the Moravian mission school is opened at
Burghersdorp, village of: in March 1847 is founded, 247
Burghersdorp, Dutch reformed church at in January 1847 the first
consistory commences duty, 247
Burke, Rev. Dr. in 1838 becomes the first Roman catholic clergyman
of Grahamstown, 225
Burnshill mission station: in June 1830 is founded on the upper
Keiskama, 99; is named after the reverend John Burns, one of the
founders of the Glasgow missionary society, 131; during the war
of 1834-5 is abandoned, but on the conclusion of peace is again
occupied, 131
鼻
​2 F
450
History of South Africa.
*Burton, W. W. in November 1832 is transferred to the supreme court
of New South Wales, 46
Bushmen: between 1826 and 1836 are exterminated by the Griquas in
the territory between the Orange and Modder rivers, 413
Butterworth mission station: in July 1827 is founded by the Wesleyan
society, 52; during the war of 1834-5 is destroyed by the Xosas,
109; early in 1836 is occupied again, 132
* Buxton, Mr. Fowell: in 1835 is chairman of a committee of the house
of commons appointed to take evidence regarding the aborigines in
British settlements, 137
Caledon, district of: in January 1839 is created, 228
*
*
*
Caledon, earl of on the 8th of April 1839 dies, 232
Caledon, village of on the 4th of September 1840 becomes a munici-
pality
Campbell, Duncan : makes unsuccessful efforts to farm with southdown
sheep, 39; from March to September 1833 acts as commissioner-
general of the eastern province, 84; in 1834 becomes civil-commis-
sioner and resident magistrate of Albany, 44; in August 1838
retires on a pension, 181
Cane, John: in 1824 accompanies Mr. Farewell to Natal, and remains in
that country, 298; in 1828 is sent to Capetown by Tshaka to greet the
governor, 301; after Mr. Farewell's death in September 1829 becomes
chief of a party of blacks, 305; in October 1830 is sent by Dingan
with a present of ivory to the governor of the Cape Colony, but is not
allowed to proceed farther than Grahamstown, and the present is
declined, 305; returns to Natal, 306; in November 1837 accompanies
Pieter Retief to Umkungunhlovu, 314; early in April 1838 takes
part in an attack upon Dingan's army, 323; and on the 17th of that
month is killed in battle with the Zulus, 326
Cape mounted riflemen: see Hottentot regiment
Cape of Good Hope bank: in August 1837 is established in Capetown,
168; in September 1890 is closed, 169
Cape of Good Hope fire assurance company in 1835 is founded in
Capetown, 225
Cape of Good Hope marine assurance company: in 1838 is founded in
Capetown, 225
Cape of Good Hope punishment bill: in August 1836 is passed by the
imperial parliament at the instance of Lord Glenelg, 147; provisions
of, 311
*
Capetown during the government of Sir Lowry Cole great changes
are made in its appearance, 16; on the 3rd of March 1840 is created
a municipality, 168; is considerably improved in appearance during
the government of Sir George Napier, 227
Carlisle, Rev. Mr., clergyman of the English episcopal church
Grahamstown on the 12th of July 1828 arrives from England
Index.
451
Casa, petty captain of the Amambala clan: in December 1834 attacks a
military patrol, but is called back by his chief, 88; as a punishment
is required by Colonel Somerset to leave the ceded territory, 88
Causes of the great emigration of Dutch speaking people from the Cape
Colony in and after 1836, 266
Census in 1835 of Bantu between the Fish and Kei rivers south of
the Amatola range, 131
Chalmers, Rev. William, missionary at the Tyumie: in December 1834
is required by the chief Tyali to act as his secretary, 90; on the
20th of January 1835 is rescued by a military patrol, 99; at the
close of the war returns to his station at the Tyumie, 131
Champion, Rev. Mr., American missionary: in February 1836 assists to
found the first mission station in Natal, 310; in April 1838 leaves
Natal owing to the disturbances there, and never returns, 326
Charter of justice: provisions of the second, which came in force on
the 1st of March 1834, 45
Charters, Major Samuel, military secretary to Sir George Napier: in
November 1838 is sent with a body of troops to occupy Port Natal,
334; constructs a stockaded fort there, which he names Fort
Victoria, 335; takes possession of all the ammunition in store at
the port, 335; as soon as the troops are settled returns to Capetown,
leaving Captain Henry Jervis in command, 336
Chase versus Fairbairn particulars of an action for libel in the
Commercial Advertiser, 161
Children's Friend Society: particulars concerning, 193
Christophers, Joseph H.: in 1843 inaugurates a system of immigration by
which a few artisans arrive at Port Elizabeth, 193
Church building, Dutch reformed, in Table Valley in 1836 the greater
part of the building erected at the commencement of the eighteenth
century is broken down for the purpose of enlargement, and in 1841
the present edifice on the same site is opened for use, 227
Cilliers, Carel, a pious farmer of puritan simplicity: accompanies the
second large body of emigrants from the Cape Colony, 274; is one
of a party that between May and September 1836 explores the
country from the Vaal river to the Zoutpansberg, 276; in October
assists in the defence of the camp at Vechtkop when attacked by
the Matabele, 280; in January 1837 accompanies a commando which
defeats the Matabele at Mosega, 286; in November of the same year
takes part in the expedition that drives the Matabele beyond the
Limpopo, 294; is one of the ablest and most valiant warriors in the
commando that on the 16th of December 1838 inflicts a crushing
defeat upon Dingan, 332
* Civil commissioners: in 1834 the office is united with that of resident
magistrate, 44
Clanwilliam, village of: in November 1831 is provided with a clergy-
man of the Dutch reformed church
452
History of South Africa.
Clanwilliam, district of: on the 1st of January 1837 is separated from
Worcester, having previously been only a sub-district, 166
Clarkebury mission station: in April 1830 is founded in Tembuland
by the Wesleyan society, 52; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is
abandoned, but early in 1836 is reoccupied, 132
Clarkson, Moravian mission station: in 1838 is founded for the benefit
of the Fingos at Zitzikama, 177
Cloete, Advocate Henry: on the 12th of May 1843 is sent to Natal as
a commissioner to collect information, 382; on the 8th of August
receives the submission of the volksraad to the conditions imposed
by the secretary of state for the colonies, 389; on the 1st of October
visits Panda, 392; and obtains that chief's consent to a new boundary
between Zululand and Natal, 392; at the same time obtains from
Panda the cession of St. Lucia Bay to the queen of England, 393;
on the 13th of November 1845 is appointed recorder of Natal, 400
* Cloete, Lieutenant-Colonel A. J.: in June 1842 is sent from Capetown
with troops to succour the British force beleaguered in Natal, 373;
and succeeds in that object, 374; calls upon the farmers to submit
to the queen's authority, 376; on the 15th of July receives the
submission of the volksraad, 377; and then returns to Capetown,
leaving Major Smith in command of the troops in Natal, 377
Cloete, Pieter Laurens: is one of the first unofficial members of the
legislative council established in 1834, 48
Cock, William: makes great efforts to improve Port Frances, 200; in
October 1847 becomes a member of the legislative council of the
Cape Colony, 240
Cole, Lieutenant-General Sir Galbraith Lowry: on the 9th of September
1828 assumes duty as governor of the Cape Colony, 1; after an
administration of nearly five years resigns, and on the 10th of
August 1833 embarks for England, 29; on the 4th of October 1842
dies, 232
Colesberg, district of: on the 6th of February 1837 is created, 164
*
Colesberg, village of: on the 19th of June 1840 becomes a municipality
Collis, James: in August 1831 settles at Port Natal, 306; in 1835 is
killed there by an explosion of gunpowder, 308
Colonial bank: in 1844 is established in Capetown, 242
Commando law: particulars concerning the ordinance of June 1833,
which was disallowed by the imperial government, 27
* Commandos entering Kaffirland to make reprisals for stolen cattle:
particulars of one in November 1824 against Makoma under Captain
the honourable John Massey, 1; of one in December 1825 against
Susa, 2; of one in June 1830 against some petty captains under
Makoma and Tyali, 53
* Commerce with Kaffirs: description of the method of conducting barter, 52
* Commercial Advertiser: on the 10th of May 1827 is suppressed by the
government for the second time, 14; but on the 3rd of October 1828
Index.
453
*
is again resumed, 15; during the war of 1834-5 creates irritation on
the frontier of the Cape Colony by advocating the Kaffir cause, 93;
is the organ of the party opposed to Sir Benjamin D'Urban's arrange-
ments after the close of the war, 136; supports the measures carried
out by Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom, 155; note upon, 156
Commissioner-general for the eastern province: on the 1st of January
1834 the office is abolished, 84
Consistories of the Dutch reformed church: constitution of, 222
Constitution of nine articles: on the 6th of June 1837 is adopted by the
emigrant farmers at Winburg, 290
Construction of roads in the Cape Colony by convict labour: particulars
of the system introduced in 1843, 230
* Council of advice: in 1834 is superseded by the creation of distinct
executive and legislative councils, 47
:
Cowie, Dr. with Mr. Benjamin Green in 1829 travels from the Cape
Colony by way of Natal to Delagoa Bay, 305; and perishes of
fever when trying to return, 305
Cowie, William in May 1838 is appointed fieldcornet of Port Natal,
328; on the 22nd of December 1844 is appointed first postmaster
at Durban, 399
:
Cox, Major William in January 1835, during the sixth Kaffir war,
commands the patrol that commences operations against the Xosas,
96; in March commands one of the four divisions of the army
which enters Kaffirland, 102; five months later assists in the
conferences by which the war is brought to an end, 124
Cradock, district of: on the 6th of February 1837 is created, 164
Craig, John Moore: from the 10th of June 1841 to the 23rd of April
1843 acts as secretary to government in the Cape Colony, 214
* Customs duties of the Cape Colony: as levied from 1806 to 1835, 33 et seq.;
particulars concerning various changes between 1834 and 1850, 205
Cuyler, Jacob Glen (Lieutenant-General): on the 14th of April 1854
dies at Cuyler Manor in Uitenhage
Daniell, Lieutenant Richard is one of the early breeders of merino
sheep in the district of Albany, 40
:
Danser, David, Korana captain: in 1839 sells a tract of land containing
the present principal diamond mines to David Stephanus Fourie, 434
Daumas, Rev. Mr., of the Paris evangelical society in 1837 commences
a mission at Mekuatling with the Bataung under Molitsane, 403
* Davids, Peter, Griqua captain: in January 1837 assists the emigrant
farmers against the Matabele, 285; complains of the injustice done
to him by the treaty of 1843 between Sir George Napier and the
Basuto chief Moshesh, 421; in June 1846 assists Major Warden to
disperse the adherents of Jan Kock, 438; shortly after this event
the members of his little clan move away in different directions,
and he ceases to be of any importance, 439
454
History of South Africa.
:
Davis, Rev. W. J., missionary at Clarkebury: in April 1835 during the
Kaffir war is rescued by a military patrol, 111
Debt, colonial public: is paid off during the governments of Sir George
Napier and Sir Peregrine Maitland, 198
*
:
Delagoa Bay in 1829 is visited by an exploring expedition from the
Cape Colony, 305; see Lourenço Marques
Delancey, Captain Peter: in January 1836 is sent on a diplomatic mission
to the chiefs Kreli, Vadana, Faku, and Ncapayi, 132
it
Denyssen, Daniel on the 18th of February 1855 dies
:
Denyssen, Advocate Pieter Jan is the first secretary of the municipality
of Capetown, 168
*
:
Dingan on the 23rd of September 1828 with two others murders his
brother Tshaka, 303; shortly afterwards with his own hand assassin-
ates one of his fellow conspirators, 303; and then becomes chief of
the Zulu tribe, 303; in which capacity he displays the vilest qualities,
303; he invites the Europeans at Port Natal to remain there for
trading purposes, 304; in October 1830 sends an embassy with a
present of ivory to the governor of the Cape Colony, but it is not
received, 305; which greatly irritates him, 306; in 1834 to give
confidence to the Europeans at Port Natal he withdraws his soldiers
from the southern side of the lower Tugela, 307; in June 1835
makes Captain Gardiner chief of the Natal people and gives him
permission to establish two mission stations, 310; also gives the
American missionaries leave to form stations in his country, 310;
claims dominion over the whole territory between the Drakensberg
and the sea as far south as the Umzimvubu, 312; during the winter
of 1837 sends an expedition against Moselekatse, which secures much
spoil, 292; in November 1837 promises Pieter Retief a tract of land
on condition of recovering some cattle stolen from the Zulus by
Sikonyela's Batlokua, 315; the condition being fulfilled, on the 4th
of February 1838 he cedes to the emigrant farmers the territory
between the Tugela and Umzimvubu rivers, 317; having succeeded
in throwing Retief and his companions off their guard, on the 6th
he causes them all to be murdered, 317; immediately afterwards
sends his warriors to exterminate the emigrants in Natal,
320;
and
on the 17th of February another dreadful massacre takes place, 320;
some of the emigrants, however, receive warning in time, and success-
fully defend themselves in lagers, 320; on the 11th of April his
army defeats an emigrant commando under H. Potgieter and P.
Uys, 324; and on the 17th of the same month in a desperate battle
almost annihilates the Englishmen and blacks of Natal, 325; the
army afterwards destroys everything of value at Durban, 326; in
August it is again sent against the emigrants in Natal, but is beaten
back with heavy loss, 328; on the 16th of December 1838 at the
Blood river it suffers a crushing defeat from the emigrant farmers
under Commandant-General Pretorius, 331; Dingan then sets fire
Index.
455
to his kraal and takes shelter in the thickets along the Umvolosi
river, 332; in and after March 1839 he makes insincere overtures
for peace to the emigrant farmers, 337; in September of this year
his brother Panda conspires against him, 341; the emigrant farmers
assist the rebel, 342; on the 30th of January 1840 Dingan's army
is defeated with very heavy loss, and he then flees to the border of
the Swazi country, 344; where he is shortly afterwards assassinated,
344; his destruction enables the remnants of dispersed tribes to
emerge from their hiding-places and form themselves into settled
communities, 401
District: this word is defined by a proclamation of Sir George Napier
on the 5th of February 1839 to mean the area under the jurisdic-
tion of a resident magistrate, 228
Division this word is defined by a proclamation of Sir George Napier
on the 5th of February 1839 to mean the area under the ad-
ministration of a civil commissioner, 228
Doncaster, the: on the 17th of July 1836 is wrecked near Cape Agulhas,
243
*
Donkin, Sir Rufane Shawe: on the 1st of May 1841 dies, 232
Drostdies during the governments of Sir George Napier and Sir
Peregrine Maitland all except the one at Worcester are sold to aid
in the extinction of the colonial debt, 237
Dugmore, Rev. Mr., missionary at Mount Coke: at the beginning of
the Kaffir war of 1834-5 takes refuge at Wesleyville, and is there
rescued by a party of volunteers, 99
Duplooy, Commandant Jacobus: is head of a party of emigrant farmers
in the territory north of the Orange river, and assists in hostilities.
against the Griquas of Adam Kok, 426; on the 2nd of May 1845
takes part in the skirmish at Zwartkopjes against British troops
and Griquas, 428; after the defeat flees to Winburg, 429
Durand, Commandant Jan: in December 1825 assists in an expedition
against Susa, 2
D'Urban, Lady: in 1836 founds a girls' school of industry at Wynberg,
172; on the 23rd of August 1843 dies in Capetown, 172
D'Urban, Major-General Sir Benjamin : on the 16th of January 1834
assumes duty as governor of the Cape Colony, 29; on the 20th of
January 1835 arrives in Grahamstown and assumes command of
the forces collected to oppose the Xosas, 97; after the cessation of
resistance by the Rarabe clans, on the 15th of April crosses the
Kei into the Galeka territory, 108; on the 30th of April concludes
peace with Hintsa, 112; and on the 19th of May, after Hintsa's
death, with the young chief Kreli, 117; on the 10th of May issues
a proclamation annexing to the British dominions the territory from
the frontier of the Cape Colony to the Kei river, 114; on the 11th
of June transfers the direct command of the forces in the field to
Colonel Smith, 121; and on the 17th of September brings the sixth
456
History of South Africa.
Kaffir war to an end by receiving the Rarabe clans as British
subjects, 125; forms an excellent plan for the government of the
Kaffirs in the province of Queen Adelaide, 129; on the 14th of
October extends the north-eastern boundary of the colony to the
Kraai river, 133; on the 30th of December reaches Capetown again,
135; is greatly esteemed by the colonists, 135; but is very un-
favourably regarded by Lord Glenelg, secretary of state, 145; as
they hold different views on many subjects, 169; and the tone of
his despatches gives great offence, 171; in January 1837 he becomes
a lieutenant-general, 172; but a few months later is dismissed from
office as governor, 171; on the 22nd of January 1838 transfers the
duty to his successor, 172; but remains until April 1846 in South
Africa, 172; is then appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in
British North America, and acts in that capacity until the 25th of
May 1849, when he dies at Montreal, 172
Durban, town of on the 23rd of June 1835 is laid out and named by
some Englishmen living at Port Natal, 308
* Dushane, Xosa chief: in January 1824 concludes an agreement of
friendship with the colonial government, 6; in 1828 dies, 50
Dutch reformed church in the Cape Colony particulars concerning,
11, 18, 22, 216, 221, and 246
* Dutch_reformed church in the Cape Colony, extension of elders and
deacons are approved by the government on the 17th of July 1829
for the congregation at Glen Lynden, 23; on the 2nd of September
1829 for the congregation at Wynberg, 23; for the congregation of
Riebeek East on the 9th of March 1830 the civil commissioner of
Albany was directed by the secretary to government to nominate
elders and deacons for the governor's approval. The next letter on
the subject to be found in Capetown is from the reverend Alexander
Smith, of Uitenhage, stating that he had ordained the elders and
deacons in January 1831, and that on the 22nd of April 1831 the
presbytery of Graaff-Reinet had appointed the reverend Mr. Morgan,
of Somerset East, consulent of the new congregation. The church at
Stockenstrom was founded by the reverend William Ritchie Thomson,
government missionary, who in July 1830 was introduced to the
members of the Dutch church there by the reverend Mr. Morgan,
of Somerset East, but who found no persons competent to fill the
offices of elders and deacons. On the 2nd of June 1831 Mr. Thomson
joined the Dutch reformed church. Provisional officers acted until
the 5th of April 1834, when elders and deacons nominated by the
civil commissioner of Albany were ordained by Mr. Thomson, though
they were not formally confirmed by the governor until the 11th of
December 1834. The church at Piketberg was organised by the
reverend William Robertson, of Clanwilliam, in accordance with a
recommendation of the presbytery of the Cape in 1831, which
received the full approval of the governor. Elders and deacons
Index.
457
nominated by the civil commissioner of the Cape were ordained by
Mr. Robertson about or before the 17th of October 1833, but none
were formally approved by the governor until the 23rd of October
1834, when the clergyman of Malmesbury was appointed consulent.
On the 27th of April 1839 elders and deacons were approved by the
governor for the church in Riversdale; on the 27th of April 1839
for the church in Bredasdorp; on the 22nd of June 1840 for the
church in Wellington; on the 24th of November 1842 for the church
in Prince Albert; on the 2nd of November 1843 for the church in
Richmond. For Victoria West a list of names for approval of elders
and deacons was submitted by the presbytery of Beaufort to the
governor, who on the 3rd of November 1843 declined to confirm
them on the ground that the establishment of a congregation there
had not been sanctioned by him. To a further communication the
secretary to government was directed to reply to the presbytery
clerk, 12th of December 1843, that "his Excellency saw no occasion
for submitting the names of any consistories for his approval, and
much less the names of consistories in congregations not supported
by government." The churches from this date forward were free
of control in the appointment of their elders and deacons, though
as a matter of courtesy the governor approved on the 9th of May
1845 of the names submitted to him for the consistory of the new
congregation at French Hoek. See Burghersdorp, Kruisvallei,
Mossel Bay, and Victoria West. After the 14th of May 1845 the
salaries of church clerks, sextons, organists, and bellringers ceased
to be paid by government, and the churches were left free in
the appointments to these offices.
Earthquake, shock of: on the 11th of November 1835 is felt in Cape-
town, 169
Eastern province of the Cape Colony: the English inhabitants desire
to have a government separate from that of the western province,
240; but in November 1847 the lieutenant-governor is withdrawn,
242
Eastern Province bank: in 1839 is founded in Grahamstown, 226
Eastern Province fire and life assurance company in 1839 is founded
in Grahamstown, 226
Ebden, John Bardwell is one of the first unofficial members of the
legislative council established in 1834, 48
Elizabeth and Susan, a small schooner: in 1828 is built on the southern
shore of Port Natal, 301; in December of the same year is seized
at Algoa Bay and detained by the authorities for being without a
license, 304
England, Lieutenant-Colonel Richard: in 1834 is in command of the
garrison of Grahamstown, 86; on the 11th of February 1835 with a
division of the British forces attacks the hostile Xosas in the thickets
458
History of South Africa.
along the Fish river, 101; when the army enters Kaffirland in the
following month he is left in command of the line of defence, 103
*English episcopal church: particulars concerning, 17, 83, 84, 223, 245,
and 249; its clergymen are under the superintendence of an ecclesi-
astical board in London, and to some extent also under the super-
vision of the senior chaplain in Capetown, 223; at the beginning
of 1844 has nine congregations with clergymen in the Cape Colony,
223
Eno, chief of the Amambala clan of Xosas: in 1826 takes possession of
the western bank of the Keiskama, above the Gwanga, 5; in
November 1834 is implicated in a theft of horses from the colony,
87; but upon Colonel Somerset's demand gives redress for this and
other acts of violence by his people, 88; in December sends his
followers to plunder and lay waste the frontier districts of the Cape
Colony, 90; in January 1835 is attacked by a patrol under Major
Cox, and suffers some loss, 96; continues the conflict until the 17th
of September 1835, when he agrees to become a British subject, 125;
on the 5th of December 1836 is released from his allegiance and
enters into a treaty with the British government, 150; on the 2nd
of December 1840 agrees to certain modifications of the treaty
proposed by Sir George Napier, 187; on the 2nd of January 1845
enters into a new treaty framed by Sir Peregrine Maitland, 259
Erasmus, Fieldcornet Pieter: in June 1830 leads an expedition against
the Xosa captain Sigcawu, who is killed, 53 and 54
Erasmus, Stephanus : is attacked by a band of Matabele warriors in 1836
while on a hunting excursion north of the Vaal, when four white
men and a number of coloured servants are murdered, 278
Erebus and Terror, exploring ships: in April 1843 visit Simon's Bay, 228
Executive council: in 1834 is established in the Cape Colony, 47; on the
26th of June 1840 is enlarged by a seat being given to the collector
of customs, 214
Expenditure of the Cape colonial government after 1823: particulars
concerning, 33
*
Exports of South African produce from 1806 to 1835: particulars
concerning, 36 to 43; from 1836 to 1850, 207
Exports of Natal in 1845: value of, 400
*
Extension of the Cape Colony in April 1829 without a formal pro-
clamation it is extended to the watershed between the upper Tyumie
and Kat rivers, an irregular line from the Tyumie to the Kat a little
below Fort Beaufort, and the Kat river to its junction with the
Fish, 9; on the 14th of October 1835 the colony is extended by Sir
Benjamin D'Urban to the Kraai river on the north-east, 133; but
on the 5th of December 1836 is contracted again by Lieutenant-
Governor Stockenstrom to the Stormberg spruit, 150
* Fairbairn, John: after the suppression of the Commercial Advertiser
in May 1827 proceeds to England and induces Sir George Murray
Index.
459
to promise that the press in South Africa shall be freed from the
control of the governor and council, 14; takes a very active part
in the improvement of the public school system, 210
Faku, paramount chief of the Pondo tribe: in July 1828 is visited by
Major Dundas, 353; his country has recently been overrun by
Tshaka's army, and he and his people are living in the valley of
the Umgazi river in great poverty, 353; he sends messengers to
Tshaka to beg to be received as a vassal, and they reach their
destination on the very day of the Zulu chief's assassination, 353;
in May 1829 he is visited by the reverend William Shaw, 353; he
is then in better circumstances than in the preceding year, 353;
immediately afterwards missionaries of the Wesleyan society settle
in his country, 353; his tribe is then weak, is entirely confined
to the western side of the Umzimvubu, and is living in constant
turmoil, 353; in 1835 he promises friendship to the Cape Colony
during the war with the Xosas, 104; in February 1836 he is visited
by Captain P. Delancey, 132; early in 1838 in alliance with the
Baca chief Ncapayi he sweeps the Tembu country of cattle, 354;
he exchanges friendly messages with the emigrant farmers immedi-
ately after they enter Natal, 355; on the 10th and 11th of March
1838 he and his people cross the Umzimvubu and build new kraals on
the Umzimhlava, 356; early in 1839 he is informed by the reverend
Mr. Jenkins--without authority—that Sir George Napier guarantees to
him the whole territory northward to the Umzimkulu, 356; by the
close of this year he and his people are in a fairly prosperous condition,
357; in April 1840 he makes war with Ncapayi, 357; in December
1840, owing to an attack by the emigrant farmers upon the Bacas
of Ncapayi, he calls the missionaries in his neighbourhood together
to give him advice, 359; in his name and with his consent the
missionaries write to Sir George Napier craving protection and
claiming the territory northward to the Umzimkulu, 359; a body
of troops is then sent to form a camp on the Umgazi for his defence,
360; on the 7th of October 1844 he enters into a treaty with Sir
Peregrine Maitland, in which all the territory south of the Umzimkulu
is surrendered to him, 395; after which he puts forward claims of
supremacy over other chiefs which perpetuate the old wars and
confusion, 396; on the 30th of October 1867 he dies
Farewell, Francis George: in 1823 visits Natal on a trading expedition,
295; is so impressed with the capabilities of the country that he
resolves to establish himself there, 297; induces about twenty-five
individuals to join him in the enterprise, 297; in June 1824 settles on
the northern shore of the inlet, 297; shortly afterwards is abandoned
by all of the adventurers except four, 297; in July visits Tshaka,
298; on the 7th of August receives from Tshaka a grant of a large
tract of land round Port Natal, 299; on the 1st of December 1828
leaves Natal to procure goods in the Cape Colony, 304; when
460
History of South Africa.
returning overland in September 1829 is murdered by the Amakwabi,
305
Faure, Abraham in April 1831 is deprived of office for not quelling
a disturbance, 70
Fawn, the: from 1842 to 1844 serves as a floating fort at Port Natal,
*
377
Fingos differ in disposition from Xosas, 110; in 1835 are found
living in a miserable condition among the Galekas, individuals
among them being often subject to oppressive treatment, though
they are not slaves, 110; some of them are taken under British
protection, 110; these are attacked by the Galekas, but are not
destroyed, as Hintsa is compelled by Sir Benjamin D'Urban to
recall his warriors, 113; they are removed to a block of land between
the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 113; in 1837 a location in the
Zitzikama is given to some of them, 156; in August of the same
year those around Fort Peddie are attacked by Kaffirs and pillaged,
157; they give Sir George Napier a good deal of trouble, 177; see
Jama, Jokweni, Mabandla, Matomela, Umhlambiso, and Umsutu
Fodo, son of the Hlangweni chief Nombewu: after the death of his
father roams about until a tract of land south of the Umzimkulu is
given to him by the emigrant farmers, 358; in December 1840 he
assists the emigrant farmers against Ncapayi, 359
* Form of government of the Cape Colony: from 1828 to 1834, when
distinct executive and legislative councils are established, 47
Fort Adelaide (afterwards Fort Armstrong): during the Kaffir war of
1834-5 is a place of refuge for the Hottentots of the Kat river, 97
Fort Beresford: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built on the upper
Buffalo river, 119; in September 1836 is abandoned, 149
Fort Cox during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built on the upper
Keiskama river, 119; in December 1836 is abandoned, 150
Fort Montgomery Williams: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built
on the western bank of the Keiskama river, 119; in January 1837
is abandoned, 152
Fort Murray during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built on the western
bank of the Buffalo river, 119; in September 1836 is abandoned, 149
Fort Napier in 1843 is built at Maritzburg, 390
:
Fort Peddie during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built in the centre
of the ground allotted to Fingos between the Fish river and the
Keiskama, 120; upon the abandonment of the territory east of the
Fish river a garrison is retained in this fort for the defence of the
Fingos, 152
Fort Thomson: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built near the
junction of the Gaga and Tyumie rivers, 119; in March 1837 is
abandoned, 68
Fort Warden: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built near the Kei
river, 119; in September 1836 is abandoned, 149
Index.
461
Fort Waterloo: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built near the
Nahoon river, 119; in October 1836 is abandoned, 149
Fort Wellington : during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built near the source
of the Gonubie river, 119; in September 1836 is abandoned, 149
Fort White during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is built on the Debe river,
119; in December 1836 is abandoned, 150
*Fort Willshire: on the outbreak of war in December 1834 is abandoned
by its feeble garrison, 92; at the end of January 1835 is reoccupied,
100; but in March 1837 is finally abandoned, 152
Fourie, David Stephanus in 1839 purchases a tract of land containing
the present principal diamond mines from the Korana captain David
Danser, 434
Francis Spaight, the: on the 7th of January 1846 is wrecked in Table
Bay, 253
French Hoek, Dutch reformed church at in May 1845 the first con-
sistory commences duty, 248
Frontier Commercial and Agricultural bank in 1847 is established in
Grahamstown, 243
Fynn, Henry Francis: in April 1824 settles at Natal, 297; in July visits
Tshaka, 298; whose favour he secures by skilful surgical treatment,
298; he collects a number of blacks together, and with Tshaka's
consent becomes their chief, 300; receives from Tshaka a grant of
a large tract of land, 301; early in 1831 flees from Natal to Bunting-
ville, being in fear of Dingan, 306; but in August returns, 306; in
September 1834 leaves Natal and moves to the Cape Colony, 307;
a few months later guides a party of volunteers to Wesleyville to
rescue some refugees, 99; in March 1835 is sent by Sir Benjamin
D'Urban on a mission to Faku, chief of the Pondos, 103; in
December 1836 is appointed British agent with Mapasa, 153
Fynn, William Macdowell: in 1828 joins his brother in Natal, 302;
early in 1831, being apprehensive of danger from Dingan, retires
from Natal to Buntingville, 306; but in August returns, 306; in
September 1834 removes to the Cape Colony, 307; in January 1836
acts as interpreter to the expedition under Captain P. Delancey,
132; in December of this year is appointed British agent with
Kreli, 153; in November 1844 is sent to Pondoland to obtain the
signature of the chief Faku to a treaty, 395
* Gaika: in January 1824 the colonial government reverses its policy and
treats with Gaika's enemies as independent chiefs, 5; on the 13th
of November 1829 Gaika dies near Burnshill, on the Keiskama, 51
Galekas in December 1834 assist the Rarabes to invade the Cape
Colony, 90
Gardiner, Captain Allen F.: in January 1835 arrives in Natal as a
missionary, 308; on the 6th of May on behalf of the Europeans at
Port Natal enters into a treaty with Dingan, 310; in accordance
462
History of South Africa.
1
*
with which he shortly afterwards surrenders four fugitives to the
Zulu chief, by whose orders they are starved to death, 310; he
is now permitted to establish two mission stations, 310; and there-
fore returns to England to procure men to occupy them, 310; in
June 1837 arrives in Natal again with the reverend Mr. Owen, 311;
and takes up his residence at the station which on his former visit
he had named Berea, 311; attempts to act as a magistrate under
the Cape of Good Hope punishment bill, but is repudiated by the
Europeans in Natal, 311; in May 1838 leaves the country, 326
Garrison of the Cape Colony :
72nd regiment, in February 1822 the first battalion leaves, 85; in
October 1828 it arrives again, 85; in April 1840 leaves for
England, 188
38th regiment: in March 1822 leaves, 85
54th regiment: in March 1822 leaves, 85
6th regiment in November 1821 arrives, 85; in March 1825
leaves, 85
:
49th regiment in March 1822 arrives, 85; in October 1828 leaves, 85
55th regiment in March 1822 arrives, 85; in September 1830 leaves,
85
98th regiment: in August 1824 arrives, 85; in April 1837 leaves
for England, 175
75th regiment: in August 1830 arrives, 85; in June 1843 the
skeleton leaves for England, more than half the men having
taken their discharge in South Africa, 189
27th regiment: in August 1835 arrives from Cork, 124
91st regiment: in April 1839 a wing of the first battalion arrives,
178; in April 1842 the remainder of the first battalion arrives
from St. Helena, 188; in August 1842 the second battalion
arrives from England, 188
25th regiment: in April 1840 arrives, 188; in April 1842 leaves
for India, 188
12th regiment: in February 1843 the reserve battalion on its way
to Mauritius is detained, and remains three months at the Cape,
188
45th regiment: in May 1843 the first battalion arrives from Cork, 188
7th dragoon guards: in June 1843 arrive from England, 189
Gasela, Xosa captain: takes part against the colony in the sixth Kaffir
war, but on the 17th of September 1835 agrees to become a British
subject, 125; on the 5th of December 1836 is released from his
allegiance and enters into a treaty with the British government,
150; on the 31st of December 1840 agrees to certain modifications
of the treaty proposed by Sir George Napier, 188; on the 2nd of
January 1845 enters into a new treaty framed by Sir Peregrine
Maitland, 259; in March 1845 dies, and is succeeded by his son
Toyise, 264
Index.
463
Gaslight in 1846 is first used in Capetown, 245
Gentoo, the on the 29th of April 1846 is wrecked near Cape Agulhas, 244
*
George, district of: in 1834 for fiscal purposes is reduced to the rank
of a sub-district, 44; in August 1836 is again provided with its
own civil commissioner, 166
Gilfillan, William: in February 1837 is appointed civil commissioner
and resident magistrate of the new district of Cradock, 165
Gladstone, Right Hon. W. E.: on the 23rd of December 1845 becomes
secretary of state for the colonies, 239,
* Glasgow missionary society: particulars concerning, 10 and 51
Glenelg, Lord in April 1835 becomes secretary of state for the
colonies in Viscount Melville's cabinet, 141; is in full sympathy
with the party represented in South Africa by the reverend Dr.
Philip, 142; on the 26th of December 1835 writes a despatch
justifying the Kaffirs for making war upon the Cape Colony, and
announcing that Sir Benjamin D'Urban's arrangements with regard
to the province of Queen Adelaide must be reversed, 142; sends
out Captain Stockenstrom as lieutenant-governor with instructions
to undo all that Sir Benjamin D'Urban has done, 144; is the
author of the act usually known as the Cape of Good Hope
punishment bill, 148; orders all the land east of the Fish and Kat
rivers, except the Fingo locations, to be given to the Kaffirs, 151;
dismisses Sir Benjamin D'Urban from office as governor of the
Cape Colony, 171; after causing unbounded discontent and inflicting
severe losses upon the Cape Colony, on the 8th of February 1839
he is forced by his colleagues to resign as secretary of state, 181;
on the 23rd of April 1866 dies at Cannes. He was unmarried, and
the title is extinct
Goderich, Lord: in April 1833 retires from office as secretary of state
for the colonies, 28
Gold in 1836 is seen in the form of rings of native manufacture in
possession of Bantu at the Zoutpansberg, 276
* Gontse, Barolong captain : in 1841 moves from Thaba Ntshu
over the Vaal, and has a tract of land assigned to him by
Commandant Potgieter, upon which he lives as a favoured
subject of the emigrant farmers, 404; subsequently wanders from one
place to another until his death, when he is succeeded by Masisi, 405
Government bank: on the 31st of December 1842 is closed, 203
* Grahamstown: in 1834 contains six hundred houses, 83; further
particulars concerning, 83; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 presents
a scene of great misery, 93
Grahamstown Journal: on the 30th of December 1831 is first issued,
and is still published, 16; note upon, 156
Green, Benjamin: with Dr. Cowie in 1829 travels from the Cape
Colony by way of Natal to Delagoa Bay, and perishes of fever
when trying to return, 305
464
History of South Africa.
Griffith, Lieutenant Charles is one of the early breeders of merino
sheep in the district of Albany, 40
Griffith, right reverend Patrick Raymond, first bishop of the Roman
catholic church in the Cape Colony: on the 14th of April 1838
arrives in Capetown from Europe, 225
* Griquas history of the people so called, 408; see Barends, Davids,
Kok, and Waterboer
Griquatown in 1803 is founded as a mission station, 408; in 1813
receives its present name from the reverend John Campbell, 411
Groepe, Fieldcornet Christiaan: at the commencement of the Kaffir war
of 1834-5 takes command of the half-breeds of the Kat river who
rally to the support of the government, 97; and performs excellent
service against the enemy, 101
Grout, Rev. Aldin, American missionary in February 1836 assists to
found the first mission station in Natal, 310; in April 1838 leaves
Natal on account of disturbances caused by the Zulus, 326; in June
1840 returns and resumes mission work, 348
:
Guano: particulars concerning the discovery of a vast quantity of guano
on some small islands off the coast of Great Namaqualand, and its
removal, 234
Guano islands off the coast of Great Namaqualand: on the 5th of May
1866 are taken possession of for Great Britain, 236; and on the
16th of July in the same year are annexed to the Cape Colony,
236; see Ichaboe
Gwalana post is formed by Sir Lowry Cole to overawe the Gunukwebes,
and in March 1830 troops are stationed there, 12; at the beginning
of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is abandoned, and is never again
occupied, 92
Ham, Rev. Pieter Nicolaas is sent out by a society in Holland to
minister to the emigrant farmers in Natal, but on his arrival there
on the 8th of May 1843 is not permitted by the English authorities
to land, 383; proceeds to Delagoa Bay, where his wife dies, 383;
in 1844 leaves Lourenço Marques and proceeds to Capetown, 394;
early in 1845 becomes the first resident clergyman of French Hoek,
249
Harbour improvements in Table Bay: particulars concerning, 199
Harbour works at Algoa Bay: particulars concerning, 200
Harbour works at Port Frances: particulars concerning, 200
Harding, Walter : on the 13th of November 1845 is appointed crown
prosecutor of Natal, 400
Hard road over the Cape flats; between July 1844 and September 1846
is opened for use in sections, 244
Hare, Lieutenant-Colonel John, of the 27th regiment: on the 9th of
August 1838 becomes acting lieutenant-governor of the eastern
province, 180; in September 1839 is confirmed in the appointment, 184
Index.
465
+
Harris, Captain Cornwallis in 1836 visits the Matabele chief Moselekatse
and hunts along the Limpopo river, 276
Harvey, William Henry: on the 18th of October 1836 becomes treasurer-
general of the Cape Colony, 215; is author of three volumes of the
Flora Capensis, 215; on the 7th of December 1841 leaves for Europe
suffering from aberration of mind, 215
* Heads of the Cape government: succession of,
Sir Galbraith Lowry Cole, governor, 9th September 1828 to 10th
August 1833;
Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Francis Wade, acting governor, 10th
August 1833 to 16th January 1834;
Sir Benjamin D'Urban, governor, 16th January 1834 to 22nd
January 1838;
Sir George Thomas Napier, governor, 22nd January 1838 to 18th
March 1844 ;
Sir Peregrine Maitland, governor, 18th March 1844 to 27th
January 1847
Hebron mission station: in 1847 is founded south of the Lesuto by the
French evangelical society, 440
van den Heever, Lukas: in 1844 is one o the leaders of the emigrant
farmers in the district of Philippolis who are favourable to British
rule, 425
Henderson, Lieutenant-Colonel endeavours to introduce Angora goats
into the Cape Colony, 42
Hermon mission station : in 1847 is founded in the Lesuto by the
French evangelical society, 440
Herschel, Sir John: in January 1834 arrives in South Africa, 29;
takes a very warm interest in matters relating to education, 210;
at the request of Sir George Napier draws up a plan for the
improvement of the public schools, 210; in March 1838 returns to
Europe, 212; at the governor's request selects teachers for the
most important public schools, 212
Herschel system of schools: in 1839 is commenced in the Cape Colony,
211
Hill, Captain John Montgomery: in January 1839 becomes the first
resident magistrate of Malmesbury, 228
Hintsa, paramount chief of the Xosa tribe: at the commencement of
the Kaffir war of 1834-5 professes to be neutral, but really takes
an active part against the colony, 108; is a very poor specimen of
a Xosa, 109; in February and again in March 1835 is called upon
by Sir Benjamin D'Urban to cease aiding the Rarabe clans, but
does not comply with the demand, 103; after the entrance of an
army into his country declines to give satisfaction for his hostile
conduct, 111; but after losing a large number of cattle, on the 29th
of April comes to the British camp to ask for peace, and there on
the following day agrees to the governor's terms, 112; remains in
2 G
466
History of South Africa.
the camp as a hostage for the fulfilment of the conditions of peace,
112; as the cattle which he agreed to surrender are not brought in
by his people he proposes to go with a patrol of the British forces
to collect them, 115; this offer being accepted, the patrol sets out,
when he attempts to make his escape, and is killed in doing so,
115; is succeeded in the chieftainship by his son Kreli, 117
Hlangweni tribe: see Fodo and Nombewu
Holstead, Thomas: in 1824 accompanies Mr. Farewell to Natal, 298;
in October 1830 is sent by Dingan with a present of ivory to the
governor of the Cape Colony, but is not allowed to proceed farther
than Grahamstown, and the present is declined, 305; returns to
Natal, 306; in November 1837 accompanies Pieter Retief to
Umkungunhlovu as an interpreter, 314; three months later again
proceeds to Umkungunhlovu as interpreter to Pieter Retief, 316;
and there on the 6th of January 1838 is murdered with the others
of the party, 317
Hope, the, the first steamer employed on the South African coast: on
the 8th of December 1838 arrives from England, 226; on the 11th
of March 1840 is wrecked near Cape St. Francis, 226
* Horses: value of horses exported from 1826 to 1835, 43
Hostile feeling of the Xosas towards the Cape Colony in 1834: causes
of, 56
* Hottentot regiment: in December 1827 the infantry is disbanded, and
Hottentot_regiment
the regiment is thereafter termed the Cape mounted riflemen, 85;
until June 1828 it is regarded as a colonial force and is a charge
upon the colonial treasury, but after this date it is paid by the
imperial government, 25; in 1837 it is raised to four hundred and
sixty-two horsemen, and three hundred footmen are attached to the
corps, 72; on the 19th of February 1838 a number of the men
mutiny, 175; in June 1839 the regiment is reduced to four hundred
and eighty rank and file, 178
Hottentot settlement at the Kat river: particulars concerning the
formation and progress of, 9; at the commencement of the Kaffir
war of 1834-5 the people are in a very discontented condition owing
to injudicious teaching, and are suspected of an intention to join
the Xosas, 96; but under the management of Captain Armstrong
are led to commit themselves on the colonial side, 97; during the
war it is necessary to maintain them and their families at the
public expense, 98
*Hudson, Hougham: at the close of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is
appointed agent-general for the province of Queen Adelaide and
resident magistrate of Grahamstown, 129; in September 1836
becomes secretary to the lieutenant-governor of the eastern districts,
152
Hume, David in 1835 explores the country along the Limpopo river,
275
Index.
467
Ichaboe island: description of, 235; on the 21st of June 1861 is taken
possession of for Great Britain, and on the 16th of July 1866 is
annexed to the Cape Colony, 236
*
*
*
*
Immigrants from Europe: between the years 1823 and 1833 very few
arrive in South Africa, 193; between 1833 and 1839 seven hundred
and fifty destitute English children arrive, 76; particulars of a plan
adopted in 1844 under which over four thousand individuals of
British birth are added to the population of the Cape Colony, 238;
see Christophers and Juvenile Immigrants
Immigrants of coloured blood: during the whole of this period, and
particularly during the government of Sir George Napier, many
negroes rescued from slave ships by British cruisers are brought
into the Cape Colony, 197
:
Imports from 1806 to 1835, particulars concerning, 36; from 1835
to 1850, particulars concerning, 207
Imports of Natal in 1845: value of, 400
*
Innes, James Rose, M.A., LL.D. on the 11th of May 1839 is
appointed first superintendent-general of education in the Cape
Colony, 211; in May 1840 proceeds to Scotland to procure teachers,
and in March 1841 returns with several, 212; manages to thwart
an attempt to wreck the new system of education, 213
Isaacs, Nathaniel: in October 1825 becomes a resident at Port Natal,
300; is severely wounded while accompanying a Zulu military
expedition, 300; in December 1828 leaves Natal, but in April 1830
returns, 304; early in 1831 finally leaves Natal, 306
Jacob, a Kaffir has been a convict on Robben Island, and is sent by
the Cape government as an interpreter to Captain Owen in the
surveying ship Leven, 296; in July 1823 is transferred by Captain
Owen to Mr. Farewell, who is proceeding along the coast on a
trading expedition, 296; runs away at St. Lucia Bay, and becomes
a favourite of Tshaka, 298; in October 1830 is sent by Dingan with
a present of ivory to the governor of the Cape Colony, but is not
allowed to proceed farther than Grahamstown, and the present is
declined, 305; returns to Natal, 306; in 1831 by Dingan's order is
put to death, 307
Jacobs, Willem in October 1847 is elected landdrost of Winburg by the
emigrant farmers who are opposed to the British government, 444
Jacobs, Pieter: in 1837 is leader of a large party of emigrants from the
Cape Colony, 291
Jalusa, Xosa captain: towards the close of 1835 with a band of turbulent
characters moves to the neighbourhood of Thaba Bosigo, where he
leads the life of a robber, but in September 1836 the band is almost
entirely destroyed by the Basuto, 282
Jama, chief of a remnant of the Amakuze tribe in April 1835 at
Butterworth solicits Sir Benjamin D'Urban to give him protection
468
History of South Africa.
against the Xosas, 110; his request is complied with, and he has
land assigned to him between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 113
Jenkins, Mrs., wife of the reverend Thomas Jenkins: in 1838 goes to
reside in Pondoland, and gives a description of the Pondo tribe at
that time, 355
Jervis, Captain Henry in January 1839 is left in command of the
troops at Port Natal, 336; attempts to bring about peace between
the emigrant farmers and the Zulus, 336; on the 24th of December
1839 when the British troops are withdrawn he leaves Natal, 340
Jokweni, chief of a remnant of the Amazizi tribe: in April 1835 at
Butterworth solicits Sir Benjamin D'Urban to give him protection
against the Xosas, 110; his request is complied with, and he has
land assigned to him between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 113;
in December 1836 as an independent chief enters into a treaty with
the British government, 152; on the 29th of December 1840 consents
to certain modifications of the treaty proposed by Sir George Napier,
187; on the 2nd of January 1845 enters into a new treaty framed
by Sir Peregrine Maitland, 295
Joubert, Gideon in May 1838 visits the emigrant camp in Natal as a
commissioner of the Cape government, 327; in November 1838
visits Natal again in the same capacity, 329; in July and August
1845 is sent by Sir Peregrine Maitland on a tour of investigation
through the territory between the Orange and Vaal rivers, 433
Jurymen: qualifications of under the ordinance of May 1831, 45
Juvenile immigrants: in 1839 cease to be sent to South Africa, owing
to the collapse of the Children's Friend Society, 193
Kaffir police: in 1835 after the close of the sixth Kaffir war a small
body is enrolled to serve in the province of Queen Adelaide, 130;
the men are employed by Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom in the
colony, where they are worse than useless, 156
Kaffir servants: by an ordinance in July 1828 Kaffirs are permitted to
enter the Cape Colony to seek service, but in consequence of this
liberty leading to extensive stockstealing, in August 1829 the
ordinance is suspended, 11
Kama, Gunukwebe captain and a professed Christian: in the war of
1834-5 acts as a neutral, 98; on the 17th of September 1835 agrees
to become a British subject, 126; on the 5th of December 1836
is released from his allegiance and enters into a treaty with the
British government, 150; on the 19th of June 1838 enters into a
closer treaty of alliance framed by Sir George Napier, 176; on
the 29th of December 1840 agrees to certain important modifications
in these treaties, 187; in June 1843 moves to the vicinity of the
Lesuto, 191
* Kat River: description of, 9; formation of a Hottentot settlement at,
10; census of December 1833 of, 11
Index.
469
Kay, Rev. Stephen, of the Wesleyan society in August 1825 founds
the mission station Mount Coke, 6
Kayser, Rev. Frederick, of the London society: upon the conclusion
of peace in 1835 reëstablishes the mission station Knappshope on
the Keiskama river, 131
*Kekewich, Judge:
*
pension, 215
on
the 12th of October 1843 retires on a
Kitchener, Rev. J. J. on the 1st of April 1821 dies, 220
:
King, James Saunders: in 1823 visits Natal as master of a vessel,
296; proceeds to England and applies to Earl Bathurst for
countenance in opening a trading establishment at Port Natal,
299; receives a letter of recommendation to Lord Charles
Somerset, 299; returns to South Africa, and on the 1st of October
1825 reaches Natal, but loses his vessel in attempting to cross the
bar, 300; in April 1828 leaves Natal with two of Tshaka's indunas
as an embassy to the Cape government, but is obliged to return
as he came, the government declining to receive him as Tshaka's
representative, 301; in September 1828 dies at Natal, 302
King, Richard: in May 1842 rides express from Durban to Grahams-
town to seek assistance for the British troops beleaguered there, 370
King-Williamstown on the 24th of May 1835 is founded on the eastern
bank of the Buffalo river, 119; but in December 1836 is abandoned,
150
Kobe, Gunukwebe captain: during the war of 1834-5 of his own free
will goes to Grahamstown as a hostage for the good conduct of his
brothers, 99; on the 17th of September 1835 agrees to become a
British subject, 126; on the 5th of December 1836 is released from
his allegiance and enters into a treaty with the British government,
150; on the 19th of June 1838 enters into a closer treaty of
alliance framed by Sir George Napier, 176; on the 29th of
December 1840 agrees to certain modifications in these treaties, 187;
on the 2nd of January 1845 enters into a new treaty framed by Sir
Peregrine Maitland, 259
Kock, Commandant Jan is one of the leaders of the emigrant farmers
in the district of Philippolis who are opposed to British rule, 424;
in July 1843 strives to prevent the volksraad of Natal coming to
an arrangement with Commissioner Cloete concerning the govern-
ment of the country as a British colony, 387; but fails in his
object, 388; on the 2nd of May 1845 takes part in the skirmish
at Zwartkopjes against British troops and Griquas, 428; after the
defeat flees to Winburg, 429; in June 1846 is driven from Winburg
by Major Warden, 438
Kok, Abraham, eldest son of Adam Kok II: in 1835 upon the death
of his father is elected captain of Philippolis, and in February 1837
through the efforts of the missionaries enters into close alliance with
Andries Waterboer, 414; in September of the same year is driven
470
History of South Africa.
from Philippolis by his younger brother Adam, 415; carries on
hostilities with his brother until the beginning of 1841, when he is
finally deposed
Kok, Adam I, a half-breed is allowed by the Dutch East India Company
to collect together a band of Hottentots and people of mixed blood,
and to become a captain in Little Namaqualand, 409
Kok, Adam II, eldest son of the first Cornelis: early in the
nineteenth century moves from Little Namaqualand to Griquatown
with a few followers, 409; in 1820 moves away from Griquatown,
and sets up an independent government at Campbell, 412; in
May 1824 resigns, and is succeeded as captain of Campbell by his
brother Cornelis Kok II, 412; for a time leads a wandering life,
but eventually is joined by a number of rovers who elect him to be
their captain, 412; at the invitation of the reverend Dr. Philip in
1826 settles with these people at Philippolis, 413; in 1835 visits
Capetown, and when returning home in September of that year
dies at the Berg river, 414
Kok, Adam III, younger son of Adam Kok II: conspires against his
elder brother Abraham, and in September 1837 by the influence of
the missionaries is elected captain of Philippolis, 415; carries on
hostilities with his brother until the beginning of 1841, when his
success is complete, 415; in November 1838 enters into a treaty
with Andries Waterboer, in which they divide on paper an immense
region between them, 415; in October 1842 applies for British
protection against the emigrant farmers, 417; on the 29th of
November 1843 enters into treaty alliance with the British govern-
ment, 419; early in 1844 gives the emigrant farmers great provo-
cation, 423; in January 1845 requests Sir Peregrine Maitland to
establish a military post at Philippolis for his protection, 425; and
receives a reply which prompts him to irritate the farmers into
hostilities, 426; he attempts to have a farmer arrested, when his
messengers commit acts of great violence, 426; thereupon the burghers
take up arms, and the Griquas do the same, 426; some skirmishing
follows, 426; the Griquas are supplied with muskets and ammunition
by the civil commissioner of Colesberg, and two hundred soldiers
are sent to
to occupy Philippolis, 427; as the leaders of the
emigrant farmers decline the terms proposed by the civil com-
missioner of Colesberg, a strong military force is sent to assist the
Griquas, '428; on the 2nd of May 1845 the emigrant farmers are
completely routed at Zwartkopjes, 428; and their camp at
Touwfontein is seized, 429; the farmers who are opposed to British
authority then retire to Winburg, and those who are well-affected
come to the British camp and take the oath of allegiance to the
queen, 429; at the close of June Sir Peregrine Maitland arrives
at Touwfontein, where Kok has a conference with him, 430; and
makes most extravagant pretensions as to his authority over residents
Index.
47!
in the territory, 430; subsequently, however, he moderates his
tone and agrees to proposals of the governor, which are embodied
in a treaty signed by both parties in the following February,
431
* Kok, Cornelis I, son of the first Adam Kok: with a band of half-
breeds follows his sons from Little Namaqualand to Griquatown, 409
Kok, Cornelis II, second son of the first Cornelis: early in the nineteenth
century moves from Little Namaqualand to Griquatown with a few
followers, 409; in May 1824 is elected captain of the Griquas at
Campbell, 412; from September 1837 to the beginning of 1841
assists Abraham Kok against his younger brother Adam in the
struggle for the captaincy of Philippolis, 415
Koonap river in 1830 farms are given out between this stream and the
Kat under tenure of military occupation, 13
Korsten, Frederick is the first breeder of Angora goats in the Cape
Colony, 41
:
Kramer, Rev. Mr. is one of the early missionaries to the Griquas, 408
Kreli, son of Hintsa: during the war of 1834-5 is left by his father in
the British camp as a hostage for the fulfilment of terms of peace,
115; upon the death of his father becomes paramount chief of the
Xosa tribe, and on the 19th of May 1835 concludes peace with Sir
Benjamin D'Urban, 117; under the terms of which he gives up over
three thousand head of cattle, and on the 11th of December cedes a
slip of territory to the British government, 133; the land, however,
is restored to him by order of the secretary of state for the colonies,
150; in November 1844 he enters into a treaty with Sir Peregrine
Maitland, 257
Krige, Rev. W. A. : in October 1844 becomes the first resident clergyman
of Victoria West, 248
:
Kruisvallei congregation in 1843 is formed at Tulbagh in the Cape
Colony, 220
Kurukuru streamlet is made by Colonel Wade the boundary of Kaffir-
land, 55
Kuys, Rev. A. G. M. in September 1852 becomes the first resident
clergyman of Napier, 219
Labour tax imposed by the emigrant farmers upon some of their Bantu
subjects: description of, 404
Laing, Rev. James: in 1831 arrives in South Africa as an agent of the
Glasgow society, and goes to reside at Burnshill on the Keiskama,
16; when leaving Kaffirland during the war of 1834-5 is accompanied
to Grahamstown by Matwa and Tente, two sons of Gaika, 100; at
the close of the war returns to Burnshill, 131
Landman, Carel Pieter: in April 1838 arrives in Natal as leader of a
party of emigrants from the Cape Colony, 327; immediately after-
wards is sent by the volksraad to the port as a commissioner to
472
History of South Africa.
arrange matters, 328; in July of the same year becomes the head
of all the emigrants in Natal, 329
* Land tenure : in 1830 the system of holding land under military tenure
is introduced by Sir Lowry Cole, 13; after May 1832 crownlands
are not otherwise disposed of than by sale at public auction, 13
de Lange, Jan in July 1844 is killed in the district of Albany by Kaffir
robbers, 256
Laws relating to commerce and customs regulations from 1806 to 1835;
particulars concerning, 33
Legislative council: particulars concerning the creation in 1833 and the
establishment in 1834 of a, 47; in 1836 unanimously approves of
the measures adopted by Sir Benjamin D'Urban with regard to the
Kaffirs, 146; under Sir George Napier's commission some important.
changes in its constitution are made, 214; it has no claim to be
regarded as representing the colonists, 239; after 1844 holds regular
yearly sessions, 239; in 1846 is enlarged by the admission of the
senior military officer in the garrison of Capetown, 240
Legislative council: succession of unofficial members of,
*
Pieter Laurens Cloete, 25th February 1834, 48
John Bardwell Ebden, 25th February 1834, 48
Michiel van Breda, 25th February 1834, 48; died 12th August 1847,
240
Charles Stuart Pillans, 25th February 1834, 48
Jacobus Johannes du Toit, 25th February 1834, 48
Henry Cloete, succeeds P. L. Cloete, 215
Hamilton Ross, succeeds C. S. Pillans, 215
Advocate Henry Cloete, succeeds J. J. du Toit, 215
Thomas Butterworth Charles Bayley, 10th December 1845 succeeds
Advocate Henry Cloete, 239
William Cock, 26th October 1847 succeeds T. B. C. Bayley, 240
Pieter Voltelen van der Byl, 11th September 1847 succeeds M. van
Breda, 240
Leper asylum: in 1846 is removed from Hemel en Aarde to Robben
Island, 245
Levant, the, American trading brig: in August 1841 discharges cargo at
Port Natal, 362
Lighthouse on Mouille Point: on the 1st of July 1842 the light is first
exhibited, 199
Lightship in Simon's Bay: on the 10th of January 1845 first displays a
light, 243
Lighthouse on Cape Agulhas: on the 1st of March 1849 the light is first
exhibited, 244
Lighthouse on Cape Recife: on the 1st of April 1851 the light is first.
exhibited, 244
Linde, Commandant Jacobus: though seventy-five years old takes a very
active part in the Kaffir war of 1834-5, 107
Index.
473
Lindley, Rev. Daniel, American missionary: in June 1836 with two
associates goes to reside with the Matabele in the valley of Mosega,
287; in January 1837 leaves that station with the emigrant farmers
who have defeated the Matabele, 288; in July of the same year
arrives in Natal and commences to labour there, 310; in May 1838
leaves Natal in consequence of the Zulu disturbances, 326; in June
1839 returns to Natal and becomes resident clergyman of the Dutch
church at Maritzburg and consulent of churches at Weenen, Durban,
Winburg, and Potchefstroom
Lise, the, French ship: on the 9th of March 1840 is wrecked on Cape
Agulhas, 244
Lombard, H. S. : in December 1840 commands a burgher force sent from
Natal against the Bacas of Ncapayi, 359
*London missionary society: in 1837 is outlawed by the first constitution
of the emigrant farmers, 290; particulars concerning, 10, 51, 57, 58,
59, 81, 82, and 209
Longmore, Major George: in January 1830 becomes the first resident
magistrate of Wynberg, 228
de Lorentz, the baron Charles: in 1834 becomes police magistrate of
Capetown, 45
Lourenço Marques: in 1829 fever rages here so severely that of forty
European residents thirty-four die, 305
*
Lovedale mission station is named after Dr. Love, one of the
founders of the Glasgow missionary society, 131; during the war of
1834-5 is of necessity abandoned, 111; after the war is reëstablished
by Mr. John Bennie near the junction of the Gaga and the Tyumie,
131
Lydenburg, village of: in 1846 is founded, 442
Mabandla, chief of a remnant of the Amabele tribe: in April 1835 at
Butterworth solicits Sir Benjamin D'Urban to give him protection
against the Xosas, 110; his request is complied with, and he has
land assigned to him between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 113;
on the 2nd of January 1845 he enters into a treaty with Sir
Peregrine Maitland, 259
Maclean, Captain John: in November 1845 succeeds Mr. Theophilus
Shepstone as diplomatic agent at Fort Peddie, 261
:
Maitland, Sir Peregrine is a military officer of distinction, 233; on the
19th of December 1843 receives a commission as governor of the Cape
Colony, and on the 18th of March 1844 takes the oaths of office
in Capetown, 232; in the following September proceeds to the
eastern frontier, 256; and makes new treaty arrangements with
the various chiefs and captains of the Xosa and Tembu tribes, 257;
on the 7th of October enters into a treaty with the Pondo chief
Faku, 395; in June 1845 visits the country north of the Orange
river, 430; holds conferences with various chiefs and captains, and
endeavours to settle the disturbances of the country, 430; but is
474
History of South Africa.
able to make positive arrangements with Adam Kok only, 431;
defers further proceedings until he can obtain a report from a special
commissioner whom he sends on a tour of investigation, 433; when
it is found that no peaceable settlement can be made without
violating the Napier treaty with Moshesh, 435
Makaula, son of Ncapayi: in July 1845 succeeds his father as chief of
the Bacas, 397
* Makoma in November 1824 is compelled to make good the thefts of
cattle by his people, 1; in January 1829 he quarrels with the Tembu
captain Mtyalela, whom he drives into the colony, and whose cattle
he seizes on the Tarka, 8; in consequence of which in May he is
expelled from the Kat river and forced to retire over the Tyumie,
8; on his father's death in November 1829 he is appointed regent
during the minority of Sandile, the recognised heir in the great
line, 51; in 1832 Colonel Somerset gives him leave to return to
the western bank of the Tyumie, 55; but owing to depredations
by his people, in November 1833 he is again required to leave the
ceded territory, 55; in December 1834 sends his followers to invade
and lay waste the frontier districts of the Cape Colony, 90;
continues the strife until the 17th of September 1835, when he
consents to terms of peace and agrees to become a British subject,
125; on the 5th of December 1836 is released from his allegiance
and enters into a treaty with the British government, 150; on the
2nd of December 1840 agrees to certain modifications of the treaty
proposed by Sir. George Napier, 187; on the 21st of January 1845
enters into a new treaty framed by Sir Peregrine Maitland, 259;
leads a very miserable life, even for a barbarian, 264; at the
beginning of 1846 is indisposed to join the war party in Kaffirland,
264
*
Makwana, chief of the Bataung tribe: early in 1836 sells nearly the
whole territory between the Vet and Vaal rivers to the emigrant
farmers under Commandant Potgieter, 275
Malmesbury, district of: in January 1839 is created, 227
Malmesbury, village of in November 1828 is founded, 22
von Manger, Rev. J. H. : for many years is president of the bible and
school commission, 208; on the 2nd of May 1842 dies
Manner of living in the Cape Colony before the middle of the nineteenth
century, 250
Mapasa, son of Bawana, Tembu captain: in 1835 is virtually independent
of the regent of the tribe, 105; during the Kaffir war of that year
professes to be friendly, but allows his people to make plundering
raids into the colony, 107; in October 1835 consents to become a
British subject, 132; but is released from his allegiance on the 18th
of January 1837, and as an independent chief concludes a treaty
with Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom, 153; on account of the
constant robberies committed by his people, in April 1838 a military
Index.
475
force is sent against him and exacts compensation, 184: on the
28th of January 1841 he agrees to certain modifications of the
treaty proposed by Sir George Napier, 188; on the 25th of March
1845 he enters into a new treaty with Sir Peregrine Maitland,
260
Maritz, Gerrit is leader of the third party of emigrants from the Cape
Colony, 281; in October 1836 reaches Thaba Ntshu, where he learns
of the losses sustained by Potgieter's party from the Matabele, 281;
on the 2nd of December is elected landdrost of the emigrant farmers,
283; assists Commandant Hendrik Potgieter to punish the Matabele,
285; quarrels with Potgieter, 286; on the 6th of June 1837 is
elected president of the second volksraad, 290; after Pieter Retief's
death in February 1838 becomes head of the emigrants in Natal,
322; remains in charge of the lagers in Natal while Potgieter and
Uys proceed against Dingan, 322 ; in October 1838 dies, 329
Maritzburg, town of: in March 1839 is founded, 336
Mary, the, English brig: on the 1st of October 1825 is wrecked while
trying to cross the bar at Port Natal, 300
Masisi, successor to the Barolong captain Gontse in 1871 dies at
Taung, and is succeeded by Moshete, 405
Massey, Captain the honourable John: in November 1824 conducts an
expedition against Makoma, 1
*Matabele in August 1836 a band of Matabele soldiers attacks a
European hunting party north of the Vaal river, and kills all of
its members except four, 278; afterwards attacks, a lager of emigrant
farmers, but is beaten off with heavy loss, 279; at another en-
campment commits a dreadful massacre, and then proceeds to
Mosega with large herds of the emigrants' cattle and three captive
children, 279; in October a strong Matabele army attacks Commandant
Potgieter's camp at Vechtkop, 280; it is defeated, but secures all
the cattle belonging to the people in the camp, 281; on the 17th
of January 1837 the military kraals at Mosega are attacked by the
emigrant farmers, 287; and the soldiers there are defeated with
considerable loss, 288; in the winter of 1837 the Matabele sustain a
defeat from a Zulu army sent against them by Dingan, 292; in
November of this year they are attacked on the Marikwa by the
emigrant farmers under Potgieter and Uys, and suffer such loss that
they flee beyond the Limpopo, 293; see Moselekatse
Matlabe, Barolong captain: in January 1837 acts as guide to the
emigrant farmers in an expedition against the Matabele, 286; in
November 1837 again renders assistance to the emigrant farmers
against the Matabele, 293; in 1841 moves from Thaba Ntshu over
the Vaal, and has રી tract
to him by
of land assigned
Commandant Potgieter, upon which he lives as a favoured subject
of the emigrant farmers, 404; in 1846 assists the farmers against
the Bapedi, 443
476
History of South Africa.
Matomela, chief of a remnant of the Amareledwane tribe in April 1835
at Butterworth solicits Sir Benjamin D'Urban to give him protection
against the Xosas, 110; his request is complied with, and he has
land assigned to him between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 113;
on the 2nd of January 1845 enters into a treaty with Sir Peregrine
Maitland, 259
Matrimonial court: in 1839 is abolished, 228
Matwa, inferior son of Gaika: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 professes.
friendship to the Cape Colony, 111; in 1837 attacks the Fingos
along the Gaga and drives them away, 156
Mawa, widow of Senzangakona: early in 1843 flees from Zululand into
Natal with a great horde of adherents, 384
:
Measles in 1839 destroys many lives in the Cape Colony, 192
*
*
Meintjes, J. J.: in 1834 in consequence of retrenchment is reduced
to assistant civil commissioner and resident magistrate of Beaufort, 44
Menzies, Mr. Justice: on the 22nd of October 1842 at Alleman's
drift proclaims an immense tract of land north of the Orange
river British territory, but his proclamation is repudiated by Sir
George Napier, 418
Metropolitan hall in Burg-street, Capetown: in February 1831 is opened.
for public worship by the Wesleyans, 17
Meyer, Gerrit Hendrik: in August 1847 is elected landdrost of Winburg
by some emigrant farmers who are well affected towards the British
government, but in October he is deposed by the opponents of that
party, 444
Michell, Major: plans the road over the Hottentots-Holland mountains,
24; is the first to conceive the design of massing convict labour
upon mountain passes in the Cape Colony, 230
Mocke, Commandant Jan: is the head of an independent party of
emigrant farmers west of the Drakensberg, 386; in June 1842 assists.
in the siege of the English camp at Durban, 372; in October 1842
at Alleman's drift on the Orange makes an armed display before Mr.
Justice Menzies, 418; in July 1843 strives to prevent the volksraad
of Natal coming to an arrangement with Commissioner Cloete
concerning the government of the country as a British colony,
but is obliged to return over the Drakensberg disappointed, 387;
on the 2nd of May 1845 takes part in the skirmish at Zwartkopjes
against British troops and Griquas, 428; after his defeat flees to
Winburg, 429; and a little later moves over the Vaal, 435
*
Moffat, Rev. Robert: in 1829 visits Moselekatse at a kraal about a
hundred miles east of the present village of Zeerust, and acquires
great influence with him, 275
Molapo, son of the Basuto chief Moshesh in 1845 is sent by his
father to occupy the country along the Putiatsana, 437
Molitsane, captain of a remnant of the Bataung tribe: in 1837 becomes
the vassal of Moshesh, and is located at Mekuatling, 402
Index.
477
Montagu, John: on the 23rd of April 1843 becomes secretary to the
government of the Cape Colony, 198; sets himself to the redemption
of the public debt, 198; is the promoter of a system of constructing
roads by means of convict labour, which was adopted in 1843, 230
Montagu, the, a little vessel of thirty tons, the first built in the eastern
province on the 28th of November 1846 is launched at Port
Frances
:
Montagu Pass: on the 18th of January 1848 the road over this pass
is opened for traffic, 245
Moodie, Lieutenant Donald in 1836 is entrusted with the task of
compiling records regarding the intercourse between the colonists
and the various tribes of South Africa, 145; on the 13th of November
1845 is appointed secretary to the government of Natal, 400
Moodie versus Fairbairn particulars of an action on account of a
libellous article in the Commercial Advertiser, 160 et seq.
Moorrees, Rev. H. A.: on the 19th of May 1839 commences duty as
first resident clergyman of Riversdale, 217; acts for a time as
clergyman of Tulbagh during the suspension of the reverend
Mr. Shand, 220; in August 1843 becomes first clergyman of the
Kruisvallei congregation, 221
*Moravian_missionary society: particulars concerning, 52, 209, and 245
Morley mission station in May 1829 is founded in Pondoland by the
Wesleyan society, 52; a few months after its formation is destroyed
by the Amakwabi, but is subsequently rebuilt on the western bank
of the Umtata, 353; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 it is
abandoned, 111; but early in 1836 is reoccupied, 132
Moroko, chief of the Barolong clan at Thaba Ntshu: in 1836 renders
important assistance to the emigrant farmers, 282; in 1837 makes
an agreement of friendship with Pieter Retief, 291; complains of
the injustice done to him by the treaty of 1843 between Sir George
Napier and the Basuto chief Moshesh, 421; in June 1845 has a
conference with Sir Peregrine Maitland at Touwfontein, but as he
will not admit the authority of Moshesh no arrangement can be
made with him in furtherance of a settlement of the dispute
between them, 430; in August 1845 offers a tract of land for settle-
ment by Europeans, 435; in March 1846 agrees to submit his
dispute with Moshesh to the judgment of a commission to be
appointed by the governor of the Cape Colony, 437; in June of
the same year assists Major Warden to disperse the adherents of
Jan Kock, 438
* Morosi, captain of the Baphuti clan: during the Kaffir war of 1835
professes to be neutral, but really allows his followers to plunder
the Europeans, 403; on one occasion his cattle are seized in
reprisal, but are restored by Sir Benjamin D'Urban, 403
Moselekatse, chief of the Matabele tribe: in 1829 is visited by the
reverend Robert Moffat, of Kuruman, 275; in 1835 is visited by
478
History of South Africa.
Dr. Andrew Smith, leader of an exploring expedition, 284; sends
with Dr. Smith a favourite induna named Nombate to Capetown,
who on the 3rd of March 1836 in his name concludes a treaty of
friendship with Sir Benjamin D'Urban, 285; his soldiers attack
parties of emigrant farmers and massacre many of them, 279; he
takes no notice of an offer of peace made by Pieter Retief, 292;
in November 1837 he is defeated by the emigrant farmers on the
Marikwa, and flees far north of the Limpopo, 293; see Matabele tribe
* Moshesh, chief of the Basuto tribe: in 1835 during the war between
the Cape Colony and the Xosas makes a raid into Kaffirland, but is
beaten back by Hintsa, 105; in September 1836 destroys a strong
robber band under the Xosa captain Jalusa, 282; in 1837 makes
an agreement of friendship with Pieter Retief, 291; is gifted with
great power of observation, 401; takes advantage of dissensions
among the Europeans to increase his strength, 402; favours the
reverend Dr. Philip's scheme for the formation of great native
states, and on the 30th of May 1842 approves of a letter written by
his missionary asking that he may be taken into treaty relationship
with the Cape government, 407; on the 13th of December 1843
enters into a treaty with the British government, 419; which gives
rise to numerous complications and quarrels, 421; in June 1845
has a conference with Sir Peregrine Maitland at Touwfontein, but
will not renounce his claim to sovereignty over the petty chiefs
along the Caledon, 430; nor withdraw his title to any part of the
ground allotted to him by the Napier treaty, except a very small
area on which he is willing that Europeans should reside, 433;
during 1845 pushes his outposts far forward, 436; in March 1846
agrees to submit his disputes with other chiefs to the judgment of
a commission to be appointed by the governor of the Cape Colony,
437; in the same year offers to assist the British forces against
the Xosas and Tembus, but his proposal is civilly declined, 439;
in 1847 assists Major Warden to attack some Tembus in the
Wittebergen, 439; benefits greatly by the presence of the French
missionaries, 441
•
Moshete in 1871 succeeds Masisi as chief of the elder clan of the
Barolong, 405
Mossel Bay, Dutch reformed church at in 1844 the first consistory
commences duty, 249
Mount Coke mission station in August 1825 is founded by the
Wesleyan society, 6
Moyakisani, Basuto captain: on the 26th of December 1835 consents
to become a British subject, but subsequently transfers his
allegiance to Moshesh, 133
Mtyalela, captain of a petty Tembu clan: in 1828 moves from the
Umtata to the country north of the Winterberg, 7; quarrels with
Makoma's people south of the mountain, and in January 1829 is
Index.
479
attacked by Makoma and driven into the colony, where his cattle
are captured by his pursuers, 8
Municipalities: in September 1836 an ordinance is passed to enable
towns and villages in the Cape Colony to elect municipal councils,
166
*
Murray, Henry in 1845 bequeaths a sum of money to the South
African college to establish scholarships, 21; and to the orphan
asylum in Capetown, 22
Murray, Rev. John: in May 1849 becomes the first resident clergyman
of Burghersdorp, 247
Musgrave, Advocate William: from the 16th of March to the 16th of
September 1839 acts as attorney-general of the Cape Colony, and
on the 12th of October 1843 becomes second puisne judge, 215
Mutual life assurance society: in 1845 is established in Capetown, 242
Napier, Major-General Sir George Thomas: is a distinguished military
officer, 173; on the 4th of November 1837 receives a commission as
governor of the Cape Colony, 171; on the 20th of January 1838
arrives in Table Bay, and on the 22nd takes the oaths of office,
172; two months later leaves Capetown for the eastern frontier,
175; at this time is in full accord with the border policy of Lord
Glenelg, 173; but with experience his views become greatly
modified, 176; on the 19th of June he enters into a supplementary
treaty with the Gunukwebe captains, 176; attempts unsuccessfully
to remove the Fingos to the Zitzikama, 177; in October reaches
Capetown again, 184; in November sends troops to occupy Port
Natal, 334; but in December 1839 recalls them, 340; on the 6th of
October 1840 again leaves Capetown to visit the eastern frontier,
186; where he obtains the consent of the Rarabe captains to various
modifications of the Stockenstrom treaties, 187; in January 1841
sends a military force to the Umgazi river to protect the Pondo
chief Faku, 360; on the 2nd of December 1841 issues a proclamation
announcing his intention of reoccupying Port Natal, which he carries
into effect by sending on the troops at the Umgazi, 363; on the
12th of May 1843 issues a proclamation that Natal is a British
colony, 382; in 1843 concludes treaties of alliance with Adam Kok
and Moshesh, 419; which cause great animosity in the territory
north of the Orange river, 421; on the 18th of March 1844 is
succeeded as governor by Sir Peregrine Maitland, 232; on the 1st
of April sails for England, and on the 8th of September 1855 dies
at Geneva, 232
Napier, village of: in 1838 is founded, 218
:
Napier, Dutch reformed church at in February 1848 the first consistory
commences duty, 219
*Natal: various geographical significations of the name, 295; in 1824
with Tshaka's consent a few Englishmen settle at the port and find
that the country has been almost depopulated by the Zulu wars,
480
History of South Africa.
*
299
9; early in 1838 the territory is occupied by emigrant farmers
from the Cape Colony, 315; who establish a republic there, 336;
on the 4th of December 1838 the port is occupied by a military
force sent from the Cape Colony, 335; but on the 24th of December
1839 the troops are withdrawn, 340; boundaries of the republic,
346; magisterial and ecclesiastical divisions, 346; privileges of
burghers, 346; sources of revenue, 347; particulars of the civil
list, 347; constitution and power of the volksraad, 348; excessive
weakness of the government, 349; relation to the emigrants west
of the Drakensberg, 349; the British government declines to
acknowledge the independence of the republic, 351; and in 1842
the territory is taken in possession by English troops, 365; the
northern boundary is defined on the 1st of October 1843 as the
Buffalo and Tugela rivers, 392; the Umzimkulu river is chosen by
Sir Peregrine Maitland as its south-western boundary, 395; in May
1844 the imperial authorities decide that the country is to be
annexed in a loose manner to the Cape Colony, 397; on the 21st
of August 1845 boundaries are defined in a proclamation by Sir
Peregrine Maitland, 398; on the 22nd of November an executive
council is appointed, 400; and on the 4th of December 1845 a
staff of British officials arrives, and a colonial government is
established, 400; imports, exports, and shipping statistics in 1845,
400
Ncapayi: with a remnant of the Baca tribe is driven from Natal by
the wars of Tshaka, and takes refuge in the valley of the Umzimvubu,
where he becomes a freebooter, 354; in November 1836 attacks
the Tembus and takes immense herds of cattle from them, 354 ;
early in 1838 in alliance with Faku sweeps the Tembu country of
cattle, 354; in April 1840 makes war with Faku, 357; attacks the
Hlangwenis under Nombewu, and kills that chief, 358; in December
1840 is attacked and defeated by a commando of emigrant farmers
from Natal, 359; in July 1845 is killed in battle with the Pondos,
and is succeeded as chief of the Bacas by his son Makaula, 397
* Ndlambe in January 1824 is treated by the government as all
independent chief, when the former policy of supporting Gaika is
entirely abandoned, 6; in February 1828 dies near Mount Coke, 50
Negroes: after the emancipation on the 1st of December 1838 lead very
indolent lives in the Cape Colony, 191; in 1829 suffer very severely
from measles, and in 1840 from small-pox, 192
van der Nest, Fieldcornet Cornelis in November 1824 assists in an
expedition against Makoma, 1
Nombewu, chief of a remnant of the Hlangweni tribe some time
between 1818 and 1823 is driven southward by Tshaka, and in his
flight falls upon and routs the Bacas where Maritzburg now stands,
358; with his people wanders about Kaffirland, but is at length
killed by the Bacas of Ncapayi, 358
Index.
481
*
Nonesi, daughter of the Pondo chief Faku: is great wife of the Tembu
chief Vusani, but has no children, consequently adopts Umtirara,
the son of a wife of lower rank, 104
Nongalaza, Zulu induna is in charge under Dingan of the district along
the northern bank of the Tugela, 310; aids Panda against his
brother Dingan, 341; on the 30th of January 1840 commands
Panda's army in the great battle in which the power of Dingan is
destroyed, 344; in 1843 is murdered by Panda's order, 345
Nonibe, great widow of Dushane: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5
professes friendship to the Cape Colony on account of her son
Siwani being a minor, 111
Normanby, marquess of: on the 20th of February 1839 becomes
secretary of state for the colonies, 181; on the 3rd of September in
the same year is succeeded by Lord John Russell, 183
Northumberland, the: on the 25th of August 1838 is wrecked near
Cape Agulhas, 244
Norwegian mission: in 1843 is commenced in Zululand
Oba, clan of particulars concerning, 4
Oberholster, Michiel is head of a party of emigrants north of the
Orange river favourable to British rule, 417; during 1844 is treated
with great disfavour by the republican party, 425
:
❤
Ogle, Henry in 1824 accompanies Mr. Farewell to Natal, 298; after
Mr. Farewell's death in September 1829 becomes chief of a party
of blacks, 305; in April 1838 takes part in an attack upon the
Zulus, 323; in 1841-2 acts as a medium of communication between
the English residents at Durban and the military post on the
Umgazi, 364; in June 1842 with other Englishmen is sent a
prisoner to Maritzburg by Commandant-General Pretorius, 372
but on the 15th of July is released, 377; in October 1843 accom-
panies Commissioner Cloete to Zululand, 392
Ohrig, George Gerhard, of the firm of Klyn & Co., of Amsterdam :
publishes a pamphlet termed The Emigrants at Port Natal, 366;
sends out a vessel named the Brazilia to trade with the emigrant
farmers at Natal, 366
Ohrigstad, village of: in 1845 is founded, but the site proves so
unhealthy that it is soon abandoned by most of its inhabitants,
442; though for some time afterwards it is regarded as the seat
of government of the adherents of Chief-Commandant Potgieter
443
Oliphant, Anthony, attorney-general of the Cape Colony is appointed
chief justice of Ceylon, and on the 16th of March 1839 leaves
South Africa, 215
Orange River: description of islands in, 25
Orphan chamber for the administration of estates: in 1834 is abolished,
and the duty is transferred to the master of the supreme court,
45
2 H
482
History of South Africa.
:
Owen, Rev. Mr., of the church missionary society in June 1837
arrives in Natal, and a little later goes to reside at Umkungu-
nhlovu, 311; in November 1837 acts as Dingan's secretary in
the arrangement with Pieter Retief, 315; at Dingan's request on
the 4th of February 1838 draws up a deed of cession of Natal to
the emigrant farmers, 316; on the 6th witnesses the massacre of
Retief's party, 319; a few days later leaves Zululand, 319; in May
1838 abandons Natal, 326; in 1840 with Mr. Wallace Hewetson
as a lay assistant endeavours to establish a mission at Mosega with
the Bahurutsi, but without success, and in April 1841 he retires
to the Cape Colony
Paarl, district of: in January 1839 is created, 228
:
Paarl, village of: on the 9th of October 1840 becomes a municipality
Palmer, Rev. Samuel, missionary at Morley on the outbreak of the
sixth Kaffir war takes refuge at Clarkebury, where in April 1835
he is rescued by a military patrol, 111; assists in the negotiations
by which the war is brought to an end, 123
Panda, one of the younger sons of Senzangakona in September 1839
conspires against his brother Dingan, 341; with a large following
crosses the Tugela into Natal and requests protection from Land-
drost Roos, 341; on the 15th of October has an interview with the
volksraad, when a tract of land is assigned to him for temporary
use, 341; on the 26th of the same month is installed as "reigning
prince of the emigrant Zulus" by a commission from the volksraad,
341; receives assistance from the emigrant farmers to attack his
brother, 342; in January 1840 with his adherents and a burgher
commando marches against Dingan, 342; in a great battle his forces.
are victorious, 344; on the 10th of February 1840 he is installed
by Commandant-General Pretorius chief of the Zulus, but in
vassalage to the volksraad of Natal, 345; on the 25th of June
1842 he causes a mission station on the Umhlatusi river to be
attacked and the whole inhabitants of three kraals to be massacred,
348; declines to assist the English force against the emigrant
farmers until the latter are defeated, when he tenders his service,
375; early in 1843 puts his brother Xoxo to death, and commits
such atrocities upon people whom he suspects of treasonable inten-
tions that there is a great rush of fugitives into Natal, 384; on the
5th of October 1843 gives his consent to the Buffalo and Tugela
rivers forming the north-eastern boundary of Natal, 392; on the
same day cedes St. Lucia Bay to the queen of England, 393; and
thereafter is treated by the British authorities as an independent
chief, 393
*
Pato, Gunukwebe captain: in January 1824 with his brothers Kobe
and Kama concludes an agreement of friendship with the colonial
government, 6; in 1827 is permitted to occupy the territory
Index.
483
between the Keiskama and Beka rivers, 7; during the Kaffir war
of 1834-5 professes to be neutral, though many of his followers are
in arms against the colony, 98; on the 17th of September 1835
agrees to become a British subject, 126; on the 5th of December
1836 is released from his allegiance and enters into a treaty with
the British government, 150; on the 19th of June 1838 enters into
a supplementary treaty with Sir George Napier, 176; on the 29th
of December 1840 agrees to certain modifications in these treaties,
187; on the 2nd of January 1845 enters into a new treaty framed
by Sir Peregrine Maitland, 259
Pears, Rev. John: in May 1829 becomes first resident clergyman at
Glen Lynden, 23; on the 2nd of April 1839 becomes the first
resident clergyman of the Dutch reformed congregation in
Albany, 216
Peddie, Lieutenant-Colonel John: on the outbreak of the sixth Kaffir
war proceeds with his regiment from Capetown to the scene of
hostilities, 94; in March 1835 commands one of the four divisions
of the army which enters Kaffirland, 102
Philip Rev. Dr. : in 1826 gives to Adam Kok II the district of Philip-
polis, 413; in 1834 attempts unsuccessfully to procure the deposition
of Cornelis Kok as captain of Campbell, 413; shows determined
opposition to the commando law of June 1833, 28; in 1834 successfully
opposes the passing of an ordinance against vagrancy, 80; during
the Kaffir war of 1834-5 devotes all his energy to supporting the
cause of the Xosas, 118; disapproves of Sir Benjamin D'Urban's
arrangements in 1835 with regard to the Kaffirs, 136; takes Jan
Tshatshu and Andries Stoffels to England as specimens of the
result of mission work in South Africa, 137; gives evidence at
great length before a committee of the house of commons, 137;
makes a tour through England with Tshatshu and Stoffels, every-
where drawing adherents to his cause, 138; during the government
of Sir George Napier possesses very great power in South Africa,
406; favours the creation of a belt of native states under missionary
influence along the colonial border, 407; urges the governor to enter
into a treaty of alliance with the Basuto chief Moshesh, 407
Philippolis, village of: in 1823 is founded as a mission station, 412
Phoenix, the, coasting steamer: in December 1842 arrives from England, 227
Piers, Major Henry in January 1839 becomes the first resident magis-
trate of Paarl, 228
Pigot, Major: is one of the early breeders of merino sheep in the district
of Albany, 40
Piketberg, village of in 1840 is founded, 217
Piketberg, Dutch reformed church at about the 17th of October 1833
the first consistory commences duty, 217
Pillans, Charles Stuart: is one of the first unofficial members of the
legislative council established in 1834, 48
484
History of South Africa.
Pirie mission station in May 1830 is founded, 99; is named after
the reverend Alexander Pirie, one of the founders of the Glasgow
missionary society, 131
Pondo tribe: see Faku
* Port Elizabeth in February 1832 owing to retrenchment is deprived
of its magistrate, 84; in 1834 contains twelve hundred residents,
84; by an order in council in April 1836 is made a free warehousing
port, 164
Port Elizabeth, district of: on the 6th of February 1837 is created,
164
Port Elizabeth bank: in 1847 is established, 242
Porter, William : on the 16th of September 1839 becomes attorney-
general of the Cape Colony, 215
Port Rex: see Buffalo river mouth
Port St. John's: description of, 252; in October 1846 is opened to
commerce, 252
Poshuli, brother of the Basuto chief Moshesh: is a notorious robber
captain, 436; is sent by Moshesh to reside at Vechtkop in the
centre of a European settlement, where he collects a band of
worthless characters about him, 436
* Postal arrangements: before 1834 the principal villages are connected
with regular weekly posts.
Post Victoria: towards the close of 1844 is built at the head of the
Sheshegu streamlet between the Keiskama and Fish rivers, 256
Potchefstroom, town of in November 1838 is founded by the party of
emigrants under Hendrik Potgieter, 327
Potchefstroom, district of: boundaries in 1840, 350
Potgieter, Andries Hendrik is head of the second large party of emi-
grants that in 1836 leaves the Cape Colony, 274; purchases from the
Bataung chief Makwana all the land between the Vet and Vaal
rivers except a small reserve, 275; with eleven others explores the
country northward to the Zoutpansberg, 276; in October 1836 is
attacked by a Matabele army at Vechtkop, and beats his assailants
back, but loses all his cattle, 280; receives assistance which enables
him to retire to Thaba Ntshu, 282; with the aid of Commandant
Maritz prepares to punish the Matabele, 285; on the 17th of January
1837 attacks them in the valley of Mosega, 287; defeats them and
takes a good deal of spoil, with which he returns to Thaba
Ntshu, 288; shortly afterwards removes to the Vet river and founds
the village of Winburg, 288; quarrels with Maritz, 286; on account
of the jealousy that is so rife among the emigrants resolves to set
up an independent government, 292; in November 1837 on the
Marikwa attacks Moselekatse the second time, and compels him
to abandon that part of the country and flee beyond the Limpopo,
293; then proclaims the territory which the Matabele have overrun
forfeited to the emigrant farmers, 294; after the massacres in Natal
Index.
485
hastens to the aid of his countrymen, but declines to serve under
Maritz, 322; in company with a body of men under Pieter Uys
proceeds to attack Dingan, and on the 11th of April 1838 is defeated
in a battle and compelled to retreat, 324; in May leaves Natal and
recrosses the Drakensberg, 326; in November settles on the banks
of the Mooi river, and founds the town of Potchefstroom, 327; from
this date until September 1840 his party has an independent govern-
ment, 327; in July 1840 makes an effort to recover some white
children whom Moselekatse holds as captives, but cannot find the
Matabele, 349; in September 1840 enters into a loose kind of union
with the republic of Natal, 349; after this date is styled chief
commandant, 350; in May 1842 refuses to assist the republic of
Natal against an English invading force, 368; early in 1844 visits
Mr. Smellekamp at Delagoa Bay, 394; throughout his life shows
gratitude to the Barolong people for services performed by some of
them, 404; in December 1844 visits Philippolis, but is unable to
induce Adam Kok to refrain from interfering with the emigrant
farmers, 425; in 1845 settles at Zoutpansberg, 443: in 1846 reduces
the Bapedi tribe to submission, 443; in June 1847 conducts an
unsuccessful expedition against the Matabele, 444
Pottinger, steamship: in 1847 makes the quickest passage then known
from Europe to Table Bay, 254
Presbyteries of the Dutch reformed church: constitution of, 222
Press ordinance: in April 1829 is issued, 15
Pretorius, Andries Willem Jacobus: in November 1838 arrives in Natal,
and is immediately elected commandant-general of all the emigrants
there, 329; without any delay collects a force and marches against
Dingan, 330; on the 16th of December 1838 on the Blood river
inflicts a crushing defeat upon the Zulu army, 331; in January 1840
with a commando of four hundred burghers assists Panda against
Dingan, 342; causes Tambusa, one of Dingan's great indunas, to be
put to death, 343; after the decisive battle in which Dingan's power
is destroyed, on the 10th of February instals Panda as chief of the
Zulus in vassalage to the volksraad of Natal, 345; on the 14th of
February 1840 issues a proclamation taking possession of the
territory northward to the Umvolosi river, 345; in December 1840
directs an attack upon the Bacas of Ncapayi, 359; on the 17th of
May 1842 is instructed by the volksraad to require the English
forces that have recently arrived in Natal to leave within two days,
and if they do not go to enforce the demand by arms, 368; on the
night of the 23rd of May defeats a detachment of the English troops
sent out to attack him, 370; on the 26th seizes the military stores
landed on the Point, 371; on the 31st invests the British camp, 371;
on the 26th of June strong reinforcements reach the British camp
and he is obliged to abandon Durban, 374; retires to Maritzburg,
where he exerts all his influence in favour of coming to terms with
486
History of South Africa.
the English commander, 376; in July after the submission of the
volksraad to the authority of the queen resigns the office of
commandant-general, 378
Prince Albert, village of: in 1841 is founded, 220
Prince Albert, Dutch reformed church at in November 1842 the first
consistory is appointed, 220
Prinsloo, Joachim, president of the volksraad of Natal: in July 1842
is excepted from the general amnesty agreed to by Colonel Cloete,
377; a reward of £250 is offered for his apprehension, but no one
molests him, 378; in January 1844 he dies of fever contracted at
Delagoa Bay, 394
Protecteur fire and life assurance company in 1838 is founded in
Capetown, 225
:
Province of Queen Adelaide on the 10th of May 1835 is created by
Sir Benjamin D'Urban, 114; nearly the whole of it is allotted to
the Kaffirs, 134; on the 5th of December 1836 it is abandoned by
the British government, 150
Public debt in 1835, 33
Purcell, William: on the 13th of July 1834 is murdered in the Galeka
country, 112
Queen's road between Grahamstown and Fort Beaufort is made during
the government of Sir George Napier, 198
Qeto, chief of the Amakwabi: in 1828 is obliged to flee from Dingan,
and commits dreadful ravages south of the Umzimvubu, 303;
in September 1829 murders Mr. Farewell and his companions,
305
Rademeyer, Commandant Jacobus Ignatius: during the Kaffir war of
1834-5 performs good service, 102
Rawstorne, Fleetwood: in 1835 at the close of the sixth Kaffir war is
appointed agent with some clans in the province of Queen Adelaide,
130; in February 1837 is appointed civil commissioner and resident
magistrate of the new district of Colesberg, 164; on the 1st of July
1845 is directed to act as a special magistrate at Philippolis until
the appointment of a British resident in the territory between the
Orange and Modder rivers, 432
*
Read, Rev. James: in 1829 settles as a missionary at the Kat river,
10; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is prevented by the government
from visiting the Hottentots of the Kat river, 97
Recorder's court of Natal: on the 16th of October 1845 is established,
399; constitution and powers of, 399
Reitz, Jan Frederik: is the first successful breeder of merino sheep in
the Cape Colony, 38
van Rensburg, Jan is leader of a party of emigrants from the Cape
Colony, 271; in May 1836 reaches the Zoutpansberg, but shortly
Index.
487
afterwards moves onward and encounters a Bantu tribe by whom
all of his party except two children are put to death, 271
Representative legislative assembly: fruitless efforts of the colonists to
obtain a, 46 and 48
•
,
Reprisal for thefts by Kafirs: system as initiated by Lord Charles
Somerset, 3; as modified by General Bourke, 4 as further
modified by Sir Lowry Cole, 5; as still further modified by Sir
Benjamin D'Urban, 49
Resident magistrates: in 1834 the office is united with that of civil
commissioner, 44
Retief, Pieter: early life of, 289; is married to the widow of J. C.
Greyling, who in December 1811 was murdered with Landdrost
Stockenstrom by Kaftirs, 118; he is leader of the fourth party of
emigrant farmers from the Cape Colony, 289; in April 1837 arrives
in the neighbourhood of Thaba Ntshu, 289; on the 6th of June is
elected governor and commandant-general of all the emigrant
farmers, 290; arranges matters of administration, 291; offers peace
to Moselekatse, who takes no notice of the proposal, 291; early
in October with a party of emigrants sets out on a preliminary
visit to Natal, 314; is warmly welcomed by the English residents
at Durban, 314; visits Dingan at Umkungunhlovu, 314; and receives
a promise of a grant of land on condition of recovering some cattle
that have been stolen from the Zulus by Sikonyela's Batlokua, 315;
returns to the Caledon and compels Sikonyela to surrender his spoil,
315; with a large body of emigrants then goes down to Natal, 315;
with sixty-five companions and some Hottentot servants proceeds to
Dingan's residence with the recovered cattle, 316; and there, on the
6th of February 1838, all are murdered, 317
*Revenue of the Cape Colony: from 1806 to 1835, particulars concerning,
31; particulars concerning the various taxes levied between 1836
and 1850, 202; average yearly receipts during quinquennial periods
from 1836 to 1850, 206
Rex, George: builds a brig at the Knysna, 134
Rex, John: at the close of 1836 and beginning of 1837 lands and ships
goods at the mouth of the Buffalo river, 135
Rhenish missionary society: in 1829 commences to labour in South
Africa, 84
Rice, Mr. J. Spring: from July to December 1834 is secretary of state
for the colonies, 141
Richardson, Lieutenant-Colonel, of the 7th dragoons: in 1845 is sent
in command of a body of troops to assist Adam Kok against the
emigrant farmers, 428
Richmond, village of: in April 1844 is founded, 246
Richmond, Dutch reformed church at: in October 1843 the first
consistory is appointed, 246
Riebeek East, village of: in 1840 is founded, 216
488
History of South Africa.
Riebeek East, Dutch reformed church at: on the 9th of March 1830
the civil commissioner of Albany is directed by the governor to
nominate the first elders and deacons, who are installed in January
1831, 216; on the 22nd of April 1831 the presbytery of Graaff-
Reinet appoints a consulent, and on the 28th of November 1838
the governor appoints the reverend John Pears resident clergyman,
who on the 2nd of April 1839 commences duty, 216
van der Riet, J. W.: in 1834 becomes civil commissioner and resident
magistrate of Uitenhage, 44
van der Riet, Rev. T. J.: in May 1845 becomes the first resident
clergyman of Mossel Bay, 249
*
Rivers, Harry: in 1834 becomes civil commissioner and resident
magistrate of Swellendam, 44; on the 7th of December 1841
becomes treasurer-general of the Cape Colony, 215
Riversdale, village of: in 1838 is founded, 217
Riversdale, Dutch reformed church at: in June 1839 the first consistory
commences duty, 217
Road boards constitution of, 230; in November 1843 are first created
in the Cape Colony, 231
Robb, Captain, of the Leda: in 1834 commences to bring merino rams
from New South Wales to the Cape Colony, 41; in 1835 and 1836
brings Angora goats to the Cape, 41
*
Rolland, Rev. Samuel: in 1835 with a horde of refugees from the
north founds the mission station Beersheba at Zevenfontein, 283
* Roman catholic church in the Cape Colony particulars concerning, 224
Roman-Dutch law on the 27th of August 1845 is made the funda-
mental law of Natal, 399
Roos, F. in July 1838 is appointed landdrost of Port Natal, 328
Roux, Rev. Dr.: on the 10th of January 1842 becomes clergyman of the
Dutch reformed congregation in Albany, and in September of the
same year gives the church place the name Riebeek East, 216
Russell, Lord John on the 3rd of September 1839 becomes secretary
of state for the colonies, 183; on the 3rd of September 1841 is
succeeded by Lord Stanley, 188
*
*
*
van Ryneveld, Daniel Johannes: in 1834 becomes civil commissioner
and resident magistrate of Stellenbosch, 44
van Ryneveld, Jan: in 1834 becomes assistant civil commissioner and
resident magistrate of Clanwilliam, 44
van Ryneveld, Willem Cornelis: in 1834 becomes civil commissioner
and resident magistrate of Graaff-Reinet, 44
Sabina, the, Spanish ship: on the 7th of August 1842 is wrecked on
Cape Recife, 229
* Salaries of civil servants: in 1834 are still further cut down, 44
Sandile, son of Gaika's great wife is a minor in 1829 at the time of
Gaika's death, 51; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is a minor
:
Index.
489
living with his mother Sutu in professed friendship with the
Cape Colony, 111; early in 1840 is circumcised, 185; on the 2nd
of December 1840 enters into a treaty with Sir George Napier, 187;
in June 1843 promises Colonel Hare to aid in punishing the robber
captain Tola, but in reality assists Tola to escape, 190; in July
1844 shelters some robbers who have murdered a farmer named
De Lange, 256; but pays fifty head of cattle to the murdered
man's widow, 257; on the 21st of January in the following year
enters into new treaty arrangements with Sir Peregrine Maitland,
259; in November 1845 consents to the erection of a fort at
Blockdrift, 260; in January 1846 personally assaults and robs a
trader in his country, 262; and on being called upon for redress
sets the governor at defiance and withdraws his consent to the
erection of a fort at Blockdrift, 262; at a meeting with Lieutenant-
Governor Hare, however, he tones down his remarks, and the
matter is allowed to pass by, 263; immediately after this he tries
to induce the Ndlambes and Tembus to join him against the Cape
Colony, 264
Sarili (correct Kaffir spelling): see Kreli
Satchell, Rev. W., missionary at Buntingville: at the beginning of the
sixth Kaffir war takes refuge at Clarkebury, where in April 1835
he is rescued by a military patrol, 111
Savings banks in June 1831 are first established in the Cape Colony, 19
Scholtz, Rev. Ernest, of the Berlin missionary society: on the 29th of
November 1845 is murdered by Kaffirs near Fort Peddie, 261
Scholtz, Dr. J. W. L.: is the first resident clergyman of Piketberg, 217
* Schools: particulars concerning the system of public education in
the Cape Colony before 1839 and improvements after that date,
208; statistics in 1846, 250
Schreuder, Rev. H., of the Norwegian mission: in 1843 arrives and
establishes a mission in Zululand
Scotch church in Capetown: in May 1829 is opened for public worship, 16
Sekwati, chief of the Bapedi tribe: in 1846 is defeated by the emigrant
farmers, 443
Separation of the eastern and western provinces of the Cape Colony :
in 1834 is desired by a large section of the eastern people, 84
:
Shand, Rev. Robert in November 1835 becomes clergyman of Tulbagh,
220; is the cause of a division of the congregation, 220
X
Shaw, Rev. William through his agency the Gunukwebes regain
possession of the land between the Keiskama and Beka rivers, 5
Shepstone, Theophilus : shortly after the beginning of the Kaffir war of
1834-5 guides a party of volunteers to Wesleyville to rescue the
white people who have taken refuge there, 99; after serving as an
interpreter during the war is appointed clerk to the agent-general,
130; in December 1836 acts as interpreter for Lieutenant-Governor
Stockenstrom when concluding treaties with the Kaffir and Fingo
490
History of South Africa.
chiefs, 152; in November 1838 accompanies a military force to Port
Natal as Kaffir interpreter, 334; in February 1839 succeeds Mr. J.
M. Bowker as diplomatic agent with the Fingos and Gunukwebes,
190; in June 1843 assists in an unsuccessful expedition against the
robber captain Tola, 191; in October and November 1844 proceeds.
to Butterworth to obtain Kreli's mark to a treaty, 257; and to
Pondoland to obtain Faku's mark to another, 395; in November
1845 ceases to be diplomatic agent at Fort Peddie, 261; as he is
appointed agent for natives in Natal, 400
Shepstone, Rev. William, Wesleyan missionary: assists in the negotia-
tions by which the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is brought to an end,
123; after the conclusion of peace reoccupies the mission station
Wesleyville, 131
Shiloh mission station in 1828 is founded by the Moravian society,
52; after the abandonment of Clarkebury in April 1835 is the only
mission station left in any part of Kaffirland, 111
*
*
Ships that put into Table Bay from 1806 to 1835, 43
Shipwrecks in Table Bay in July 1831, 18
:
Sigcawu, Xosa captain: expedition against and death of, 53 and 54
Sikonyela, chief of the Batlokua tribe makes an agreement of friend-
ship with Pieter Retief, 291; in December 1837 is compelled
by Pieter Retief
Retief to surrender some cattle which his people
have stolen from Dingan, 315; in March 1846 agrees to submit his
dispute with Moshesh to the judgment of a commission to be
appointed by the governor of the Cape Colony, 437; in 1847 renews
hostilities with Moshesh, 439
Simonstown, district of: in 1834 is joined to the Cape, 44
Simonstown on the 30th of July 1837 the new English church is opened
for worship
Sir Lowry's pass: in 1830 the road thus named over the Hottentots-
Holland mountains is opened, 24
Sitamba, a Xosa: at the commencement of the Kaffir war of 1834-5
performs an act of great humanity, 91
Siwani, great son of Dushane: on his father's death in 1828 is left a
minor, 51; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is a minor living with
his mother Nonibe in professed friendship with the Cape Colony,
111; on the 2nd of January 1845 enters into a treaty with Sir
Peregrine Maitland, 259
Sixth Kaffir war: in the evening of the 21st of December 1834 a great
horde of Kaffirs begins to cross the boundary and lay waste the
frontier colonial districts, 90; in ten or twelve days the whole of
the open country as far west as the village of Uitenhage is ravaged,
91; twenty-two white men are murdered, four hundred and fifty-
six houses are burned, and an immense number of horses, horned
cattle, sheep, and goats are driven off, 91; fortunately most of the
colonists receive warning in time to take refuge in the towns and
Index.
491
villages, but all the trading stations in Kaffirland are pillaged,
and ten of the traders are murdered, 92; the three military posts
farthest in advance are of necessity abandoned, 92; Lieutenant-
Colonel Smith and all the troops that can be spared from the Cape
peninsula are sent to the scene of hostilities as rapidly as possible,
94; the burgher forces of the colony are called out and a number of
Hottentots are levied, 95; on the 10th of January 1835 a patrol
under Major Cox leaves Grahamstown and commences operations
against the Xosas, 96; on the 20th of January Sir Benjamin
D'Urban arrives in Grahamstown and takes command of the
assembled forces, 97; the missionaries and surviving traders in
Kaffirland are brought out by patrols sent to rescue them, 99;
early in February the Kafirs are driven out of the colony, but
take possession of the thickets along the Fish river, 100; where
they are attacked on the 12th of February, and on the 15th are
obliged to retire, 101; on the 19th of February they make a sudden
raid into the Kat river settlement, but are beaten back, 101; they
manage, however, to recover the fastnesses of the Fish river, from
which it is with difficulty that they are again expelled, 102; they
then retire to the forests along the Amatola mountains, 102; on
the 31st of March the colonial forces cross the Keiskama to attack
them there, 106; between the 2nd and the 10th of April a good
many cattle are recovered and the Xosas are driven out of the
fastnesses of the Amatola, 107; on the 15th of April a division of
the army under Sir Benjamin D'Urban crosses the Kei into the
territory of Hintsa, paramount chief of the tribe, who has been
aiding the Rarabe clans in the war, 108; on the 17th this force
encamps at Butterworth, 109; where certain Fingo captains apply
to the governor for protection, whereupon Sir Benjamin D'Urban
adopts a plan of settlement which involves the removal of them
and their people to the territory between the Fish and Keiskama
rivers, 110; as Hintsa does not give satisfaction for his hostile
conduct, on the 24th of April war is declared against him, and the
forces then commence to scour the Galeka country and succeed in
capturing some cattle, which causes Hintsa to come to the camp on
the 29th of April to ask for peace, 112; on the following day terms
are agreed upon, and on the 2nd of May the troops begin to move
towards the colony, 112; on the 4th of May terms of peace are
offered to the Rarabe chiefs, which they refuse to accept, 114;
Hintsa does not fulfil his agreement, and is killed while attempting
to escape from a patrol sent out by his desire to collect cattle, 116;
on the 19th of May peace is concluded with his son Kreli, 117;
the Rarabes are encouraged to continue the war by the language of
their European sympathisers, 118; on the 23rd of May the farmers
are disbanded that they may get seed grain in the ground, and the
Hottentots who are kept under arms have pay assigned to them,
492
History of South Africa.
120; the forces in the field continue to harass the Rarabes as much
as possible, 121; as soon as the seed is in the ground the farmers
are called to arms again, 122; but negotiations are now opened
with the Rarabe chiefs through the medium of some Wesleyan
missionaries, and on the 15th of August a suspension of hostilities
is arranged, 123; on the 11th of September Sir Benjamin D'Urban
has a conference at Fort Willshire with the Rarabe chiefs, and on
the 17th peace is finally concluded by the chiefs consenting to
become British subjects and to have locations assigned to them in
the province of Queen Adelaide, 125
Siyolo, right-hand son of Dushane: on his father's death in 1828 tries
to gain as much power as possible during the minority of his
brother Siwani, 51; allies himself with the Gaikas, 56; in December
1834 sends his followers to invade and lay waste the frontier
districts of the Cape Colony, 90; continues the conflict until the
17th of September 1835, when he agrees to become a British
subject, 125; on the 5th of March 1836 is released from his
allegiance and enters into a treaty with the British government,
150; in August 1837 attacks the Fingos at Fort Peddie and
plunders them, 157; on the 31st of December 1840 agrees to
certain modifications of the treaty proposed by Sir George Napier,
188
* Slaves particulars concerning the introduction and treatment of
slaves, 61; details of the various enactments after April 1836 con-
cerning the relationship between masters and slaves, 63 et seq.;
proposal by Lord Charles Somerset for the extinction of slavery,
66; proposals of the colonists for the extinction of slavery, 68;
irritation caused by orders in council which can not be carried
out, 69; establishment of a society for aiding slaves to obtain
their freedom, 73; particulars of the imperial emancipation act,
under which on the 1st of December 1834 slavery ceased to exist
in the Cape Colony, 73; method of conducting the appraisement
of the slaves, 75; number and value of the slaves on the day of
emancipation, 75; manner in which the 1st of December 1834 was
observed in the colony, 75; particulars concerning the treatment
of the late slaves, now apprentices for four years, 76; widespread
misery caused by the emancipation of the slaves without adequate
compensation to the owners, 77; present condition of the descen-
dants of the slaves, 78
Small-pox in 1840 causes great loss of life in the Cape Colony, 192
Smellekamp, Johan Arnaud on the 24th of March 1842 arrives at
Port Natal as supercargo of the Dutch trading brig Brazilia, 366;
is sent back to Holland by the volksraad of Natal to negotiate a
treaty placing the republic under the protection of the king of the
Netherlands and to procure clergymen and schoolmasters, 367;
when passing through the Cape Colony with this object is arrested
Index.
493
and confined for being without a pass, but is soon released and
allowed to embark for Europe, 367; receives no countenance from
the government of Holland, 382; returns to South Africa as director
of a trading company, but on arriving at Natal on the 8th of May
1843 is not permitted by the English authorities to land his goods
or to communicate with the farmers, so proceeds to Delagoa Bay,
where he remains for some time, 383; in December 1843 is
visited at Lourenço Marques by some emigrant farmers, through
whom he sends advice to the great body of the emigrants to move
to the northeast and open communication with the outer world
through Delagoa Bay, 394; afterwards gives the same advice to
Commandant Hendrik Potgieter, who acts upon it, 395; then
proceeds to Holland, but after a few years returns to South
Africa, 395
:
Smit, Erasmus, an old missionary teacher: in 1837 is engaged to conduct
public worship for the emigrant farmers, 291
Smith, Captain Thomas Charlton, of the 27th regiment in January
1841 is sent in command of a military force to form a camp on the
Umgazi river for the protection of the Pondo chief Faku, 360; in
December of the same year is instructed by Sir George Napier to
move on and occupy Port Natal, 363; on the 1st of April 1842
leaves the Umgazi for that purpose, and on the 4th of May forms
a camp close to Durban, 365; on the night of the 23rd of May
marches from his camp to attack the farmers assembled at Kongela,
but is beaten back with heavy loss, 369; on the 31st of May his
camp is
invested by the farmers under Commandant-General
Pretorius, 371; he holds out until the 26th of June, when a
relieving force under Colonel Cloete arrives from Capetown, 374;
upon Colonel Cloete's departure in July he is again left in command
of the troops in Natal with the rank of major, 378; on the 31st
of August 1843 occupies Maritzburg with troops, 390; in August
1845 is succeeded in command in Natal by Lieutenant-Colonel E.
F. Boys, 399; is offered the situation of British resident in Adam
Kok's country, but declines it, 432; in December of this year is
appointed agent-general and frontier commissioner, and is stationed
at Fort Beaufort, 262
*Smith, Dr. Andrew: in 1834 visits the Zulu chief Dingan, 304; in
1835 explores the territory along the upper Limpopo, 275; and
has very friendly interviews with various chiefs and captains north
of the Orange river, 284
Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Sir Harry): in March 1829
becomes deputy-quartermaster-general at the Cape, 94; on the 1st
of January 1835 leaves Capetown, and in less than six days rides
on horseback to Grahamstown to organise measures of defence
against Kaffir invaders of the colony, 94; levies large numbers of
Hottentots to aid the soldiers and burghers, 95; on the 11th of
494
History of South Africa.
February at the head of a division of the army crosses the Fish
river to attack the Kafirs, 101; after the arrival of Sir Benjamin
D'Urban on the frontier is second in command of the forces, 102;
in May is in command of a patrol when the paramount chief
Hintsa is killed, 115; from the 11th of June to the conclusion of
peace in September has direct command of the forces in the field,
121; is left in King-Williamstown with military control over the
province of Queen Adelaide, 129; on the 13th of September 1836
lays down his charge in the province, 148; in January 1837 attains
the rank of colonel in the army, 172
Snyman, Jacobus Theodorus: in 1844 is head of a party of emigrant
farmers in the valley of the Caledon river who are favourable to
British rule, 425; and who profess to hold their lands from
Moshesh, 429
*Somerset, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry in December 1825 conducts an
expedition into Kaffirland, 2; in May 1829 drives Makoma from
the Kat river over the Tyumie, 8; in December 1834 demands
and obtains redress from the chief Eno for an act of violence, 88;
after the outbreak of the sixth Kaffir war drives the invaders out
of the colony, 100; on the 11th of February 1835 attacks the
Kafirs in the thickets of the Fish river, 101; in March commands
one of the four divisions of the army which enters Kaffirland,
102; in June 1839 takes command of the Cape mounted riflemen, 171
*Somerset East, district of: in 1834 is reduced to a sub-district for
fiscal purposes, and is attached to Albany, 44 in July 1837 is
again separated from Albany, 165
South African bank: in 1838 is founded in Capetown, 226
:
South African college in October 1829 is established, 20; particulars
concerning its progress, 209
South African Dutch colonists are of mixed European blood, 265;
speak a dialect different in some respects from the language of
Holland at the present day, 265; characteristics of, 269
South African fire and life assurance company in March 1831 is
established in Capetown, 19
Southey, Richard: in 1835 at the close of the sixth Kaffir war is
appointed agent with some clans in the province of Queen Adelaide,
130; in December 1836 retires from the service, 69
Sparks, Ensign Robert Manners, of the Cape mounted rifles: in
December 1834 with a strong patrol is sent to obtain compensation
from the Xosa chief Eno for stolen horses, 87; seizes forty head
of cattle, with which he sets out to return to Fort Willshire, 88;
is attacked on the way, but is rescued by the chief Stokwe, 88;
before reaching the fort receives a severe wound from a Kaffir who
springs suddenly upon him, 88
Stanger, Dr. William: on the 2nd of January 1845 is appointed
surveyor-general of Natal, 399; on the 14th of March 1854 dies
Index.
495
Stanley, Lord: on the 3rd of September 1841 becomes secretary of
state for the colonies, 188; on the 25th of May 1844 announces the
decision of the imperial authorities concerning the form of govern-
ment of Natal as a British possession, 397; on the 23rd of
December 1845 retires, 239
* Stellenbosch, village of: on the 5th of June 1840 becomes a municipality
Stockenstrom, Andries, junior, (afterwards Sir Andries): in 1829
locates a large number of Hottentots in the upper valleys of the
Kat river, 9; in March 1833 leaves the colony to visit Europe,
and while there is obliged by the secretary of state to retire on a
pension, 84; in 1835 is a pensioner living in Europe, 138; gives
most damaging evidence against the colonists before a committee
of the house of commons, 139; is sent out as lieutenant-governor
of the eastern districts of the Cape Colony with instructions to
restore the province of Queen Adelaide to the Kaffirs, 144; on
the 25th of July 1836 takes the oaths of office in Capetown, 144;
on arriving in Grahamstown is challenged by a mass meeting to
prove his assertions before the committee of the commons, 147; on
the 13th of September has a conference with the Rarabe chiefs at
King-Williamstown, 148; forms a new line of defence along the
Fish and Kat rivers, 149; on the 5th of December renounces
British authority over the province of Queen Adelaide and over
the territory east of the Stormberg spruit, 150; restores to Kreli
the land ceded by him, 150; and concludes treaties with the
Rarabe chiefs as independent rulers, 150; five days later enters
into a similar treaty with the principal Fingo captains at Fort
Peddie, 152; on the 18th of January 1837 concludes a similar
treaty with the emigrant Tembu chief Mapasa, 153; is unable to
protect the Fingos from the Xosas, 157; makes an abortive
attempt to form Hottentot locations along the Fish river, 158;
finds himself in altogether a false position, 159; brings an action
for libel against Captain Campbell, civil commissioner of Albany,
162; and loses the case, 163; which causes great rejoicing
throughout the eastern province, 163; urges the occupation of
Port Natal upon Lord Glenelg as a means of forcing the emigrant
farmers to return to the Cape Colony, 333; by order of Lord
Glenelg a serious charge against him is investigated by a com-
mission consisting of Sir George Napier, Major Charters, and
Captain Dundas, 179; who find that he shot a Kaffir, but that it
was a lawful military act, 179; he then obtains leave of absence,
and on the 9th of August 1838 embarks for England, 180; where
he tenders his resignation to the secretary of state, but afterwards
withdraws it, 181; on the 31st of August 1839 is deprived of office
by Lord Normanby, 182; but receives from Lord John Russell a
baronetcy and a pension of £700 a year, 183; on the 31st of May
1840 reaches South Africa again, 183
496
History of South Africa.
Stockenstrom versus Campbell: particulars of an action for libel, 162
Stoffels, Andries, a Gona Hottentot: in 1835-6 visits England with the
reverend Dr. Philip, 137; gives evidence before a committee of
the house of commons, and makes a tour through England, 138;
contracts consumption, and dies at Capetown when returning to his
home, 138
Stokwe, great son of the Xosa chief Eno: in December 1834 prevents
the destruction of a military patrol, 88
St. George's cathedral in Capetown: in December 1834 is opened for
worship, 18
St. Lucia Bay: on the 5th of October 1843 is ceded to the queen of
England by the Zulu chief Panda, 393
St. Mungo, the: on the 20th of September 1844 is wrecked on Cape
Agulhas, 244
St. Paul's church, Rondebosch: on the 16th of February 1834 is
opened for use
Stretch, Captain Charles Lennox at the close of the Kaffir war of
1834-5 is appointed agent with the Gaika, Imidange, and Amambala
clans, and is stationed at Fort Cox, 130; in December 1836 is
removed from Fort Cox to Blockdrift, and is directed to act as
consular agent, 153
Stuurman, a robber captain: after 1830 has his stronghold on islands
in the Orange river, 25; and ravages the country on all sides, 26
Supreme court of the Cape Colony in 1834 is constituted under a
new charter of justice, 45
:
Susa, Xosa chieftainess dealings with, 2
Sutton, Lieutenant William, of the 75th regiment on the 10th of
December 1834 is sent with a small patrol from Fort Beaufort to
expel some intruding Kaffirs from colonial ground and to obtain
compensation from them for stolen horses, 89; finds the intruders
defiant, but manages to burn their huts and to seize some oxen,
89; when returning to Fort Beaufort is attacked, and with great
difficulty and some loss reaches the fort, 89; in December 1845
becomes British resident in Adam Kok's territory, but in January
1846 resigns, 432; subsequently is raised to the rank of captain,
and is transferred to the Cape mounted rifles
Sutu, great widow of Gaika: at the beginning of the Kaffir war of
1834-5 gives protection to several missionaries and traders, 99;
throughout the war professes friendship to the Cape Colony, 111;
upon the death of Tyali on the 1st of May 1842 is accused by a
witchfinder of having killed that chief, but is protected from
maltreatment by the diplomatic agent Stretch and the missionaries
of the Glasgow society, 189
* Synod of the Dutch reformed church in the Cape Colony: constitution
of, 221
Index.
497
*
Taaibosch, Gert complains of the injustice done to him by the treaty
of 1843 between Sir George Napier and the Basuto chief Moshesh,
421; in June 1845 has a conference with Sir Peregrine Maitland
at Touwfontein, but as he will not admit the authority of Moshesh
no arrangement can be made with him in furtherance of a settle-
ment of the dispute between them, 430; in August 1845 offers a
tract of land for settlement by Europeans, 435; in March 1846
agrees to submit his dispute with Moshesh to the judgment of a
commission to be appointed by the governor of the Cape Colony,
437; in June of the same year assists Major Warden to disperse
the adherents of Jan Kock, 438
Tambusa, Zulu induna in May 1835 on behalf of Dingan enters into a
treaty with Captain Gardiner, 310; in January 1840 is sent by
Dingan to negotiate with the emigrant farmers, and is put to death
by them, 342
* Tawane, Barolong captain: in 1841 moves from Thaba Ntshu over
the Vaal, and has a tract of land assigned to him by Commandant
Potgieter, upon which he lives as a favoured subject of the emigrant
farmers, 404
* Tembu tribe: in 1835 is governed by the regent Vadana, as the
chief Umtirara is a minor, 104; has then little strength for war-
like purposes, 104; in 1835 is attacked by the Bacas under Ncapayi
and sustains much loss, 105; in 1834 and 1835 sends various off-
shoots into the territory along the Zwart Kei river, 107; in
November 1836 is again attacked and plundered by Ncapayi, 354;
in 1838 is reduced to such misery by attacks of the Pondos and
Bacas that it flees to the territory along the upper branches of the
Kei, 355; see Mapasa, Nonesi, Umtirara, and Vadana.
Tente, inferior son of Gaika: during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 professes
friendship to the Cape Colony, 111
Thaba Bosigo mission station in 1837 is founded by agents of the
Paris evangelical society, 440
*
Thom, Rev. Dr. George: on the 24th of August 1825 is appointed
clergyman of the Dutch reformed church at Tulbagh, 220; a few
years later becomes insane, and in 1835 is removed to an asylum,
220
Thomson, Rev. W. R.: in 1829 is stationed by the government as
a clergyman with the Hottentots at the Kat river, 10
:
Tinde clan since the middle of the eighteenth century has been
gradually becoming weaker, 98; see Tshatshu
du Toit, Rev. A. F. in June 1840 becomes the first resident clergy-
man of Wellington, 219
du Toit, Jacobus Johannes is one of the first unofficial members of
the legislative council established in 1834, 48
Tola, Imidange captain: is head of the most expert robber clan on
the border of the Cape Colony, 190; in June 1843 is attacked by
2 I
498
History of South Africa.
a military force, but as he is assisted by the Gaikas he makes his
escape, 191
Toyise, son of Gasela in March 1845 succeeds his father as captain
of a Rarabe clan, 264
Treaties: concluded by Sir Benjamin D'Urban on the 11th of December
1834 with the Griqua captain Andries Waterboer, 58; concluded
by Captain Gardiner in May 1835 with the Zulu chief Dingan, 310;
concluded by Sir Benjamin D'Urban on the 3rd of March 1836 with
the Matabele chief Moselekatse, 285; concluded by Lieutenant-
Governor Stockenstrom on the 5th of December 1836 with the
Rarabe chiefs, 150; concluded by Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom
on the 10th of December 1836 with the Fingo captains Umhlambiso
and Jokweni, 152; concluded by Lieutenant-Governor Stockenstrom
on the 18th of January 1837 with the emigrant Tembu chief Mapasa,
153; concluded by Sir George Napier on the 19th of June 1838
with the Gunukwebe captains, 176; concluded by Sir George Napier
on the 2nd of December 1840 with the Gaika chiefs, 187; concluded
by Sir George Napier on the 29th of December 1840 with the Fingo
captains at Fort Peddie, 187; concluded by Sir George Napier
on the 31st of December 1840 with the Ndlambe captains, 188;
concluded by Sir George Napier on the 28th of January 1841 with
the emigrant Tembu chief Mapasa, 188; concluded by Sir George
Napier in November and December 1843 with Adam Kok, Griqua
captain of Philippolis, and Moshesh, chief of the Basuto tribe, 419;
concluded by Sir Peregrine Maitland on the 7th of October 1844 with
the Pondo chief Faku, 395; concluded by Sir Peregrine Maitland in
November 1844 with the chief Kreli, 257; concluded by Sir Peregrine
Maitland in January 1845 with the Rarabe and Fingo captains, 258;
concluded by Sir Peregrine Maitland in February 1846 with the
Griqua captain Adam Kok, 432
Triechard, Louis is leader of the pioneer party in the great emigration
from the Cape Colony, 270; in May 1836 reaches the Zoutpansberg,
271; a few months later attempts to explore the country to Delagoa
Bay, 272; meets with many disasters, but in April 1838 reaches
the bay, 273; where all of his party perish of fever except twenty-
six individuals who in July 1839 are rescued and conveyed by sea,
to Natal, 273
Truter, Pieter Jan in 1834 becomes civil commissioner and resident
magistrate of Worcester, 44
Tsetse, the destruction of domestic animals by, 273
*
Tshaka, Zulu chief in July 1824 is first visited by Europeans, 298;
is badly wounded by a man who attempts to assassinate him,
but rapidly recovers under the skilful treatment of Henry Fynn,
owing to which circumstance he becomes a friend of the Englishmen
living at Port Natal, 298; on the 7th of August 1824 grants a large
tract of land round the port to Mr. Farewell, 299; permits the
Index.
499
Europeans at Port Natal to collect the blacks together and to rule
them as chiefs, 300; allows no trade with his Zulu subjects, 300;
grants to Henry Fynn a large tract of land, 301; in April 1828
sends an embassy to the Cape government, which is not acknowledged
by the colonial authorities, though the indunas are well treated, 301;
he next sends John Cane with a friendly greeting to the governor,
301; on the 23rd of September 1828 is assassinated by his brother
Dingan and two others, 303
Tshatshu, captain of the Tinde clan
during the Kaffir war of 1834-5
professes friendship to the Cape Colony, 111
Tshatshu, Jan, son of the Tinde captain: in 1835 and 1836 visits
England with the reverend Dr. Philip, 137; appears there as a
powerful Kaffir chief, and gives evidence before a committee of the
house of commons, 138; makes a tour through England, and becomes
so conceited and fond of wine that he is utterly ruined, 138
Tulu, Bataung chief, son and successor of Makwana in 1845 is visited
by the special commissioner Gideon Joubert, 434
Tyali, left-hand son of Gaika: about the year 1827 takes possession of
the valley of the Mankazana, 5; in September 1833 on account of
the depredations of his people is expelled by a military force from
the valley of the Mankazana, when he settles on the banks of the
Gaga, 54; as the depredations are continued, in November of the
same year he is driven across the next higher tributary of the
Tyumie, 55; during the year 1834 gives great annoyance to the
frontier colonists, 87; on the 21st of December 1834 sends his
followers to invade and lay waste the frontier districts of the Cape
Colony, 90; attempts to entrap Colonel Somerset, 90; after securing
immense booty proposes peace on condition of matters remaining as
they are, but his offer is rejected by Colonel Somerset, 95; he
continues the conflict until the 17th of September 1835, when he
agrees to become a British subject, 125; on the 5th of December
1836 is released from his allegiance and enters into a treaty with
the British government, 150; on the 2nd of December 1840 agrees
to certain modifications of the treaty proposed by Sir George
Napier, 187; on the 1st of May 1842 dies of a chest complaint in
the Tyumie valley, 189
Umbopa, servant of Tshaka: in September 1828 assists in putting his
master to death, 303
Umhala, minor son of Ndlambe upon his father's death in 1828
supplants his brother Umkayi, 50; allies himself with the Gaikas,
56; in December 1834 sends his followers to invade and lay waste
the frontier districts of the Cape Colony, 90; continues the conflict
until the 17th of September 1835, when he agrees to become a
British subject, 125; on the 5th of December 1836 is released from
his allegiance and enters into a treaty with the British government,
500
History of South Africa.
150; on the 31st of December 1840 agrees to certain modifications
of the treaty proposed by Sir George Napier, 188; on the 2nd of
January 1845 enters into a new treaty framed by Sir Peregrine
Maitland, 259
Umhlambiso, chief of a remnant of the Hlubi tribe: in April 1835 at
Butterworth solicits Sir Benjamin D'Urban to give him protection
against the Xosas, 110; his request is complied with, and he has
land assigned to him between the Fish and Keiskama rivers, 113;
in December 1836 as an independent chief enters into a treaty with
the British government, 152; in August 1837 is badly wounded in
an attack by Kaffirs upon his people, 157; on the 29th of Decem-
ber 1840 consents to certain modifications of the treaty proposed
by Sir George Napier, 187
:
Umkayi, son of Ndlambe upon his father's death in 1828 is supplanted
by his brother Umhala, 50; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 professes
friendship to the Cape Colony, 111; in 1838 is in league with some
mutineers of the Cape corps, 175; early in 1846 asks for leave to
move into the Cape Colony, as he is sure there will shortly be
war, 264
Umpande see Panda
:
Umsutu, chief of a remnant of the Abasekunene tribe: in April 1835
at Butterworth solicits Sir Benjamin D'Urban to give him pro-
tection against the Xosas, 110; his request is complied with, and
he has land assigned to him between the Fish and Keiskama
rivers, 113
Umthlangana: in September 1828 assists his brother Dingan to
assassinate Tshaka, and is afterwards murdered by Dingan, 303
Umthlela, Zulu induna in May 1835 on behalf of Dingan enters into
a treaty with Captain Gardiner, 310; on the 30th of January 1840
commands Dingan's army in the great battle with the rebel Zulus
under Nongalaza, and is killed in the hottest part of the field, 344
Umtirara, son and heir of Vusani, paramount chief of the Tembu tribe:
at the time of the Kaffir war of 1834-5 is a minor, 104; on the
25th of March 1845 enters into a treaty with Sir Peregrine
Maitland, 260
Union bank in 1847 is established in Capetown, 243
:
Uys, Dirk Cornelis: on the 11th of April 1838 while behaving in a
most gallant manner is killed in battle, 324
Uys, Jacobus in 1837 is leader of a party of emigrants from the Cape
Colony, 291; is presented with a large bible by the people of
Grahamstown as a mark of their regard, 291; on account of the
jealousy that is so rife among the emigrants resolves to set up a
government independent of the others somewhere in Natal, 292
Uys, Pieter Lavras: in 1834 with a party of farmers from the Cape
Colony inspects the territory of Natal, 307; in 1837 leaves the
Cape Colony with a party under the leadership of his father, 291;
Index.
501
in November of this year assists Commandant Potgieter to drive
the Matabele from the Marikwa, 293; after the massacres in Natal
hastens to the aid of his countrymen, but declines to serve under
Maritz, 322; in company with a body of men under Hendrik
Potgieter proceeds to attack Dingan, 323; and on the 11th of April
1838 is killed in battle, 324
Vadana is regent of the Tembu tribe during the minority of Umtirara,
heir of Vusani, 104; during the Kaffir war of 1834-5 offers protection
to white people who can escape from the Xosa country, 105; in
April 1835 assists a patrol under Captain Warden to capture cattle
from one of Hintsa's kraals, 112; in November 1836 is plundered
by Ncapayi, and in vain seeks aid from Lieutenant - Governor
Stockenstrom, 354
Vagrant act
particulars concerning the unsuccessful effort in 1834 to
pass an ordinance to suppress vagrancy, 80 et seq.
Venable, Rev. Mr., American missionary: in June 1836 with two associ-
ates goes to reside with the Matabele in the valley of Mosega, 287;
in January 1837 retires with the emigrant farmers, 288; in July
1837 arrives in Natal and commences to labour there, 310; visits
Dingan a few hours after the massacre of Pieter Retief and his
party, and gives notice to his colleagues at the different stations,
when they all retire to the port, 320; in April 1838 leaves Natal,
and does not return, 526
Victoria West, village of: in 1844 is founded, 248
Victoria West, Dutch reformed church at in April 1844 the first
consistory commences its duty, 248
de Villiers, John George: in February 1837 is appointed resident
magistrate of the new district of Port Elizabeth, 164
Villiersdorp, village of: in 1841 is founded, 228
Volksraad: on the 2nd of December 1836 the first is elected by the
emigrant farmers, 282; and on the 6th of June 1837 the second is
elected, 290
Volksraad of Natal: constitution and powers of, 336 and 348; in 1840
tries to induce the British government to acknowledge the inde-
pendence of the republic, 351; but while correspondence on the
subject is being carried on, sends a commando to punish the Baca
chief Ncapayi for theft of cattle, 358; upon being apprised that Sir
George Napier is sending troops to protect Faku, writes in justifica
tion of the attack upon Ncapayi, but fails to convince the governor,
361; in August 1841 resolves to locate all the Bantu refugees in
Natal in the territory between the Umzimvubu and Umtamvuna
rivers, 362; on the 11th of October 1841 writes to Sir George
Napier asserting its independence and refusing to consent to
proposal made by him to station a body of troops at Durban, 362;
on being informed that British troops are being sent to occupy
502
History of South Africa.
Durban, on the 21st of February 1842 announces a determination to
resist, 364; in April 1842 sends Mr. J. A. Smellekamp to Holland
to negotiate a treaty placing Natal under the protection of the king
of the Netherlands, 367; on the 17th of May requires the English
force to leave Natal within two days, and instructs Commandant-
General Pretorius to enforce the demand, 368; after the defeat
of the emigrant farmers and the loss of Durban, on the 15th of
July submits to the authority of the queen, 377; but continues its
functions as before, 378; on the 8th of August 1843 consents to
the conditions for the settlement of the country imposed by the
secretary of state for the colonies, 389; on the 4th of September
gives expression to its views concerning the future government of
Natal, 390; in the last sessions, at the close of 1844 and beginning
of 1845, shows itself very inimical to British authority, 398
Volksraad of Potchefstroom: constitution and powers of, 349
Wade, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Francis: from the 10th of August
1833 to the 16th of January 1834 acts as governor of the Cape
Colony, 29
Warden, Captain Henry Douglas, of the Cape mounted rifles: in April
1835, during the sixth Kaffir war, is sent with a patrol to rescue
the missionaries and traders who have taken shelter at Clarkebury,
111; a few days later with 'the assistance of the Tembu chief Vadana
takes four thousand head of cattle from one of Hintsa's kraals, 112;
assists in the conferences by which the war is brought to an end,
124; in January 1841 accompanies a military force sent to form a
camp on the Umgazi river for the protection of the Pondo chief
Faku, 360; in 1845 accompanies a military force sent from the Cape
Colony to assist the Griquas of Adai Kok against the emigrant
farmers, 428; in July is left at Philippolis in command of a small
garrison, 432; in January 1846 becomes British resident in Adam
Kok's territory, 432; in March holds a conference with the chiefs
and captains in the country between the Orange and Vaal rivers,
and induces them to consent to refer their disputes to a commission
to be appointed by the governor of the Cape Colony, 437; in June
with the assistance of some blacks and half-breeds disperses Jan
Kock's adherents at Winburg, 438
*
Waterboer, Andries: upon the removal of the captains Barends and
Kok from Griquatown in 1820 he is elected head of the station,
57; is a firm supporter of the missionaries, who in turn do all
they can to strengthen him, 57; with the reverend Peter Wright
towards the close of 1834 visits Capetown, 57; and on the 11th of
December of that year enters into a treaty with the English
authorities in South Africa, 58; in February 1837 through the
efforts of the missionaries enters into close alliance with Abraham
Kok, 414; but from September of the same year until the beginning
Index.
503
of 1841 assists Adam Kok III in war against his brother Abraham,
415; in November 1833 enters into a treaty with Adam Kok III,
in which they divide on paper an immense region between them,
415
Waterloo, the, convict ship: on the 28th of August 1842 is wrecked
in Table Bay, 221)
Weenen, village of: in 1840 is founded, 346
Weir, James, missionary at the Tyumie: in December 1834 is required
by the chief Tyali to act as his messenger to Colonel Somerset, 95;
On the 20th of January 1835 is rescued by a military patrol, 99;
at the close of the war returns to his station at the Tyumie, 131
Wellington, village of: in 1838 is founded, 219
Wellington, Dutch reformed church at: in July 1840 the first consistory
commences duty, 219
* Wesleyan society: particulars concerning, 6, 17, 52, 83, and 209
West, Martin: on the 21st of August 1838 becomes civil commissioner
and resident magistrate of Albany, 182; on the 13th of November
1845 is appointed lieutenant-governor of Natal, 400
Western Province bank: in 1847 is established at Paarl, 243
*
White, Lieutenant Thomas: is one of the early breeders of merino
sheep in the district of Albany, 41; in May 1835 is killed near the
Bashee river, 116
Whittle, a trader in 1832 cxplores the country along the upper
Limpopo, 275
:
Williams, Jane is living with the family of the reverend Mr. Owen
at Umkungunhlovu, and on the 6th of February 1838 witnesses the
massacre of Pieter Retief and his party, of which she afterwards.
publishes an account, 319
:
Wilson, Dr., American missionary in June 1836 with two associates
goes to reside with the Matabele in the valley of Mosega, 287;
in January 1837 retires with the emigrant farmers, 288; in July
1837 arrives in Natal and commences to labour there, 310; in April
1838 leaves Natal, and does not return, 326
Winburg, village of in 1837 is founded by the emigrant farmers under
Commandant Potgieter, 288
Winburg, district of: boundaries in 1840, 349
Wine inducements held out between 1806 and 1835 to improve the
quality and increase the quantity of, 36; in 1834 the trade is in
a state of rapid decline, 83; which is further hastened by the
emancipation of the slaves, 192
Wood, William: in August 1831 arrives in Natal, 306; resides for
several months at Umkungunhlovu as interpreter to Dingan, 319;
on the 6th of February 1836 witnesses the massacre of Pieter
Retief and his party, 319; a few days later leaves Zululand, 319
Woods, Samuel : on the 21st of November 1843 is appointed first
collector of customs in the district of Natal, 394
504
History of South Africa.
1
* Wool: account of the efforts which proved successful in the pro-.
duction of, 38; after the emancipation of the slaves is produced
in rapidly increasing quantities, 193
Wright, Rev. William: on the 10th of January 1828 is appointed
chaplain at Bathurst
van Wyk, Commandant Stephanus: in February and again in March
1835 by the governor's orders calls upon Hintsa to cease assisting
the enemies of the Cape Colony, 103; commands one of the four
divisions of the army which in March 1835 enters Kaffirland, 102
Wynberg in January 1839 is created a magisterial district, 227
Xolo tribe history of the, 300
Xosa tribe: see Anta, Botumane, Buku, Casa, Eno, Gasela, Hintsa,
Jalusa, Kama, Kobe, Kreli, Makoma, Matwa, Nonibe, Pato, Sandile,
Siwani, Siyolo, Sonto, Stokwe, Susa, Sutu, Tente, Tola, Toyise,
Tshatshu, Tyali, Umhala, Umkayi, and Xoxo
Xoxo, Xosa captain, son of Gaika: in December 1834, just before the
outbreak of war, is slightly wounded in attacking a military patrol,
89; upon the death of Tyali on the 1st of May 1842 is chosen
to be regent of that chief's clan during the minority of Oba and
Fini, 189
Young, Sir Henry Edward Fox: on the 9th of April 1847 arrives in
South Africa as lieutenant-governor of the eastern province, 241;
collects a mass of opinions upon the question of a separate govern-
ment for that province, 241; makes regulations for locations of
coloured people within the boundaries of municipalities, 241; is
appointed lieutenant-governor of South Australia, and on the 4th
of November 1847 leaves Grahamstown, 242
Ziervogel, J. F.: in 1834 becomes assistant civil commissioner and
resident magistrate of Somerset, 44
Zuid Afrikaan newspaper: on the 9th of April 1830 is first issued, 16
Zulu tribe: see Dingan, Mawa, Nongalaza, Panda, Tambusa, Tshaka,
Umbopa, Umthlangana, and Umthlela
Zwartkopjes: account of the skirmish on the 2nd of May 1845 between
British troops and emigrant farmers, 428

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