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FROM THE LIBRARY
OF
PROFESSOR HENRY S. FRIEZE.
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Presented to the University of Michigan by Mrs. Frieze
and her daughters, July, 1890.
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CICERO
NY Harper & Brothers, 1837.
SELECT ORATIONS
OF
CICERO:
WITH AN
ENGLISH COMMENTARY,
AND
کونے کو ہے اور
HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL, AND LEGAL
INDEXES.
BY
CHARLES ANTHON, LL. D.
JAY-PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT LITERATURE IN COLUMBIA COLLEGE,
AND RECTOR OF THE GRAMMAR-SCHOOL.
N'E W-YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF-STREET.
SOLD BY COLLINS, KEESE, & CO., AND N. & J. WHITE.-PHILADELPHIA:
GRIGG & ELLIOT, AND DESILVER, THOMAS, & CO.
BOSTON SAMUEL COLEMAN.
1837.
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1836, by
HARPER & BROTHERS,
'n the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York.
STEREOTYPED BY REDFIELD & LINDSAY,
No. 13 Chambers-street, New-York,
Ирак, од час,
て
​ΤΟ
HIS FRIEND,
J. N. REYNOLDS, ESQ.
AS
A TESTIMONIAL OF REGARD
FOR
TALENT, INTEGRITY, AND DECISION OF CHARACTER,
THIS WORK IS SINCERELY INSCRIBED,
BY
THE EDITOR.
j
PREFACE.
THE present edition of Cicero contains the four
orations against Catiline, together with those for Ar-
chias, Marcellus, the Manilian Law, and Murena.
In making this selection, the editor has been guided
by the statutes of Columbia College, which require
all the orations that have just been enumerated, with
the exception of the last two, to be read by candidates
for admission into the Freshman Class. As the stat-
utes of other colleges differ, in this respect, but little
from our own, and as the orations against Catiline are
almost universally read, it is hoped that the work here
presented to the public will prove a useful auxiliary
to the youth of our country in general. The orations
for the Manilian Law and for Murena have been added
as favourable specimens of Cicero's more elaborate
A*
T
vi
PREFACE.
.✰
style of eloquence, especially the latter; and they
may, it is conceived, be read with advantage at the
beginning of an under-graduate course.
In forming the text of the present work, the editor
has taken Ernesti's for his basis, but without any
slavish adherence to the opinions and decisions of
that distinguished commentator. Wherever a reading
presented itself, calculated in the editor's opinion to
throw more light on the meaning of Cicero than the
received lection could impart, he has not hesitated.
to adopt it; and he flatters himself that the result
of his labours, in this department, will prove accept-
able to all who are qualified to pass an opinion
upon his efforts.
The commentary, it will be perceived, is far from
being a scanty one. If there be any author that
stands in need of full and copious illustration, it un-
doubtedly is Cicero in the orations which have come
down to us. The train of thought must be continu-
ally laid open to the young scholar, to enable him
to appreciate, in their full force and beauty, these
brilliant memorials of other days; and the allusions,
in which the orator is so fond of indulging, must be
vii
carefully and fully explained. Unless this be done,
the speeches of Cicero become a dead letter, and time
is only wasted in their perusal.
PREFACE.
The editor is induced to make these remarks, from
the conviction, that the system of commenting, which
he has pursued throughout the present work, will, as
in the case of his previous efforts, be condemned by
some on the ground of its affording too much aid
to the learner. The truth is, however, the editor
had no alternative left him. If there be any one
cause, which has tended more powerfully than the
rest to bring classical studies into disrepute among
us, it is the utter incompetency of many of those
who profess to be classical instructers. It is very
natural that such preceptors should be strongly averse
to bestowing too much assistance upon their pupils ;
and perhaps it is lucky for the latter that such a
state of things should exist; but certainly, for the
credit of our common country, it is high time that
some change should be effected, and that if the
learner cannot obtain from oral instruction the inform-
ation which ought to be afforded him, he may procure
it at least from the notes of his text-book.
We may
be very sure of one thing, that the style of classical
viii
PREFACE.
instruction which prevails at the present day in so
many of our colleges and seminaries of learning, of
translating merely the language of an ancient author,
without any attempts whatever at illustration or anal-
ysis, will never produce any fruits either of sound
learning or intellectual improvement.
New York, October 17th, 1836.
C. A.
LIFE OF CICERO.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
DR. BARTON.-HENRY ARLINGTON.
H. Good morning, my dear Doctor, I have waited upon you, at this
early hour, to display a purchase which I recently made, and to ask your
opinion respecting it. I have here the entire works of Cicero, in one
stout octavo, by a German scholar of the name of Nobbe.
Dr. B. I have seen the edition, Henry, and am disposed to think very
favourably of it, both as regards the text itself, and the typographical ex-
ecution of the volume. I examined it at Parker's, yesterday, in company
with Ashton, of Brasen-Nose.-But do tell me, how stands your acquaint-
ance with the life and writings of " the man of Arpinum?"
H. I am not as inuch at home there, Doctor, as I ought to be. With
the general outlines of his character and labours, I am as well acquainted,
probably, as most young men of my age are; but still there are many
points about which I would like to consult you, when you are perfectly
at leisure for the task. Indeed, Doctor, to be candid, I wish you would
favour me with a conversation about Cicero, similar to the one in which
Sallust was our theme.
Dr. B. With all my heart, Henry, for I happen to be quite at leisure
just now, as the delegates of the press will not meet to-day, owing to the
indisposition of the Cambden Professor of History, Dr. Cardwell.
H. I regret the cause, my dear Doctor, and yet cannot but deem my-
self extremely fortunate in finding you thus disengaged. With your
permission, I will occupy this comfortable, old-fashioned arm-chair, and
will place my Cicero on the table between us as a sort of connecting tie.
Dr. B. There is no need, my dear boy, of any such tie in the present
case, as a far more powerful one already exists. Besides, I know not
how it is, but whoever occupies that plain old seat where you are now
reclining, seems endeared to me by what Gaisford would call the "
"genius
sedilis," for it was there that my old friend Copleston of Oriel used to
sit, and discourse of "high philosophy," before he was transferred to that
more elevated sphere of action, which he honours by his talents, and
xi
xii
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
adorns by his numerous virtues. God grant, my dear Henry, that your
own career may be as distinguished and successful a one.
H. If patient industry, and a conscientious discharge of duty, can gain
for me an honourable name, I trust I shall never disappoint your expect-
ations, my own and my father's friend, although I can never hope to
attain to that lofty superiority, which has been reached by the eminent
individual whose name you have just mentioned.-Let us proceed, now,
my dear Doctor, to Cicero.
Dr. B. Marcus Tullius Cicero was born in the 103d year before the
Christian era, at Arpinum, a Latin city, the inhabitants of which enjoyed
the rights of Roman citizenship, and the privilege, consequently, of voting
at the comitia. The birth-year of Cicero was also that of Pompey, who
was a few months his junior;1 while Arpinum, the orator's natal place,
was likewise famous for having produced the celebrated Marius, the
well-known opponent of Sylla, and the deliverer at the same time and
scourge of his country.
H. Was it not Pompey who made some allusion to this circumstance,
Doctor, of Arpinum's having produced both a Cicero and a Marius.
Dr. B. It was. He took occasion once to remark, in a public speech,
that Rome was under the strongest obligations to this municipium, be
cause two citizens had come forth from it, who had each in his turn pre-
served Italy from ruin.2 And Valerius Maximus makes a similar remark.
H. I remember his words: " Conspicuuc felicitatis Arpinum unicum,
sive literarum gloriosissimum contemtorem, sive abundantissimum fontem
intueri velis."3
شیمی
Dr. B. Yes, that used to be a favourite quotation with Russell, of
Magdalen. The contemtor literarum is Marius, the fons abundantissi-
mus, Ciccro.-Our orator was of a family, which, though it had never
borne any of the great offices of the republic, was yet very ancient and
honourable; of principal distinction and nobility in that part of Italy in
which it resided, and of equestrian rank from its first admission to the
freedom of Rome. It appears, that the father of Cicero, having his
ambition probably excited, by the successful career of his fellow-towns-
man Marius, was the first who thought of obtaining some degree of lustre
for his family, by bestowing a careful education on his two sons Marcus
and Quintus, and one which might enable them to enjoy the highest
offices in the gift of the Roman people.
1. Cicero was born on the third of January, (Ep. ad Att. 7, 5,) and Pompey on
the last of September following. Pigh. Ann. Plin. 37, 2.
2. Cic. de Leg. 2. 3..
3. Val. Max. 2, 2, 4.
4. "Haec est mea, et hujus fratris mei germana patria: hinc enim orti stirpe
antiquissima sumus: hic sacra, hic genus, hic majorum multa vestigia." Cic.
do Leg. 2, 2, 3.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
Xill
H. But how could they procure this education at Arpinum?
1
Dr. B. They obtained it at Rome, in the dwelling of Caius Aculeo,
their maternal uncle, and an eminent lawyer of the day; and their cous-
ins, the young Aculeos, were educated with them, according to a method
approved of by Crassus, the celebrated orator, and by the very instructers
whom he himself had employed. The language and literature of Greece
formed, of course, a prominent part of their early studies, and in this
they were carefully instructed by the poet Archias, who came to reside
at Rome when Cicero was only five years of age, and to whose fostering
care the latter beautifully alludes in the memorable oration where he
defends the poet's citizenship.
H. Do you not think, Doctor, that he rates somewhat too highly the
merits of this Archias? Dodgson, of Christ-Church, one of Dean Ire-
land's scholars, insists that the poet was only an individual of second-
rate abilities.
*
>>>
Dr. B. Why, I am inclined to think so myself. But vanity, you know,
was the great failing in Cicero's character, and Archias most probably, in
the true spirit of his country and his age, had ministered so abundantly
to the personal feelings of the Roman orator, as to entitle him in the eyes
of the latter to a more than ordinary return of the language of praise. Be
this, however, as it may, we cannot but admire the kind feeling so strongly
displayed in his spirited eulogium upon the character and abilities of his
early preceptor. But let us proceed. Cicero is said to have attracted,
at an early period, the attention of the two greatest orators of their day,
Licinius Crassus and Marcus Antonius, who did not disdain to interest
themselves in behalf of a youth so conspicuous for zeal and the early
development of talent. He had already given a proof of this ability by
his poem of Pontius Glaucus, which he is said to have composed while
still almost a boy, and which existed as late as the time of Plutarch.s
J
But, Doctor, you surely would not consider Cicero's poetry a
very safe standard by which to estimate his intellectual excelle
P
unce.
Dr. B. I am well aware, my young friend, of the difference of opinion
which exists in relation to the poetry of Cices, and that it is very much
the fashion with modern scholars to deny him any merit in this species of
writing. He has been ridiculed on account of an unlucky line, that
occprek'a a poem which he composed on the subject of his consulship;
and I have no doubt you can quote it for me.
H. "fortunatam natam me consule Romam."
Dr. B. Right. You remember probably the sarcasm of Juvenal,s that,
1. " Cumque nos cum consobrinis nostris, Aculeonis filiis, et ea disceremus,
quae Crasso placerent, et ab iis doctoribus, quibus ille uteretur, erudiremur." De
Orat. 21,
2. Plut. Vit. Cic. 2.
3. Sat. 10, 123, seq.
B
xiv
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
if he had uttered every thing in this way, he would have been safe from
the swords of Antony's followers; and also Quintilian's language, who
censures the line as an example of defective versification; still, I can-
not, I confess, see the justice of condemning a writer for a single line of
poetry, and it appears to me, that, if our modern bards were tried by this
ordeal, a large number, who have obtained very comfortable quarters on
Parnassus, would be compelled to descend to the plain. Voltaire, in the
preface to his Catilina, places Cicero by the side of the best poets of his
time, and thinks he may even dispute the palm with Lucretius himself.2
H. Allow me to ask, Doctor Barton, whether you would consider
Voltaire as a very strong authority in the present case?
Dr. B. I know what you mean by your question, Henry. The work3
which my friend Dr. Wynter, of St. John's College, recommended you
to read, has given you a very low opinion of Voltaire's general accuracy,
and I confess, that, in matters of real scholarship, his authority is of no
weight whatever. As a poet, however, he may be allowed to give us his
opinion respecting a brother poet, and may be considered a much safer
guide in matters of taste than where learning and research are demanded.
H. Perhaps, Doctor, some light may be thrown upon this subject by
the estimation in which Cicero's poetry was held among his contem-
poraries.
4
Dr. B. Strange as it may appear to you, Cicero's contemporaries all
thought that his poem entitled Marius, an extract from which appears in
the treatise on Divination, and on which by-the-bye Voltaire's opinion is
founded, was a production that had the fairest chance of descending to
posterity. Indeed, the alliance between oratory and the poetic art is so
strict, that it is difficult to excel in one, without having at the same time
some disposition for the other. Both demand, in fact, the very same
qualities, an ardent imagination, a fertile invention, and grandeur and
elevation of style. Thus, for example, the genius of Demosthenes was
essentially tragic, and he appears as much of a poet as an orator, in some
of those strains of continued eloquence, which no human effort has yet
surpassed, and which have covered his name with one undying blaze of
glory. We must bear in mind, too, that, in Cicero's days, the ancient
rusticity of the Latin muse was only beginning to assume a more polished
exterior, and to familiarize itself insensibly with harmony- of numbers and
M
1. Inst. Or. 9, 4, 41.
2. "Ce que peu de personnes savent, c'est que Cicéron était encore un des
premiers poètes d'un siècle où la belle poèsie commençait ànaître. Il balançait
la reputation de Lucrèce. Y-a-t-il rien de plus beau que ces vers qui nous sont
restès de son poème sur Marius, et qui font tant regretter la perte de cet
ouvrage ?"
3. Lettres de quelques Juifs, à M. de Voltaire. 3 tom. 12 mo.
4. Cic. de Div. 1, 47.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
XV
the other embellishments of art. The perfection, however, to which
poetry was carried after the death of Cicero, having absolutely excluded.
all mediocrity, it need not surprise us that he retained so little reputation
in a species of writing which he found in so uncultivated and almost bar-
barous a state. Our judgments of things are formed in this world solely
by comparison. Cicero passes with many for a bad poet, because he does
not enjoy the same rank as Virgil and Horace, Tibullus and Ovid, and
this manner of judging him seems to have originated at the court of Au-
gustus, where, to throw ridicule on the character of a patriot like Cicero,
was sure to be received with favour by him who sat upon the throne.
H. I find a good deal of truth in your remarks, my dear Doctor, and
will give the subject, one day, my attentive consideration; meanwhile
allow me to ask what portions we have remaining of Cicero's poetry.
Dr. B. But few. There are fragments of his translation, into Latin
hexameters, of the Phaenomena of Aratus; the extract already mentioned
from his poem entitled Marius, and another from that on the subject of
his consulship, together with a few scattered lines from other perform-
ances.¹—But I am afraid I have indulged too much in the garrulity of age
on this particular topic, let us return to the more immediate history of the
Roman orator. It was the custom, in those days, for young persons of
good families, after they had assumed the manly gown, to attach them-
selves to some distinguished member of the senate, whom they accom-
panied to all places of public resort, the forum in particular, and from
whose example they learned to occupy themselves with the affairs of the
republic or those of private individuals. The senator, to whom Cicero
had been recommended, was the celebrated lawyer, Quintus Mutius
Scaevola, surnamed the Augur, by way of distinction from one of his
relatives who was Pontifex Maximus. How much he profited by the
society and the wisdom of this excellent man, is acknowledged by him
in grateful terms, in the beginning of the dialogue on the subject of
friendship.
H. Did the study of jurisprudence form at this time his sole employ-
ment ?
Dr. B. It did not. The great object which he had in view rendered it
absolutely necessary for him to obtain a perfect acquaintance with the
various writers that adorned the literature of Greece; and this course of
reading formed, during the whole of his life, his favourite relaxation after
the labours of the senate and the bar, and his chief consolation amid the
political convulsions of the republic. Among the Greeks, who, at this
period, gave instruction at Rome in their national literature, besides his
old preceptor Archias, was Phaedrus the Epicurean, and he was in par-
1. Cic. Op. ed. Ernesti, vol. 7, p. 1120, segg.
2. Brut. c. 89.
xvi
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
ticular the first Greek philosopher, whose lectures were attended by the
youthful Cicero.
H. I have heard it said also, Doctor, that Cicero in early life performed
military service. Is the statement a correct one?
Dr. B. It is. Two careers, at this period, presented themselves to
those of the Roman youth who were possessed neither of fortune nor
family influence; the path of arms and that of eloquence. Oratorical
talents were sure of finding at Rome a thousand opportunities of display.
ing themselves, either in the defence of friends, or in the accusation of
powerful offenders; and they conducted their possessor to honours and
public favour as promptly and as effectually as the career of military
exploits. Such, however, was the peculiar constitution of the republic,
that the ablest general was compelled to cultivate, in some degree, the
art of public speaking; and, on the other hand, the most eloquent orator
could not remain a stranger to the art of war. Every young man, des-
tined for the movements of the bar, had to commence by making some
campaigns abroad, and Cicero made his in the war of the allies, under
Cneius Pompeius Strabo, father of the well-known Pompey, and under
Sylla, the celebrated competitor of Marius. At the conclusion of this
period, the republic was endangered without, by the contest with Mithri-
dates, and within by civil strife. Five years of trouble thus ensued,
during which Cicero, whose youth entitled him to the privilege of reinain-
ing neutral between the two factions, devoted all his time to rhetoric and
philosophy.
H. Under what instructers, Doctor?
Dr. B. He had now for his preceptors many learned Greeks, whom
the war with Mithridates had compelled to abandon their country. The
chief of these was Philo,¹ of Larissa, who had been at the head of the
Academy at Athens, and who was now a very successful teacher of phi-
losophy in the Roman capital. The ardour with which Cicero embraced
the Academic tenets is easily explained by the utility which he was likely
to derive from them in the discussions of the forum. Philo however was
not his only master. The Stoic Diodotus2 taught him how to wield the
arms of dialectic science, and under this rhetorician, who lived and died
beneath his roof, Cicero daily excrcised himself in extemporaneous decla-
mation. These exercises were in the Greek language, Diodotus probably
being not well acquainted with the Latin; but still they were no doubt
of the greatest advantage to Cicero, in enabling him to enrich his native
idiom with the treasures of the Hellenic tongue.
H. I thank you, Doctor Barton, for thus dwelling upon the earlier
studies of Cicero. The narrative may serve to animate the youthful
1. Cic. de Or. 3, 28.—Brut. 89.--Ep. ad Fam. 13, 1.—Tusc. Disp. 2 3.
2. Brut. 90.—Eņ. ad Fam. 13, 16.—Ev. ad Att. 2, 20.— Acad. 4. 36.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xvii
aspirants of our own day. How forcibly are we struck by the contrast,
when we compare the preparatory toil of a Demosthenes and a Cicero
with that of the orators of our own times. Theirs was the heroic age
of eloquence, an age destined never to return. The ancient candidate
for the prize of oratory devoted his whole faculties to a mastery over the
instruments of persuasion. He neglected none of the means of success,
however slight or insignificant in appearance. He explored every avenue
of the mind, and took possession of all the inlets of delight through the
medium of the senses. If he figured as a statesman, the study of elo-
quence included the whole mental discipline. If he appeared as an advo-
cate, and won the cause, it was to the arts of persuasion he owed the
victory.1
Dr. B. True, Henry, but then how different is the training of the
modern, whether he appear in the senate or the forum. His path is
crowded and encumbered with the materials of almost unlimited extent
and variety, which the labours of centuries have accumulated, and which
he is required to shape to the ends of judicious speech. He is thrown on
a scene of business, and into affairs of complexity, from the moment of
his entrance on a public career. He has to combine and arrange a vast
number of details, inconsistent with all unity of application. He cannot
pursue eloquence as a separate branch of intellectual discipline, and of
preparation for the conflicts of life. The ancients, having in their polit-
ical assemblies no balancing of interests, no complicated adjustments, no
compromises of policy, no schemes of concession, gave themselves up to
a single point of discussion. They were never diverted from a certain
unity of intellectual view by the distractions and divisions which pervade
our mixed assemblies. Theirs was a singleness of purpose effected by
simplicity of means. What weapons of signal power and proof did not
these circumstances lend to the eloquence of antiquity.2
H. I perceive the force of your remarks, my dear Doctor, and that the
labours and efforts of modern oratory ought to have been rated more
highly by me. But let us proceed with Cicero.
Dr. B. The first oration which Cicero pronounced, at least of those
extant, was delivered in the presence of four judges appointed by the
praetor, and with the celebrated Hortensius for his opponent. It was in
the case of Quintius, and the orator was at that time but 26 years of age.
The first public or criminal trial on which he spoke, was that of Roscins
of Ameria, the succeeding year, when he appeared on the defence, and
displayed great courage in attacking, during his speech, a certain Chry-
sogonus, a favourite slave, to whom Sylla, then in the height of his power,
1- Southern Review, No. 10, page 325.
2. Maid.
B*
xviii
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
had given freedom, and whom he had permitted to buy the property of
the father of Roscius as a forfeiture.
H. This was certainly bold conduct in so young an advocate.
Dr. B. It was indeed. From dread of the power of Sylla, the accused
had difficulty in prevailing on any patron to undertake his cause, but
Cicero eagerly embraced this opportunity to give a public testimonial of
his detestation of oppression and tyranny. The oration, however, was too
much in the florid Asiatic manner, which the example of Hortensius had
rendered fashionable in the forum. The spirit displayed by Cicero in
conducting this defence met with general applause, and was remembered
by himself in his old age with a feeling of such delight, that he recom-
mends to his son, as the surest path to true honour, to defend those who
are unjustly oppressed, as he himself had done in many causes, but
but par-
ticularly in that of Roscius of Ameria, whom he had protected against
Sylla in the height of his authority. 1
H. And did no evil consequences result to the orator from this cour-
ageous defence?
Dr. B. None whatever. It must be confessed, indeed, that Cicero
quitted Rome soon after this, partly it is said on account of his health,
which had suffered by his close application to study, and partly for im-
provement. Perhaps he deemed it but common prudence to withdraw
for a season from the immediate presence of the all-powerful Sylla. He
travelled into Greece and Asia Minor, where he spent two years in the
assiduous study of philosophy, under the ablest instructers in either
country, and where he also acquired, under Grecian masters, the art of
commanding his voice, and giving it greater compass and variety than it
had hitherto attained.2-The first cause which he plead after his return
to Rome, was that of Roscius, the celebrated tragedian, which involved
a mere matter of civil right, and was of no peculiar interest or importance.
All the orations which he delivered during the five following years are
kost, of which number were those for Marcus Tullius and Lucius Varenus,
which Priscian mentions as being extant in his time.
H. I perceive, too, that even the speech for Roscius, the actor, is not
complete, since the ill-omened words, "Desiderantur non pauca," are
appended to it.
Dr. B. They are indeed words of evil import, but we shall have pre-
sently to speak of losses far more serious and deplorable. Let us go on
meanwhile with the biography of our orator.-Cicero had attained the
quaestorship at the age of thirty, an office forming the first step in the
ascent to consular honours. His election was most honourable to him,
as he was chosen by the unanimous suffrages of the tribes, and stood first
1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 279, Lond. ed.
2. Brutus, 91.-Dunlop. ubi supra.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xix
ነ
on the list of competitors.¹ The provinces of the quaestors being
always distributed by lot, the island of Sicily fell to the share of Cicero,2
where he displayed so much prudence and sagacity, so much activity in
the discharge of his official duties, and, what was most rare in those times,
so much integrity and disinterestedness, as to excite the admiration of all
the Sicilians.
H. Was it not during his government in this island that he discovered
the tomb of the mathematician Archimedes?
Dr. B. It was, Henry. Before he left Sicily, at the close of his quaes-
torship, he made the tour of the island, to see whatever it contained that
was worthy the attention of a liberal and cultivated mind.
On reaching
Syracuse, his first request was, to be shown the tomb of Archimedes ;
but neither magistrates nor people could indicate its position, and Cicero
himself was the first to discover it, by the sphere and cylinder engraved
on the marble, and by a half defaced inscription.3-You sigh, Henry.
H. I am thinking, Doctor, of the proud boast of him, who engaged to
move the universe, if a foothold were afforded him, and of the neglected
tomb where that same individual, after little more than a century, was
slumbering forgotten in his narrow resting-place.
Dr. B. True, but his name has never died, and it was this very immor-
tality that led the Roman quaestor to his neglected grave.-At the age
of thirty-seven, Cicero obtained the office of aedile. Before entering on
the functions of this magistracy, a glorious opportunity was afforded for
the display of his cloquence, in the prosecution against Verres, the prae-
tor of Sicily, accused by the inhabitants of that island of many flagrant
acts of injustice, rapine and cruelty, while he exercised among them the
functions of the praetorship. Applications for redress, however, in cases
of this kind, rarely brought any relief to the oppressed nations bowed
down beneath the tyranny of Rome. The decision in such cases depended
upon judges generally implicated themselves in similar enormities, and
better calculated therefore to afford impunity to the guilty, than relief to
the aggrieved. This undue influence received additional weight in the
case of Verres from the high rank and connexions of the culprit. Unap-
palled, however, by these difficulties, Cicero entered boldly on the man-
agement of the prosecution. He had been solicited to undertake the case
by a petition from all the towns of Sicily, except Syracuse and Messina,
both of which had been occasionally allowed by the plunderer to share the
spoils of the province. The issue was completely successful, and after
the opening speech of Cicero, and the depositions of the witnesses,
1. "Me cum quaestorem in primis-cunctis suffragiis populus Romanus facie-
bat." Or. in Pis. 1.-Compare Brut. 92.
2. “Me quaestorem Siciliensis excepit annus.” Brut. 92.
3. Tusc. Quaest. 5, 3.
XX
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
Verres, driven to despair, submitted, without awaiting his sentence, to a
voluntary exile.
H. But what is this oration against Caecilius, which, I find here, on
opening my Cicero, has been placed at the head of the orations against
Verres, and why is it called "Divinutio ?"
Dr. B. There was one Caecilius, a mere creature of Verres, who had
been his quaestor in Sicily, and who pretended to have received certain
personal injuries from him, and to have a very intimate knowledge of all
his crimes. He claimed, on these grounds, to be appointed accuser, in
preference to Cicero, intending of course to manage the prosecution in
such a way that Verres might easily escape.
H. An ingenious contrivance certainly.
Dr. B. Yes; but it emanated from Hortensius, who was counsel for
the accused. The rival claims, therefore, of Caecilius and Cicero had
first to be decided, and this mode of deciding was technically termed
"Divinatio," because, as there were no facts in the case, the judges,
without the aid of witnesses, divined as it were what was proper to be
done.1
H. But, Doctor, did you mean to be understood as saying, that only
one of the orations against Verres was ever pronounced?
Dr. B. I did. Of the six speeches against this individual, only one
was actually delivered. The remaining five, which he intended to pro-
nounce after the proof was completed, were subsequently published in the
same shape, as if Verres had actually stood his trial and made a regular
defence. Of these, the most interesting is that "De signis," where an
account is given of the statues and paintings and works of art which
Verres plundered; while the finest is undoubtedly that " De suppliciis,”
which is full of striking passages and the most vehement pathos.2
H. These orations, however, Doctor, must sound very oddly in some
parts to a modern ear.
Dr. B. They do indeed, Henry, I can assure you. Thus, in the begin-
ning of the second oration, Cicero speaks of a report having been spread,
that Verres was to abandon his defence, but that there he sat braving his
accusers and judges with his characteristic impudence. The effect of this
is very amusing, when we recollect that Verres had absconded before one
word of all this could be pronounced.3
H. Still, Doctor, it is very comfortable, for us ordinary mortals, to know
that so much of the brilliant eloquence of Cicero was carefully elaborated
and wrought out in private, before the occasion arrived for its being
flashed forth upon a dazzled auditory. The more I am allowed to look
1. Ascon. in Or. contra Caecil.
2. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 283, seqq.
3. Id. ibid.
5
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxi
behind the curtain, and to survey from a nearer point of view the work-
shops of great minds, the more I am inclined to think that "Sublimity,"
or, as we ought more correctly to render it, "Elevation of style," is in
reality a very mechanical kind of operation.
Dr. B. Yes; my old friend Parr thought that Sublimis came from
super limum,¹ but I rather think sub lima the more rational etymology,
and that the finest passages in the literature of every nation, are precisely
those which have been most carefully subjected to the private application
of the file.-But to return. At the expiration of the two years which
were required by law to intervene between the aedileship and the office
of praetor, Cicero was elected to this latter station. It was while in-
vested with this magistracy, that he advocated with all his eloquence,
against the views of the senate, to whom he was sincerely attached, and
against the true interests of the republic, his cherished idol, the famous
bill of the tribune Manilius, which granted to Pompey, for enabling him
to terminate the Mithridatic war, a power that seemed incompatible with
public freedom.
H. I have never liked the character of Pompey, and it would delight
me, Doctor, if your sentiments respecting him were to prove in accord-
ance with my own. Do tell me what you think of the man.
Dr. B. Sallust paints his character in a very few words: " Oris probi,
animo inverecundo," meaning to imply, that his probity was more upon
his tongue than in his heart. Pompey, in fact, respected virtue suffi-
ciently, not to offer it any open outrage or insult, but he never loved it
enough to sacrifice to it in secret. Hence arose that profound dissimu-
lation, in which he always enveloped himself, and that system, so well
supported by him, of never wishing apparently to become possessed of
any object, except by his own merit, while in reality he was grasping at
and bearing off every thing by dint of private intrigue. If he was inferior,
however, to Caesar in military talents, he was always superior to him in
the comparative purity of his morals, and in the moderation of his senti-
Caesar wished to be the master of the world, Pompey only the
first citizen of the republic. He was constant in his friendships, a mod-
erate enemy, and peaceable citizen, as long as he had no rival to fear.
Intrepid in conflict, he was always generous after victory, and hence he
gave to Mithridates a splendid funeral, and burnt all the correspondence
between Sertorius and the chief men of Rome.-To return to the point
from which your question called me off, Cicero, at the period alluded to,
was midway in his career of public honours; the consulship was before
him, and the hope of attaining to this darling prize of his ambition, through
the influence of Pompey, must have exercised some degree of control
ments.
1. Parriana, by E. H. Barker, vol. 2, p. 475, seqq.
2. Or. pro Leg. Manil. 1.
xxii
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
over the movements of the orator. At all events, the Romans of that
day gave him little credit for sincerity in his extravagant eulogiums upon
that favourite commander.
H. To what foreign province, Doctor, was Cicero sent on the expira-
tion of his praetorship?
Dr. B. He would not accept of any government, but remained at
Rome, where he strove more and more in every way to conciliate the
favour of the people. He was now preparing to sue for the consulship,
the great object of all his hopes, and his whole attention was employed
how to obtain it in his proper year, and without a repulse. There were
two years necessarily to intervene between the praetorship and consul-
ship; the first of which was usually spent in forming a general interest,
and soliciting as it were in a private manner; the second in suing for it
openly, in the proper form and habit of a candidate. The efforts of
Cicero were crowned with success, and he was chosen consul with almost
the same honours as in his antecedent elections to magistracy. His
principal opponent was Catiline.
H. And his colleague in office, Antonius. Was it not so?
Dr. B. Yes; the same Antonius, who was in secret league with the
party of Catiline, and had to be bought off by Cicero with the opulent
province of Macedonia.2
H. I will not occupy your time, Doctor, by any questions relative to
the conspiracy of Catiline; of that daring movement I have obtained an
accurate idea from the pages of Sallust. I will merely request of you to
give me a brief sketch of the subsequent life of Cicero and then pass to
an examination of his writings.
Dr. B. I think this will be our more advisable course, Henry, as time
would fail us were we to endeavour to do full justice to both; and, besides,
allusion will occasionally be made to the history of his later years in our
remarks on his literary efforts.-The extraordinary but well-merited hon-
ours conferred upon Cicero for crushing this formidable conspiracy, could
not fail to excite against him the opposition of the envious, as well as the
jealousy of the more ambitious portion of his fellow-citizens. They took
care not to reproach him at first with any act of injustice in his public
career, but merely expressed themselves fatigued, and indeed completely
worn out, by his continual eulogiums upon his own patriotic efforts. In
the forum, at the meetings of the senate, before the tribunals of justice,
nay even in the private circles which he frequented, the names of Catiline
and Lentulus were constantly on his lips. He introduced his own praises
into his writings. Almost every treatise of his, composed after this event,
contains some allusion to his public services. Even his speeches lost in
1. Or. pro Muren. 20.
2. Sallust. B. C. 26.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxiii
this way, through the excessive vanity of the man, a large portion of that
pleasing and persuasive influence by which they once were characterized.
It was like a kind of fatality.
H. When did he first experience the evil effects of this line of conduct ?
Not surely during his consulship?
Dr. B. When he was about to retire from it. On such occasions, it
was usual for the magistrate, who was laying down his office, to make a
speech to the assembled people, detailing the various public services
which he had rendered during its continuance, and showing that his dis-
charge of the duties of his magistracy had been a faithful and conscien-
tious one.
The tribune Metellus interrupted Cicero, when on the point
of making such an harangue, and commanded him to be silent.
The only
alternative left the orator, was to swear in a loud voice that he had saved
the city from conflagration, and his fellow-citizens from the sword. In
this oath the populace joined with one accord, and Cicero was conducted
horne by them in triumph, amid the mortification of his enemies and the
joy of his friends.1
H. A noble triumph, Doctor, and well worthy of the man whom Catu-
lus had styled, in a full senate, the father of his country.
Dr. B. Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus, who, three years after, formed
the coalition known in history as the first triumvirate, secretly favoured
the designs of Cicero's enemies, whose numbers the latter had increased
by his unyielding and rigid discharge of duty, and to whom was now to
be added the profligate Clodius, that bold and bad man, whose tribune-
ship was fraught with ruin to the peace and welfare of the deliverer of his
country. Ever since the period of his acquittal from the charge of sac-
rilege, the malignant star of Clodius was in the ascendant, and that of
Cicero began to wane. During the progress of the accusation a deadly
animosity had grown up between them, and Clodius was not a man to
neglect any favourable opportunity of revenge.2
H. Was not this man a descendant of the haughty race of the Claudii,
who had ever shown so little regard for the liberties of the people?
Dr. B. He was; but profligacy and ruin had compelled him to take
refuge among the very class on whose rights his patrician forefathers had
so repeatedly trampled, and the corrupt and impoverished noble, the head
of the Claudian family, voluntarily degraded himself from his rank, and
obtained adoption into a plebeian house.
H. But what were his objects?
Dr. B. They were two; to humble the aristocracy and take vengeance
upon Cicero.3 Being elected to the tribuneship, this pestilent dema-
1. Or, in Pis. 3.—Ep. ad Fam. 5, 2
2. London Quarterly Review, No. 112, p. 354.
3. Ibid.
xxiv
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
I
gogue obtained the passage of a law, making it criminal in any one to have
put to death a Roman citizen without a trial before the people, and in-
flicting the penalty of exile. The blow was aimed at Cicero, who, how-
ever, in ordering the punishment of Catiline's accomplices, had only
obeyed the mandate of the senate, and the illustrious Roman was com-
pelled to bend to the storm and go into voluntary banishment. Imme-
diately after his departure a law was passed which exiled him to the
distance of five hundred miles from Rome, and declared all his property
to be confiscated. His villas, accordingly, were pillaged and burnt, his
dwelling at Rome was demolished, and a temple to Freedom was erected
on its site.
H. But where was the aid which he expected, and ought to have
received from Pompey ?
Dr. B. As long as that profound dissembler believed that there was
danger lest Cicero might throw himself into Caesar's hands, he gave him
the strongest assurances, confirmed by oaths and the most solemn prot-
estations, that there was no danger, and that he would rather lose his
own life, than suffer any harm to approach the person of the orator. But
growing cool and reserved, as the plot against Cicero drew towards a
crisis, and pretending to believe that the latter had formed designs against
his safety, he withdrew to his villa, and abandoned him to his fate.1
H. Why did not Cicero demand a personal interview, and upbraid him
with his monstrous duplicity?
Dr. B. He did obtain such an interview; but as for upbraiding the
He threw himself at the
But the answer he received
himself compelled to act in
wily hypocrite, he wanted firmness for that.
feet of Pompey, and supplicated for aid.
was perfectly in character: Pompey felt
nothing against the wishes of Caesar.2
H. And where were his other friends?
Dr. B. All zealous for his welfare, but, as might naturally be expected,
divided in opinion as to the course which he ought to pursue. Lucullus
advised him to remain, and defend himself by force. Cato and Horten-
sius urged him to yield to the storm, and this advice, coinciding with the
opinion of Atticus, and being supported by the fears and entreaties of his
own family,³ made him resolve to leave the field to his enemies and go
into voluntary exile. Withdrawing in the night season, escorted by a
numerous train of friends, who, after a day's journey or two, left him with
every demonstration of regret, he turned his course towards Sicily, intend-
1. Or. pro Dom. 11.
2. Ep. ad Att. 10, 4. Plutarch says, that Pompey slipped out of a back door,
and would not see him, but it is certain from Cicero's account that he was admit-
ted to an interview.
3. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 31.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
XXV
ing to make it his place of refuge, and sure of finding in the bosoms of its
inhabitants that grateful affection which had been denied him at home.
But when he was come within sight of the island, the Roman praetor
sent him word that he must not set foot within it, and what made the
shock still more cruel was this, that the magistrate in question had been
an old and familiar friend, was under important obligations to Cicero, and
belonged to the same party in the state.¹
H. But why did the praetor take this step?
Dr. B. Through fear of Clodius, whose enmity he had already experi-
enced, and the weight of whose power he now dreaded to encounter.
Retiring to Greece, Cicero now took refuge in Thessalonica, where the
hand of friendship was extended to him by Plancius, then quaestor of
Macedonia, and where the praetor Apuleius, though he dared not venture
to grant him openly his protection, yet connived at the acts of his quaes-
tor, and took a lively interest in his behalf.3 Two months had hardly
elapsed before his friend the tribune Ninnius¹ made a motion in the senate
for his recall. Pompey also, roused by the insults of Clodius, whose
power was now on the decline, and anxious to retrieve his own credit
and ingratiate himself with the senate and people, began to exert himself
in his behalf. After a long and stormy interval, after every effort had
been made by Clodius and his factious adherents, the cause of justice
triumphed, and Cicero was recalled from exile by the unanimous suffrages
of the centuries, and to the great joy of a vast majority of his coun-
trymen.5
H. I have heard it said, Doctor Barton, that Cicero's conduct while in
exile, was not such as one would consider either manly or spirited.
Dr. B. It was worse. It was actually pusillanimous. He deplored
his fall in the most desponding and lamentable terms. He complained
of false friends, of an ungrateful country, of the utter ruin of all his worldly
prospects. His friends were forced to admonish him sometimes to rouse
his courage, and remember his former character. Nay, to such an extent
was this feeling carried, that Atticus even wrote him word, of a report
having reached the Roman capital, that his affliction had disordered his sen-
ses. The truth is, the excessive vanity of the man had received so rude and
severe a shock, as almost to unsettle his intellect; and he who had fondly
hoped, that his name and services would remain ever fresh and undying
in the memory of his countrymen, could hardly believe that he was now
an exile and fugitive from the very country he had saved.
1. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 32.
2. Or. pro Planc. 40.
3. Or. pro Planc. 41.-Post red. in sen. 14.
4. Or. pro Sext. 31.
5. Pro dom. 33.-Post red, in sen, 11.
6. Ep. ad Fam. 14. 4.-Ep. ad Att. 3, 13.
C
xxvi
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
H. But his return, Doctor, do tell me of that.
Dr. B. Ah! that was indeed a glorious era in his existence. The
account of it is given by Cicero himself. The whole Appian Way,
from Brundisium to Rome, appeared but one continued street, lined on
both sides with crowds of men, women, and children. Nor was there
a praefecture, town or colony, which did not send deputations to con-
gratulate him on his return. What Cicero himself says, was, as Plutarch
remarks, even less than the truth, that all Italy brought him back upon its
shoulders. That one day, observes the orator, was worth an immortality;
when, on my approach towards the city, the senate came out to receive
me, followed by the whole number of citizens, as if Rome itself had left
its foundations and marched forward to embrace its prcserver.1
H. For what length of time had Cicero remained in exile, Doctor
Barton ?
Dr. B. He was recalled sixteen months after his departure from Rome;
but he did not actually re-enter the city until seventeen had elapsed. The
law for his recall from exile was passed on the 4th of August, and the
day of his return was the 4th of September.
H. And where was Clodius, Doctor, during the period that elapsed
after Cicero's restoration?
Dr. B. Doing every thing in his power to raise fresh tumults against
him, and daily committing new outrages, until an end was put to his evil
career by the swords of Milo's followers.-Cicero, after his return from
exile, devoted himself for several years to the affairs of his numerous
clients, and it was during this period that the celebrated trial of Milo took
place, for the killing of Clodius, when the orator, intimidated by the dis-
play of a military force, and the outcries of the factious, made but a weak
and ineffectual defence.
H. Cicero was no very great admirer, I believe, of warlike movements.
Dr. B. Why, when an occasion offered, and he was compelled to act,
he conducted himself in a manner far from discreditable. I will cite you
an instance. Pompey, in order to check more effectually the practice of
bribery, had procured the passage of a law, by which all future consuls
and praetors were disqualified from holding any province, till five years
after the expiration of their magistracies; and, that there might be a supply
of governors during this interval of five years, the senators of consular
and praetorian rank, who had never held any foreign command, were to
divide the vacant provinces among themselves by lot. Cicero, in conse-
quence of this, obtained the government of Cilicia,2 a province which
included also Pisidia, Pamphylia, and three districts of Asia, together
with the island of Cyprus. At the head of two legions, he defeated the
1. Or. in Pis. 22.—Post red. in sen. 15.—Pro Sext. 63.
2. Ep. ad Att. 5, 15.—Ibid. 5, 17.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxvii
Parthians, who had advanced as far as Antioch, and then turning his arms
against the inhabitants of the mountains, an untamed race of banditti, who
had never acknowledged the Roman sway, he took two of their towns,
Erana and Pindenissus, the latter their capital, and which cost him a six
weeks' siege, and in testimony of his success was saluted by his soldiers
with the title of Imperator.1 He would have obtained a triumph also, had
not the troubled state of affairs at home prevented one from being con-
ferred.
H. The troubles to which you allude were those no doubt which
attended the commencement of the civil contest.-How did he act du-
ring their continuance ?
Dr. B. In the first outbreaking of this memorable war, Caesar and
Pompey were both anxious to gain over a man whose good opinion was
so important as Cicero's. The orator regarded the cause of Pompey as
that of the republic; he disapproved of every thing which had been done
for the increase of Caesar's power; but yet he plainly foresaw, that a
collision between these two commanders would end in the ruin of the
republican party. Hence the indecision which marked his conduct, and
necessarily embroiled him with both. During the space of five months
he was debating within himself whether he should follow Pompey and the
senate into Epirus, or remain in Italy. At last he decided for the first
of these courses, and joined Pompey at Dyrrhachium.2 Scarcely,
however, had he taken this step, when he began to repent of it.3 He did
not present himself at the battle of Pharsalia, a sickness, real or pretended,
having confined him at Dyrrhachium, where Cato was encamped with
fifteen cohorts. When the issue of the conflict was known, Cato offered
to Cicero, as a personage of consular rank, the command of the forces.
He declined, and recommended an accommodation, a step which had
nearly cost him his life at the hands of the son of Pompey. Returning
upon this, abruptly to Italy, he found in this country a safe conduct sent
unto him by Caesar, who was then in Egypt, and couched in the most
honourable terms.5
H. Ah, it was this that Grant, of New College, showed me yesterday,
at the Bodleian, in a volume of Fabricius, beginning with the words, “ M.
Tullium Ciceronem, ob egregias ejus virtutes," &c.6-The career of the
orator is now drawing to a close, Doctor, and I will only beg of you to
give me a rapid sketch of his history, that we may pass on to his works.
Dr. B. Well then, it shall be a rapid one as you request.-Cicero,
1. Ep. ad Fam. 15, 1.—Ibid. 15, 4.
2. Ep. ad Fam. 6, 6.—Or. pro Marcell. 5.
3. Ep. ad Fam. 7, 3.—Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 38.
4. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 39.
5. Ep. ad Fam. 14, 23.
6. G. Fabric. Antiq. Mon. Insig.
xxviii
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
who had waited at Brundisium, for the return of Caesar, from the begin-
ning of the year to the month of October, was very kindly received by
that commander when he reached the shores of Italy. Returning upon
this to Rome, he took no part whatever in public affairs, and only broke
through the long silence which he had preserved, when rendering thanks to
Caesar for the recall of Marcellus, and defending Ligarius, and king Dei-
otarus. The assassination of Caesar took place on the 15th of March,
A. U. C. 710. Although Brutus was on terms of the greatest intimacy
with Cicero, he had nevertheless concealed from him the plan of the con-
spiracy; and yet the moment the dictator fell, raising on high his blood-
stained dagger, he congratulated the Roman orator on the restoration of
the republic. But the latter soon perceiving, that, instead of a mild and
clement master, his country ran the risk of passing under the sway of the
ambitious and profligate Antony, availed himself of the privilege of a free
legation, and embarked for Greece. The representations of his friends,
however, respecting the favourable state of affairs at Rome, induced him
to return to Italy, and he re-entered the capital on the last day of Au-
gust. From this moment to the day of his death, he set himself in oppo-
sition to the designs of Marc Antony, against whom he pronounced or
published from the second of September, 710, to the 22d April, 712, four-
teen harangues, known by the name of Philippics. In order to balance
the authority of Antony, Cicero favoured with all his influence the young
Octavianus, who appeared attached to him, and frequently applied to him
for advice. The indifference, however, if not actual contempt, which the
senate displayed towards this youthful and aspiring leader, drove him
eventually into a union with Antony and Lepidus. Thus the second
triumvirate was formed, and one of its conditions was the head of Cicero.
H. And how did Octavianus act?
Dr. B. Historians2 inform us that he did not give up Cicero to the
swords of Antony's hirelings, without the greatest reluctance, and only
after a struggle of two days to preserve him. But all this affection for
the orator was probably unreal, and only assumed for the purpose of
excusing in some degree his subsequent abandonment of the aged patriot.
Cicero was at his Tusculan villa, when the news of the proscription
reached him, secret intelligence having been sent him by some of his
friends. At first he resolved to sail for Grecce, where Brutus was assem-
bling around him the surviving followers of the party of the republic.
Contrary winds, however, prevented the execution of this design, and he
landed again on the Italian coast, and spent the night near Circeii, in
great anxiety and irresolution. On the following day, the importunity
of his domestics prevailed upon him to sail for Caieta, where he went
1. Ep. ad Att. 16, 7.
2. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 46.— Vell. Paterc. 2, 66.—Sueton. Aug. A.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxix
again on shore, to repose himself in his Formian villa. Here he slept
soundly for several hours, when his attendants, having heard of the arrival
of a party of soldiers, who were in quest of him, conveyed their aged
master towards the shore, through a private part of the woods; but before
they could succeed in reaching the ship, the soldiers headed by a tribune
whom Cicero had once defended in a capital cause, overtook the fugi-
tives, and executed the bloody mandate of Antony.1
H. And was no effort made to save him on the part of his followers?
Dr. B. The attendants, as soon as the soldiers appeared, prepared
themselves for action, being resolved to defend their master's life at the
hazard of their own; but Cicero commanded them to set down the litter
in which they were conveying him, and to make no resistance.2 When
the ruffians approached, surveying them with a look which almost drove
them from their bloody purpose, he hade them execute the errand on
which they were sent, and extended his neck from the litter to receive
the blow. His head and hands were severed from his body, conveyed to
Rome, and fixed upon the rostra, the head between the two hands, by
the orders of Antony !
H. His age, my dear Doctor.
Dr. B. Within one month of sixty four. He was killed on the seventh
of December, ten days after the establishment of the triumvirate.3-Shall
I now proceed to delineate his character, or will you first have a brief
analysis of his literary efforts?
H. The latter, undoubtedly, will be the preferable course, for I shall
then be better able to appreciate your delineation of the man.
Dr. B. I think so myself. Now, open your Cicero, and name to me
in succession the several productions of the Roman, as you will find
them arranged there. But,
I will give you a brief account of each.
remember, only a brief one; the rest is to be supplied from your own
private reading.
H. I accept your terms, my dear Doctor, and will do my best to fulfil
my part of the agreement.-Now, here we have first in order, a treatise
on Rhetoric, in four books, addressed to Herennius.
Dr. B. Which treatise Cicero never wrote. If you ask me the name
of the true author, I can only reply, that the matter is involved in utter
uncertainty. You will see, by the heading, that some of the learned have
ascribed it to Cornificius. This was the opinion of Aldus Manutius,
Sigonius, and Muretus, who made the writer to have been Q. Cornificius,
the elder, Caesar's quaestor during the civil war. Gerard Vossius, on the
other hand, contends for the younger Cornificius. Scaliger attributes the
1. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 48.
2. Liv. fragm, ap. Senec. Suas. 1.
3. Vell. Paterc. 2, 64.-Pigh. Ann. ad A. U. C. 710.
C*
XXX
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
work to Gallio, a rhetorician in the time of Nero. Schütz is in favour
of M. Antonius Gnipho, who was born in Gaul, A. U. C. 640, studied
at Alexandria, aud taught rhetoric in the house of the father of Julius
Caesar. But there are difficulties attending all these opinions, especially
the last, and the point must be still left open to conjecture. It appears,
however, that this work was one of the first treatises on rhetoric ever
published in the Latin language, since it author cites no previous Latin
writer, and asserts that he has been the first to give Latin names to the
figures of rhetoric. The first and second books are extremely dry. The
third, more engaging; and the fourth, which turns upon the three kinds
of style suitable for discourses, is decidedly the best of the whole.¹
H. Next comes a treatise "De Inventione Rhetorica."
Dr. B. On that part of rhetoric, which relates to invention. This is
the work alluded to by Cicero, in the commencement of his treatise
"De Oratore," as having been published by him in his youth. It is
generally believed to have been written by him when twenty-four years
of age, and to have originally contained four books, of which but two
remain. Schütz, however, maintains that he never wrote, or at least
never published, more than the two books, which we possess. In com-
posing this work, Cicero, as far as an opinion may be ventured, would
appear to have had before him notes taken from the prelections of some
instructer, whom the anonymous author of the treatise addressed to
Herennius had also attended. For a number of passages, in the two
books "De Inventione," coincide in a very marked manner with others.
in the work to Herennius; unless, indeed, the author of the latter was
the preceptor of Cicero.2
H. To the work on invention succeed the three dialogues "De Ora-
tore," inscribed to his brother Quintus.
Dr. B. These were written, A. U. C. 698, when Cicero, disgusted
with the political dissensions of the capital, had retired during part of the
summer to the seclusion of the country. The speakers in these dialogues
are the orators Antonius and Crassus, (the latter of whom was attended
by the young Sulpicius and Cotta, at that time the two most promising
speakers at Rome,) the eminent lawyer Scaevola, and Catulus and Julius
Caesar, (grand uncle to the Dictator,) the last two distinguished also for
their eloquence, and who joined the party in the interval between the first
and second dialogues. The principal part in the conversation, however,
is borne by Crassus and Antonius; the former advocating, what was in
fact Cicero's own opinion, that an almost universal knowledge is essen-
tially requisite to perfection in oratory; the latter, who was a mero
1. An account of the whole controversy may be seen in Dunlop, Rom. Lit
vol. 2, p. 366, seqq. and in Baehr, Gesch. Rom. Lit. p. 502, sey.
2. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 366.—Schoell. Hist. Lit. Rom. vol. 2, p. 117..
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxxi
practical pleader, maintaining, that the various accomplishments insisted
upon by Crassus, were totally distinct from the proper office and duties
of a public speaker. According to him, eloquence is not an art, because
it depends not on knowledge. Imitation of good models, practice, and
minute attention to each particular case, are laid down by him as the true
foundations of forensic eloquence: the great objects of an orator being,
in the first place, to recommend himself to his clients, and then to pre-
possess the judges in his favour. Crassus, in reply, enters on the
embellishments of rhetoric: pronunciation, elocution, harmony of periods,
metaphors, sentiments, action, and in short, whatever can impart a finished
grace and dignity to a public discourse.1
H. Excuse my interrupting you, Doctor, but how could Cicero if he
were not present at these conversations, obtain such accurate information
of the various topics that were discussed?
Dr. B. He is supposed to have heard them from Cotta; and this
fiction is the more convenient, since it enables him to shelter his own
opinions under those of two such eminent masters of oratory as Crassus
and Antonius.-Cicero entertained a very high opinion of this work, and
his friends considered it one of his best. It is peculiarly valuable to us
at the present day, as containing every thing of importance in the Greek
works on rhetoric, while the copiousness, and ease, and graceful polish
of the style are above all commendation.2-What have we next?
H. A dialogue entitled "Brutus, sive de cíaris Oratoribus.”
Dr. B. Cicero supposes, that, after his return from Asia, M. Brutus,
the same who subsequently conspired against Caesar, pays him a visit,
accompanied by Atticus, and that these two request him to resume a
conversation which he had previously held with Atticus alone, and in
which they had been discoursing of the most eminent orators. Cicero
complies, and, after a few slight, but masterly sketches of the most
celebrated speakers of Greece, enters upon a full detail of the Roman
orators from the earliest periods to his own time. This work is of great
value, as regards the history of Roman eloquence, but it is not as interest-
ing as its title would lead you to expect. It contains too many names,
and too little is said of each, so that it resembles in some degree a dry
sort of catologue.3
H. To the "Brutus" succeeds the "Orator."
Dr. B. In this production, which is addressed to Brutus, and was
written at his request, Cicero treats of the qualifications that constitute a
perfect crator. It is intended to complete the subjects examined in the
dialogues "De Oratore." Cicero's perfect orator, you will bear in mind,
1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 353, segg.
2. Dunlop. ubi supra.
3. Dunlop, Rem. Lit. vol. 2, p. 359.—Schoell. Lit. Rom. vol. 2, p. 120.
xxxii
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
existed nowhere but in his own imagination.-Come, turn over. What
do you find next in order?
H. A treatise entitled "Topica," and addressed to C. Trebatius.
Dr. B. It gives an account of the various topics, or common-places,
which are the foundation of rhetorical argument. The work is, in fact,
an extract from that of Aristotle on the same subject, accompanied by a
commentary from the pen of Cicero, the whole being amalgamated into
one treatise. It was prepared for the use of Trebatius, the eminent
lawyer, and hence Cicero takes his examples chiefly from the Roman
civil law, as more intelligible to Trebatius than illustrations drawn from
the philosophy of Aristotle ?1
H. We have then a dialogue, "De Partitione Oratoria."
Dr. B. This is a production of rather inferior value. It is a dialogue
between Cicero and his son, concerning the principles and doctrine of
eloquence. It appears to have been written A. U. C. 707, while Caesar
was prosecuting the war in Africa.-The work which you will find closing
the series of Cicero's rhetorical works, is that entitled "De Optimo
genere Oratorum," and was originally intended as a preface to a transla-
tion which Cicero had made from the orations of Demosthenes and Aes-
chines, respecting the crown.
H. May I ask, Doctor, what was Cicero's object in making this
translation?
Dr. B. To correct a false impression, at that time very prevalent
among his countrymen, that attic eloquence was limited to a plain and
slender mode of expression, distinguished by purity of style and delicacy
of taste, but void of all ornament and redundance. He undertook,
therefore, a free translation of the two master-pieces of Athenian
cloquence; the one being an example of vehement and energetic, the
other of pathetic and ornamental oratory.-Now for a rapid survey of the
speeches of Cicero.
We have already touched upon those for Quintius,
Roscius of Ameria, and Roscius the actor, and likewise upon the oration
against Caecilius, and the six against Verres. What do you find after
these ?2
H. The speech delivered in defence of Fonteius.
Dr. B. This was pronounced while Cicero was aedile. It is the
defence of an unpopular governor, accused of oppression by the province
entrusted to his care. Much however is lost; which is the more to be
regretted, as it would have formed an interesting contrast to the speeches
against Verres.
H. Then comes the oration for Aulus Caecina.
1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 364.
2. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 365.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxxiii
Dr. B. A mere question of civil right, turning on an edict of a Roman
praetor.
H. The oration for the Manilian Law follows, but as I have just
finished the perusal of this, I will not trouble you for an analysis. The
speech for Cluentius succeeds.
Dr. B. And a powerful and splendid production it is, and one of the
most correct and forcible of all the judicial orations of Cicero. Cluentius
had been accused by an unnatural mother of having poisoned his step-
father.
H. Three orations against the Agrarian law of Rullus are next in
order.
Dr. B. The history of the affair is briefly this: Rullus, a tribune of the
commons, brought in a law, that the public domains in the provinces should
be sold, and that the spoils acquired by Roman commanders in foreign wars
should be taken from them, in order that, by these two means, a sum of
money might be raised for the purchase of lands in Italy, particularly Cam-
pania, which lands were to be divided among the people. Cicero delivered
his first oration against this project, (the beginning, however, of which is
wanting,) the very day when he entered on the duties of the consulship.
His opposition was effectual, and the law was rejected. The tribunes,
however, having subsequently instilled some suspicions into the minds of
the people, with regard to Cicero's motives in opposing this project, he
found it necessary to deliver the second and third orations on the same
topic.1
H. The oration for Rabirius succeeds.
Dr. B. He was accused of having been concerned in the death of
Saturninus, a seditious tribune, who had been slain by a party in the
interest of the senate. Thirty-six years had intervened, and the accuser
was Labienus, afterward well known as Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul.
Rabirius, notwithstanding the efforts of Cicero, would in all probability
have been condemned, had not his friend, the praetor Metellus, taken
down the standard from the Janiculum, which dissolved the comitia and
broke off the trial. The troubles connected with the affair of Catiline
occupied soon after the public attention, and the charge against Rabirius
was never revived.
H. Yes, here are the speeches against Catiline, which formed part of
my Harrow reading, and the oration for Murena, another old acquaintance
of mine, comes slowly after. I will not trouble you about these, Doctor
Barton, but will thank you to give me some information about the next,
the speech in behalf of Flaccus.
Dr. B. This is the same Flaccus of whom you read in Sallust. He
was praetor at the time of the conspiracy of Catiline, and aided in the
1. Dunlop. Rom, Lit. vol. 2, p. 295.
xxxiv
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
arrest of the Allobroges. Cicero here defends him against a charge of
extortion and peculation, brought by various states of Asia Minor, which
he had governed as propraetor.
H. An oration for Publius Sylla.
Dr. B. He was related to the dictator, and was accused of having been
engaged in Catiline's conspiracy. Cicero succeeded in procuring his
acquittal. The cause was tried the year after his consulship.
H. Another old favourite of mine, the oration for Archias, which is
followed by one entitled, "Ad Quirites post reditum.”
Dr. B. If you turn over a little farther, you will find three others, enti-
tled respectively, "Post reditum, in senatu,” “ Pro domo sua ad Ponti-
fices," and "De Haruspicum responsis." I am sorry to say, that these
four orations are now generally regarded as spurious, and as having been
composed by the rhetoricians of a later age as exercises in declamation.
Cicero did indeed deliver four speeches, almost immediately after his
return from exile, on subjects similar to these. The first was addressed
to the senate, the second to the people, the third to the College of Pon-
tiffs, to obtain restitution of the ground on which his house had stood,
and which had been made the site of a temple, and the fourth in answer
to a declaration of Clodius, that certain alarming prodigies which had
lately appeared, were occasioned by the desecration of this same piece
of ground, which the Pontiffs had discharged from religious uses. But
the four speeches that have come down to us, afford abundant internal
evidence of their never having proceeded from Cicero.1
H. Dismissing these, we have next in order the oration for Plancius.
Dr. B. This is the Plancius of whom I made mention as having been
quaestor of Macedonia when Cicero came thither as an exile. He is here
defended by the orator, in return for the kindness shown on that occasion,
against a charge of bribery in suing for the office of aedile.
H. Then comes the oration for Sextius.
Dr. B. Here again Cicero requites the services of a friend. Sextius,
while tribune, had exerted himself to procure Cicero's recall, and the
latter now defends him in an elaborate harangue against a charge of
exciting a tumult in the capital
H. An oration against Vatinius.
Dr. B. This Vatinius was produced on the opposite side in the trial of
Sextius, as a witness against him. This gave Cicero an opportunity
of interrogating him, and the whole speech is one continued invective,
uttered in a series of questions, without waiting for a reply. Hence it is
sometimes called, not oratio, but interrogatio.
H. An oration for Coelius.
Dr. B. Coelius, a gay and rather dissolute young man, was accused
1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 333.-Schoell. Lit. Rom. vol. 2, p. 104.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
XXXV
by Clodia, the well-known sister of Clodius, of an attempt to poison her,
and of having borrowed money from her to procure the assassination of
Dio, the Alexandrian ambassador. This oration, which is highly com-
mended by Middleton¹ for its occasionally playful manner, was also a
particular favourite with the celebrated Fox.2
H. It is succeeded by a speech "De provinciis consularibus."
Dr. B. This oration is indeed a remarkable one. It procured for
Caesar a continuance of his government in Gaul, and this last may be
regarded as one of the immediate causes of the ruin of the republic.
Cicero advocated the continuance of this command without in the least.
degree penetrating the designs of the ambitious Caesar, whose only object
was to have Gaul as the training-place of his legions until he could turn
their arms against his country.
H. The oration for Balbus.
Dr. B. Pompey, by a special law, had granted the freedom of Rome
to Balbus, a native of Cadiz, who had performed some important services
for him in the war against Sertorius. The validity of Pompey's act was
now questioned, but was successfully defended by Cicero.
""
An oration against L. Calpurnius Piso.
Dr. B. Piso had been recalled from his government of Macedonia, in
consequence of Cicero's ofation on the consular provinces. Taking an
early opportunity, he complained before the senate of the treatment he
had received, and indulged in an attack on the orator, ridiculing in par-
ticular his poetic effusions. Cicero's reply is remarkable for its coarse
and bitter invective.
H. What, in the presence of the senate?
Dr. B. Yes, he indulges, before that grave body, in language and allu-
sions that suit only the meridian of a tavern; and this too against a man
of family and distinction.-But why do you shake your head?
H. Ah! here is the famous speech against Milo, which was never
delivered. What a pity that no one took down the oration which Cicero
actually uttered, that we might have compared its feebleness with thẹ
beautiful harangue which has come down to our times.
Dr. B. It was taken down in writing, and still existed in the days of
Asconius, but must have been, as you remark, far inferior to the one which
we now have, since the latter was accounted, both by Cicero himself and
by his contemporaries, as the finest effort of his genius.3
H. The oration which I find next in order is entitled "Pro Rabirio
Postumo.'
Dr. B. He was prosecuted for repayment of a sum which he was sup-
1. Life of Cicero, vol. 2, p. 69.-Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 310.
2. Correspondence of Wakefield and Fox. p. 85.
3. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 313.
xxxvi
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
posed to have received, in conjunction with the proconsul Gabinius, from
King Ptolemy, for having placed him on the throne of Egypt contrary to
the injunctions of the senate. But why that look of pleasure?
H. This oration, which succeeds, I have read of in Plutarch. It is
the one for Ligarius, accused of having borne arms against Caesar, after
the battle of Pharsalia, and of having renewed the war in Africa.
Dr. B. Yes, the dictator himself presided at this trial, much prejudiced
against Ligarius. But the eloquence of the advocate extorted a pardon.
It was during this oration that Caesar's countenance is said to have
changed, and the papers which he held to have dropped from his hand.¹
H. We have but two remaining before we reach the Philippics, the
speech for Deiotarus, and that in behalf of Marcellus. With the latter I
am too well acquainted to trouble you for any explanation. Of the sub-
ject of the former I am ignorant.
Dr. B. Why, this was a defence of Deiotarus, tetrarch of Galatia,
charged with an attempt to poison Caesar, during the stay which the
latter made at his court. The case was heard in the private apartments
of Caesar, and the issue was successful for the accused.
H. I will not trouble you, my dear Doctor, to explain for me the sub-
ject of each of the Philippics. I have read that they were aimed against
Antony, that they were so entitled in imitation of the splendid effusions
of Demosthenes, and that, like the latter, they derive their chief beauty
from the noble expression of just indignation which is so splendidly dif-
fused over all. Allow me to ask, however, which one, in your opinion,
is entitled to the palm.
Dr. B. Undoubtedly the fourteenth, which was delivered after the
intelligence had been received of the total defeat of Antony, before the
walls of Modena, by the army under Octavianus and the consuls Hirtius
and Pansa. This success was thought to have decided the fate of Antony
and the republic, and Cicero gives loose to his patriotic feelings in a flow
of the noblest eloquence. This too was the last oration that Cicero
delivered, for the union of Octavianus and Antony was cemented by his
blood.2
H. And have we now gone through all the orations, Doctor Barton,
of the man of Arpinum?
Dr. B. All that have come down to us, Henry. Many, however, have
entirely perished, and of these the one most deserving of regret is that
for Cornelius. He had been accused of practices against the state during
his tribuneship. The speech was divided into two great parts, and was
continued during four successive days, before an immense concourse of
auditors, who are said to have testified their admiration by reiterated
1. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 39.
2. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 327.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
xxxvii
applause. The orator himself frequently refers to it as among the most
finished of his compositions, and the old critics cite it as an example of
genuine eloquence. Of many of the lost speeches of Cicero, we have
however, fragments remaining, and the number of these remnants has
been recently increased by the researches of Maio, of which we will con-
verse on some other opportunity. Meanwhile, before we part, hand me
that number of the Westminster Review which lies at your elbow. It
contains a sketch of Cicero's character, which I wish to read to you.
H. Before we part, Doctor?-Why I have not got through with more
than one half of my
volume.
Dr. B. And that is the very reason why we ought now to stop, lest
any farther account of the writings of Cicero only confuse and be-
wilder.2 Digest what I have thus far stated, and, when we meet again,
the other productions of Cicero will serve us for a theme. Besides ycu
will want to attend to-day the visitation of the Bodleian Library, and to
hear the Latin speech in the school of Natural Philosophy.
H. Who appoints the speaker, Doctor?
Dr. B. The Dean of Christ-Church.-I will now read from the West-
minster :3 "Cicero was the first of the second order of great minds. An
extraordinary variety of talent, rather than any pre-eminence of original
genius, is his characteristic. It is attested by a wonderful extent and
diversity of information, acquired amid the daily occupations of a very
laborious life, and almost enabling him to accomplish the great object of
his ambition, which was in his single person to maintain the cause of Ro-
man against the whole of Grecian literature. His written contributions
to the information and delight of mankind, are almost as extensive as
Aristotle's. Every page is the efflorescence of a capacious mind, which
embraced the whole circle of arts and sciences, which surveyed life with
the comprehension of a philosopher, and the shrewdness of a man of the
world. But Cicero's mind was not of primitive formation. He was the
inventor of no great style, he was the bold and original investigator of no
one department, nor is there any one in which supremacy could be
claimed for him. He resembled the athlete in Longinus, who was infe-
rior to his competitors respectively in their peculiar provinces, but was
on the whole, and with regard to the universality of his accomplishments,
superior to any. As a politician his defects are most striking, for his turn
lay best for speculation, and nothing so clearly and decisively detects
lurking flaws in a man's judgment as the conduct of public affairs, during
"the joints and flexures" of troubled times, when the operation of new
1. Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2 p. 331.
2. An account of the ethical and philosophical writings of Cicero will be given
in an edition of the work "De Officiis," and also in another containing selections
from his philosophical productions.
3. No. 33, p. 147, segg.
D
xxxviii
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CICERO.
principles is convulsing society, or the decay of old ones is resolving all
into their original elements. For such a change he possessed neither the
requisite moral or physical courage, the solidity of principle and purpose,
nor the promptitude of judgment which is necessary to its execution.—
The natural weakness of Cicero's mind, the want of great and solid prin-
ciples of conduct, as well as his timidity, was not only ruinous to the
state, but embittered the whole of his life. In the conflict of public affairs,
the real outlines of a man's character are inevitably discovered; design
or accident betrays his weak and strong points. The hustling of a mob
immediately proves both his mind and body. Cicero was perfectly known
to every man in Rome. Some, when they had any object to gain, prac-
tised on his vanity, some on his timidity. From the day of his banish-
ment his spirit was broken, and never recovered its elasticity until, in his
old age, he was called on to oppose the profligate Antony. Then some-
thing better even than his former self "flashed forth a stream of heroic
rays." The cause, the occasion, and the person, roused all his faculties.
He spoke for liberty-the magnitude of the individual danger in which he
stood cut off all irresolution, the eyes of the world were on him, the ex-
ample of Brutus, glorious at least in its principle, was before him, and
accordingly, with a courage, a dignity, and an eloquence to which there
is no parallel in his other efforts, he stood over his fallen country and
defended her from her deadliest foe."
H. Do you agree, Doctor, with all that is here advanced?
Dr. B. Very nearly, Henry. We must always in estimating the char-
acter of Cicero, take care not to be dazzled by the literary splendour
that is thrown around his name.
CICERONIS ORATIONES.
"
'M. TULLII CICERONIS
ORATIO
IN
L. CATILINAM
PRIMA,
HABITA IN SENATU.
I. QUOUSQUE tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia no-
stra? Quamdiu etiam furor 4iste tuus nos eludet? Quem
ad finem sese effrenata jactabit audacia? Nihilne te
nocturnum praesidium 'Palatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihil
timor populi, nihil concursus bonorum omnium, nihil hic
10munitissimus habendi senatum locus, nihil horum ora
vultusque moverunt ? 12 Patere tua consilia non sentis?
Constrictam jam horum omnium conscientia teneri con-
jurationem tuam non vides? Quid 13proxima, quid supe-
riore nocte egeris, ubi fueris, quos convocaveris, quid
consilii ceperis, quem nostrum ignorare arbitraris ? 0
tempora, O mores! Senatus haec intelligit, consul videt;
hic tamen vivit. Vivit? 14immo vero etiam in senatum
venit. Fit 15publici consilii particeps: notat et designat
oculis ad caedem unumquemque nostrûm.
Nos autem,
16viri fortes, satisfacere reipublicae videmur, si istius furo-
rem ac tela vitemus. Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci jussu
consulis, jampridem oportebat; 17in te conferri pestem
istam, quam tu in nos omnes jamdiu machinaris. 18An
vero vir amplissimus, 12P. Scipio, pontifex maximus, Tib.
Gracchum, 20mediocriter labefactantem statum reipublicae,
privatus interfecit: 21Catilinam, orbem terrarum caede at-
que incendiis vastare cupientem, nos consules perfere-
S
1
2
ORATIO 1. IN L. CATILINAM.
}
mus? Nam illa nimis antiqua praetereo, quod 2C. Ser-
vilius Ahala Sp. Melium, novis rebus studentem, manu
sua occidit. Fuit, fuit 3ista quondam in hac republica
virtus, ut viri fortes acrioribus suppliciis civem pernicio-
sum, quam acerbissimum hostem coërcerent. Habemus
senatusconsultun in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave:
non deest reipublicae consilium, neque auctoritas hujus
ordinis: nos, nos, dico aperte, nos consules desumus.
II. DECREVIT quondam senatus ut L. Opimius consul
'videret, ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet: nox nulla
intercessit; interfectus est propter 10quasdam seditionum
suspiciones C. Gracchus, ¹¹clarissimo patre, avo, majoribus :
occisus est cum liberis 12M. Fulvius, consularis. Simili
senatusconsulto, 13C Mario et L. Valerio, consulibus, per-
missa est respublica: num unum diem postea 14L. Satur-
nini tribuni plebis, et C. Servilii praetoris mortem rei-
publicae poena remorata est? At 15nos vicesimum jam
diem patimur hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. Habe-
mus enim hujusmodi senatusconsultum, verumtamen inclu-
sum in tabulis, tanquam 16gladium in vagina reconditum :
quo ex senatusconsulto confestim interfectum te esse,
Catilina, convenit. Vivis: et vivis non ad deponendam,
sed ad confirmandam audaciam. 18Cupio, patres con-
scripti, me esse clementem: cupio in tantis reipublicae
periculis me non 19dissolutum videri: sed jam me ipse
inertiae 2ºnequitiaeque condemno. Castra sunt in Italia,
contra rempublicam, 2¹in Etruriae faucibus collocata: cres-
cit in dies singulos hostium numerus: 22eorum autem im-
peratorem castrorum, ducemque hostium, intra moenia,
atque adeo in senatu videmus, intestinam aliquam quoti-
die perniciem reipublicae molientem. Si te jam, Catilina,
comprehendi, si interfici jussero; credo, erit verendum
mihi, ne non hoc potius omnes boni serius a me, quam
quisquam crudelius factum esse dicat. Verum ego hoc,
quod jampridem factum esse oportuit, 23 certa de causa
nondum adducor ut faciam. Tum denique interficiam te,
cum jam nemo tam improbus, tam perditus, 24tam tui si-
霹
​****
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
3
milis inveniri poterit, qui id non jure factum esse fatea-
tur. Quamdiu quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat,
vives et vives ita, ut nunc vivis, multis meis et firmis
praesidiis 'obsessus, ne commovere te contra rempublicam
possis. Multorum te etiam oculi et aures non sentien-
tem, sicut adhuc fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient.
III. ETENIM quid est, Catilina, quod jam amplius ex-
spectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare coetus nefarios,
nec 2privata domus parietibus continere vocem conjura-
tionis tuae potest? si illustrantur, si erumpunt omnia?
Muta jam istam mentem: mihi crede: obliviscere caedis,
atque incendiorum: teneris undique: luce sunt clariora
nobis tua consilia omnia: quae etiam mecum licet reco-
gnoscas. Meministine, me 5ante diem duodecimum ka-
lendas Novembris dicere in senatu, certo die fore in
armis, qui dies futurus esset ante diem sextum kalendas
Novembris, C. Manlium, audaciae satellitem atque admin-
istrum tuae ? Num me fefellit, Catilina, non modo res
tanta, tam atrox, tam incredibilis, verum, id quod multo
magis est admirandum, dies? Dixi ego idem in senatu,
caedem te optimatum contulisse in ante diem quintum
kalendas Novembris, tum cum multi 10principes civitatis
Roma, non tam sui conservandi, quam tuorum consiliorum
¹¹reprimendorum causa profugerunt. Num infitiari potes,
te illo ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclu-
sum, commovere te contra rempublicam non potuisse,
cum tu, discessu ceterorum, 12nostra tamen, qui reman-
sissemus, -caede contentum te esse dicebas? Quid? cum
tute 13Praeneste kalendis ipsis Novembris occupaturum
nocturno impetu esse confideres: sensistine, illam coloni-
am meo jussu, 14praesidiis, custodiis, vigiliisque esse mu-
nitam? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, quod ego
15non modo non audiam, sed etiam non videam, planeque
sentiam.
IV. RECOGNOSCE tandem mecum 16noctem illam superio-
rem: jam intelliges multo me vigilare acrius ad salutem,
quam te ad perniciem reipublicae. Dico te priori nocte
4
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
"/~
n
venisse inter falcarios,' (non agam obscure,) in M. Lae-
cae domum: convenisse eodem complures ejusdem
amentiae scelerisque socios. Num negare audes? Quid
taces? convincam, si negas. Video enim esse hic in
senatu quosdam, qui tecum una fuere.,O dii immortales!
ubinam gentium sumus? in qua urbe vivimus? quam rem-
publicam habemus? Hic, hic sunt, nostro in numero,
patres conscripti, ³in hoc orbis terrae sanctissimo gravis-
simoque consilio, qui de meo, nostrûmque omnium inte-
ritu, qui de hujus urbis, atque adeo orbis terrarum exitio
cogitent. Hosce ego video consul, et de republica sen-
tentiam rogo: et, quos ferro, trucidari oportebat, eos non-
dum voce vulnero. Fuisti igitur apud Laecam illa nocte,
Catilina: 4distribuisti partes Italiae: statuisti quo quem-
que proficisci placeret: delegisti quos Romae relinqueres,
quos tecum educeres: 'descripsisti urbis partes ad incen-
dia: 'confirmasti, te ipsum jam esse cxiturum: dixisti
paullulum tibi esse etiam tum morae, quod ego viverem.
Reperti sunt duo equites Romani, qui te ista cura libe-
rarent, et sese illa ipsa nocte, paullo ante lucem, me meo
in lectulo interfecturos pollicerentur. Haec ego omnia,
vix dum etiam coetu vestro dimisso, ¹ºcomperi: domum
meam majoribus praesidiis munivi atque firmavi: exclusi
cos, quos tu mane ad me salutatum miseras, cum illi ipsi
yenissent; quos ego jam multis ac summis viris ad me
id temporis venturos esse praedixeram.
11
V 11QUAE cum ita sint, Catilina, perge quo coepisti;
egredere aliquando ex urbe: patent portae: proficiscere:
nimium diu te imperatorem 12illa tua Manliana castra de-
siderant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos: 13si minus,
quam plurimos: purga urbem: magno me metu liberabis,
dummodo inter me atque te murus intersit: nobiscum
versari jam diutius non potes: 14non feram, non patiar,
non sinam. Magna diis immortalibus, 15atque huic ipsi
Jovi Statori, antiquissimo custodi hujus urbis, 16habenda
est gratia, quod hanc tam taetram, tam horribilem, ¹7tam-
que infestam reipublicae pestem toties jam effugimus
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
5
Non est saepius ¹in uno homine summa salus periclitan-
da reipublicae. Quamdiu mihi, consuli designato, Cati-
lina, insidiatus es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata
diligentia defendi: cum 3 proximis comitiis consularibus
me consulem in campo, et competitores interficere vo-
luisti, compressi tuos nefarios conatus amicorum praesid-
io et copiis, nullo tumultu publice concitato: denique
quotiescunque me petisti, per me tibi obstiti: quamquam
videbam, perniciem meam cum magna calamitate reipub-
licae esse conjunctam. Nunc jam aperte rempublicam
universam petis. Templa deorum immortalium, tecta ur-
bis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam denique totam, ad exi-
tium et vastitatem vocas. Quare quoniam id, quod pri-
mum, atque hujus imperii disciplinaeque majorum propri-
um est, facere nondum audeo: faciam id, quod est ad
severitatem lenius, et ad communem salutem utilius:
nam, si te interfici jussero, residebit in republica reli-
qua conjuratorum manus: sin tu (quod te jamdudum hor-
tor,) exieris, exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum comitum mag-
na et perniciosa reipublicae sentina. Quid est, Catilina?
Num dubitas id, me imperante, facere, quod jam 10tua
sponte faciebas? Exire ex urbe consul hostem jubet:
interrogas me, ¹¹num in exsilium? Non jubeo: sed, si
me consulis, suadeo.
VI. QUID enim, Catilina, est, quod te jam in hac urbe de-
lectare possit? In qua nemo est, 12extra istam conjuratio-
nem perditorum hominum, qui te non metuat; nemo, qui
non oderit. 13Quae nota domesticae turpitudinis non inusta
vitae tuae est? 14Quod privatarum rerum dedecus non
haeret infamiae? 15Quae libido ab oculis, 16quod facinus
a manibus umquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto corpore
abfuit? Cui tu adolescentulo, quem corruptelarum ille-
cebris irretisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum, aut ad libi-
dinem 18facem praetulisti? Quid vero? nuper, cum morte
superioris uxoris novis nuptiis domum 19vacuefecisses,
nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere hoc scelus cumulasti?
Quod ego praetermitto, et facile patior sileri, ne in hac
17
1*
6
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
1
civitate ¹tanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitisse, aut non
vindicata esse videatur. Praetermitto ruinas fortunarum
tuarum, quas omnes impendere tibi proximis idibus sen-
ties ad illa venio, quae non ad privatam ignominiam
vitiorum tuorum, non ad ³domesticam tuam difficultatem ac
turpitudinem, sed ad summam reipublicae, atque ad omni-
um nostrum vitam salutemque pertinent. Potestne tibi
hujus vitae lux, Catilina, aut hujus coeli spiritus esse
jucundus, cum scias, horum esse neminem, qui nesciat,
te pridie kalendas Januarias, "Lepido et Tullo consulibus,
-_stetisse in comitio cum telo? Manum, consulum et prin-
cipum civitatis interficiendorum causa, paravisse? Sceleri
ac furori tuo non mentem aliquam, aut timorem tuum,
sed fortunam reipublicae obstitisse? Ac jam illa omitto:
¹ºneque enim sunt aut obscura, aut non multa post com-
missa. Quoties tu me designatum, quoties consulem in-
terficere conatus es? Quot ego tuas petitiones ita con-
jectas, ut vitari non posse viderentur, parva quadam de-
clinatione, et, ut aiunt, corpore effugi? 12Nihil agis, nihil
assequeris, nihil moliris, quod mihi latere valeat 13in tem-
pore: neque tamen conari ac velle desistis. 14Quoties
jam tibi extorta est sica ista de manibus? Quoties vero
excidit casu aliquo et elapsa est? 15Tamen ea carere
diutius non potes: 16quae quidem quibus abs te initiata
sacris ac devota sit, nescio, quod eam necesse putas con-
sulis in corpore defigere.
11
VII. NUNC vero, quae est ista tua vita? Sic enim
jam tecum loquar, non ut 17odio permotus esse videar,
quo debeo, sed ut misericordia, quae tibi nulla debetur.
Venisti paullo ante in senatum : quis te ex hac tanta
frequentia, ex tot tuis amicis ac necessariis, 19salutavit?
Si hoc post hominum memoriam contigit nemini, 20vocis
exspectas contumeliam, cum sis gravissimo judicio taci-
turnitatis oppressus? Quid, quod adventu tuo 2lista sub-
sellia vacuefacta sunt? Quod omnes consulares, qui tibi
persacpe ad caedem constituti fuerunt, simul atque asse-
disti, partem istam subselliorum 22nudam atque inanem
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
7
reliquerunt? Quo tandem animo hoc tibi ferendum putas ?
¹Servi mehercle mei si me isto pacto metuerent, ut te
metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam relinquendam pu-
tarem: tu tibi urbem non arbitraris? Et, si me meis
civibus injuria suspectum tam graviter atque offensum
viderem; carere me aspectu civium, quam infestis omni-
um oculis conspici mallem: tu cum conscientia scelerum
tuorum agnoscas odium omnium justum, et jam tibi diu
debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sensusque vulneras,
eoruin aspectum praesentiamque vitare? Si te parentes
timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ulla ratione pla-
care posses; ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquo concede-
res nunc te patria, quae communis est omnium nostrum
parens, odit ac metuit, et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de
parricidio suo cogitare. 'Hujus tu neque auctoritatem
verebere, neque judicium sequere, neque vim pertimesces?
Quae tecum, Catilina, sic agit, et quodammodo tacita
loquitur :--Nullum aliquot jam annis facinus exstitit, nisi
per te; nullum flagitium sine te: tibi uni 9multorum ci-
vium neces, tibi vexatio direptioque 10sociorum impunita
fuit ac libera.tu non solum ad negligendas leges ac
¹¹quaestiones, verum etiam ad evertendas perfringendas-
que valuisti. Superiora illa, quamquam ferenda non fùe-
runt, tamen, ut potui, tuli: nunc vero me totam esse in
metu propter te unum; 12quidquid increpuerit, Catilinam
timeri; nullum videri contra me consilium iniri posse,
13quod a tuo scelere abhorreat; non est ferendum. Quamo-
brem discede, atque hunc mihi timorem eripe: 14si est
verus, ne opprimar; sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando time-
re desinam.
VIII. HAEC si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, 15nonne
impetrare debeat, etiamsi vim adhibere non possit ?
16Quid, quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti? Quid,
quod, vitandae suspicionis causa, apud 18M'. Lepidum te
19habitare velle dixisti? A quo non receptus, etiam ad
me venire ausus es: atque ut domi meae te asservarem,
rogasti: cum a me quoque id responsum tulisses, me
8
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
nullo modo posse iisdem ¹parietibus tuto esse tecum, "qui
magno in periculo essem, quod iisdem moenibus conti-
neremur; ad 3Q. Metellum praetorem venisti: a quo re-
pudiatus, ad sodalem tuum, virum optimum, M. Marcel-
lum demigrasti: quem tu videlicet et ad custodiendum
te diligentissimum, et ad suspicandum sagacissimum, et ad
vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam longe vide-
tur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui se ipse jam
dignum custodia judicarit? Quae cum ita sint, Catilina, du-
bitas, si hic morari aequo animo non potes, abire in aliquas
terras, et vitam istam, multis suppliciis justis debitisque erep-
tam, fugae solitudinique mandare? Refer, inquis, ad sena-
tum, (id enim postulas,) et, si hic ordo placere sibi decreve-
rit, te ire in exsilium, obtemperaturum te esse dicis. Non.
referam id, quod abhorret a meis moribus: et tamen fa-
ciam, ut intelligas, quid hi de te sentiant. Egredere ex
urbe, Catilina: libera rempublicam metu: in exsilium, si
1ºhanc vocem exspectas, proficiscere. Quid est, Catili-
na? ecquid attendis, ecquid animadvertis horum silentium?
12patiuntur, tacent. 13Quid exspectas auctoritatem loquen-
tium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum, perspicis? At si hoc
idem huic adolescenti optimo, 14P. Sextio, si fortissimo
viro, M. Marcello dixissem; 16jam mihi consulis hoc
ipso in templo, jure optimo senatus vim et manus intu-
lisset: 17de te autem, Catilina, cum quiescunt, probant;
cum patiuntur, decernunt; cum tacent, clamant. Neque
hi solum, 18quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita
vilissima; 19sed etiam illi equites Romani, honestissimi
atque optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, 20qui circum-
stant senatum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre, et studia
perspicere, et voces paullo ante exaudire potuisti: quo-
rum ego vix abs te jamdiu manus ac tela contineo, eos-
dem facile adducam, ut te haec, quae jampridem vastare
studes, relinquentem, 21usque ad portas prosequantur.
11
IX. 22QUAMQUAM quid loquor? 23te ut ulla res frangat?
tu ut umquam te corrigas? tu ut ullam fugam meditere?
tu ut ullum exsilium cogites? Utinam tibi istam mentem
OKATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
9
dii immortalès 'duint! Tametsi video, si mea voce per-
territus ire in exsilium animum induxeris, quanta tempe-
stas invidiae nobis, si minus in praesens tempus, recenti
memoria scelerum tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat.
2Sed est mihi tanti; dummodo ista ³privata sit calamitas,
et a reipublicae periculis sejungatur. Sed tu ut vitiis
tuis commoveare, ut legum poenas pertimescas, ut tem-
poribus reipublicae concedas, non est postulandum: neque
enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut pudor a turpitudine, aut
metus a periculo, aut ratio a furore unquam revocarit.
Quamobrem, ut saepe jam dixi, proficiscere: ac, si mihi
inimico, ut praedicas, tuo conflare vis invidiam; recta
perge in exsilium: vix feram sermones hominum, si id
feceris vix molem istius invidiae, si in exsilium ieris
jussu consulis, sustinebo: sin autem 10servire meae laudi
et gloriae mavis, egredere "cum importuna sceleratorum
manu: confer te ad Manlium: concita perditos cives:
secerne te a bonis infer patriae bellum exsulta 12impio
latrocinio, ut a me non ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus
ad tuos isse videaris. 13Quamquam quid ego te invitem,
a quo jam sciam esse praemissos, qui tibi ad Forum
Aurelium praestolarentur armati ? 15Cui sciam pactam et
constitutam esse cum Manlio diem? A quo etiam 16aqui-
lain illam argenteam, quam tibi, ac tuis omnibus, perni-
ciosam esse confido et funestam futuram, cui domi tuae
sacrarium scelerumorum constitutum fuit, sciam esse
praemissam? 18Tu ut illa diutius carere possis, quam
venerari, ad caedem proficiscens, solebas? A cujus alta-
ribus saepe istam impiam dexteram ad necem civium
transtulisti ?
:
X. IBIS tandem aliquando, quo te jampridem tua ista
cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. Neque enim tibi
19haec res affert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem volu-
ptatem ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas
exercuit, fortuna servavit : numquam tu non modo otium,
sed ne bellum quidem, 20nisi nefarium, concupisti: nactus
es ex perditis, atque ab omni non modo' fortuna, verum
:
10
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
etiam spe derelictis, conflatam improborum manum. ¹Hic
tu qua laetitia perfruere? quibus gaudiis exsultabis? quan-
ta in voluptate bacchabere, cum in tanto numero tuorum
neque audies virum bonum quemquam, neque videbis?
2Ad hujus vitae studium meditati illi sunt, qui feruntur,
labores tui: jacere humi, non modo ³ad obsidendum stu-
prum, verum etiam ad facinus obeundum; vigilare, non
solum insidiantem somno maritorum, verum etiam bonis
occisorum. 5Habes ubi ostentes illam praeclaram tuam
patientiam famis, frigoris, inopiae rerum omnium; quibus
te brevi tempore confectum esse senties. Tantum pro-
feci tum, cum te a consulatu repuli, ut exul potius ten-
tare, quam consul vexare rempublicam posses: atque ut
id, quod esset a te scelerate susceptum, latrocinium poti-
us quam bellum nominaretur.
XI. NUNC, ut a me, patres conscripti, quandam prope
justam patriae quaerimoniam detester ac deprecer: perci-
pite, quaeso, diligenter, quae dicam, et ea penitus animis
vestris mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum patria,
quae mihi vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta Italia, si
omnis respublica sic loquatur: 10M. Tulli, quid agis?
tune eum, quem esse hostem comperisti: quem ducem
belli futurum vides: quem exspectari imperatorem in cas-
tris hostium sentis, auctorem sceleris, principem conjura-
tionis, ¹¹evocatorem servorum et civium perditorum, exire
patieris, ut abs te 12non emissus ex urbe, sed immissus in
urbem esse videatur? Nonne hunc in vincula duci, non
ad mortem rapi, non summo supplicio 13mactari impera-
bis? Quid tandem impedit te? 14Mosne majorum? At
persaepe etiam privati in hac republica perniciosos cives.
morte multarunt. 15 An leges, quae de civium Romano-
rum supplicio 16rogatae sunt?
At numquam in hac urbe
ii, qui a republica defecerunt, civium jura 17tenuerunt.
An invidiam posteritatis times? 18Praeclaram vero populo
Romano refers gratiam, qui te, hominem per te cognitum,
nulla commendatione majorum, 19tam mature ad summum
imperium per omnes honorum gradus extulit, si propter
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
11
invidiam, aut alicujus periculi metum, salutem civium tuo-
rum negligis. Sed, si quis est invidiae metus, num est
vehementius ¹severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia, quam in-
ertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda? An, cum bello vasta-
bitur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt: 2tum te
non existimas invidiae incendio conflagraturum?
XII. His ego sanctissimis reipublicae vocibus, et
eorum hominum, qui idem sentiunt, mentibus, pauca re-
spondebo. Ego, si hoc optimum factu judicarem, patres
conscripti, Catilinam morte multari; "unius usuram horae
gladiatori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si
summi viri, et clarissimi cives, Saturnini, et Gracchorum,
et Flacci, et superiorum complurium sanguine non modo
se non contaminarunt, sed etiam honestarunt; certe mihi
verendum non erat, ne quid, hoc 'parricida civium inter-
fecto, invidiae mihi in posteritatem redundaret. Quodsi
ea mihi maxime impenderet: tamen hoc animo semper
fui, ut invidiam virtute partam, gloriam, non invidiam pu-
tarem. Quamquam nonnulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut
ea, quae imminent, non videant; aut ea, quae vident, dis-
simulent: qui spem Catilinae mollibus sententiis alue-
runt, conjurationemque nascentem non credendo corrobo-
raverunt. Quorum auctoritatem secuti multi, non solum
improbi, verum etiam imperiti, 9si in hunc animadvertis-
sem, crudeliter et 10regie factum esse dicerent. Nunc
intelligo, si iste, quo intendit, in Manliana castra perve-
nerit, neminem tam stultum fore, qui non videat conjura-
tionem esse factam; neminem tam improbum, qui non
fateatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto, intelligo hanc rei-
publicae pestem 11paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum
comprimi posse. Quodsi 12se ejecerit, secumque suos
eduxerit, et eodem ceteros undique collectos naufragos ag-
gregaverit; exstinguetur, atque delebitur non modo 13haec
tam adulta reipublicae pestis, verum etiam stirps ac se-
men malorum omnium.
XIII. ETENIM 14jamdiu, patres conscripti, in his pericu-
lis conjurationis insidiisque versamur: sed nescio 15quo
"
12
ORATIO I. IN L. CATILINAM.
ļ
F
F
!
1
I
·
pacto omnium scelerum, ac veteris furoris et audaciae ma-
turitas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. Quodsi ¹ex
tanto latrocinio iste unus tolletur; videbimur fortasse ad
breve quoddam tempus cura et metu esse relevati: peri-
culum autem residebit, et erit inclusum penitus 2in venis
atque in visceribus reipublicae. Ut saepe homines aegri
morbo gravi, cum ³aestu febrique jactantur, si aquam ge-
lidam biberint, primo relevari videntur; deinde multo gra-
vius vehementiusque afflictantur: sic hic morbus, qui est
in republica, relevatus istius poena, vehementius vivis re-
liquis ingravescet. Quare, patres conscripti, secedant im-
probi, secernant se a bonis, unum in locum congregentur,
muro denique, id quod saepe jam dixi, secernantur a no-
bis, desinant insidiari domi suae consuli, circumstare
tribunal praetoris urbani, obsidere cum gladiis curiam,
'malleolos et faces ad inflammandam urbem comparare.
Sit denique incriptum in fronte uniuscujusque civis, "quid.
de republica sentiat. Polliceor hoc vobis, patres con-
scripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tan-
tam in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis
virtutem, tantam in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Ca-
tilinae profectione omnia patefacta, illustrata, oppressa,
vindicata esse videatis. Hisce ominibus, Catilina, ¹ºcum
summa reipublicae salute, et cum tua peste ac pernicie,
cumque eorum exitio, qui se tecum omni scelere parrici-
dioque junxerunt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefa-
rium. Tum tu, Jupiter, qui iisdem, quibus haec urbs,
¹¹auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus; quem Statorem hujus
urbis atque imperii vere nominamus: hunc, et hujus so-
cios a tuis aris ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac moe-
nibus, a vita fortunisque civium omnium arcebis: et om-
nes inimicos bonorum, hostes patriae, latrones Italiae,
12scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria societate conjunc-
tos, aeternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis.
1.
ܕ ܐ ܕ
LAY
M. TULLII CICERONIS
ORATIO
IN L. CATILINAM
SECUNDA,
AD QUIRITES.
I. TANDEM aliquando, Quirites, L. Catilinam, fu-
rentem audacia, scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae
nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flam-
mamque 'minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, vel emi-
simus, vel ipsum egredientem verbis prosecuti sumus.
Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. Nulla jam pernicies a
monstro illo atque prodigio moenibus ipsis intra moenia
comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum, hujus belli do-
mestici ducem, sine controversia vicimus. Non enim
jam inter latera nostra 1ºsica illa versabitur: ¹¹non in
campo, 12non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra
domesticos parietes pertimescemus. 13Loco ille motus
est, cum est ex urbe depulsus. Palam jam cum hoste,
nullo impediente, 14bellum justum geremus. Sine dubio
perdidimus hominem, magnificeque vicimus, cum illum
ex occultis insidiis in apertum latrocinium conjecimus.
15Quod vero non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit,
quod vivis nobis egressus est, quod ei ferrum de manibus
extorsimus, quod incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem
reliquit: quanto tandem illum moerore afflictum esse et
profligatum putatis? Jacet ille nunc prostratus, Quiri-
tes, et se 16perculsum atque abjectum esse sentit, et re-
torquet oculos profecto saepe ad hanc urbem; quam ex
suis faucibus ereptam esse luget: quae quidem laetari
2
14
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
mihi videtur, quod tantam pestem evomuerit forasque
projecerit.
II. Ar si quis est talis, 'quales esse omnes oportebat,
qui in hoc ipso, in quo exultat et triumphat oratio mea,
me vehementer accuset, quod tam capitalem hostem non
comprehenderim potius, quam emiserim: non est ista mea
culpa, Quirites, sed temporum. Interemtum esse L. Ca-
tilinam, et gravissimo supplicio affectum, jampridem opor-
tebat: idque a me et mos majorum, et hujus imperii
severitas, et respublica postulabat. Sed quam multos
fuisse putatis, qui, quae ego deferrem, non crederent?
quam multos, qui propter stultitiam non putarent? quam
multos, qui etiam defenderent? quam multos, qui propter
improbitatem faverent? 5Ac si, sublato illo, depelli a
vobis omne periculum judicarem; jampridem ego L. Ca-
tilinam non modo invidiae meae, verum etiam vitae pe-
riculo sustulissem. Sed cum viderem, ne vobis quidem
omnibus re etiam tum probata, si illum, ut erat meritus,
morte multassem, fore, ut ejus socios invidia oppressus
persequi non possem: rem huc deduxi, ut tum palam
pugnare possetis, cum hostem aperte videretis. Quem
quidem ego hostem, Quirites, "quam vehementer foris
esse timendum putem, licet hinc intelligatis, quod illud
etiam moleste fero, quod cx urbe parum comitatus exie-
rit. Utinam ille omnes secum suas copias eduxisset!
Tongilium mihi eduxit, 9quem amare in praetexta coepe-
rat: 10Publicium et Munacium, quorum aes alienum con-
tractum in popina nullum reipublicae motum afferre pote-
rat: reliquit quos viros? quanto alieno aere, quam va-
lentes, quam nobiles?
III. ITAQUE ego illum exercitum, 12prae Gallicanis
legionibus, et hoc delectu, quem in agro Piceno et Gal-
lico Q. Metellus habuit, et his copiis, quae a nobis quo-
tidie comparantur, magnopere contemno; 13 collectum ex
senibus desperatis, ex agresti luxuria, ex rusticis decoc-
toribus, ex iis, qui 14vadimonia deserere, quam illum ex-
ercitum, maluerunt: quibus ego non modo si 15aciem
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
15
exercitus nostri, verum etiam si edictum praetoris osten-
dero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare in foro, quos
stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire: ³qui
nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, mallem secum suos
milites eduxisset: qui si hic permanent, mementote non
tam exercitum illum esse nobis, quam hos, qui exercitum
deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt timen-
di magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt, neque
tamen permoventur. Video, cui Apulia sit attributa, qui
habeat Etruriam, qui agrum Picenum, qui Gallicum, qui
sibi has urbanas insidias caedis atque incendiorum de-
poposcerit. Omnia 'superioris noctis consilia ad me de-
lata esse sentiunt: patefeci in senatu hesterno die: Ca-
tilina ipse pertimuit, profugit: hi quid exspectant? Nae
illi vehementer errant, si illam meam pristinam lenitatem
perpetuam sperant futuram.
IV. QUOD exspectavi, jam sum assecutus, ut vos om-
nes factam esse aperte conjurationem contra rempublicam
videretis. Nisi vero si quis est, qui 10Catilinae similes
cum Catilina sentire non putet. Non est jam lenitati
locus: severitatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum etiam nunc
concedam exeant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur ¹¹desiderio
sui Catilinam miserum tabescere: demonstrabo iter: Aure-
lia via profectus est: si acceleraie volent, ad vesperam con-
sequentur. O fortunatam rempublicam, 12si quidem hanc
sentinam hujus urbis ejecerit! Uno mehercule Catilina
13exhausto, relevata mihi et recreata respublica videtur.
Quid enim mali aut sceleris fingi aut excogitari potest, quod
non ille conceperit? Quis tota Italia 14veneficus, quis gla-
diator, quis latro, quis sicarius, quis parricida, 15quis testa-
mentorum subjector, 16quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo,
17quis nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis cor-
ruptor juventutis, quis corruptus, quis perditus inveniri
potest, qui se cum Catilina non familiarissime vixisse
fateatur? 18Quae caedes per hosce annos sine illo facta
est? Quod nefarium stuprum non per illum?
19 Jam vero
quae tanta in ullo umquam homine juventutis illecebra
U
16
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
fuit, quanta in illo? qui aliis fructum libidinum, aliis mor-
tem parentum, non modo impellendo, verum etiam adju-
vando, pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito, non solum
ex urbe, verum etiain ex agris, ingentem numerum per-
ditorum hominum collegerat? Nemo, non modo Romae,
sed nec ullo in angulo totius Italiae, oppressus aere alie-
no fuit, quem non ad hoc incredibile sceleris foedus
adsciverit.
4
V. ATQUE, ut ejus diversa studia ¹in dissimili ratione
perspicere possitis, nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paullo
ad facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse
fateatur: ³nemo in scena levior et nequior, qui se non
ejusdem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem
tamen, stuprorum et scelerum exercitatione assuefactus,
5frigore, et fame, et siti, ac vigiliis perferendis, fortis ab
istis praedicabatur; cum industriae subsidia, atque instru-
menta virtutis, in libidine audaciaque consumerentur.
Hunc vero si sui fuerint comites secuti; si ex urbe
exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi greges; 70 nos
beatos, O rempublicam fortunatam, O praeclaram laudem
consulatus mei! Non enim jam sunt mediocres hominum
libidines, non humanae ac tolerandae audaciae: nihil
cogitant, nisi caedes, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas: patri-
monia sua profuderunt: fortunas suas abligurierunt: res
eos jampridem, 10fides deficere nuper coepit: eadem ta-
men illa, quae erat in abundantia, libido permanet. Quodsi
in vino et alea comissationes solum quaererent, essent
illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi. Hoc
vero quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viris
insidiari, stultissimos prudentissimis, 12ebriosos sobriis,
dormientes vigilantibus? Qui 13mihi accubantes in con-
viviis, vino languidi, 15confecti cibo, 16sertis redimiti,
unguentis obliti, 17eructant sermonibus suis caedem bono-
rum, atque urbis incendia. Quibus ego confido impen-
dere 18fatum aliquod et poenas jamdiu improbitati, ne-
quitiae, sceleri, libidini debitas, aut instare jam plane, aut
certe appropinquare. Quos si meus consulatus, quoniam
:
ORAMO 11. IN L. CATILINAM.
17
:
19sanare non potest, sustulerit; 'non breve nescio quod tem-
pus, sed multa saecula propagarit reipublicae. Nulla est enim
natio, quam pertimescamus: nullus rex, qui bellum populo
Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa 2unius vir-
tute terra marique pacata: domesticum bellum manet:
intus insidiae sunt: intus inclusum periculum est: intus
est hostis: cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum scelere
certandum est. Huic ego me bello, Quirites, profiteor
ducem suscipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. Quae
sanari poterunt, quacunque ratione sanabo: quae rese-
canda erunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manere.
Proinde aut exeant, aut quiescant: aut, si et in urbe, et
in eadem mente permanent; ea, quae merentur, exspec-
tent.
VI. AT etiam sunt, Quirites, qui dicant, 4a me in ex-
silium ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo asse-
qui possem, istos ipsos ejicerem, qui haec loquuntur.
"Homo videlicet timidus et permodestus vocem consulis
ferre non potuit: simul atque ire in exsilium jussus est,
paruit, fivit. Hesterno die, cum domi meae paene inter-
fectus essem, senatum in aedem Jovis Statoris vocavi:
rem omnem ad patres conscriptos detuli. ¹Quo cum
Catilina venisset, quis eum senator appellavit? quis salu-
tavit? quis denique ita aspexit, ut perditum civem, ac
non potius ut importunissimum hostem? Quin etiam
principes ejus ordinis partem illam subselliorum, ad quam
ille accesserat, nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. Hic
ego 'vehemens ille consul, qui verbo cives in exsilium
ejicio, quaesivi a Catilina, an nocturno conventu apud M.
Laecam fuisset, necne. Cum ille 10homo audacissimus,
conscientia convictus, primo reticuisset: patefeci cetera.
11Quid ea nocte egisset, quid 12in proximam constituisset,
quemadmodum esset ei ratio totius belli descripta, edocui.
13 Cum haesitaret, cum teneretur; quaesivi, quid dubitaret
eo proficisci, quo jampridem pararat: cum arma, *cum se-
cures, cum fasces, cum tubas, cum signa militaria, cum
Aquilam illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium scele-
2*
18
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
rum domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. ¹In ex-
silium ejiciebam, quem jam ingressum esse in bellum vi-
debam? Etenim, credo, Manlius iste centurio, qui in
agro Fesulano castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo
nomine indixit: et illa castra nunc non Catilinam ducem
exspectant: et ille, ejectus in exsilium, se ³Massiliam, non
in haec castra conferet.
VII. O CONDITIONEM miseram, non modo administrandae,
verum etiam conservandae reipublicae? Nunc, si L. Ca-
tilina, consiliis, laboribus, periculis meis 4circumclusus.
ac debilitatus, subito pertimuerit, sententiam mutaverit,
deseruerit suos, consilium bellum faciundi abjecerit, ex
hoc cursu sceleris et belli, iter ad fugam atque in exsilium
converterit: non ille a me 5spoliatus armis audaciae, non
obstupefactus ac perterritus mea diligentia, non de spe
conatuque depulsus, sed indemnatus, innocens, in exsi-
lium ejectus a consule vi et minis, esse dicetur et erunt,
qui illum, si hoc fecerit, non improbum, sed miserum;
me non diligentissimum consulem, sed crudelissimum ty-
rannum existimari velint. Est mihi tanti, Quirites, hu-
jus invidiae falsae atque iniquae tempestatem subire, dum-
modo a vobis hujus horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum
depellatur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a me, dummodo
eat in exsilium. Sed mihi credite, non est iturus. Num-
quam ego a diis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, invidiae
meae levandae causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exercitum
hostium, atque in armis volitare audiatis: sed triduo ta-
men audietis: multoque magis illud timeo, ne mihi sit
invidiosum aliquando, quod illum emiserim potius, quam
quod ejecerim. Sed cum sint homines, qui illum, ¹ºcum
profectus sit, ejectum esse dicant, iidem, si interfectus.
esset, quid dicerent? Quamquam isti, qui Catilinam Mas-
siliam ire dictitant, non tam hoc queruntur, quam veren-
tur. Nemo est istorum tam misericors, qui illum non
ad Manlium, quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem,
si mehercule 12hoc, quod agit, nunquam ante cogitasset,
tamen latrocinantem se interfici mallet, quam exsulem
ORATIO TI. IN L. CATILINAM.
19
vivere. Nunc vero, cum ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius
voluntatem cogitationemque acciderit, nisi quod 'vivis no-
bis Roma profectus est; optemus potius, ut eat in ex-
silium, quam queramur.
VIII. SED cur tamdiu de uno hoste loquimur: et de
eo hoste, qui jam fatetur se esse hostem; et quem, quia,
quod semper volui, murus interest, non timeo: de his,
qui dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum sunt,
nihil dicimus? Quos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri pos-
sit, non tam ulcisci studeo, quam sanare, et ipsos pla-
care reipublicae; neque, id quare fieri non possit, si me
audire volent, intelligo. Exponam enim vobis, Quirites,
4ex quibus generibus hominum istae copiae comparentur :
'deinde singulis medicinam consilii atque orationis meae,
si quam potero, afferam. Unum genus est eorum, qui,
❝magno in aere alieno, majores etiam possessiones habent:
quarum amore adducti, dissolvi nullo modo possunt. "Ho-
rum hominum species est honestissima; (sunt enim locu-
pletes :) voluntas vero, et causa impudentissima. Tu
agris, tu aedificiis, tu argento, tu familia, tu rebus omni-
bus ornatus et copiosus sis: et dubites de possessione
1ºdetrahere, acquirere ad fidem? Quid enim exspectas?
bellum? quid? ergo, in vastatione omnium, tuas possessi-
ones sacrosanctas futuras putas? 12an tabulas novas ?
errant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant. 13 Meo beneficio
tabulae novae proferentur, verum auctionariae. Neque
enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi
esse possunt. 14Quod si maturius facere voluissent, 15ne-
que, (id quod stultissimum est,) certare cum usuris fru-
ctibus praediorum; 16et locupletioribus his et melioribus
civibus uteremur. Sed hosce homines minime puto per-
timescendos, quod aut deduci de sententia possunt; aut,
si permanebunt, 17magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra
rempublicam, quam arma laturi.
IX. ALTERUM genus est eorum, qui, quamquam pre-
muntur aere alieno, 18dominationem tamen exspectant: re-
rum potiri volunt: honores, quos quieta republica despe
20
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
rant, perturbata consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc
· praecipiendum videtur, unum scilicet et idem, quod cete-
ris omnibus, 2ut desperent, se id, quod conantur, con-
sequi posse ³primum omnium me ipsum vigilare, adesse,
providere reipublicae: deinde magnos animos esse in
bonis viris, magnam concordiam, maximam multitudinem,
magnas praeterea copias militum: deos denique immortales
huic invicto populo, clarissimo imperio, pulcherrimae urbi,
contra Stantam vim sceleris, praesentes auxilium esse
laturos. Quodsi jam sint id, quod cum summo furore
cupiunt, adepti; num illi in cinere urbis, et sanguine
civium, quae mente conscelerata ac nefaria concupierunt,
consules se, ac dictatores, aut etiam reges sperant futu-
ros?
Non vident id se cupere, quod si adepti fuerint,
fugitivo alicui, aut gladiatori concedi necesse sit? Ter-
tium genus est aetate jam affectum, sed tamen exerci-
tatione robustum: quo ex genere est ipse Manlius, cui
nunc Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines ex iis coloniis,
⁹quas Sulla constituit: 10quas ego universas civium esse
optimorum et fortissimorum virorum sentio: sed tamen
hi sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis repentinisque pecuniis
sumtuosius insolentiusque jactarunt. Hi, dum aedificant,
¹¹tamquam beati; 12dum praediis, lecticis, familiis mag-
nis, conviviis apparatis delectantur; in tantum aes alienum
inciderunt, ut, si 13salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab in-
feris excitandus: qui etiam nonnullos agrestes, 14homines
tenues atque egentes, in eandem illam 15spem rapinarùm
veterum impulerunt. Quos ego utrosque, Quirites, in
eodem genere praedatorum direptorumque pono. Sed eos
hoc moneo: desinant furere, ac 16proscriptiones et dicta-
turas cogitare. 17Tantus enim illorum temporum dolor
inustus est civitati, ut jam ista non modo homines, sed
18ne pecudes quidem mihi passurae esse videantur.
X. 19QUARTUM genus est sane varium, et mistum, et
turbulentum: 20qui jampridem premuntur; qui nunquam
emergent: qui partim inertia, 21partim male gerendo ne-
gotio, partim etiam sumtibus, 22in vetere aere alieno va-
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
21
cillant: qui ¹vadimonis, judiciis, proscriptionibus bonorum
defatigati, permulti et ex urbe, et ex agris se in illa
castra conferre dicuntur. Hosce ego non tam milites
acres, quam infitiatores lentos esse arbitror. Qui homi-
nes, ³primum, *si stare non possunt, corruant: sed ita, ut
non modo civitas, sed ne vicini quidem proximi sentiant.
Nam illud non intelligo, quamobrem, si vivere honeste
non possunt, perire turpiter velint: aut cur minore do-
lore perituros se cum multis, quam si soli pereant, arbi-
trentur. Quintum genus est parricidarum, sicariorum,
denique omnium facinorosorum: quos ego a Catilina non
revoco. Nam neque divelli ab eo possunt: et pereant
sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos capere
carcer non possit. "Postremum autem genus est, non
solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita: quod
proprium est Catilinae, de ejus delectu, immo vero ⁹de
complexu ejus ac sinu: quos pexo capillo, nitidos, aut
imberbes, aut bene barbatos videtis: 11manicatis et ta-
laribus tunicis; 12velis amictos, non togis: quorum omnis
industria vitae, et vigilandi labor in 13antelucanis coenis
expromitur. In his gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adul-
teri, omnes impuri impudicique versantur: hi pueri tam
lepidi ac delicati, non solum cantare et saltare, sed etiam
sicas vibrare, et spargere venena didicerunt: qui nisi
exeunt, nisi pereunt, etiamsi Catilina perierit, scitote hoc
in republica 14seminarium Catilinarum futurum. Verum-
tamen quid sibi isti miseri volunt? Quo pacto illi 15 Apen-
ninum, atque illas pruinas ac nives perferent? Nisi id-
circo se facilius hiemem toleraturos putant, quod 16nudi in
conviviis saltare didicerunt.
-
XI. O BELLUM "magnopere pertimescendum, cum hanc
sit habiturus Catilina scortorum cohortem praetoriam!
Instruite nunc, Quirites, contra has tam praeclaras Cati-
linae copias vestra praesidia, vestrosque exercitus: et
primum gladiatori illi 18confecto et saucio consules im-
peratoresque vestros opponite: deinde, contra 19illam nau-
fragorum ejectam ae debilitatam manum, florem, totius
22
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
Italiae ac robur educite. ¹Jam vero urbes coloniarum,
ac municipia, respondebunt Catilinae cumulis silvestribus.
Neque vero ceteras copias, ornamenta, praesidia vestra,
cum illius latronis inopia atque egestate conferre debeo.
Sed si, omissis his rebus omnibus, quibus nos suppedita-
mur, eget ille, senatu, equitibus Romanis, populo, urbe, aera-
rio, vectigalibus, cuncta Italia, provinciis omnibus, exte-
ris nationibus: si his rebus omissis, ipsas causas, quae
inter se confligunt, contendere velimus; ex eo ipso,
quam valde illi jaceant, intelligere possumus. Ex hac
enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petulantia: hinc pudicitia,
illinc stuprum: hinc fides, illinc fraudatio: hinc pietas,
illinc scelus: hinc constantia, illinc furor: hinc hones-
tas, illinc turpitudo: hinc continentia, illinc libido: de-
nique aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, virtutes
omnes, certant cum iniquitate, cum luxuria, cum ignavia,
cum temeritate, cum vitiis omnibus: postremo copiae
cum egestate, 1ºbona ratio cum perdita, mens sana cum
amentia, bona denique spes cum omnium rerum despe-
ratione confligit. In hujusmodi certamine ac praelio,
nonne, etiamsi ¹¹hominum studia deficiant, dii ipsi im-
mortales cogent ab his praeclarissimis virtutibus tot et
tanta vitia superari?
XII. QUAE cum ita sint, Quirites, vos 12quemadmodum
jam antea vestra tecta custodiis vigiliisque defendite :
mihi, ut ¹³urbi sine vestro motu, ac sine ullo tumultu,
satis esset praesidii, consultum ac provisum est. Coloni
omnes 14municipesque vestri, certiores a me facti 15de
hac nocturna excursione Catilinae, facile urbes suas
finesque defendent: gladiatores, quam sibi ille maximam
manum et certissimam fore putavit, 16quamquam meliore
animo sunt, quam pars patriciorum, potestate tamen nos-
tra continebuntur. 17Q. Metellus, quem ego prospiciens.
hoc in agrum Gallicanum Picenumque praemisi, 18aut op-
primet hominem, aut omnes ejus motus conatusque pro-
hibebit. 19Reliquis autem de rebus constituendis, matur-
andis, agendis, jam ad senatum referemus, quem vocari
ORATIO JI. IN L. CATILINAM.
23
·
videtis. Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt, ²atque adeo
qui contra urbis salutem, omniumque vestram, in urbe a
Catilina relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, quia
nati sunt cives, ³monitos eos etiam atque etiam volo.
Mea lenitas adhuc si cui solutior visa est, hoc exspec-
tavit, ut id, quod latebat, erumperet. Quod reliquum est,
jam non possum oblivisci, meam hanc esse patriam, me
horum esse consulem ; mihi aut cum his vivendum, aut
pro his esse moriendum. Nullus est portae custos: nul-
lus insidiator viae: si qui exire volunt, consulere sibi
possunt. Qui vero in urbe se commoverit, cujus ego
non modo factum, sed inceptum ullum conatumve contra
patriam deprehendero: sentiet in hac urbe esse consules
vigilantes, esse egregios 'magistratus, esse fortem sena-
tum, esse arma, esse carcerem, quem vindicem nefario-
rum ac manifestorum scelerum majores nostri esse vo-
luerunt.
XIII. ATQUE haec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut res
maximae minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu, bel-
lum intestinum ac domesticum, post hominum memoriam
crudelissimum ac maximum, me uno togato duce et im-
peratore, sedetur. Quod ego sic administrabo, Quirites,
ut, si ullo modo fieri poterit, ne improbus quidem quis-
quam in hac urbe poenam sui sceleris sufferat. Sed si
vis manifestae audaciae, si impendens patriae periculum
me necessario de hac animi lenitate deduxerit; illud pro-
fecto perficiam, quod in tanto et tam insidioso bello vix
optandum videtur, ut ne quis bonus intereat, paucorumque
poena vos jam omnes salvi esse possitis. Quae quidem
ego neque mea prudentia, neque humanis consiliis fretus
polliceor vobis, Quirites; sed multis, et non dubiis deo-
rum immortalium 10significationibus, quibus ego ducibus
in hanc spem sententiamque sum ingressus: qui jam non
procul, ut quondam solebant, lab externo hoste atque
longinquo, sed hic 12praesentes suo nuinine atque auxilio
sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt: 13quos vos, Qui-
rites, precari, venerari, atque implorare debetis, ut, quam
24
ORATIO II. IN L. CATILINAM.
urbem pulcherrimam, florentissimam, potentissimamque
esse voluerunt, hanc omnibus hostium copiis terra mari-
que superatis, a perditissimorum civium nefario scelere
defendant.
'M. TULLII CICERONIS
ORATIO
IN L. CATILINAM
TERTIA,
AD QUIRITES.
I. REMPUBLICAM, Quirites, vitamque omnium vestrum,
bona, fortunas, conjuges, liberosque vestros, atque ³hoc do-
micilium clarissimi imperii, fortunatissimam pulcherrimam-
que urbem, hodierno die, deorum immortalium summo
erga vos amore, laboribus, consiliis, periculisque meis,
ex flamma atque ferro, ac paene ex faucibus fati erep-
tam, et vobis conservatam ac restitutam videtis. Et, si
non minus vobis jucundi atque illustres sunt ii dies, qui-
bus conservamur, quam illi, quibus nascimur; quod salu-
tis certa laetitia est, nascendi incerta conditio: et quod
'sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate servamur: profecto,
quoniam illum, qui hanc urbem condidit, ad deos im-
mortales benevolentia famaque sustulimus; esse apud vos
posterosque vestros in honore debebit 10is, qui eandem hanc
urbem conditam amplificatamque servavit. Nam toti urbi,
¹¹templis, delubris, tectis ac moenibus subjectos prope
jam ignes circumdatosque restinximus: iidemque gladios in
rempublicam destrictos retudimus, mucronesque eorum ab
jugulis vestris dejecimus. 12Quae quoniam in senatu illus-
trata, patefacta, comperta sunt per me, vobis jam expo-
nam breviter, Quirites, ut et quanta, et 13quam manifesta,
et qua ratione investigata et comprehensa sint, vos, qui
ignoratis, ¹¹ex actis scire possitis. Principio, 15ut Catili-
3
26
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
na paucis ante diebus erupit ex urbe, cum sceleris sui
socios, hujusce nefarii belli acerrimos duces, Romae re-
liquisset; semper vigilavi, et providi, Quirites, quemad-
modum in tantis et tam absconditis insidiis salvi esse
possemus.
II. NAM tum, cum ex urbe Catilinam ejiciebam, (non
enim jam vereor hujus verbi invidiam, cum illa magis
sit timenda, quod vivus exierit,) sed tum, cum illum ³ex-
terminari volebam, aut reliquam conjuratorum manum si-
mul exituram, aut eos, qui restitissent, infirmos sine illo
ac debiles fore putabam. At ego, ut vidi, quos maximo
furore et scelere esse inflammatos sciebam, eos nobis-
cum esse, et Romae remansisse: in eo omnes dies noc-
tesque consumsi, ut, quid agerent, quid molirentur, senti-
rem ac viderem: ut, quoniam auribus vestris, propter in-
credibilem magnitudinem sceleris, minorem fidem faceret
oratio mea, frem ita comprehenderem, ut tum demum
animis saluti vestrae provideretis, cum oculis maleficium
ipsum videretis. Itaque ut comperi, legatos Allobrogum,
belli Transalpini, et tumultus Gallici excitandi causa,
9a P. Lentulo esse sollicitatos, eosque in Galliam ad suos,
cives, ¹ºeodemque itinere, cum literis mandatisque, ad
Catilinam esse missos, comitemque iis adjunctum Vul-
turcium, atque huic datas esse ad Catilinam literas ; facul-
tatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat difficillimum,
quodque ego semper 12optabam a diis immortalibus, tota
res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu, et a vobis ma-
nifesto deprehenderetur. Itaque hesterno die 13L. Flac-
cum et C. Pomtinum praetores, fortissimos atque aman-
tissimos reipublicae viros, ad me vocavi: rem omnem
exposui: quid fieri placeret, ostendi. Illi autem, qui
omnia de republica praeclara atque egregia sentirent, sine
recusatione, ac sine ulla mora negotium susceperunt, et,
15 cum advesperasceret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium per-
venerunt, atque, ibi, in proximis villis, ita 17bipartito fue-
runt, ut Tiberis inter eos, et pons interesset. Eodem autem
et ipsi, sine cujusquam suspicione, multos fortes viros
11
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
27
eduxerunt, et ego 'ex praefectura Reatina complures de-
lectos adolescentes, quorum opera in republica assidue
utor, praesidio cum gladiis miseram. Interim tertia fere
vigilia exacta, cum jam pontem Mulvium 3magno comi-
tatu legati Allobrogum ingredi inciperent, unaque Vultur-
cius, fit in eos impetus: educuntur et ab illis gladii, et
a nostris: res erat praetoribus nota solis: ignorabatur a
ceteris.
III. TUM, 'interventu Pomtini atque Flacci, pugna, quae
erat commissa, sedatur. Litterae, quaecunque erant in
eo comitatu, integris signis, praetoribus traduntur: 5ipsi,
comprehensi, ad me, cum jam dilucesceret, deducuntur.
Atque horum omnium scelerum improbissimum machi-
natorem Cimbrum Gabinium, statim ad me, nihildum
suspicantem, vocavi. Deinde item arcessitur L. Statilius,
et post eum C. Cethegus; tardissime autem Lentulus
venit, credo quod litteris dandis, 1ºpraeter consuetudinem,
proxima nocte vigilarat. Cum vero summis ac clarissi-
mis hujus civitatis viris, qui, andita re, frequentes ad me
mane convenerant, litteras a me prius aperiri, quam ad
senatum ¹¹deferri, placeret; ne, 12si nihil esset inventum,
temere a me tantus tumultus injectus civitati videretur;
negavi me esse facturum, ut de periculo publico non ad
consilium publicum rem integram deferrem. Etenim,
Quirites, si ea, 13quae erant ad me delata, reperta non
essent; tamen ego non arbitrabar in tantis reipublicae
periculis mihi esse nimiam diligentiam pertimescendam.
Senatum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, coëgi. Atque
interea statim, admonitu Allobrogum, C. Sulpicium, prae-
torem, fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus Cethegi, 15si
quid telorum esset, efferret: ex quibus ille maximum
sicarum numerum et gladiorum extulit.
IV. INTRODUXI Vulturcium sine Gallis: 16fidem ei pub-
licam, jussu senatus, dedi: hortatus sum, ut ea, quae
sciret, sine timore indicaret. Tum ille, cum vix se ex
magno timore "recreasset, dixit: a P. Lentulo se habere
ad Catilinam 18mandata et litteras, ut servorum praesidio
14
L.
28
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
¹uteretur, et ad urbem quamprimum cum exercitu accede-
ret: 2id autem eo consilio, ut, cum urbem omnibus ex
partibus, quemadmodum descriptum distributumque erat, in-
cendissent, caedemque infinitam civium fecissent, ³praesto
esset ille, qui et fugientes exciperet, et se cum his urba-
nis ducibus conjungeret. Introducti autem Galli, jusju-
randum sibi et litteras a P. Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad
suam gentem datas esse dixerunt: atque ita sibi ab his,
et a 5L. Cassio esse praescriptum, ut equitatum in Italiam
quamprimum mitterent: pedestres sibi copias non defu-
turas: Lentulum autem sibi confirmasse, ex fatis Sibyl-
linis aruspicumque responsis, se esse tertium illum Cor-
nelium, ad quem regnum hujus urbis atque imperium
pervenire esset necesse: Cinnam ante se et Sullam
fuisse: eundemque dixisse, 10fatalem hunc esse annum
ad interitum hujus urbis atque imperii, qui esset decimus
annus 11post virginum absolutionem, 12post Capitolii autem
incensionem vicesimus. Hanc autem Cethego cum cete-
ris controversiam fuisse dixerunt, quod Lentulo et aliis,
caedem 13 Saturnalibus fieri, atque urbem incendi placeret;
Cethego nimium id longum 14videri.
V. Ac, 15ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas proferri jussi-
mus, quae a quoque dicebantur datae. Primum ostendimus
Cethego 16signum: cognovit. Nos linum incidimus: legi-
mus. Erat scriptum ipsius manu Allobrogum senatui et
populo, sese, 17quae eorum legatis confirmasset, esse fac-
turum: orare, ut item illi facerent, quae sibi legati eorum
recepissent. Tum Cethegus, qui paullo ante aliquid 18ta-
men de gladiis ac sicis, quae apud ipsum erant deprehen-
sae, respondisset, dixissetque se semper 19bonorum ferra-
mentorum studiosum fuisse, 20recitatis litteris debilitatus
atque abjectus, conscientia. convictus, repente conticuit.
Introductus Statilius, cognovit signum et manum suam.
Recitatae sunt tabellae in eandem fere sententiam: con-
fessus est. Tum ostendi tabellas Lentulo; et quaesivi,
22cognosceretne signum? annuit. Est vero, inquam, signum
notum, imago avi tui, 23clarissimi viri, qui amavit 24unice
2
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
29
patriam et cives suos; quae quidem te a tanto scelere
etiam muta revocare debuit. Leguntur eadem ratione
ad senatum Allobrogum populumque litterae: si quid de
his rebus dicere vellet, feci potestatem. Atque ille primo
quidem negavit: post autem aliquanto, toto jam indicio
exposito atque edito, surrexit: quaesivit a Gallis, quid
sibi esset cum iis: quamobrem domum suam venissent;
itemque a Vulturcio: qui cum illi breviter constanterque
respondissent, per quem ad eum, quotiesque venissent,
quaesissentque ab eo, nihilne secum esset de fatis Sibyl-
linis locutus: tum ille subito, scelere demens, quanta
vis conscientiae esset, ostendit. Nam, cum id posset in-
fitiari repente praeter opinionem omnium confessus est.
*Ita eum non modo ingenium illud, et dicendi exercitatio,
qua semper valuit, sed etiam, 7propter vim sceleris mani-
festi atque deprehensi, impudentia, qua superabat omnes,
improbitasque defecit. Vulturcius vero subito proferri
litteras atque aperiri jussit, quas sibi a Lentulo ad Cati-
linam datas esse dicebat. Atque ibi vehementissime per-
turbatus Lentulus tamen et signum suum et manum cog-
novit. Erant autem scriptae sine nomine, sed ita: "Qui
sim ex eo, quem ad te misi, cognosces. Cura, ut vir
sis, et ¹ºquem in locum sis progressus cogita, et vide quid
jam tibi sit necesse. Cura, ut omnium tibi auxilia ad-
jungas, ¹¹etiam infimorum." Gabinius deinde introductus,
cum primo impudenter respondere coepisset, ad extremum
nihil ex iis, quae Galli 12insimulabant, negavit. Ac mihi
quidem, Quirites, 13cum illa certissima sunt visa argu-
menta atque indicia sceleris, tabellae, signa, manus, de-
nique uniuscujusque confessio; tum multo illa certiora,
color, oculi, vultus, taciturnitas. 14Sic enim obstupuerant,
sic terram intuebantur, sic furtim nonnumquam inter se
adspiciebant, ut non jam ab aliis indicari, sed indicare se
ipsi viderentur.
10
VI. INDICIIS 15expositis atque editis, Quirites, senatum
consului, ¹6de summa republica quid fieri placeret. Dictae
sunt 17a principibus 18accerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae,
moth
3*
30
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
quas senatus sine ulla varietate est consecutus. Et
quoniam nondum est ¹perscriptum senatus consultum, ex
memoria vobis, Quirites, quid senatus censuerit, exponam.
Primum mihi gratiae verbis amplissimis aguntur, quod
virtute, consilio, providentia mea, respublica periculis sit
maximis liberata: deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomtinus
praetores, quod eorum opera forti fidelique usus essem,
merito ac jure laudantur: atque etiam ³viro forti, collegae
meo, laus impertitur, quod eos, qui hujus conjurationis
participes fuissent, a suis et reipublicae consiliis remo-
visset. Atque ita censuerunt, ut P. Lentulus, cum se
praetura abdicasset, tum in custodiam traderetur: item-
que uti C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius, qui omnes
praesentes erant, in custodiam traderentur: atque idem
hoc decretum est in L. Cassium, qui sibi 7procurationem
incendendae urbis depoposcerat: in M. Caeparium, cui
ad sollicitandos pastores Apuliam esse attributam, erat
indicatum in P. Furium, qui est ex his colonis, quos
Fesulas L. Sulla deduxit; in Q. Manlium Chilonem, qui
una cum hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum solli-
citatione versatus: in P. Umbrenum, libertinum homi-
nem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium ¹¹perductos esse
constabat. 12Atque ea lenitate senatus est usus, Quirites,
ut ex tanta conjuratione, tantaque vi ac multitudine do-
mesticorum hostium, 13novem hominum perditissimorum
poena republica conservata, reliquorum mentes sanari
posse arbitraretur. Atque etiam 14supplicatio diis immor-
talibus, pro singulari eorum merito, meo nomine decreta
est, Quirites: quod mihi primum post hanc urbem con-
ditam istogato contigit: et his decreta verbis est,
"Quod
urbem incendiis, caede cives, Italiam bello liberassem."
Quae supplicatio si cum ceteris conferatur, Quirites, ¹hoc
intersit, quod ceterae bene gesta, haec una, conservata
republica, constituta est. 17Atque illud, quod faciendum
primum fuit, 18factum atque transactum est. Nam P. Len-
tulus, quamquam 19patefactus indiciis et confessionibus
suis, judicio senatus, non modo praetoris jus, verum etiam
$
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
31
civis amiserat; tamen magistratu se abdicavit: ¹ut, quae
religio C. Mario, clarissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus
C. Glauciam, de quo nihil nominatim erat decretum, prae-
torem occideret, ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo
puniendo liberaremur.
VII. NUNC, quoniam, Quirites, sceleratissimi periculo-
sissimique belli nefarios duces 2captos jam et compre-
hensos tenetis, existimare debetis, omnes Catilinae copias,
omnes spes atque opes, his depulsis urbis periculis, conci-
disse. Quem quidem ego cum ex urbe pellebam, hoc pro-
videbam animo, Quirites, remoto Catilina, nec mihi esse
P. Lentuli somnum, nec L. Cassii adipem, nec Cethegi
furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam.
6Ille erat unus
timendus ex his omnibus, sed tamdiu, dum moenibus urbis
continebatur. Omnia norat, 'omnium aditus tenebat; ap-
pellare, tentare, sollicitare poterat, audebat: erat ei con-
silium ad facinus aptum : consilio autem neque lingua, ne-
que manus deerat. Jam ad certas res conficiendas certos
homines delectos ac descriptos habebat. Neque vero,
cum aliquid mandaverat, confectum putabat. 1ºNihil erat,
quod non ipse obiret, occurreret, vigilaret, laboraret: 1¹fri-
gus, sitim, famem ferre poterat. Hunc ego hominem, ¹²tam
acrem, tam paratum, tam audacem, tam callidum, tam in
scelere vigilantem, tam 13in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi
ex domesticis insidiis in castrense latrocinium compulis-
sem, (dicam id, quod sentio, Quirites,) non facile hanc
tantam molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulissem. Non
ille nobis Saturnalia constituisset, 15neque tanto ante exi-
tii et fati diem reipublicae denuntiasset, 15neque commi-
sisset, ut signum, ut litterae suae, testes denique mani-
festi sceleris deprehenderentur. Quae nunc, illo absente,
sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata domo furtum umquam
sit tam palam inventum, quam haec tanta in republica
conjuratio manifesto inventa atque deprehensa est. Quodsi
Catilina in urbe ad hanc diem remansisset: quamquam,
quoad fuit, omnibus ejus consiliis 16occurri atque obstiti,
tamen, ut levissime dicam, dimicandum nobis cum illo
32
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
fuisset, neque nos umquam, dum ille in urbe hostis fuis-
set, tantis periculis rempublicam, tanta pace, tanto otio,
tanto silentio, liberassemus.
VIII. QUAMQUAM haec omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a me
administrata, ut deorum immortalium 'nutu atque consi-
lio et gesta et provisa esse videantur. Idque cum 2con-
jectura consequi possumus, quod vix videtur humani con-
silii tantarum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse: tum vero
³ita praesentes his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis
tulerunt, ut eos paene oculis videre possemus. Nam, ut
illa omittam, 5visas nocturno tempore ab occidente faces,
ardoremque caeli, ut fulminum jactus, 7ut terrae motus,
ut cetera, quae tam multa, nobis consulibus, facta sunt,
ut haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere dii immortales vide-
rentur: hoc certe, Quirites, quod sum dicturus, neque
praetermittendum, neque relinquendum est.
Nam profecto
memoria tenetis, Cotta et Torquato consulibus, 10com-
plures in Capitolio res de caelo esse percussas, cum
et 12simulacra deorum immortalium 13depulsa sunt, et
statuae veterum hominum dejectae, et 14legum aera lique-
facta. Tactus est etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit,
Romulus: 15quem inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque
lactentem, uberibus lupinis inhiantem, fuisse meministis.
Quo quidem tempore, cum aruspices 16ex tota Etruria
convenissent, caedes atque incendia, et legum interitum,
et bellum civile ac domesticum, et totius urbis atque im-
perii occasum appropinquare dixerunt, nisi dii immortales,
omni ratione placati, 17suo numine prope fata ipsa flexis-
sent. Itaque illorum responsis tunc et 18ludi decem per
dies facti sunt, neque res ulla, quae 19ad placandum deos
pertineret, praetermissa est: iidemque jusserunt, simulacrum
Jovis facere 20majus, et in excelso collocare, et contra,
,atque ante fuerat, ad orientem convertere: ac se sperare
dixerunt, si illud signum, quod videtis, solis ortum, et
forum, curiamque conspiceret, fore, ut ea consilia, quae
clam essent inita contra salutem urbis atque imperii
21illustrarentur, ut a senatu populoque Romano perspici
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
33
possent. Atque illud ita collocandum consules illi ¹loca-
verunt; sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, ut neque a ²superio-
ribus consulibus, neque a nobis ante hodiernum diem col-
locaretur.
IX. Hic quis potest esse, Quirites, ³tam aversus a vero,
tam praeceps, tam mente captus, qui neget, haec omnia,
quae videmus, praecipueque hanc urbem, deorum immor-
talium nutu atque potestate administrari? Etenim cum
esset ita responsum, caedes, incendia, interitumque reipu-
blicae comparari, et ea a perditis civibus; quae tum propter
magnitudinem scelerum nonnullis incredibilia videbantur,
ea non modo cogitata a nefariis civibus, verum etiam
suscepta esse sensistis. Illud vero nonne ita praesens
est, ut nutu Jovis Optimi Maximi factum esse videatur,
ut, cum hodierno die mane per forum meo jussu et con-
jurati, et eorum indices, in aedem Concordiae duceren-
tur, eo ipso tempore signum statueretur? Quo collocato,
atque ad vos senatumque converso, omnia et senatus, et
vos, quae erant contra salutem omnium cogitata, illustrata
et patefacta vidistis. Quo etiam majore sunt isti odio
supplicioque digni, qui non solum vestris domiciliis atque
tectis, sed etiam deorum templis atque delubris sunt fu-
nestos ac nefarios ignes inferre conati. Quibus ego si me
restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam, et non sim ferendus.
10Ille, ille Jupiter restitit: ille Capitolium, ille haec templa,
ille hanc urbem, ille vos omnes salvos esse voluit. Diis ego
immortalibus ducibus hanc mentem, Quirites, volunta-
temque suscepi, atque ad haec tanta indicia perveni. 12Jam
vero illa Allobrogum sollicitatio sic a Lentulo ceterisque do-
mesticis hostibus suscepta, tanta res tam dementer credita et
ignotis et barbaris, commissaeque litterae numquam essent
profecto, nisi a diis immortalibus huic tantae audaciae
consilium esset ereptum. Quid vero? ¹³ut homines Galli,
ex civitate male pacata, quae gens una restat, quae po-
pulo Romano bellum facere et posse et non nolle videa-
tur, 14spem imperii et rerum amplissimarum ultro sibi a
patriciis hominibus oblatam negligerent, vestramque salu-
34
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
tem 'suis opibus anteponerent; id non divinitus factum
esse putatis? 2praesertim qui nos non pugnando, sed ta-
cendo superarent?
X. QUAMOBREM, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia pulvina-
ria supplicatio decreta est, celebratote illos dies cum
conjugibus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe honores
diis immortalibus justi habiti sunt ac debiti, sed profecto
justiores numquam. Erepti enim ex crudelissimo ac mi-
serrimo interitu, et erepti sine caede, sine sanguine, sine
exercitu, sine dimicatione, 5togati, me uno togato duce
et imperatore, vicistis. Etenim recordamini, Quirites,
omnes civiles dissensiones, neque solum eas, quas audis-
tis, sed et has, quas vosmetipsi meministis et vidistis.
L. Sulla P. Sulpicium oppressit: ex urbe ejecit C. Ma-
rium, 'custodem hujus urbis, multosque fortes viros par-
tim ejecit ex civitate, partim interemit. Cn. Octavius,
consul, armis ex urbe collegam suum expulit: omnis hic
locus acervis corporum et civium sanguine redundavit.
Superavit postea Cinna cum Mario; tum vero, 1ºclarissi-
mis viris interfectis, lumina civitatis exstincta sunt. Ultus
est hujus victoriae crudelitatem postea Sulla: nec dici
quidem opus est, quanta deminutione civium, et quanta
calamitate reipublicae. Dissentit 12M. Lepidus a claris-
simo et fortissimo viro, Q. Catulo; attulit non tam ipsius
interitus reipublicae luctum, quam ceterorum. 13 Atque
illae dissensiones, Quirites, quae non ad delendam, sed
ad commutandam rempublicam pertinerent: (non illi
nullam esse rempublicam, sed in ea, quae esset, se esse
principes neque hanc urbem conflagrare, sed se in hac
urbe florere voluerunt ;) atque illae tamen omnes dissen-
siones, quarum nulla exitium reipublicae quaesivit, ejus-
modi fuerunt, ut non reconciliatione concordiae, sed inter-
necione civium dijudicatae sint. In hoc autem uno post
hominum memoriam maximo crudelissimoque bello, quale
bellum 17nulla umquam barbaria 18cum sua gente gessit,
quo in bello lex haec fuit a Lentulo, Catilina, Cassio,
Cethego constituta, ut omnes, qui salva urbe salvi esse
16
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
35
possent, in hostium numero ducerentur; ita me gessi,
Quirites, ut omnes salvi conservaremini: et cum hostes
vestri ¹tantum civium superfuturum putassent, quantum in-
finitae caedi restitisset, tantum autem urbis, quantum flam-
ma 2obire non potuisset: et urbem, et cives integros in-
columesque servavi.
XI. QUIBUS ³pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum ego a vo-
bis praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, nullum monu-
mentum laudis postulo, praeterquam hujus diei memoriam
sempiternam. In animis ego vestris omnes triumphos
meos, omnia ornamenta honoris, monumenta gloriae, lau-
dis insignia, condi et collocari volo. 5Nihil me mutum
potest delectare, nihil tacitum, nihil denique hujusmodi,
quod etiam minus digni assequi possint. Memoria vestra,
Quirites, nostrae res alentur, sermonibus crescent, littera-
rum monumentis inveterascent et corroborabuntur: 'eandem-
que diem intelligo, et ad salutem urbis, quam spero aeter-
nam fore, et ad memoriam consulatus mei propagandam :
unoque tempore in hac republica duos cives exstitisse,
quorum alter fines vestri imperii, non terrae, sed caeli
regionibus terminaret; alter ejusdem imperii domicilium
sedemque servaret.
XII. SED, quoniam earum rerum, quas ego gessi, non
1ºest eadem fortuna atque conditio, quae illorum, qui ex-
terna bella gesserunt; quod mihi cum his vivendum sit,
quos vici ac subegi; listi hostes aut interfectos aut op-
pressos reliquerunt: vestrum est, Quirites, 12si ceteris sua
facta prosunt, mihi mea ne quando obsint, providere.
13Mentes enim hominum audacissimorum sceleratae ac
nefariae ne vobis nocere possent, ego providi: ne mihi
noceant, vestrum est providere. Quamquam, Quirites,
mihi quidem ipsi nihil jam ab istis noceri potest. Mag-
num enim est 15in bonis praesidium, quod mihi in per-
petuum comparatum est: magna in republica dignitas, quae
me semper tacita defendet: magna vis est conscientiae,
quam qui negligent, cum me violare volent, 16se ipsi in-
dicabunt. Est etiam in nobis is animus, Quirites, ut non
36
ORATIO III. IN L. CATILINAM.
modo nullius audaciae cedamus, sed etiam omnes impro-
bos ultro semper lacessamus. Quodsi omnis impetus
domesticorum hostium, depulsus a vobis, se in me unum
¹converterit; vobis erit providendum, Quirites, "qua condi-
tione posthac eos esse velitis, qui se pro salute vestra
obtulerint invidiae periculisque omnibus. Mihi quidem
ipsi quid est, quod jam ³ad vitae fructum possit acquiri,
praesertim cum neque in honore vestro, neque in gloria
virtutis, quidquam videam altius, quo quidem mihi libeat
adscendere? Illud perficiam profecto, Quirites, ut ea,
quae gessi in consulatu, privatus tuear atque ornem: ut,
si qua est invidia in conservanda republica suscepta, lae-
dat invidos, mihi valeat ad gloriam. Denique ita me in
republica tractabo, ut meminerim semper quae gesserim,
curemque, ut ea virtute, non casu, gesta esse videantur.
Vos, Quirites, quoniam jam nox est, veneramini illum
Jovem, custodem hujus urbis ac vestrum, atque in vestra
tecta discedite et ea, quamquam jam periculum est de-
pulsum, tamen aeque ac priori nocte, custodiis vigiliisque
defendite. Id ne vobis diutius faciendum sit, atque ut in
perpetua pace esse possitis, providebo, Quirites.
J.
'M. TULLII CICERONIS
ORATIO
IN L. CATILINAM
QUARTA,
HABITA IN SENATU.
I. VIDEO, patres conscripti, in me omnium vestram
2ora atque oculos esse conversos: video vos non solum
de vestro ac reipublicae, verum etiam, ³si id depulsum
sit, de meo periculo esse sollicitos. Est mihi jucunda in
malis, et grata in dolore, vestra erga me voluntas: sed
eam, per deos immortales! quaeso, "deponite, atque, obliti
salutis meae, de vobis ac de liberis vestris cogitate. Mihi
quidem si haec conditio consulatus data est, ut omnes
acerbitates, omnes dolores cruciatusque perferrem; feram
non solum fortiter, sed etiam libenter, dummodo meis la-
boribus vobis populoque Romano 'dignitas salusque paria-
tur. Ego sum ille consul, patres conscripti, cui non
forum, in quo omnis aequitas continetur; non campus,
¹ºconsularibus auspiciis consecratus; non curia, ¹¹summuin
auxilium omnium gentium; 12non domus, commune per-
fugium; ¹³non lectus ad quietem datus; non denique
14haec sedes honoris, umquam vacua mortis periculo atque
insidiis fuit. Ego 15multa tacui, multa pertuli, multa con-
cessi, multa meo quodam dolore, 16in vestro timore, sa
navi. Nunc, si hunc exitum consulatus mei dii immor-
tales esse voluerunt, ut vos, patres conscripti, populumque
Romanum ex caede "miserrima; conjuges, liberosque ves-
tros, virginesque Vestales 18ex acerbissima vexatione;
templa atque delubra, hanc pulcherrimam patriam omnium
4
38
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
nostram ex foedissima flamma; totam Italiam ex bello
et vastitate eriperem: ¹quaecunque mihi uni proponetur
fortuna, subeatur. Etenim, si P. Lentulus suum nomen,
2inductus a vatibus, ³fatale ad perniciem reipublicae fore
putavit; cur ego non laeter meum consulatum ad salutem
reipublicae prope fatalem exstitisse?
II. QUARE, patres conscripti, consulite vobis, 'prospi-
cite patriae, conservate vos, conjuges, liberos, fortunasque
vestras, populi Romani nomen salutemque defendite: mihi
parcere, ac de me cogitare desinite. Nam primum debeo
sperare, Somnes deos, qui huic urbi praesident, 6pro eo
mihi, ac mereor, relaturos gratiam esse: deinde, si quid
obtigerit, aequo animo paratoque moriar. Neque enim
turpis mors forti viro potest accidere, neque immatura
consulari, nec misera 10sapienti. Nec tamen ego sum
¹¹ille ferreus, qui 12fratris carissimi atque amantissimi
praesentis moerore non movear, horumque omnium lacry-
mis, a quibus me 13 circumsessum videtis. Neque meam
mentem non domum saepe revocat 14exanimata uxor, 15ab-
jecta metu filia, et 16parvulus filius, quem mihi videtur
17amplecti respublica tamquam obsidem consulatus mei:
neque ille, qui, exspectans hujus exitum diei, adstat in
conspectu meo, 18gener. 19Moveor his rebus omnibus, sed
in eam partem, ut salvi sint vobiscum omnes, etiamsi vis
aliqua me oppresserit, potius quam et illi et nos una cum
republica pereamus. Quare, patres conscripti, 20incumbite
ad reipublicae salutem: circumspicite omnes procellas,
quae impendent, nísi providetis. 21Non Tib. Gracchus,
qui iterum tribunus plebis fieri voluit: non C. Gracchus,
qui agrarios concitare conatus est: non L. Saturninus,
qui C. Memmium occidit, in discrimen aliquod, atque in
vestrae severitatis judicium adducitur. 22Tenentur ii, qui
ad urbis incendium, ad vestram omnium caedem, ad Ca-
tilinam accipiendum, Romae restiterunt: tenentur litterae,
signa, manus, denique uniuscujusque confessio: 23sollici-
tantur Allobroges: servitia excitantur: Catilina arcessitur:
id est initum consilium, ut, interfectis omnibus, nemo ne
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
39
ad deplorandum quidem reipublicae nomen, atque ad la-
mentandam tanti imperii calamitatem relinquatur.
III. HAEC omnia indices detulerunt, ¹rei confessi sunt:
vos multis jam indiciis judicastis: primum, quod mihi
gratias egistis 2singularibus verbis; et ³mea virtute atque
diligentia perditorum hominum patefactam esse conju-
rationem decrevistis: deinde quod P. Lentulum, ut se
abdicaret praetura, coëgistis: tum quod eum, et ceteros,
'de quibus judicastis, in custodiam dandos censuistis:
maximeque quod meo nomine supplicationem decrevistis,
qui honos "togato habitus ante me est nemini: postremo
hesterno die praemia legatis Allobrogum, Titoque Vul-
turcio dedistis amplissima. Quae sunt omnia ejusmodi,
ut ii, qui in custodiam nominatim dati sunt, sine ulla
dubitatione a vobis "damnati esse videantur.
8Sed ego
institui referre ad vos, patres conscripti, tamquam inte-
grum, et de facto, quid judicetis, et de poena, quid cen-
seatis. Illa praedicam, quae sunt consulis. Ego magnum
in republica 10versari furorem, et nova quaedam misceri
et concitari mala jampridem videbam: sed hanc tantam
tam exitiosam haberi conjurationem a civibus, numquam
putavi. Nunc, quidquid est, quocunque vestrae mentes
inclinant atque sententiae, 12statuendum vobis ante noc-
tem est. Quantum facinus ad vos delatum sit, videtis:
13huic si paucos putatis affines esse, vehementer erratis.
Latius opinione disseminatum est hoc malum: ¹ªmanavit
non solum per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit Alpes, et,
15obscure serpens, multas jam provincias occupavit. Id
opprimi 16sustentando ac prolatando nullo pacto potest.
Quacunque ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est.
IV. VIDEO duas adhuc 17esse sententias: unam D. Si-
lani, qui censet, eos, 18qui haec delere conati sunt, morte
esse multandos: alteram 19C. Caesaris, 20qui mortis poenam
removet, ceterorum suppliciorum omnes acerbitates amplec-
titur. Uterque et 21pro sua dignitate, et pro rerum mag-
nitudine in summa severitate versatur. 22 Alter eos, qui
nos omnes, qui populum Romanum vita privare conati
40
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
2
sunt, qui delere imperium, qui populi Romani nomen ex-
stinguere, punctum temporis frui vita, et ¹hoc communi
spiritu, non putat oportere: atque hoc genus poenae
saepe in improbos cives in hac republica esse usurpatum
recordatur. Alter intelligit, mortem a diis immortalibus
non esse supplicii causa constitutam: sed aut necessita-
tem naturae, aut laborum ac miseriarum quietem esse.
Itaque eam sapientes numquam inviti, fortes etiam saepe
libenter Soppetiverunt. Vincula vero, et ea sempiterna,
certe ad singularem poenam nefarii sceleris inventa sunt.
"Municipiis dispertiri jubet. Habere videtur ista res ini-
quitatem, si imperare velis; difficultatem, si rogare: de-
cernatur tamen, si placet. Ego enim suscipiam, et, ut
spero, reperiam, qui id, quod salutis omnium causa sta-
tueritis, non putent esse suae dignitatis recusare.
10 Ad-
jungit gravem poenam municipibus, si quis eorum vincula
ruperit: ¹¹horribiles custodias circumdat, et digna scelere
hominum perditorum sancit, ne quis eorum poenam, quos
condemnat, aut per senatum, aut per populum levare pos-
sit. 12Eripit etiam spem, quae sola hominem in miseriis
consolari solet. 13 Bona praeterea publicari jubet: vitam
solam relinquit nefariis hominibus: quam si eripuisset,
multos, uno dolore, animi atque corporis, et omnes scele-
rum poenas ademisset. 15Itaque, ut aliqua in vita formi
do improbis esset posita, apud inferos ejusmodi quaedam
illi antiqui supplicia impiis constituta esse voluerunt: quod
16 videlicet intelligebant, his remotis, non esse mortem ip-
sam pertimescendam.
V. NUNC, patres conscripti, ego 17mea, video, quid
intersit. Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris, quoniam
18hanc is in republica viam, quae popularis habetur, secu-
tus est, fortasse minus erunt, 19hoc auctore et cognitore
hujusce sententiae, mihi 2ºpopulares impetus pertimescendi.
Sin 2¹illam alteram; 22nescio, an amplius mihi negotii con-
trahatur. 23 Sed tamen meorum periculorum rationes uti-
litas reipublicae vincat. 24Habemus enim a C. Caesare,
sicut 25ipsius dignitas et majorum ejus amplitudo postula-
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
41
bat, sententiam, tamquam obsidem perpetuae in rempub-
licam voluntatis. ¹Intellectum est, quid intersit inter
levitatem concionatorum, et animum vere popularem, sa-
luti populi consulentem. Video de istis, qui se popu-
lares haberi volunt, abesse ³non neminem, ne de capite
videlicet civium Romanorum sententiam ferat. Is et nu-
diustertius in custodiam cives Romanos dedit, et suppli-
cationem mihi decrevit, et indices hesterno die maximis
praemiis affecit. Jam hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo
custodiam, quaesitori gratulationem, indici praemium de-
crevit, quid de tota re et causa judicarit. At vero C.
Caesar intelligit, legem Semproniam esse de civibus Ro-
manis constitutam: qui autem reipublicae sit hostis, eum
civem esse nullo modo posse: denique 1ºipsum latorem
legis Semproniae jussu populi poenas reipublicae depen-
disse. Idem ipsum Lentulum, largitorem et prodigum,
non putat, cum de pernicie populi Romani, exitio hujus
urbis, tam acerbe, tamque crudeliter cogitarit, appellari
posse popularem. Itaque 12homo mitissimus atque lenis-
simus non dubitat P. Lentulum aeternis tenebris vincu-
lisque mandare; 13et sancit in posterum, ne quis hujus
supplicio levando se jactare, et 14in pernicie populi Ro-
mani posthac popularis esse possit. 15Adjungit etiam pub-
licationem bonorum, ut omnes animi cruciatus et cor-
poris, etiam egestas ac mendicitas consequatur.
VI. 16QUAMOBREM sive hoc statueritis, dederitis mihi
comitem ad concionem, populo carum atque jucundum:
sive Silani sententiam sequi malueritis, facile me atque
vos a crudelitatis vituperatione defendetis, atque obtine-
bo, eam multo leniorem fuisse. Quamquam, patres con-
scripti, quae potest esse in tanti sceleris immanitate puni-
enda crudelitas? 18Ego enim de meo sensu judico. 19Nam
ita mihi salva republica vobiscum perfrui liceat, ut ego,
quod in hac causa vehementior sum, non atrocitate ani-
mi moveor, (quis enim est me mitior?) sed singulari
quadam humanitate et misericordia. 20Videor enim mihi
hanc urbem videre, lucem orbis terrarum, atque 2¹arcem
4*
42
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
omnium gentium, subito uno incendio concidentem : cer-
no animo sepulta in patria miseros atque insepultos
acervos civium: 2versatur mihi ante oculos aspectus Ce-
thegi, et furor in vestra caede bacchantis. Cum vero
³mihi proposui regnantem Lentulum, sicut ipse se ex fatis
sperasse confessus est, purpuratum esse hunc Gabinium,
cum exercitu venisse Catilinam, tum lamentationem ma-
trumfamilias, tum fugam virginum atque puerorum, ac
5vexationem virginum Vestalium perhorresco: et, quia
mihi vehementer haec videntur misera atque miseranda,
idcirco in eos, qui ea perficere voluerunt, me severum
vehementemque praebebo. Etenim quaero, si quis pa-
terfamilias, liberis suis a servo interfectis, uxore occisa,
incensa domo, supplicium de servis non quam acerbissi-
mum sumserit; utrum is clemens ac misericors, an in-
humanissimus et crudelissimus esse videatur ? 9 Mihi
vero importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore ac cruciatu
1ºnocentis suum dolorem cruciatumque lenierit.
Sic nos
in his hominibus, qui nos, qui conjuges, qui liberos nos-
tros trucidare voluerunt: qui singulas uniuscujusque nos-
trûm domos, et hoc universum reipublicae domicilium
delere conati sunt: 12qui id egerunt, ut gentem Allo-
brogum in vestigiis hujus urbis, atque in cinere defla-
grati imperii collocarent: si vehementissimi fuerimus,
misericordes habebimur: sin remissiores esse voluerimus,
summae nobis crudelitatis 13in patriae civiumque pernicie
fama subeunda est. Nisi vero cuipiam 14L. Caesar, vir
fortissimus et amantissimus reipublicae, 15crudelior nudius-
tertius visus est, cum 16sororis suae, feminae electissimae,
1'virum, praesentem et audientem, vita privandum esse
dixit; 18cum avum jussu consulis interfectum, filiumque
ejus impuberem, legatum a patre missum, in carcere ne-
catum esse dixit. 19Quorum quod simile factum? Quod
20initum delendae reipublicae consilium? 21 Largitionis
voluntas tum in republica versata est, et partium quaedam
contentio. Atque illo tempore 22hujus avus Lentuli, cla-
rissimus vir, armatus Gracchum est persecutus: ille etiam
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
43
grave tum vulnus accepit, ¹ne quid de summa republica
minueretur: 2hic ad evertenda fundamenta reipublicae
Gallos arcessit, servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit
nos trucidandos Cethego, ceteros cives interficiendos Ga-
binio, urbem inflammandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastan-
dam diripiendamque Catilinae. 3Veremini, censeo, ne in
hoc scelere tam immani ac nefando, aliquid severius
statuisse videamini; cum multo magis sit verendum, ne
"remissione poenae crudeles in patriam, quam ne severi-
tate animadversionis nimis vehementes in acerbissimos
hostes fuisse videamur.
VII. SED ea, quae, exaudio, patres conscripti, dissimu-
lare non possum. Jaciuntur enim voces, quae perveniunt
ad aures meas, eorum, qui vereri videntur, ut habeam
satis praesidii ad ea, quae vos statueritis hodierno die,
transigunda. Omnia et provisa, et parata, et constituta
sunt, patres conscripti, cum mea summa cura atque dili-
gentia, ¹ºtum multo etiam majore populi Romani ad sum-
mum imperium retinendum, et ad communes fortunas con-
servandas, voluntate. Omnes adsunt omnium ordinum
homines, omnium denique aetatum: plenum est forum,
plena templa circa forum, pleni omnes aditus "hujus loci
ac templi. Causa enim est post urbem conditam haec
inventa sola, in qua omnes sentirent unum atque idem,
12praeter eos, qui cum sibi viderent esse pereundum, cum
omnibus potius, quam soli perire voluerunt. Hosce ego hom-
ines excipio et secerno libenter: neque enim in impro-
borum civium, sed in acerbissimorum hostium numero
habendos puto. Ceteri vero, dii immortales ! qua frequen-
tia, quo studio, 13qua virtute ad communem dignitatem
salutemque consentiunt? Quid ego hic equites Romanos
commemorem? 14Qui vobis ita summam ordinis consilii-
que concedunt, ut vobiscum de amore reipublicae certent:
quos, 15ex multorum annorum dissensione 16ad hujus ordi-
nis societatem concordiamque revocatos, hodiernus dies
vobiscum atque haec causa conjungit: quam conjunctio-
nem si, in consulatu 18confirmatam meo, perpetuam in
44
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
republica tenuerimus; confirmo vobis, nullum posthac
malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam reipublicae partem
esse venturum. Pari studio defendendae reipublicae con-
venisse video tribunos aerarios, fortissimos viros; ³scribas
item universos; quos cum casu haec dies ad aerarium
frequentasset, video ab exspectatione sortis ad commu-
nem salutem esse conversos. "Omnis ingenuorum adest
multitudo, etiam tenuissimorum. Quis est enim, cui non
haec templa, aspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux de-
nique haec ipsa, et hoc commune patriae solum, cum sit
carum, tum vero dulce atque jucundum?
VIII. OPERAE pretium est, patres conscripti, 'libertino-
rum hominum studia cognoscere; qui, virtute sua fortu-
nam civitatis consecuti, hanc vere suam patriam esse judi-
cant: quam quidam hinc nati, et summo nati loco, non
patriam suam, sed urbem hostium esse judicaverunt. Sed
10quid ego hujusce ordinis homines commemorem, quos
privatae fortunae, quos communis respublica, quos deni-
que libertas ea, quae dulcissima est, ad salutem patriae
defendendam excitavit? Servus est nemo, qui modo
tolerabili conditione sit servitutis, qui non audaciam civium
perhorrescat; qui non haec stare cupiat; qui non tantum,
quantum audet, et quantum potest, conferat ad communem
salutem, 12voluntatis,Quare si quem vestrûm ¹³forte com-
movet hoc, quod auditum est, lenonem quendam Lentuli
14concursare circum tabernas, pretio sperare sollicitari
posse animos egentium atque imperitorum; est id quidem
coeptum atque tentatum, sed 15nulli sunt inventi tam aut
fortuna miseri, aut voluntate perditi, qui non ipsum illum
sellae atque operis et quaestus quotidiani locum; qui non
cubile ac lectulum suum; qui denique non ¹cursum hunc
otiosum vitae suae, salvum esse vellent.
Multo vero
maxima pars eorum, qui in tabernis sunt; immo vero, (id
enim potius est dicendum,) genus hoc universum, aman-
tissimum est otii: etenim 18omne eorum instrumentum,
omnis opera ac quaestus, frequentia civium sustinetur,
alitur otio: quorum si quaestus, 19occlusis tabernis, minui
16
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
45
:
Quae cum
solet, ¹quid tandem incensis futurum est?
ita sint, patres conscripti, vobis populi Romani praesidia
non desunt: vos ne populo Romano deesse videamini,
providete.
IX. HABETIS 2consulem ex plurimis periculis et insidiis,
atque ex media morte, non ad vitam suam, sed ad salu-
tem vestram reservatum: omnes ordines ad conservandam
rempublicam ³mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, voce, con-
sentiunt: obsessa facibus et telis impiae conjurationis,
4vobis supplex manus tendit patria communis: vobis se,
vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et Capitolium,
vobis Saras Penatium, vobis illum ignem Vestae perpe-
tuum ac sempiternum, vobis omnia templa deorum atque
delubra, vobis muros atque urbis tecta commendat. Prae-
terea de vestra vita, de conjugum vestrarum ac libero-
rum anima, de fortunis omnium, de sedibus, de focis
vestris, hodierno die vobis judicandum est. Habetis ducem
memorem vestri, oblitum sui; 1ºquae non semper facultas
datur habetis omnes ordines, omnes homines, universum
populum Romanum, id quod in civili causa hodierno die
primum videmus, unum atque idem sentientem. Cogitate,
quantis laboribus fundatum imperium, quanta virtute sta-
bilitam libertatem, quanta deorum benignitate 12auctas
exaggeratasque fortunas ¹³una nox paene delerit. Id ne
umquam posthac non modo confici, sed ne cogitari qui-
dem possit a civibus, hodierno die providendum est.
Atque haec, non ut vos, qui mihi studio paene praecur-
ritis, excitarem, locutus sum: sed ut mea vox, quae debet
¹¹esse in republica princeps, officio functa consulari vi-
deretur.
X. NUNC ante quam, patres conscripti, ad sententiam
redeo, de me pauca dicam. 15Ego, quanta manus est con-
juratorum, quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me in-
imicorum multitudinem suscepisse video: sed eam esse
judico 16turpem et infirmam, contemtam et abjectam.
17Quodsi aliquando, alicujus furore et scelere 18concitata,
manus ista plus valuerit, quam vestra ac reipublicae dig-
46
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
nitas; me tamen meorum factorum atque consiliorum
numquam, patres conscripti, poenitebit. Etenim mors,
quam illi mihi fortasse minitantur, omnibus est parata:
¹vitae tantam laudem, quanta vos me vestris decretis ho-
nestastis, nemo est assecutus. Ceteris enim semper bene
³gestae, mihi uni conservatae reipublicae gratulationem
decrevistis. Sit Scipio clarus ille, cujus consilio atque
virtute Hannibal in Africam redire, atque ex Italia dece-
dere coactus est: ornetur alter eximia laude Africanus,
qui duas urbes huic imperio infestissimas, Carthaginem
Numantiamque, delevit: habeatur vir egregius, L. Paullus
ille, 'cujus currum rex potentissimus quondam et nobilis-
simus, Perses, honestavit: sit in aeterna gloria Marius, qui
bis Italiam obsidione et metu servitutis liberavit: ante-
ponatur omnibus Pompeius, cujus res gestae atque virtu-
tes, ¹ºiisdem, quibus solis cursus, regionibus ac terminis
continentur. Erit profecto inter horum laudes aliquid
loci nostrae gloriae: nisi forte majus est patefacere nobis
provincias, quo exire possimus, quam curare, ut etiam illi,
qui absunt, habeant, 12quo victores revertantur. Quam-
quam est ¹³uno loco conditio melior externae victoriae,
quam domesticae; quod hostes alienigenae ¹¹aut oppressi
serviunt, aut recepti beneficio se obligatos putant: qui
autem ex numero civium, dementia aliqua depravati, hos-
tes patriae semel esse coeperunt, eos, cum a pernicie
reipublicae repuleris, nec vi coërcere, nec beneficio pla-
care possis. Quare mihi cum perditis civibus aeternum
bellum susceptum esse video; quod ego vestro, bonorum-
que omnium auxilio, memoriaque tantorum periculorum,
quae non modo in hoc populo, qui servatus est, sed etiam
in omnium gentium sermonibus ac mentibus semper hae-
rebit, a me atque a meis facile propulsari posse confido.
Neque ulla profecto tanta vis reperietur, quae conjunc-
tionem vestram equitumque Romanorum, et 15tantam con-
spirationem bonorum omnium perfringere et labefactare
possit.
XI. QUAE cum ita sint, patres conscripti, 16pro imperio,
11
•
ORATIO IV. IN L. CATILINAM.
47
¹pro exercitu, pro provincia, quam neglexi, 3pro triumpho,
ceterisque laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me, propter urbis
vestraeque salutis custodiam, repudiata, pro clientelis hos-
pitiisque provincialibus, quae tamen urbanis opibus non
minore labore tueor, quam comparo: pro his igitur omni-
bus rebus, pro meis in vos singularibus studiis, proque
hac, quam conspicitis, ad conservandam rempublicam
diligentia, nihil aliud a vobis, nisi hujus temporis, totius-
que mei consulatus memoriam postulo: quae dum erit
vestris mentibus infixa, firmissimo me muro septum esse
arbitrabor. Quodsi meam spem vis improborum 'fefellerit
atque superaverit; commendo vobis parvum meum filium :
cui profecto satis erit praesidii, non solum ad salutem,
verum etiam ad dignitatem, si ejus, qui haec omnia suo
solus periculo conservaverit, illum esse filium memineri-
tis. Quapropter de summa salute vestra, populique Ro-
mani, patres conscripti, de vestris conjugibus ac liberis,
1ºde aris ac focis, de fanis ac templis, de totius urbis
tectis ac sedibus, de imperio, de libertate, de salute Ital-
iae, deque universa republica, decernite 12diligenter, ut
instituistis, ac fortiter. Habetis enim eum consulem, qui et
parere vestris decretis non dubitet; et ea, quae statueritis,
quoad vivet, defendere et 13per se ipsum praestare possit.
IM. TULLII CICERONIS
PRO
A. LICINIO ARCHIA POETA
ORATIO.
I. 1. 2S1 quid est in me ingenii, judices, quod sentio
quam sit exiguum; aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, ³in qua
me non infitior mediocriter esse versatum; aut si hujus-
ce rei ratio aliqua, ab optimarum artium studiis ac dis-
ciplina profecta, a qua ego nullum confiteor aetatis meae
tempus abhorruisse: earum rerum omnium vel in primis
"hic A. Licinius fructum a me repetere prope suo jure
debet. "Nam quoad longissime potest mens mea re-
spicere spatium praeteriti temporis, et pueritiae memo-
riam recordari ultimam, inde usque repetens, hunc video
mihi principem, et ad suscipiendam, et ad ingrediendam
rationem horum studiorum exstitisse. Quod si haec vox,
hujus hortatu praeceptisque ¹ºconformata, nonnullis ali-
quando saluti fuit; la quo id accepimus, quo ceteris
opitulari et alios servare possemus, huic profecto ipsi,
quantum est situm in nobis, et opem, et salutem ferre
debemus. 2. 12Ac, ne quis a nobis hoc ita dici forte
miretur, quod alia quaedam in hoc facultas sit ingenii,
neque ¹³haec dicendi ratio aut disciplina, 14ne nos quid-
huic uni studio penitus umquam dediti fuimus.
15 Etenim omnes artes, quae ad 16humanitatem pertinent,
habent quoddam commune vinculum, et quasi cognatione
quadam inter se continentur.
em
II. 3. SED ne cui vestrâm mirum esse videatur,
me
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
49
in quaestione legitima, et in judicio publico, 2cum res
agatur apud ³praetorem populi Romani, lectissimum virum,
et apud severissimos judices, tanto conventu hominum
ac frequentia, hoc uti genere dicendi, quod non modo
a consuetudine judiciorum, verum etiam a forensi sermo-
ne abhorreat; quaeso a vobis, ut in hac causa mihi
detis hanc veniam, accommodatam huic reo, vobis quem-
admodum spero non molestain; ut me pro summo poëta
atque eruditissimo homine dicentem, hoc concursu hom-
inum literatissimorum, hac vestra humanitate, hoc deni-
que praetore exercente judicium, patiamini de studiis
humanitatis ac literarum paullo loqui liberius, et in ejus-
modi persona, quae, propter otium ac studium, minime
in judiciis periculisque tractata est, uti prope 1ºnovo
quodam et inusitato genere dicendi. 4. Quod si mihi a
vobis tribui concedique sentiam, "perficiam profecto, ut
hunc A. Licinium non modo non segregandum, cum sit
civis, a numero civium, verum etiam, si non esset, pute-
tis adsciscendum fuisse.
III. 12NAM ut primum ex pueris excessit Archias,
atque ab iis artibus, quibus aetas puerilis 13ad humanita-
tem informari solet, se 14ad scribendi studium contulit:
primum Antiochiae, (nam ibi natus est 15loco nobili;)
celebri quondam urbe et copiosa, atque 16eruditissimis
hominibus liberalissimisque studiis affluenti, celeriter 17ei
antecellere omnibus ingenii gloria contigit. Post in cete-
ris Asiae partibus cunctaeque Graeciae 18sic ejus ad-
ventus celebrabantur, ut famam ingenii exspectatio homi-
nis, exspectationem ipsius adventus admiratioque superaret.
5. Erat Italia tunc plena 19Graecarum artium ac dis-
ciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio vehementius tum
colebantur, quam nunc 2ºiisdem in oppidis, et hic Romae,
propter tranquillitatem reipublicae, non negligebantur.
Itaque hunc et Tarentini, et Rhegini, et Neapolitani,
civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt: et omnes, 22qui
aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque
hospitio dignum existimarunt. 23 Hac tanta celebritate
J
5
50
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
famae cum esset jam absentibus notus, Romam venit,
¹Mario consule et Catulo. 2Nactus est primum consules
eos, quorum alter res ad scribendum maximas, alter cum
res gestas, tum etiam studium atque aures adhibere
posset. Statim Luculli, cum praetextatus etiam tum
Archias esset, eum domum suam receperunt. Sed hoc
'non solum ingenii ac literarum, verum etiam naturae
atque virtutis, ut domus, quae hujus adolescentiae prima
fuerit, eadem esset familiarissima senectuti. 6. Erat
temporibus illis jucundus Q. Metello, illi Numidico, et
ejus filio Pio. 10 Audiebatur a M. Aemilio: 11vivebat cum
Q. Catulo, et patre, et filio: a L. Crasso 12colebatur :
¹³ Lucullos vero, et 14Drusum, et 15Octavios, et Catonem,
et totam Hortensiorum domum, devinctam consuetudine
cum teneret, afficiebatur summo honore; quod eum non
solum 16colebant, qui aliquid percipere atque audire stude-
bant, verum etiam, si qui forte simulabant.
IV. "INTERIM satis longo intervallo, cum esset cum
L. Lucullo 18in Siciliam profectus, et cum ex ea provincia
cum eodem Lucullo decederet, venit 19Heracleam. 20Quae
cum esset civitas aequissimo jure ac focdere, adscribi
se in eam civitatem voluit: idque cum ipse per se dignus
putaretur, tum auctoritate et gratia Luculli, ab Heracle-
ensibus impetravit. 7. 21Data est civitas 22Silvani lege
et Carbonis, "Si qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti fuis-
sent: si tum, cum lex ferebatur, in Italia domicilium
habuissent:" et, "si sexaginta diebus apud praetorem
essent professi.” Cum hic domicilium Romae 23multos
jam annos haberet, professus est apud praetorem, Q. Me-
tellum, familiarissimum suum. 8. 24Si nihil aliud nisi de
civitate ac lege dicimus, nihil dico amplius: causa dicta
est. Quid enim horum infirmari, 25Grati, potest? He-
racleaene esse 26tum adscriptum negabis? Adest vir
27 summa auctoritate, et religione, et fide, L. Lucullus,
28qui se non opinari, sed scire, non audivisse, sed vidisse,
non interfuisse, sed egisse dicit. Adsunt Heracleenses
legati, nobilissimi homines; (hujus judicii causa 29cum
I
ܕ
ORATIQ PRO ARCHIA POETA.
51
mandatis et cum publico testimonio venerunt;) qui hunc
adscriptum 'Heracleensem dicunt. Hic tu 2tabulas de-
sideras Heracleensium publicas, quas Italico bello, in-
censo tabulario, interisse scimus omnes. Est ridiculum,
5ad ea, quae habemus, nihil dicere; quaerere, quae habere
non possumus: et de hominum memoria tacere, litera-
rum memoriam flagitare: et, cum habeas amplissimi
viri religionem, integerrimi municipii jusjurandum fidem-
que, ea, quae depravari nullo modo possunt, repudiare,
tabulas, quas idem dicis solere corrumpi, desiderare.
9. 10 At domicilium in Italia non habuit. Is qui, tot annis
¹¹ante civitatem datam, sedem omnium rerum ac fortuna-
rum suarum Romae collocavit? 12At non est professus.
13Immo vero iis tabulis professus, quae solae ex illa
professione collegioque praetorum obtinent publicarum
tabularum auctoritatem.
V. 14NAM cum 15 Appii tabulae negligentius asservatae
dicerentur; Gabinii, quamdiu incolumis fuit, levitas, post
damnationem calamitas, omnem tabularum fidem resignas-
set: Metellus, homo sanctissimus 16modestissimusque
omnium, tanta diligentia fuit, ut ad L. Lentulum prae-
torem et ad 17judices venerit, et unius nominis litura se
commotum esse dixerit. 18His igitur tabulis 19nullam
lituram in nomen A. Licinii videtis. 10. Quae cum ita
sint, quid est, quod de ejus civitate dubitetis, praesertim
cum aliis quoque in civitatibus fuerit adscriptus ? Etenim
cum 20mediocribus multis, et aut nulla, aut humili aliqua
arte praeditis, gratuito civitatem 2¹in Graecia homines
impertiebantur, 22Rheginos credo, aut Locrenses, aut Nea-
politanos, aut Tarentinos, quod 23scenicis artificibus largiri
solebant, id huic, summa ingenii praedito gloria, noluisse.
24Quid ? cum ceteri, non modo post civitatem datam, sed
etiam post 25legem Papiam, aliquo modo 26in eorum mu-
nicipiorum tabulas 27irrepserint: hic, qui ne utitur quidem
illis, in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se Heracleen-
sem esse võluit, rejicietur? 11. 28Census nostros requiris
scilicet.29 Est enim obscurum, proximis censoribus,
Ag
52
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
¹hunc cum clarissimo imperatore, L. Lucullo, apud ex-
ercitum fuisse; 2superioribus, cum eodem quaestore fuisse
in Asia: 4primis, Julio et Crasso, nullam populi partem
esse censam. Sed, quoniam census non jus civitatis
confirmat, at tantummodo indicat, eum, qui sit census,
"ita se jam tum gessisse pro cive; iis temporibus, quae
tu criminaris ne ipsius quidem judicio eum in civium
Romanorum jure esse versatum, et testamentum saepe
fecit nostris legibus, et adiit hereditates civium Romano-
rum, 10et in beneficiis ad aerarium delatus est a L. Lu-
cullo "proconsule.
VI. 12QUAERE argumenta, si qua potes. Nunquam enim
hic neque suo, neque amicorum indicio revincetur.
/
1
12. Quaeres a nobis, Grati, cur tanto opere hoc hom-
ine delectemur. 13Quia suppeditat nobis, ubi et animus
ex hoc forensi strepitu reficiatur, et aures convicio de-
fessae conquiescant. An tu existimas aut 14suppetere
nobis posse, quod quotidie dicamus, in tanta varietate
rerum, 15nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus ; aut ferre
animos tantam posse contentionem, 16nisi eos doctrina
eadem relaxemus? Ego vero fateor, me "his studiis esse
deditum : ceteros pudeat, si qui ita se literis abdiderunt,
18ut nihil possint ex his neque ad communem afferre
fructum, neque in adspectum lucemque proferre. Me
autem quid pudeat, qui tot annos ita vivo, judices, ut 19ab
nullius umquam me tempore aut commodo aut 20otium
meum abstraxerit, aut voluptas avocarit, aut denique
somnus retardarit ? 13. Quare quis tandem me repre-
hendat, aut quis mihi jure succenseat, si quantum ceteris
2¹ad suas res obeundas, quantum ad festos dies ludorum
celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates, et ad ipsam
requiem animi et corporis conceditur temporum; quantum
alii tribuunt 22tempestivis conviviis, quantum denique
23aleae, quantum 24pilae; tantum mihi egomet 25ad haec
studia recolenda sumpsero? Atque hoc adeo mihi con-
cedendum est magis, 26quod ex his studiis haec quoque
censetur oratio et facultas, quae, 27quantacunque est in
G
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
53
me, nunquam amicorum periculis defuit. ¹Quae si cui
levior videtur, illa quidem certe, quae summa sunt, ex
quo fonte hauriam, sentio. 14. 2Nam, nisi ³multorum
praeceptis multisque literis mihi ab adolescentia sua-
sissem, nihil esse in vita magno opere expetendum, nisi
laudem atque honestatem, in ea autem persequenda
omnes cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque
exsilii, parvi esse ducenda; nunquam me pro salute
vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes, atque in hos profli-
gatorum hominum quotidianos impetus objecissem. 7Sed
pleni omnes sunt libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena
exemplorum vetustas; quae jacerent in tenebris omnia,
⁹nisi literarum lumen accederet. 10Quam multas nobis
imagines, non solum ad intuendum, verum etiam ad
imitandum, fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores
et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt! quas ego mihi semper
in administranda republica proponens, animum et men-
tem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excellentium con-
formabam.
VII. 15. QUAERET quispiam: "Quid? 12illi ipsi summi
viri, quorum virtutes literis proditae sunt, istane doctrina,
quam tu laudibus effers, eruditi fuerunt?" 13Difficile est
hoc de omnibus confirmare; sed tamen est certum,
quid respondeam. Ego multos homines 15excellenti ani-
mo ac virtute fuisse, et sine doctrina, 16naturae ipsius
habitu prope divino, per se ipsos et moderatos et graves
exstitisse fateor. Etiam illud adjungo, saepius ¹7ad laudem
atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina, quam sine natura
valuisse doctrinam. 18Atque idem ego contendo, cum ad
naturam eximiam atque illustrem accesserit ratio quaedam
conformatioque doctrinae, tum illud nescio quid praecla-
rum ac singulare solere exsistere: 16. 19ex hoc esse hunc
numero, quem patres nostri viderunt, divinum hominem,
20 Africanum: ex hoc 21C. Laelium, L. Furium, 22modera-
tissimos homines et continentissimos: ex hoc fortissimum
virum, 23et illis temporibus doctissimum, 2+M. Catonem
illum senem: qui profecto, si nihil 25ad percipiendam
:
+
5*
54
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
colendamque virtutem literis adjuvarentur, nunquam se ad
earum studium contulissent. Quod si non hic tantus
fructus ostenderetur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola
peteretur, tamen, ut opinor, hanc animi adversionem hu-
manissimam ac liberalissimam judicaretis. 2Nam ceterae
neque temporum sunt, neque aetatum omnium, neque lo-
corum; haec studia adolescentiam alunt, senectutem ob-
lectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium ac SO-
latium praebent, 3delectant domi, non impediunt foris,
pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur, rusticantur.
VIII. 17. 4QUOD si ipsi haec neque attingere, neque
sensu nostro gustare possemus, tamen ea mirari debere-
mus, etiam cum in aliis videremus. Quis nostrúm Stam
animo agresti ac duro fuit, ut Roscii morte nuper non
commoveretur? qui cum esset senex mortuus, tamen,
propter excellentem artem ac venustatem, videbatur omni-
no mori non debuisse. Ergo ille corporis motu tantum
amorem sibi conciliarat a nobis omnibus; nos animorum
incredibiles motus celeritatemque ingeniorum negligemus?
18. Quoties ego hunc Archiam vidi, judices, (utar enim
vestra benignitate, quoniam me in hoc novo genere dicendi
tam diligenter attenditis,) quoties ego hunc vidi, 10cum
literam scripsisset nullam, magnum numerum optimorum
versuum de iis ipsis rebus, quae tum agerentur, ¹¹dicere
ex tempore ! quoties revocatum eandem rem dicere, 12com-
mutatis verbis atque sententiis! Quae vero ¹³accurate
cogitateque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari, ut ad veterum
scriptorum laudem pervenirent. Hunc ego non diligam?
non admirer? non omni ratione defendendum putem?
14 Atqui sic a summis hominibus eruditissimisque accepi-
mus, 15ceterarum rerum studia et doctrina, et praeceptis,
et arte constare; poëtam natura ipsa valere, et mentis
viribus excitari, et quasi divino quodam spiritu 16inflari.
Quare "suo jure noster ille Ennius 18sanctos appellat
poëtas, 19quod quasi deorum aliquo dono atque munere
commendati nobis esse videantur. 19. Sit igitur, judi-
ces, sanctum apud vos, 20humanissimos homines, hoc
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA,
55
*s
poëtae nomen, quod nulla unquam barbaria violavit. 'Saxa
et solitudines voci respondent; bestiae saepe immanes
cantu flectuntur atque consistunt: nos instituti rebus
optimis non poëtarum voce moveamur? Homerum 3Colo-
phonii civem esse dicunt suum, 4Chii suum vindicant,
❝Salaminii repetunt, Smyrnaei vero suum esse confirmant,
itaque etiam delubrum ejus in oppido dedicaverunt: per-
multi alii praeterea pugnant inter se atque contendunt.
17
IX. ERGO illi alienum, quia poëta fuit, post mortem
etiam expetunt; nos hunc vivum, qui et voluntate et
legibus noster est, repudiamus? praesertim cum 10 omne
olim studium atque omne ingenium contulerit Archias
ad populi Romani gloriam laudemque celebrandam? Nam
¹¹et Cimbricas res adolescens attigit, et 12ipsi illi C.
Mario, 13qui durior ad haec studia videbatur, jucundus
fuit. 20. Neque enim quisquam est tam aversus a
Musis, 15qui non mandari versibus aeternum suorum labo-
rum facile praeconium patiatur. 16Themistoclem illum,
summum Athenis virum, dixisse aiunt, cum ex eo quae-
reretur, quod acroama, aut cujus vocem libentissime
audiret "ejus, 18a quo sua virtus optime praedicaretur."
Itaque ille Marius 19item eximie L. Plotium dilexit, cu-
jus ingenio putabat ea, quae gesserat, posse celebrari.
21. 20 Mithridaticum vero bellum, magnum atque difficile,
et in multa varietate terra marique versatum, totum ab
hoc expressum est: 21qui libri non modo L. Lucullum,
fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi
Romani nomen illustrant. 22 Populus enim Romanus
aperuit, Lucullo imperante, Pontum, et regiis quondam
opibus, et ipsa natura regionis vallatum: populi Romani
exercitus, eodem duce, 23non maxima manu innumerabi-
les 24 Armeniorum copias fudit: 25populi Romani laus
est, urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum, ejusdem consilio,
26ex omni impetu regio, ac totius belli ore ac faucibus
ereptam esse atque servatam: 27nostra semper feretur et
praedicabitur, L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis duci-
bus depressa hostium classis, et incredibilis apud Tenedum
56
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
pugna illa navalis: nostra sunt tropaea, nostra monu-
menta, nostri triumphi. Quare, quorum ingeniis haec
2feruntur, ab iis populi Romani fama celebratur. 22. Ca-
rus fuit ³Africano superiori noster Ennius; itaque etiam
Sin sepulchro Scipionum putatur is esse constitutus e
marmore. At ejus laudibus certe non solum ipsi, qui
laudantur, sed etiam populi Romani nomen ornatur.
coelum hujus proavus Cato tollitur; magnus honos pop-
uli Romani rebus adjungitur. Omnes denique illi Maxi-
mi, Marcelli, Fulvii, non sine communi omnium nostrûm
laude decorantur.
In
X. ERGO 10illum, qui haec fecerat, Rudinum hominem,
majores nostri in civitatem receperunt; nos ¹¹hunc He-
racleensem, 12multis civitatibus expetitum, 13in hac autem
legibus constitutum, de nostra civitate ejiciemus?
23. 14Nam si quis 15minorem gloriae fructum putat ex
Graecis versibus percipi, quam ex Latinis, vehementer
errat: propterea, quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere
gentibus, 16 Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur.
Quare si res eae, quas gessimus, 17orbis terrae regioni-
bus definiuntur, cupere debemus, 18quo manuum nostra-
rum tela pervenerint, eodem gloriam famamque penetrare:
19quod cum ipsis populis, de quorum rebus scribitur,
haec ampla sunt, tum iis certe, qui de vita, gloriae
causa, dimicant, hoc maximum et periculorum incitamen-
tum est, et laborum. 24. 20Quam multos scriptores
suarum magnus ille Alexander secum habuisse
dicitur! Atque is tamen, cum 21in Sigeo 22ad Achillis
tumulum adstitisset, 23" O fortunate," inquit, "adolescens,
qui tuae virtutis Homerum praeconem inveneris !" Et
vere. Nam, nisi 24Ilias illa exstitisset, idem tumulus, qui
corpus ejus contexerat, nomcn etiam obruisset. Quid?
25 noster hic Magnus, qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit,
nonne 26Theophanem, Mitylenaeum, scriptorem rerum
suarum, in concione militum civitate donavit? 27 et nostri
illi fortes viri, sed rustici ac milites, dulcedine quadam
gloriae commoti, quasi participes ejusdem laudis, magno
rerum suarum
ORATIO FRO ARCHIA POETA.
57
illud clamore approbaverunt? 25. Itaque, credo, si civis
Romanus Archias legibus non esset, ut ab aliquo impe-
ratore civitate donaretur, perficere non potuit! 2Sulla,
cum Hispanos et Gallos donaret, credo hunc petentem
repudiasset! ³quem nos in concione vidimus, cum ei
"libellum malus poëta de populo subjecisset, quod epi-
gramma in eum fecisset, tantummodo alternis versibus
longiusculis, statim ex iis rebus, quas tunc vendebat,
jubere ei praemium tribui sub ea conditione, ne quid
postea scriberet. Qui sedulitatem mali poëtae duxerit
aliquo tamen praemio dignam, hujus ingenium et virtutem
in scribendo et copiam non expetisset? 26. Quid? a
Q. Metello Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate multos
donavit, neque per se, neque per Lucullos impetravisset?
qui praesertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet,
ut etiam 9Cordubae natis poëtis, pingue quiddam so-
nantibus atque peregrinum, tamen aures suas dederet.
27.
XI. NEQUE enim est hoc dissimulandum, quod obscu-
rari non potest; sed prae nobis ferendum: 12trahimur
omnes laudis studio, et optimus quisque maxime gloria
ducitur. 13Ipsi philosophi, etiam illis libellis, quos de
contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt:
15in eo ipso, in quo praedicationem nobilitatemque de-
spiciunt, praedicari de se, ac se nominari volunt.
16 Decimus quidem Brutus, summus ille vir et imperator,
17 Attii, amicissimi sui, carminibus templorum ac monu-
mentorum aditus exornavit suorum. Jam vero ille, qui cum
Aetolis, Ennio comite, bellavit, 18Fulvius, 19non dubitavit
Martis manubias Musis consecrare. Quare, in qua urbe
imperatores, 2ºprope armati, poëtarum nomen et Musarum
delubra coluerunt, in ea non debent togati judices a
Musarum honore et a poëtarum salute abhorrere.
28. Atque, ut id libentius faciatis, 22jam me vobis,
judices, indicabo, et de meo quodam amore gloriae, nimis
acri fortasse, verumtamen honesto, vobis confitebor. Nam,
23quas res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro
salute hujus urbis atque imperii, et pro vita civium, proque
58
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
universa republica gessimus, ¹attigit hic versibus atque
inchoavit: quibus auditis, quod mihi magna res et jucunda
visa est, hunc ad perficiendum hortatus sum. Nullam
enim virtus aliam mercedem laborum periculorumque de-
siderat, praeter hanc laudis et gloriae; qua quidem de-
tracta, judices, quid est, quod in hoc tam exiguo vitae
curriculo, et tam brevi, tantis nos in laboribus exercea-
mus ?
29. Certe, 4si nihil animus praesentiret in pos-
terum, et si, quibus regionibus vitae spatium circum-
scriptum est, eisdem omnes cogitationes terminaret suas,
5nec tantis se laboribus frangeret, neque tot curis vigi-
liisque angeretur, neque toties de vita ipsa dimicaret.
Nunc insidet quaedam in optimo quoque virtus, quae
noctes et dies animum gloriae stimulis concitat, atque
admonet 'non cum vitae tempore esse dimittendam com-
memorationem nominis nostri, sed cum omni posteritate
adaequandam.
XII. 30. AN vero tam parvi animi videamur esse
omnes, qui in republica, atque in his vitae periculis
laboribusque versamur, ut, cum usque ad extremum
spatium, nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxe-
rimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? 9An,
cum statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed
corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerint,
1ºconsiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem
non multo malle debemus, summis ingeniis expressam et
politam? Ego vero omnia, quae gerebam, ¹¹jam tum in
gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis
terrae memoriam sempiternam. 12Haec vero sive a meo
sensu post mortem abfutura est, sive, ut sapientissi-
mi homines putaverunt, 13ad aliquam mei partem per-
tinebit; nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque
delector.
31. Quare conservate, judices, hominem 14pudore eo,
quem amicorum videtis comprobari tum dignitate, tum
etiam 15 vetustate: ingenio autem tanto, quantum 16id con-
venit existimari, quod summorum hominum ingeniis ex-
ORATIO PRO ARCHIA POETA.
59
petitum esse videatis: causa vero ejusmodi, 'quae bene-
ficio legis, auctoritate municipii, testimonio Luculli,
tabulis Metelli comprobetur. Quae cum ita sint, peti-
mus a vobis, judices, si qua non modo ³humana, verum
etiam divina in tantis negotiis commendatio debet esse,
ut eum, qui vos, qui vestros imperatores, qui populi Ro-
mani res gestas semper ornavit, qui etiam his recentibus
nostris, vestrisque domesticis periculis aeternum sè testi-
monium laudum daturum esse profitetur, quique est eo
numero, qui semper apud omnes sancti sunt habiti atque
dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem, ut humanitate
vestra levatus potius, quam acerbitate violatus esse videa-
tur. 32. Quae de causa pro mea consuetudine breviter
simpliciterque dixi, judices, ea confido probata esse omni-
bus: quae non fori, neque judiciali consuetudine, et de
hominis ingenio, et communiter de ipsius studio locutus
sum, ea, judices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem
accepta; ¹ºab eo, qui judicium exercet, certe scio.
IM. TULLII CICERONIS
ORATIO
PRO
M. MARCELLO.
I. 2DIUTURNI silentii, patres conscripti, quo eram his
temporibus usus, non timore aliquo, sed spartim dolore,
6partim verecundia, finem hodiernus dies attulit; idemque
initium, 'quae vellem, quaeque sentirem, meo pristino
more dicendi. Tantam enim mansuetudinem, tam inusi-
tatam, inauditamque clementiam, tantum, in summa po-
testate, rerum omnium modum, tam denique incredibilem
1ºsapientiam ac paene divinam, tacitus nullo modo prac-
terire possum. M. enim Marcello vobis, patres conscripti,
reique publicae reddito, non solum illius, sed meain etiam
vocem et auctoritatem, et vobis et reipublicae conserva-
tam ac restitutam puto.
12 Dolebam enim, patres conscripti, et vehementer ange-
bar, cum viderem, virum talem, 13in cadem causa in qua
ego fuissem, non in eadem essc fortuna: nec mihi per-
suadere poteram, nec fas esse ducebam, versari me in
15nostro veteri curriculo, illo aemulo atque imitatore
studiorum ac laborum meorum, quasi quodam socio a me
et comite, distracto. Ergo et mihi 16meae pristinae vitae
consuetudinem, C. Caesar, interclusam aperuisti; 17et his
omnibus, ad bene de omni republica sperandum, quasi
signum aliquod sustulisti. 18Intellectum est enim, mihi
quidem in multis, et maxime in me ipso, sed paulo ante
omnibus, cum M. Marcellum senatui populoque Romano
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
61
concessisti, commemoratis praesertim ¹offensionibus, te
auctoritatem hujus ordinis, dignitatemque reipublicae, tuis
vel doloribus vel suspicionibus anteferre.
³Ille quidem fructum omnis vitae anteactae hodierno
die maximum cepit, cum summo consensu senatus, tum
praeterea judicio tuo gravissimo et maximo.
Ex quo
profecto intelligis, quanta in dato beneficio sit ¹laus, cum
in accepto tanta sit gloria. 5Est vero fortunatus ille,
cujus ex salute non minor paene ad omnes, quam ad
ipsum ventura sit, laetitia pervenerit. Quod ei quidem
merito, atque optimo jure, contigit. Quis enim est illo
aut 'nobilitate, aut probitate, aut optimarum artium studio,
aut innocentia, aut ullo genere laudis, praestantior?
II. NULLIUS tantum est flumen ingenii, nullius dicendi
aut scribendi tanta vis, tanta copia, quae, non dicam
exornare, sed enarrare, C. Caesar, res tuas gestas possit.
Tamen affirmo (et hoc pace dicam tua,) nullam in his
esse laudem ampliorem, quam eam, quam hodierno die
consecutus es. Soleo saepe ante oculos ponere, ¹ºidque
libenter crebris usurpare sermonibus, omnes nostrorum
imperatorum, omnes exterarum gentium, potentissimorum-
que populorum, omnes clarissimorum régum res gestas,
cum tuis nec contentionum magnitudine, nec ¹¹numero
proeliorum, 12nec varietate regionum, nec ¹³celeritate con-
ficiendi, ¹¹nec dissimilitudine bellorum, posse conferri:
15nec vero disjunctissimas terras citius cujusquam passi-
bus potuisse peragrari, quam tuis, non dicam cursibus,
sed victoriis, 16lustratae sint.
17 Quae quidem ego nisi ita magna esse fatear, ut ea
vix cujusquam mens aut cogitatio capere possit, amens
sim sed tamen sunt 18alia majora. Nam bellicas laudes
solent quidam 19extenuare verbis, easque detrahere duci-
bus, communicare cum multis, ne propriae sint imperatorum.
Et certe, 20in armis, militum virtus, locorum opportunitas,
auxilia sociorum, classes, 2¹commeatus, multum juvant: max-
imam vero partem, 22quasi suo jure, Fortuna sibi vindicat;
et, quidquid est prospere gestum, id paene omne ducit suum.
1
6
62
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
At vero ¹hujus gloriae, C. Caesar, quam es paulo ante
adeptus, socium habes neminem. Totum hoc, quantum-
cunque est, (quod certe maximum,) totum est, inquam,
tuum. Nihil sibi ex ista laude centurio, nihil praefec-
tus, nihil cohors, nihil turma decerpit. Quin etiam
illa ipsa rerum humanarum domina, Fortuna, in istius se
societatem gloriae non offert: tibi cedit: tuam esse totam
et propriam fatetur. Nunquam enim temeritas cum sap-
ientia commiscetur, nec ad consilium casus admittitur.
5
III. DOMUISTI gentes immanitate barbaras, multitudine
innumerabiles, locis infinitas, omni copiarum genere
abundantes: sed tamen ea vicisti, 10quae naturam et con-
ditionem, ut vinci possent, habebant: nulla est enim
tanta vis, quae non ferro ac viribus debilitari frangique
possit. ¹¹Animum vincere, iracundiam cohibere, victoriam
temperare, 12adversarium, nobilitate, ingenio, virtute prae-
stantem, non modo extollere jacentem, sed etiam ampli-
ficare ejus pristinam dignitatem; haec qui faciat, non
ego eum cum summis viris comparo, sed 13simillimum
Deo judico.
Itaque, C. Caesar, 14bellicae tuae laudes celebrabuntur
illae quidem non solum nostris, sed paene omnium gen-
tium literis atque linguis; neque ulla umquam aetas de
tuis laudibus conticescet. Sed tamen 15ejusmodi res,
nescio quomodo, etiam cum leguntur, obstrepi clamore
militum videntur, et tubarum sono. At vero, cum aliquid
clementer, mansuete, juste, moderate, sapienter factum,
(in 16iracundia praesertim, quae est inimica consilio, et
in victoria, quae natura insolens et superba est,) aut
audimus, aut legimus; quo studio incendimur, "non modo
in gestis rebus, sed etiam in fictis, ut eos saepe, quos
nunquam vidimus, diligamus! Te vero, quem praesen-
tem intuemur, 18cujus mentem sensusque eos cernimus,
ut, quidquid belli fortuna reliquum reipublicae fecerit, id
esse 19salvum velis, quibus laudibus efferemus? 20quibus
studiis prosequemur? qua benevolentia complectemur ?
Parietes, me dius fidius, (ut mihi videntur,) hujus curiae,
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
63
tibi gratias agere gestiunt, quod brevi tempore futura sit
illa auctoritas in his majorum suorum et suis sedibus.
IV. EQUIDEM, cum ¹C. Marcelli, viri optimi 2et com-
memorabili pietate praediti, lacrymas modo vobiscum vid-
erem, omnium Marcellorum meum 3pectus memoria ob-
fudit. Quibus tu etiam mortuis, M. Marcello conservato,
dignitatem suam reddidisti; nobilissimamque familiam,
jam ad paucos redactam, paene ab interitu vindicâsti.
Hunc tu igitur diem tuis maximis et innumerabilibus
gratulationibus jure antepones. Haec enim res unius
best propria Caesaris : ceterae, 'duce te gestae quidem,
sed tamen multo magnoque comitatu. Hujus autem rei
tu idem et dux es, et comes: quae quidem tanta est,
ut tropaeis monumentisque tuis allatura finem sit aetas
(nihil enim est ¹ºopere aut manu factum, quod aliquando
non conficiat et consumat vetustas): at vero haec tua
11 justitia et lenitas animi florescet quotidie magis, ita 12ut,
quantum operibus tuis diuturnitas detrahet, tantum afferat
laudibus. Et ceteros quidem omnes 13victores bellorum
civilium jam ante aequitate et misericordia viceras: hod-
ierno vero die te ipsum vicisti. Vereor, ne hoc, quod
dicam, non perinde intelligi auditu possit, atque ipse
cogitans sentio. Ipsam victoriam vicisse videris, cum ea,
15quae illa erat adepta, victis remisisti. Nam, cum ipsius
victoriae conditione jure omnes victi occidissemus,
18 clementiae tuae judicio conservati sumus.
Recte igitur
unus invictus es, a quo etiam ipsius victoriae conditio
visque devicta est.
V. 19ATQUE hoc C. Caesaris judicium, patres conscripti,
quam late pateat, attendite: omnes enim, 20qui ad illa
arma fato sumus nescio quo reipublicae misero funesto-
que compulsi, 22etsi aliqua culpa tenemur erroris humani,
23a scelere certe liberati sumus. Nam, cum M. Marcellum,
deprecantibus vobis, reipublicae conservavit; memet mihi,
24et iterum reipublicae, nullo deprecante, 25reliquos amplis-
simos viros et sibi ipsis et patriae, reddidit: quorum et
frequentiam et dignitatem hoc ipso in consessu videtis.
64
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
Non ille hostes induxit in curiam; sed judicavit, a ple-
risque, ignoratione potius, et falso atque inani metu,
3quam cupiditate aut crudelitate, bellum esse susceptum.
Quo quidem in bello semper de pace audiendum putavi;
semperque dolui, non modo pacem, sed orationem etiam
civium, pacem flagitantium, repudiari. Neque enim ego
illa, nec ulla unquam, secutus sum arma civilia; semper-
que mea consilia pacis et togae socia, non belli atque
armorum, fuerunt. Hominem sum secutus privato officio,
non publico: tantumque apud me grati animi fidelis
memoria valuit, ut nulla non modo cupiditate, sed ne
spe quidem, prudens et sciens, tanquam ad interitum
ruerem voluntarium.
12Quod quidem meum consilium minime obscurum fuit.
Nam et in hoc ordine, integra re, multa de pace dixi: et
in ipso bello 13eadem, etiam cum capitis mei periculo,
sensi. 14Ex quo jam nemo erit tam injustus rerum ex-
istimator, qui dubitet, quae Caesaris voluntas de bello
fuerit, cum 15pacis auctores conservandos statim censuerit,
16ceteris fuit iratior. Atque id minus mirum fortasse tum,
cum esset incertus exitus, et anceps fortuna belli: qui
vero, 17victor, pacis auctores diligit, is profecto declarat,
18se maluisse non dimicare, quam vincere.
VI. 19 ATQUE hujus quidem rei M. Marcello sum testis.
20 Nostri enim sensus, ut in pace semper, sic tum etiam
in bello congruebant. Quoties ego eum, et quanto cum
dolore, vidi, cum insolentiam 21 certorum hominum, tum
etiam ipsius 22victoriae ferocitatem, extimescentem! Que
gratior 23tua liberalitas, C. Caesar, nobis, qui illa vidi-
mus, debet esse. 24 Non enim jam causae sunt inter se,
sed victoriae, comparandae. Vidimus tuam victoriam
proeliorum exitu terminatam: gladium vagina vacuum in
Urbe non vidimus. Quos amisimus cives, eos 25 Martis
vis perculit, non ira victoriae; ut dubitare debeat nemo,
quin multos, si fieri posset, C. Caesar ab inferis excita-
ret; quoniam 26ex eadem acie conservat, quos potest.
27 Alterius vero partis, nihil amplius dicam, quam (id, quod
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
65
omnes verebamur,) ¹nimis iracundam futuram fuisse victo-
riam. Quidam enim, non modo armatis, sed interdum
etiam ³otiosis, minabantur: nec, quid quisque sensisset,
sed ubi fuisset, cogitandum esse dicebant; ut mihi quid-
em videantur Dii immortales, (5etiamsi poenas a populo
Romano ob aliquod delictum expetiverint, qui civile bel-
lum tantum et tam luctuosum excitaverint,) vel placati
jam, vel satiati aliquando, omnem spem salutis ad cle-
mentiam victoris et sapientiam contulisse.
"Quare gaude tuo isto tam excellenti bono; et fruere,
cum fortuna et gloria, tum etiam natura et moribus tuis;
ex quo quidem maximus est fructus jucunditasque sapienti.
Cetera cum tua recordabere, etsi persaepe virtuti, tamen
plerumque felicitati tuae congratulabere. De nobis, quos
in republica tecum simul salvos esse voluisti, quoties
cogitabis, toties 10de maximis tuis beneficiis, toties de
incredibili liberalitate, toties de singulari sapientia tua,
cogitabis: quae non modo summa bona, sed nimirum
audebo vel sola dicere. Tantus est enim splendor 12in
laude vera, tanta in magnitudine animi et consilii dig-
nitas, ut haec a virtute donata, cetera a fortuna com-
modata esse videantur. Noli igitur in conservandis
bonis viris defatigari, non cupiditate praesertim aut pra-
vitate aliqua ¹³lapsis, 14sed opinione officii, stulta fortasse,
certe non improba, et specie quadam reipublicae. 15Non
enim tua ulla culpa est, si te aliqui timuerunt: contraque,
summa laus, quod plerique minime timendum fuisse sen-
serunt.
VII. 16NUNC vero venio ad gravissimam querelam, et
atrocissimam suspicionem tuam; 17quae non tibi ipsi ma-
gis, quam, cum omnibus civibus, tum maxime nobis, qui
a te conservati sumus, providenda est: quam etsi spero
esse falsam, 18nunquam tamen verbis extenuabo. Tua
enim cautio nostra cautio est; 19ut, si in alterutro pec-
candum sit, malim videri nimis timidus, quam parum
prudens. 20Sed quisnam est iste tam demens? 21de tuis-
ne? tametsi qui magis sunt tui, quam quibus tu salutem
6*
66
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
insperantibus reddidisti? an ex eo numero, qui una te-
cum fuerunt? Non est credibilis tantus in ullo furor,
ut, quo duce omnia summa sit adeptus, hujus vitam non
anteponat suae. At, si tui nihil cogitant sceleris, ³ca-
vendum est, ne quid inimici. Qui? omnes enim, qui
fuerunt, aut sua pertinacia vitam amiserunt, aut tua mis-
ericordia retinuerunt; ut aut nulli supersint de inimicis,
aut, qui supersunt, sint amicissimi.
Sed tamen, cum in animis hominum tantae latebrae
sint et tanti recessus, augeamus sane suspicionem tuam:
simul enim augebimus diligentiam. Nam quis est omnium
tam ignarus rerum, tam rudis in republica, tam nihil
umquam nec de sua nec de communi salute cogitans, qui
non intelligat, tua salute contineri suam, et ex unius
tua vita pendere omnium? Equidem, de te dies noctes-
que (ut debeo) cogitans, casus duntaxat humanos, et
incertos eventus valetudinis, et naturae communis fragi-
litatem, extimesco: 1ºdoleoque, cum respublica immortalis
esse debeat, eam in unius mortalis anima consistere.
Si vero, ad humanos casus, incertosque eventus valetu-
dinis, sceleris etiam accedat insidiarumque consensio;
quem Deum, si cupiat, opitulari posse reipublicae cre-
damus ?
VIII. OMNIA sunt 12excitanda tibi, C. Caesar, uni,
quae jacere sentis, belli ipsius impetu (quod necesse fuit)
perculsa atque prostrata: 13constituenda judicia, revocan-
da fides, 14comprimendae libidines, 15propaganda soboles :
16omnia, quae dilapsa jam fluxerunt, severis legibus vin-
cienda sunt. 17 Non fuit recusandum, in tanto civili bello,
tantoque animorum ardore et armorum, quin quassata
respublica, quicunque belli eventus fuisset, multa perde-
ret et ornamenta dignitatis, et praesidia stabilitatis suae :
multaque uterque dux faceret 18armatus, quae idem toga-
tus fieri prohibuisset. Quae quidem tibi omnia belli
vulnera curanda sunt; 19quibus, praeter te, mederi nemo
potest.
20Itaque illam tuam praeclarissimam et sapientissimam
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
67
vocem invitus audivi: "Satis diu vel naturae vixi, vel
gloriae." Satis, si ita vis naturae fortasse; addo etiam,
si placet, gloriae: at (quod maximum est) ¹patriae certe
parum. Quare, omitte, quaeso, istam ³doctorum homi-
nurn in contemnenda morte prudentiam: noli nostro pe-
riculo sapiens esse. Saepe enim venit ad aures meas,
te idem istud nimis crebro dicere, satis te tibi vixisse.
Credo: sed tum id audirem, si tibi soli viveres, aut
si tibi etiam soli natus esses. Nunc, cum omnium
salutem civium cunctamque rempublicam ⁹res tuae ges-
tae complexae sint; 10tantum abes a perfectione maxi-
morum operum, ut fundamenta, quae cogitas, nondum
jeceris. 11Hic tu modum tuae vitae, non salute rei-
publicae, sed aequitate animi, definies? Quid, si ¹²istud
ne gloriae quidem tuae satis est? cujus te esse avidis-
simum, quamvis sis sapiens, non negabis.
13 Parumne igitur, inquies, gloriam magnam relinque-
mus? Immo vero aliis, quamvis multis, satis; tibi uni
parum. 15Quidquid enim est, quamvis amplum sit, id certe
parum est tum, cum est aliquid amplius. Quod si 16re-
rum tuarum immortalium, C. Caesar, hic exitus futurus
fuit, ut, devictis adversariis, rempublicam in eo statu re-
linqueres, in quo nunc est; 17vide, quaeso, ne tua divina
virtus admirationis plus sit habitura, quam gloriae: 18si-
quidem gloria est illustris ac pervagata multorum et mag-
norum, vel in suos, vel in patriam, vel in omne genus
hominum, fama meritorum.
IX. 19HAEC igitur tibi reliqua pars est; 20hic restat
actus, 2¹in hoc elaborandum est, ut rempublicam constit-
uas, eaque tu in primis composita, 22cum summa tran-
quillitate et otio, perfruare: tum te, si voles, cum et
patriae, quod debes, solveris, 23et naturam ipsam expleve-
ris satietate vivendi, satis diu vixisse dicito. 24Quid est
enim omnino hoc ipsum diu, in quo est aliquid extremum;
quod cum venit, omnis voluptas praeterita pro nihilo est,
quia postea nulla futura est? 25Quamquam iste tuus ani-
mus nunquam 26his angustiis, quas natura nobis ad viven-
68
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
dum dedit, contentus fuit; semperque immortalitatis amo-
re flagravit.
Nec vero haec tua vita ducenda est, quae corpore et
spiritu continetur. Illa, illa, inquam, vita est tua, quae
vigebit memoria saeculorum omnium; quam posteritas
alet, quam ipsa aeternitas semper tuebitur. Huic tu in-
servias, huic te ostentes, oportet: quae quidem, quae
miretur, jampridem multa habet; nunc, etiam quae laudet,
exspectat. Obstupescent posteri certe, imperia, pro-
vincias, Rhenum, Oceanum, Nilum, pugnas innumerabi-
les, incredibiles victorias, monumenta innumera, trium-
phos audientes et legentes tuos. Sed, nisi haec urbs.
7stabilita tuis consiliis et institutis erit, vagabitur modo
nomen tuum longe atque late; sedem quidem stabilem
et domicilium certum non habebit. Erit, inter eos etiam
qui nascentur, sicut inter nos fuit, magna dissensio, cum
alii laudibus ad coelum res tuas gestas efferent, alii
fortasse aliquid requirent, idque vel maximum, nisi belli
civilis incendium 10salute patriae restinxeris; ut illud
fati fuisse videatur, hoc consilii. 12Servi igitur iis etiam
judicibus, qui multis post saeculis de te judicabunt, et
quidem 13haud scio, an incorruptius, quam nos: nam et
sine amore et sine cupiditate, et rursus sine odio et
sine invidia, judicabunt. 14Id autem etiam si tunc ad
te (ut quidam falso putant) non pertinebit; nunc certe
pertinet, esse te talem, ut tuas laudes obscuratura nulla
umquam sit oblivio.
X. 15DIVERSAE voluntates civium fuerunt, distractae-
que sententiae: non enim 16consiliis solum et studiis,
sed armis etiam et castris, dissidebamus. 17Erat autem
obscuritas quaedam, erat certamen 18inter clarissimos
duces 19multi dubitabant, quid optimum esset; multi,
quid sibi expediret; multi, quid deceret; nonnulli
etiam, quid liceret. 20 Perfuncta respublica est hoc
misero fatalique bello: vicit is, 21qui non fortuna in-
flammaret odium suum, sed bonitate leniret; nec qui
omnes, quibus iratus esset, eosdem etiam exsilio aut
i
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
69
¹morte dignos judicaret. 2 Arma ab aliis posita, ab
aliis erepta sunt. Ingratus est injustusque civis, qui,
³armorum periculo liberatus, animum tamen retinet arma-
tum; ut etiam ille sit melior, qui in acie cecidit, qui
in causa animam profudit. Quae enim pertinacia qui-
busdam, eadem aliis constantia, videri potest. Sed jam
omnis fracta dissensio est armis, et exstincta aequitate
victoris restat, ut omnes funum velint, qui modo hab-
ent aliquid, non solum sapientiae, sed etiam sanitatis.
Nisi te, C. Caesar, salvo, et in ista sententia, qua cum
antea, tum hodie vel maxime usus es, manente, salvi
esse non possumus. Quare omnes te, qui haec salva
esse volumus, et hortamur et obsecramus, ut vitae, ut
saluti tuae consulas: omnesque tibi, (ut pro aliis etiam
loquar, quod de me ipse sentio,) quoniam subesse aliquid
putas, quod cavendum sit, non modo excubias et cus-
todias, sed etiam 10laterum nostrorum oppositus et cor-
porum, pollicemur.
XI. SED, unde est orsa, in eodem terminetur oratio.
Maximas tibi omnes gratias agimus, C. Caesar: ¹²ma
jores etiam habemus. Nam omnes idem sentiunt; quod
ex omnium precibus et lacrymis sentire potuisti. Sed,
quia non est 13stantibus omnibus necesse dicere; a me
certe dici volunt, cui necesse est quodammodo, et
quod volunt, et quod decet, et quod (M. Marcello
a te huic ordini populoque Romano et reipublicae
reddito) 15praecipue id a me fieri debere intelligo.
Nam lactari omnes, 16non ut de unius solum, sed ut
de communi omnium salute, sentio: 17quod autem sum-
mae benevolentiae est, (quae me erga illum omnibus
semper nota fuit, ut vix C. Marcello, optimo et aman-
tissimo fratri, praeter eum quidem, cederem nemini,)
cum id sollicitudine, cura, labore tamdiu praestiterìm,
quamdiu est de illius salute dubitatum, certe hoc tem-
pore, magnis curis, molestiis, doloribus liberatus, prae-
stare debeo. 18Itaque, C. Caesar, sic tibi gratias ago,
ut, omnibus me rebus a te non conservato solum,
70
ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO.
sed etiam ornato, tamen ad tua in me unum innumera-
bilia merita, (quod fieri jam posse non arbitrabar,) maxi-
mus hoc tuo facto cumulus accesserit.
'M. TULLII CICERONIS
ORATIO
PRO
LEGE MANILIA.
I. 1. 2QUAMQUAM mihi semper frequens conspectus
vester, multo jucundissimus, hic autem locus, ad agen-
dum amplissimus, ad dicendum ornatissimus est visus,
Quirites; tamen hoc aditu laudis, qui semper optimo
cuique maxime patuit, non 'mea me voluntas, sed 'meae
vitae rationes, ab ineunte aetate susceptae, prohibuerunt.
Nam, cum antea per aetatem nondum 10hujus auctori-
tatem loci attingere auderem, statueremque, nihil huc,
11nisi perfectum ingenio, elaboratum industria, afferri
oportere; 120mne meum tempus amicorum temporibus
transmittendum putavi. 2. Ita neque hic locus vacuus
unquam fuit ab iis, qui ¹³vestram causam defenderent;
14et meus labor, in privatorum periculis caste integreque
versatus, ex vestro judicio fructum est amplissimum
consecutus. Nam cum, 15propter dilationem comitiorum,
16ter praetor primus 17centuriis cunctis renuntiatus sum,
facile intellexi, Quirites, et quid de me judicaretis, 18et
quid aliis praescriberetis. Nunc, cum et auctoritatis in
me tantum sit, 19quantum vos honoribus mandandis esse
voluistis; 20et ad agendum facultatis tantum, quantum
homini vigilanti ex forensi usu prope quotidiana dicendi
exercitatio potuit afferre: certe, et, si quid auctoritatis
in me est, 2lea apud eos utar, qui eam mihi dederunt;
et, si quid etiam 22dicendo consequi possum, iis ostendam
72
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
potissimum, 'qui ei quoque rei fructum suo judicio tri-
buendum esse censuerunt. 3. Atque illud in primis
mihi laetandum jure esse video, quod ³in hac insolita
mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi, causa talis oblata est,
in qua oratio deesse nemini potest. Dicendum est enim
de Cn. Pompeii singulari eximiaque virtute: hujus autem
orationis difficilius est exitum, quam principium invenire.
Ita mihi non tam copia, quam modus in dicendo quae-
rendus est.
II. 4. Atque, ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, unde
haec omnis causa ducitur: bellum grave et periculosum
8vestris vectigalibus atque sociis a duobus potentissimis
regibus infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane; 10quorum alter
relictus, alter lacessitus, occasionem sibi ad occupan-
dam 12 Asiam oblatam esse arbitratur. 13Equitibus Ro-
manis, honestissimis viris, afferuntur ex Asia quotidie
literae, ¹¹quorum magnae res aguntur, in vestris vectiga-
libus exercendis 15occupatae: 16qui ad me, pro necessi-
tudine, quae mihi est cum illo ordine, causam reipublicae
17periculaque rerum suarum detulerunt : 5. 18Bithyniae,
quae nunc vestra provincia est, vicos exustos esse com-
plures: 19regnum Ariobarzanis, quod finitimum est ves-
tris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate: Lu-
cullum, magnis rebus gestis, 20ab eo bello discedere:
21huic qui successerit, non satis esse paratum ad tantum
bellum administrandum: 22unum ab omnibus sociis et
civibus ad id bellum imperatorem deposci atque expeti:
eundem hunc unum ab hostibus metui, praeterea ne-
minem.
6. 23Causa quae sit, videtis: nunc, quid agendum sit,
considerate. Primum mihi videtur 24de genere belli, de-
inde de magnitudine, tum de imperatore deligendo esse
dicendum.-Genus est belli ejusmodi, quod maxime ves-
tros animos excitare atque inflammare 25ad studium per-
sequendi debeat: 26in quo agitur populi Romani gloria,
quae vobis a majoribus, cum magna in rebus omnibus,
tum summa in re militari tradita est; agitur salus socio-
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
73
rum atque amicorum, pro qua multa majores vestri magna
et gravia bella gesserunt: aguntur ¹certissima populi Ro-
mani vectigalia et maxima: quibus amissis, 2et pacis
ornamenta, et subsidia belli requiretis: aguntur bona
multorum civium, quibus est ³a vobis et ipsorum et rei-
publicae causa consulendum.
III. 7. Et quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter
ceteras gentes atque avidi laudis fuistis, 4delenda vobis
est illa macula, Mithridatico bello superiore suscepta,
quae penitus jam insedit atque inveteravit in populi Ro-
mani nomine: 5quod is, qui uno die, tota Asia, tot in
civitatibus, uno nuntio, atque una literarum significatione,
'cives Romanos necandos trucidandosque denotavit, non
modo adhuc poenam nullam suo dignam scelere suscepit,
1ºsed ab illo tempore annum jam tertium et vicesimum
regnat; et ita regnat, ut se non Ponto, neque Cappa-
dociae latebris occultare velit, sed emergere 12e patrio
regno, atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc est, in Asiae
luce versari. 8. Etenim adhuc ita vestri cum illo rege
contenderunt imperatores, ut ab illo 13insignia victoriae,
non victoriam reportarent. Triumphavit L. Sulla, trium-
phavit 14L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri, et
summi imperatores: sed ita triumpharunt, ut ille 15pulsus
superatusque regnaret. Verumtamen illis imperatoribus
laus est tribuenda, 16quod egerunt: venia danda, quod re-
liquerunt: propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam
17respublica, 18Murenam Sulla revocavit.
IV. 9. MITHRIDATES autem 19omne reliquum tempus,
non ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem
novi contulit: 20qui posteaquam maximas aedificasset
ornassetque classes, exercitusque permagnos,' quibuscun-
que ex gentibus potuisset, comparasset, et se 21Bospora-
nis, finitimis suis, bellum inferre simulasset; usque in
Hispaniam 22legatos ac 23literas misit 24ad eos duces,
quibuscum tum bellum gerebamus: ut, cum, duobus in
locis disjunctissimis maximeque diversis, 25uno consilio
a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique gereretur,
*
7
74
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
¹vos, ancipiti contentione districti, de imperio dimicaretis.
10. 2Sed tamen alterius partis periculum, Sertorianae
atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmamenti ac ro-
boris habebat, 4Cn. Pompeii divino consilio ac singulari
virtute depulsum est: 'in altera parte ita res a L. Lu-
cullo, summo viro, est administrata, ut initia illa gesta-
rum rerum magna atque praeclara, non felicitati ejus,
sed virtuti; "haec autem extrema, quae nuper acciderunt,
Ɛnon culpae, sed fortunae tribuenda esse videantur. Sed
de Lucullo dicam 9alio loco, et ita dicam, Quirites, ut
neque vera laus ei detracta oratione nostra, neque falsa
10afficta esse videatur. 11. De vestri imperii dignitate
atque gloria, quoniam is est lexorsus orationis meae,
videte, quem vobis animum suscipiendum putetis.
I
M
V. MAJORES Vestri saepe, 12mercatoribus ac navicula-
riis injuriosius tractatis, bella gesserunt: vos, 13tot civium
Romanorum millibus uno nuntio atque uno tempore nec-
atis, quo tandem animo esse debetis? 14 Legati quod
erant appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri, totius
Graeciae lumen, 15exstinctum esse voluerunt: vos eum
regem inultum esse patiemini, qui 16legatum populi Ro-
mani, consularem, vinculis ac verberibus, atque omni
supplicio excruciatum necavit? 17Illi libertatem civium
Romanorum imminutam non tulerunt: vos vitam ereptam
negligetis? Jus legationis 18verbo violatum illi persecuti
sunt: 19vos legatum omni supplicio interfectum relinque-
tis? 12. Videte, ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit, tantam
vobis imperii gloriam relinquere; sic vobis turpissimum
sit, id, quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non posse.
20Quid, quod salus sociorum summum in periculum ac
discrimen vocatur? Regno expulsus est Ariobarzanes
rex, socius populi Romani atque amicus: imminent 21duo
reges toti Asiae, non solum vobis inimicissimi, sed etiam
vestris sociis atque amicis: civitates autem omnes, 22cunc-
ta Asia atque Graecia vestrum auxilium exspectare prop-
ter periculi magnitudinem coguntur: 23imperatorem a vo-
bis certum deposcere, cum praesertim vos alium miseritis,
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
75
neque audent, neque se id facere 'summo sine periculo
posse arbitrantur. 13. Vident et sentiunt hoc idem,
quod vos, 2unum virum esse, in quo summa sint omnia,
et eum ³prope esse, (*quo etiam carent aegrius,) cujus
adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad 5maritimum
bellum venerit, tamen impetus hostium repressos esse
intelligunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui
non licet, tacite rogant, ut se quoque, sicut ceterarum
provinciarum socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem
tali viro commendetis: atque hoc etiam magis, quam
ceteros, quod ejusmodi in provinciam homines 10cum im-
perio mittimus, ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen
ipsorum adventus in urbes sociorum non multum ab hos-
tili expugnatione differant. Hunc audiebant antea, nunc
praesentem vident, 12tanta temperantia, tanta mansuetu-
dine, tanta humanitate, ut ii beatissimi esse videantur,
apud quos ille diutissime commoratur.
VI. 14. QUARE, si propter socios, nulla ipsi injuria
lacessiti, majores vestri 13cum Antiocho, cum Philippo,
cum Aetolis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt; quanto vos
studio convenit, injuriis provocatos, sociorum salutem
una cum imperii vestri dignitate defendere; 15praesertim
cum de vestris maximis vectigalibus agatur? Nam ce-
terarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, 16tanta sunt, ut
iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti esse possi-
mus: "Asia vero tam opima est et fertilis, 18ut et uber-
tate agrorum, et varietate fructuum, et magnitudine pas-
tionis, et multitudine earum rerum, quae exportantur, facile
omnibus terris antecellat. Itaque haec vobis provincia,
Quirites, si 19et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem sus-
tinere vultis, non modo calamitate, sed etiam a metu
calamitatis est defendenda. 15. Nam ceteris in rebus,
20cum venit calamitas, tum detrimentum accipitur: at in
vectigalibus non solum adventus mali, sed etiam metus.
ipse affert calamitatem. Nam cum hostium copiae non
longe absunt, etiam si irruptio facta nulla sit, tamen
21pecora relinquuntur, agricultura deseritur, 22mercatorum
76
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
navigatio conquiescit. Ita neque ex portu, neque ex
decumis, neque ex scriptura 2vectigal conservari potest.
Quare saepe totius anni fructus uno rumore periculi,
atque uno belli terrore amittitur. 16. Quo tandem ani-
mo esse existimatis aut eos, qui vectigalia nobis pensi-
tant, aut eos, qui exercent atque exigunt, cum duo reges
cum maximis copiis prope adsint? cum una excursio
equitatus perbrevi tempore totius anni vectigal aufferre
possit? cum publicani. familias maximas, quas in 5sal-
tibus habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque cus-
todiis, magno periculo se habere arbitrentur ? Putatisne
vos 'illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, qui vobis fructui
sunt, conservaveritis, non solum, (ut antea dixi,) calami-
tate, sed etiam calamitatis formidine liberatos?
VII. 17. Ac ne illud quidem vobis negligendum est,
quod mihi ego extremum proposueram, cum essem de
belli genere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium
Romanorum pertinet: 1ºquorum vobis pro vestra sapien-
tia, Quirites, habenda est ratio diligenter. 11Nam et
publicani, 12homines et honestissimi et ornatissimi, 13suas
rationes et copias in illam provinciam contulerunt: quo-
rum ipsorum per se res et fortunae curae vobis esse
debent. Etenim si vectigalia, 14nervos esse reipublicae,
semper duximus; eum certe ordinem, qui exercet illa,
firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse dicemus.
18. Deinde 15ceteris ex ordinibus homines gnavi et in-
dustrii partim ipsi in Asia 16negotiantur, quibus absenti-
bus consulere debetis: 17partim suas et suorum in ea pro-
vincia pecunias magnas collocatas habent. Erit igitur
humanitatis vestrae, magnum eorum civium numerum
calamitate 18prohibere; sapientiae, videre, multorum ci-
vium calamitatem a republica sejunctam esse non posse.
19 Etenim illud primum parvi refert, vos publicanis amissa
vectigalia postea victoria recuperare. Neque enim iis-
dem redimendi facultas erit, propter calamitatem, neque
aliis voluntas, propter timorem. 19. Deinde, quod nos
eadem Asia, atque idem iste Mithridates 2ºinitio belli
...
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
77
Asiatici docuit; id quidem certe calamitate docti memor-
ia retinere debemus. Nam tum, cum in Asia ¹res mag-
nas perinulti amiserant, 2scimus, Romae, solutione im-
pedita, fidem concidisse. Non enim possunt una in
civitate multi ³rem atque fortunas amittere, ut non plures
secum in eandem calamitatem trahant. A quo periculo
prohibete rempublicam, et, mihi credite, (id quod ipsi
videtis,) haec fides atque haec ratio pecuniarum, quae
Romae, quae in foro versatur, implicita est cum illis
pecuniis Asiaticis, et cohaeret.
5Ruere illa non possunt,
ut haec non eodem labefactata motu concidant. Quare
videte, num dubitandum vobis sit, omni studio ad id bel-
lum incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, salus soci-
orum, vectigalia maxima, fortunae plurimorum civium
'cum republica defendantur.
9
VIII. 20. QUONIAM de genere belli dixi, nunc de
magnitudine pauca dicam. Potest enim hoc dici; belli
genus esse ita necessarium, ut sit gerendum; non esse
ita magnum, ut sit pertimescendum. In quo maxime
laborandum est, ne forte ea vobis, quae diligentissime
providenda sunt, contemnenda esse videantur. Atque,
ut omnes intelligant, me L. Lucullo tantum impertire
laudis, quantum forti viro, et sapientissimo homini, et
magno imperatori debeatur ; dico, ejus adventu maximas
10 Mithridati copias, omnibus rebus ornatas atque in-
structas, fuisse; 12urbemque Asiae clarissimam, nobisque
amicissimam, Cyzicenorum, obsessam esse ab ipso rege
13maxima multitudine, et oppugnatam vehementissime;
quam L. Lucullus virtute, assiduitate, consilio, summis
obsidionis periculis liberavit : 21. ab eodem imperatore
14 classem magnam et ornatam, 15quae ducibus Sertoria-
nis ad Italiam studio inflammata raperetur, superatam
esse atque depressam: 16magnas hostium praeterea co-
pias multis praeliis esse deletas: 17patefactumque nostris
legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante populo Romano ex
omni aditu clausus esset: Sinopen atque Amisum, quib-
us in oppidis erant 18domicilia regis, omnibus rebus
my t
78
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
1:7
ornata atque referta; ceterasque urbes Ponti et Cappa-
dociae permultas, ¹uno aditu atque adventu esse captas:
regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito, ad alios se
reges atque ad alias gentes supplicem contulisse: atque
haec omnia, ³salvis populi Romani sociis atque integris
vectigalibus, esse gesta. Satis opinor hoc esse laudis;
atque ita, Quirites, ut hoc vos intelligatis, a nullo ¹isto-
rum, qui huic obtrectant legi atque causae, L. Lucullum
similiter ex hoc loco esse laudatum.
IX. 22. REQUIRETUR fortasse nunc, quemadmodum,
cum haec ita sint, reliquum possit esse magnum bellum.
Cognoscite, Quirites: non enim hoc sine causa quaeri
videtur. Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit,
ut ex eodem Ponto "Medea illa quondam profugisse
dicitur: quam praedicant in fuga, fratris sui membra in
iis locis, qua se parens persequeretur, dissipavisse, ut
⁹eorum collectio dispersa, moerorque patrius, celeritatem
persequendi retardaret. 10Sic Mithridates, fugiens, "max-
imam vim auri atque argenti, pulcherrimarumque rerum
omnium, quas et a majoribus acceperat, et ipse, bello
superiore ex tota Asia direptas, in suum regnum conges-
serat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Haec dum nostri col-
ligunt omnia diligentius, rex ipse e manibus effugit.
Ita 12illum in persequendi studio moeror, hos laetitia
retardavit. 23. 13Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigranes,
rex Armenius, excepit, diffidentemque rebus suis confir
mavít, et afflictum erexit, perditumque recreavit. Cujus
in regnum posteaquam L. Lucullus cum exercitu venit,
14plures etiam gentes contra imperatorem nostrum con-
citatae sunt. Erat enim metus injectus iis nationibus,
quas nunquam populus Romanus 15neque lacessendas bello
neque tentandas putavit. 16Erat etiam alia gravis atque
vehemens opinio, quae per animos gentium barbararum
pervaserat, 17fani locupletissimi et religiosissimi dirip-
iendi causa in eas oras nostrum exercitum esse adduc-
tum. Ita nationes multae atque magnae 19novo quodam
terrore ac metu concitabantur. Noster autem exercitus,
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
79
etsi ¹urbem ex Tigranis regno ceperat, et proeliis usus
erat secundis, tamen nimia longinquitate locorum ac de-
siderio suorum commovebatur. 24. Hic jam plura non
dicam: fuit enim illud extremum, ut ex iis locis a mi-
litibus nostris reditus magis maturus, quam processio
longior quaereretur. Mithridates autem et suam manum
jam confirmarat, et eorum, qui se ex ejus regno college-
rant, et magnis adventitiis multorum regum et nationum
copiis juvabatur. Hoc jam fere sic fieri solere accepi-
mus, ut regum afflictae fortunae facile multorum opes
alliciant ad misericordiam, maximeque eorum, qui aut
reges sunt, aut vivunt in regno; quod regale iis nomen
"magnum et sanctum esse videatur. 25. Itaque tantum
victus efficere potuit, quantum incolumis nunquam est
ausus optare. Nam cum se in regnum recepisset suum,
non fuit eo contentus, quod ei praeter spem acciderat,
⁹ut illam, posteaquam pulsus erat, terram umquam at-
tingeret: 10sed in exercitum vestrum, clarum atque vic-
torem, impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Quirites, (sicut
¹¹poëtae solent, qui res Romanas scribunt,) praeterire me
nostram calamitatem: quae tanta fuit, ut eam, ad aures
L. Luculli, 12non ex proelio nuntius, sed ex sermone ru-
mor afferret. 26. 13Hic in ipso illo malo, gravissimaque
belli offensione, L. Lucullus, qui tamen, aliqua ex parte,
iis incommodis mederi fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu
coactus, quod imperii diuturnitati modum statuendum
veteri exemplo putavistis, partem militum, 15qui jam sti-
pendiis confectis erant, dimisit, partem Glabrioni tradidit.
16 Multa praetereo consulto; sed ea vos conjectura per-
spicitis. Quantum igitur illud bellum factum putetis,
quod conjungant reges potentissimi, renovent agitatae
nationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, 18novus imperator
vester accipiat, vetere pulso exercitu?
17
X. 27. SATIS mihi multa verba fecisse videor, quare
hoc bellum esset genere ipso necessarium, magnitudine
periculosum: restat, ut de imperatore ad id bellum deligen-
do, 19ac tantis rebus praeficiendo, dicendum esse videatur.
****
80
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium
copiam tantam haberetis, ut haec vobis deliberatio diffi-
cilis esset, quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto
bello praeficiendum putaretis! Nunc vero cum sit unus
Cn. Pompeius, qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc
sunt, gloriam, sed etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute
superarit; quae res est, quae cujusquam animum in hac
causa dubium facere possit? 28. Ego enim sic existimo,
³in summo imperatore quatuor has res inesse oportere,
scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctoritatem, felicitatem.
Quis igitur hoc homine scientior umquam aut fuit, aut
esse debuit? qui e ludo atque pueritiae disciplina, bello
maximo, atque acerrimis hostibus, ad patris exercitum.
atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est; "qui extrema
pueritia miles fuit summi imperatoris, ineunte adoles-
centia maximi ipse exercitus imperator; qui saepius
cum hoste conflixit, quam quisquam cum inimico concer-
tavit, plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt, 10plures
provincias confecit, quam alii concupiverunt; cujus ado-
lescentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praecep-
tis, sed suis imperiis, non offensionibus belli, sed victo-
riis, non stipendiis, sed 12triumphis est erudita. Quod
denique genus belli esse potest, 13in quo illum non ex-
ercuerit fortuna reipublicae? 14Civile, 15 Africanum, 16Trans-
alpinum, 17 Hispaniense, mixtum ex civitatibus atque ex
bellicosissimis nationibus, 18servile, 19navale bellum, varia
et diversa genera et bellorum et 20hostium, non solum
gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam 21 confecta, nullam rem esse
declarant in usu militari positam, quae hujus viri scien-
tiam fugere possit.
XI. 29. 22JAM vero virtuti Cn. Pompeii quae potest
par oratio inveniri? quid est, quod quisquam aut dignum
illo, aut vobis novum, aut cuiquam inauditum possit af-
ferre? 23 Neque enim illae sunt solae virtutes imperato-
riae, quae vulgo existimantur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo
in periculis, industria in agendo, celeritas in conficiendo,
consilium in providendo: 24quae tanta sunt in hoc uno,
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
81
~fredu
quanta in omnibus reliquis imperatoribus, quos aut vidi-
mus, aut audivimus, non fuerunt. 30. Testis est Italia,
quam ille ipse victor, L. Sulla, hujus virtute et subsidio
confessus est liberatam. 2Testis est Sicilia, quam mul-
tis undique cinctam periculis, non terrore belli, sed
celeritate consilii, explicavit. 4Testis est Africa, quae
magnis oppressa hostium copiis, eorum ipsorum sanguine
redundavit. Testis est Gallia, per quam legionibus nos-
tris in Hispaniam iter, Gallorum internecione, patefactum
est. Testis est Hispania, quae saepissime plurimos
hostes ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit. Testis
est iterum et saepius Italia, quae, cum servili bello 'tetro
periculosoque premeretur, ab hoc auxilium absente ex-
petivit quod bellum exspectatione Pompeii attenuatum
atque imminutum est, adventu sublatum ac sepultum.
31. Testes vero jam omnes orae, atque omnes exterae
10gentes ac nationes, "denique maria omnia, tum univer-
sa, tum in singulis omnes sinus atque portus. Quis
enim 12toto mari locus, per hos annos, aut tam firmum
habuit praesidium, ut tutus esset, aut tam fuit abditus,
ut lateret? 13Quis navigavit, qui non se aut mortis aut
servitutis periculo committeret, cum aut hieme, aut referto
praedonum mari navigaretur? Hoc tantum bellum, tam
turpe, 14tam vetus, tam late dispersum, quis umquam
arbitraretur aut ab omnibus imperatoribus uno anno, aut
150mnibus annis ab uno imperatore confici posse? 32.
Quam provinciam tenuistis a praedonibus liberam per hos-
ce annos? ¹6quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit? quem socium
defendistis? cui praesidio classibus vestris fuistis? quam
multas existimatis insulas esse desertas ? quam multas aut
metu relictas, aut a praedonibus captas urbes esse sociorum?
XII. SED quid ego 17longinqua commemoro ? Fuit
hoc quondam, fuit 18proprium populi Romani longe a do-
mo bellare, et 19propugnaculis imperii sociorum fortunas,
non sua tecta defendere. 20Sociis vestris ego mare clau-
sum per hosce annos dicam fuisse, cum exercitus nostri
a 21 Brundisio nunquam, nisi 22summa hieme, transmise-
82
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
rint? Qui ad vos ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos
querar, ¹cum legati populi Romani redempti sint? mer-
catoribus tutum mare non fuisse dicam, cum duodecim
secures in praedonum potestatem pervenerint? 33. ³Cni-
dum aut Colophonem, aut Samum, nobilissimas urbes,
innumerabilesque alias, captas esse commemorem, cum
vestros portus, atque eos portus, quibus vitam et spiri-
tum ducitis, in praedonum fuisse potestate sciatis? An
vero ignoratis, portum Caietae, celeberrimum atque plenis-
simum navium, ³inspectante praetore, a praedonibus esse
direptum? Ex Miseno autem, ejus ipsius liberos, qui
cum praedonibus antea ibi bellum gesserat, a praedonibus
esse sublatos? Nam quid ego 'Ostiense incommodum,
atque illam labem atque ignominiam reipublicae querar,
cum, prope inspectantibus vobis, classis ea, cui consul
populi Romani praepositus esset, a praedonibus capta
atque oppressa est? Pro dii immortales! tantamne unius
hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tam brevi tempore
lucem afferre reipublicae potuit, ut vos, qui modo ante
ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ii nunc
nullam 10intra Oceani ostium praedonum navem esse
audiatis? 34. Atque haec, qua celeritate gesta sint,
quamquam videtis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non
sunt. Quis enim umquam, aut ¹¹obeundi negotii, aut con-
sequendi quaestus, studio, tam brevi tempore, tot loca ad-
ire, tantos cursus conficere potuit, 12quam celeriter, Cn.
Pompeio duce, belli impetus navigavit? qui ¹³nondum
tempestivo ad navigandum mari 14Siciliam adiit, Africam
exploravit: inde Sardiniam cum classe venit, atque ¹5haec
tria frumentaria subsidia reipublicae firmissimis praesid-
iis classibusque munivit. 35. Inde se cum in Italiam
recepisset, duabus Hispaniis et Gallia Cisalpina prae-
sidiis ac navibus confirmata, missis item in oram 16Illy-
rici maris, et in Achaiam omnemque Graeciam navibus,
17Italiae duo maria maximis classibus firmissimisque prae-
⚫ sidiis adornavit: ipse autem, 18ut a Brundisio profectus
est, 'undequinquagesimo' die 19totam ad imperium populi
477
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
83
L
វ
Romani Ciliciam adjunxit: omnes, qui ubique praedones
fuerunt, partim capti interfectique sunt, partim unius.
hujus imperio ac potestati se dediderunt. Idem 2Creten-
sibus, cum ad eum usque in Pamphyliam legatos de-
precatoresque misissent, spem deditionis non ademit, ob-
sidesque imperavit. Ita tantum bellum, tam diuturnum,
tam longe lateque dispersum, quo bello omnes gentes ac
nationes premebantur, Cn. Pompeius extrema hieme ³ap-
paravit, ineunte vere suscepit, media aestate confecit.
XIII. 36. EST haec divina atque incredibilis virtus
imperatoris. Quid? ceterae, quas paullo ante commem-
orare coeperam, quantae atque quam multae sunt? 5non
enim solum bellandi virtus in summo atque perfecto
imperatore quaerenda est; sed multae sunt artes eximiae,
hujus administrae comitesque virtutis. Ac primum, "quanta
innocentia debent esse imperatores? quanta deinde om-
nibus in rebus temperantia ? quanta fide? quanta facili-
tate? quanto ingenio 2 quanta humanitate? Quae breviter,
qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio, consideremus. 9 Summa
enim omnia sunt, Quirites; sed ea magis 10ex aliorum
contentione, quam ipsa per sese cognosci atque intelligi
possunt. 37. Quem enim possumus imperatorem aliquo
in numero putare, 12cujus in exercitu veneant centuriatus
atque venierint? 13quid hunc hominem magnum aut am-
plum de republica cogitare, qui pecuniam, ex aerario de-
promptam ad bellum administrandum, aut 14propter cupid-
itatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit, aut propter
avaritiam Romae 16in quaestu reliquerit? 16Vestra ad-
murmuratio facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini, qui
haec fecerint: ego autem neminem nomino; quare irasci
mihi nemo poterit, nisi qui 17ante de se voluerit confit-
eri. Itaque, propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum, quan-
tas calamitates, quocunque ventum sit, nostri exercitus
ferant, quis ignorat? 38. 18Itinera, quae per hosce an-
nos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum
nostri imperatores fecerunt, recordamini: tum facilius
statuetis, quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis.
84
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
Utrum plures arbitramini per hosce annos militum ves-
trorum armis hostium urbes, an ¹hibernis sociorum civi-
tates esse deletas? Neque enim potest exercitum is
continere imperator, qui se ipsum non continet: neque
severus esse in judicando, qui alios in se severos esse
judices non vult. 39. Hic miramur, hunc hominem tan-
tum excellere ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam per-
venerunt, ut non modo manus tanti exercitus, sed ne
vestigium quidem cuiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur? Jam
vero, quemadmodum milites hibernent, quotidię sermones
ac literae perferuntur. Non modo, ut sumptum faciat
in militem, nemini vis affertur: sed ne cupienti quidem
cuquam permittitur. Hiemis enim, non avaritiae per-
fugium majores nostri in sociorum atque amicorum tectis
esse voluerunt.
XIV. 40. AGE vero, ceteris in rebus qualis sit tem-
perantia, considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem,
et tam incredibilem cursum 10inventum putatis ? 11 Non
enim illum eximia vis remigum, aut ars inaudita quaedam
gubernandi, aut venti aliqui novi, tam celeriter 12 in ulti-
mas terras pertulerunt: sed eae res, quae ¹³ceteros re-
morari solent, non retardarunt: non avaritia ab instituto
cursu ad praedam aliquam 14devocavit, 15non libido ad
voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non nobili-
tas urbis ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quie-
tem. Postremo 16signa, et tabulas, ceteraque ornamenta
Graecorum oppidorum, quae ceteri tollenda esse arbi-
trantur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit. 41.
Itaque omnes quidem, nunc in his locis Cn. Pom-
peium, sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum, sed
de coelo delapsum, intuentur: nunc
credere, 17fuisse homines Romanos
nentia: 18quod jam nationibus
nationibus exteris incredibile ac
falso memoriae proditum videbatur.
19 Nunc imperii
vestri splendor illis gentibus lucet: nunc intelligunt,
non sine causa majores suos tum, cum 20hac tempe-
rantia magistratus habebamus, servire populo Romano,
denique incipiunt
hac quando absti-
7
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
85
42.
quam imperare aliis, maluisse. Jam vero ita faciles
aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberae querimoniae de
aliorum injuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate princip-
ibus excellit, 2facilitate par infimis esse videatur.
Jam quantum consilio, quantum dicendi gravitate et copia
valeat, in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria,
vos, Quirites, "hoc ipso in loco saepe cognostis. Fidem
vero ejus inter socios quantam existimari putatis, quam
hostes omnium gentium sanctissimam judicarint? Huma-
nitate jam tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, utrum hostes
magis virtutem ejus pugnantes timuerint, an mansuetudi-
nem victi dilexerint. Et quisquam dubitabit, quin huic
"tantum bellum transmittendum sit, qui ad omnia nostrae
memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus
esse videatur ?
XV. 43. ET, quoniam auctoritas multum in bellis
quoque administrandis atque in imperio militari valet,
certe nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille imperator
plurimum possit. 10Vehementer autem pertinere ad bella
administranda, quid hostes, quid socii de imperatoribus
vestris existiment, quis ignorat, cum sciamus, homines
in tantis rebus, ut aut contemnant, aut metuant, aut ode- ^
rint, aut ament, opinione non minus et fama, quam
aliqua certa ratione commoveri ? Quod igitur nomen
umquam in orbe terrarum 12clarius fuit? cujus res gestae
pares? de quo homine vos, id quod maxime 13facit ad
auctoritatem, 14tanta et tam praeclara judicia fecistis?
44. An vero ullam usquam esse oram tam desertam pu-
tatis, quo non illius diei fama pervaserit, cum univer-
sus populus Romanus, referto foro, repletisque omnibus
templis, ex quibus hic locus conspici potest, unum sibi
ad commune omnium gentium bellum Cn. Pompeium
imperatorem depoposcit? Itaque, ut plura non dicam,
neque aliorum exemplis confirmem, 17quantum auctoritas
valeat in bello; ab eodem Cn. Pompeio 18omnium rerum
egregiarum exempla sumantur: qui quo die a vobis ma-
ritimo bello praepositus est imperator, tanta repente
8
86
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
¹vilitas annonae ex summa inopia et caritate rei fru-
mentariae consecuta est, unius hominis spe et nomine,
quantam vix ex summa ubertate agrorum diuturna pax
efficere potuisset. 45. Jam, accepta in Ponto calami-
tate, ex eo proelio, de quo vos paullo ante invitus ad-
monui, cum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes animique.
crevissent, satis firmum praesidium provincia non ha-
beret: amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ipsum id tem-
poris divinitus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones fortuna
populi Romani attulisset. Hujus adventus et Mithrida-
tem insolita inflammatum victoria continuit, et Tigra-
nem magnis copiis minitantem Asiae retardavit. Et
quisquam dubitabit, quid virtute 7profecturus sit, qui tan-
tum auctoritate profecerit? aut quam facile imperio
atque exercitu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit, qui
Sipso nomine ac rumore defenderit ?
XVI. 46. AGE vero, illa res quantam declarat ejus-
dem hominis apud hostes populi Romani auctoritatem,
quod ex locis tam longinquis, tamque diversis, tam
brevi tempore omnes uni huic se dediderunt? quod
10 Cretensium legati, cum in eorum insula noster impe-
rator exercitusque esset, ad Cn. Pompeium ¹¹in ultimas
prope terras venerunt, eique se omnes Cretensium civi-
tates dedere velle dixerunt? Quid idem iste Mithri-
dates? nonne ad eundem Cn. Pompeium, legatum us-
que in Hispaniam misit? 12eum quem Pompeius lega-
tum semper judicavit: 13ii, quibus semper erat moles-
tum, ad eum potissimum esse missum, speculatorem,
quam legatum judicari maluerunt. Potestis igitur jam
constituere, Quirites, hanc auctoritatem, 14multis postea
rebus gestis, magnisque vestris judiciis amplificatam,
quantum apud illos reges, quantum apud exteras nationes
valituram esse existimetis.
I
47. Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, 15quam praestare de
se ipso nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de
altero possumus, sicut aequum est homini 16de potestate
deorum, timide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic exis-
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
87
timo: ¹Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario, et ceteris
magnis imperatoribus, non solum propter virtutem, sed
etiam propter fortunam, saepius imperia mandata, atque
exercitus esse commissos. Fuit enim profecto quibus-
dam summis viris quaedam 2ad amplitudinem et gloriam,
et ad res magnas bene gerendas divinitus adjuncta
fortuna de hujus autem hominis felicitate, quo de nunc
agimus, ³hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut in illius
potestate fortunam positam esse dicam, sed ut praeterita
meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur, ne aut invisa diis
immortalibus oratio nostra, aut ingrata esse videatur.
48. Itaque non sum praedicaturus, Quirites, quantas
ille res domi militiaeque, terra marique, quantaque feli-
citate gesserit: ut ejus semper voluntatibus non modo
cives assenserint, socii obtemperarint, hostes obedierint,
sed etiam venti tempestatesque obsecundarint. Hoc
brevissime dicam, neminem unquain tam impudentem
fuisse, qui a diis immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus
auderet optare, quot et quantas dii immortales ad Cn.
Pompeium detulerunt. Quod ut illi proprium ac per-
petuum sit, Quirites, cum communis salutis atque im-
perii, tum ipsius hominis causa (sicuti facitis) ⁹velle
et optare debetis.
49. Quare cum et bellum ita necessarium sit, ut
negligi non possit: ita magnum, ut 10accuratissime sit
administrandum: et cum ei imperatorem praeficere pos-
sitis, in quo sit eximia belli scientia, singularis virtus,
clarissima auctoritas, egregia fortuna: 11dubitabitis, Quir-
ites, quin hoc tantum boni, quod vobis a diis im-
mortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rempublicam con-
servandam atque amplificandam conferatis
XVII. 50. 12QUOD si Romae Cn. Pompeius privatus
esset hoc tempore: tamen ad tantum bellum 13is erat
deligendus atque mittendus. 14 Nunc, cum ad ceteras
summas utilitates haec quoque opportunitas adjungatur,
ut in iis ipsis locis adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab
iis, qui habent, accipere statim possit: 15quid exspec-
··
K
88
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
tamus? aut cur non, ducibus diis immortalibus, eidem,
cui cetera summa cum salute reipublicae commissa sunt,
hoc quoque bellum regium committimus?
51. ¹At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus reipublicae,
2vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus, Q. Catulus; ³item-
que summis ornamentis honoris, fortunae, virtutis, ingen-
ii praeditus, Q. Hortensius, ab hac ratione dissen-
tiunt: quorum ego auctoritatem apud vos multis locis
plurimum valuisse, et valere oportere confiteor; sed in
hac causa, tametsi cognoscitis auctoritates contrarias
fortissimorum virorum et clarissimorum, tamen, omissis
auctoritatibus, ipsa re et ratione exquirere possumus
veritatem: atque hoc facilius, quod ea omnia, quae
adhuc a me dicta sunt, iidem isti vera esse concedunt,
et necessarium bellum esse, et magnum, et in uno Cn.
Pompeio summa esse omnia. 52. Quid igitur ait Hor-
tensius? "Si uni omnia tribuenda sint, unum dignis-
simum esse Pompeium: sed ad unum tamen omnia
deferri non oportere." Obsolevit jam ista oratio, 7re
multo magis quam verbis refutata. Nam tu idem, Q.
Hortensi, multa, pro tua summa copia ac singulari
facultate dicendi, et in senatu contra virum fortem A.
Gabinium, 10graviter, ornateque dixisti, cum is de uno
imperatore contra praedones constituendo legem promul-
gasset et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item contra legem
eam verba fecisti. 53. Quid? tum, per deos immorta-
les! si plus apud populum Romanum auctoritas tua,
quam ipsius populi Romani salus et vera causa valu-
isset, hodie hanc gloriam atque hoc orbis terrae imperium
teneremus? An tibi tum imperium esse hoc videbatur,
cum populi Romani legati, praetores, quaestoresque
12capiebantur? cum ex omnibus provinciis commeatu,
et privato, et publico prohibebamur? cum ita clausa
erant nobis omnia maria, 13ut neque privatam rem trans-
marinam, neque publicam jam obire possemus?
J
F
XVIII. 54. QUAE civitas antea umquam fuit, 14non dico
Atheniensium, quae satis late quondam mare tenuisse
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
89
dicitur, non ¹Carthaginiensium, qui permultum classe ma-
ritimisque rebus valuerunt, non Rhodiorum, quorum us-
que ad nostram memoriam disciplina navalis et gloria
remansit: quae civitas antea umquam tam tenuis, quae
tam parva insula fuit, quae non portus suos, et agros, et
aliquam partem regionis atque orae maritimae per se
ipsa defenderet? At hercle, aliquot annos continuos
ante legem Gabiniam, ille populus Romanus, cujus,
usque ad nostram memoriam, nomen invictum in nava-
libus pugnis permanserat, 5magna ac multo maxima
parte non modo utilitatis, sed dignitatis atque imperii
caruit : 55. nos, quorum majores Antiochum regem
classe "Persenque superarunt, omnibusque navalibus pug-
nis Carthaginienses, homines in maritimis rebus exerci-
tatissimos paratissimosque vicerunt, 9ii nullo in loco
jam praedonibus pares esse poteramus nos, qui antea
non modo Italiam tutam habebamus, sed omnes socios
in ultimis oris auctoritate nostri imperii salvos 10praestare
poteramus; tum, cum insula Delos, tam procul a nobis
in Aegeo mari posita, quo omnes undique cum merci-
bus atque oneribus commeabant, referta divitiis, parva,
sine muro, ¹²nihil timebat; ¹³iidem non modo provinciis,
atque oris Italiae maritimis, ac portubus nostris, sed
etiam ¹¹Appia jam via carebamus; et his temporibus
non pudebat magistratus populi Romani, 15in hunc
ipsum locum escendere, cum eum vobis majores ves-
tri 16exuviis nauticis et classium spoliis ornatum re-
liquissent.
11
14
XIX. 56. 17BONO te animo tum, Q. Hortensi, popu-
lus Romanus, et ceteros, qui erant in eadem sententia,
dicere existimavit ea, quae sentiebatis, sed tamen 18in
salute communi idem populus Romanus dolori suo
maluit, quam auctoritati vestrae obtemperare. Itaque
19 una lex, unus vir, unus annus, non modo nos illa
miseria ac turpitudine liberavit; sed etiam effecit, ut
aliquando vere videremur omnibus gentibus ac nationi-
bus terra marique imperare. 57. 20Quo mihi etiam
8*
90
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
indignius videtur obtrectatum esse adhuc, Gabinio dicam,
anne Pompeio, an utrique? (id quod est verius ;) ne le-
garetur A. Gabinius Cn. Pompeio expetenti ac postulanti.
Utrum ille, qui postulat legatum ad tantum bellum, quem
velit, idoneus non est, qui impetret, cum 'ceteri ad ex-
pilandos socios diripiendasque provincias, quos volue-
runt, legatos eduxerint; an 2ipse, cujus lege salus ac
dignitas populo Romano atque omnibus gentibus con-
stituta est, expers esse debet gloriae imperatoris atque
ejus exercitus, qui consilio ipsius atque periculo est
constitutus ? 58. An C. Falcidius, Q. Metellus, Q.
Caelius Latiniensis, Cn. Lentulus, quos omnes ¹honoris
causa nomino, cum tribuni plebis fuissent, anno proxi-
mo legati esse potuerunt; in hoc uno Gabinio sunt tam
diligentes, qui in hoc bello, quod lege Gabinia geritur,
in hoc imperatore atque exercitu, quem 7per vos ipse.
constituit, etiam praecipuo jure esse deberet? de quo
legando spero consules ad senatum relaturos. Qui si
dubitabunt, aut gravabuntur, 10ego memet profiteor rela-
turum; neque me impediet cujusquam, Quirites, "¹inimi-
cum edictum, quo minus, fretus vobis, vestrum jus bene-
ficiumque defendam: neque, 12praeter intercessionem,
quidquam audiam; de qua (ut arbitror) isti ipsi, qui min-
antur, etiam atque etiam, quid liceat, considerabunt.
Mea quidem sententia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius, belli
maritimi rerumque gestarum Cn. Pompeio 13socius ad-
scribitur; propterea quod ¹alter uni id bellum suscipien-
dum vestris suffragiis detulit; alter delatum susceptumque
confecit.
XX. 59. RELIQUUM est, 15ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate
et sententia dicendum esse videatur; qui cum ex vobis
quacreret, 16si in uno Cn. Pompeio oninia poneretis, si
quid de eo factum esset, in quo spem essetis habituri;
"'cepit magnum suae virtutis fructum, ac dignitatis, cum
omnes, prope una voce," in ipso vos spem habituros
esse" dixistis. Etenim 18talis est vir, ut nulla res tanta
sit ac tam difficilis, quam ille non 19et consilio regere,
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
91
et integritate tueri, et virtute conficere possit. Sed in
hoc ipso ab eo ¹vehementissime dissentio, quod, quo
minus certa est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, hoc
magis respublica, dum per deos immortales licet, frui
debet summi hominis vita atque virtute.-60. 2At enim
nihil novi fiat contra exempla atque instituta majorum.—
³Non dico hoc loco, majores nostros semper in pace
consuetudini, in bello utilitati paruisse, semper ad novos
casus temporum, novorum consiliorum rationes accomo-
dasse non dicam, duo bella maxima, Punicum et His-
paniense, ab uno imperatore esse confecta: duas urbes
potentissimas, quae huic imperio maxime minitabantur,
Carthaginem atque Numantiam, ab eodem Scipione esse
deletas: non commemorabo, nuper ita vobis patribusque
vestris esse visum, ut in uno C. Mario spes imperii
poneretur, ut idem cum Jugurtha, idem cum Cimbris,
idem cum Teutonis bellum administraret: 61. in ipso
Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi constitui nihil vult Q. Catu-
lus, quam multa sint nova summa Q. Catuli voluntate
constituta, recordamini.
XXI. QUID enim tam novum, quam 10adolescentulum,
privatum, exercitum difficili reipublicae tempore confi-
cere ?-confecit:-huic praeesse ?-praefuit :-rem 120p-
time ductu suo gerere ?-gessit. Quid tam praeter con-
suetudinem, quam homini peradolescenti, 13cujus a sena-
torio gradu aetas longe abesset, imperium atque exercitum
dari ? Siciliam permitti, atque Africam, bellumque in
ea administrandum? Fuit in his provinciis singulari
innocentia, gravitate, virtute: bellum in Africa maximum
14confecit, victorem exercitum deportavit. Quid vero
tam inauditum, quam 15equitem Romanum triumphare?
16 At eam quoque rem populus Romanus non modo vidit,
sed etiam studio omni visendam et concelebrandam
putavit. 62. Quid tam inusitatum, quam ut, cum duo
consules clarissimi fortissimique essent, eques Romanus
ad bellum maximum formidolosissimumque pro consule
mitteretur? Missus est. Quo quidem tempore, cum esset
92
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
¹nonnemo in senatu, qui diceret, "Non oportere mitti
hominem privatum pro consule;" 3L. Philippus dixisse
dicitur, "Non se illum sua sententia pro consule sed
pro consulibus mittere." Tanta in eo reipublicae bene
gerendae spes constituebatur, ut duorum consulum munus
unius adolescentis virtuti committeretur. Quid tam sin-
gulare, quam ut, ex scnatusconsulto legibus solutus,
consul ante fieret, quam ullum alium magistratum per
leges capere licuisset? quid tam incredibile, quam ut
Siterum eques Romanus ex senatusconsulto triumpharet?
"quae in omnibus hominibus nova post hominum memor-
iam constituta sunt, ea tam multa non sunt, quam haec,
quae in hoc uno homine vidimus. 63. Atque haec tot
exempla, tanta ac tam nova, profecta sunt in eundem
hominem a Q. Catuli atque a ceterorum ejusdem digni-
tatis amplissimorum hominum auctoritate.
XXII. QUARE videant, ne sit periniquum et non feren-
dum, illorum auctoritatem de Cn. Pompeii dignitate a
vobis comprobatam semper esse: vestrum ab illis de eo-
dem homine judicium, populique Romani auctoritatem
improbari praesertim cum jam suo jure populus Roma-
nus in hoc homine suam auctoritatem vel contra omnes,
qui 10dissentiant, possit defendere: propterea quod, iis-
dem istis reclamantibus, vos unum illum ex omnibus
delegistis, quem bello praedonum praeponeretis. 64. Hoc
si vos ¹¹temere fecistis, et reipublicae parum consuluis-
tis; recte isti studia vestra suis consiliis regere conantur:
12sin autem vos plus tum 13in republica vidistis; vos, his
repugnantibus, per vosmet ipsos dignitatem huic imperio,
salutem orbi terrarum attulistis: aliquando isti principes,
et sibi, et ceteris, populi Romani universi auctoritati
parendum esse fateantur. Atque in hoc bello Asiatico
et regio, non solum 14militaris illa virtus, quae est in
Cn. Pompeio singularis, sed aliae quoque virtutes animi
multae et magnae requiruntur. Difficile est in Asia,
Cilicia, Syria, regnisque 15interiorum nationum 16ita ver-
sari vestrum imperatorem, ut nihil aliud, quam de hoste
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
93
ac de laude, cogitet. Deinde etiam si qui sunt pudore
ac temperantia moderatiores, tamen eos esse tales, prop-
ter multitudinem cupidorum hominum, nemo arbitratur.
65. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus
apud exteras nationes, propter eorum, quos ad eas
per hos annos cum imperio misimus, injurias ac libi-
dines. Quod enim fanum putatis in illis terris nos-
tris magistratibus religiosum, quam civitatem sanctam,
quam domum satis clausam ac munitam fuisse? urbes
jam locupletes ac copiosae requiruntur, quibus causa
belli, propter diripiendi cupiditatem, inferatur. 66. Lib-
enter haec coram cum Q. Catulo et Q. Hortensio
disputarem, summis et clarissimis viris; noverunt enim
sociorum vulnera: vident eorum calamitates: querimo-
nias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra hostes exercitum
mittere putatis, an, hostium simulatione, contra socios
atque amicos? quae civitas est in Asia, quae non modo
imperatoris, aut legati, sed unius tribuni militum animos
ac spiritus capere possit?
XXIII. QUARE, etiam si quem habetis, qui, collatis
signis, exercitus regios superare posse videatur: tamen,
10nisi erit idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum
conjugibus ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque
oppidorum, qui ab auro gazaque regia, manus, oculos,
animum cohibere possit; non erit idoneus, qui ad bel-
lum Asiaticum regiumque mittatur. 67. Ecquam puta-
tis civitatem pacatam fuisse, quae locuples sit? ecquam
esse locupletem, quae istis pacata esse videatur? Ora
maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium non solum propter
rei militaris gloriam, sed etiam propter animi continen-
tiam requisivit. 12Videbat enim populum Romanum non
locupletari quotannis pecunia publica, 13praeter paucos;
neque nos quidquam aliud assequi 14classium nomine,
nisi ut, detrimentis accipiendis, majore affici turpitudine.
videremur. Nunc, 15qua cupiditate homines in provincias,
quibus jacturis, quibus conditionibus, proficiscantur, igno-
rant videlicet isti, qui ad unum deferenda esse omnia
94
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
1
non arbitrantur ? Quasi vero Cn. Pompeium non 'cum
suis virtutibus, tum etiam alienis vitiis, magnum esse
videamus. 68. 2Quare nolite dubitare, quin huic uni
credatis omnia, qui ³inter annos tot unus inventus sit,
quem socii in urbes suas cum exercitu venisse gaudeant.
4Quod si auctoritatibus hanc causam, Quirites, confirman-
dam putatis est vobis auctor, vir bellorum omnium max-
imarumque rerum peritissimus, P. Servilius: cujus tan-
tae res gestae terra marique exstiterunt, ut, cum 'de bello
deliberetis, auctor vobis gravior esse nemo debeat : est
6C. Curio, summis vestris beneficiis, maximisque rebus
gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia praeditus: est Cn.
Lentulus, in quo omnes, pro amplissimis vestris honori-
bus summum consilium, summam gravitatem esse cogno-
vistis est C. Cassius, integritate, virtute, constantia
singulari. Quare videte, num horum auctoritatibus illo-
rum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respondere posse videamur.
XXIV. 69. QUAE cum ita sint, C. Manili, primum
1ºistam tuam et legem, et voluntatem, et sententiam laudo,
vehementissimeque comprobo: deinde te hortor, ut, auc-
tore populo Romano, maneas in sententia, neve cujus-
quam vim aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis
esse animi 12perseverantiaeque arbitror: deinde cum tan-
tam multitudinem cum tanto studio adesse videamus,
13quantam nunc iterum 14in eodem homine praeficiendo
videmus 15quid est, quod aut de re, aut de perficiendi
facultate dubitemus? Ego autem, quidquid in me est
16studii, consilii, laboris, ingenii, quidquid hoc beneficio
populi Romani, atque hac potestate praetoria, quidquid
auctoritate, fide, constantia possum; id omne ad hanc
rem conficiendam, tibi et populo Romano polliceor ac
defero. 70. Testorque omnes deos, et eos maxime, 18qui
huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium mentes eo-
rum, 19qui ad rempublicam adeunt, maxime perspiciunt,
me hoc neque rogatu facere cujusquam, 2ºneque quo Cn.
Pompeii gratiam mihi per hanc causam conciliari putem,
neque quo mihi 21ex cujusquam amplitudine, auf-praesidia
44
ORATIO PRO LEGE MANILIA.
95
periculis, aut adjumenta honoribus quaeram: propterea
quod pericula facile, ¹ut hominem praestare oportet, in-
nocentia tecti repellemus: honores autem neque ab uno,
neque ex hoc loco, sed eadem nostra illa laboriosissima
2ratione vitae, si vestra voluntas feret, consequemur. 71.
Quamobrem, quidquid in hac causa mihi susceptum est,
Quirites, id omne me reipublicae causa suscepisse con-
firmo : tantumque abest, ut aliquam bonam gratiam mihi
quaesisse videar, ut multas etiam simultates partim ob-
scuras, partim apertas intelligam, 4mihi non necessarias,
vobis non inutiles, suscepisse. Sed ego me hoc honore
praeditum, tantis vestris beneficiis affectum, statui, Quir-
ites, vestram voluntatem, et reipublicae dignitatem, et
salutem provinciarum atque sociorum, meis omnibus com-
modis et rationibus praeferre oportere.
'M. TULLII CICERONIS
PRO
L. MURENA
ORATIO.
1. 1. 2QUAE deprecatus a diis immortalibus sum, ³ju-
dices, more institutoque majorum, illo die, quo, auspi-
cato, "comitiis centuriatis L. Murenam consulem renun-
tiavi, ut ea res mihi magistratuique meo, 7populo plebi-
que Romanae bene atque feliciter eveniret; eadem precor
ab eisdem diis immortalibus, ob ejusdem hominis consu-
latum una cum salute obtinendum, et ut vestrae mentes
atque sententiae cum populi Romani voluntatibus suffra-
giisque consentiant, eaque res vobis, populoque Romano,
pacem, tranquillitatem, otium, concordiamque afferat.
1ºQuod si illa solemnis comitiorum precatio, consularibus
auspiciis consecrata, tantam habet in se vim et religionem,
quantam reipublicae dignitas postulat: idem ego sum
precatus, ut eis quoque hominibus, quibus hic consulatus,
¹¹me rogante, datus esset, ea res fauste, feliciter, pros-
pereque eveniret. 2. Quae cum ita sint, judices, et cum
120mnis deorum immortalium potestas aut translata sit ad
vos, aut certe communicata vobiscum, idem consul eum
vestrae fidei commendat, qui antea diis immortalibus
commendavit; ut ejusdem hominis voce et declaratus
consul, et defensus, 13beneficium populi Romani cum
vestra atque omnium civium salute tueatur. Et quoniam
14in hoc officio studium meae defensionis ab accusatori-
bus atque etiam ipsa susceptio causae reprehensa est:
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
97
antequam pro L. Murena dicere instituo, pro me ipso
pauca dicam; 'non quo mihi potior, hoc quidem in tem-
pore, sit officii mei, quam hujusce salutis defensio, sed
ut, meo facto vobis probato, majore auctoritate ab hujus
2honore, fama, fortunisque omnibus inimicorum impetus
propulsare possim.
II. 3. Er primum 3M. Catoni, vitam ad certam ratio-
nis normam dirigenti, et diligentissime perpendenti mo-
menta officiorum omnium, 5de officio meo respondebo.
Negat fuisse rectum Cato, me et consulem, et legis
ambitus latorem, et tam severe gesto consulatu, causam
L. Murenae attingere. Cujus reprehensio me vehemen-
ter movet, non solum ut vobis, judices, quibus maxime
debeo, verum etiam ut ipsi Catoni, gravissimo atque
integerrimo viro, rationem facti mei probem. A quo
tandem, M. Cato, est aequius consulem defendi, quam a
consule? Quis 10mihi in republica potest aut debet esse
conjunctior, quam is, cui respublica a me uno traditur
sustinenda, magnis meis laboribus et periculis sustentata ?
11Quod si in iis rebus repetendis, quae mancipi sunt,
is periculum judicii praestare debet, qui se nexu obliga-
vit, 12profecto etiam rectius in judicio consulis designati,
is potissimum consul, qui consulem declaravit, 13auctor
beneficii populi Romani defensorque periculi esse debe-
bit. 4. 14Ac, si, ut nonnullis in civitatibus fieri solet,
15patronus huic causae publice constitueretur, is potissime
honore affecto defensor daretur, qui, eodem honore prae-
ditus, non minus afferret ad dicendum auctoritatis, quam
facultatis. 16Quod si e portu solventibus ii, qui jam in
portum ex alto invehuntur, 17praecipere summo studio
solent et tempestatum rationem, et praedonum, et loco-
rum; 18quod natura fert, ut eis faveamus, 19qui eadem
pericula, quibus nos perfuncti sumus, ingrediantur: 20quo
tandem me animo esse oportet, prope jam ex magna
jactatione terram videntem, in hunc, cui video 2¹maximas
reipublicae tempestates esse subeundas? Quare si est
boni consulis, non solum 22videre, quid agatur, verum
}
F
9
98
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
etiam providere, quid futurum sit, ostendam alio loco,
¹quantum salutis communis intersit, 2duos consules in
republica kalendis Januariis esse. 5. Quod si ita est,
non tam me ³officium debuit ad hominis amici fortunas,
quam respublica consulem ad communem salutem defen-
dendam vocare.
11
III. 4NAM quod legem de ambitu tuli, certe ita tuli, ut
eam, quam mihimet ipsi jampridem tulerim de civium
periculis defendendis, non abrogarem. Etenim si largi-
tionem factam esse confiterer, idque recte factum esse
defenderem, facerem improbe, etiam si alius legem tu-
lisset cum vero nihil commissum contra legem esse
defendam, quid est, quod meam defensionem latio legis
impediat? 6. Negat esse ejusdem severitatis, Catilinam,
exitium reipublicae intra moenia molientem, verbis et
paene imperio urbe expulisse, 10et nunc pro L. Murena
dicere. Ego autem has partes lenitatis et misericor-
diae, quas me natura ipsa 12docuit, semper egi libenter :
13illam vero gravitatis severitatisque personam non ap-
petivi, sed ab republica mihi impositam sustinui, sicut
hujus imperii dignitas in summo periculo civium postu-
labat. 15 Quod si tum, cum respublica vim et severitatem
desiderabat, vici naturam, et tam vehemens fui, quam
cogebar, non quam volebam: nunc, 16cum omnes me
causae ad misericordiam atque ad humanitatem vocent,
quanto tandem studio debeo 17naturae meae consuetudi-
nique servire? 18 At de 19officio defensionis meae, ac de
ratione accusationis tuae, fortasse etiam alia in parte
orationis dicendum nobis erit.
7. Sed me, judices, non minus 20hominis sapientissimi
atque ornatissimi, Ser. Sulpicii, conquestio, quam Cato-
nis accusatio 21 commovebat: qui 22gravissime et acerbis-
sime ferre dixit, me 23familiaritatis necessitudinisque
oblitum, causam L. Murenae contra se defendere. Huic
ego, judices, satisfacere cupio, vosque adhibere 24arbi-
tros. Nam cum grave est, vere accusari in amicitia,
tum, etiam si falso accuseris, 25non est negligendum.
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
99
:
Ego, Ser. Sulpici, me in petitione tua tibi omnia studia
atque officia, pro nostra necessitudine, et debuisse con-
fiteor, et praestitisse arbitror. Nihil tibi, consulatum
petenti, 2a me defuit, quod esset aut ab amico, aut a
gratioso, aut a consule postulandum. Abiit illud tem-
pus mutata ratio est. 4Sic existimo, sic mihi persua-
deo, me tibi contra honorem L. Murenae, quantum tu a
me postulare ausus sis, tantum debuisse: contra salutem,
nihil debere. 8. Neque enim, si tibi tum, cum peteres
consulatum, adfui, idcirco nunc, cum Murenam ipsum
petas, adjutor eodem pacto esse debeo. Atque hoc
non modo non laudari, sed ne concedi quidem potest,
ut, amicis nostris accusantibus, non etiam alienissimos
defendamus.
11
IV. MIHI autem cum Murena, judices, et vetus, et
magna amicitia est, quae in capitis dimicatione a Ser.
Sulpicio non idcirco obruetur, quod ab eodem in honoris
contentione superata est. 9Quae si causa non esset,
tamen vel dignitas hominis, vel honoris ejus, quem adep-
tus est, amplitudo, summam mihi superbiae crudelita-
tisque famam inussisset, si hominis, et suis et populi
Romani ornamentis amplissimi, causam tanti periculi
repudiassem. Neque enim jam mihi licet, 10neque est
integrum, ut meum laborem hominum periculis sublev-
andis non impertiam. Nam cum praemia mihi tanta
pro hac industria sint data, quanta antea nemini: 12labo-
res, per quos ea ceperis, cum adeptus sis, deponere,
esset hominis et astuti et ingrati. 9. 13Quod si licet
desinere, si te auctore possum, si nulla inertiae, nulla
superbiae turpitudo, nulla inhumanitatis culpa suscipitur :
ego vero libenter desino. Sin autem fuga laboris desid-
iam, repudiatio supplicum superbiam, amicorum neglec-
tio 14improbitatem coarguit: nimirum haec causa est ejus-
modi, quam nec industrius, nec misericors, nec officiosus
deserere possit. Atque hujusce rei conjecturam ¹de tuo
ipsius studio, Servi, facillime ceperis. Nam si tibi ne-
cesse putas, 16etiam adversariis amicorum tuorum de jure
100
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
consulentibus respondere; ¹et, si turpe existimas, te ad-
vocato, illum ipsum, quem contra veneris, ³causa cadere :
noli tam esse injustus, ut, cum tui fontes vel inimicis
tuis pateant, nostros rivulos etiam amicis putes clausos
esse oportere. 10. Etenim, si me 5tua familiaritas ab
hac causa removisset, et, si hoc idem Q. Hortensio,
M. Crasso, clarissimis viris, si item ceteris, a quibus
intelligo tuam gratiam magni aestimari, accidisset: in ea
civitate consul designatus defensorem non haberet, in
qua nemini umquam 'infimo majores nostri patronum de-
esse voluerunt. Ego vero, judices, ipse me existimarem
nefarium, si amico, crudelem, si misero, superbum, si
consuli defuissem. Quare quod dandum est amicitiae,
large dabitur a me, ut tecum agam, Servi, non secus,
ac si meus esset frater, qui mihi est carissimus, 1ºisto
in loco. 11Quod tribuendum est officio, fidei, 12religioni,
id ita moderabor, ut meminerim, me contra amici studium
pro amici periculo dicere.
14
V. 11. ¹³INTELLIGO, judices, tres totius accusationis
partes fuisse, et earum unam in reprehensione vitae, alter-
am in contentione dignitatis, tertiam in criminibus am-
bitus esse versatam. Atque harum trium partium prima
illa, quae gravissima esse debebat, 15ita fuit infirma et
levis, ut illos lex magis quaedam accusatoria, quam vera
maledicendi facultas de vita L. Murenae dicere aliquid
coëgerit. 16Objecta est enim Asia: quae ab hoc non
ad voluptatem et luxuriam expetita est, sed in militari
labore peragrata. 18Qui si adolescens, patre suo imper-
atore, non meruisset; aut hostem, aut patris imperium
timuisse, aut a parente repudiatus videretur. 19An, cum
sedere in equis triumphantium praetextati potissimum
filii soleant, 20huic donis militaribus patris triumphum
decorare fugiendum fuit, ut, rebus communiter gestis,
paene simul cum patre triumpharet? 12. Hic vero, ju-
dices, et fuit in Asia, et viro fortissimo, parenti suo,
magno adjumento in periculis, solatio in laboribus, gra-
tulationi in victoria fuit. 21Et, si habet Asia suspicionem
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
101
luxuriae quandam, non Asiam nunquam vidisse, sed in
Asia continenter vixisse, laudandum est. Quamobrem
non Asiae nomen objiciendum Murenae fuit, ex qua laus
familiae, memoria generi, honos et gloria nomini consti-
tuta est sed aliquod aut in Asia susceptum, aut ex Asia
deportatum flagitium ac dedecus. Meruisse vero stipen-
dia in eo bello, quod tum populus Romanus non modo
maximum, sed etiain solum gerebat, virtutis: patre im-
peratore libentissime meruisse, 3pietatis: finem stipendio-
rum, patris victoriam ac triumphum fuisse, felicitatis fuit.
*Maledicto quidem idcirco nihil in hisce rebus loci
est, quod omnia laus occupavit.
VI. 13. SALTATOREM appellat L. Murenam Cato.
*Maledictum est, si vere objicitur, vehementis accusato-
ris: sin falso, maledici conviciatoris. Quare cum ista
sis auctoritate, non debes, M. Cato, arripere maledictum
sex trivio, aut ex scurrarum aliquo convivio, neque
temere consulem populi Romani saltatorem vocare :
sed conspicere, quibus praeterea vitiis affectum esse
necesse sit eum, cui vere istud objici possit. Nemo
enim fere saltat sobrius, nisi forte insanit: neque in
solitudine, ¹¹neque in convivio moderato atque honesto.
Tempestivi convivii, amoeni loci, multarum deliciarum
comes est extrema saltatio. 12Tu mihi arripis id, quod
necesse est omnium vitiorum esse postremum: ¹³relin-
quis illa, quibus remotis hoc vitium omnino esse non
potest. 14Nullum turpe convivium, non amor, non com-
issatio, non libido, non sumptus ostenditur. Et, cum
ea non reperiantur, 15quae voluptatis nomen habent,
quaeque vitiosa sunt: in quo ipsam luxuriam reperire
non potes, in eo te 16umbram luxuriae reperturum putas?
14. Nihil igitur in vitam L. Murenae dici potest?
Nihil, inquam, omnino, judices. Sic a me consul de-
signatus defenditur, ut ejus nulla fraus, nulla avaritia,
nulla perfidia, nulla crudelitas, 17nullum petulans dic-
tum proferatur. Bene habet: jacta sunt fundamenta
defensionis. Nondum enim nostris laudibus, quibus utar
•
9*
102
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
postea, sed prope inimicorum confessione, virum bonum,
atque integrum hominem defendimus.
VII. Quo constituto, facilior est mihi aditus ad con-
tentionem dignitatis, quae pars altera fuit accusationis.
15. 2Summam video esse in te, Ser. Sulpici, dignita-
tem generis, integritatis, industriae, ceterorumque orna-
mentorum omnium, quibus fretum ad consulatus petitio-
nem aggredi par est. Paria cognosco esse ista in L.
Murena, atque ita paria, ut neque ipse dignitate vinci
potuerit, neque te dignitate superarit. Contempsisti L.
Murenae genus: extulisti tuum. 4Quo loco si tibi hoc
sumis, nisi qui patricius sit, neminem bono esse genere
natum facis, ut rursus plebes in Aventinum sevocanda
esse videatur. Sin autem sunt amplae et honestae fa-
miliae plebeiae; et proavus L. Murenae, et avus, prae-
tores fuerunt, et pater, cum amplissime atque honestis-
sime 'ex praetura triumphasset, hoc faciliorem huic grad-
um consulatus adipiscendi reliquit, quod is jam patri
debitus, a filio petebatur. 16. Tua vero nobilitas, Ser.
Sulpici, tametsi summa est, tamen hominibus literatis
et historicis est notior, populo vero et suffragatoribus
obscurior. Pater enim 10fuit equestri loco : avus nulla
illustri laude celebratus. Itaque non ex sermone homin-
um recenti, sed ex annalium vetustate eruenda est
memoria nobilitatis tuae. Quare ego te semper in nos-
trum numerum aggregare soleo, quod virtute industriaque
perfecisti, ut, cum equitis Romani esses filius, summa
tamen amplitudine dignus putarere: nec mihi umquam
minus in 12Q. Pompeio, novo homine, et fortissimo viro,
virtutis esse visum est, quam in homine nobilissimo,
13 M. Aemilio. Etenim 14ejusdem animi atque ingenii est,
posteris suis, quod Pompeius fecit, amplitudinem nomin-
is, 15quam non acceperat tradere; et, ut Scaurus, memor-
iam prope intermortuam generis sui virtute renovare.
VIII. 17. QUAMQUAM ego jam putabam, judices,
multis viris fortibus ne ignobilitas objiceretur generis,
16meo labore esse perfectum; 17qui non modo 18Curiis,
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
103
Catonibus, Pompeiis, antiquis illis, fortissimis viris, novis
hominibus, sed his recentibus, Mariis, et Didiis, et
Caeliis commemorandis ¹jacebant. Cum ego vero ²tanto
intervallo ³claustra ista nobilitatis refregissem, ut aditus
ad consulatum posthac, sicut apud majores nostros fuit,
non magis nobilitati, quam virtuti, pateret: non arbitrabar,
cum ex familia vetere et illustri consul designatus ab
equitis Romani filio, consule, defenderetur, de generis nov-
itate accusatores esse dicturos. Etenim mihi ipsi ac-
cidit, ut cum duobus patriciis, altero improbissimo atque
audacissimo, altero modestissimo atque optimo viro, pet-
erem superavi tamen dignitate Catilinam, gratia Gal-
bam. Quod si id crimen homini novo esse deberet,
profecto mihi neque inimici, neque invidi defuissent. 18.
Omittamus igitur de genere dicere, cujus est magna in
utroque dignitas: videamus cetera.
9" Quaesturam una petiit, et sum ego factus prior."-
10 Non est respondendum ad omnia. Neque enim quem-
quam vestrum fugit, cum multi pares dignitate fiant,
unus autem primum solus possit obtinere, non eundem
esse ordinem dignitatis et renuntiationis; propterea quod
renuntiatio gradus habeat, dignitas autem sit persaepe
eadem omnium. 12Sed quaestura utriusque propemodum
pari momento sortis fuit. Habuit hic ¹³lege Titia pro-
vinciam tacitam et quietam: 14tu illam, cui, cum quaes-
tores sortiuntur, etiam acclamari solet, 15Ostiensem, non
tam gratiosam et illustrem, quam negotiosam et moles-
tam. 16 Consedit utriusque nomen in quaestura. Nullum
enim vobis sors campum dedit, 17in quo excurrere virtus
cognoscique posset. 19. 18Reliqui temporis spatium in
contentionem vocatur. Ab utroque dissimillima ratione
tractatum est.
IX. SERVIUS hic nobiscum 19hanc urbanam militiam
respondendi, scribendi, cavendi, plenam sollicitudinis.
ac stomachi, secutus est: jus civile didicit: multum
vigilavit: laboravit praesto multis fuit: multorum stul-
titiam perpessus est: arrogantiam pertulit: 20difficultatem
:
:
104
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
exsorbuit: vixit ad aliorum arbitrium, non ad suum.
Magna laus, et grata hominibus, unum hominem elabo-
rare ¹in ea scientia, quae sit multis profutura. 20. Quid
Murena interea? Fortissimo et sapientissimo viro, sum-
mo imperatori, legatus L. Lucullo fuit: qua in legatione
duxit exercitum : signa contulit: manum conseruit: mag-
nas copias hostium fudit: urbes partim vi, partim obsid-
ione cepit: Asiam istam refertam, et eandem delicatam,
sic obiit, ut in ea neque avaritiae, neque luxuriae ves-
tigium reliquerit: maximo in bello sic est versatus, ut
hic multas res et magnas sine imperatore gesserit, nullam
sine hoc imperator. Atque haec, quamquam praesente
L. Lucullo loquar, tamen ne ab ipso, propter periculum
nostrum, concessam videamur habere licentiam fingendi,
publicis literis testata sunt omnia; quibus L. Lucullus
tantum laudis impertit, quantum neque ambitiosus impera-
tor, neque invidus, tribuere alteri in communicanda gloria
debuit. 21. Summa in utroque est honestas, summa dig-
nitas quam ego, si mihi per Servium liceat, pari atque
eadem in laude ponam. Sed non licet. Agitat rem
militarem insectatur totam hanc legationem: assiduitatis
et operarum harum quotidianarum putat esse consulatum.
Apud exercitum mihi fueris, inquit, tot annos? 1ºforum
non attigeris? abfueris tamdiu? et, cum longo intervallo
veneris, cum iis, qui in foro habitarunt, de dignitate
contendas ?" Primum ista nostra assiduitas, Servi, nescis,
quantum interdum afferat hominibus fastidii, quantum
satietatis. Mihi quidem vehementer expediit, 11positam
in oculis esse gratiam. Sed tamen ego 12mei satietatem
magno meo labore superavi, et tu idem fortasse: verum-
tamen utrique nostrûm 13desiderium nihil obfuisset. 22.
Sed, ut, hoc omisso, 14ad studiorum atque artium con-
tentionem revertamur: 15qui potest dubitari, quin ad
consulatum adipiscendum 16multo plus afferat dignitatis
rei militaris, quam juris civilis gloria? Vigilas tu de
nocte, ut tuis consultoribus respondeas: ille, ut eo, quo
intendit, mature cum exercitu perveniat. Te 17gallorum,
((
A
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
105
illum ¹buccinarum cantus exsuscitat. 2Tu actionem in-
stituis, ille aciem instruit; tu caves, ³ne tui consultores;
ille, ne urbes aut castra capiantur. Ille tenet et scit,
ut hostium copiae; tu, ut aquae pluviae arceantur: ille
Sexercitatur in propagandis finibus; tu in regendis ac
nimirum, (dicendum est enim quod sentio,) rei milita-
ris virtus praestat ceteris omnibus.
:
X HAEC nomen populo Romano, haec huic urbi
aeternam gloriam peperit: haec orbem terrarum parere
huic imperio coëgit: omnes urbanae res, omnia haec
nostra praeclara studia, et haec forensis laus et industria
latent in tutela ac praesidio bellicae virtutis.
ioSimul
atque increpuit suspicio tumultus, artes illico nostrae
conticescunt.
23. 12Et, quoniam mihi videris istam scientiam juris,
tamquam filiolam osculari tuam, non patiar te in tanto
errore versari, ut 13istud nescio quid, quod tanto opere
didicisti, praeclarum aliquid esse arbitrere.
Aliis ego
te virtutibus, 14continentia, gravitate, justitia, fide, cete-
ris omnibus, consulatu et omni honore semper dignis-
simum judicavi. 15Quod quidem jus civile didicisti,
non dicam, operam perdidisti: sed illud dicam, nullam
esse 16in illa disciplina "munitam ad consulatum viam.
Omnes enim artes, quae nobis populi Romani studia
conciliant, 18et admirabilem dignitatem, et pergratam utili-
tatem debent habere.
1
V
XI. 24. SUMMA dignitas est in iis, qui militari laude
antecellunt; omnia enim, 19quae sunt in imperio, et in
statu civitatis, ab iis defendi et firmari putantur: summa
etiam utilitas: siquidem eoruin 20consilio et periculo,
cum republica. tum etiam nostris rebus perfrui possumus.
Gravis etiam illa est, et plena dignitatis, dicendi facul-
tas, (2¹quae saepe valuit in consule deligendo,) posse
consilio atque oratione, et senatus, et populi, et eorum,
qui res judicant, mentes permovere. Quaeritur consul,
qui dicendo nonnunquam comprimat 22tribunicios furores,
qui concitatum populum flectat, 23qui largitioni resistat.
VIE
106
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
Non mirum, si ob hanc facultatem homines saepe etiam
non nobiles consulatum consecuti sunt: praesertim cum
haec eadem res plurimas gratias, firmissimas amicitias,
maxima studia pariat. Quorum in isto vestro artificio,
Sulpici, nihil est. 25. Primum, dignitas in tam tenui
scientia quae potest esse? 4Res enim sunt parvae, prope
in singulis literis atque interpunctionibus verborum occupa-
tae. Deinde, etiam si quid apud majores nostros fuit in
isto studio admirationis, id, enuntiatis vestris mysteriis,
totum est contemptum et abjectum. Posset agi lege,
necne, pauci quondam sciebant. Fastos enim vulgo non
habebant. Erant in magna potentia, qui consulebantur :
a quibus etiam dies, tamquam a Chaldaeis, petebantur.
Inventus est scriba quidam, Cn. Flavius, qui cornicum
oculos confixerit, et singulis diebus ediscendos fastos
populo proposuerit, et ab ipsis cautis jureconsultis eorum.
sapientiam compilarit. 12Itaque irati illi, quod sunt veriti,
ne, dierum ratione pervulgata et cognita, sine sua opera
lege posset agi, 13notas quasdam composuerunt, ut om-
nibus in rebus ipsi interessent.
XII. 26. ¹CUM hoc fieri bellissime posset: "Fundus
Sabinus meus est:" "immo
"immo meus:" deinde judicium:
(C
noluerunt. 66
Fundus," inquit, "qui est in agro, qui Sa-
binus vocatur." Satis verbose. Cedo, quid postea? “Eum
ego ex jure Quiritium meum esse aio." Quid tum?
15 Inde ibi ego te ex jure 16manu consertum voco."
Quid huic tam loquaciter litigioso responderet "ille, unde
petebatur, non habebat. 18Transit idem jureconsultus,
tibicinis Latini modo: 19" Unde tu me," inquit, ex jure
manu consertum vocasti, inde ibi ego te revoco.” Prae-
tor interea ne 20pulchrum se ac beatum putaret, 2¹atque
aliquid ipse sua sponte loqueretur, ei quoque 22carmen
compositum est, cum ceteris rebus absurdum, tum vero
in illo: "23Suis utrisque 24superstitibus istam viam dico:
inite viam." 25 Praesto aderat sapiens ille, qui inire viam
doceret. "Redite viam." Eodem duce redibant. 26 Haec
jam tum apud illos barbatos ridicula, credo, videdantur:
b
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
107
¹homines, cum recte atque in loco constitissent, juberi
abire: ut, unde abissent, eodem statim redirent. Iisdem
ineptiis fucata sunt illa omnia, "Quando te in jure con-
spicio:" et haec: "3Anne tu dicis causa vindicaveris ?"
quae dum erant occulta, necessario ab eis, qui ea tene-
bant, petebantur: postea vero pervulgata, atque in man-
ibus jactata et excussa, inanissima prudentiae reperta
sunt, fraudis autem et stultitiae plenissima. 27. Nam
cum permulta praeclare legibus essent constituta, ea jure-
consultorum ingeniis pleraque corrupta ac depravata sunt.
Mulieres omnes, propter infirmitatem consilii, majores
in tutorum potestate esse voluerunt: hi invenerunt gen-
era tutorum, quae potestate mulierum continerentur.
9Sacra interire illi noluerunt: horum ingenio senes ¹ºad
coëmptiones faciendas, interimendorum sacrorum causa,
reperti sunt. In omni denique jure civili aequitatem
reliquerunt, verba ipsa tenuerunt: ut, quia 12in alicujus
libris exempli causa ¹³id nomen invenerant, putarunt,
omnes mulieres, quae coëmptionem facerent,
14
Caias
vocari. 15Jam illud mihi quidem mirum videri solet,
tot homines, tam ingeniosos, per tot annos etiam nunc
statuere non potuisse, 16utrum diem tertium, an 17per-
endinum judicem, an arbitrum: rem, an litem dici
oporteret.
XIII. 28. ITAQUE (ut dixi) 18dignitas in ista scien-
tia consularis nunquam fuit; quae tota 19ex rebus fic-
tis commenticiisque constaret: gratiae vero multo min-
ores. Quod enim omnibus patet, et aeque promptum
est mihi et adversario meo, id esse 20gratum nullo
pacto potest. Itaque non modo beneficii collocandi
spem, sed etiam illud, quod aliquandiu fuit, "Licet
consulere," jam perdidistis. Sapiens existimari nemo
potest 22in ea prudentia, quae neque extra Romam
usquam, neque Romae, rebus prolatis, quidquam valet.
Peritus ideo haberi nemo potest, quod in eo, quod
sciunt omnes, nullo modo possunt inter se discrepare.
Difficilis autem res ideo non putatur, quod 23et per-
1
108
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
paucis et minime obscuris literis continetur. Itaque, si
mihi, ¹homini vehementer occupato, stomachum moveritis,
triduo me jureconsultum esse profitebor. Etenim quae
de scripto aguntur, scripta sunt omnia: neque tamen
quidquam ³tam anguste scriptum est, quo ego non pos-
sim,
"Qua de re agitur," addere; quae consuluntur
autem, minimo periculo respondentur. Si id, quod opor-
tet, responderis; idem videare respondisse, quod Servius:
sin aliter; etiam controversum jus nosse et tractare
videare. 20. Quapropter non solum illa gloria militaris
vestris formulis atque actionibus anteponenda est, verum
etiam dicendi consuetudo longe et multum Ĝisti vestrae
exercitationi ad honorem antecellit. Itaque mihi viden-
tur plerique 'initio multo hoc maluisse: post, cum id
assequi non potuissent, istuc potissimum sunt delapsi.
Ut aiunt in Graecis artificibus, cos 10auloedos esse, qui
citharoèdi fieri non potuerint; sic nonnullos videmus,
qui oratores evadere non potuerunt, eos ad juris studium
11devenire. 12Magnus dicendi labor, magna res, magna
dignitas, summa autem gratia. Etenim a vobis ¹³salubri-
tas quaedam: ab iis, qui dicunt, salus ipsa petitur.
Deinde vestra responsa atque decreta et evertuntur
saepe dicendo, et sine defensione oratoris firma esse non
possunt in qua si satis profecissem, parcius de ejus.
laude dicerem: nunc nihil de me dico, sed de iis, qui
in dicendo magni sunt aut fuerunt.
:
XIV. 30. DUAE sunt 15artes, quae possunt locare hom-
ines in amplissimo gradu dignitatis: una imperatoris,
altera oratoris boni: ab hoc enim pacis ornamenta reti-
nentur: ab illo belli pericula repelluntur. 16Ceterae tamen
virtutes ipsae per se multum valent, justitia, fides, pudor,
temperantia; quibus te, Servi, excellere omnes intelli-
gunt: 17sed nunc de studiis ad honorem dispositis, non
de insita cujusque virtute disputo. Omnia ista nobis
studia de manibus excutiuntur, simul atque 18aliquis motus
novus bellicum canere coepit. Etenim, ut ait, 19ingenio-
sus poëta, et auctor valde bonus, proeliis promulgatis,
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
109
**
14 pellitur e medio," non solum ista vestra verbosa sim-
ulatio prudentiae, sed etiam ipsa illa domina rerum,
"sapientia; vi geritur res; spernitur orator," ³non solum
odiosus in dicendo, ac loquax, verum etiam "bonus:
horridus miles amatur :" vestrum vero studium totum jacet.
"Non ex jure manu consertum, sed 'mage ferro," inquit,
rem repetunt." Quod si ita est, cedat, opinor, Sulpici,
forum castris, otium militiae, "stilus gladio, umbra soli:
sit denique in civitate ea 'prima res, propter quam ipsa
est civitas omnium princeps. 31. Verum haec Cato
nimium nos nostris verbis magna facere demonstrat; et
oblitos esse, bellum illud omne Mithridaticum cum muli-
erculis esse gestum. Quod ego longe secus existimo,
judices: deque eo pauca disseram; neque enim causa
in hoc continetur.
cum
Nam, si omnia bella, quae 10cum Graecis gessimus,
contemnenda sunt, derideatur de rege Pyrrho triumphus
M' Curii de Philippo, T. Flaminini: de Aetolis, M.
Fulvii de rege Perse, L. Paulli: de Pseudophilippo,
Q. Metelli: de Corinthiis, L. Mummii: sin haec bella
gravissima victoriaeque eorum bellorum gratissimae fue-
runt; cur Asiaticae nationes, atque ille a te hostis
contemnitur? Atqui, ex veterum rerum monumentis, vel
maximum bellum populum Romanum cum 12 Antiocho
gessisse video: cujus belli victor 13L. Scipio, partita
cum Publio fratre gloria, quam laudem ille, Africa op-
pressa, 14cognomine ipso prae se ferebat, eandem hic
sibi ex Asiae nomine assumpsit. 32. Quo quidem in
bello virtus enituit egregia 15M. Catonis, proavi tui: quo
ille, cum esset, ut ego mihi statuo, talis, qualem te esse
video, 16nunquam esset profectus, si
esset profectus, si cum mulierculis
bellandum esse arbitraretur. Neque vero cum P. Afri-
cano senatus egisset, ut legatus fratri proficisceretur ;
cum ipse, paullo ante, Hannibale ex Italia expulso, ex
Africa ejecto, Carthagine oppressa, maximis periculis
rempublicam liberasset, nisi illud grave bellum et vehe-
mens putaretur.
I
10
110
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
XV. ATQUI, si diligenter, 'quid Mithridates potuerit,
et quid effecerit, et qui vir fuerit, consideraris; omnibus
regibus, quibuscum populus Romanus bellum gessit, hunc
regem nimirum antepones; quem L. Sulla, maximo et
fortissimo exercitu, 2pugna excitatum, non rudis impera-
tor, ut aliud nihil dicam, bello invectum totam in Asiam,
Scum pace dimisit: quem L. Murena, pater hujusce,
vehementissime vigilantissimeque vexatum, repressum
magna ex parte, non oppressum reliquit: qui rex, sibi
aliquot annis sumptis ad confirmandas rationes et copias
belli, tantum ipse opibus conatuque invaluit, ut se Ocea-
num cum Ponto, Sertorii copias cum suis conjuncturum
putaret. 33. Ad quod bellum 'duobus consulibus ita
missis, ut alter Mithridatem persequeretur, alter Bithy-
niam tueretur: alterius res et terra et mari calamitosae
vehementer et opes regis et nomen auxerunt: L. Luculli
vero res tantae exstiterunt, ut neque majus bellum com-
memorari possit, neque majore consilio et virtute gestum.
⁹Nam, cum totius impetus belli ad Cyzicenorum moenia
constitisset, eamque urbem sibi Mithridates 10Asiae januam
fore putasset, qua effracta et revulsa, tota pateret pro-
vincia: perfecta ab Lucullo haec sunt omnia, ut urbs fide-
lissimorum sociorum defenderetur, ¹¹et omnes copiac
regis diuturnitate obsessionis consumerentur. Quid?
illam 12pugnam navalem ad Tenedum, cum contento
cursu, acerrimis ducibus, hostium classis Italiam spe
atque animis inflata peteret, mediocri certamine et parva
dimicatione commissam arbitraris? Mitto proelia: prae-
tereo oppugnationes oppidorum. Expulsus regno tandem
aliquando, tantum tamen consilio atque auctoritate valuit,
ut se, rege Armeniorum adjuncto, novis opibus copiis-
que renovarit.
XVI. Ac, si mihi nunc de rebus gestis esset nostri
exercitus imperatorisque dicendum, plurima et maxima
proelia commemorare possem. 14 Sed non id agimus
34. Hoc dico: si bellum hoc, si hic hostis, si ille rex
contemnendus fuisset, neque tanta cura 15senatus et po-
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
111
con-
pulus Romanus suscipiendum putasset, neque tot annos
gessisset, neque tanta gloria L. Luculli: neque vero
ejus belli conficiendi curam tanto studio 'populus Ro-
manus ad Cn. Pompeium detulisset: cujus ex omnibus
pugnis, quae sunt innumerabiles, ²vel acerrima mihi vid-
etur illa, quae cum rege commissa est, et summa
tentione pugnata. Qua ex pugna cum se ille eripuisset,
et ³Bosporum confugisset, quo exercitus adire non posset:
*etiam in extrema fortuna et fuga, nomen tamen retinuit
regium. Itaque ipse Pompeius, regno possesso, ex om-
nibus oris ac notis sedibus hoste pulso, 5tamen tantum
in unius anima posuit, ut, cum omnia, quae ille tenuerat,
adierat, sperarat, victoria possideret; tamen non ante
quam illum vita expulit bellum confectum judicarit.
Hunc tu hostem, Cato, contemnis, quocum per tot annos,
tot proeliis, tot imperatores bella gesserunt? cujus ex-
pulsi et ejecti vita tanti aestimata est, ut, morte ejus
nuntiata, tum denique bellum confectum arbitraremur?
Hoc igitur in bello L. Murenam, legatum fortissimi ani-
mi, summi consilii, maximi laboris cognitum esse de-
fendimus et hanc ejus operam non minus ad consula-
tum adipiscendum, quam hanc nostram forensem industriam,
dignitatis habuisse.
XVII. 35. "AT enim in praeturae petitione prior re-
nuntiatus est Servius."-10Pergitisne vos, tamquam ex
11syngrapha, agere cum populo, ut, quem locum semel
honoris cuipiam dederit, eundem 12reliquis honoribus
debeat? 13Quod enim fretum, quem 14Euripum tot motus,
tantas, tam varias habere putatis agitationes fluctuum,
quantas perturbationes et quantos aestus habet ratio
comitiorum? Dies intermissus unus, aut nox interposita,
saepe perturbat omnia: et 15totam opinionem parva non-
nunquam commutat aura rumoris. Saepe etiam sine ulla
aperta causa fit aliud, atque existimamus, ut nonnunquam
ita factum esse etiam populus admiretur: quasi vero
non ipse fecerit. 36. Nihil est incertius vulgo, nihil
obscurius voluntate hominum, 16nihil fallacius ratione
!
112
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
tota comitiorum. Quis L. Philippum summo ingenio,
¹opera, gratia, nobilitate, a M. Herennio superari posse
arbitratus est? quis 2Q. Catulum, humanitate, sapientia,
integritate antecellentem, a Cn. Mallio? quis M. Scau-
rum, ³hominem gravissimum, civem egregium, fortissimum
senatorem, a Q. Maximo? Non modo horum nihil ita
fore putatum est, sed ne cum esset factum quidem, qua-
re ita factum esset intelligi potuit. Nam ut tempestates
4saepe certo aliquo coeli signo commoventur, saepe im-
proviso, nulla ex certa ratione, obscura aliqua ex causa
concitantur: sic, in hac comitiorum tempestate populari,
saepe intelligas, quo signo commota sit; saepe ita ob-
scura causa est, ut casu excitata esse videatur.
XVIII. 37. SED tamen, si est reddenda ratio, duae
res vehementer in praetura desideratae sunt, quae ambae
in consulatu Murenae profuerunt: una, exspectatio mune-
ris, quae et rumore nonnullo, et studiis sermonibusque
competitorum creverat: ⁹altera, quod ii, quos in provincia
ac legatione omnis et liberalitatis et virtutis suae testes
habuerat, nondum decesserant. Horum utrumque ei
fortuna ad consulatus petitionem reservavit. Nam et L.
Luculli exercitus, qui ad triumphum convenerat, idem
10comitiis L. Murenae praesto fuit; et munus amplissi-
mum, quod petitio praeturae desiderabat, praetura restituit.
38. Num tibi haec parva videntur adjumenta et subsidia
consulatus? 12 Voluntas militum? quae cum per se valet
multitudine, tum apud suos gratia, tum vero in consule
declarando multum etiam apud universum populum Ro-
manum auctoritatis habet. Suffragatio militaris? impera-
tores enim comitiis consularibus, non 13 verborum inter-
pretes deliguntur. 14Quare gravis est illa oratio, "me
saucium recreavit : me praeda donavit: hoc duce castra
cepimus, signa contulimus: nunquam iste plus militi
laboris imposuit, quam sibi sumpsit ipse; 15 cum fortis,
tum etiam felix." 16Hoc quanti putas esse ad famam
hominum ac voluntatem? 17Etenim si tanta illis comitiis
religio est, ut adhuc semper 18omen valuerit praerogati-
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
113
vum: quid mirum est, in hoc felicitatis famam sermo-
nemque valuisse?
XIX. SED, si haec ¹leviora ducis, quae sunt gravissima,
2et hanc urbanam suffragationem militari anteponis, noli
3ludorum hujus elegantiam, et scenae magnificentiam
valde contemnere ; quae huic admodum
admodum profuerunt.
Nam quid ego dicam, populum ac vulgus imperitorum
ludis magno opere delectari? Minus est mirandum.
"Quamquam huic causae id satis est: sunt enim populi
ac multitudinis comitia. Quare si populo ludorum mag-
nificentia voluptati est, non est mirandum, eam L. Mu-
renae apud populum profuisse. 39. Sed si nosmet ipsi,
qui et ab delectatione omni negotiis impedimur, et in
ipsa occupatione delectationes alias multas habere pos-
sumus, ludis tamen oblectamur et ducimur; quid tu ad-
mirere de multitudine indocta? 40. 8L. Otho, vir fortis,
meus necessarius, equestri ordini restituit non solum
dignitatem, sed etiam voluptatem. Itaque lex haec,
quae ad ludos pertinet, est omnium gratissima, quod
honestissimo ordini 10cum splendore fructus quoque ju-
cunditatis est restitutus. Quare delectant homines, mihi
crede, ludi, etiam illos, qui dissimulant, non solum eos,
qui fatentur: quod ego ¹¹in mea petitione sensi. 12Nam
nos quoque habuimus scenam competitricem. Quod si
ego, qui ¹³trinos ludos aedilis feceram, tamen Antonii
ludis 14commovebar: tibi, qui casu nullos feceras, 15nihil
hujus istam ipsam, quam irrides, argenteam scenam, ad-
versatam putas ? 41. Sed haec sane sint paria omnia:
16sit par forensis opera militari: sit par militari suffraga-
tio urbana: sit idem magnificentissimos et nullos um-
quam fecisse ludos; quid? in ipsa praetura nihilne
existimas 17inter tuam et istius sortem interfuisse ?
XX. 18HUJUS sors ea fuit, quam omnes tui necessarii
tibi optabamus, juris dicundi: in qua 19gloriam conciliat
magnitudo negotii, gratiam aequitatis largitio: qua in
sorte sapiens praetor, qualis hic fuit, offensionem vitat
20aequabilitate decernendi, benevolentiam adjungit lenitate
10*
114
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
audiendi. Egregia et ad consulatum apta provincia, in
qua laus aequitatis, integritatis, facilitatis, ¹ad extremum
ludorum voluptate concluditur. 42. 2Quid tua sors?
3tristis, atrox quaestio peculatus, ex altera parte, lacri-
marum et 4squaloris, ex altera, plena catenarum atque
indicum. Cogendi judices inviti, retinendi contra vol-
untatem: 7scriba damnatus, ordo totus alienus: Sullana
gratificatio reprehensa; multi viri fortes, et prope pars
civitatis offensa est: 1ºlites severe aestimatae; cui
placet, obliviscitur, cui dolet, meminit. Postremo tu in
provinciam ire noluisti. Non possum id in te repre-
hendere, quod in me ipso et praetor et consul probavi.
Sed tamen 12L. Murenae provincia multas bonas gratias
cum optima existimatione attulit. Habuit proficiscens
delectum in Umbria: dedit ei 13facultatem respublica
liberalitatis qua usus, multas sibi tribus, ¹4quae muni-
cipiis Umbriae conficiuntur, adjunxit. Ipsa autem in
Gallia, 15ut nostri homines desperatas jam pecunias exige-
rent, aequitate diligentiaque perfecit. Tu interea Romae
16scilicet amicis praesto fuisti. Fateor: sed tamen illud
cogita, nonnullorum amicorum studia minui solere in eos,
a quibus provincias contemni intelligant.
XXI. 43. ET, quoniam ostendi, judices, parem digni-
tatem ad consulatus petitionem, 17disparem fortunam
provincialium negotiorum in Murena atque in Sulpicio
fuisse; dicam jam apertius, in quo meus necessarius
fuerit inferior Servius, et ea dicam, vobis audientibus,
18amisso jam tempore, quae ipsi soli, re integra, saepe
dixi. Petere consulatum nescire te, Servi, persaepe tibi
dixi: et 19in iis rebus ipsis, quas te magno et forti ani-
mo et agere et dicere videbam, tibi solitus sum dicere,
magis te fortem senatorem mihi videri, quam sapientem
candidatum. Primum 20accusandi terrores et minae, quib-
us tu quotidie uti solebas, sunt fortis viri; sed et pop-
uli opinionem 21a spe adipiscendi avertunt, et amicorum
studia debilitant. Nescio quo pacto semper hoc fit:
neque 22in uno aut altero animadversum est, sed jam in
#
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
115
pluribus; simul atque candidatus accusationem meditari
visus est, ut honorem desperasse videatur. 44. ¹Quid
ergo? acceptam injuriam persequi non placet? Immo
vehementer placet: sed aliud tempus est petendi, aliud
persequendi. Petitorem ego, praesertim consulatus, magna
spe, magno animo, magnis copiis et in forum et in
campum deduci volo: non placet mihi inquisitio candi-
dati, praenuntia repulsae: non testium potius, quam suf-
fragatorum comparatio: non minae magis, quam blandit-
iae: non declamatio potius, quam persalutatio praeser-
tim cum jam, hoc novo more, omnes fere domos omnium
concursent, et ex vultu candidatorum faciant, quantum
quisque animi et facultatis habere videatur. 45. "Vides-
ne tu illum tristem? demissum? jacet, diffidit, abjecit
hastas." Serpit hic rumor: "scis tu illum accusationem
cogitare? inquirere in competitores? testes quaerere? Ali-
um faciam, quoniam sibi hic ipse desperat." Ejusmodi can-
didatorum amici intimi debilitantur, studia deponunt, aut
testatam rem abjiciunt, aut suam 10operam et gratiam
judicio et accusationi reservant.
XXII. ACCEDIT eodem, ut etiam ipse candidatus ¹¹to-
tum animum, atque omnem curam, operam, diligentiam-
que suam in petitione non possit ponere. Adjungitur
enim accusationis cogitatio, 12non parva res, sed nimirum
omnium maxima. Magnum est enim, te 13 comparare ea,
quibus possis hominem e civitate, praesertim non inopem,
neque infirmum, exturbare; qui et per se, et per suos,
et vero ¹¹etiam per alienos defendatur. Omnes enim ad
pericula propulsanda concurrimus; et qui non aperte
inimici sumus, etiam alienissimis, 15in capitis periculis,
amicissimorum officia et studia praestamus. 46. Quare
ego expertus et petendi, et defendendi, et accusandi
molestiam, 16sic intellexi: in petendo, studium esse acer-
rimum ; in defendendo, officium; in accusando laborem.
Itaque 17sic statuo, fieri nullo modo posse, 18ut idem
accusationem et petitionem consulatus diligenter adornet
atque instruat. 19Unum sustinere pauci possunt, utrum-
116
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
1
que nemo. Tu, 'cum te de curriculo petitionis deflexis-
ses, animumque ad accusandum transtulisses, existimasti
te utrique negotio satisfacere posse? Vehementer errasti.
Quis enim dies fuit, posteaquam in istam accusandi de-
nuntiationem ingressus es, quem tu non totum in ista
ratione consumpseris?
XXIII. ³LEGEM ambitus flagitasti, quae tibi non de-
erat. 4 Erat enim severissime scripta Calpurnia. "Gestus
est mos et voluntati et dignitati tuae. "Sed tota illa lex
accusationem tuam, si haberes nocentem reum, fortasse
armasset petitioni vero refragata est. 47. Poena grav-
ior in plebem tua voce efflagitata est;—commoti animi
tenuiorum ;-⁹exsilium in nostrum ordinem: concessit
senatus postulationi tuae, 10sed non libenter duriorem
fortunae communi
communi conditionem te auctore, constituit.
11Morbi excusationi poena addita est. 12voluntas offensa
multorum, quibus aut contra valetudinis commodum labo-
randum est, aut incommodo morbi etiam ceteri vitae
fructus relinquendi. Quid ergo? 13haec quis tulit? 14Is,
qui auctoritati senatus, voluntati tuae paruit: denique
is tulit, qui minime probarat. 15Illa, quae mea summa
voluntate senatus frequens repudiavit, mediocriter adver-
sata tibi esse existimas ? 6Confusionem suffragiorum
flagitasti, "prorogationem legis Maniliae, 18aequationem
gratiae, dignitatis, suffragiorum. Graviter 19homines hon-
esti, atque in suis vicinitatibus et municipiis gratiosi
tulerunt, a tali viro esse pugnatum, ut omnes et 20digni-
tatis et gratiae gradus tollerentur. 21Idem editicios judi-
ces esse voluisti, 22ut odia occulta civium, quae tacitis
nunc discordiis continentur, in fortunas optimi cujusque
erumperent. 48. Haec omnia tibi accusandi viam muni-
ebant, 23adipiscendi obsaepiebant.
Atque 24ex omnibus illa plaga est injecta petitioni tuae,
non tacente me, maxima: de qua ab homine ingenio-
sissimo et copiosissimo, Hortensio, multa gravissime
dicta sunt. Quo etiam mihi 25durior locus dicendi
datus: ut, cum ante me et ille dixisset, et vir summa
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
117
dignitate, et diligentia, et facultate dicendi, M. Crassus,
lego in extremo non partem aliquam agerem causae, sed
de tota re dicerem, quod mihi videretur. Itaque in iis-
dem rebus fere versor, et, quoad possum, judices, oc-
curro vestrae sapientiae.
XXIV. SED tamen, Servi, quam te securim putas
injecisse petitioni tuae, cum tu populum Romanum in
eum metum adduxisti, ut pertimesceret, ne consul Cati-
lina fieret, dum tu accusationem comparares, deposita
atque abjecta petitione? 49. Etenim te inquirere vide-
bant, tristem ipsum, moestos amicos; observationes,
testificationes, seductiones testium, "secessionem sub-
scriptorum animadvertebant: quibus rebus certe ipsi can-
didatorum vultus obscuriores videri solent; Catilinam in-
terea alacrem atque laetuin, stipatum choro juventutis,
vallatum indicibus atque sicariis, inflatum cum spe mi-
litum, tum collegae mei, quemadmodum dicebat ipse,
promissis; circumfluentem colonorum 10Arretinorum et
Fesulanorum exercitu; quam turbam, dissimillimo ex
genere, distinguebant homines "perculsi Sullani temporis
calamitate. Vultus erat ipsius plenus furoris : oculi
sceleris sermo, arrogantiae: sic ut ei jam exploratus
et 12domi conditus consulatus videretur. Murenam con-
temnebat: Sulpicium 13accusatorem suum numerabat,
non competitorem ei vim denuntiabat: reipublicae
minabatur.
:
XXV. 50. QUIBUS rebus qui timor bonis omnibus in-
jectus sit, quantaque desperatio reipublicae, si ille factus.
esset, nolite a me commoneri velle: vosmet ipsi vobis-
cum recordamini. Meministis enim, cum illius nefarii
gladiatoris voces 15percrebuissent, quas habuisse in concio-
ne domestica dicebatur, cum miserorum fidelem defensorem
negasset inveniri posse, nisi 16eum, qui ipse miser
esset: integrorum et fortunatorum promissis saucios
et miseros credere non oportere : quare qui 18consumpta
replere, erepta recuperare vellent, spectarent, quid ipse
deberet, quid possideret, quid auderet: minime timidum,
!
118
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
et valde calamitosum esse oportere eum, qui esset futu-
rus dux et signifer calamitosorum. 51. Tum igitur, his
rebus auditis, meministis fieri senatusconsultum, ¹referente
me, ne postero die comitia haberentur, ut de his rebus
in senatu agere possemus. Itaque postridie, frequenti
senatu, 2Catilinam excitavi, atque eum de his rebus jussi,
si quid vellet, quae ad me allatae essent, dicere. Atque
ille, ut semper fuit ³apertissimus, non se purgavit, sed
indicavit atque induit. Tum enim dixit, duo corpora
esse reipublicae, unum debile, infirmo capite: alterum
firmum, sine capite: huic, cum ita de se meritum esset,
caput, se vivo, non defuturum. "Congemuit senatus
frequens, neque tamen satis severe pro rei indignitate
decrevit. Nam partim ideo fortes in decernendo non
erant, quia nihil timebant: partim, quia timebant. 6 Tum
erupit e senatu, triumphans gaudio, quem omnino vivum
illinc exire non oportuerat: praesertim cum idem ille
in eodem ordine 7paucis diebus ante Catoni, fortissimo
viro, judicium minitanti ac denuntianti, respondisset, si
quod esset in suas fortunas incendium excitatum, id se
non aqua, sed ruina restincturum.
XXVI. 52. His tum rebus commotus, et quod homi-
nes jam tum conjuratos cum gladiis in campum deduci
a Catilina sciebam, descendi in campum cum firmissi-
mo praesidio fortissimorum virorum, et cum illa lata
insignique lorica, non quae me tegeret, (etenim sciebam
Catilinam non latus aut ventrem, sed caput et collum
solere petere,) verum ut omnes boni animadverterent, et,
cum in metu et periculo consulem viderent, id quod est
factum, ad opem praesidiumque meum concurrerent.
Itaque cum te, Servi, 10remissiorem in petendo putarent,
Catilinam et spe et cupiditate inflaminatum viderent,
omnes, qui illam ab republica pestem depellere cupiebant,
ad Murenam se statim contulerunt. 53. 11Magna est
autem comitiis consularibus repentina voluntatum inclina-
tio, praesertim cum incubuit 12ad virum bonum et multis
aliis adjumentis petitionis ornatum. Qui cum honestis-
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
119
simo patre atque majoribus, ¹modestissima adolescentia,
clarissima legatione, praetura probata in jure, grata in
munere, ornata in provincia, petisset diligenter, et ita
petisset, ut neque minanti cederet, neque cuiquam mina-
retur: huic mirandum est, magno adjumento Catilinae
subitam spem consulatus adipiscendi fuisse?
54. Nunc mihi tertius ille locus est orationis de am-
bitus criminibus, perpurgatus ab iis, qui ante me dixe-
runt, a me, quoniam ita Murena voluit, retractandus: quo
in loco Postumio, familiari meo, ornatissimo viro, 'de
divisorum indiciis et de deprehensis pecuniis, adolescenti
ingenioso et bono, Ser. Sulpicio, 'de equitum centuriis,
M. Catoni, homini in omni virtute excellenti, de ipsius
accusatione, de senatusconsulto, de republica respondebo.
XXXII. 55. SED pauca, quae meum animum repente
moverunt, prius de L. Murenae fortuna conquerar. Nam
cum saepe antea, judices, et ex aliorum miseriis, et
ex meis curis laboribusque quotidianis, fortunatos eos
homines judicarem, qui, remoti a studiis ambitionis,
otium ac tranquillitatem vitae secuti sunt: tum vero in
his L. Murenae tantis tamque improvisis periculis ita
sum animo affectus, ut non queam satis neque communem
omnium nostrum conditionem, neque hujus eventum for-
tunamque miserari: qui, primum, dum ex honoribus con-
tinuis familiae majorumque suorum unum adscendere
gradum dignitatis conatus est, venit in periculum, ne et
¹¹ea, quae relicta, et haec, quae ab ipso parta sunt, amit-
tat; deinde, 12propter studium novae laudis, etiam in
veteris fortunae discrimen adducitur. 56. Quae cum sint
gravia, judices, tum illud acerbissimum est, quod habet
eos accusatores, non qui ¹³odio inimicitiarum ad accus-
andum, sed qui studio accusandi ad inimicitias descen-
derunt. Nam, ut omittam Servium Sulpicium, quem in-
telligo non injuria L. Murenae, sed honoris contentione
permotum, accusat 15paternus amicus, Cn. Postumius,
vetus, ut ait ipse, vicinus ac necessarius; 16qui necessi-
tudinis causas complures protulit, simultatis nullam com-
/
120
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
memorare potuit: accusat Ser. Sulpicius, sodalis filii,
2cujus ingenio paterni omnes necessarii munitiores esse
debebant: accusat M. Cato, qui quamquam a Murena
nulla re umquam alienus fuit, tamen ea conditione nobis
erat in hac civitate natus, ut ejus opes et ingenium
praesidio multis etiam alienissimis, vix cuiquam inimico,
exitio esse deberent. 57. Respondebo igitur Postumio
primum, qui, nescio quo pacto, mihi videtur praetorius
candidatus in consularem, quasi desultorius in quadriga-
rum curriculum, incurrere. Cujus competitores si nihil
deliquerunt, dignitati eorum concessit, cum petere de-
stitit; sin autem eorum aliquis largitus est, expetendus
amicus est, qui alienam potius injuriam, quam suam
persequatur.
XXVIII. 58. 6Venio nunc ad M. Catonem, quod est
firmamentum ac robur totius accusationis; qui tamen
ita gravis est accusator et vehemens, ut multo magis
ejus auctoritatem, quam criminationem pertimescam. In
quo ego accusatore, judices, primum illud deprecabor,
ne quid L. Murenae dignitas illius, ne quid exspectatio
tribunatus, ne quid totius vitae splendor et gravitas noceat:
denique ne ea soli huic obsint bona M. Catonis, quae
ille adeptus est, ut multis prodesse posset. Bis consul
fuerat 10P. Africanus, et duos terrores hujus imperii, Car-
thaginem Numantiamque, deleverat, cum accusavit L.
Cottam. Erat in eo summa eloquentia, summa fides,
summa integritas, auctoritas tanta, quanta ¹¹in ipso imper-
io populi Romani, quod illius opera tenebatur. Saepe
hoc majores natu dicere audivi, hanc accusatoris eximi-
am dignitatem plurimum 12L. Cottae profuisse. Nolue-
runt sapientissimi homines, qui tum rem illam judica-
bant, ita quemquam 13cadere in judicio, ut nimiis ad-
versarii viribus abjectus videretur. 59. Quid? 14Ser.
Galbam (nam traditum memoriae est) nonne proavo tuo,
fortissimo atque florentissimo viro, M. Catoni, incum-
benti ad ejus perniciem, populus Romanus eripuit?
Semper in hac civitate nimis magnis accusatorum
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
121
"
opibus et populus universus, et sapientes ac ¹multum
in posterum prospicientes judices restiterunt. 2Nolo
accusator in judicium potentiam afferat, non vim ma-
jorem aliquam, non auctoritatem excellentem, non nimiam
gratiam. Valeant haec omnia ad salutem innocentium,
ad opem impotentium, ad auxilium calamitosorum: in
periculo vero, et in pernicie civium, repudientur. 60.
Nam si quis hoc forte dicet, Catonem descensurum ad
accusandum non fuisse, nisi prius de causa judicasset;
iniquam legem, judices, et miseram conditionem instit-
uet periculis hominum, si existimabit, judicium accusa-
toris in reum pro aliquo praejudicio valere oportere.
CC
XXIX. EGO tuum consilium, Cato, propter singu-
lare animi mei de tua virtute judicium, vituperare non
audeo; nonnulla in re forsitan conformare et leviter
emendare possim. 8" Non multa peccas," inquit ille
fortissimo viro senior magister: 'sed, si peccas, te
regere possum." At ego te verissime dixerim peccare
nihil, neque ulla in re te esse hujusmodi, ut corrigen-
dus potius, quam leviter
leviter inflectendus esse videare.
Finxit enim te ipsa natura ad honestatem, gravitatem,
temperantiam, magnitudinem animi, justitiam, ad omnes
denique virtutes magnum hominem et excelsum.
10 Ac-
cessit istuc doctrina non moderata, ¹¹nec mitis, sed, ut
mihi videtur, paullo asperior, et durior, quam aut veri-
tas aut natura patiatur. 61. Et quoniam non est no-
bis haec oratio habenda aut 12cum 13imperita multitudine,
aut in aliquo conventu agrestium, audacius paullo de
14studiis humanitatis, quae et mihi et vobis nota et
jucunda sunt, disputabo. In M. Catone, judices, 15haec ·
bona, quae videmus, divina et egregia, ipsius scitote
esse propria. Quae nonnunquam requirimus, ea sunt
omnia non a natura, sed a magistro. 16Fuit enim qui-
dam summo ingenio vir, "Zeno, cujus inventorum aemuli
18Stoici nominantur. Hujus 19sententiae sunt et prae-
cepta ejusmodi: 20sapientem 21gratia nunquam moveri,
nunquam cujusquam delicto ignoscere: neminem miseri-
•
11
122
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
cordem esse, nisi stultum et levem: viri non esse, ne-
que exorari, neque placari: 'solos sapientes esse, si dis-
tortissimi sint, formosos; si mendicissimi, divites; ²si
servitutem serviant, reges: nos autem, qui sapientes non
sumus, fugitivos, exsules, hostes, insanos denique esse
dicunt: ³omnia peccata esse paria: omne delictum scelus
esse nefarium: nec minus delinquere eum, qui gallum
gallinaceum, cum opus non fuerit, quam eum, qui patrem
suffocaverit: sapientem nihil opinari, nullius rei poenit-
ere, nulla in re falli, sententiam mutare nunquam.
6 Petunt
XXX. 62. HAEC homo ingeniosissimus, M. Cato,
5auctoribus eruditissimis inductus, arripuit: neque dispu-
tandi causa, ut magna pars, sed ita vivendi.
aliquid publicani? 7" Cave quidquam habeat momenti
gratia." Supplices aliqui veniunt, miseri et calamitosi?
"Sceleratus et nefarius fueris, si quidquam, misericordia
adductus, feceris." Fatetur aliquis se peccasse, et ejus
delicti veniam petit? "Nefarium est facinus, ignoscere."
At leve delictum est. "Omnia peccata sunt paria."
8 Dixisti quidpiam. "Fixum et statutum est." 9Non re
ductus es, sed opinione. "Sapiens nihil opinatur."
10 Errasti aliqua in re. Maledici putat. Hac ex dis-
ciplina nobis illa sunt: 126 Dixi in senatu me nomen
consularis candidati delaturum. Iratus dixisti.
"Nun-
quam, inquit, sapiens irascitur.” 13 At temporis causa.
Improbi," inquit, "hominis est, mendacio fallere; mutare
sententiam, turpe est; exorari, scelus; misereri, flagitium."
63. 14Nostri autem illi, (fatebor enim, Cato, me quoque
in adolescentia, diffisum ingenio meo, quaesisse adju
menta doctrinae,) nostri, inquam, illi a Platone et Aristot-
ele, moderati homines et temperati, aiunt, apud sapien-
tem 15valere aliquando gratiam: viri boni esse misereri:
distincta genera esse delictorum, et dispares poenas:
esse apud 16hominem constantem ignoscendi locum: ip-
sum sapientem 17saepe aliquid opinari, quod nesciat:
irasci nonnunquam: exorari eundem et placari: quod
dixerit, interdum, si ita rectius sit, mutare: de sententia
'
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
123
decedere aliquando: ¹omnes virtutes mediocritate qua-
dam esse moderatas.
XXXI. 64. 2Hos ad magistros si qua te fortuna,
Cato, cum ista natura detulisset, non tu quidem vir
melior esses, nec fortior, nec temperantior, nec justior,
(neque enim esse potes,) sed 3paullo ad lenitatem pro-
pensior. Non accusares nullis adductus inimicitiis,
nulla lacessitus injuria, *pudentissimum hominem, summa
dignitate atque honestate praeditum: putares cum sin
ejusdem anni custodia te atque L. Murenam fortuna
posuisset, aliquo te cum hoc reipublicae vinculo esse
conjunctum quod atrociter in senatu dixisti, aut non
dixisses, aut seposuisses, aut mitiorem in partem inter-
pretarere. 65. Ac te ipsum (quantum ego opinione augu-
ror) nunc et animi
et animi quodam impetu concitatum, et vi
naturae atque ingenii elatum, et recentibus 'praeceptorum
studiis flagrantem jam usus flectet, dies leniet, aetas
mitigabit. Etenim isti ipsi mihi videntur vestri prae-
ceptores et virtutis magistri fines officiorum paullo lon-
gius, quam natura vellet, protulisse: 9ut, cum ad ultimum
anima contendissemus, ibi tamen, ubi oportet, consiste-
remus. 10 Nihil ignoveris." "Immo aliquid, non omnia.
"Nihil gratiae causa feceris." 12Immo resistito gratiae,
cum officium et fides postulabit. "Misericordia com-
motus ne sis." 13Etiam; in dissolvenda severitate: sed
tamen est laus aliqua humanitatis.
14" In sententia per-
Vero;
nisi sententiam alia vicerit melior.
66. Hujuscemodi 15Scipio ille fuit, quem non poenitebat
facere idem, quod tu: habere eruditissimum hominem,
et paene divinum domi: 16cujus oratione et praeceptis,
quamquam erant 17eadem ista, quae te delectant, tamen
asperior non est factus, sed (ut accepi a senibus) lenis-
simus. Quis vero C. Laelio comior? quis jucundior,
eodem ex studio isto? quis illo gravior, sapientior? Pos-
sum de 18L. Philo, de C. 19Gallo dicere haec eadem:
sed te domum jam deducam tuam. Quemquamne exis-
timas 20Catone, proavo tuo, commodiorem, 2comiorem,
maneto."
124
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
¹moderatiorem fuisse ad omnem rationem humanitatis?
De cujus praestanti virtute cum vere graviterque diceres,
domesticum 2te habere dixisti exemplum ad imitandum.
Est illud quidem exemplum tibi propositum domi: sed
tamen naturae similitudo illius ad te magis, qui ab illo
ortus es, quam ad unumquenique nostrûm pervenire potuit :
ad imitandum vero tam mihi propositum exemplar illud
est, quam tibi. Sed, si illius ³comitatem et facilitatem
tuae gravitati severitatique adsperseris, non ¹ista quidem
erunt meliora, quae nunc sunt optima, sed certe condita
jucundius.
XXXII. 67. QUARE, ut ad id, quod institui, revertar,
5tolle mihi e causa nomen Catonis : remove ac praeter-
mitte auctoritatem, quae in judiciis aut nihil valere, aut
ad salutem debet valere: congredere mecum criminibus
ipsis. Quid accusas, Cato? quid affers in judicium?
quid arguis? Ambitum accusas ? Non defendo. 'Me
reprehendis, quod idem defendam, quod lege punierim.
"Punivi ambitum, non innocentiam. 9Ambitum vero ip-
sum vel tecum accusabo, si voles. Dixisti, senatus-
consultum, me referente, esse factum, 10 si mercede
11corrupti obviam candidatis issent, si conducti secta-
rentur, si gladiatoribus vulgo locus tributim, et item
prandia si vulgo essent data, contra legem Calpurniam.
factum videri." Ergo ita senatus judicat, contra legem
facta haec videri, 13si facta sint: decernit, quod nihil
opus est, dum candidatis morem gerit. 14Nam factum
sit, necne, vehementer quaeritur. Si factum sit, quin
contra legem sit, dubitare nemo potest. 68. Est igitur
ridiculum, quod est dubium, id relinquere incertum: quod
nemini dubium potest esse, id judicare. 15 Atqui id de-
cernitur omnibus postulantibus candidatis: ut ex sena-
tusconsulto, neque cujus intersit, neque contra quem
sit, intelligi possit. Quare doce, a L. Murena illa
commissa: tum egomet tibi, contra legem com-
missa esse, concedam.
esse
XXXIII. “16MULTI obviam prodierunt de provincia
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
125
11
decedenti, consulatum petenti." Solet fieri. 'Eccui au-
tem non proditur revertenti ? 2 Quae fuit ista multi-
tudo!" Primum, si tibi ³istam rationem non possim
reddere quid habet admirationis, tali viro advenienti,
candidato consulari, obviam prodisse multos? quod nisi
esset factum, magis mirandum videretur.
videretur. 69. Quid?
si etiam illud addam, quod a consuetudine non abhorret,
rogatos esse multos? num aut criminosum sit, aut mi-
randum, qua in civitate rogati infimorum hominum filios,
prope de nocte, ex ultima saepe urbe, deductum venire.
soleamus, in ea non esse gravatos homines prodire
hora tertia in campum Martium, praesertim talis viri
nomine rogatos? Quid? si 'omnes societates venerunt,
quarum ex numero multi hic sedent judices? quid? si
multi homines nostri ordinis honestissimi? quid? si illa
officiosissima, quae neminem patitur non honeste in
urbem introire, Stota natio candidatorum? si denique ipse
accusator noster Postumius obviam cum bene magna
caterva sua venit: quid habet ista multitudo admiratio-
nis? Omitto ¹ºclientes, vicinos, tribules, exercitum totum
Luculli, qui ad triumphum per eos dies venerat : hoc
dico, frequentiam in isto officio gratuitam, non modo
dignitati ullius umquam, sed ne voluntati quidem defuisse.
70. 12" At sectabantur multi."-Doce, mercede: conced-
am esse crimen. Hoc quidem remoto, quid reprehendis ?
XXXIV. 13" QUID opus est, inquit, sectatoribus ?"-
A me tu id quaeris, quid opus sit eo, quo semper usi
sumus ? 15 Homines tenues unum habent in nostrum
ordinem aut promerendi aut referendi beneficii locum,
hanc in nostris petitionibus operam atque assectationem.
16Neque enim fieri potest, neque postulandum est a no-
bis, aut ab equitibus Romanis, ut suos necessarios can-
didatos sectentur totos dies: 17a quibus si domus nostra
celebratur, si interdum ad forum deducimur, si uno
18basilicae spatio honestamur, diligenter observari vide-
mur et coli: 19tenuiorum et non occupatorum amicorum
est ista assiduitas, quorum copia bonis et beneficis.
14
11*
126
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
deesse non solet. 71. Noli igitur eripere ¹hunc inferiori
generi hominum fructum officii, Cato: sine eos, qui
omnia a nobis sperant, habere ipsos quoque aliquid,
quod nobis tribuere possint. 2Si nihil erit, praeter ipso-
rum suffragium, tenue est: si, ut suffragentur, nihil
valent gratia. Ipsi denique, ut solent loqui, ³non dicere
pro nobis, non spondere, non vocare domum suam pos-
sunt: atque haec a nobis petunt omnia, neque ulla re
alia, quae a nobis consequuntur, nisi opera sua, com-
pensari putant posse. Itaque et legi Fabiae, quae est
de numero sectatorum, et senatusconsulto, quod est L.
Caesare consule factum, restiterunt. "Nulla est enim
poena, quae possit observantiam tenuiorum ab hoc vetere
instituto officiorum excludere.-72. 8" At spectacula sunt
tributim data, et ad prandium vulgo vocati.”—Etsi hoc
factum a Murena omnino, judices, non est, ab ejus ami-
cis autem more et modo factum est; tamen admonitus
re ipsa, recordor, quantum hae quaestiones in senatu
habitae 10punctorum nobis, Servi, detraxerint. Quod
enim tempus fuit aut nostra aut patrum nostrorum memor-
ia, quo haec, sive ambitio est, sive liberalitas, non
fuerit, ut locus et in circo et in foro daretur amicis et
tribulibus? 12 Haec homines tenuiores primum, nondum
qui a suis tribulibus vetere instituto assequebantur →
XXXV. 73 *** 13 PRAEFECTUM fabrûm semel locum
tribulibus suis 14dedisse: quid statuent in viros primarios,
15qui in circo totas tabernas, tribulium causa, compara-
runt? 16Haec omnia sectatorum, spectaculorum, prandio-
rum item crimina, a multitudine in tuam nimiam diligen-
tiam, Servi, conjecta sunt: in quibus tamen Murena ab
senatus auctoritate defenditur. Quid enim? Senatus
num obviam prodire crimen putat? "Non; sed mercede."
17 Convince, Num sectari multos ? "Non; sed conduc
tos." 18 Doce. Num locum ad spectandum dare? aut
ad prandium invitare? "Minime; 19sed vulgo, passim."-
Quid est vulgo? "Universos." Non igitur, si 20L. Nat-
ta, summo loco adolescens, qui, et quo animo jam sit,
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
127
et qualis vir futurus sit, videmus, in equitum centuriis.
voluit esse et ad hoc officium necessitudinis, et ad reliquum
tempus, gratiosus, id erit ejus vitrico fraudi, aut cri-
mini: nec, si virgo Vestalis, hujus propinqua et neces-
saria, locum suum gladiatoribus concessit huic, non et
illa pie fecit, et hic a culpa est remotus. 6Omnia haec
sunt officia necessariorum, commoda tenuiorum, munia
candidatorum.
966
(6
74. At enim agit mecum 'austere et Stoice Cato.
Negat verum esse, allici benevolentiam cibo: negat,
Ⓡjudicium hominum in magistratibus mandandis corrumpi
voluptatibus oportere. Ergo ad coenam, petitionis causa,
si quis vocat, condemnetur. Quippe," inquit, "tu mihi
summum imperium, tu summam auctoritatem, tu guber-
nacula reipublicae petas fovendis hominum sensibus, et
deleniendis animis, et adhibendis voluptatibus? 10Utrum
lenocinium,” inquit, a grege delicatae juventutis, an orbis
terrarum imperium a populo Romano petebas ?"—¹¹Hor-
ribilis oratio: sed eam usus, vita, mores, civitas ipsa
respuit. Neque tamen Lacedaemonii, 12auctores istius
vitae atque orationis, qui quotidianis epulis in robore ac-
cumbunt, neque vero 13Cretes, quorum nemo gustavit
umquam cubans, 14melius, quam Romani homines, 15qui
tempora voluptatis laborisque dispertiunt, respublicas suas
retinuerunt: 16quorum alteri uno adventu nostri exercitus
deleti sunt; alteri nostri imperii praesidio disciplinam
suam legesque conservant.
XXXVI. 75. QUARE noli, Cato, majorum instituta,
quae res ipsa, quae diuturnitas imperii comprobat, nim-
ium severa oratione reprehendere. Fuit 18eodem ex
studio vir eruditus apud patres nostros, et honestus homo
et nobilis, Q. Tubero. Is, cum 19epulum Q. Maximus,
20 Africani patrui sui nomine, populo Romano daret, roga-
tus est a Maximo, 21ut triclinium sterneret, cum esset
Tubero ejusdem Africani sororis filius. Atque ille, homo
eruditissimus, ac Stoicus, 22stravit pelliculis haedinis
lectulos Punicanos, et exposuit vasa Samia: quasi vero
128
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
:
esset Diogenes Cynicus mortuus, et non divini hominis
Africani mors honestaretur; quem cum supremo ejus die
Maximus laudaret, gratias egit diis immortalibus, quod
ille vir in hac republica potissimum natus esset; necesse
enim fuisse, ibi esse terrarum imperium, ubi ille esset.
Hujus in morte celebranda graviter tulit populus Roma-
nus ¹hanc perversam sapientiam Tuberonis. 76. Itaque
2homo integerrimus, civis optimus, cum esset L. Paulli
nepos, P. Africani, ut dixi, sororis filius, ³his haedinis
pelliculis praetura dejectus est. Odit populus Romanus
privatam luxuriam, publicam magnificentiam diligit: non
amat profusas epulas, sordes et inhumanitatem multo
minus distinguit rationem officiorum ac temporum, vi-
cissitudinem laboris ac voluptatis. Nam, quod ais, nulla
re allici hominum mentes oportere ad magistratum man-
dandum, nisi dignitate; hoc tu ipse, in quo summa est
dignitas, non servas. Cur enim quemquam, ut studeat
tibi, ut te adjuvet, rogas? Rogas tu me, ut mihi prae-
sis, ut committam ego me tibi. Quid tandem? istuc
me rogari oportet abs te, an te potius a me, ut pro mea
salute laborem periculumque suscipias? 77. Quid? quod
habes 'nomenclatorem? in eo quidem fallis et decipis.
⁹Nam, si nomine appellari abs te cives tuos honestum
est, turpe est eos notiores esse servo tuo quam tibi.
10Sin, etiam si noris, tamen per monitorem appellandi
sunt, ¹¹cur ante petis, quam insusurravit? aut quid, cum
admoneris, tamen, quasi tute noris, ita salutas? quid,
posteaquam es designatus, multo salutas negligentius?
12 Haec omnia ad rationem civitatis si dirigas, recta sunt:
sin perpendere ad disciplinae praecepta velis, reperian-
tur pravissima. Quare nec plebi Romanae eripiendi
13fructus isti sunt ludorum, gladiatorum, conviviorum,
quae omnia majores nostri comparaverunt: 14nec candi-
datis ista benignitas adimenda est, quae liberalitatem
magis significat, quam largitionem.
XXXVII. 78. 15AT enim te ad accusandum respublica
adduxit. 16Credo, Cato, te isto animo atque ea opinione
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
129
venisse. Sed tu imprudentia laberis. Ego quod facio,
judices, cum amicitiae dignitatisque L. Murenae gratia
facio, tum me pacis, otii, concordiae, libertatis, salutis,
vitae denique omnium nostrum causa facere ¹clamo atque
testor. Audite, audite consulem, judices, nihil dicam
arrogantius, tantum dicam, totos dies atque noctes de
republica cogitantem. Non usque co L. Catilina rem-
publicam despexit atque contempsit, ut ea copia, quam
secum eduxit, se hanc civitatem oppressurum arbitraretur.
2 Latius patet illius sceleris contagio, quam quisquam
putat; ad plures pertinet. Intus, intus, inquam, est
³equus Trojanus: a quo nunquam, me consule, dormien-
tes opprimemini. 79. Quaeris a me, quid ego Catilinam
metuam. Nihil; et curavi, ne quis metueret: sed copias
illius, quas hic video, dico esse metuendas: nec tam
timendus est nunc exercitus L. Catilinae, quam isti, qui
illum exercitum deseruisse dicuntur. Non enim deseru-
erunt, sed ab illo in speculis atque insidiis relicti, in
capite atque in cervicibus nostris restiterunt. Hi et inte-
grum consulem, et bonum imperatorem, et natura, et fortu-
na cum reipublicae salute conjunctum, dejici de urbis prae-
sidio, et de custodia civitatis vestris sententiis deturbari
volunt. Quorum ego ferrum et audaciam rejeci ⁹in cam-
po, debilitavi in foro, compressi etiam domi meae saepe,
judices, his vos si alterum consulem tradideritis, plus
multo erunt vestris sententiis, quam suis gladiis con-
secuti. Magni interest, judices, id quod ego multis re-
pugnantibus egi atque perfeci, esse 10kalendis Januariis
in republica duo consules. 80. Nolite arbitrari, medioc-
ribus consiliis, aut usitatis viis, laut ** Non lex im-
proba, non perniciosa largitio, non auditum aliquando
aliquod malum 12reipublicae quaeritur. Inita sunt in hac
civitate consilia, judices, urbis delendae, civium truci-
dandorum, nominis Romani exstinguendi. Atque haec
cives, cives, inquam, (si eos hoc nomine appellari fas
est,) de patria sua et cogitant et cogitaverunt; horum
ego quotidie consiliis occurro, audaciam debilito, sceleri
130
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
resisto. Sed vos moneo, judices: ¹in exitu est jam
meus consulatus: nolite mihi subtrahere 2vicarium meae
diligentiae nolite adimere eum, cui rempublicam cupio
tradere incolumem, ab his tantis periculis defendendam.
vocaverunt.
XXXVIII. 81. ATQUE ad haec mala, judices, quid
accedat aliud, non videtis? Te, te appello, Cato: non-
ne prospicis ³tempestatem anni tui? jam enim hesterna
concione intonuit vox perniciosa designati tribuni, col-
legae tui: contra quem multum 5tua mens, multum
omnes boni providerunt, qui te ad tribunatus petitionem
Omnia, quae per hoc triennium agitata
sunt, jam ab eo tempore, quo 6a L. Catilina et Cn.
Pisone initum consilium senatus interficiendi scitis esse,
in hos dies, in hos menses, in hoc tempus erumpunt.
82. Qui locus est, judices, quod tempus, qui dies, quae
nox, cum ego non ex istorum insidiis ac mucronibus,
non solum meo, sed multo etiam magis divino consilio
eripiar atque evolem? Neque isti me 'meo nomine
interfici, sed vigilantem consulem de reipublicae prae-
sidio demovere volunt: nec minus vellent, Cato, te
quoque aliqua ratione, si possent, tollere: id quod, mihi
crede, et agunt, et moliuntur. Vident, quantum in te
sit animi, quantum ingenii, quantum auctoritatis, quan-
tum reipublicae praesidii sed cum consulari auc-
toritate et auxilio spoliatam vim tribuniciam viderint,
tum se facilius inermem et debilitatum te oppressu-
ros arbitrantur. Nam 10ne sufficiatur consul, non tim-
11Vident te in tuorum potestate collegarum fore:
sperant ¹²sibi Silanum, clarum virum, sine collega, te
sine consule, rempublicam sine praesidio objici posse.
83. His tantis in rebus tantisque in periculis, est tuum,
M. Cato, qui non mihi, non tibi, sed patriae natus es,
videre quid agatur, retinere adjutorem, defensorem, socium
in republica, consulem 13non cupidum, consulem (quod
maxime tempus hoc postulat) fortuna constitutum ad
amplexandum otium: scientia, ad bellum gerendum: ¹ani-
mo et usu, ad quod velis negotium,
ent.
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
131
XXXIX. QUAMQUAM
hujusce rei potestas omnis
in vobis sita est, judices: totam rempublicam vos in
hac causa tenetis, vos gubernatis. Si L. Catilina cum
suo consilio nefariorum hominum, quos secum eduxit,
hac de re posset judicare, condemnaret L. Murenam:
si interficere posset, occideret. 2 Petunt enim rationes
illius, ut orbetur auxilio respublica: ut minuatur contra
suum furorem imperatorum copia: ut major facultas
tribunis plebis detur, depulso adversario, seditionis.
ac discordiae concitandae. Idemne igitur delecti am-
plissimis ex ordinibus honestissimi atque sapientissimi
viri judicabunt, quod ille importunissimus gladiator, hos-
tis reipublicae judicaret ? 84. Mihi credite, judices,
in hac causa non solum de L. Murenae, verum etiam
de vestra salute sententiam feretis. In discrimen ex-
tremum venimus: nihil est jam, unde nos reficiamus,
aut ubi lapsi resistamus. Non solum minuenda non
sunt auxilia, quae habemus, sed etiam nova, si fieri
possit, comparanda. Hostis est enim non apud Ani-
enem, quod bello Punico gravissimum visum est, sed
in urbe, in foro: (dii immortales! sine gemitu hoc dici
non potest :) non nemo etiam in illo sacrario reipub-
licae, in ipsa, inquam, curia non nemo hostis est. Dii
"faxint, ut meus collega, vir fortissimus, hoc Catilinae.
nefarium latrocinium armatus opprimat! ego togatus,
vobis bonisque omnibus adjutoribus, hoc, quod concep-
tum respublica periculum parturit, consilio discutiam.
et comprimam! 85. Sed quid tandem fiet, si haec
elapsa de manibus nostris, in eum annum, qui consequi-
tur, redundarint ? Unus erit consul, et is non in ad-
ministrando bello, sed in sufficiendo collega occupatus.
Hunc jam qui 10impedituri sint, illa pestis immanis,
¹¹importuna, prorumpet, qua poterit: et jam populo Ro-
mano minatur: in agros suburbanos repente advolabit:
12versabitur in castris furor, in curia timor, in foro
conjuratio, in campo exercitus, in agris vastitas: om-
ni autem in sede ac loco ferrum flammamque metu-
132
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
emus. Quae jamdiu comparantur, eadem ista omnia,
¹si ornata suis praesidiis erit respublica, facile et
magistratuum consiliis et privatorum diligentia compri-
mentur.
XL. 86. QUAE cum ita sint, judices, primum rei-
publicae causa, qua nulla res cuiquam 2potior debet esse,
vos, pro mea summa et vobis coguita in rempublicam
diligentia, moneo, pro auctoritate consulari hortor, pro
magnitudine periculi obtestor, ut otio, ut paci, ut saluti,
ut vitae vestrae et ceterorum civium consulatis: deinde
ego fidem vestram, ³defensoris et amici officio adduc-
tus, oro atque obsecro, judices, ut ne hominis miseri,
et cum corporis morbo, tum animi dolore confecti, L.
Murenae, recentem gratulationem nova lamentatione
obruatis. Modo maximo beneficio populi Romani or-
natus, fortunatus videbatur, quod primus in familiam
veterem, primus in municipium antiquissimum consu-
latum attulisset; nunc idem 6squalore sordidus, confectus
morbo, lacrymis ac moerore perditus, vester est supplex,
judices, vestram fidem obtestatur, misericordiam implo-
rat, vestram potestatem ac vestras opes 'intuetur.
Nolite, per deos immortales! judices, hac eum re, qua
se honestiorem fore putavit, etiam ceteris ante partis
honestatibus atque omni dignitate fortunaque privare.
9Atque ita vos L. Murena, judices, orat atque obsecrat,
si injuste neminem laesit; si nullius aures voluntatem-
ve violavit; si nemini, ut levissime dicam, odio, nec
domi, nec militiae, fuit, sit apud vos 10modestiae loc-
us, sit demissis hominibus perfugium, sit auxilium
pudori. Misericordiam spoliatio consulatus magnam
habere debet, judices. 12Una enim eripiuntur cum con-
sulatu omnia. Invidiam vero his temporibus habere.
consulatus ipse nullam potest. 13Objicitur enim con-
cionibus seditiosorum, insidiis conjuratorum, telis Cat-
ilinae : ad omne denique periculum, atque ad omnem
invidiam solus opponitur. 88. Quare quid invidendum
Murenae, aut cuiquam nostrum sit 14in hoc praeclaro
87.
1
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
133
consulatu, non video, judices. Quae vero miseranda
sunt, ea et mihi ante oculos versantur, et vos videre
et perspicere potestis.
XLI. SI (quod Jupiter omen avertat!) 'hunc vestris
sententiis afflixeritis, quo se miser vertet? domumne?
ut eam imaginem clarissimi viri, parentis sui, quam
paucis ante diebus ³laureatam in sua gratulatione
conspexit, eandem deformatam ignominia lugentem-
que videat? an ad matrem, quae misera, modo con-
sulem osculata filium suum, nunc cruciatur et sollici-
ta est, ne eundem paullo post spoliatum omni digni-
tate conspiciat? 89. Sed quid ego matrem, aut domum
appello, quem nova poena legis et domo, et parente,
omnium suorum consuetudine
conspectuque privat?
Ibit igitur in exsilium miser ? Quo? ad Orientisne
partes, in quibus annos multos legatus fuit, et exerci-
tus duxit, et res maximas gessit? At habet magnum
dolorem, unde cum honore decesseris, eodem cum
ignominia reverti. An se in contrariam partem terra-
rum abdet, ut Gallia Transalpina, quem nuper summo
cum imperio libentissime viderit, eundem lugentem,
moerentem, exsulem videat? In ea porro provincia,
quo animo C. Murenam, fratrem suum, adspiciet ? ¹ºqui
hujus dolor? qui illius moeror erit? quae utriusque
lamentatio? "quanta autem perturbatio fortunae atque
sermonis, quod, quibus in locis paucis ante diebus
factum esse consulem Murenam, nuntii literaeque cele-
brassent, et unde hospites atque amici gratulatum Ro-
concurrerint, repente eo accedat ipse nuntius
suae calamitatis ? 90. Quae si acerba, si misera, si
luctuosa sunt, si alienissima a mansuetudine et miseri-
cordia vestra, judices, 12conservate populi Romani bene-
ficium : reddite reipublicae consulem date hoc ipsius
pudori, date patri mortuo, date generi et familiae, date
etiam Lanuvio, municipio honestissimo, quod in hac tota
causa frequens moestumque vidistis. Nolite a sacris
patriis 13 Junonis Sospitae, cui omnes consules ¹facere
10
mam
•
12
134
ORATIO PRO L. MURENA.
"
necesse est, domesticum et suum consulem potissimum
avellere. Quem ego vobis, si quid habet momenti
commendatio, aut auctoritatis confirmatio mea, consul
consulem, judices, ita commendo, ut cupidissimum otii,
studiosissimum bonorum, accerrimum contra seditionem,
fortissimum in bello, inimicissimum huic conjurationi,
quae nunc rempublicam labefactat, futurum esse pro-
mittam et spondeam.
EXPLANATORY NOTES.
EXPLANATORY NOTES.
Page.
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "First Oration of M. Tullius 1
Cicero against Lucius Catiline, delivered in the Senate."-Catiline's
intention was to leave Rome, and join his army, then assembling in
different parts of Italy; while the other conspirators remained within
the walls, to butcher the senators and fire the capitol. Cicero, hav-
ing discovered this design, summoned the senate to meet in the
temple of Jupiter Stator, with the intention of laying before it the
whole circumstances of the plot. But Catiline having unexpectedly
appeared in the midst of the assembly, his audacity impelled the
consular orator to an abrupt invective, which is directly addressed
to the traitor, and commences without the preamble by which most
of his other harangues are introduced.
In point of effect, this oration must have been perfectly electric.
The disclosure to the criminal himself of his most secret purposes:
their flagitious nature, threatening the life of every one present; the
whole course of his villanies and treasons, blazoned forth with the
fire of incensed eloquence; and the adjuration to him, by fleeing
from Rome, to free his country from such a pest, were all wonder-
fully calculated to excite astonishment, admiration, and horror.
The great object of the whole oration, was to drive Catiline into
banishment; and it appears somewhat singular, that so dangerous a
personage, and one who might have been so easily convicted, should
thus have been forced, or even allowed, to withdraw to his army,
instead of being secured and punished. From the language of Sal-
lust, (Cat. c. 31,) this oration would appear to have been originally
altogether extemporaneous, and to have been subsequently commit-
ted to writing by Cicero
2. Quousque tandem, &c. "How far, then, Catiline, wilt thou
trifle with our patience? How long, too, will that frantic wicked-
ness of thine baffle our efforts? To what extent will thy unbridled
12*
137
138
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
1 audacity insolently display itself?"-We may suppose the whole
senate to have remained, for a time, buried in the deepest silence,
every eye directed towards Catiline; and Cicero, at last, slowly
rising from his curule chair, and pointing the finger of indignant
scorn at the guilty intruder, to have burst forth into this startling and
impassioned exordium.
3. Abutere. Literally, "wilt thou abuse."-Cicero prefers the
softer and more poetic termination re, in the imperfect and future
indicative, and present and imperfect subjunctive. In the present
indicative he rarely employs it.-Patientia nostra. The reference
in nostra is to himself and the senate generally.
4. Iste tuus. The pronoun iste is here employed to mark indig-
nant scorn and contempt. It must be observed, with regard to iste,
that it is, strictly speaking, used, together with its derivatives, in
reference to the person addressed. Thus, iste locus, "that place
where you are;" ista verba,
ista verba, "those words which you uttered."
When Cicero addressed his antagonist, in any instance, he often
used iste, in accordance with the principle just laid down; and, as
he generally used it contumeliously, it acquired a reproachful mean-
ing. But this is by no means universally the case.
In the present
passage, however, iste has this scornful meaning, and tuus is merely
added in order to strengthen its general reference to the person
addressed.
5. Eludet. A metaphor borrowed from the movements of gladi-
ators, in avoiding a blow from an opponent. (Donat. in Ter. Eun.
1, 1, 10.) So Catiline is said, by the orator, to baffle every effort, on
the part of good citizens, for preserving the public repose.-Quem
ad finem. Equivalent, in Ciceronian Latinity, to quousque or quam-
diu. (Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. finis.-Schütz, Index Lat. s. v.)—
Jactabit. The student will mark the force of the frequentative. It
is equivalent to insolenter se geret.
6. Nihilne te, &c. "Have the guards stationed nightly on the
Palatine hill produced no impression upon thee? Have the watches
planted throughout the city produced none None, the consterna-
tion that pervades all classes? None, the thronging together of all
good citizens?" &c. Literally, "Has the nightly guard of the Pal-
atium in no respect moved thee? In no respect have the watches
of the city?" &c.
7. Palatii. The Palatine was the most central one of the seven
hills of Rome, and the most important to be guarded in case any
public disturbance arose, since a foe, in possession of it, might easily
make himself master of the rest of the city. Hence the necessity
of its being secured on the present occasion. The Palatine hill was
AGAINST CATILINE.
139
Page
the residence of Romulus, and in fact, the first part of the city that 1
was inhabited. Here, in a later age, stood the imperial mansion of
Augustus and his successors, and hence the origin of the modern
term "palace."
8. Urbis vigiliae. When there was any alarm or disturbance in
the city, or when any suspicion was entertained of public commotion
or secret conspiracy, the inferior magistrates (the aediles, quaes-
tors, and tribunes,) were entrusted by the senate with the care of
the public peace, and planted guards and watches in proper places.
Compare Sallust, (Cat. c. 30,) “Ut Romae per totam urbem vigi-
liae haberentur, iisque minores magistratus praeessent.”
9. Concursus. Several editions have consensus ("the union,")
which is also given by Quintilian (9, 3, 30) in citing from this passage.
The more spirited reading, however, is undoubtedly concursus.
10. Munitissimus. In dangerous emergencies, the senate were
usually convened in the temple of some tutelary divinity, and not in
a curia, or senate-house. The place selected, on the present occa-
sion, was the temple of Jupiter Stator, at the foot of the Palatine
hill; and it is hence called "munitissimus locus," from the circum-
stance of there being a guard, at the time, on the Palatine. With
respect to the true position of the temple of Jupiter Stator, (which
some editors very erroneously make to have been in the capitol,)
consult Liv. 1, 12. Ovid. Fast. 6, 794. Nardini, 6, 12.
11. Horum ora vultusque.
"The looks and countenances of
these who are here assembled." Ora refers to the looks of aversion
directed at Catiline by the great majority of those present; vultus
to their countenances, in which were depicted anxiety and alarm.
Muretus refers the words to the aversion manifested by the senators
on the entrance of Catiline into the assembly, when all quitted that
part of the benches where he had taken his seat. They would rather
seem to refer to the deportment of the senate during all the time
that he had been present.
12. Patère. "Lie open to view," i. e. are brought fully to light.
-Constrictam jam horum omnium teneri. Literally, "is now held
firmly grasped by the knowledge of all of these," i. e. is now become
a matter of firm conviction to all who are here assembled. Con-
strictus is elegantly applied to whatever is firmly held in, and can
no longer escape, our grasp. While the compound term conscientia
(instead of the simple scientia) is employed to denote that many
are acquainted with the conspiracy. Compare the explanation of
Schütz, (Index Lat. s. v..) "Communis inter complures rei alicu-
jus notitia."-We have given horum omnium with Graevius,
instead of the common reading omnium horum.
140
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
1
13. Proxima.
Cicero delivered this oration on the 8th Novem-
ber. A meeting of the conspirators had taken place on the night
of the 6th, at the house of Laeca. This is what Cicero calls nox
superior. The morning of the 7th was the time fixed for his assas-
sination by the two Roman knights. During that day, Cicero caused
all the movements of the conspirators to be closely watched, and
ascertained also, by his secret agents, all that was done on the
night of the 7th. This was the nox proxima. Compare chapter
4th, and Pro Sull. c. 18.
14. Immo vero. "Nay, indeed." Graevius omits nero, but its
presence imparts additional strength to the clause. Compare Ep.
ad Att. 12, 42: "Ferendus tibi in hoc error: ferendus? immo
vero etiam adjuvandus." And also Tursellinus de Part. Lat. s. v.
Immo.
15. Publici consilii particeps. "A sharer in the public delibera-
tions." Cicero's object is to excite the indignation of the senate
against Catiline, for his having come into that assembly, not to
inquire or seek for any thing, but actually to take part in their de-
liberations.
16. Viri fortes. Spoken ironically. Men, full of courage."
Cicero charges himself and the senate with cowardice, in not having
before this brought Catiline to punishment.—Satisfacere reipublicae.
"To be doing our duty to the state."-Istius. "Of that wretch."
Pointing at Catiline. Compare note 4, page 1.
17. In te conferri, &c. Understand jampridem, from the previ-
ous clause.
Long since ought that ruin to have been heaped upon
thy own head," &c. The pronoun istam tacitly implies that the
ruin in question is the work of Catiline, and this idea is immediately
enlarged upon in what follows, quam tu in nos omnes, &c.
18. An vero. The primitive meaning of an is "or," and, when
used interrogatively, the sentence is always elliptical. Thus, an
decertare mecum voluit? "Did he wish to contend with me?"
This, when resolved, is nothing more than, "Am I wrong in my
surmise, or did he wish to contend with me?" So, in the present
instance, an vero vir amplissimus, &c., which we translate, "Did,
in fact, that very illustrious individual," &c., is, in reality, when fully
expressed, am I wrong in my assertion, or did, in fact," &c.
The same explanation will apply to the Greek, when used as an
interrogative particle.
(C
"L
((
19. P. Scipio. The reference is to P. Scipio Nasica. He is
called privutus because the office of pontifex maximus was not a
magistracy; and hence the same person could be pontifex and also
consul or praetor. Compare the remarks of Muretus, ad loc. The
AGAINST CATILINE.
141
?
M
Page.
1
term privatus may, therefore, be rendered, "although filling no
office of magistracy." As regards Scipio Nasica, consult Historical
Index, s. v. Scipio.-Gracchum. Consult Historical Index, s. V.
Gracchus, and Legal Index, s. v. Sempronia Lex.
20. Mediocriter labefactantem, &c. "When only disturbing, in
a moderate degree, the settled order of things in the state." The
idea literally involved is the causing what was before firmly fixed
to totter, and swerve from its place. Status is here figuratively
employed, in allusion to the posture or attitude of a gladiator in
combat. It will be observed, that Cicero designedly extenuates the
offence of Tiberius Gracchus, in order that the rigour, with which
he was punished, might be contrasted the more strongly with the
impunity enjoyed by Catiline.
21. Catilinam. The common text has vero after Catilinam;
but since this already occurs with an, in the previous part of the
sentence, and does not appear in the present passage as cited by
Quintilian, (8, 4, 13,) we have rejected it with Manutius, Lambi-
nus, and other editors. We have also given, with Schütz, terrarum,
in place of the common reading terrae, the former likewise occurring
in Quintilian.
1. Nam illa, &c. Cicero here assigns a reason for other exam-
ples not being cited, in preference to that of Tiberius Gracchus.
They were of too remote a date; whereas the movements of Grac-
chus had occurred at a comparatively recent period.
2. C. Servilius Ahala. Consult Historical
Consult Historical Index, s. v. Ahala.
He was magister equitum to the dictator T. Q. Cincinnatus.
Ernesti first gave the true reading C. Servilius, for the common
lection Q. Servilius.—Sp. Maelium. Maelius was the richest pri-
vate man in the commonwealth, and more than suspected of aiming
at the sovereign power, in consequence of his liberal donations of
corn among the lower orders, during a season of great scarcity.
Consult Historical Index, s. v. Maelius.-Novis rebus studentem.
"Aiming at a change in the government," i. e. plotting a revolution.
3. Ista virtus. "That degree of public virtue," i. e. of true
patriotism. In our remarks on the pronoun iste and its usage by
Cicero, we observed that the distinction there laid down did not hold
good universally. (note 4, page 1.) The present passage furnishes
a case in point. Ista is here used simply in the sense of illa, and
the latter pronoun itself would no doubt have been actually employed,
had it not occurred just before, in the expression "nam illa nimis,”
&c. Compare, as regards the exceptions to the rule about iste, the
remarks of Manutius, ad. Cic. Ep. Fam. 3, 10, (vol. 1, p. 161, ed.
Graev.) and Laur. Valla, de L. L. Eleg. 2, 4, p. 51.
2
142
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
2
4. Habemus. We have rejected enim after habemus, with Grae-
vius, Ernesti, Schütz, &c., on the authority of some of the best
MSS. It appears to have found its way into the text from habemus
enim, in the next chapter.
5. Senatusconsultum. By which the consuls were enjoined, “ut
viderent ne quid detrimenti respublica caperet." A decree of this
nature armed the consuls with dictatorial power for the time being,
and, by virtue of it, they could put to death whomsoever they
pleased, without the formality of a trial. (Compare Sallust, Cat. c.
29, and Plutarch, Vit. Cic. c. 15.) Catiline and his accomplices.
might have been seized and punished under this decree, but Cicero
purposely abstained from such a course, and sought rather to induce
them to quit the city.
6. Non deest reipublicae, &c. "Neither the counsel nor the
sanction of this order is wanting to the republic," i. e. the decree
which the senate had passed against Catiline contained “counsel,"
or consilium, and was a "sanction," or auctoritas. Compare Taci-
tus, Germ. 12. "Centeni singulis ex plebe comites, consilium et
auctoritas, adsunt."
7. Nos consules desumus. "We consuls are wanting in our
duty." We have inserted a third nos before desumus, as given by
Priscian, lib. 17, p. 1076, ed. Putsch. (Op. ed. Krchl. vol. 2, p. 53.)
-Cicero means,
that the consuls have not done their duty in allow-
ing Catiline to go so long unpunished. His object is to intimidate
him, and induce him to leave the city.
8. Quondam. A. U. C. 633, B. C. 121.
fore the time when Cicero uttered this.-L.
consul, with Fabius Maximus, A. U. C. 633.
Index.
1
Fifty-eight years be-
Opimius. He was
Consult Historical
9. Videret, &c. A decree of this kind was called decretum ulti-
mum, or ultimac necessitatis. Consult note 5, page 2. Sometimes
both consuls were named in it, at other times only one.
10. Quasdam seditionum suspiciones. "Certain suspicions of
seditious projects." Cicero here purposely uses mild language, as
in the instance of the elder Gracchus. (Note 20, page 1.) Consult
Historical Index.
11. Clarissimo patre, &c. The Gracchi had for their father
Sempronius Gracchus, who had been once honoured with the censor-
ship, twice with the consulate, and had enjoyed two triumphs.
Their maternal grandfather was the elder Scipio Africanus, the con-
queror of Hannibal.
12. M. Fulvius. One of the three commissioners named for
carrying into effect the agrarian law, by dividing the public lands.
AGAINST CATILINE.
143
Page.
He was the particular friend of C. Gracchus. Consult Historical 2
Index. The eldest son of Fulvius was slain with his father during
the affray; the younger after the conflict.
13. C. Mario. This occurred during the sixth consulship of
Marius. The crime of Saturninus and Servilius was seditious and
turbulent conduct, and especially the having assassinated C, Mem-
mius, a candidate for the consulship, in the Campus Martius. Con-
sult Historical Index, s. v. Saturninus.-The individual, whom
Cicero here calls C. Servilius, is elsewhere styled C. Servilius
Glaucia. Cicero purposely employs the nomen merely, as it be-
longed to a family of distinction, and he adds to it the title of prae-
tor, in order that it may be seen, that neither birth nor official dignity
could save him from the prompt vengeance of the laws, which Cati-
line had for so long a time been braving.
14. L. Saturnini, &c. The true reading of this passage is in-
volved in considerable doubt. The conjectural emendation, which
we have given in the text, appears the least objectionable, and was
first suggested, we believe, by E. H. Barker. "Did the punish-
ment due to the republic, delay, for a single day thereafter, the death
of L. Saturninus," &c., i. e. did L. Saturninus, though a tribune of
the commons, and C. Servilius, although invested with the praetor-
ship, escape the punishment of death, so justly their due, for a single
day after the decree in question had been passed?—The common
text has, num unum diem postea L. Saturninum tribunum plebis,
et C. Servilium praetorem, mors ac reipublicae poena remorala
est? “Did death, and the punishment due to the republic, fail, for
a single day thereafter, to overtake L. Saturninus," &c. It is ex-
tremely questionable, however, whether we can say, in correct La-
tinity, poena remoratur hominem, "punishment fails to overtake
the man." Cicero, elsewhere, uses remorari in its ordinary sense,
"to delay," or "retard." Thus: "hae res quae caeteros remorari
solent illum non retardarunt." (Pro. Leg Manil. 14.) Although
Propertius, on the other hand, has a passage which seems at first
view to favour the common explanation, " Quamvis te longae remo-
rentur fala senectae.” (1, 19, 17.) But there is nothing here, in
reality, to prevent our making remorentur equivalent to retineant.—
Ernesti gives the ordinary reading, in the passage of Cicero under
consideration, but recommends L. Saturnini, tribuni plebis, et C.
Servilii, praetoris, retaining, however, mors ac, (which we have
changed to mortem,) and giving to remorata est the intransitivo
meaning, "to delay," or "linger." But mors ac poena is extremely
frigid. As regards the reading which we have adopted, it will be
borne in mind, that proper names, and titles of office, are frequently
144
THE FIRST ORATION
;
Page.
2 written in the MSS. with more or less abbreviation, and that, in
consequence of this, the grammatical case can oftentimes be discov-
ered only from the context. So that, in fact, mortem for mors ac
is the only alteration that appears at all violent, if it even be so in
reality.
15. Nos. "We consuls." Referring to himself and colleague.—
Vicesimum diem. It was, in fact, only the 18th day since the
senate had decreed that Cicero and Antonius should see that the
republic received no injury. The orator, however, calls it, in round
numbers, the 20th. So, in the oration against Piso (c. 2), in place
of thirty-six years, he says forty. In the same way, the one hun-
dred and five judges at Rome were called centumviri, "the hundred."
Compare the remarks of Asconius, in Pison, l. c., and those of
Muretus on the present passage. Consult also Manutius, in loc.
(Vol. 1, p. 441, ed. Richter,) "Integrum numerum amat orator," &c.
16. Gladium. Omitted in many MSS. and editions; but de-
fended by Ernesti, because inclusum precedes.
17. Confestim interfectum, &c. "You ought, Catiline, to have
been immediately put to death." Convenit is here the perfect tense.
Murctus doubts, whether this usage of convenit be in accordance
with correct Latinity; but many examples might be adduced in
confirmation of it. One alone will here suffice: Quo nomine mirari
Compare Boecker, and Bur-
convenit eos." (Vell Paterc. 1, 3.)
mann, ad loc.
18. Cupio. Render the first cupio, "I am desirous, on the one
hand," and the second, "I am anxious, on the other." If expressed
in Greek, the first of these clauses would have per, and the second, dé.
19. Dissolutum. "
Culpably negligent," i. e. too indulgent.
Compare the remark of Ernesti, s. v. "Dissolutus, nimis negligens,
opponitur severo et justo," (Clav. Cic.,) and the words of Cicero
himself, on another occasion: "Maluise Domitium crudelem in
animadvertendo, quam in praetermillendo dissolutum videri." (in.
Verr. 5, 3.)
20. Nequitiacque. The term nequitia, though generally employed
to denote, "worthlessness," "wickedness,” “ depravity," &c., is
here used in a milder sense, for "utter remissness." Compare the
language of Cicero, in the eleventh chapter of the present oration :
"num est vehementius severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia quam
inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda?" Here nequitia is opposed
to severitas.
21. In Etruriae faucibus. "In the mountain-defiles that open
on Etruria." Cn. Manlius had then near Faesulae, in Etruria, an
army, which he had collected from the veteran soldiers of Sylla,
AGAINST CATILINE.
145
Page.
under whom he had himself served. Faesulae stood at the foot of 2
the Appenines, not far from what is now the city of Florence, and
the camp of Manlius was pitched near a narrow defile leading into
Etruria. The term fauces is often employed to denote a moun-
tain-pass, defile, strait, &c., leading to some place or region.
Compare Livy, (42, 54,) “ultraque oppida in faucibus sunt, quae
Tempe adeunt.”
22. Eorum autem imperatorem. Alluding to Catiline.-Atque
adeo, &c. Aye, and even in the senate."-Credo. "I presume,"
ironically.-Serius. "At too late a period."
23. Certa de causa. "For a certain reason.” Cicero is more
explicit on this head, at the close of the present oration (c. 12.) His
fear was, lest, if Catiline were punished at an early stage of the pro-
ceedings, before his guilt became fully developed, he might pass
with many for an injured man; since there were not a few in the
city, and even some in the senate, who believed Catiline innocent,
and who would have called Cicero a tyrant if he had put him to
death. And then, again, even if Catiline himself were capitally
punished, the conspiracy would not be crushed, since so many of the
guilty participators in it would still remain alive. Cicero's object
was to compel Catiline to leave the city, and carry with him all his
abandoned confederates; and hence, in order to intimidate, and
drive him to this course, he speaks immediately after of soon putting
him to death: "Tum denique interficiam te," &c.
<<
24. Tam tui similis. "So like thee in character," i. e. so like
thee in utter want of principle. Similis and dissimilis, generally
speaking, are used with a dative of external resemblance; but with a
genitive of resemblance in nature or internal constitution. (Zumpt.
L. G. p. 270. Kenrick's transl.)
3
1. Obsessus. "Beset." From obsido, ĕre. Cicero had numer-
ous guards on the alert, both from the free towns of Italy and from
the capital itself.-Ne commovere te possis, &c. A metaphor bor-
rowed from the situation of a combatant, who is hemmed in so
closely by his opponent as to be unable "to make any farther
movement.'
2. Privata domus. Alluding particularly to the house of Laeca.
-Vocem conjurationis. Cicero obtained full information of the
secret meetings and plans of Catiline, through Fulvia and Curius.
Consult Historical Index.-Graevius and others read voces instead
of vocem, but this destroys the personification in conjurationis. If
Cicero had written voces, he would have put conjuratorum in place
of conjurationis.
3. Si illustrantur, si erumpunt omnia. "If all your secret plans
13
146
THE FIRST ORATION
Page,
3
Illus-
are made manifest, if they all burst forth into public view."
trantur refers back to tenebris, and erumpunt to parietibus.
4. Istam mentem. "That detestable purpose of yours."
yours." Com-
pare note 4, page 1.-Mihi crede. "Take me for your adviser."
Rely on what I tell you.-Quae etiam mecum, &c. "And these you
may even review along with me." The student will observe that
we have rendered quae by et haec. Wherever the connexion is
slight between the antecedent and relative, the latter may be resolved
into the conjunction and demonstrative or personal pronoun. (Com-
pare Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 162.)
5. Ante diem duodecimum, &c. "On the twelfth day before
the kalends of November," i. e. on the 21st of October. This ap-
parently anomalous mode of expression probably arose from a trans-
position of ante. Having once written ante die duodecimo kalendas,
they would easily be led to change die into diem, as if it had been
governed by ante. (Zumpt, L. G. p. 428. Kenrick's transl.)—The
date alluded to in the text requires some explanation. On the 20th
October, Cicero gave notice to the senate of the existence of a con-
spiracy against the state. The consular election was to have been
held the next day, the 21st; but the senate, in consequence of the
impending danger, put off the comitia, and resolved to meet on that
day for the purpose of deliberating more fully on the subject; for,
otherwise, they could not have done any business on a comitial day.
On the 21st, therefore, Cicero, in a full house, called upon Catiline
to clear himself from the charge alleged against him; whereupon
the latter, without denying or excusing it, bluntly replied, "that
there were two bodies in the republic," meaning the senate and
people, "the one of them infirm, with a weak head, the other firm,
without a head; and that this last had so well deserved of him, that
it should never want a head while he lived." This declaration
startled the senate, and they immediately decreed, that the consuls
should see that the republic received no injury. The next day, the
postponed comitia took place, and Silanus and Murena were elected
consuls for the year 691, Catiline being one of the unsuccessful
competitors.
6. Ante diem sextum, &c. "The sixth day before the kalends.
of November," i. e. the 27th October.
7. Id quod multo magis est admirandum. Ernesti regards these
words as a gloss, but without sufficient reason. It was, in fact, a
sufficient matter of surprise and wonder, that Cicero should have
been so well informed, as to be able to predict, in the senate, the
very day on which Manlius would be in arms.
8. Te contulisse. "That you had conspired," i. e. conferred
AGAINST CATILINE.
147
Page.
about. Conferre is "to deliberate along with others," not simply 3
"to deliberate." Compare Cic. ad Att. 16, 3: "Coram hoc con-
feremus, atque de hoc deliberabimus.”
9. In ante diem quintum, &c. "For the fifth day before the
kalends of November," i. e. had set down the intended massacre for
that day. The phraseology ante diem, &c., has already been noticed,
(note 5.) The preposition in is here employed to govern the entire
clause, and designates the time for which the intended action is set
down, and on which it is to be performed.
(C
10. Principes civitatis. Leading men of the state."
By
principes civitatis, Cicero here means principes optimatium. (Com-
pare Pro Sext. 45, 48, &c. Pro red. 3.) The term optimates with
Cicero generally designates persons distinguished by rank, or politi-
cal merit, and sometimes the former only.
11. Reprimendorum. Used here in the sense of impediendorum.
-Profugerunt. Among those who quitted Rome, was M. Licinius
Crassus, who had received a letter from Catiline, warning him to
depart, which letter he showed to Cicero. (Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 15.)
12. Nostra qui remansissemus caede. "With the blood of those
of us that had remained." The elegant construction here employed
is deserving of being noted. The relative is made to refer to an
antecedent implied in the possessive. Compare Terence, (Andr. 1.
1. 70,)
"Omnes laudare fortunas meas, qui gnatum haberem tali
ingenio praeditum.”
13. Praeneste. Neuter accusative singular. This place was
situate in Latium, about 23 miles S. E. from Rome. Its citadel is
described by Strabo as remarkable for its strength of position, and
was therefore an important place for Catiline to seize upon, and for
Cicero to endeavour to secure. Consult Geographical Index.-Ka-
lendis ipsis Novembris. "On the kalends of November,” i. e. on
the first day of the month.-Occupaturum. Muretus says, that no
other writer makes mention of this attempt.
14. Praesidiis. These praesidia, custodiae, and vigiliae were
composed of the inhabitants of Praeneste, but the whole arrange-
ment was Cicero's.
15. Non modo non, &c. We have here the full expression. It is
very common, in this construction, for the secon non to be omitted.
Compare Cortius, ad Plin. Ep. 8, 7. Muret. Var. Lect. 10, 7.
16. Noctem illam superiorem. "The transactions of the night
before the last." The night here meant was that of the 6th Novem-
ber, when the meeting was held at the house of Laeca. Compare
note 4, page 1.-Priori nocte. "On that former night." Refer-
ring again to the night of the 6th.
148
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
4
1. Inter falcarios. "Into the scythe-makers' street.” This
was a street, or district, of Rome, most probably the former, taking
its name from the residence of these artisans. The explanation of
Priscian is in accordance with this. "Dico te venisse inter falca-
rios, id est, in locum ubi sunt facarii. (Op. ed. Krehl, vol. 2. p.
203.) Livy, somewhat in the same way, uses the term lignarios,
(35, 42.) "Porticum extra trigeminam inter lignarios fecerunt,"
where Crevier understands opifices, but Ernesti (Clav. Cic.) nego-
tiatores.
2. Complures. Sallust (Cat. 17) gives the names of eleven
senators, who were present on this occasion. Compare Pro Sulla.
c. 18, seq.-Convincam. "I will prove the truth of what I say."
3. In hoc orbis terrae, &c. "In this, the most venerated and
august assembly of earth.". -Cogitent. "Are plotting." The sub-
junctive mood is used in this construction for the sake of perspicuity,
since the indicative would be ambiguous, and would present a dou-
ble meaning. Thus, sunt qui cogitant, means not only, “there are
those who plot," but also, "they who plot exist." The subjunctive,
therefore, is preferred for the former of these meanings. So, sunt
qui dicant, sunt qui legant, &c.
4. Distribuisti partes Italiae. Sallust (Cat. 27) informs us,
that C. Manlius was sent to Faesulae and the adjacent parts of
Etruria; Septimius, a native of Camerinum, into the Picene terri-
tory; C. Julius, into Apulia.
5. Quos Romae relinqueres.
According to Sallust, (Cat. 43,)
Statilius and Gabinius were to fire the city, and Cethegus to assas-
sinate Cicero. Lentulus was to have had, according to Plutarch, a
general superintendence of the whole affair, and was to have spared
none, in the general massacre, but the sons of Pompey, whom he
intended to seize, and hold as hostages for a peace with that com-
mander. For there was a report, about this time, that Pompey was
returning with his army from the Mithridatic war. (Plut. Vit. Cic.
c. 18.)
6. Descripsisti urbis partes, &c. Sallust states, (Cat. 43,) that
the conspirators were to fire twelve parts of the city at one and the
same time. Plutarch, however, informs us, that they had divided
Rome into a hundred parts, and had selected the same number of
men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter to be set on fire.
As this was to be done by them all at the same moment, they
hoped that the conflagration would be general. Others were to
intercept the water, and kill all who went to seek it. (Plut. Vit.
Cic. c. 18.)
"You assured them."-Dixisti paullulum, &c.
7. Confirmasti. "You assured them.
AGAINST CATILINE.
149
Page.
4
"You told them that you still, even then, were in some little degree
hindered from departing." Literally, "that there was still, even
then, some little cause of delay unto you."
8. Duo equites Romani. Sallust (Cat. 38) gives the names,
C. Cornelius and L. Vargunteius, but he calls the latter a senator.
Vargunteius was probably of equestrian origin.
9. Illa ipsa nocte, &c. They were to pay their intended visit
early in the morning, a time when the distinguished Romans, and
higher magistrates, held their levees, and when clients used to wait
upon their patrons. Compare Martial (4, 8, 1,) “Prima salutan-
tes, atque altera conterit hora.”
10. Comperi. He obtained his information from Curius through
Fulvia. (Sall. Cat. 28.)-Exclusi eos, &c. Plutarch informs us,
that the assassins came as soon as it was light, and, being denied
entrance, grew very insolent and clamorous, which made them the
more suspected. He calls them Marcius and Ceth
but Cicero,
Sallust, Appian and Plutarch are too much at ce with each
other, to enable us to give, with precision, all the minor features of
the conspiracy. Why the two individuals in question were not ad-
mitted, and then disarmed and put in custody, is difficult for us to
imagine, the more especially as Cicero had predicted their arrival to
many of his friends.
11. Quae quum ita sint. "Such being the case." Cicero's usual
form of expression, in reference to things that have been explained
by him, and may now be regarded as settled and clear; as, for ex-
ample, in the present instance, the existence of a treasonable design
on the part of Catiline.
2.
Compare note 21, page
12. Illa tua Manliana castra.
13. Si minus, quam plurimos. "If not all, as many as possible."
-Murus, strictly speaking, the wall of a city; moenia, battle-
ments, or fortifications; paries, the wall of a house. (Crombie
Gymn. vol. 1, p. 2.)—Nobiscum versari diutius.
"To remain any
longer among us." Literally, "to be occupied," or, engaged,
along with us," &c.
(C
As a
14. Non feram, &c. "I will not endure, I will not suffer, I will
not permit this." The gradation here is worthy of notice.
man I will not endure thy presence; as a good citizen, I will not
suffer thee to remain unopposed; as a magistrate, I will not permit
thee to continue among us.
15. Atque huic ipsi, &c. "And to Jupiter Stator, in particular,
in whose temple we are here assembled." The student will observe
the force of huic in designating the place. With regard to ipsi, it
may be remarked, that this pronoun is not, in fact, reflective, but
13*
150
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
4 serves emphatically to distinguish that to which it is applied from
all others.-Statori. Jupiter Stator was so called from his having
stopped the flight of the Romans, when hard pressed by the Sabines.
In the memorable action which was brought to an end by the heroic
conduct of the Sabine females, Romulus and his followers had been
driven back to the base of the Palatine hill, when he invoked, in his
extremity, the aid of Jupiter, and vowed a temple to him on the spot
where he was standing, if that god would stop the disgraceful flight
of the Romans. The action took a favourable turn, and a temple
was accordingly erected, at the foot of the Palatine, to Jupiter, sur-
named, from the circumstances of the case, Stator, because he had
caused the Romans to make a stand (Stare fecit) in this quarter,
against their pursuers. (Liv. 1, 12.) Some editors indulge in the
singular error of making the temple of Jupiter Stator to have been
in the capitol, thus confounding it with that of Jupiter Capitolinus.
-Jupiter St is called by Plutarch Erneios, and by Dio Cassius
᾿Ορθώσιος.
16. Habenda est gratia. The common text places habenda est
gratia after diis immortalibus. Graevius, on the authority of some
of his MSS., removes gratia, and places it after hujus urbis. We
have adopted the arrangement recommended by Schütz, as the more
elegant and forcible.
17. Tamque infestam reipublicae. "And so fraught with ruin
to the republic.”—Toties. There is something of the exaggeration
of oratory in this, since Catiline had only once before conspired
against the state along with Cn. Piso. (Sall. Cat. c. 18.) The
reference, however, may also be a general one to his activity in
wickedness.
5
1. In uno homine. "In the person of a single individual." Ci-
cero means that the public weal is no longer to depend on his own
life. Some commentators apply these words less correctly to Cati-
line.-Summa salus. The best MSS. have this order, in place of
the common salus summa, and so Graevius and others read.
2. Consuli designato. The consuls elect were so called during
the interval that elapsed between the period of their election and
that of their entrance upon office. These magistrates, from A. U.
C. 600, were elected about the end of July, or beginning of August,
and installed on the first of January.-Cicero and Catiline had both
been condidates for the consulship, and, when the former succeeded,
Catiline endeavoured to murder him in the Campus Martius, and
elsewhere, by his private emissaries, ("omnibus modis insidias
parabat Ciceroni." Sall. Cat. c. 26.)
3. Proximis comitiis consularibus. Referring to the 22d of
AGAINST CATILINE.
151
Page.
October, the previous month. (Compare note 5, page 3.) On the 5
day of election here alluded to, Cicero, as Plutarch informs us, put
on a coat of mail: the principal persons in Rome conducted him
from his house, and great numbers of the youth attended him to the
Campus Martius. There he threw back his robe, and displayed
part of the coat of mail, on purpose to point out his danger. The
people were incensed, and immediately gathered about him;
the
consequence of which was, that Catiline was again rejected, and
Silanus and Murena were chosen consuls. (Vit. Cic. c. 14.)
4. Campo. The consular comitia were held in the Campus Mar-
tius.—Competitores. Silanus and Murena.-Amicorum praesidio,
&c. Consult note 3.-Me petisti. "You aimed a thrust at me."
A gladiatorial term. Compare Cicero's language towards the close
of chapter 6. Quot ego tuas petitiones," &c.
5. Esse conjunctam. "Was intimately connected."—Petis.
"You aim a blow at." Compare note 4.-Ad exitium et vestita-
tem vocas. You summon to ruin and desolation." Elegantly
used instead of the more common phraseology, "Evertere et solo
acquare machinaris.”
6. Quoniam id, quod primum, &c. "Since I dare not yet pur-
sue that course which first suggests itself, and is in strict accord-
ance with the principles of this government, and the administration
of our forefathers," i. e. inflict capital punishment upon you.-Some
commentators refer the expression hujus imperii to the consular
office, ("and is in strict accordance with the nature of that office
which I now fill,") but the other interpretation seems preferable.
7. Ad severitatem. "In point of severity."-Et ad communem,
&c. t
And, as regards the common safety, productive of more de-
cided advantage."
8. Reliqua conjuratorum manus. Ernesti thinks reliqua too
frigid, and suggests aliqua, which appears to us still more frigid
than reliqua.
9. Exhaurietur ex urbe, &c. "That foul gathering of thy fol-
lowers, large in point of number, and fraught with ruin to the state,
will be drained away from our city," i. e. that worthless crew of thy
abandoned followers, so large in number, and who are plotting only
ruin to the state, will be driven far away from our city. Sentina,
properly means that part of the ship where the bilge-water collects.
It is then taken to denote the bilge-water itself; and finally any
worthless and impure collection of persons. Cicero, in the following
passage, employs the term in speaking of the lowest of the people, the
very dregs of the city: "Hoc enim verbo est usus, quasi de aliqua
sentina, ac non de optimorum civium genere loqueretur."-It will
152
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
be perceived from an examination of the text, that we have made a
5 change in the arrangement of the latter part of the clause. The
common reading is perniciosa sentina reipublicae, and reipublicae
is thus regarded as a genitive, forming with comitum a double geni-
tive, in imitation of the Greek. (Goerenz, ad Cic. Leg. 2, 17, 42,
p. 169. Matthiae, G. G. § 380, vol. 2, p. 608, Kenrick's transl.)
Ernesti, however, with very good reason, suspects this genitive rei-
publicae to be a mere interpolation, since ex urbe, which is suffi-
cient for the sense, precedes. He retains it, notwithstanding, in
his text. We have also retained reipublicae, but have placed it be-
fore sentina, and have made it depend, as a dative, on perniciosa.
It may be that sentina reipublicae, was written originally by some
copyist for reipublicae sentina, (a common error in MSS.,) and the
true position of the words may at first have been designated by
small numbers placed over them, which numbers were omitted by
subsequent copyists, and the erroneous order allowed to remain.
(Compare Porson's Letter to Dalzel, Mus. Crit. vol. 1, p. 336.)
10. Tua sponte faciebas.
You were inclined to do of your
own accord." Faciebas is here equivalent to facere volebas.-Exire
ex urbe, &c. How much stronger than if he had said, "exire ex
urbe Cicero Catilinam jubet.”
11. Num in exsilium?
Cicero purposely avoids ordering Cati-
line to go into exile. This would have been, in the present stage
of the case, a hazardous experiment, as it might have exposed him
to the charge of an odious and tyrannical exercise of authority. The
Romans were averse to the using of the word exile, even in their
judicial sentences, and hence the punishment of expatriation was
called ignis et aquae interdictio, "interdicting from fire and water,"
by the force of which a person was compelled to leave Italy. It
was a settled principle, that no Roman citizen could lose, without
his own consent, the right of citizenship, and hence, when a person
was to be banished, he was, by a fiction of law, interdicted from fire
and water. (Heinecc. Antiq. Rom. 1, 16, 10, ed Haubold, p. 184.)
12. Extra istam conjurationem, &c. "Unconnected with that
conspiracy of yours and your abandoned followers." The pronoun
iste here marks the person, and also denotes scorn and contempt
on the part of the speaker. Compare note 4, page 1.
13. Quae nota, &c. "What mark of domestic turpitude has not
been branded on your character? Nota was applied by the Ro-
mans to the mark branded on a fugitive slave when retaken, (Cic.
Off. 2, 7,) and also to the stigma imposed by the censors for im-
moral conduct. (Pro. Cluent. 46.) So the voice of public scorn had
branded, with infamy, the character of Catiline. According to Plu-
AGAINST CATILINE.
153
Page.
tarch, Sallust, and Asconius, Catiline had slain his own brother, 5
had murdered his own son, that there might be no obstacle to his
marriage with Aurelia Orestilla, and had indulged in incestuous
intercourse with an illegitimate daughter of his.
14. Quod privatarum rerum, &c. "What shameful conduct in
private life clings not to you for your lasting infamy?" Literally,
"adheres
not
to your infamy." This clause is strongly suspected
of being a mere interpolation, since the same idea is already ex-
pressed by the words "Quae nota," &c. It was very probably, at
first, a mere marginal interpretation, given by some scholiast to the
words quae nota, &c., and gradually found its way into the text.
The Latinity of non haeret infamiae is very questionable, and
savours strongly of the style of a scholiast.
15. Quae libido. "What scenes of impurity." Compare the
remark of Doering, ad. loc.: "Oculis nempe homines libidinosi
venari solent libidinis alimenta.”
16. Quod facinus. "What daring deed."-Quod flagitium.
"What infamous pollution." The distinction between facinus and
flagitium should be noted. Facinus denotes a bold or daring action,
and unless it be joined with a favourable epithet, or the action be
previously described as commendable, the term is always to be un-
derstood in a vituperative sense. Flagitium refers chiefly to dis-
graceful and lustful excess, though it sometimes denotes any fault,
error, or crime, that reflects dishonour on the offender. (Crombie
Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 162.)
17. Quem corruptelarum illecebris irretisses. "Whom you had
entangled amid the allurements of your corrupting arts." Compare
Sallust Cat. c. 14. “Sed maxume adolescentium familiaritates
adpetebat," &c.
18. Facem praetulisti. Alluding to Catiline's initiating the
young into the revels of the night, and being, as it were, their guide
to scenes of debauchery.
19. Vacuefecisses. Catiline was said to have poisoned his first
wife, in order to make way for Aurelia Orestilla, and, beside this, to
have murdered his son by the former marriage, that he might not
be an obstacle to his second union.-Alio incredibili scelere. The
murder of his son. Compare Catullus, (64, 402,) "Optavit genitor
primaevi funera gnati," &c.
1. Tanti facinoris immanitas. "So monstrous a piece of wick- 6
edness." Literally, "the enormity of so great a crime."
2. Proximis idibus. His creditors would then be entitled to call
for the interest on their advances. Among the Romans, the Calends
and Ides were the two periods of the month, when money was either
154
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
6 laid out at interest or called in, or else the interest demanded for
what was on loan. Compare Horace, (Sat. 1, 3, 87,)
"Quum
tristes misero venere kalendae," and also, (Epod. 2, 69,) " Omnem
redegit idibus pecuniam, &c.-The present oration was delivered
on the 8th of November, and the next Ides would be on the thir-
teenth. The Ides fell on the 15th of March, May, July, and Octo-
ber, and the 13th of the other months.
3. Domesticam tuam difficultatem. "Your domestic difficulties,"
i. e. your debts. Compare Verr. 2, 28: "
“Ostendit se in summa
difficultate esse numaria.”
4. Hujus vitae lux. Graevius and others read merely haec lux,
but then, as Ernesti correctly remarks, the whole relation is lost
between hujus vitae lux, and hujus coeli spiritus.
5. Pridie kalendas Januarias. The time here meant is the 31st
December. Sallust gives a brief account of this earlier conspiracy,
(Cat. 18.) The plan was, to murder the consuls in the capitol, and
then, for Catiline and Autronius to seize upon the consular author-
ity. Suetonius (Vit. Iul. Caes, c. 9) informs us, on the faith of
contemporary writers, that Caesar and Crassus had taken part in
this conspiracy, and that it failed from Caesar's not having given
the preconcerted signal, in consequence of Crassus's not appearing
at the appointed time. According to Sallust, the plot failed a second
time, on the nones (5th) of February, in consequence of Catiline's
having given the signal for action before a sufficient number of con-
spirators had assembled.
6. Lepido et Tullo consulibus. A. U. C. 687. Catiline, being
accused of extortion, was unable to stand candidate for the consul-
ship, and hence, inflamed with hatred and disappointment, he resolved
to murder the new consuls.
7. Stetisse in comitio cum telo. "Took your station in the comi-
tium with a dagger." The comitium was that part of the forum
where the comitia met.-It was forbidden by one of the laws of the
twelve tables, to carry any weapon within the city. The allusion
in the text has already been explained under note 5.
8. Non mentem aliquam. "That no change of mind." This is
the interpretation commonly given to the clause. It is susceptible,
however, of a different meaning, "that no return of mind," i. e. no
glimpse of reason, and consequent remorse, amid his phrensy.
9. Fortunam. "The wonted good-fortune." Compare Sallust,
(Cat. c. 41,)" Tandem vicit fortuna reipublicae.”
10. Neque enim sunt, &c. "For neither are they concealed
from the knowledge of all, nor have only a few been committed by
thee subsequent to that event.' The common text has multo post,
"}
7
AGAINST CATILINE.
155
an erroneous reading. The best editions give multa instead of
multo.
Page,
6
11. Quot ego tuas petitiones, &c. "How many thrusts of thine,
aimed in such a way that they seemed impossible to be shunned,
have I avoided by a slight turning away, as it were, and, to borrow
the language of the gladiatorial schools, by the movements of my
body." Petitio, declinatio, corpus, and effugio, are all gladiatorial
terms, purposely employed by Ciccro, that he may seem to regard
Catiline as no better than one of this class of persons. Compare
the language he uses in the second oration against Catiline, (c. 11,)
“Gladiatori illi confecto et saucio consules opponite,” &c.
12. Nihil agis, &c. "You do nothing, you contrive nothing,
you meditate nothing." The student will observe the regular grada-
tion of ideas.—We have retained the common reading with Ernesti.
Some editors reject nihil moliris, quod mihi latere valeat in tem-
pore, but without any propriety. The words from quod to tempore,
both inclusive, are wanting in some manuscripts.
13. In tempore.
"At the very moment when it is of advantage
to me to know them." Equivalent to illo tempore quo illa scire
mihi utile sit. Compare the Greek form Ev xaip, and Drakenb. ad
Liv. 8, 7.
Ma
14. Quoties jam, &c. "How often before this has that dagger
of thine been wrested from thy grasp ?"
15. Tamen ea carere diutius non potes. These words are omit-
ted by some editors, as not required by the context, and savouring,
therefore, of interpolation. They are susceptible, however, of an
easy defence: "Still you cannot be deprived of it for a longer period
than the mere instant," i. e. no matter how often it be wrested, or
fall, from your grasp, it is sure, the very next instant, to be in your
hands again. They who reject this clause do not seem to have
paid sufficient attention to the force of the comparative diutius.
16. Quae quidem, &c. As the relative begins the clause, and
the connexion between it and the antecedent is comparatively slight,
it must be rendered by the pronoun hacc. (Compare note 4, page 3.)
“With what unhallowed rites this same dagger has been consecrated
by thee and devoted to its purpose, I do not know, that you deem
it a matter of solemn obligation to plunge it into the bosom of a
consul." Cicero is thought to allude here to the horrid sacrifice of
a human being, at the house of Catiline, an account of which is
given by Sallust, (Cat. c. 23,) and Dio Cassius, (37, 30—vol. 1,
p. 131, ed. Reimar.)—The sacrificial knife was consecrated to that
purpose alone: Cicero insinuates that Catiline had a weapon dedi-
cated to the sole purpose of slaying the consuls.
156
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
6
17. Odio. CC
By the detestation."-Quae tibi nulla debetur. "No
portion of which is justly your due."
18. Paullo ante. "A moment ago."-Ex hac tanta frequentia.
"Of this so crowded a house." Referring to the full numbers of
the senate, whom the intelligence of the conspiracy had drawn
together.
19. Salutavit. When Catiline came into this meeting, and took
his seat, all the senators abandoned that part of the subsellia, or
benches, where he had placed himself, and not one of his private
friends dared to salute him.
20. Vocis exspectas contumeliam, &c. "Do you wait for an
open affront conveyed to your ears by the voices of these present,
when you have been overpowered by that most expressive sentence
which their very silence has passed upon you?"
A paraphrase has
been here employed, to give what a literal translation would only
serve to obscure.-The contumelia vocis is the same as if the sena-
tors had openly called Catiline a public enemy; the judicium taci-
turnitatis refers to the manner in which he was received on coming
into the senate.-The student will mark the force of the subjunc-
tive oppressus sis, as denoting what is, to all appearance, passing in
the mind of Catiline.
21. Ista. The orator here points to the place where Catiline is
seated. Compare note 4, page 1.-Subsellia. The seats of the
senators are here called subsellia, in opposition to the elevated place
where the consul had his curule chair. Subsellium properly means
a low bench or seat.
22. Nudam atque inanem. "Completely bare." The Latin
writers frequently employ two epithets, of almost the same import,
to give additional strength to the idea.
my
1. Servi mehercule, &c. Muretus passes a high and richly-de-
served encomium on the force and skill which characterize this pas-
sage. It is, in truth, an excellent illustration of the argument a
fortiori.
2. Injuria. "Without just cause. '-Offensum.
Compare Casaubon, ad Suet. Jul. 19.-Omnium oculis.
adopted the order of Graevius, as more in accordance with euphony.
The common text has oculis omnium.
"Odious."
We have
"Eos
3. Vulneras. "You are every day wounding." Vulnero is here
used somewhat in the sense of lacdo. Compare chapter 4.
nondum voce vulnero."
4. Omnium nostrum parens. Compare the beautiful passage in
the treatise de Officiis: "Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui,
familiares, sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est.”
AGAINST CATILINĖ.
157
Page.
5. Et jamdiu te nihil judicat, &c. The common text has de te.
We have rejected the preposition, according to the suggestion of
Lambinus, which is approved of by Muretus and Graevius. If de
be retained, the sense requires the insertion of another te, in the
accusative, before cogitare, which would be extremely awkward and
inelegant.
6. Parricidio suo.
"Her ruin." The term parricidium, among
the Roman writers, indicates not merely the murder of parents, but
also, of those with whom one stands in any near and intimate rela-
tion. Compare the language of one of the old lawyers: "Lege
Pompeia de parricidis tenetur, qui patrem, matrem, avum, aviam,
fratrem, sororem, patronum, patronam occiderit." (Pauli Sentent.
lib. 5, tit. 24.)
7. Hujus tu neque, &c. "Will you neither respect her authority,
nor be guided by her opinion, nor stand in awe of her power?" Ju-
dicium is here equivalent to sententiam. His country had come to
the conclusion, that Catiline ought to depart from her and go into
exile.
8. Tacita loquitur. What the grammarians call an oxymoron,
an apparent contradiction in terms. So in the following chapter,
44 quum tacent clamant.”
9. Multorum civium neces. Alluding to the murders committed
by Catiline, as a partisan, and during the proscriptions, of Sylla.
Consult Historical Index.
10. Sociorum. Catiline had, as praetor, obtained Africa for his
government, where he was guilty of great extortion and rapine. On
his return to Rome, he was accused by Publius Clodius, but escaped
by bribing his accuser and the judges who tried him.
11. Quaestiones. "Public prosecutions." Consult Legal Index.
12. Quidquid increpuerit, &c.
"For Catiline to be feared, on
every alarm." Literally, quidquid increpuerit, "Whatever noise
niay have been made." Compare Livy, 4, 43: “ Si quid increpet
terroris.”
13. Quod a tuo scelere abhorreat. "That is free from your
guilty participation." In which you do not bear a part.
14. Si est verus, &c. What Hermogenes calls a σχῆμα
didnμparov, or form of a dilemma.
15. Nonne impetrare debeat. 'Ought she not to obtain her re-
quest," i. e. ought she not to prevail upon you to depart.
16. Quid, quod tu ipse, &c. "What shall I say of this, that you
offered to surrender yourself into the safe keeping of some private
individual?" The phrase quid quod, which can only be used when
a verb succeeds, is elliptical, and to be completed as follows: Quid
→
<<
14
158
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
dicam de eo quod. It generally implies, that what comes after is
more surprising or decisive than what went before, and hence it is
frequently rendered into English by "nay," or
(C nay even. Com-
pare Zumpt, L. G. p. 416.-Sanctii Min. vol. 2, p. 210, (ed.
Bauer.)
""
17. In custodiam. This is what was called libera custodia.
When an individual of rank and family laboured under the suspi-
cion of any treasonable practices, he sometimes surrendered himself
into the hands of another person, distinguished for private worth,
and attachment to the state, to be guarded, as it were, by the latter
until his guilt or innocence might be established by the result of a
public prosecution. This step was generally taken in order to im-
press the people with an opinion of his innocence. On some occa-
sions, the person accused was given over into the safe keeping of
another, without being allowed to exercise any will of his own, as
in the case of Lentulus, and the other confederates of Catiline, re-
corded by Sallust. (Cat. c. 47.) Dio Cassius (58, 3) calls this
species of custody, by a very appropriate name, pudaki ãdeoµvs.
Compare Lipsius, ad. Tacit. Ann. 6, 4.
18. M'. Lepidum. We have given the praenomen as M'., (i. c.
Manium) instead of the common reading M. (Marcum.) The Lepi-
dus here meant was Manius, not Marcus, Lepidus, who held the
consulship with Volcatius Tullus. Compare Manutius, ad. loc.,
also the remarks of Morgenstern and Beck.
and
19. Habitare. "To take up your residence."
8
1. Parietibus. The term paries most commonly denotes the
wall of a house. Its primitive meaning appears to have been a
party, or separation, wall. In the following passage it signifies a
wall for upholding or supporting. "Parietes fornicum perfossi
urbem patefecerunt." (Liv. 44, 11.)
2. Qui essem. "Since I was." Qui is joined to the subjunc-
tive mood, when the relative clause states some circumstance be-
longing to the antecedent, as accounting for the principal fact, or
as contributing to its production. (Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 2,
p. 26.)
3. Q. Metellum. Cicero refers to Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer,
who was subsequently despatched by him to raise an armed force
against Catiline in the Gallic and Picene territories. (Compare
Orat. 2, in Cat. chapters 2, and 12.) He was consul with L.
Afranius, two years afterward.
4. Virum optimum. Used ironically.
-M. Marcellum. The father of Marius
complices of Catiline. (Pro Sext. 4.) Orosius, in the following
Compare Quintilian (9, 2.)
Marcellus, one of the ac-
AGAINST CATILINE.
159
Page.
passage, makes mention of both father and son : "Motus etiam in 8
Pelignis ortus a Marcellis, patre et filio, per L. Vectium proditus,
patefacta Catilinae conjuratione, quasi succisa radice, compressus
est," &c. (6, 4.)-We must be careful, however, not to confound
the Marcellus here mentioned with the one named by Cicero a little
after, and whom he styles vir fortissimus. This latter was the
one whom he defended before Caesar.
5. Videlicet. Ironical. "No doubt."—Ad suspicandum. "In
spying out your secret movements."-Ad vindicandum. "In bring-
ing you to justice."
6. Morari. We have retained the common reading. Many
editions have emori, and they who give this lection think that Cicero
probably meant to warn Catiline, that his remaining in Rome would
but lead to a speedy death. Cicero, however, is not speaking of a
death to be patiently endured by Catiline, but of the utter impossi-
bility of that individual's remaining any longer in a city, where every
object must remind him of his own guilty schemes, and of the
hatred and contempt which these had brought upon him. Besides
morari and abire are in direct opposition, and the presence of the
latter requires the former as a matter of course.
(
7. Refer, inquis, ad senatum. Lay the matter, you say, before
the senate.” Referre ad senatum was the usual phrase for the
laying of any matter before the Roman senate. If the consuls
were in the city at the time when any such reference was to be
made, they, by virtue of their office, consulted the senate on the
matter in question. If they were absent, the reference was made
by the other magistrates, according to their respective rank. (Aul.
Gell. 14, 7.)
8. Quod abhorret a meis moribus. "Which is repugnant to my
character." As Cicero was naturally averse to harshness and
severity, he was unwilling to lay the affair of Catiline formally
before the senate, since he knew that the latter would, most
certainly, condemn him. His object was to induce him to quit the
city.
9. Faciam, ut intelligas. "I will act in such a way that you
may clearly perceive." He means, that he will tell him openly to
go into exile, and that the senate will sanction this bold step on the
part of Cicero, by their total silence.
10. Hanc vocem. "This word." Consult note 11, page 5.
11. Quid est, Catilina? Cicero probably made a pause at the
end of the previous sentence, that Catiline might observe the more
clearly, from the total silence of the assembled senators, how com-
pletely their sentiments accorded with those of the speaker. He
160
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
8 then exclaims, in reference to the silence which prevails on all
sides: "What is this, Catiline ?"
12. Patiuntur, tacent. They suffer me to address you in this
language, they are silent," i. e. they permit me to use this bold
language towards you, and to bid you go into exile, because they
believe, with me, that you are an enemy to your country; and no
one raises his voice in your behalf.
66
13. Quid exspectas auctoritatem, &c. Why do you wait for
their authorizing this by their voicos, when you clearly perceive
their wishes although they are silent?" Cicero refers to their con-
firming, by word of mouth, the order which he had given Catiline
to depart into exile.
66
14. P. Sextio. P. Sextius Gallus, who was quaestor to the
consul Antonius, and whom Cicero subsequently defended in an
oration which has come down to us.
15. M. Marcello. This is the Marcellus whom Cicero after-
wards defended before Cacsar. Consult Historical Index.
16. Jam. "Ere now."-Vim et manus. "The hand of vio-
lence." Literally, "violence and their hands." A species of hen-
diadys.
17. De te. "With regard to you."-Cum quicscunt, &c.
"When they remain quiet, they actually approve of my conduct;
when they permit me to use this language, they, in truth, decree to
that effect; when they keep silence, they, in fact, proclaim loudly
their sentiments." Probant. The senate approve of the course
which Cicero has just pursued towards Catiline, in ordering him into
exile. Decernunt. They actually decree that he go into exile.
Clamant. They loudly proclaim, as it were, their decided convic-
tion of Catiline's being a foe to his country.
18. Quorum tibi auctoritas, &c. "Whose authority, it seems,
is highly respected by you; whose lives arc most cheap in your
eyes." Catiline pretended great respect for the authority and sanc-
tion of the senate, but held their lives, in fact, so cheap, as to have
marked out the majority of them for destruction.
19. Sed ctiam illi equites Romani. "But even those Roman
knights do the same," i. e. silentio probant.
20. Qui circumstant senatum, A body of Roman knights, and
other patriotic citizens, were in arms around the temple in which
the senate were convened, in order to protect them from any sudden
attack on the part of the conspirators, in case such, as was strongly
apprehended, should take place.-Voccs. Referring to the patriotic
cries of those assembled without the temple.
21. Usque ad portas prosequantur. Those who went into volun-
AGAINST CATILINE.
161
Page.
tary exile were generally accompanied to the city gates by large 8
numbers of their friends. Cicero promises an escort of knights to Cati-
line, if he will abandon Rome. The orator means, that, through joy to
rid themselves of him, they will see him safely to the gates of the city.
22. Quamquam. "And yet." Compare the remarks of Forcel-
lini, on this usage of quamquam :
"Venustatem habet, cum quis se
ipsum corrigit;" and consult the following passages where it occurs
in the same sense: Cic. N. D. 3, 16: Virg. Aen. 5, 194.
23. Te ut ulla res frangat? &c. "Is it to be expected that
any thing can ever break that obstinate spirit of yours? that you
can ever reform ?" We must supply before ut, in this passage, the
words sperandumne sit fore, or something equivalent. Drakenborch
(ad Liv.. 4, 2, 12) has collected examples of this elegant and éllip-
tical usage of the particle ut.-Frangat. As regards the peculiar
force of this verb in such passages as the present, compare Liv. 2,
23; and consult Brouckhous, ad Tibull. 1, 9, 71.
CC
1. Duint. An archaism for dent. This form
Livy, as forming part of the language of a vow :
nobis victoriam duis, ast ego templum tibi vovco.
sides being used on such solemn occasions, it is frequently met with
among the comic writers.
(10, 19.) Be-
2. Sed est mihi tanti.
occurs also in 9
Bellona, si hodie
"But it is worth this sacrifice." As if
he had said: " Reipublicae salus est mihi tanti momenti, ut huic
impendenti invidiae tempestati me objiciam.”
3. Privata sit. "Be private in its character," i. e. concern me
individually; fall only on my head.
4. Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commoveare. "But that you can be at
all affected by the consciousness of your crimes." Vitia is here
used to denote any evil deeds.
5. Ut temporibus reipublicae concedas. That you can yield to
the interests of the republic." It is the same as if Cicero had said:
“Ut a consilio tuo recedas, et ea, quae praesens reipublicae status
postulat, fieri patiaris.”—-We have given concedas with the greater
number of editions. Graevius, Lallemand, Beck, and Schütz, prefer
cedas, which is found in some manuscripts, and this reading is also
defended by Goerenz, ad Cic. de Leg. 3, 11, 26, p. 251.
But con-
cedo is often used by Cicero for the simple cedo. Compare, Ep, ad
Fam. 4, 3: ad Att. 14, 18: Verr. 2, 44: Rosc. Am. 40,
((
6. Pudor. "A sense of shame."-Umquam. This word does
not appear in the common text. Quintilian, (9, 3, 62,) in quoting
the passage inserts it after pudor, a reading which Schütz and Mat-
thiae adopt. We have removed it to its present place as giving a
fuller sound to the sentence.
14*
162
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
9 7. Recta. Supply via. Thus Terence, Andr. 3, 4, 21: Quin
hinc recta in pistrinum proficiscar via.”
8. Sermones hominum. "The remarks of men," i. e. the cen-
sures that will be heaped upon me for my tyrannical conduct.
Compare Cic. Verr. 4, 7: "In sermonem hominum atque vitupera-
tionem venire,” and Ep. ad Att. 2, 14: "Vapulare sermonibus."
9. Molem istius invidiae. "The weight of that odium which
you will thus bring upon me." The student will mark the force of
the pronoun iste, and constilt note 4, page 1.
10. Servire meae laudi et gloriae. To subserve the purposes
of my praise and my glory," i. e. to advance my reputation and
glory.-Cicero resorts to an artful dilemma. Catiline may entertain
either hostile or friendly feelings towards Cicero, just as he pleases,
for the purpose either of exposing him to odium, or contributing to
his renown, but in either event he must leave the city.
•
46
11. Cum importuna sceleratorum manu. "With thy lawless
band of miscreants." Importunus here denotes a total disregard
for what time, place, circumstance and person demand. Hence it
obtains the signification of "unbridled," "outrageous," "intolera-
ble," &c. Compare Verr. 6, 50 : Importunissimae libidines,"
"the most unbridled desires," and Cat. 2, 6: Importunissimus
hostis."
CC
A P
12. Impio latrocinio. "In your impious scheme of robbery." It
is called "impious," or unhallowed, because directed against his
native country. Latrocinium, in its earliest acceptation, meant
merely the service of a soldier, and the primitive meaning of latro
itself was the same as miles. The idea of robbery and plunder was
associated with it at a later period, from the plundering habits of
disbanded soldiers. Festus derives latro from the Greek λατρεία,
"service," where others, however, by a change of reading, make
Xárpov, "pay," the root. (Lindemann. Corp. Gram. Lat. vol. 1,
λάτρον,
p. 88.) Varro's derivation of the term from latus, because the
latrones, at first, like a kind of body-guard, protected the side of the
king or commander, ("circum latera erant regi,") or, because they
wore swords by their sides, ("ad latera habebant ferrum !") is now
deservedly rejected.
"And yet.'
Compare note 22, page 8.
13. Quamquam.
14. Qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium, &c. "To wait for thee in
arms near Forum Aurelium." The preposition ad, with the name
of a place, denotes immediate proximity, but not the being in the
place itself. Towns were called Fora by the Romans, where the
praetor held what we would term his circuits, for administering jus-
tice, and where also markets were established. The town of Forum
AGAINST CATILINE.
163
WOMAN
Page.
9
Aurelium, (now Monte Alto,) was situate in Etruria, and took the
latter part of its name from the Via Aurelia on which it stood,
and which led from Rome to Pisa. The Aurelian way was con-
tinued from this latter place, A. U. C. 639, by the consul Aemilius
Scaurus, under the name of Via Aemilia, as far as Dertona, (now
Tortona,) and at a later period was carried from Vada Sabata (where
it had left the coast for Dertona) to the Maritime Alps, and even
beyond them into Gaul as far as Arelate (now Arles.) Consult
Cramer's Anct. Italy, vol. 1, p. 35, and Anton. Itin. p. 288, ed.
Wess-ling-Sigon. Ant. Jur. Ital. 2, 5.
15. Cui sciam. The common text has quum sciam, Ernesti
merely sciam We have inserted cui with Beck and Schütz,
“conncinnitatis gratia."
16. Aquilam illam argenteam. The same which Marius had in
his army in the Cimbric war. Catiline fell beside it in the battle
which ended the conspiracy. (Sall. Cat. 59.)—Among the Romans,
a silver eagle, with expanded wings, on the top of a spear, some-
times holding a thunderbolt in its claws, with the figure of a small
chapel above it, and occasionally also having the chapel over it, was
the main standard of the legion. It was anciently carried before the
Triarii, or third rank, composed of the oldest soldiers; but, after
the time of Marius, in the first line, and near it was the ordinary
place of the general. The reason of this change of place appears
to have been, because, in the time of Marius, the best troops began
to be placed first. Consult Salmas. de Re Milit. c. 6.-Lips. de
Mil. Rom. lib. 4, dial. 3 and 5.-Rasche, Lex. Rei. Num. s. v.
Aquila Legionaria.
17. Cui domi tuae, &c. "For which a shrine was established
at your own home, where your crimes were offered up as appropriate
incense." We have been compelled to resort to a paraphrase, in
order to express more clearly the meaning of the orator.-It has
been stated in the previous note, that the eagle of the legion was
sometimes placed in a kind of chapel, or aedicula, and at other times
was represented either without any such chapel, or as having it
above the wings. Dio Cassius (40, 18) is very explicit respecting
the frst of these: ἔστι δὲ νεὼς μικρὸς, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ ἀετὸς χρυσοῦς ἐνίδο
pura. So Catiline, in the figurative language of Cicero, had, by
keeping the Marian eagle at his own home, established there, in fact,
a kind of sanctuary for it; and, as the Roman soldiers were accus-
tomed to pay adoration to their standards, so he, according to the
orator, might be said to have adored the one in his possession, and
to have invoked it as the tutelary deity of intended violence and
rapine. With regard to the different forms of the legionary standard,
ρυται.
164
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
9 already alluded to, consult Stewech. ad Veget. R. M. lib. 2, c. 6, p.
121, and the authorities cited by Reimar, ad Dion. Cass. 1. c.,
where the error of Lipsius is corrected, who confounds the small
temple mentioned by Dio with the sanctuary of the camp where all
the standards were worshipped.
18. Tu ut illa, &c. "Is it to be believed that you can any
longer," &c. Supply credendumne sit forc, and consult note 23,
page 8.-Istam impiam dexteram. "That impious right hand of
thine."
19. Haec res. i. e. hoc bellum contra patriam, haec civium cacdes,
It is incorrect to apply these words to Catiline's forced departure
from the city. Ad hanc te amentiam, &c. "It was for this mad
carcer of crime that nature gave you being, inclination trained, fate
reserved you.”
20. Nisi nefarium. "Unless of an unhallowed character."
Bellum nefarium means a war against his native country, and hence
impious and unhallowed.-Nactus es. "You have got together."
Atque ab omni, &c. The order is, atque (ex) derelictis ab non
modo omni fortuna, verum etiam (a) spe.
10 1. Hic. i. e. inter ejusmodi hominum gregem.—Qua laetitia
perfruere, &c. "What gratification will you experience, with what
joy will you exult, in what delight will you revel." Cortius, ad
Plin. Ep. 4, 15, conjectures perfluas in place of perfruere, but
the emendation is of no great value. If any change be needed, it
would be to reject the words qua laetitia perfruere, as an explana-
tory gloss of what follows, viz.: quibus gaudiis exsultabis?
2. Ad hujus vitac studium, &c. "It was to prepare you, no
doubt, for the zealous pursuit of such a life as this, that all those
labours of yours, as they are called, were gone through with.”
Meditari is here used passively, in the sense of agi or exerceri. The
whole passage is full of irony and bitter scorn.
3. Ad obsidendum stuprum. "For the purpose of watching an
opportunity for debauchery." The literal meaning is, "to lie in
wait for debauchery." Compare Verr. 1, 2: "Qui meum tempus
obsideret."-Ad facinus obeundum, "For the execution of some
daring and wicked enterprise."
4. Bonis occisorum. Graevius and some other editors give
oliosorum from a fow MSS. But this destroys the force of Cicero's
remark. The orator means, that Catiline enriched himself by plun-
dering the property of those who had been proscribed during the
civil contests of Sylla and Marius, he being a partisan of the former.
Consult Historical Index, s. v. Catilina.
5. Habes ubi ostentes. "You have now a glorious field for diş-
AGAINST CATILINE.
165
Page.
Compare Sallust, 10
playing." Ironical.-Patientiam famis, &c.
Cat. 5, and Or. pro. Coel. 6.
6. Confectum. "Undone."- Cum te a consulatu repuli. Cicero
means, when his influence prevented Catiline from being elected to
the consulship.
7. Exul. We have given this, and also consul, in Italics, to
mark the paronomasia. So likewise latrocinium and bellum.
CC
8. Nunc, ut a me, &c. "Now, Conscript Fathers, that I may,
in the most earnest and solemn manner, remove from me what
seems, as it were, an almost well-grounded complaint on the part of
my country." Quamdam (literally, a certain") is purposely em-
ployed to qualify prope justam.-The verb detestari here denotes,
"to seek to remove any thing from one, such as blame, accusation,
&c., by the utmost earnestness of manner, adjuring, calling to wit-
ness all that one hold's dear;" while deprecari rises upon it in
meaning, "to pray in the most solemn manner, to entreat fervently,
to supplicate, that one may be freed from certain consequences."
Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v.
9. Percipite quaeso, quae dicam, &c. The oratorical skill with
which Cicero brings this oration to a close, is admirable. He had,
already, in the earlier part of the discourse, repeatedly asserted, that
it was fully in his power to put Catiline to death if he felt inclined.
In order to support this assertion once more in the strongest manner,
he introduces the striking personification of his own country, com-
plaining that he had not removed Catiline from existence, when it
was his duty to have done so. The three grounds of excuse, which
might have exonerated him from censure in the case of an ordinary
offender, his country here pronounces utterly insufficient to excuse
his inaction. 1. The custom of early days.-Why, in earlier days,
replies his country, even individuals uninvested with magistracy, as,
for example, Scipio Nasica, put to death with their own hands the
disturbers of the public repose. 2. The law which forbade any
Roman citizen's being put to death.--But, replies his country, no
man who fails in his duty as a citizen, can claim the privileges of
one.-3. The dread of public odium, for what might seem too harsh
an exercise of authority.-A man, like Cicero, whom the republic
had elevated, in so extraordinary manner, to the highest office in her
gift, is bound, when the safety of that republic is at stake, to consid-
er personal odium or danger as of only secondary importance.-All
this forms, as Muretus remarks, "orationem moratam.”
T
10. M. Tulli, quid agis? Compare the address of his country
to Socrates, in the Criton of Plato, (§ 11,) είπέ μοι, ὦ Σώκρατες, τί ἐν
νῷ ἔχεις ποιεῖν ; κάτι λι
·
166
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
10
11. Erocatorem servorum. Those soldiers who had served out
their time, (emeriti,) and those who, from Sylla's time downward,
had received, instead of a military pension, a piece of ground to cul-
tivate and dwell on, were always, in case of any sudden and danger-
ous emergency, compelled again to enter the ranks and perform
military service. When this was to be done, persons were sent to
summon them, called conquisitores or evocatores. (Dio. Cass. 44,
12.-Lips. de Mil. Rom. 1, 8.-Turneb. Advers. 1, 9.-Stewech.
ad Veget. 2, 3.) We see from this, with what bitter scorn Catiline
is called evocator servorum, as if he had gone into their very work-
shops and summoned them forth to insurrection and deeds of blood.
12. Non emissus ex urbe, &c. On the principle, that, if allowed
to escape, he will only return with surer means of destruction.
13. Mactari. "To be visited." Used here for affici. The verb
mactare is the official term, properly, for slaying a victim at a sacri-
fice, after the salted meal had been sprinkled between the horns,
and all the other ceremonies performed. In its primitive sense,
however, it is equivalent merely to magis augere, and hence, when
applied to a sacrifice, means in strictness, to go on and consummate
what has been already begun, i. e. to slay the victim. It is in this
way only we can explain such phrases as the following: "mactant
honoribus," "they advance with honours," i. e. heap fresh honours
upon (Cic. de Repub. ap. Non. c. 4, n. 291.)——“ Liberum patrem
fanorum consecratione mactatis." "Ye do honour to father Bac-
chus,” &c. (Arnob. 1, p. 24.) Compare also the forms macte vir-
tute, macte ingenio, &c.-The propriety of Cicero's phrase will now
be fully apparent. His country tells him that something more must
be done; the last act, the finishing blow to the conspiracy, must
now be attended to, in putting Catiline to death.
14. Mosne mujorum. Their forefathers would not put a Roman
citizen to death without the order of the Roman people.-At per-
saepe etiam privati, &c. Cicero alludes particularly to the case of
P. Scipio Nasica, who headed the party of the nobility when Tibe-
rius Gracchus was slain. The expression persaepe falls under the
head of what may be denominated oratorical exaggeration, since
justifiable instances of this nature were by no means frequent.
15. An leges. The Porcian and Sempronian laws in particular.
The former ordained, that no Roman citizen should be bound,
scourged, or put to death. (Pro. Rab. 4.-Verr. 5, 63.-Liv. 10,
9.) The latter enjoined, that no Roman citizen should be put to
death without the express order of the Roman poople; which was
only reviving one of the provisions of the twelve tablos. It was
intended, however, in fact, as a revival of the Porcian law, which
AGAINST CATILINE.
167
Page.
had grown in some degree obsolete. Consult Sigon. de Antiq. Jur. 10
cio. Rom. 1, 6, and Heineccius, Antiq. Rom. Append. 1, 1, 27, p.
247, ed. Haubold.
16. Rogatae sunt. "Have been enacted." The people, at the
comitia, were asked their pleasure respecting the passage of laws.
The usual form of application, on the part of the presiding magis-
trate, was, “velitis, jubeatis Quirites?" "Hence rogare legem
which would strictly mean, "to ask the people about the passage of
a law," gets the meaning of "to enact a law," and so also rogare
magistratus, “to elect magistrates." On the same principle, before
a law was carried through, and while it was still pending, it was
termed rogatio,
<< a bill."
Hence, too, when the people were to
vote about a law, two ballots were given them, on one of which
were the letters U. R. (i. e. uti rogas,) and on the other A. (i. e.
antiquo, antiqua probo.) The former was the affirmative ballot,
and was equivalent to, "volo legem esse uti rogas."
17. Tenuerunt. Have retained." i. e. have been allowed to
retain.-Invidiam posteritatis. "The reproaches of posterity."
Literally, "the odium," or
(C dislike."
48
18. Praeclaram vero, &c. "You are making a fine return,
indeed, to the Roman people." Ironical.-Hominem per te cogni-
tum. A person brought into notice by your own exertions
merely," i. e. what the Romans were accustomed to call "a new
man," novus homo; meaning one who had been the first of his
family to raise himself to any curule office, or, in other words, to
enroll himself by his personal merits among the nobility. Cicero
was fond of alluding to this feature in his history, and it was cer-
tainly a most pardonable kind of pride.
19. Tam mature. Cicero was elected consul the very year he
was first permitted, by law, to offer himself as a candidate. No
one could present himself as an aspirant for the consulship, until he
had completed his 43d year. The orator boasts of having obtained
all the inferior offices in the same way; each in the year when he
was first allowed to apply for it. Hence the expression in the
present passage, per omnes honorum gradus, "through all the
gradations of office.”
1. Severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia. “The odium arising from 11
a strict and firm discharge of duty."-Quam inertiae ac nequitiae.
Than that which is attendant upon indolence and remissness."
Compare note 20, page 2.
2. Tum te non existimas, &c. A beautiful figure, best expressed
by a paraphrase: Do you not imagine that you yourself will be
then enveloped amid the flames which the indignation of your
168
THE FIRST ORATION
Page.
11 country shall have kindled against you?" Literally, "Do you not
think that you will then blaze amid the conflagration of odium ?"—
The figure arises very naturally from the previous expression, “ tecta
ardebunt."
3. His ego sanctissimis vocibus. "To these most revered ex-
postulations on the part of my country." Sanctissimis is here
equivalent to sanctissime colendis.- Mentibus. "To the secret
thoughts."
4. Si judicarem. "Could I have thought." In conditional
propositions, it is not uncommon for the consequent clause to con-
tain the pluperfect subjunctive, while the conditional clause contains
the imperfect subjunctive with si or nisi. Thus in the present
instance we have judicarem and dedissem. The probability is thus
spoken of generally, without being strictly referred to the time at
which it existed. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 331.)
5. Unius usuram horae ad vivendum. "The enjoyment of a
single hour for the purposes of existence."-Gladiatori isti. Com-
pare note 6, page 11.-Etenim. "And well may I make this
assertion, for." Compare the Greek form of expression xaì yàp.
6. Honestarunt. "Graced." Equivalent to decorarunt.—Certe
mihi, &c. Ernesti suspects mihi of being unnecessary here. But
it is needed to mark a kind of opposition to summi viri, et clarissimi
cives.
7. Parricida civium.
Consult note 6, page 7.
8. Qui spem Catilinae, &c. "Who have fostered the hopes of
Catiline, by their feeble expressions of opinion."-Non credendo.
(C
By not believing in its existence."
9. Si in hunc animadvertissem. "If I had punished him." Un-
derstand supplicio. The verb animadvertere, when used with an
ellipsis of supplicio, in the sense of punishing, denotes to punish by
authority, and then refers to the vigilance of the magistrate, in
marking offences committed. The use of the preposition in, on
such occasions, before the name of the culprits, intimates more
strongly the steady attention directed towards the conduct found to
be reprehensible. (Hill's Synonyms, p. 89, 4to ed.)
10. Regie. Tyrannically." After the expulsion of Tarquin,
nothing was more hateful to a Roman ear than the name of "king,"
rex, and hence they connected with the expressions regnare, regie
aliquid facere aut dicere, the idea of tyrannical and oppressive con-
duct, and such as was hostile to freedom. Compare Cic. Agrar.
2, 6, where, in order to excite the hatred of the people against
the authors of the Agrarian law, he calls them "decem reges aerarii,
vectigalium, provinciarum omnium," &c.
(C
AGAINST CATILINE.
169
*
Page.
11. Paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi posse. 11
May be repressed for a season, but cannot be for ever suppressed."
Compare the remarks of Ernestus Antonius: "Qui reprimitur, ad
tempus tantum continetur; qui comprimitur, plane conficitur.”
12. Se ejecerit. Equivalent in effect to praeceps cx urbe exierit.
-Ceteros naufragos. The rest of his shipwrecked band of fol-
lowers." Ernesti suspects that naufragos is a mere interpolation,
which has found its way into the text from having been mentioned
in the second oration against Catiline, c. 11. He mistakes, however,
a very forcible figure. By naufragi Cicero means those who are
shipwrecked in character and fortune by reason of their flagitious
excesses. Compare pro Sull. c. 14, where those who have lost
their private patrimony are called patrimonio naufragi.
13. Haec tam adulta reipublicae pestis.
"This so ripe a plague
of the republic." As if he had said:
As if he had said: "Hic Catilina, tam robustus
et corroboratus reipublicae eversor, tantum roboris et virium jum in
evertenda republica nactus.
14. Jamdiu. For the space of three years, i. e. ever since the
consulship of Lepidus and Tullus.
(4
15. Quo pacto.
By what means," i. e. by what fatality.—Om-
nium scelerum, &c. "The maturity of all these crimes, and of this
long-continued madness and audacity."-Eruperit. The metaphor
appears to be borrowed from an ulcer, breaking when ripe. Com-
pare Pliny, H. N. 22, 23, 49: "ulcera maturescentia," and (22,
10, 12,) "ulcera erumpentia."
1. Ex tanto latrocinio. “From so numerous a band of robbers." 12
Latrocinium is here used for latrones, as seruitium often is for servi.
2. In venis atque in visceribus reipublicae. In the veins and
vitals of the republic." The viscera are the upper entrails or vitals,
including the lungs, heart, liver, &c. The intestina are the lower
entrails. Compare the language of Celsus,
(6 a visceribus ad intes-
tina veniundum est," (4, 11,) and again, "Septum id quod trans-
versum a superioribus visceribus intestina discernit.” (7, 4, 2, p.
354, cd. Targa.) The corresponding word in Greck is onλáyxva,
which were the parts always examined by the soothsayers.
3. Aestu febrique. "Under a burning fever."
11
4. Qui est. "Which exists."-Relevatus. "After being miti-
gated in some degree."-Vivis reliquis. "While the other con-
spirators remain alive." We have adopted this reading in place of
the common one, civibus reliquis, which does not suit the context.
Cicero means, that the death of Catiline will not suffice for crushing
the evil engendered by the conspiracy, as long as his accomplices
are allowed to remain alive.
15
170
THE FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.
Page.
12
5. Circumstare tribunal praetoris urbani. L. Valerius Flaccus
was Practor Urbanus at this time, and the partisans of Catiline
appear to have placed themselves, at different times, around his tri-
bunal, to deter him, if possible, from administering justice.
6. Obsidĕre. "To beset.' A verb of the third conjugation,
obsido, čre.
7. Mallcolos. "Fiery arrows." A description of this species
of missile is given by Ammianus Marcellinus, (23, 3,) from which it
appears, that they were a kind of arrow, with an iron grating below
the head, swelling out like a clew in spinning. This iron receptacle
was filled with combustibles, which, on being ignited, burnt fiercely,
and could only be extinguished by dust thrown upon the flame.
Water merely served to increase its vehemence. The naine mal-
leolus (“little mallet") was given to this missile, from the rescm-
blance which the projecting or swelling part bore to the head of a
mallet. Compare Lips. Poliore. 5, 5, and the authorities cited by
him.
""
8. Quid de republica sentiat. “What his sentiments are respect-
ing the republic."
9. Oppressa, vindicata. "Crushed, punished."
10. Cum summa reipublicae salute, &c. "With the best inter-
ests of the republic firmly established, and with your own calamity
and ruin fully assured, and with the destruction of those, who have
joined themselves with you in every act of wickedness and parri-
cide, now reduced to absolute certainty, go forth to your impious
and unhallowed war." We have introduced a partial paraphrase,
in order to convey the orator's meaning more clearly. The idea,
more briefly expressed, would be as follows: "Go forth, for the
safety of the republic, for your own ruin, and for the destruction of
your accomplices.
11. Auspiciis. Matthiac well remarks, that not only temples,
but also statues were consecrated by taking the auspices.-Sta-
"The stay." Consult note 15, page 4.
torem.
"
12. Scelerum foedere. By a compact of wickedness."-Mac-
"Wilt visit." Compare note 13, page 10.
tabis.
SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE
Page.
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "Second Oration of Marcus 13
Tullius Cicero against Lucius Catiline, delivered before the Roman
people."-Catiline having escaped unmolested to the camp of Man-
lius in Etruria, the conduct of Cicero in not appreheuding, but
sending away, this formidable enemy, had probably excited some
censure and discontent. The second Catilinarian oration was, in
consequence, delivered by Cicero, in an assembly of the people, in
order to justify his driving the chief conspirator from Rome. A
capital punishment, he admits, ought long since to have overtaken
Catiline, but such was the spirit of the times, that the existence of
the conspiracy would not have been believed, and he had, therefore,
resolved to place his guilt in a point of view so conspicuous, that
vigorous measures might, without hesitation, be adopted, both
against Catiline and his accomplices.
He also takes this opportunity to warn his audience against those
bands of conspirators who still lurked within the city, and whom he
divides into various classes, describing, in the strongest language,
the different degrees of guilt and profligacy, by which they were
severally characterized.
2. Tandem aliquando, &c. "At length, then, Romans, we have
either cast out, or sent away, or accompanied with execrations on
his voluntary departure from our city, Lucius Catiline, raging with
audacity, breathing forth crime, wickedly plotting the ruin of his
country, every instant threatening you and this city with fire and
sword." The commencement of this oration makes a kind of oppo-
sition to the Quousque tandem with which the first begins.
3. Quirites. An appellation given to the whole Roman people
when addressed on any public occasion. The term is commonly
derived from Quirinus, a name given to Romulus, or from Cures,
a town of the Sabines. They who favour the latter etymology assert,
171
172
THE SECOND ORATION
Page,
13 that the Sabines were called Quirites before their junction with the
Romans, and that it afterward became the common appellation of
the united people. The former derivation, however, appears prefera-
ble. Quirinus was a title of Janus, the god that opened the year,
when armies move forth on campaigns; and the root is Quiris, the
Sabine term for <<
a spear." Hence the senate could find no appel-
lation more glorious than this, to bestow on the valiant Romulus
after he had disappeared from the earth.
4. Scelus anhelantem. A strong and beautiful expression. One,
who is deeply agitated, breathes deeply (anhelat); and Catiline is
thus said to send forth crime with every exspiration from his troubled
bosom. His whole thoughts are identified with wickedness.
5. Minitantem. The student will mark the singular propriety
and force of the frequentative.
6. Vel ejecimus. By consular authority. Cicero perhaps alludes,
by the use of this word (ejicio) to some complaints on the part of
Catiline's friends, of his having been dealt with too harshly.-Vel
emisimus. Implying permission to depart.-Ipsum. Literally,
"of his own accord." Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. Ipse.
7. Verbis. Referring particularly to the expressions used at the
close of the previous oration. It was customary, at Rome, for their
friends to escort to the gates of the city any distinguished persons
when leaving the city on affairs of importance, and to accompany
them with their wishes and prayers (cuntes ad portas prosequi.)
Cicero, here, by a very striking figure, applies this custom to the
case of Catiline, but the verba, with which every good citizen is sup-
posed to have accompanied him, are wishes and prayers for his ruin.
8. Abiit, excessit, &c. "He is gone, he has left us, he has
escaped, he has broke away." This beautiful and striking climax
appears to be couched in terms borrowed from the operations of the
chase. Abiit applies to the wild beast, when he has left his usual
haunts and retired to another part of the forest; excessit, when,
after having been tracked out, he leaves the spot before the nets can
be prepared for him; evasit, when he has been surrounded by the
toils, but escapes by springing forth; and erupit, when he bursts his
way through every intervening obstacle.
9. A monstro illo atque prodigio. "By that monster and prodigy
of wickedness." Compare Pro Coel. 3, 12, seq.
10. Sica illa. Compare chapter 6, of the first oration: Quoties
jam tibi extorta est sica ista de manibus," &c.
(C
11. Non in campo: Consult note 3, page 5.
12. Non in foro. The forum being the place where much public
business was transacted, the magistrates were here more exposed t
AGAINST CATILINE.
173
Page.
the murderous designs of Catiline.-Intra domesticos parietes. 13
Referring to the attempt made by the two Roman knights to assas-
sinate him at his own house.
13. Loco ille motus est. "He was dislodged from his strong-
hold." Some apply the expression to the movements of gladiators,
and render it: " He was driven from his position." This, however,
wants force.
14. Bellum jus!um. "A regular warfare." Opposed to latro-
cinium occultum, and denoting a formal and regular war.
15. Quod non extulit.
Afflictum et profligatum.
very ground."
"That he did not carry out with him."
"Afflicted, and as it were dashed to the
16. Perculsum atque abjectum.
"A stricken and a worthless
thing."-Retorquet oculos, &c. Another figure borrowed from the
movements of savage animals. Catiline is compared to some wild
beast looking back at the prey which has just been torn from its
grasp.
1. Quales esse omnes oportebat. All good citizens thought that 14
Catilinc ought to have been put to death. Cicero here says, that
this should have been the opinion of all citizens indiscriminately.-
Triumphat. As if over a common foe to all.-Tam capitalem
hostem. "So deadly a foe." Capitalis is here used for pernicio-
sus, or, in other words, "omnium bonorum cupitibus quasi insi-
dians."
2. Et affectum. "And to have been visited."—Hujus imperii
severitas. "The strict discharge of the duties of my magistracy."
With imperii supply consularis.—Respublica.
"The interests of
the republic."
3. Qui quae ego deferrem, &c. "Who would not have believed
what I might have alleged against him." The student will observe
in this clause, and in several that follow, the use of the imperfect
subjunctive for the pluperfect. This is done, in order to state the
probability in general terms, without any strict reference to the time
at which it actually existed. (Zumpt, L. G. p. 331.)—The use of
the pronoun ego is worthy of notice here. Cicero means that many
would not have believed the accusation against Catiline, because
he, Catiline's private foe, as was supposed, had seen fit to make it.
4. Qui propter stultitiam non putarent. Who, from want of
judgment, would have deemed the charges untrue." Equivalent
to putarent non vera esse quae ego deferrem.-Defenderent. Sup
ply cum, scil. Catilinam.—Quam multos, qui propter improbitatem
faverent. "How many, who, from utter worthlessness, would have
favoured his cause."
"
15*
174
THE SECOND ORATION
Page:
14
5. Ac si, &c. "And yet, could I have supposed, that, if he
were taken off, all danger would have been driven away from you,
long since would I," &c. Illo sublato is here equivalent to morte
Catilinae.-Invidiae meae. "Of personal odium." The same in
effect as odii mihi suscipiendi.
6. Ne vobis quidem omnibus, &c. "That, if I should punish
him with death, as he deserved, while the affair was still as yet
not clearly ascertained by you all." The term re refers to the
existence of the conspiracy, and the guilt of Catiline.
7. Quam vehementer. Ironically meant.-Parum comitatus.
Slightly attended." According to Plutarch (Vit. Cic. c. 16) he
was accompanied by three hundred armed followers, eλowv petù
τριακοσίων ὁπλοφόρων, κ. τ. λ. He also had with him the fasces and
other badges of authority. (Compare Sallust, Cat. c. 37.-Appian.
B. C. 2, 3.-Dio Cassius, 37, 33.)
46
8. Tongilium mihi eduxit. "He has led out with him my
Tongilius." The pronoun mihi is here of peculiar and idiomatic
elegance, and is made to answer the purpose of bitter irony. Ton-
gilius was, as may readily be inferred from the context, an infamous
character, and a bosom-friend of Catiline.
9. Quem amare in praetexta coeperat. "To whom he had begun
to be attached in early youth." The practexla was the gown,
which the Roman youth wore until they were 17 years of age: it is
here put, therefore, for that period of life.—The common text has
calumnia added after practexta. It is, however, a mere marginal
note, which found its way, at last, into the text. It appears to have
been inserted in the margin of a manuscript, by some person dis-
puting the truth of the charge. If to be translated, it must be ren-
dered by a kind of parenthesis, "a mere calumny," and must be
regarded as ironical. Lambinus, Manutius, Heumannus, Schütz,
and others, reject it from the text, and we have followed their
authority. Garatoni, in the Naples ed. proposes the following:
“quem armare in praetexta calumnia coeperat," making armare
calumnia go together in construction, and giving the phrase the
meaning of "ad omnem calumniandi artem formare,” but this is
not Ciceronian phraseology. (Compare Odin. Misc, Obs. Bat.
Nov. vol. 12.)
10. Publicium et Munacium. Supply pariter eduxit. The
individuals here mentioned were two of the worthless companions
of Catiline.-Quorum aes alienum, &c. "Whose debts contracted
in a tavern." Popina is a tavern, or eating house, the resort of
intemperate and gluttonous persons. Compare the language of
Plautus, (Poen. 4, 2, 13,) " Bibitur, estur, quasi in popina.".
AGAINST CATILINE.
175
Page:
Cicero refers to the tavern-debts of Publicius and Munacius, not, 14
as some explain it, to money borrowed from them by Catiline, and
spent by him in riot and debauchery. The orator stigmatizes them
as mere tavern-brawlers, and in no respect dangerous to the state.
11. Reliquit quos viros, &c. Cicero means, that the persons
left behind by Catiline were much more to be dreaded than those
whom he had carried forth with him, since they possessed great
influence, were men, in general, of good families, and by reason of
the pressure of debt were reckless of consequences.
12. Prae Gallicanis legionibus. "In comparison with our Gallic
legions." The orator refers to the regular forces in Transalpine
Gaul, which, as Muretus thinks, were at that time in winter-quar-
ters. The usual reading is et Gallicanis legionibus, but in place
of et we have adopted prae, the emendation of Lambinus.-In agro
Piceno et Gallico. Consult Geographical Index. The Gallic ter-
ritory meant here, is that of Cisalpine Gaul. As regards Q. Metel-
lus, whose full name was Q. Metellus Celer, and who was one of
the praetors of this year, consult Historical Index, and also the 12th
chapter of this oration, and Sallust, Cat. 30.
13. Collectum ex scnibus desperatis, &c. "An army composed
of desperate old men, of debauched rustics, of bankrupt farmers."
The senes desperati consisted principally of the veterans of Sylla.
By decoctor is properly meant one who has run through his property
and become bankrupt; or, in other words, a ruined spendthrift.
14. Vadimonia deserere. "To abandon their bail." To forfeit
their recognisance. Vadimonium is the bail-bond, or recognisance,
by which a person binds himself to appear in court at a certain day.
If one abandoned his bail, he was adjudged infamous, and his
creditors were put in possession of his property by an edict of the
praetor.
15. Aciem exercitus nostri. "The array of our army," i. e. our
army drawn up in array against them." Edictum praetoris. “The
mere edict of the praetor." Cicero ironically asserts, that they will
be overcome by the mere sight of the praetor's decree, by which, in
consequence of their non-attendance, their creditors had obtained
judgment against them.-Concident. They will, to a man, fall
prostrate to the ground."
1. Hos quos video, &c. These are thought to be the same 15
whom Sallust calls "filii familiarum.” (Cat. c. 43.)-Volitare in
foro. 'Flitting about in the forum." i. e. seeking for loans of
money which they may expend in their career of extravagance.
<C
2. In senatum venire. There were eleven senators implicated in
the conspiracy.
176
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
15 3. Qui nitent unguentis. "Who are sleek with perfumes."
The Roman, like the Grecian, perfumes, were generally unguents,
not oils as with us. Perfuming the hair and person was regarded
as a mark of great effeminacy.
4. Qui fulgent purpura.
Another allusion to the senators who
were implicated in the conspiracy. The scnatorian tunic, called
latus clavus, had a broad purple border, (clavus,) whence its name.
The tunic of the Equites had a narrow border, and was called
angustus clavus, or tunica angusticlavia.
5. Suos milites. "As his soldiers."
"
6. Video cui sit Apulia attributa. Compare Sallust, Cat. 27,
who informs us, that Apulia was assigned" to Caius Julius, Etruria
to Manlius, the Picene district to one Septimius, a Camertian. The
name of the individual to whom the Gallic district was assigned, is
not given by him.
7. Superioris noctis. Not the night which had just gone by, but
the one on which the conspirators met at the house of Laeca, or, in
other words, the last night but two.
"They are indeed much mis-
8. Nae illi vehementer errant.
taken." Nae from the Greek vaì.
9. Nisi vero si quis est. "Unless in truth there be any one."
The use of si after nisi often occurs. Compare Drakenborch. ad
Liv. 6, 26, vol. 2, p. 376.—Si quis in general implies the possi-
bility of a fact not existing.
"Are like Catiline in character."
10. Catilinae similes.
Cati-
linac is here the genitive. Similis, as has already been remarked,
is used with a dative of external resemblance, but with a genitive
of resemblance in nature or internal constitution (Zumpt, L. G. p.
270.)
A
11. Desiderio sui tabescere. "To pine away through regret for
their absence."-Aurelia via. Compare note 14, page 9.
12. Si quidem hunc sentinam, &c. "If it shall have cast forth
this foul crew that are polluting our city." Compare note 9,
page 15.
* Ex-
13. Exhausto. ((
Being removed." Exhausto is here employed
figuratively in allusion to sentina. So, Or. in, Cat. 1, c. 9.
haurietur ex urbe," &c.
14. Veneficus. "Poisoner." Secret poisoning was much prac-
tised at Rome. Consult Beckmann's History of Inventions, vol.
1, p. 74, scqq.—There was a special law against this practice, and
other modes of assassination, entitled Lex Cornelia. (Pro Cluent.
56.)
15. Quis testamentorum subjector. "What forger of wills."
AGAINST CATILINE.
177
Page.
Literally, one who substitutes a false will, "testamentum subjicit." 15
Such an offender is called by Cicero, testamentarius (Off. 3, 17.-
Pro Sext. 17); by Sallust, signator falsus (Cat. c. 16); by Sue-
tonius, falsarius, (Vit. Ner. c. 16.) There was a law against this
practice also, entitled Lex Cornelia Testamentaria.
16. Quis circumscriptor. "What fraudulent person." Circum-
scriptor is properly one, who, under cover of the law, defrauds
another by any artfully-worded writing. Compare the words of
Seneca, (Excerpt. 6, controv. 3.,) "Circumscriptio semper crimen
sub specie legis involvit." It is then taken generally for any fraudu-
lent person, or cheat. The lex Laetoria was enacted against such
offenders.
A
17. Quis nepos.
"What spendthrift." This meaning of nepos
appears to have arisen, from the circumstance of grandchildren,
when brought up by their grandparents, being generally spoiled,
either from too much indulgence, or else from too little care being
taken of them.
18. Quae caedes, &c. "What deed of murder has been com-
mitted during these latter years, without his participation? What
act of abandoned lewdness has not been perpetrated by him?"
19. Jam vero. (C
Nay, too." Equivalent to imo vero etiam.-
Quae tanta juventutis illecebra. "What so great talent for alluring
the young to their ruin." Compare Or. in Cat. 1, 6: "Cui tu
adolescentulo, quem corruptelarum illecebris irretisses," &c.
16
1. In dissimili ratione. "When contrasted with each other."
2. In ludo gladiatorio. "In any school of gladiators." These
schools were each under the charge of a person called lanista, who
purchased and trained up slaves for this employment.
3. Nemo in scena, &c. "No one on the stage, more worthless
and profligate than ordinary." As regards the force of levior in this
passage, compare the remark of Aulus Gellius, (7, 9,) “ Veterum
hominum, qui proprie atque integre locuti sunt, leves dixerunt, quos
vulgo nunc viles et nullo pretio dignos dicimus.”—Players, unless
very eminent, were not much respected among the Romans. The
Greeks held them in higher estimation. Among the Athenians,
they were not unfrequently sent, as the representatives of the repub-
lic, on embassies and delegations. As a body of men, however,
they were, even among the Greeks, of loose and dissipated charac-
ter, and as such were regarded with an unfavourable eye by moralists
and philosophers. Aristotle stigmatizes the players of his day as
ignorant, intemperate, and unworthy of a respectable man's com-
pany. (Theatre of the Greeks, p. 123.)
4. Stuprorum et scelerum, &c.
"Accusto.ned to the continual
:
178
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
16 exercise of lewdness and crime." Assuefactus occurs, in like man-
ner, with the ablative, in Cic. de Orat. 3, 10, and frequently in Livy.
Consult Gronovius and Duker, ad Liv. 24, 48, and 48, 31, and
compare the remark of H. Homer, in his Gloss. Liv. s. v.
5. Frigore et fame, &c. Compare Sallust, Cat. 5: Corpus
paliens inediae, vigiliae, algoris, supra quam cuique credibile est."
6. Cum industriae subsidia, &c. "When all this time the aids
of honest industry, and the means of virtue, were only wasted by
him in debauchery and daring wickedness." The subsidia indus-
triae are those powers of patient endurance, which, if properly di-
rected, would have enabled their possesser to lead a life of active
utility; the instrumenta virtutis arc the means for performing dis-
tinguished and praiseworthy actions, which Catiline possessed in
abundance, but which, in his case, were only perverted to purposes
of a directly opposite nature.-Muretus, Lambinus, Graevius and
Schütz read consumeret for consumerentur.
(6
7. O nos beatos, &c. More expressive than the common form
would have been: "Quam beuti nos erimus, quam fortunala erit
respublica, quam praeclara laus consulatus mei.”
8. Libidines.
"The impure desires."-Audaciae.
"The dar-
ing excesses.
9. Fortunas suas abligurierunt.
"Have wasted their fortunes
in luxurious living." Ligurire is said of those who eat nicely, pick
out the choicest bits, feed delicately, &c. And hence its general
reference to luxurious living. Thus, in Terence, Parmeno, in de-
scribing the manners of dissolute females, (Eunuch. 5, 4, 14,)
says, "
Quae cum amatore suo quum coenant, liguriunt," which is
the same as if he had said, "suaviora et delicatiora tantummodo
degustant." Donatus has the following remark on this passage of
Terence: "Liguriunt, àrò rov Xɩyvooù, quod secundum Graecos
roû
suave intelligitur. Ligurire dicitur, qui eleganter et more senum
multo fastidio suaviora quaeque degustat." The primitive mean-
ing of ligurio is well kept up also in the following passage from
Cicero, (In Verr. 5, 76,)" Non reperietis hominem timile, nec
leviter hacc improbissima lucra ligurientem: devorare omnem
pecuniam publicam non dubitavit.”
10. Fides. "Credit."—In abundantia. "In the days of their
abundance." i. e. while their property still remained.
"C
11. Comissationes solum quaererent. They had merely revel-
lings in view." Comissatio properly denotes a making merry after
It sometimes refers to the movements
supper, a nocturnal revel.
of young men, who sally forth into the streets during the night, after
being heated with wine, and serenade the objects of their affections.
AGAINST CATILINE.
179
Page.
wμos, and the remarks of Spanheim, ad Aris- 16
In the present instance it appears to be con-
Compare the Greek
toph. Plut. v. 1040.
fined to in-door revellings.
12. Ebriosos. ""
The intemperate." Some manuscripts give
ebrios, which Graevius prefers. But the habitually intemperate are
here referred to, not merely the intoxicated.-Dormientes.
drowsy." Dormientes is here equivalent to negligentes, or incu-
"The
riosi.
13. Mihi Elegantly redundant, and indicative of strong con-
tempt. Compare the remark of Manutius: "Mihi, quod ad senten-
tiam attinet, abundat: sed ornatum quemdam, et vim habet, a con-
temnente pronunciatum.”
14. Accubantes. (6
Lolling." The term refers in strictness to
the Roman mode of "reclining" at banquets. Our word "lolling"
conveys its meaning better to an English ear. Compare the Greek
fornis, ἀνάκειμαι and κατάκειμαι.—On each couch there were com-
monly three. They lay with the upper part of the body reclined on
the left arm, the head a little raised, the back supported by cushions,
and the limbs stretched out at full length, or a little hent; the feet
of the first behind the back of the second, and his feet behind the
back of the third, with a pillow between each. When they ate they
raised themselves on their elbow, and made use of the right hand,
sometimes of both hands, for we do not read of their using knives
or forks. Consult Ciacconius de Triclinio, and Ursinus, Append.
ad Ciacc.
15. Confecti cibo. "Overloaded with food." Compare the ex-
planation of Doring: "Confecti cibo ita dicuntur, qui tanta cibo-
rum se ingurgitaverunt copia, ut neque mente neque corpore libere
uti possint.” Muretus prefers conferti, “gorged,” but confecti is
more forcible.
16. Sertis redimiti. The Romans were accustomed, like the
Greeks, to wear garlands of flowers at their festive meetings. They
were thought to be preventives against intoxication.—Unguentis
obliti. "Perfumes," in the shape of unguents, were profusely used
at the ancient entertainments.
17. Eructant. "Belch forth." This term is purposely used in
reference to vino languidi, confecti cibo..
18. Fatum aliquòd. "Some dreadful fatality."-Improbitati,
nequitiae. "Their worthlessness, their abandonment of all duty."
19. Sanare. "Bring back to a sound mind."
1. Non breve nescio quod, &c. "It will add, not some short 17
period or other, but many ages of duration, to the republic." Pro-
pagarit is here equivalent to prorogaverit, continuaverit. Thus Liv.
1.80
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
17 23, 25: “C. Terentio consuli propagari in annum imperium.”
Compare Gronovius ad loc. and Ernesti Clav. Cic. s. v.
2. Unius. Referring to Cn. Pompeius, who had very recently
conquered Mithridates.
3. Quae sanari poterunt, &c. "Whatever shall be capable of
being healed, I will heal by all possible means: what ought to be
cut off, I will not suffer to remain for the ruin of the state.” The
body politic is here compared to the human frame. Cicero promises
to treat the more dangerous members of the conspiracy as the sur-
geon does those parts of the body which are diseased, and which,
if not amputated, will spread disease throughout the whole system.
A similar passage occurs in the Second Philippic, c. 5: "In cor-
pore si quid ejusmodi est, quod reliquo corpori noceat, uri secarique
patimur, ut membrorum aliquod potius, quam totum corpus intereat;
sic in reipublicae corpore, ut totum salvum sit, quicquid est pe-
stiferum amputetur."
4. A me. CC
By me individually." i. e. by my threats.Quod
ego si verbo, &c. "If I could, indeed, effect this by a mere word."
Quod, beginning the clause, is to be rendered as if written hoc.
5. Homo videlicet, &c. "The timid and very modest man, to
be sure, could not endure the mere accents of the consul." Videlicet
is ironical. Some editions have enim after homo, which Ernesti
very properly rejects.
6. Ivit. This reading is adopted by Graevius, Ernesti, and many
other editors, instead of the common quicvit, which is here entirely
out of place. The MSS. and early editions vary in this part to a
considerable degree. For ivit some read quid, others quod. and
quievit. So also after hesterno die Graevius and many other editors
insert Quirites.
7. Quo cum Catilina venisset. Compare 1, 7, 16.
8. Quis denique, &c. "Who in fine regarded him as an aban-
doned citizen, and not rather in the light of a most intolerable ene-
my?" Importunissimum is here equivalent to minime ferendum.
Compare 1, 9, 23: "Egredere cum importuna sceleratorum
""
manu.
9. Vehemens ille consul. "That violent consul."
So he was
called by the partisans of Catiline.-Verbo. "By a single word.”
10. Homo audacissimus. Although a man of the most con-
summate effrontery."
11. Quid ea nocte egisset. After these words the common text
has ubi fuisset, which Muretus did not find in his best MS., and
which is here not at all needed, as it has already been comprehended
under the words "an nocturno conventu apud M. Laecam fuisset,
"L
AGAINST CATILINE.
181
Page.
The expression appears to have crept in from the first 17
necne."
oration.
12. In proximam. "For the next." Understand noctem. This
reading is adopted by Ernesti, Beck, Schütz, and others. The
common text has in proxima.-Ratio totius belli. "The plan of
the whole war."
13. Cum haesitaret, cum teneretur. "On his appearing discon-
certed, on his remaining silent." Compare, as regards teneretur,
the explanation of Doring: "teneri eleganter dicuntur, qui tam
claris argumentis convicti sunt criminis cujusdam, ut ne nerbum
quidem contra ea proferre possint." Consult also Ernesti, Clav.
Cic. s. v.
14. Cum secures, cum fasces. The secures and fasces are here
badges of military authority, Catiline intending by these to assume
the rank of imperator. Compare Sallust, Cat. 36.—Aquilam illam
argenteam. Consult note 16, page 9.—Cui ille etiam sacrarium,
&c. Consult note 17, page 9.
1. In exsilium ejiciebam, &c. "Did I wish to cast him out into 18
exile, who, I plainly perceived, had already entered upon open war?"
The student will mark the elegant use of the imperfect ejiciebam, as
marking an action begun or contemplated, but not yet completed at
the time spoken of. Compare Matthiae, G. G. § 497. Obs. c. vol.
2, p. 834, 5th ed.
2. Qui in agro Fesulano, &c. Compare
consult Geographical Index.—Suo nomine.
and not in that of Catiline.
note 21, page 2, and
"In his own name,"
Consult Geographical
3. Massiliam. The modern Marseilles.
Index. On his journey, Catiline wrote several letters to persons of
distinction, stating that he was the victim of wrongful accusations,
and was then proceeding, a voluntary exile, to reside at Massilia,
(Sall. Cut. 34.)—We have rejected ut aiunt after Massiliam, as a
mere gloss; for credo precedes, which sufficiently indicates that all
this is said in irony. The words in question are suspected by
Heumann and Ernesti, and omitted by Schütz.
4. Circumclusus ac debilitatus. “ Hemmed in, and crippled in
resources."-Sententiam. "His purpose." i. e. of making war
on his country.—Ex hoc cursu, &c. Shall have turned away his
steps, from this career of guilt and war, to flight and voluntary
exile."
(C
5. Spoliatus armis audaciae. Stripped of the arms of his
audacity," i. e. driven back from those daring designs which he
had formed against his country.-Obstupefactus ac perterritus.
“Astounded and dismayed."
16
182
THE SECOND ORATION
1
Page.
18 6. Indemnatus. "Without even the formality of a trial." i. e.
condemned unheard. Cicero, at a subsequent period, felt the full
force of this remark, when Clodius brought in his law, that whoever
had condemned unheard a Roman citizen should be interdicted from
fire and water, i. e. sent into exile. The orator was compelled to
bend to the storm and go into banishment. Compare Or. pro. domo,
18 seqq. and Vell. Paterc. 2, 45.
7. Est mihi tanti, &c. "I am perfectly willing, my countrymen,
to encounter the storm of this unmerited and unjust odium."
i. e.
it is worth the sacrifice for me to encounter, &c. Consult note 2,
page 8.-Falsae is here equivalent to immeritae, i. e. ex falsis
causis ortae.
8. Atque in armis volitare. “And is moving to and fro in arms.”
i. e. is traversing with an armed force the territories of the republic.
9. Invidiosum. "A ground of much censure."-Quod illum
emiserim. "That I allowed him to escape."
"Now that he has gone forth."
10. Cum profectus sit.
11. Tam misericors. "So compassionate on his account.”
Equivalent to Catilinae, tanquam injuria ejecti, ita affectus
misericordia."-Malit. With all their pretended compassion for
Catiline, as an injured man, they would be sorry to hear of his going
to Massilia, for they know full well how much subsequent trouble
they would have to expect from him, were he to take such a step.
12. Hoc quod agit. Alluding to his making war on his country.
-Praeter. ،،
Against." From its general sense of exclusion, this
preposition easily comes to signify beyond or above; and from signi-
fying beyond, it obtains the meaning of contrary to and against.
19
1. Vivis nobis. "Whilst I remain alive." Alluding to the failure
of the intended assassination of Cicero, as well as to that of the
numerous other plots formed against him.
"" -Dissimulant.
Alluding to those who were
2. Interest. "Intervenes between him and us.
"Dissemble their real intentions."
secretly implicated in the conspiracy.
3. Non tam ulcisci studeo, &c. "Do not so much desire to
inflict vengeance upon, as to restore to a better mind, and reconcile
to their country." Placare is equivalent to "placato eorum furore
reconciliare reipublicae."
4. Ex quibus generibus hominum. "Of what classes of persons.
-Comparentur. "Are made up."
>>
5. Deinde singulis, &c. "Then I will apply to each the remedy
of my advice and exhortation, if I shall be able in fact to offer any
such," i. e. the remedy of my advice conveyed in the strongest
and most persuasive language. Graevius conjectures rationis for
AGAINST CATILINE.
183
Page.
orationis, but Ernesti very satisfactorily defends the latter reading: 19
"Medicinam consilii atque orationis meae. i. e. Consilii oratione
explicandi et ad animum admovendi.”
6. Magno in aere alieno, &c. "Although involved in great
debt, have still greater possessions, influenced by the love of which,
they can in no way be separated from them." Commentators differ
in opinion respecting the meaning of dissolvi in this passage.
Mu-
retus explains it by liberari aere alieno, “be freed from their debts,'
i. e. by the sale of their beloved possessions. This explanation is
adopted, and sought to be elucidated, by Ernesti, but with little
success. Scheller, on the other hand, condemns this mode of inter-
preting the word in question, as not in accordance either with the
context or the idiom of the Latin tongue. He makes dissolvi
equivalent merely to separari. And in this he is undoubtedly cor-
rect. Cicero means, that the individuals alluded to, although deeply
involved in debt, and although owners of extensive possessions, are
unwilling to sell the latter (be separated from them, be loosened
from the ties that bind them to these objects) and in this way pay
their debts. The following passage of Cicero will serve to confirm
this explanation: he is speaking of this same class of persons:
"Illud erat genus hominum horribile et pertimescendum, qui tanto
omore suas possessiones amplexi tenebant, ut ab his membra divelli
citius ac distrahi posse diceres." (Pro Sull. 20.)
""
7. Horum hominum, &c. "This in appearance is the most
honourable class." Literally, "the appearance of this class of per-
sons is the most honourable, i. e. they enjoy by their expensive mode
of living, and their rank in society, no small degree of consideration
in the eyes of the world.
8. Voluntas vero, &c. "Their intention, however, and the cause
in which they have embarked, are most shameless in their char-
"1
acter.'
9. Tu. The orator now apostrophizes one of this class.-Agris.
"In landed property."-Argento. "In plate." Understand caelato.
-Familia. "In a retinue of slaves." Familia here, as frequently
elsewhere, denotes all the household servants of a master.
10. Detrahere. "To take away," i. e. to sell some portion of.
This serves to explain the use of dissolvi in the passage which
we have just been considering. Consult note 6.-Acquirere ad
fidem. "To add to thy credit." The full expression would be,
acquirere pecuniam ex venditis possessionibus ad fidem solven-
dam."
11. Sacrosanctas. "Inviolate."
12. An tabulas novas. "Or an abolition of debts ?" By tabulae
184
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
19 novac is meant a compulsory arrangement by law, forcing the
creditor either to accept a part of his debt, in full for the whole, or,
as in the present case, to receive no part of the debt whatever. This
latter measure Catiline had promised to adopt. (Sallust, Cat. 21.)
The phrase refers, as far as regards its particular form, to the Ro-
man mode of writing on tablets, (tabulae,) covered over with wax,
the characters being marked on the wax by means of a stylus.
Hence, when the old score was obliterated, and the wax smoothed
over, the tablets were called novue, and were ready for a new score.
"C
-An entire abolition of debts was never granted to the people. At
one time, however, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, a fourth part of
the debt was allowed to be paid for the whole. (Sallust, Cul. 33.)
13. Meo beneficio, &c. "An abolition of debts shall be brought
forward through my kindness, but it shall be the result of sales
at auction." Literally, new tablets shall be brought forward, but
they shall be auction-ones," i. e. auction-lists, containing an account
of their property as offered for sale. Cicero means that their prop-
erty, or a sufficient portion of it, will be exposed to sale, and their
debts paid with the proceeds.-Ernesti objects to the presence of
novae in the text, as not proper to be connected with auctionariae
tabulae, remarking, "auctionariae tabulae nullo modo ac sensu
novae dici possunt, ut opinor." He appears, however, to forget
that Cicero is here indulging in a piece of pleasantry, or what may
be denominated a species of pun. The tables, which he promises,
are to be new, in another sense, and one for which they were not
prepared. It is what the grammarians term an unexpected witti-
cism, a “lusus παρὰ προσδοκίαν.
""
14. Quod si maturius facere voluissent. "Had they been
willing to pursue this course sooner." Quod is here to be rendered
by hoc, as it commences a clause.
""
15. Neque, (id quod stultissimum est,) &c. "And not, what
is most foolish, struggle against heavy payments of interest by the
rents and profits of their estates. Cicero means, that they ought
to sell a portion of their landed property, and pay their debts at
once, and not adopt the ruinous measure of paying the interest of
the large sums they had borrowed with the produce of their estates.
This latter course would keep them always poor. In other words,
they must not let heavy mortgages eat up their estates.
"We would find in them both
16. Et locupletioribus, &c.
wealthier and better citizens.'
They appear to Cicero more
against their country, than to
17. Magis mihi videntur, &c.
likely to entertain hostile sentiments
carry out those sentiments into action.
AGAINST CATILINE.
185
Page.
r
18. Dominationem exspectant, &c. 'Hope for rule, wish to 19
become possessed of the management of affairs," i. e. to get the
government in their hands and exercise unlimited authority.
1. Quibus hoc praecipiendum videtur. "To this class the fol- 20
lowing piece of warning seems proper to be given." Quibus to be
rendered as his.—Quod ceteris omnibus. Supply praecipiendum est.
2. Ut desperent, &c. "To give over hoping that they can
accomplish what they are endeavouring to effect."
3. Primum omnium me ipsum, &c. One MS. inserts sciant
before me, but there is no need of this, as the clause depends on
the general idea of warning implied in praecipiendum.
4. Magnos animos. "Great courage.”—Maximam multitudi-
nem. Understand corum. There appears to be something wrong in
this part of the sentence, since neither maximam multitudinem nor
magnas copias militum can well be referred back to bonis viris.
Schütz suggests the placing of a semicolon after concordiam, and
the reading maximam equitum multitudinem, &c.,the Equites being
numbered by Cicero among the safeguards of the republic in the
fourth oration against Catiline, c. 7.
5. Tantam vim sceleris. "Such daring wickedness."-Prae-
By their immediate interposition." Equivalent to
sentes.
praesenti auxilio praesentiam suam declarantes."
the Greek ἐπιφανεῖς.
Compare
6. Quae. "A state of things, which." Literally, "things
which."-Consules se. We have altered the arrangement of these
words with Lambinus. The common text has se consules.
7. Concedi necesse sit. The orator means, that, if the conspir-
acy succeeded, the more active partisans would drive into the back-
ground those who had merely aided them by their wishes, and not
by their personal co-operation.
8. Est aetate jam affectum. "Is by this time somewhat advan-
ced in years." Several MSS. and early editions have confectum,
which is too strong.
9. Quas Sulla constituit. The common text has Fesulis
inserted after quas, but it appears to have crept in from the 6th
chapter of the third oration. It is altogether erroneous here, as
Fesulae was only one of the places where Sylla had planted a mili-
tary colony. Upon the conclusion of the civil contest between his
own and the party of Marius, Sylla settled many of his officers and
soldiers, in different parts of Italy, on lands which had belonged to
the opposite faction. Not a few of these colonists soon squandered
away their ill-gotten property, and hence were anxious for another
civil war, in which to enrich themselves anew.
CC
"
16*
186
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
20
10. Quas ego universas, &c. "Which, taken collectively, I
am well aware contain very excellent citizens and very brave
men and yet these are some of the members of those colo-
nies. who, amid the unexpected and sudden possession of wealth,
have ostentatiously indulged in too expensive and extravagant a mode
of living." More literally, have boasted themselves in too expen-
sive and unusual a manner."
11. Tamquam beati. "As if they were possessed of opulence."
Beatus frequently has the signification of dives in the Latin writers,
especially in Horace, and the other poets. Compare the remark of
Varro, L. L. 4, 17, "Beatus, qui mulla bona possidet."
12. Dum praediis, &c. "While they take delight in extensive
domains, in litters, in large households of slaves, in sumptuous enter-
tainments."-The leclica was a species of litter, or sedan, supported
on the shoulders of slaves. The use of this conveyance is said to
have come in from Bithynia. (Schol. ad Juv. 1, 121.)-Muretus, in
place of lecticis, reads lectis, to be joined in construction with praediis;
others propose latis. The change is altogether unnecessary.
"Saved from ruin."--Sit excitandus: "Must be
13. Salvi.
evoked."
14. Homines tenues atque egentes. "Indigent and needy men."
15. Spem rapinarum veterum. They hoped to see, under
Catiline, a revival of those scenes of plunder and misrule which had
prevailed during the ascendency of the party of Sylla.—In eodcm
genere. "In one and the same class."
16. Proscriptiones et dictaturas. Cicero warns them to give up
all hopes of ever seeing those scenes renewed which marked the
career of Sylla, a proscription namely of the estates of all who had
taken the opposite side, and a perpetual dictator and second Sylla
appearing once more in the person of Catiline.
17. Tantus enim illorum temporum, &c. "For so deep a
feeling of indignant grief, at the excesses of those times, has been
burnt into the very state." The use of the verb inuro, in this
passage, is beautifully figurative, and involves an allusion to the
process of enamelling, or painting by means of fire, which serves to
fix the colours. The ancients called it Encaustica, ¿ykavoтIKŮ).
The horrors of the sanguinary period alluded to were burnt, in living
colours, into the very soul of the state.
18. Ne pecudes quidem. "Not even the very beasts." Strongly
figurative. Weiske offends in a very singular manner against good
taste, in supposing, that the orator here refers to some incident
during Sylla's proscriptions, where great barbarity was practised
towards animals!
AGAINST CATILINE.
187
Page.
19. Quartum genus est, &c. "The fourth class is varied, and 20
mixed, and turbulent in its character." Vurium alludes to the
various causes which had reduced them to ruin; and turbulentum
to their being no better than a mere noisy mob.
20. Qui jampridem premuntur, &c. "Who have long since
been weighed down by ruin, who will never emerge from it."
There is commonly supposed to be an ellipsis here of aere alieno,
("by debt,") but we have an allusion to debt immediately after. It
is better to make malo, or some other equivalent term, understood.
21. Partim mule gerendo negotio. Partly through the ill-
management of their private affairs." Negotio is here a general
term for business or employment of any kind. Compare the remark
of Dōring: "Male negotium gerere dicuntur, qui in rc fumiliari et
domestica administranda negligentiores sunt."
CL
22. In vetere aere alieno vacillant. Stagger under a load of
long-contracted debts."
46
1. Vadimoniis, judiciis, &c. “Wearied out with the giving of bail, 21
with judgments, with confiscations of their property." The regular
legal order of proceeding against debtors, in Rome, is here observed.
The debtor is arrested and compelled to give bail for his appear-
ance (vadimonium dare). The case comes on and judgment (judi-
cium) is given against him. The creditor is put in possession of his
property as security for the judgment rendered; and after he has
thus held possession for thirty days the property is sold and the debt
paid from it.
"
2. Infitiatores lentos. Dilatory and lying debtors.' Infiliator
means one who denies a just debt.-Lentos is here equivalent to
tardos. Compare the explanation of Ern. Antonius: "Lentus de
eo dici, qui non facile possit adigi ut solvat pecuniam debitam,
docet Casaubonus. Infitiatores vocantur, qui, cum debeant pecuni-
am, negant hoc tamen, nec volunt solvere.”—Schütz, without any
necessity, recalls the old reading insidiatores, for infitiatores.
3. Primum. We have here an anacoluthon, as Muretus remarks,
since, after primum, we have not deinde, as we would naturally
expect to have.—Some editors recommend that corruant be changed
to corruent, and primum joined with it in construction : primum
corrucnt, "will be the first to fall;" but then the rest of the sen-
tence comes in very tamely.
4. Si stare non possunt. Alluding to what has just preceded,
"in vetere acre alieno vacillant.”
"}
5. Si vivere honeste non possunt. "If they cannot live honoura-
bly here," i. e. by reason of their debts. Compare the explanation
of Manutius," in urbe, propter aes alienum, quo nunquam emergent.”
188
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
21 6. Non revoco.
"Seek not to recall."-In latrocinio. "In their
career of robbery."
7. Postremum autem, &c. "The last class, however, is so, in
fact, as regards not only number," &c. Cicero uses the word pos-
tremum in the first clause, as merely numerical, while in the latter
part of the sentence it has the force of lowest, vilest, &c. This last
class is the feeblest in number, and the vilest in character and mode
of life. The full construction will be "postremum autem genus est
postremum, non solum numero," &c.
8. Quod proprium est Catilinae. "These are Catiline's own."
Literal! "this is Catiline's own," i. e. class. The language in
the text reminds us of the modern form of expression, when speak-
ing of a particular regiment or body of troops, "the king's own,”
though, of course, in a very different sense.
9. De complexu ejus ac sinu. "Of his very embrace and bosom,”
i. e. consisting of his most intimate friends, and the companions of
his debauchery. The expression, "bosom-friend," is to be explained
by the Roman custom of reclining at meals, already alluded to in a
previous part of this commentary (note 14, page 16.) As the guests
lay on the couch, the head of the second was in a line with the
breast of the first, so that if he wanted to speak with him, especially
if the thing was to be secret, he was obliged to lean upon his bosom,
or, as Pliny expresses it, "in sinu recumbere." (Ep. 4, 22.) The
same may be said of the third and second guests on the couch.
Hence the figurative allusion of Cicero in the text.
>
10. Bene barbatos. "Well supplied with downy beards." By
this expression are to be understood the younger class of persons,
who had already a tolerably-sized beard, which they were fond of
displaying. Until A. U. C. 454, all the Romans wore beards, but
from this period, which marks the time when P. Ticinius Menas
first brought barbers (tonsores) from Sicily, they began to remove
the hair from the chin. (Plin. H. N. 7, 59.—Varro, R. R. 2, 2.)
The young, however, still retained their beards until they reached
the age of twenty-one, (Macrob. in Somn. Scip. 1, 6,) sometimes
merely until they assumed the toga virilis at the age of seventeen.
And the day on which they first shaved was regarded as a festival
by the members of the family. (Juv. 3, 186.) The first growth of
the beard was consecrated to some god.-We see then from all
this, that by bene barbati in the text are meant those of the young
who had nearly reached the period of manhood, and were supplied
with tolerably-sized beards, while by the imberbes are meant those
who were as yet too young to have any. In other words, the bene
barbati are they who have a long and curly down, the imberbes they
AGAINST CATILINE.
189
Page.
who either have none, or on whose chins it is just making its ap- 21
pearance. Hence, too, we see how erroneous it is to translate the
words bene barbatos, as some do, "with beards nicely trimmed," or
sprucely fashioned," since this would imply that they had been
already partially subjected to the hands of the tonsor.
11. Manicatis et tularibus tunicis. "With tunics having long
sleeves, and reaching to the ankles." Tunics of this kind were
deemed effeminate by the Romans, and seemed better suited for
women than men. The ordinary tunic had no sleeves, and came
down a little below the knees before, and to the middle of the legs
behind. Consult Aul. Gell. 7, 12, and compare Virg. Aen. 9, 616.
-Catull. 2, 10.—Salmas. in Hist. Aug. 2, 556.
12. Velis amictos, non togis. "Covered with veils not with
togas." The allusion is to togas made so full, and of so fine and
transparent a texture, as to resemble veils wrapped around the
<<
person.
13. Antelucanis coenis. ""
Suppers protracted till the dawn.”
14. Seminarium Catilinarum. “A nursery of Catilines." Some
read Catilinarium, but seminarium Catilinarium would rather sig-
nify "a nursery established by Catiline."
15. Apenninum, &c. "The Apennine range, and the frost and
snows they will find there." The student will note the force of illas.
With Apenninum understand montem.-This oration was delivered
on the sixth day before the ides of November, or the 8th of the
month,
16. Nudi in conviviis, &c. Dancing itself was deemed dishon-
ourable among the Romans, much more so the dancing in a state of
nudity. Compare Or. pro Deiot. c. 9.
17. Magnopere pertimescendum. Ironical.-Hanc scortorum
cohortem praetoriam. "This body-guard of infamous wretches."
Among the Romans, the general was usually attended by a select
band, called cohors praetoria. This differs essentially, however,
from the praetorian cohort in the history of the empire.
18. Confecto et saucio. "Worn-out and wounded." The allu-
sion is to Catiline. Compare note 6, page 11.
19. Illam naufragorum, &c. "That outcast and enfeebled band
of men, shipwrecked in hope and fortune." More literally, "of
shipwrecked wretches." Compare Or. 1, 12.
1. Jum vero, &c. "Nay, indeed, the
Nay, indeed, the very cities of your colonies, 22
as well as your municipal towns, will prove a sufficient match for
the rustic masses of Catiline." The true reading here is very much
disputed. The common text has urbes coloniarum ac municipiorum
respondebunt Catilinae tumulis silvestribus. For muncipiorum we
THE SECOND ORATION
190
Page.
22 have given, on conjecture, municipia, and cumulis for tumulis. The
expression urbes municipiorum is a manifest solecism, nor, in fact,
is urbes coloniarum itself free from suspicion. Muretus conjectures
vires, which makes a harsh alliteration with vero. Garaton gives
arces. They who read tumulis silvestribus make the expression
refer to the "woody heights," in which alone Catiline's adherents
could find shelter. Our own reading cumulis, which is found in
some MSS., is meant to apply to Catiline's forces as being composed
in general of ill-armed rustics, and being, in fact, rude masses or
heaps, as it were, of men rather than well-organized and disciplined
troops. Compare Sallust's account of this same army. Cat. c. 56.
2. Ornamenta, praesidia vestra. "Your preparations, your
defences." Ornamenta is here equivalent to apparatum bellicum.
3. Quibus nos suppeditamur, &c. "With which we are supplied,
of which he stands in need." We have adopted suppeditamur, the
reading of several MSS. and editions, instead of the common
lection suppeditamus. They who give this latter form make it
equivalent to abundamus, for which they have no good authority.
4. Vectigalibus. "Public revenues.
""
5. Contendere. "To compare." Equivalent to comparare or
conferre. Thus we have, (pro Rosc. c. 33,) “Quidquid contra dixeris
id cum defensione nostra contendito.' So also Horace, (Ep. 1, 10,
26,) "
qui Sidonio contendere callidus ostro Nescit Aquinatem
potantia vellera fucum." And again, Tacitus, (Ann. 13, 3,)
"Vetera et praesentia contendere," and Aulus Gellius, (2, 23,)
"Graeca comparare et contendere."
6. Petulantia. "Effrontery."-Stuprum.
"Pollution."
7. Constantia. "Right reason. Compare the explanation of Er-
nesti: "Est recta ratio ejusque usus, cui opponitur furor, in quo hom-
ines capti mente sibi non constant.” (Clav. Cic. s. v.) So too in
the oration pro Rosc. c. 14, the via constans is opposed to the amens.
8. Continentia. "Moderation.”—Libido. "Unbridled licen-
tiousness."-Denique aequitas, &c. The four primary Platonic
virtues are here enumerated, temperance, prudence, fortitude, and
iustice, though in a different order. Compare Cic. de Off. 1, 5, and
Stobaeus, Ecl. Eth.
p. 166.
The Greek names are σωφροσύνη,
φρόνησις, (σοφία, νοῦς,) ἀνδρία, δικαιοσύνη.
9. Copiae. "Abundant resources." Compare de Inv. 2, 1,
"Crotoniatae quum florerent omnibus copiis," and pro Rosc. Am.
15, "Copiis rei familiaris locupletes et pecuniosi."
10. Bona ratio cum perdita. Judgment with folly." With
perdita supply ratione.—Bona denique spes, &c.
grounded hope with utter despair.”
“In fine, well-
*C
AGAINST CATILINE.
191
Page.
11. Hominum studia. "The zealous efforts of men." i. e. 22
their zealous co-operation in the cause of virtue.
12. Quemadmodum jam antea. The common text has diri after
antea, which is erroneous, as he has nowhere before said so in the
course of the oration. Ernesti and others consequently throw it
out.
13. Urbi. The city collectively (urbs) is here opposed to the
individual dwellings composing it (singula tecta.) The latter their
respective possessors are to guard, the former will be watched over
by the consul himself. The emendation of Graevius is therefore
unnecessary, mihi et urbi.
14. Muncipesque vestri. "And the inhabitants of your muni-
cipal towns."
The municipes enjoyed different privileges. Some
possessed all the rights of Roman citizens, except such as could not
be obtained without residing at Rome. Others had only the right
of serving in the Roman legion.
15. De hac nocturna excursione. Referring to the departure of
Catiline on the previous night.
16. Quamquam meliore animo sunt, &c. Although they are,
in fact, better disposed towards the state than a part of the patri-
cians, still will be kept in check by our power." The very gladi-
ators, according to Cicero, are better affected than some of the
nobility. Still no unguarded reliance will be placed even upon
these, but, in order to ensure perfect safety, they will, even if em-
ployed in the service of the state on this occasion, be subjected
themselves to strict watching and control. Ernesti thinks that the
reading should be Quamquam non meliore animo sunt, the negative
being required in his opinion by the presence of tamen in the latter
clause of the sentence. From the explanation we have given it
will clearly appear that the emendation is unnecessary.
The gladi-
ators were distributed by Cicero throughout the municipal towns.
(Sall. Cat. 30.)
17. Q. Metellus. Mentioned already in the 3d chapter. Consult
Historical Index.—Agrum Gallicanum Picenumque. Consult Ge-
ographical Index.
CC
18. Aut opprimet hominem. "Will either crush the man.
Hominem refers to Catiline, and is purposely used, instead of
virum, to denote contempt.-Prohibebit. "Will frustrate."
19. Reliquis autem de rebus, &c. "While as regards the
determining upon, the expediting, the performing of what remains
to be done, we are now going to consult the senate, which you see
is in the act of being summoned." The senators were seen passing
along, at the time, to their place of meeting.
"
192
THE SECOND ORATION
Page.
23 1. Nunc illos. Now, as far as concerns those." Supply
quod ad or something equivalent. The eos after monitos has been
restored to the text by Beck, from several MSS. and editions. It
is added in order to give greater force to the clause. Consult the
remarks of Manutius, ad Epist. Fam. 13, 28. It is not inserted in
the edition of Ernesti, and he is quite silent about it.
2. Atque adeo. "Or rather." Equivalent to sive potius. Con-
sult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. atque.
3. Monitos eos, &c. "I wish them again and again to be re-
minded." Consult note 1.
4. Solutior. "Too remiss." i. e. to savour too much of remiss-
ness.-Hoc exspectavit. "It has had this in view." i. e. it has
been only waiting for this.-Erumperet. Might burst forth into
open day."
5. Quod reliquum est. "As to what remains."-Jam non, &c.
"I can no longer forget," &c.
"C
6. Qui se commoverit. "Who shall make the least stir."
Cujus. "On whose part."-Factum. "Any open act.”—Sentiet.
"Shall feel."
7. Magistratus. Referring to the inferior magistrates, but espe-
cially to the tribunes.-Fortem senatum. "A resolute senate."
Majores nostri. According to Livy, the first Roman prison was
built by Ancus Martius. (1, 33.) It was afterward enlarged by
Servius Tullius. Compare Sallust, Cat. 55.
8. Me uno togato, &c. "By me your only leader and commander
arrayed in the robe of peace." When the consuls set out on any
military expedition, they changed their gowns or togas, for the robe
of war, or sagum. This conspiracy, however, Cicero promises,
shall be quelled whilst he wears the garb of peace.
9. Deduxerit. This is undoubtedly the true reading, as given
by Schütz and others, instead of the common lection deduxerint.
It is advocated also by Goerenz, ad Cic. Acad. 2, 1. The rule
appears to be as follows: "When several nouns are employed for
the purpose of expressing one and the same idea the verb should be
put in the singular number." Or, as Goerenz expresses it," Plura
substantiva, ad unam velut notionem juncta, simplici verbi numero
comprehenduntur." Instances of the application of this rule would
be more frequent in the ancient writers, were it not for the ill-judged
corrections of editors.
10. Significationibus. "Declarations." Equivalent to ominibus,
or prodigiis. Broukhusius (ad Tibull. 2, 1, 10) shows, that signi-
ficatio and significare are terms borrowed from the language of
divination, and peculiar to the haruspices, &c. Compare the words
AGAINST CATILINE.
193
Page.
23
of Cicero, (de Harusp. resp. 12,)" Quod igitur ex aliquo
monstro significatum caveremus," &c., and those of Ovid, (Met.
15, 576,) “ Quid sibi significent, trepidantia consulit cxta.”
11. Ab externo hoste. The common reading is extero. We have
given externo with Ernesti, who remarks, " Hostis exterus nemo
dixit, at nationes exterae, regna extera, recte dicuntur.”—The allu-
sion in externo hoste appears to be particularly to Mithridates.
12. Praesentes. "As present deities."-Suo numine. "By
their express interposition."
"And these."-Omnibus
13. Quos. Equivalent to Et hos.
hostium copiis, &c. "Now that all," &c.-A nefario scelere.
*From the execrable wickedness."
··
17
$
THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.
Page.
25 1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "Third Oration of Marcus
Tullius Cicero against Lucius Catiline, delivered before the Roman
people."-Catiline having joined the army of Manlius, the conspira-
tors who remained at Rome, consisting of Lentulus, then praetor,
Cethegus, and others, prepared to execute the instructions which
had been given them. It happened that the Allobroges, a Gallic
nation, had some envoys, at this period, in the capital, sent thither
to complain of, and obtain redress for, injuries inflicted by Roman
commanders. Lentulus tampered with these ambassadors, and
solicited them to join the conspiracy, but they revealed to Q. Fabius
Sanga the overtures which had been made to them. The letters
written to the senate and people of the Allobroges, and to Catiline
himself, by the conspirators, were, by a subsequent arrangement
of Cicero's, intercepted, and the writers apprehended. They were
afterward confronted with the Gallic delegation before the senate,
and committed to safe custody.
Cicero then assembled the Roman people, and, in the following
oration, apprizes them of the occurrences which had taken place
during the twenty-four days that had intervened since the delivery
of his last speech, particularly those of the last day and night. He
invites them to join in celebrating a thanksgiving, which had been
decreed by the senate to his honour, for the preservation of his
country, and congratulates them on their escape from so dire a
calamity as had nearly befallen them.
2., Bona, fortunas. "Your property, your fortunes." By bona
are here meant possessions, by fortunae personal property.
3. Hoc domicilium, &c. "This dwelling-place of a most illus-
trious empire." Compare the language of Nepos, (Attic. 3,) " Quod
in ca potissimum urbe natus est, in qua domicilium orbis terrarum
esset imperii."
194
THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.
195
Pagė
4. Hodierno die. On the day when this oration was delivered, 25
the disclosures of the Allobroges had been made in the Roman
senate, and the conspirators implicated by them consigned to cus-
tody.
5. Et, si, &c. Et is here more of an inceptive than a connective
particle. Compare Terence, Phorm. 1, 3, 19, and the remark of
Donatus, (ad loc.,) "Et modo non connexiva, sed inceptativa par-
ticula est."
6. Ilustres. "Memorable."-Salutis laetitia. "The joy at-
tendant upon deliverance."
"Without consciousness."-Cum voluptate.
7. Sine sensu.
"With positive pleasure."
8. Illum. After the words urbem condidit, the common text has
Romulum inserted, which we have thrown out as a mere gloss. It
is not found in several of the best MSS., and is rejected by Manu-
tius and Graevius.
(C
9. Benevolentia famaque. By our grateful feelings, and the
voice of tradition," i. e. our grateful forefathers deified him, and
we their descendants, equally grateful, have confirmed the voice of
tradition.
10. Is. Alluding to himself.—We have a double comparison:
one between the days on which we are born, and those on which
we are preserved from danger; and the other between Romulus,
the founder of Rome, and Cicero its preserver.
11. Templis, delubris. Its temples, its shrines." Templum
is properly the whole edifice: delubrum, the place where the statue
is erected. Compare the words of Noltenius, (Lex. Antibarb. vol.
1, p. 901, :)
"Delubrum' proprie est aedicula, in qua stat dei cujus-
dam simulacrum. Templum vero est aedificium Deo sacratum.
Ita delubrum est parvum templum, vel pars templi: ut Capitolium
fuit templum in quo tria delubra communi pariete claudebantur,
Jovis, Junonis, et Minervae."
12. Quae quoniam, &c. "And since these things have been
made manifest, laid open to view, fully ascertained, in the senate,
through my means, I will now proceed, Romans, to unfold them
briefly to you." The expressions illustrata, patefacta, comperta
sunt, form what is called an inverted gradation; for Cicero first
ascertained the deadly designs of the conspirators, then laid them
open to the view of the senate, and by this means rendered them
perfectly apparent and clear.
13. Quam manifesta. "How palpable."-Investigata et com-
prehensa sint.
"They have been tracked out and completely
detected."
196
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
25
14. Ex actis.
"From what has been done," i. e. on the part
of the senate, as about to be related by me. Considerable doubt
exists with regard to the true reading here.
The MSS. vary, some
giving et exspectatis in place of ex actis. We have adopted the
latter, however, with all the early editions, and as approved of and
received by Ernesti. Weiske also regards ex actis as the true lec-
tion, but he alters the punctuation, placing a comma after actis, and
removing the one before ex, so that ignoratis ex actis will be joined
in construction, "you, who have not the means of ascertaining the
facts, by reference to the senate's recorded proceedings."
15. Ut. Ever since." Twenty-four days had elapsed since
Catiline's departure.
26 1. Cum ejiciebam. "When I was seeking to drive out." The
student will note the force of the imperfect.-Hujus verbi invidiam.
"The odium attendant upon this word," i. e. the odium into which
I may fall with some, for openly avowing that I wished "to drive
him out" from Rome.
2. Illa. Understand invidia, and render the clause as follows:
"Since that other is the more to be dreaded by me, because he has
gone forth alive," i. e. since I deserve more censure, I am afraid,
for not having arrested and punished Catiline on the spot.
3. Exterminari. "To be expelled from Rome." More literally,
"from our borders." Compare, as regards the meaning of this verb,
Phil. 13, 1: "Hunc ex finibus humanac naturae exterminandum
puto," and N. D. 1, 23: " Protagoras Atheniensium jussu
urbe atque agro exterminatus est."
•
·
4. At ego.
The common text has Atque ego, which we have
changed to ai ego, as required by the sense, and as found in one of
his MSS. by Graevius. Ernesti also considers at ego preferable,
though he retains the common reading.-Ut vidi. "When I saw."
5. Quid agerent, quid molirentur.
"What they were doing.
what they were planning."
6. Rem ita comprehenderem. "I might get possession of the
whole affair so clearly."
7. Ut comperi. "When I ascertained."-He received his informa-
tion from Fabius Sanga, to whom the ambassadors of the Allobroges
had communicated it.-Legaios Allobrogum. It appears from
Sallust (Cut. 40) that these ambassadors had come to Rome to
complain of the oppression and exactions of their governors, which
had brought upon them a heavy burden of debt.-As regards tho
Allobroges, consult Geographical Index.
8. Belli Transalpini. "Of a war beyond the Alps," i. e. in
Transalpine, or Farther Gaul. The country which was afterward
AGAINST CATILINE.
197
Page.
the scene of Julius Caesar's operations.-Et tumultus Gallici. 26
“And also of a Gallic tumult," i. e. in Cisalpine Gaul, or Gaul
lying to the south of the Alps.-The Romans meant by tumultus
any sudden and dangerous war, when the enemy were near at hand,
and the safety of the capital at stake. Strictly speaking, this
involved only two cases, a war in Italy, or one with the Gauls, their
immediate neighbours. Compare Phil. 8, 1: Majores nostri
tumultum Italicum, quod erat domesticus, tumultum Gallicum,
quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea nullum tumultum nomina-
bant." A tumult was regarded as of far more threatening character
than a war, and, therefore, when one occurred, no excuses from
serving were allowed to be valid.
9. A P. Lentulo. He employed as his agent, in sounding the
Allobroges, one P. Umbrenus, before he met them in person. (Sall.
Cat. 48.)
W
CC
10. Eodemque itinere. The ambassadors intended to return
home through Etruria, and of course would ineet with Catiline, who
was with Manlius near Fesulae. (in Cat. 1, 2.)
11. Cum literis mandatisque.
"With letters and instructions."
-Vulturcium. Sallust calls him P. Vulturcius, and makes him to
have been an inhabitant of Crotona. (Cut. 44.)
12. Optabam. Ernesti thinks optaram preferable. But optabam
must be retained, as it expresses the action going on at the time
specified, "I was accustomed to hope."
13. L. Flaccum, et C. Pomtinum. Consult Historical Index.
14. Qui omnia, &c. "Inasmuch as they entertained every
noble and exalted sentiment respecting their country." The rela-
tive pronoun is joined to the subjunctive mood, when the relative
clause expresses the reason, or cause, of the action, state, or event.
15. Cum advesperasceret. "When it was beginning to draw
towards evening." This is not an impersonal verb, but a verb used
impersonally. The nominative, in fact, is dies, which is understood.
Compare Tacitus, Hist. 2, 49, 3:" Vesperascente die, sitim haustu
gelidae aquae sedavit," and Cornelius Nepos, 16, 3, 5: "Ut, ves-
perascente coelo, Thebas possent pervenire."
16. Pontem Mulvium. Now Ponte Molle, one of the bridges
over the Tiber, about three miles from Rome. It was built by M.
Aemilius Scaurus, from a corruption of whose nomen (Aemilius)
the appellation of Mulvius is thought to have originated. At this
bridge commenced the Via Flaminia, which led from Rome to
Ariminum. Compare Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. c. 72, and Arntze-
nius ad loc.
17. Bipartito. The common text has bipartiti which is not a
17*
198
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
26 Latin word, although bipartiri is inadvertently admitted into some
dictionaries.
27 1. Ex praefectura Reatina. "From the pracfecture of Reate,"
Praefecturae were those cities and territories in the Roman jurisdic-
tion, which had neither magistrates nor laws of their own, but were
governed by a Roman practor, or, in his stead, by a praefectus.
They did not enjoy the rights either of free towns or colonies, but
differed little from the form of provinces. Their private rights
depended on the edicts of the practor or praefect, and their public
rights on the senate, who inposed on them taxes and service in war
at pleasure. Some praefecturae, however, possessed greater privi-
leges than others. Towns were commonly reduced to this form,
which had been ungrateful to the Romans, as for example Capua,
after the second Punic war. With regard to Reate, consult Geo-
graphical Index.
2. Tertia fere vigilia exacta. "Nearly at the close of the third
watch," i. e. near three o'clock in the morning. The Romans
divided the night into four watches of three hours cach, commencing
at six o'clock in the evening. The third watch, therefore, would be
from twelve to three.
3. Magno comitatu. "With a large retinue." We have
rejected cum with Ernesti and others. Matthiae, however, adduces,
in its support, pro. Mil. 10, 28. Compare Drakenborch, ad Liv. 1,
14, 7.
4. Interventu. "On the intervention."-Integris signis.
"With the seals unbroken." Letters, among the Romans, were
tied round with a string, the knot of which was sealed. The seal
was generally a head of the letter-writer, or of some one of his
ancestors, impressed on wax or chalk. Hence the phrases for
"to open a letter,” are incidere linum, vinculum solvere, epistolam
solvere.
5. Ipsi. "The persons themselves composing it." i. e. the
retinue, including of course the ambassadors themselves who had
been thus escorted,
6. Cum jam dilucesceret.
"When it was now beginning to be
dawn." Compare note 15, page 26, and Palairet's Latin Ellipses,
p. 60, ed. Barker.
7. Improbissimum machinatorem. "That most infamous con-
triver."- Cimbrum Gabinium. Consult Historical Index.
8. Lentulus. He was then praetor, and a man of slothful and
luxurious habits. Consult Historical Index.
9. Credo quod litteris dandis, &c. I suppose, because he had
been up late the previous night, contrary to his usual custom, for the
AGAINST CATILINE.
199
*
Page.
purpose of giving the letters," i. e. for the purpose of making out 27
and delivering the despatches." Literally, "in giving the letters."
By proxima nocte is ineant the night which had just gone by, and
on the morning after which the arrest took place.
10. Practer eonsuetudincm. Cicero speaks, in the seventh
chapter of this oration, of the somnum Lentuli, the drowsiness
of Lentulus."
11. Deferri. The common text has referri, which is erroneous.
There was no formal reference, but the letters were merely to be
laid before the senate. Their opinion respecting them would be
asked in a subsequent stage of the proceedings.
12. Si nihil esset inventum. Understand in illis, referring to
the letters.-Tantus tumultus. "So great alarm."-Negavi me
esse facturum, &c. With facturum supply ita. "I declared that
I would not act in such a way as not to lay," &c. ; i. e. I expressed
my firm determination of laying, &c.
13. Quae erant ad me delata.
to me."—Reperta non essent.
ters."-Nimiam diligentiam.
"Which had been communicated
"Had not been found in the let-
"That any excess of vigilance,"
i. e. the blame of having been over-vigilant.
14. Coēgi. The senate was convened on this occasion in the
temple of Concord. (Sall. Cat. 46.) This building was situate
on the lower slope (in radicibus) of the Capitoline hill, overlooking
the forum, and was a place of great security from its natural situa-
tion. The Equites, moreover, stood guard around it. This temple
of Concord had been erected by the consul Opimius, after the death
of Caius Gracchus. (Plut. C. Gracch. 17.)
15. Si quid telorum esset. "Whatever weapons might be
there," i. e. might be found there on searching the building.
16. Fidem ci publicam dedi. I pledged unto him the public.
faith for his safety," i. e. I assured him of impunity in the name of
the senate and the people.-Ea quae sciret. "All that he knew,"
17. Recreasset. Gruter and some other early editors prefer
recepisset, which occurs in one of the MSS. of Muretus. The
present reading, however, is more forcible. Recreare se is "to
regain courage,” recipere se merely "to recover one's self,"
18. Mandata et litteras. "A verbal message and a letter."
1. Uteretur. “Should avail himself." As regards the circum- 28
stance here mentioned, compare the language of Sallust: "Ad hoc
mandata verbis dat: Quum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo
consilio servitia repudiet? in urbe parata esse quae jusserit; ne
cunctetur ipse propius accedere." (Cat. 44.)
2. Id autem. Supply faceret.-Omnibus ex partibus. Accord
200
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
28 ing to Sallust, (Cat. 43,) the city was to be fired in twelve different
quarters at the same time. Plutarch, however, states, that the
conspirators had divided Rome into a hundred parts, and selected
the same number of men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter
to be set on fire. Others were to intercept the water and kill all
that went to seek it. (Vit. Cic. c. 18.)
3. Praesto esset ille. "He might be near at hand." Referring
to Catiline.—Qui et fugientes exciperet. Both to intercept those
who fled," i. e. from the city. Excipere is here borrowed from the
movements of the chase, and is beautifully figurative. Compare
the Greek ἐκδέχεσθαι.
66
4. Jusjurandum. This was in writing, and had the seals and
signatures of the leading conspirators annexed. (Sall. Cal. 44.)
5. L. Cassio. Competitor with Cicero for the consulship.-
As regards the proper names mentioned in this sentence, consult
Historical Index.
6. Pedestres sibi copias, &c. "That foot-forces would not be
wanting to them," i. e. that they would be joined, when they had
crossed the Alps, by a sufficient number of infantry.
27
7. Sibi confirmasse, &c. "Had assured them, that, in accord-
ance with the Sibylline predictions, and the answers of the diviners,
he was that third member of the Cornelian line, unto whom it was
fated for the sovereignty of this city and the whole empire to come.
The Sibylline prediction alluded to was as follows, that "CCC
would reign at Rome." These three capitals were thought to
denote three Cornelii. As regards the Sibylline oracles, consult
Historical Index, s. v. Sibyl.-The aruspices examined the entrails
of the victims, and from the appearance of these as well as from the
flame, smoke, and other circumstances, pretended to draw omens of
what was to happen. Roman divination was of Etrurian origin.
8. Tcrtium illum Cornelium. The pronoun illum has here the
force of the Greek article.-The full name of Lentulus was Publius
Cornelius Lentulus Sura. By his nomen therefore he belonged to
the gens Cornelia, the Cornelian line, clan, or house.-There
appears to have been no affinity between the different members of a
Roman house or gens. It bore this latter name only from its union.
The Cornelii, as a gens, had common religious rites; but we are
not, on that account, to assume that an original kindred existed
between, for example, the Scipios and the Syllas.
the Athenian constitution confirms this opinion.
Hist. vol. 1, p. 270 and 267, Cambridge transl.
The analogy of
Niebuhr, Rom.
9. Cinnam ante se cl Sullam fuisse. Both Cinna and Sylla
were Cornelii.
Consult Historical Index, and compare the words.
AGAINST CATILINE.
201
·
Page.
of Plutarch, (Vit. Cic. 17,) είμαρμένους εἶναι τῇ Ῥώμῃ τρεῖς τυράννους, 28
ὧν δύο μὲν ἤδη πεπληξωκέναι τὸ χρέων, Κίνναν τε καὶ Σούλλαν, τρίτῳ δὲ
λοιπῷ Κορνηλίῳ ἐκείνῳ. Consult also Sallust, (Cat. 47.)
10. Fatalem esse. "Was fated." Compare Tibullus, (1, 3,
-Qui esset.
"
53,) Quodsi fatales jam nunc explevimus annos.
"Since it was." Compare note 14, page 26.
11. Post Virginum absolutionem. The names of the two Ves-
tal virgins here alluded to were Marcia and Licinia. They were
accused of having violated the vow by which the members of this
order were bound to perpetual chastity, which in the case of Vestals
was called incestus, or unhallowed intercourse. The whole matter
is clearly set forth in the following comment of Asconius on the
oration for Milo, (c. 12, § 32,) which Weiske first adduced in illus-
tration of this passage: "Ob severitatem (quam Cassius in judicio
ostenderat) quo tempore Sex. Perducaeus, tribunus plebis, criminatus
est L. Metellum, pontificem maximum, totumque collegium pontifis-
cum male judicasse de incestu virginum vestalium, quod unam
modo Aemiliam damnaverat, absolverat autem duas, Marciam et
Liciniam, populus hunc Cassium creavit, qui de eisdem virginibus
quaererct: isque et utrasque illas et praeterea complures alias,
nimia, ut cxistimatio est, asperitate usus, dumnavit.”
12. Post Capitolii autem incensionem. The burning of the
capitol here alluded to, took place A. U. C. 670, in the consulship
of L. Scipio and C. Norbanus. The building had stood 415 years.
(Sigon. Fast. Cons. p. 438, ed Oxon.) The conflagration was
owing to the carelessness of the keepers, and was supposed to
portend some great evil. The Roman capitol was burnt three
several times. First, A. U. C. 670, when it was rebuilt by Sylla,
and dedicated by Catulus, (A. U. C. 675.) A second time, A. D.
70, by the soldiers of Vitellius, when it was rebuilt by Vespasian;
and a third time, at the death of the latter. It was restored by
Domitian, his son, with greater magnificence than ever.
13. Saturnalibus.
During the Saturnalia." The Saturnalia
or festival of Saturn, was the most celebrated in the Roman Calen
dar. It took place in the month of December, beginning on the
17th and lasting for several days. At first it was for one day, after-
ward for three, (which was the case in Cicero's time,) and by the
order of Caligula for five days. During its continuance, all orders
were devoted to mirth and feasting, friends sent presents to one
another, and the slaves were entertained, and even waited upon by
their masters. All this was done in commemoration, and as em-
blematic, of the golden age, when men were perfectly equal, and no
slavery as yet existed. The license allowed at this festival seemed
66
202
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
28 to the conspirators to afford a favourable opportunity for executing
their murderous design.
14. Videri. The construction is here slightly changed, which is
not unusual in Cicero. Compare Cat. 4, 3. Some editions have
videretur, to which Ernesti inclines. But the emendation is unne-
cessary.
15. Ne longum sit. "Not to be tedious."-Tabellas.
"The
letters." The term tabellae refers to the peculiar form and nature
of these letters, they being written on "tablets" covered with wax.
Compare note 4, page 27.
16. Signum. "His seal."-Cognovit. "He acknowledged it
to be his."-Nos linum incidimus. "We cut the string," i. e.
open the letter. Compare note 4, page 27.
17. Quae eorum legatis confirmasset. "What he had assured
their ambassadors he would."--Recepissent.
"Had taken upon
themselves to promise."
18. Tamen. We have recalled this particle with Beck, Döring,
and Schütz, as required by the context. It is omitted by Ernesti.
19. Bonorum ferramentorum studiosum. "Fond of good arms."
Ferramentum is properly any instrument of iron, a rod, tool, &c.
The use of the term, on this occasion, by Cethegus, may have been
intended as a species of witticism, paltry enough it must be con-
fessed, for the purpose of hiding his agitation and assuming an air
of composure.
20. Recitatis litteris, &c. "When the letter had been read,
dispirited and confounded, convicted by the force of conscience,
became all of a sudden silent."
21. Cognovit signum et manum suam. "Acknowledged his
seal and hand-writing.”—Tabellao. "His letter."-Sententiam.
Purport."-Confessus est. "He confessed that it was his."
"L
Annuit.
vero.
22. Cognosceretne signum. "Whether he knew the seal ?"-
"He made a sign with his head in the affirmative."—Est
It is, indeed." Vero is here equivalent to sane, or profecto.
23. Clarissimi viri. The grandfather of Lentulus, here alluded
to, had been princeps senatus in his day, and had also received a
wound, while combating on the side of the patricians against the
followers of Caius Gracchus.
24. Unice. Dearly," i. e. as the one sole object of all his
affections. Etiam muta. "Even though mute."
29 1. Leguntur, eadem ratione, &c. "The letter itself, which was
addressed to the senate and people of the Allobroges, and of the
same tenor with the other two, is then read."
2. Negavit. "Declined the offer." Equivalent to negavit se
<par
፡፡
AGAINST CATILINE.
203
Page.
usurum esse facta sibi dicendi potestate.-Surrexit. All who ad- 29
dressed the senate had to rise, unless they merely expressed their
assent to a speaker who had preceded them.
3. Quid sibi esset cum iis. What he ever had to do with
them."-Qui cum illi, &c. “And when they had told him briefly and
firmly in reply.”—Per quem. Namely, Umbrenus. (Sall. Cat. 40.)
4. Nihilne secum, &c. "Whether he had never spoken with
them concerning the Sibylline predictions." Compare note 7,
page 28.
5. Scelere demens. "Deprived of all judgment by a sense of
guilt. Amentia denotes the total and continued absence of reason;
dementia the want of judgment on particular occasions.
""
6. Ita. "To such a degree."-Ingenium illud, &c.
"That
ability of his, and that experience in public speaking for which he
was always distinguished." Cicero (Brut. 64) ranks Lentulus among
the equals of Hortensius; and on another occasion (Ibid. 66) says
of him: " Neque multo secus P. Lentulus, cujus et excogitandi et
loquendi tarditatem tegebat formae dignitas, corporis motus plenus
artis et venustatis, vocis et suavitas et magnitudo. Sic in hoc nihil
praetor actionem fuit."
7. Propter vim sceleris, &c. "From the force of openly-detected
guilt." Manifesti atque deprehensi, by hendiadys for manifesto
deprehensi.—Impudentia. "That effrontery."
8. Vehementissime perturbatus. "Though very violently agita-
ted." As if quamvis were expressed; and hence the presence of
tamen, “still,” in the succeeding clause
9. Erant autem, &c. "Now it was written without any name,
but to the following purport." The terms in this letter do not exactly
agree with Sallust (Cat. 44.) The one in the text probably is the
more correct transcript.
10. Quem in locum sis progressus.
"Into what a situation you
have advanced,” i. e. what a step you have taken; how far, by going
to the camp of Manlius, you have declared your real intentions.
Sallust, in citing this same letter, has in quanta calamitate sis, “in
how dangerous a situation you are.”
11. Etiam infimorum. "Even of the lowest." Meaning the
slaves. Sallust has, "auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infimis.
12. Insimulabant. <<
Alleged against him." Donatus makes
this verb have the meaning of to frame a charge against another,
whether it be true or false. Thus, "Insimulare est crimen ingerere.
Insimulatio est et falsi et veri criminis incusatio." (Ad Terent.
Phorm. 2, 3, 12.) So also Festus: "Insimulare, crimen in aliquem
confingere."
204
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
29
13. Cum illa, &c. (C
Although the following appeared to be
most manifest indications and proofs of guilt."-Tum multo, &c.
"Still these seemed far more convincing, their changing colour, the
expression of their eyes, their look, their silence."
14. Sic enim obstupuerant.
"For so astounded were they."-
Sic furtim nonnumquam, &c. "They from time to time exchanged
such stolen glances with each other, as to appear no longer to be
informed against by others, but to be informing against themselves."
15. Expositis atque editis. "Being unfolded and made known."
Expositis is here used for explicatis. Compare Orat. 11: " Diffi-
cillimum est formam exponere optimi.”
16. De summa republica. "For the safety of the republic at
large." Summus is elegantly joined to nouns for the purpose of
denoting that on which the whole thing indicated by the latter
depends. Thus, summa respublica is the public safety and every
thing on which it depends. Compare Cat. 1, 5: "Summa salus
periclitatur.
""
17. A principibus. "Of the leading men." The princeps sena-
tus was always asked his opinion first, unless consuls elect were
present, who had on such occasions the preference. After these
had expressed their sentiments, the consulares, or men of consular
rank, were asked, and after them the other senators, according to the
offices they had filled, or were then filling. Sometimes, with the
exception of the princeps senatus, and the consuls elect, no regular
order was observed. The principes, on the present occasion, were
they who had the right of expressing their opinion first, and who in
that sense might be called leading men.
18. Accerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae. "Opinions full of spirit
and firmness.”—Sine ulla varietate.
Sine ulla varietate. "Without a dissenting voice."
Literally, "without any diversity of sentiment."
30
1. Perscriptum. "Written out," or engrossed. The decrees
of the senate were written, or, more correctly speaking, engraved
So that perscriptum is here in fact equivalent
on tablets of brass.
to aere incisum.
2. Mihi gratiae, &c.
terms."-Quad eorum opera, &c.
vigorous and faithful co-operation.”
"Thanks are rendered me in the fullest
"Because I found in them
3. Viro forti. Referring to C. Antonius, his colleague in the
consulship, who had been on friendly terms with Catiline, but was
drawn over by Cicero to the cause of the republic. Consult His-
torical Index.
4. A suis et reipublicae consiliis. "From his own and the coun-
sels of the republic." Antonius is here praised for not having aided
AGAINST CATILINE.
205
Page.
his former friends, the conspirators, with his private advice, and for 30
not having imparted to them any of the measures secretly taken by
his colleague and the senate for the suppression of the conspiracy.-
Ernesti makes a difficulty about the meaning of reipublicae consiliis,
which we trust our explanation has removed.
5. Cum se pructura abdicasset. After he had abdicated the
praetorship." No person at Rome could be punished while holding
any office. This seems to have arisen from the sacred character
imparted, in a greater or less degree, to all stations of magistracy,
by the auspices having been taken, and the pleasure of the gods
as it were consulted, before they were conferred.
Hence the per-
sons of magistrates were deemed sacred, and they could not be
given into custody until they had laid down their office and become
private individuals.
6. In custodiam. Not to prison, but into what was called libera
custodia. This was resorted to in the case of individuals of rank
when accused of any crime. They were either, as in the present
instance, given over to the care of distinguished persons, who thus
became responsible for their appearance when it was required, or
else were detained in the dwellings of the magistrates. Consult Lip-
sius, ad Tacit. Ann. 6, 3, and compare Sullust, Cat. 47. The
writer last referred to gives us the names of the individuals into
whose hands the conspirators were delivered.
7. Procurationem. "The task."-Cassius and the persons after
named had probably not been then apprehended.
8. Ex his colonis. "One of those colonists." The MSS. and
early editions read coloniis for colonis. This latter, however, is
without any doubt the true lection, and is given as such by Aldus,
R. Stephens, Ernesti, Schütz, and others. In adopting it, quas,
which follows after coloniis, must of course be changed to quos.
9. In hac Allobrogum sollicitatione. "In this tampering with
the Allobroges."
10. Libertinum hominem. "A freedman." The Roman writers
use the term libertinus when designating a freedman generally, but
libertus when they name the master to whom he stands in the rela-
tion of a freedman: thus, libertus Caesaris, but ille erat libertinus.
11. Perductos. Purposely used instead of deductos, to convey
the idea of their being brought to Gabinius for corrupt purposes, i. e.
for the ruin of the state. "Inest enim verbo perducere notio
nequitiae, nam meretrices perduci dicuntur." (Ernesti Clav. Cic.)
12. Atque ca lenitate, &c. "And thus, Romans, the senate
exercised such lenity, as to think, &c. Atque is here partly inten-
sive.
18
206
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
30 13. Novem hominum, &c. Of these five were put to death.
(Sall. Cat. 55.)-Sanari posse.
"Could be brought back to a
sound state."
14. Supplicatio. "A thanksgiving." This took place, of course,
in all the temples. Couches were spread in them for the gods, as
if about to feast, and their images were taken down from their
pedestals, and placed upon them around the altars which were
loaded with the richest dishes. This was called a Leclisternium
(i. e. lecti sternebantur.) The author of the decree ordaining a
supplicatio in the present instance was L. Cotta. (Cic. Phil. 2,
6.-14, 8.)
15. Togato. "Arrayed in the robe of peace." A supplicatio
had never before this been decreed except for some success in war.
-The military cloak of the Romans was the sagum, short, fastened
in front by a clasp, and of a red colour.
16. Hoc intersit. "Will be found to differ in this." The use
of the subjunctive must be here noted, as indicative of modesty and
less positive than the indicative would have been. Compare the
Greek form of expression, τοῦτο διαφέροι ἄν.
17. Atque illud. Compare the language of Ernesti, "Est forma
concludendi loci bene Latina. Sic atque haec dicta sunt, et similia.”
18. Factum atque transactum est. A form borrowed either from
the technicalities of the law, or from the language of the Roman
sacred rites.—Whenever two verbs are used, nearly if not precisely
similar in meaning, they are, generally speaking, to be rendered as
one verb, with an adverb or some other term to strengthen the
meaning. Thus, in the present instance, the clause may be trans-
lated,
"was fully attended to."
"6
19. Patefactus. Completely exposed," i. e. fully detected.-
Tamen magistratu, &c. Cicero commends the wise caution of the
senate in not punishing an individual while invested with an office
of magistracy.
31
1. Ut, quae religio, &c. "In order that we, in punishing Publius
Lentulus as a mere private individual, might be freed from that re-
ligious scruple, which, however, had not prevented Caius Marius
from putting to death Caius Glaucia, concerning whom nothing had
been decreed by name, while actually invested with the office of
praetor."—As regards the historical allusions in this passage, consult
Index. The elegant construction of non fuerat C. Mario quo
minus occideret, &c., must be noted by the student. Literally,
"had found no existence unto C. Marius, (i. e. in the bosom of C.
Marius,) so that he might the less on that account put to death," &c.
2. Captos et comprehensos. "Arrested and in custody."-Exis-
AGAINST CATILINE.
207
Page,
timare debetis.
"You ought to rest assured."-His depulsis, &c. 31
"These dangers that threatened our city being now warded off." ተቆ
3. Quem quidem ego, &c. "When I was endeavouring to drive
that individual from the city." Quem, commencing a clause, is
here equivalent to Illum, referring to Catiline.
4. Somnum. "The drowsiness." Equivalent to somnolentiam.
Lentulus, although a man of parts, was remarkable for his indolent
and luxurious habits. In principle he was a complete profligate.
Consult Historical Index.
5. Nec L. Cassii adipem. "Nor the lazy corpulence of Lucius
Cassius." Adeps is literally "fat." It is here equivalent to corpus
obesitate et pinguetudine tardum et stolidum, conveying the idea of
laziness and dulness. The English expression, "fat-head,” (if it
be not from the French fat,) is somewhat analogous.
6. Ille. Referring to Catiline.-Sed tamdiu. "But so long
only."
7. Omnium aditus tenebat. "He was acquainted with the ave-
nues of approach unto all."-Appellare, tentare, &c.
"He was
ablc, he dared, to address, sound, tamper with." Heumann sus-
pects audebat of being superfluous here, but it refers, in fact, to
what comes immediately after, "consilio neque lingua neque manus
decrat."
8. Erat ei consilium, &c. "He had a head well-fitted for the
planning of crime, while neither was a tongue nor a hand wanting to
it." Lingua refers to Catiline's powers of persuasion, manus to
his laborious perseverance, and his daring execution of what he had
planned.
9. Jam ad certas res, &c. "Nay, too, he had particular persons
selected and assigned for the accomplishment of particular objects,"
i. e. each one had his distinct and allotted sphere of action. Certos
homines in this passage is commonly rendered "trusty adherents,"
"men on whom he could rely," and this is certainly more in accord-
ance with the general meaning of certus; but the presence of certas
res in the same sentence seems naturally to call for the meaning we
have given. Cicero, besides, elsewhere uses certus in the same
sense, i. e. for the pronoun quidam. Thus, De Clar. Or. c. 16 :
“Habet certos sui studiosos, qui," &c., and pro Marcell. 6: “Inso-
lentiam certorum hominum extimescere."
10. Nihil erat, quod, &c. "There was nothing in which he
himself did not engage, lend aid, watch, labour." Occurro here has
the meaning of to hasten to lend aid, to arrive seasonably or in time,
and rises in signification above obeo, which is employed in its primi-
tive sense, "to come in contact with," (ob, "against," and ire,) “to
208
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
31 engage in." Compare, as regards the meaning here assigned to
occurro, Plaut. Poen. prol. 43: Cic. Phil. 1, 4, &c.
11. Frigus, sitim, &c. Compare the account which Sallust
gives of Catiline, (c. 5,) “ Corpus patiens incdiae, vigiliae, algoris,
supra quam cuiquam credibile est.'
""
12. Tam acrem. "So keen," i. e. so keen-sighted in what re-
garded his own interests. Compare the explanation of Döring,
"acrius, quod sibi expediat, perspicientem."-Tam parulum.
"So
prepared," i. e. prepared to act on every emergency. Paratus is
often put, as in the present instance, without any thing expressed
to which it may directly refer. Compare Graevius, ad loc.
13. In perditis rebus. "In a ruinous cause."
Literally, "in
"Secret plots,"
the midst of ruined affairs."-Domesticis insidiis.
i. c. plots at home, or in the city, as opposed to the camp.
14. Non ille nobis Saturnalia, &c. "He would have fixed upon
no festival of Saturn for us," i. c. for our destruction. He would
not have put off so long the day of execution. Consult note 13,
page 28.
15. Neque commisisset, &c. "Nor have allowed his seal, his
letters, in a word, manifest proofs of his guilt, to be seized.'
"1
CC
16. Occurri atque obstiti. I met and obstructed." The mean-
ing of occurri is here also, as in a previous passage, to arrive sea-
sonably, and in time for action, but this action is now of an opposing
character, as is farther denoted by the presence of obstiti.
(C
32
1. Nutu atque consilio. By the very will and design." Nutus
is here equivalent to voluntas, and has a figurative reference to the
expression of one's assent by nodding the head. Compare the
well-known passage in Homer, (Il. 1, 528, seqq.,) and the verb
κατανεῦσαι.
2. Conjectura assequi. Conjecture." Literally, “attain to
by conjecture."-Quod vix videtur, &c. "Because the direction
of affairs so important in their character, seems scarcely possible to
have fallen within the range of human wisdom." By tanta rum
rerum gubernatio he means the piloting of the vessel of the state
amid the dangers by which it had just been surrounded.
3. Ita praesentes. "In so manifest a way." So much like
present deities. His temporibus. "During the present crisis.”
4. Nam ut illa omittam, &c. "For not to dwell upon the fol-
lowing circumstances." Cicero passes over, with only a slight
mention, these manifestations of the will of the gods, in order to dwell
with more force on the omen afforded by the erection of the statue.
5. Visas nocturno tempore, &c. These were meteoric appear-
ances, connected probably with the Aurora Borealis, and resembling
(
AGAINST CATILINE.
209
Page.
burning torches.—Ardoremque coeli. “And the blazing of the sky " 32
The phenomena here alluded to by Cicero displayed themselves
during his consulship, and were regarded as portending the con-
spiracy of Catiline. The orator makes mention of them in his
poem de Consulatu, a fragment of which has come down to us, (de
Div. 1, 11)-
"(
Quid vero Phoebi fax tristis nuntia belli,
Quae magnum ad culmen flammato ardore volabat,
Praecipites coeli partes, obitusque petisset," &c.
Compare the account of Dio Cassius, (37, 25,) daµnúdes åvekàs έs
τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δυσμῶν ἀνέδραμον. So also Julius Obsequens,
(c. 122, p. 205, seqq. ed. Oudend.,) in enumerating the prodigies
that made their appearance at this period, speaks of a "trubs ardens
ab occasu ad coelum extenta," which suits very well one of the
aspects of the Aurora Borealis. (Compare Senec. Quaest. Nat. 7,
5, and Hardouin, ad Plin. H. N. 2, 26.) As regards the Aurora
Borealis in ancient times, consult the work of Ideler, " Meteorologia
Vet. Gracc. et Rom.," c. 10, p. 49: "Aurorae Borealis apud vete-
res vestigia."
6. Ut fulminum jactus. "Not to dwell upon the thunderbolts
hurled from on high." Supply omittam.-The allusion is to thun-
der heard from a serene sky, which the ancients always regarded as
a very special omen. Compare Cic. de Div. 1. c. :—
“ Aut cum terribili perculsus fulmine civis
Luce serenanti vitalia lumina linquit."
So Dio Cassius, (1. c.) in alluding to this same occasion, remarks,
κεραυνοὶ ἐν αἰθρίᾳ πολλοὶ ἔπεσον, and Julius Obsequens, (l. c.) “ Ful-
mine pleraque decussa. Sereno Vargunteius Pompeius de coelo
exanimatus." Compare Horace, Od. 1, 34, 2.
7. Ut terrae motus. So Dio Cassius (1. c.) remarks, Kaì ǹ yñ
loxvpis ¿ocío0n, and Julius Obsequens (1. c.) "Terrae motu Spole-
tum totum concussum, et quaedam corrucrunt.
8. Canere. "To foretell;" a term borrowed from the language
of prophecy, and deriving its meaning in the present instance from
the early custom of predicting in verse.
9. Cotta et Torquato consulibus. Two years previously.
10. Complures res. The common text has turres in place of
res, but this latter reading is adopted by Ernesti, Schütz, and
others. Among the objects afterward enumerated as struck with
lightning, towers are not named. Neither is any mention made of
them in the verses of Cicero, where he describes the events of his
consulship. There were, in fact, no towers in the Capitol. Botti-
ger also assents to the propriety of Ernesti's emendation, (which is
18*
210
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
32 sanctioned besides by several MSS.) in the Magazin für öffentlichen
Schulen und Schullehrer, vol. 2. p. 2.
11. De coelo. "With lightning."
12. Simulacra deorum, &c. Compare Cic. 1. c. "Et divum
simulacra peremit fulminis ardor." Not only the statue of Jupi-
ter, but the images also of other deities were struck on this occasion.
Compare Dio Cassius, καὶ ἀγάλμα τα ἂλλα τε, καὶ Διὸς, ἐπὶ κίονος
ἱδρυμένον.
13. Depulsa sunt. "Were dislodged from their pedestals."-
Stutuae veterum hominum. Cicero, in the verses already alluded
to, makes mention of the statue of Natta, one of the Pinarii, a
priest of Hercules.
14. Legum uera liquefacta.
"The brazen tables of the laws
were melted." The laws were engraven on brazen tablets, which
were kept in the Capitol.
15. Quem inauralum, &c. "A gilded image of whom you
remember was in the Capitol, small of size, and in the act of being
suckled, opening wide its lips to receive the dugs of the she-wolf."
This group was thrown down from its base. Compare the language
of Cicero, 1. c. :—
"Hic silvestris erat, Romani nominis altrix,
Martia, quae parvos Mavortis semine nalos
Uberibus gravidis vitali rore rigahat ;
Quae tum cum pueris flammato fulminis ictu
Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit."
The term inauratum very probably refers to a statue or image of
bronze gilt. As regards the mode of representing Romulus and
Remus, here referred to, consult Rasche, Lex. Rei. Num. (vol. 2,
p. 1886-90.
16. Ex tota Etruria. The Romans derived all their knowledge
of divination from Etruria. This became, of course, a very useful
engine of state with the patricians, as it augmented the sub-
servience of the multitude to those who claimed the exclusive
knowledge of the methods by which the gods might be propitiated.
Compare Cic. de Div. 1, 41.
17. Suo mumine prope fata, &c.
"Should by their express
interposition almost bend the fates themselves." According to the
pagan creed, the decrees of fate were either conditional or uncondi-
tional. The former could be altered and softened down, the latter
could not be changed, (Virg. Aen. 3, 76,) but merely delayed or
put off for a season. (Acn. 10, 622, and 7, 315.)
18. Ludi. Public games and scenic exhibitions were the usual
modes of propitiating the gods. Compare Livy, 7, 2: "Ludi
AGAINST CATILINE.
211
Page.
quoque sccnici inter alia coelestis irae placamina instituti dicun- 32
tur."
19. Ad plucandum deos. Most MSS. have placandos for pla-
candum, and Ernesti inclines to give it the preference. The
gerund, however, is well defended by Beck, and is more direct than
the passive participle, or gerundive, would have been.
20. Majus. Larger than the former one."-Quod videtis.
"Which you now see erected.'
46
21. Illustrarentur. ("
Atque illud, &c.
ments to have this
is
Would be brought so clearly to light.
"Now the consuls of that year made arrange-
statue placed in the manner directed."
Locare
"to bargain," or, "make arrangements," to have a thing done,
conducere, “to contract to do a thing." The persons who under-
took any such task or employment were called redemptores. The
verbs suscipere and redimere are also employed in the sense of
conducere, especially the latter.
""
""
1. Locuverunt. Some MSS. read collocaverunt, but incorrectly. 33
The true lection was first suggested by Gruter, and adopted by
Graevius, whom Ernesti and others follow.
2. Superioribus consulibus. L. Caesar and C. Figulus.-A
nobis. Referring to himself and C. Antonius his colleague in the
consulship.
3. Tam aversus a vero. "So great an enemy to the truth."
An expression borrowed from the custom of showing aversion by
turning away from an object.-Tam praeceps. "So inconsiderate."
Tam mente captus. So blind." So deprived of all mental vision.
4. El ca. "And that too.” The Greek usage is similar in xaì
Taru.—A perditis civibus. This is the reading adopted by Ernesti.
Gruter recommends per cives, which Graevius admits into the text.
Ernesti is very probably correct in suspecting the words et ca a
perditis civibus of being a mere gloss, the idea of which was taken
from a nefariis civibus towards the latter part of the sentence.
5. Illud vero, &c. "Is not the following circumstance, however,
so manifest in its character as to seem," &c. The repetition of ut
in this sentence is extremely inelegant, and was never written so
by Cicero. Ernesti makes the first ut equivalent in some degree
to quod, but it is more than probable, as Döring remarks, that some
words have fallen out between videatur and the second ut.
6. Mane per forum, &c. This of course was all a matter of
previous arrangements on the part of Cicero, and intended to pro-
duce an impression upon the superstitious feelings of the populace.
It appears to have answered its end admirably.
7. Eorum indices. The Allobroges and Vulturcius.-In aedem
212
THE THIRD ORATION
?
Page.
33 Concordiae. This temple stood in the
forum, at the foot of the Capitoline hill.
2, c. 8, p. 103.)
8. Templis atque delubris.
ac nefarios ignes.
9. Quibus ego, &c. "Were I to say that it was I who success-
fully resisted them," i. e. who defeated their attempts.
10. Ille, ille Jupiter restitit. "Yon Jupiter, yon Jupiter de-
feated their attempts." Ille denotes the gesture of the orator,
pointing to the newly-erected statue. The pronoun ille, in the rest
of the sentence, is to be rendered by the simple pronoun
he," with
an emphasis resting upon it.
11. Hanc mentem voluntatemque suscepi. "Have I formed this
design and wish," i. e. of exposing to view the plans of wicked
men.
immediate vicinity of the
(Donat. de Rom. vet. lib.
Consult note 11, page 25.-Funestos
"Destructive and unhallowed fires."
(C
12. Jam vero, &c. The true reading of this passage is extremely
doubtful. We have inserted suscepta after hostibus, on the sugges-
tion of Ernesti, since otherwise sollicitatio will have no verb to which
it can be referred. With suscepta and credita respectively, we must
supply nunquam esset. The whole may be rendered as follows:
"Still farther, too, that tampering with the Allobroges would never
have been undertaken, in the way that it has, by Lentulus, and the
rest of our domestic foes; a secret of so much importance would
never have been so rashly confided to strangers and barbarians;
nor most assuredly would any letters have ever been entrusted to
their hands; had not all judgment been taken away by the immortal
gods from this so audacious a conspiracy."
13. Ut homines Galli, &c. Supply before ut the words anne
putandum est, or something equivalent. "Is it to be imagined
that Gauls," &c.-Male pacata. "Hardly brought to subjection."
14. Spem imperii, &c. "The hope of dominion and of the most
extensive aggrandizement.”—A patriciis hominibus. Alluding to
Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of the conspirators.
34
66.
1. Suis opibus. "To their own interest."-Id non, &c. The
common text has nonne. We have given non with Graevius, on
MSS. authority.-Divinitus. "By the interposition of Heaven."
2. Praesertim qui nos, &c. "Especially since they might have
overcome us, not by fighting, but by remaining silent," i. e. by
keeping the secret of the conspiracy. Superarent is here equivalent
to superare potuissent, and the subjunctive mood is required by the
peculiar force of the relative, which is here the same as quum illi.
The common text has superare potuerunt.
3. Ad omnia pulvinaria. "At all the shrines." The primitive
AGAINST CATILINE.
213
Page.
meaning of this term is a cushion, or pillow, for a couch. It is 34
then taken to denote the couch itself; and finally it signifies, from
the operation of a peculiar custom among the Romans, a temple or
shrine of the gods. When a thanksgiving was decreed by the
senate, what was called a Lectisternium took place, couches being
spread for the gods, as if about to feast, and their statues being
taken down from their pedestals and placed upon these couches
around the altars, which were loaded with the richest dishes.
Hence the meaning attached to pulvinaria in the text. Compare
Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. and Schütz, Ind. Lat. s. v.
4. Celebratote. Boys crowned with garlands, virgins, and ma-
trons, moved in procession through the streets singing hymns in
honour of the gods.-Illos dies. A thanksgiving often, as in the
present instance, lasted for several days.
"
5. Togati, me uno togato, &c. Wearing the toga, with me
alone, likewise wearing it, for your leader and commander." More
freely, "arrayed in the gown of peace, with me alone, similarly
arrayed, for your leader." &c. Consult note 15, page 30.
6. L. Sulla P. Sulpicium oppressit. "When Sylla had set out
to join the legions which he had levied in Italy for the Mithridatic
war, P. Sulpicius, a tribune of the commons, and a violent partisan
of Marius, strove to have Sylla's command abrogated and Marius
appointed in his stead. Sylla, in consequence of this, returned with
his troops to Rome, put to death Sulpicius, and drove Marius into
exile. (Flor. 3, 21.-Vell. Pat. 2, 18, 19.)
7. Custodem hujus urbis. The preserver of the same. Al-
luding to his victories over the Cimbri and Teutones.
8. Cn. Octavius. Octavius, a partisan of Sylla's, when consul,
drove out Cinna his colleague, because he would not allow certain
laws to be passed. The latter, having collected an armed force,
returned along with Marius to Rome, and the scenes of slaughter
were renewed.
9. Omnis hic locus. The forum, where the contending factions
had met in conflict, and much blood had been spilt.-Redundavit.
This verb has here two meanings, one for acervis coporum, ("was
filled,") and another for sanguine civium, (“flowed.") Gramma-
rians call this construction a zeugma.
10. Clarissimis viris. Referring to Q. Catulus, Scaevola, and
the orators Crassus, Antonius, and C. Caesar. Consult Historical
Index.
11. Quanta deminutione civium. If we may credit so declama-
tory a writer as Florus, the number slain on this occasion exceeded
seventy thousand. (3, 21, 24.)
214
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
34
12. M. Lepidus. Lepidus and his colleague Catulus had at first
a warm contest about the interment of Sylla, the former endeavour-
ing to prevent his being buried in the Campus Martius. Afterward,
placing himself at the head of the Marian faction, he strove to pro-
cure the abolition of all Sylla's public acts, and was driven out in
consequence by Catulus, after the two parties had come into open
and violent collision.
13. Atque illae dissensiones, &c. We have adopted, with Mat-
thiae, the emendation proposed by Ernesti, throwing out the words
erant hujusmodi before Quirites, where they appear in the common
text, introducing a parenthesis from non illi to voluerunt, and ma-
king atque illae tamen a repetition from the first clause. Tamen, in
such constructions, after a parenthesis, has the force of inquam, ar
igitur. Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v.
14. Pertinerent. The subjunctive is here employed after the
relative, as stating, not an assertion of Cicero's, but of the individual
actors themselves, as it had come down to his times. Hence quae
pertinerent may be rendered, "which tended as was alleged." After
this comes the declaration of the orator himself, based upon this
allegation, when the indicative is employed.
15. Illi. "The actors in those scenes."-Esse principes. "To
be the leading men."-Hanc urbem conflagrare. "That this city
should be wrapt in flames."-Florere. "Should rule." This mean-
ing is derived from the intermediate one of excelling, which flor co
often has in Cicero and other writers.
16. Quaesivit. "Had in view.”—Ut non reconciliatione con-
cordiae, &c. "That they were terminated, not by the reconciliation
which concord is wont to bring with it, but by the massacre of citi-
zens," i. c. not by reconciliation and concord, but by the loss of
many lives. Cicero's meaning, as it is carried out in the suc-
ceeding clause, is this: that the evil dissensions enumerated by
him, though they had in view merely a change of affairs, were
nevertheless only terminated after much bloodshed; whereas
the conspiracy of Catiline, which aimed at the total subversion
of the government, and the destruction of all, had been brought
to an end by him without the loss of any lives on the part of his
fellow-citizens.
17. Nulla barbaria. "No barbarian land." Barbaria means
any territory inhabited by barbarians. The Romans employed the
term in general to denote any country except Greece and Italy.
Compare Cic. de fin. 2, 25: "A quo non solum Graecia et Italia,
sed etiam omnis Barbaria commotus est.
""
18. Cum sua gente.
"With its own race."
AGAINST CATILINE.
215
Page.
"In 34
"Was laid down."-Salva urbe.
19. Constituta furt.
case the city were safe."
1. Tantum civium, &c. "That only so many citizens would 35
survive, as many as should remain after boundless massacre.
" Lit-
erally, "as many as should have withstood boundless massacre."
Burmann, ad Anthol. Lat. vol. 2, p. 180, suggests infinita e caede
in place of infinitae caedi. In this case, restitisset would come from
restare, and the literal meaning would be the same with what we
have first given," should remain after," &c. The common reading,
however, conveys the same sense, and is better in point of Latinity.
2. Obire non potuisset. Might not have been able to reach.”
3. Pro. "In return for."-Rebus. "Services."-Insigne ho-
noris. Mark of honour." As, for example, a triumph. Thus,
a little after, he remarks, "in animis vestris omnes triumphos
meos," &c.
(:
4. Ornamenta honoris. "
"The trophies of my renown.'
5. Nihil mutum. "No mute memorial," as for example a statue.
6. Nostrae res alentur. "My actions will be fostered."-Ser-
monibus. "In your daily converse."-Litterarum monumentis,
&c. <<
They will become identified, through lapse of time, with,
and will be rendered more and more enduring by, your national
annals." Inveterasco means literally, "to grow old in," "to gather
strength by age or time," "to become deeply rooted," &c.
Compare, as regards the force of monumentis in this passage, pro
Sext. 48: "Haec monumentis annalium mandantur, posteritati
propagantur."
Badges of honour."—Laudis insignia.
7. Eandemque diem, &c. "And I feel convinced, that this
same day will be perpetuated," &c., i. e. will ever be celebrated as
a festal day by posterity. We have adopted the reading given by
Beck with the aid of MSS. The common text is altogether errone-
ous and unintelligible, viz. : "Eandemque diem intelligo, quam spero
aeternam fore, et ad salutem urbis, et ad memoriam consulatus
mei propagatum." Even, however, in Beck's reading there is
something in intelligo that appears suspicious, and to stand in need
of emendation. But the MSS. afford no aid.
8. Duos cives. Himself and Pompey, who had brought the
piratical war to a close, and also conquered Mithridates.
9. Quorum alter. Pompey.-Non terrae, sed coeli regionibus.
An oratorical hyperbole, by which Pompey is described as having
carried the Roman arms to the very limits of earth and sky, i. e. to
have filled even the distant horizon with the fame of Roman power.
Render, "not by the regions of earth, but by the very horizon itself."
216
THE THIRD ORATION
Page.
35
10. Est eadem fortuna atque conditio. The verb is in the singu-
lar, as the two nouns express merely different shades of the same
idea. Quae illorum. "As is that of those."
Ką
11. Isti. This pronoun does not denote any contempt here, but
is used in strict accordance with its primitive meaning. Render,
"those commanders of yours." In the previous clause, illorum is
applied to them with reference to their distant operations. Consult
note 4, page 1.
12. Si ceteris, &c. The indicative mood is here employed as
denoting certainty, and referring to what has actually taken place.
By ceteris are meant the Roman commanders who have been
engaged in foreign wars.
13. Mentes.
Designs."
14. Ab istis. The pronoun now denotes contempt.
men," i. e. by those poor wretches.
15. In bonis. Understand civibus.-Dignitas. Majesty."
Referring to the authority of the senate and the power of the laws.
16. Se ipsi indicabunt. "Will only be exposing themselves,"
i. e. will only be turning informers against themselves, and exposing
to view their secret sentiments. They will be driven by the force
of conscience to make the same disclosures, and to act in the same
way as Lentulus did before the Roman senate.
17. Is animus. "Such a determination." Is elegantly used
for talis.
36
1. Converterit. We have here given the reading of Manutius,
Graevius, and Beck, which Schütz also adopts. The common text
has converterint, and for omnis and depulsus reads omnes and
depulsi, making impctus plural of course. There is less spirit,
however, in this.
ic
:
(C
<<
By those
2. Qua conditione, &c. 'In what situation you may wish those
to be in future days," &c., i. e. what effect your action in the premi-
ses may have upon the situation of those in after days, who shall
stand forth as the asserters of your freedom, and the defenders of
your lives and fortunes.-The meaning of Cicero is this: that if any
attack be made upon him by his private foes, for the part he has
taken in crushing the conspiracy, he looks to the people for their
prompt interference in his behalf; not because he actually stands in
need of this, since the high honours thus far conferred upon him by
his countrymen will always be a sufficient defence against such
opponents, but in order that a bad effect may not be produced upon
others, by his being exposed unaided to the onsets of the wicked, and
that those who may wish, hereafter, to serve their country, may not be
discouraged from doing so by seeing what has happened to himself.
AGAINST CATILINE.
217
Page.
3. Ad vitae fructum. "For the enjoyment of existence."-—In 36
honore vestro. "Amid the honours in your gift."
4. Quidquam altius. Cicero had now attained to the summit of
a true Roman's ambition, the consulship. He had saved his country,
and a thanksgiving had been declared in his name, although he was
arrayed at the time in the robe of peace, or, in other words, acting
merely as a civil' magistrate. The office of dictator alone he had
not obtained and did not desire.
5. Ea quae gessi in consulatu. "The principles on which I
acted during my consulship."-Privatus. "In private life."
6. Mihi valeat ad gloriam. "May but advance my glory,” i. e.
may only redound the more to my own fame, by making my public
services, if possible, more conspicuous.
7. Ut meminerim, &c. 'As ever to be mindful of my past
actions."--Virtute. "From patriotic motives." From the dictates
(C
of public virtue. Compare Ep. ad Fam. 5, 2 : Hujus ego temeri-
tali si virtute atque animo non restitissem, quis esset qui me non
casu potius existimaret, quam consilio fortem fuisse?"
8. Illum Jovem. "Yon Jove." Pointing in the direction of the
temple of Jupiter Stator, in which he had delivered his first oration
against Catiline.-Providebo. Whatever the decree of the senate
shall be, he will, as consul, see it fully executed, and will place the
safety of his fellow-citizens beyond the reach of the wicked, by
inflicting on the latter a well-merited punishment.
19
Page.
37
FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "Fourth Oration of M. T.
Cicero against L. Catiline, delivered in the Senate." This oration
was pronounced in the course of the debate concerning the punish-
ment to be inflicted on the conspirators. Silanus had proposed the
infliction of instant death, while Caesar had spoken in favour of the
more lenient sentence of perpetual imprisonment. Cicero does
not precisely declare for any particular punishment, but he shows
that his mind evidently inclined to the severest, by dwelling on the
enormity of the conspirators' guilt, and aggravating all their crimes
with much acrimony and art. His sentiments finally prevailed;
and the conspirators were strangled under his immediate superin-
tendence.
2. Ora atque oculos. Every eye was fixed upon Cicero in
anxious expectation, to see whether he would advocate the opinion
of Silanus. The senate was convened, on this occasion, in the
temple of Jupiter Stator.
3. Si id depulsum sit. "If that be warded off," i. e. by the
punishment of those in custody.-De meo periculo. Especially if
Cicero should have adopted the opinion of Silanus.
4. Vestra erga me voluntas. "Your kind wishes in my behalf."
The generous interest you take in my welfare. Voluntas is here
used for favor, benevolentia, or caritas. Compare Cic. Ep. ad Q.
Fratr. 3, 11, 6: ad Fam. 5, 12: pro Lig. 2. fin.
5. Deponite. He is afraid lest, prompted by a wish to relieve
him from the burden of public odium, for the summary steps he may
have taken against the accused, the senate pursue some course
prejudicial to the state.
6. Haec conditio consulatus.
consulship."- Omnes acerbitates.
"This condition of enjoying the
<<
Every bitter infliction."
218
FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.
219
Page.
7. Dignitas salusque. Dignity and safety." By dignitas is 37
here meant that exercise of authority which is worthy of a people
enjoying a regular form of government. Compare Cicero's defini-
tion, (De Inv. 2, 55,) “Dignitas est alicujus honesta auctoritas, et
cultu, et honore, et verecundia digna.”
8. Non forum. He had been in danger from Catiline even in
the forum.-In quo omnis aequitas continetur. In the forum the
courts of law were held, and justice, according to Cicero, had here
her abode. As regards the distinction between justitia and aequitas,
it may be remarked, that the latter is the generic term, including
what we owe to God and man. Cicero considers it, in its principle
or foundation, as tripartita, divisible into three parts, (Topica, c.
23,) "Una pars legitima est," "what is founded in law
"altera aequitati conveniens," "what is consonant with equity, or
founded on our own natural perceptions of what is right and wrong;
—“ tertia moris vestustate confirmata," "what is founded in long
and established usage.'
?>
""
<<
"
9. Non campus.
Cicero had appeared in the Campus Martius,
during the consular election, when Silanus and Murena were chosen,
with a coat of mail under his robe, to guard against the risk of
assassination from Catiline. (Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 14.)
10. Consularibus auspiciis consecratus. At the comitia cen-
turiata, the auspices were always first taken before they proceeded
to the election of the consuls and the higher magistrates. Hence
the Campus Martius is said to be "hallowed" by the "consular
auspices" taken in it.
11. Summum auxilium.
"The chief refuge."
12. Non domus, commune perfugium. "Not my own home,
a man's common asylum." According to the principles of the
Roman law, it was unlawful to enter any man's dwelling for the
purpose of forcing him to court, because his house was esteemed
his sanctuary. But if any one lurked at home to elude a prosecu-
tion, he was summoned three times, with an interval of ten days
between each summons, by the voice of a herald, or by letters, or
by the edict of the praetor, and if still he did not appear, the prose-
cutor was put in possession of his effects. (Heinecc. Antiq. Rom.
4, 6, 16, p. 671, ed. Haubold.) As regards the sanctity of a man's
home, compare the eloquent language of Cicero, (pro. Dom. c. 41,)
Quid est sanctius, quid omni religione munitius, quam domus
uniuscujusque civium? hic arae sunt, hic foci, hic dei Penates, hic
sacra, religiones, caerimoniae continentur, hoc perfugium est ita
sanctum omnibus, ut inde abripi neminem fas sit."
13. Non lectus. Alluding to the attempt made to assassinate him
220
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
37 at his own home, early in the morning, and before he had yet risen.
Compare Sallust, Cat. c. 28, and Or. in Cat. 1, 4.
14. Haec sedes honoris. After these words follow sella curulis,
which, though found in all MSS. are nevertheless rejected with
great propriety by Ernesti, as a mere gloss. Neither is it a very
correct interpretation itself of the expression haec sedes honoris,
since by this latter is meant not so much the curule chair, as the
place in the senate where he sat as consul, and which was some-
what elevated above the other seats.
38
15. Multa tacui. Muretus very correctly supposes, that this
prudent silence, on Cicero's part, might be dictated by the suspi-
cion, that many persons of rank, such as Caesar and Crassus, for
example, were implicated in the conspiracy.
16. In vestro timore. "In the midst of alarm on your part,'
i. e. whilst your alarm prevailed. Lipsius (V. L. 3, 22) conjec-
tures," sine vestro timore," of which Heumannus approves.
17. Miserrima. We have given this, on the authority of some
MSS.; in place of the common reading misera. The emendation
is approved of by Goerenz, ad Cic. de fin. 1, 4.
18. Ex acerbissima vexatione. "From the most cruel outrages."
Compare note 11, page 25.
"Whatever lot."
—Templa atque delubra.
1. Quaecunque fortuna.
2. Inductus a vatibus.
interpretation of the aruspices.
"}
Referring to the Sibylline books and the
Compare Or. in Cal. 3, 4.
3. Fatale. "Fated." The fated name was Cornelius, which
was the nomen of Lentulus, his full appellation being Publius Cor-
nelius Lentulus Sura. Consult note 7, page 28.
"Provide for the welfare of your coun-
4. Prospicite patriae.
try."
5. Omnes deos, &c. Every city, in ancient times, had its
peculiar deity or deities, who presided over it, and under whose
special protection it was considered to be. Hence, when a town
was besieged, and on the point, of being taken, the besiegers always
used to call out (evocare) in solemn form the god or gods who exer-
cised a guardianship over it, while the besieged, on their part, in
order to prevent this, were wont to chain the statue or statues to
the pedestal. (Consult Macrobius, Sat. 3, 9.)
6. Pro eo mihi, &c. "Will reward me according to my
deserts." In point of Latinity, ut would be better here than ac,
and perhaps we ought to read so.
7. Si quid obtigerit. "If any thing adverse shall befall me."
An euphemism, for si moriar. The preposition ob here denotes
literally, "against," and the strict meaning of the phrase is, "if
AGAINST CATILINE.
221
Page.
*C
any thing shall happen against, or adverse to, my wishes."
Com- 38
pare Plautus, Menaechm. 5, 5, 1, Aedepol nae hic mihi dies
pervorsus atque adversus obtigit."-Ernesti regards obtigerit, in the
text, as of doubtful authority, the more usual form being acciderit.
But our explanation of obtigerit is a sufficient answer to the objec-
tion, and besides all the MSS. give this latter form.
8. Neque enim, &c. Death can bring with it no disgrace to a
brave man, since even in death he will find only additional glory.
Some, on the authority of Quintilian, (6, 3, 109,) read gravis
instead of turpis, but it is too general an epithet.
9. Neque immatura consulari. "Nor a premature one to a man
who has been gifted with the office of consul." The consulship
was the highest of all the offices in the gift of the people, and
hence one, who enjoyed it, might be said to descend to the grave
ripe in public honours.
10. Sapienti. "To one acquainted with the lessons of philoso-
phy," i. e. those lessons which teach us to regard death as the road
merely to a better and happier land. This idea is beautifully fol-
lowed out in the first book of the Tusculan disputations.
11. Ille ferreus qui. "So iron-hearted as," i. e. with a heart so
steeled against every gentle emotion. Ille is here used for talis or
ejusmodi, which is more commonly the case with the pronoun is.
12. Fratris. His brother Quintus.-Amantissimi.
affectionate."
"Most
13. Circumsessum. The reference here is to some of the
Equites, and other friends of Cicero, who stood around his chair,
and in fact encompassed the whole senate both within the temple
as well as without, for the sake of their personal safety while
debating on the punishment of the conspirators.
14. Exanimata uzor. "My wife half dead with terror."
The
allusion is to Terentia, whom he subsequently divorced for infidelity
during his banishment, and who married the historian Sallust.
15. Abjecta metu filia. "My daughter dismayed by fearful
apprehensions." Alluding to Tullia.
16. Parvulus filius. Marcus Cicero, then two years old. He
was born in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus. (Ep. ad.
Att. 1, 3.)
17. Amplecli. "To hold in its arms." The term is beautifully
applied to the case of a young child, and is used for the common
tenere.-Tamquam obsidem, &c. "As the pledge of my consul-
ship," i. e. as a pledge, that I will do every thing in my power for
preserving the public safety, if not on my own, yet on my son's
account.
19*
222
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
38
18. Gener. C. Calpurnius Piso. He had been united to Tullia
two years before, and was the first of three husbands whom she
married.
19. Moveor his rebus omnibus, &c. "I am moved by all these
things, but it is to this effect merely, that they whom I have men-
tioned may all be saved along with you, even though some act of
violence may have crushed me," &c.
20. Incumbite.
"Bend all your energies."-Circumspicite.
"Look around and behold."
21. Non Tib. Gracchus, &c, "It is no Tiberius Gracchus,
who has wished to become a second time tribune of the commons:
no Caius Gracchus, who has endeavoured to excite the partisans of
his Agrarian law no Lucius Saturninus, who has slain a Caius
Memmius, that is now exposed to the risk of a prosecution, and to
the sentence which you in your just severity may inflict.”—For an
account of the individuals here alluded to consult Historical Index.
22. Tenentur ii. ((
They are held in custody."-Tenentur
litterae, &c. "Their letters, their seals, &c., are in our posses-
sion."
23. Sollicitantur Allobroges, &c. "The Allobroges are tam-
pered with, our very slaves are excited to insurrection."
39 1. Rei confessi sunt. "The accused have themselves confess-
ed."-Vos multis, &c. "You yourselves have already decided
upon by many expressions of opinion." We have adopted indiciis,
the reading of Badius, and which is approved of by Bynkershoek,
(Obs. Jur. Rom. 1, 6,) and Vonk, (Lect. Lat. 1, 7.) The common
text has judiciis, referring to the "determinations" of the senate on
the several occasions enumerated immediately after. But Cicero
had too nice an ear to say judiciis judicastis.
2. Singularibus verbis. "In language singularly honourable.”
Alluding to the supplicatio decreed in his name, Quod urbem
incendiis, caede cives, Italiam bello liberasset.” (In Cat. 3, 6.)
3. Mea virtute atque diligentia. "By my public spirit and
vigilance."
..
4. Deinde quod P. Lentulum, &c. A very dangerous assump-
tion of authority on the part of the senate, and only to be resorted
to in extreme cases like the present.
5. De quibus judicastis. "On whose cases you have pro-
nounced an opinion."
6. Togato. Consult note 15, page 30.
"Eos
7. Damnati esse videantur. Compare Sallust, (Cat. 50,)
paulo ante frequens senatus judicanerat contra rempublicam fecisse.”
8. Sed ego institui, &c. I have resolved, however, Conscript
AGAINST CATILINE.
223
Page.
Fathers, as if the matter were still untouched, to consult you 39
in relation both to the affair itself, what you may determine
respecting it, and the punishment to be inflicted, what you may
think that ought to be.'
9. Illa praedicam, quae sunt consulis. "But before I do this, I
will state what it is the duty of a consul to mention." The student
will observe the force of prae in composition with dico.
10. Versari. To be prevalent."-Et nova quaedam, &c.
"And that certain evils, before unknown, were aroused and called
into action." He alludes to the prevalence of disaffection, and the
introduction of principles of insubordination hostile to the well-being
of the state.
11. Quocumque vestrae mentes inclinant, &c. Ernesti thinks
that quocumque is here put for quo, and that for inclinant we ought
to read inclinent. It is much simpler, however, to consider the
words quocumque vestrae, &c. as merely explanatory of quidquid
est, and requiring of course the indicative inclinant.
12. Statuendum vobis ante noctem est. Both because no decree
of the senate was legal if pronounced before sunrise or after sunset,
(Aul. Gell. 14, 7,) and because the risk was also greater of a
forcible rescue, or of an escape of the prisoners, by night than by day.
13. Huic si paucos, &c. "If you imagine that only a few are
implicated in this." For other instances of affinis with the dative,
compare Or. pro Cluent. 45, "affinis turpitudini ;" de Inv. 2, 10,
“honestae rationi affinis.”
14. Manavit non solum, &c. "It has not only spread slowly
throughout Italy." Manarit beautifully expresses the slow but
steady progress of the conspiracy, like a slowly-rolling stream.
Creeping onward unperceived."
15. Obscure serpens.
<<
"C
16. Sustentando ac prolatando. By delay and irresolution."
Literally, "by still enduring it, and still putting off (the moment of
action.")
17. Esse. "Are before you," i. e. have been proposed.-
Unam D. Silani. "The one, that of Decimus Silanus." Con-
sult Historical Index.
18. Qui haec delere, &c. "Who have endeavoured to blot out
this fair state of things from existence." Haec refers to the Roman
city and state, and the gesture of the orator corresponds as he points
slowly around. Ernesti is in favour of conati sint, and Beck has
adopted the emendation, but the true reading is undoubtedly conati
sunt, since there was no longer any doubt respecting the crime
itself or its intended perpetrators. Compare Heusinger, praef. ad
Cic. de Off. p. 53, seqq.
224
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
39
19. C. Caesaris. Julius Caesar.
20. Qui mortis poenam removet, &c. "Who puts aside the
punishment of death, but embraces all the severities of remaining
punishments," i. e. who is against the punishment of death, but in
favour of the severest one that remains after this is excluded.
21. Pro sua dignitate, &c. Consistently with his own high
rank, and the importance of the crisis.”—Versatur. "Insists."
22. Aller. Silanus.-Conati sunt. Ernesti here again recom-
mends conati sint. But consult note 18.
"This air that we all breathe.".
40 1. Hoc communi spiritu.
Recordatur. "He reminds us.
"}
८
2. Alter intelligit. "The other is clearly of opinion."
Julius
Caesar maintained, in his remarks before the senate on this occasion,
that the soul was mortal, and death an eternal sleep; consequently,
that loss of life was a blessing rather than a punishment, since it
freed us from all the evils of existence. Compare the speech
which Sallust assigns him in the debate on this same question
relative to the conspirators.
3. Necessitatem naturae. "As a necessary law of nature."
4. Sapientes. By the "wise" are here meant those imbued
with what Caesar regards as the true principles of philosophy! The
Stoics, especially, although they believed in a future state, regarded
death as any thing rather than a source of terror. According to
them, a wise man might justly and reasonably withdraw from life
whenever he found it expedient; not only because life and death
are among those things which are in their nature indifferent, but
also because life may be less consistent with virtue than death.
Caesar, who was an Epicurean, if he was any thing at all, artfully
avails himself of the fact of many of the Stoic sect having actually
put an end to their existence, and applies it to the establishment of
his peculiar doctrine.
5. Oppetiverunt. "Have courted it." Among the "fortes" may
be enumerated Codrus, the Athenian, the Roman Decii, Curtius, &c.
6. Vincula vero, &c. Imprisonment, however, and that too
for life, was invented in his opinion for the express punishment of
abandoned guilt."
7. Municipiis. "Throughout the municipal towns." Equiva-
lent to in municipia. Cæsar's proposition was, that the conspirators
who had been arrested should be "distributed" throughout these
towns, and there confined for life. His true object was to save
their lives, and trust to some future chance for their pardon.
8. Habere videtur, &c. The use of ista in this sentence shows
the gesture of the orator, who in making the remark turns towards
(
AGAINST CATILINE.
225
Page.
Caesar. "That proposition of yours seems to carry with it an 40
unjust burden, if you wish to demand it of them; a difficulty if you
are only inclined to ask it as a favour. However, let a decree be
passed to this effect, if such be your pleasure." Cicero's meaning
is this if you exercise your power and demand of the free towns,
that they receive these prisoners and keep them in confinement,
you will be imposing an unjust burden upon them; while, on the
other hand, if you only request it as a favour, you may meet with a
difficulty in their declining to accede to your request.
9. Ego enim suscipiam, &c. "For I will take it upon myself
to see, that what you wish shall be accomplished, and I will find, as
I hope, those who will not think it unsuitable to their dignity to
refuse," i. e. I will find municipal towns that will have no objec-
tions, I trust, to receive them.-With suscipiam understand rem,
so that the literal translation will be, "I will undertake the affair,"
alluding to the execution of the decree which shall be passed.
10. Adjungit. The orator returns to Caesar, and gives the rest
of his opinion.
"He is for adding a heavy penalty on the inhabi-
tants of the municipal towns."—Eorum. "Of the criminals."
Referring to the conspirators.
11. Horribiles custodias circumdat. "He is for throwing around
them a frightful imprisonment, for decreeing in solemn form what-
ever is worthy of the guilt of abandoned wretches, in order that no
one may hereafter be able, either through the senate or people, to
mitigate the punishment of those whom he is in favour of condem-
ning."
12. Eripit etiam spem. "He even deprives them of hope," i. e.
by making their confinement one for life.—Quae sola hominum, &c.
Compare the beautiful language of Tibullus (2, 6, 25) :—
(C
Spes etiam valida solatur compede vinctum,
Crura sonant ferro, sed canit inter opus."
13. Bona praeterea, &c. As regards Cicero's account of the
opinion held by Caesar, on this occasion, before the Roman senate,
compare the language of Sallust, (Cal. c. 51,) "Sed illa censeo,
publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per munici-
pia, quae maxime opibus valent, ne quis de his postea ad senatum
referat, neve cum populo agat," &c.
14. Quam si eripuisset. For had he taken away this."-Mul-
tos, uno dolore, &c. "He would have ended, by a single pang,
many sufferings of mind and body, and all the punishments due to
their crimes." There is some doubt as to the true reading of this
passage. Ernesti gives multas in place of multos, making the geni
tives animi and corporis depend upon poenas understood, in the
226
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
40 sense of "sufferings." This, however, appears extremely harsh.
The MSS. in general give multos, which induced Graevius to sug-
gest, as an emendation, multos, uno dolore, dolores animi atque
corporis, et, &c. This correction has been received by Matthiae,
Schütz, Orellius, and others, but in truth the juxtaposition of dolore
dolores sounds like any thing else rather than Ciceronian Latinity.
We have adopted, therefore, a middle course, and have supposed
dolores to be understood with animi utque corporis, as may easily
be implied from multos, and the presence of dolore.
15. Itaque ut aliqua, &c. "Hence, on this account, that there
might be some fear remaining for the wicked in life, the men of
earlier times favoured the idea, that certain punishments, of a nature
calculated to produce this effect, were appointed for the wicked in
the lower world." We have given ejusmodi ("of that kind,”) a
free translation, as more directly explanatory of the meaning of the
orator. It is evident, from what we see here, that Cicero himself
gave no credit to the popular belief respecting the nature of the
punishments in another world. And this is apparent also from many
other parts of his writings. He was a believer, however, in a future
state; and, without directly attacking the scepticism of Caesar, he
here in fact censures it, by expressing his opinion, that a belief in
the punishments of a future world had the advantage at least of
curbing in this life the evil passions of the wicked. It is this which
will give us the true connexion between Itaque, &c., and the close
of the last sentence.
Mada
16. Videlicet. "No doubt." There is a slight tinge of irony
in the use of this word, on the present occasion, but it is an irony
directed against the fables of the vulgar respecting the punishments
of another world, not against a future state itself.
it
17. Mea quid intersit. "How my interests are concerned."
More freely, on which side my true interest lies," i. e. as regards
the conflicting opinions of Silanus and Caesar.
18. Hanc in republica viam. "Such a career in public affairs."
-Popularis. "A popular one," i. e. calculated to gain the favour
of the people. There is here a lurking sarcasm against Caesar's
love of popularity.
19. Hoc auctore et cognitore, &c. "With him as the author
and supporter of this opinion." By auctore sententiae is meant
the original proposer of a measure; by cognitor, one who ac-
knowledges it to be his, and exerts himself to defend and substan-
tiate it.
20 Populares impetus. "Any onsets of the people," i. e. any out-
breakings of popular violence, through sympathy for the condemned.
AGAINST CATILINE.
227
Page.
Cicero's meaning is, that Caesar's popularity will shield him from 40
this risk, and that on this side his true interest lies.
21. Illam alteram. "The other." Ille here answers to our
definite article. Literally, "that other one," i. e. the opinion of
Silanus.
22. Nescio an, &c. "I know not whether additional trouble
will not in that event be incurred by me." Amplius negotii, liter-
ally "more trouble." It is a very rare thing for amplius to have
after it a genitive case. A similar construction occurs in Caes. B.
G. 6, 9:
Amplius obsidum."-Cicero apprehends some trouble
on the part of the lower orders if the opinion of Silanus be adopted,
but still he is in favour of it.—As regards the expression nescio an,
(otherwise, and more commonly written haud scio an,) it may be
remarked, that the "usus loquendi" among the Romans made it
equivalent to nescio an non. It is employed to express a modest
degree of doubt, &c., and may often be rendered by our English
term "perhaps." Ernesti goes too far when he makes it equivalent
to a simple affirmation (Clav. Cic. s. v. haud.) The more correct
doctrine is laid down by Scheller (Praecept. Styl. vol. 1, p. 490.)
23. Sed tamen meorum periculorum, &c. "Still, however, let
the interests of the state overcome all considerations of my own
individual danger," i. e. let the welfare of the state triumph over
every personal consideration. The common expression would be,
“attamen salus reipublicae anteponenda est meis periculis.”
24. Habemus enim, &c. The connexion in the train of ideas
is as follows: Cicero has just been remarking, that considerations
of personal safety, on his part, must yield to the public good. Now,
as his personal safety would have been in a great measure secured
by adopting the opinion of Caesar, it might be inferred by some,
although very erroneously, that he regarded Caesar's opinion as
clashing, in some degree, with the public welfare. In order, there-
fore, to avoid such an inference, he immediately adds, that the
opinion expressed by Caesar, although the public interests will not
allow him, peculiarly situated as he is, to embrace it, yet seems to
him worthy in every way of the high rank of its author, and a sure
proof of his sincere attachment to the state. The compliment is
very artfully turned, and shows great policy on the part of Cicero.
(C
25. Ipsius dignitas. "His own high rank."-Amplitudo. "The
illustrious character."-Tamquam obsidem, &c. "As a pledge of
his lasting attachment to the state."
1. Intellectum est, &c. "By this has it been rendered fully 41
apparent, what difference there is between the insincerity of mere
public declaimers, and a bosom truly attached to the people, and
228
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
41 consulting for their welfare." Another artful compliment. Cicero
remarks, that Caesar's opinion shows the true friend of the people,
and not the hollowness of the demagogue, who is merely seeking
their favour for his own private ends. It will readily be perceived
that Cicero's object is to avoid irritating Caesar, and thereby to pre-
vent fresh difficulties. The praise bestowed, however, is of a very
peculiar character, since, to us at least, a vein of sarcasm appears to
run beneath, and yet it is one so artfully managed that Caesar could
not make it a cause of offence.
2. Istis. The pronoun here denotes contempt.-Populares. In
the wrong sense of the term.
To
3. Non neminem. "A certain person." He means some senator,
who, in order not to vote upon the capital punishment of Roman
citizens, and from the wish of becoming popular with the lower
orders, had absented himself from this meeting of the senate.
this one he opposes Caesar, as a true friend of the people and anx-
ious for their welfare and the safety of the state. The name of the
senator in question is unknown; some make him to have been Q.
Metellus.
4. Nudiustertius. "The day before yesterday." A contraction
for nunc dies tertius, (i. e. est.)
5. Dedit. "6 Consigned," i. e. was in favour of consigning; voted
to that effect.-Cives Romanos. The conspirators who had been
arrested.
6. Indices. The Allobroges and Vulturcius.-Affecit.
pensed," i. e. voted for recompensing.
7. Jam. Marking the conclusion to which Cicero fairly arrives,
that one,
who had gone as far as this particular senator, had already
expressed his opinion, in fact, on the merits of the case at large,
and ought, therefore, to have been present, since he gained nothing
by absence.
"Recom-
8. Quaesitori gratulationem.
"A vote of thanks to the individ-
ual who first instituted an inquiry," i. e. who first inquired into, and
ascertained, the existence of a conspiracy. Cicero uses the term
quaesitor, here, in an unusual sense. It generally signifies, when
applied to a public officer, a person appointed by the senate or
people to preside at public trials of a capital nature.
9. At vero, &c. "Caius Caesar, however, plainly perceives,
that the Sempronian law was enacted for the benefit of Roman citi-
zens," &c.
Cicero sets the conduct and sentiments of Caesar, on
the present occasion, in opposition to those of the senator just men
tioned, and, in so doing, very artfully turns a part of Caesar's ora-
tion against the speaker himself. Caesar had laid great stress upon
AGAINST CATILINE.
229
Page.
the Porcian and Sempronian laws, the latter of which ordered that 41
no Roman citizen should be capitally punished without the command
of the people, and the former, that no citizen should be put to death
at all, but that the alternative of exile should be allowed him. This
part of Caesar's speech becomes completely refuted, if the latter
can be made to confess, that a public enemy is no longer a citizen,
and Cicero, therefore, brings forward this proposition in so artful a
way that Caesar cannot possibly contradict it.
10. Ipsum latorem, &c. "That the very proposer himself of the
Sempronian law rendered atonement to the state by the order of the
people." The meaning of Cicero is this, that even Caius Gracchus
himself, who brought in the Sempronian law, was not allowed to
avail himself of the provisions of that law, but suffered the punish-
ment due to the violation of public order, on the ground of his being
a public enemy, and that too by an express decree of the state. The
principal force of the remark lies in the expression jussu populi, the
people themselves having, according to Cicero, sanctioned by their
order, in the case of Caius Gracchus, the distinction drawn by him
between a citizen and a public foe.-All the MSS., and all the early
editions, without a single exception, read jussu, and so the text
remained until Ernesti thought fit, on mere conjecture, to substitute
injussu. His argument is, that Gracchus, the proposer of the Sem-
pronian law, was not put to death by the order of the people, but
by an act of violence on the part of the nobility headed by Scipio
Nasica. In this remark, however, there is an historical error, since
Caius Gracchus was slain by the party of the consul Opimius, after
a decree of the senate had been passed, entrusting the republic to
his care.
The only difficulty is, to ascertain in what way the sen-
tence of the senate may be said to have been ratified by the people,
or how their assent was in any form obtained. Cicero appears to
have inferred this assent from their not having interfered to preserve
the life of Gracchus, and perhaps from other circumstances to us
unknown. At all events, it is too bold a proceeding to alter what
has thus far been regarded as the established text, and make it speak
a directly opposite meaning. The best editors, since Ernesti's time,
namely, Schütz, Weiske, Matthiae, Wetzel, &c., have rejected the
emendation.
11. Idem ipsum, &c. "The same individual is of opinion, that
Lentulus himself, though lavish and prodigal in his expenditures
upon the people, cannot be called their true friend, when he has
with so bitter cruelty been plotting the destruction of the Roman
people, the ruin of this city.' The reference in largitorem and
prodigum is to public shows, and other entertainments, given for
"}
20
T
↑
230
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
41 the purpose of securing popularity. Compare, as regards the force
of prodigus, the definition of Cicero, de Off. 2, 16.
"
12. Homo mitissimus atque lenissimus. Although a very
mild and merciful man." Referring to Caesar.-Non dubitat.
"He hesitates not.'
13. Et sancit in posterum.
“And he is in favour of guarding,
by an express decree, against the time to come."-Se jactare.
"To exert himself." More literally, "to busy himself." Equiv-
alent here to commovere se. Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. and
Schütz, Index Lat. ad Cic. Op. s. v.
14. In pernicie populi Romani.
"In a matter that involves the
ruin of the Roman people.”
15. Adjungit etiam, &c. Cicero purposely lays great stress on
the severity of Caesar. The latter had said that he was in favour
of the most rigorous punishment. The consul understood him
well, and takes him at his word. Caesar cannot retract, and if a
still more severe punishment can be discovered than that already
thought of, the senate may decree to that effect, and Caesar must
of course approve. Cicero adroitly manages to draw this inference
from the words of Caesar, and involves the latter in his own subtle-
ties.
16. Quamobrem sive hoc, &c "Either then, if you shall have
decreed what Caesar recommends, you will have given me, in him,
a companion for the public assembly, dear and acceptable to the
people," i. e. you will have adopted an opinion, which will find a
zealous and successful advocate, before the assembled people, in the
person of the one who proposed it.
17. Atque obtinebo, &c. "And I will make it appear to have
been the far milder opinion of the two."
18. Ego enim de meo sensu judico. "For I judge from my own
feelings," i. e. in what I am going to say, I will give utterance
frankly to my real and honest feelings.
19. Nam ita mihi, &c. "For so may it be allowed me to enjoy,
along with you, the republic in a state of safety, as I am now,
because I show more severity than usual in the present affair, not
influenced by any cruelty of spirit, (for who is in fact milder than
myself?) but by a peculiar feeling as it were of humanity and pity."
i. e. may I never enjoy, in common with you, the benefits resulting from
my country's safety, if the eagerness which I display in this affair pro-
ceeds from any cruel spirit, (for no one has less of that than myself,)
but from a feeling of humanity and pity towards my countrymen.
20. Videor mihi videre. "Methinks I see.' The orator is here
entering on the figure which grammarians call diatyposis.
"1
Mou
AGAINST CATILINE.
231
Page.
tem.
21. Arcem omnium gentium. "The capital of all nations."41
Arcem is here equivalent to caput.-Subito uno incendio conciden-
On a sudden sinking amid one universal conflagration."
1. Sepulta in patria. "In my ruined country." Sepulta is 42
here equivalent to eversa or vastata.-Miseros atque insepultos.
No article of popular belief was more strongly established in the
ancient world, than that the soul wandered for a hundred years
around the banks of the Styx or the dead body itself, whenever the
latter was deprived of the rites of burial. Hence the peculiarly
mournful ideas attached to the circumstance of a corpse remaining
neglected and unburied, and of which Cicero here happily avails
himself, in order to heighten the effect of the gloomy picture
which he draws.
2. Versalur miki ante oculos. "Is often present before my
view."-El furor in vestra caede bacchantis. "And his wild fury
as he revels amid your blood.”
3. Mihi proposui. "I have pictured to myself."—Ex fatis.
"From the Sibylline predictions."
4. Purpuratum esse, &c. "That this Gabinius here is arrayed
in purple." Hunc refers to Gabinius as having been before them
on a recent occasion, not as actually present at the time. Compare
Or. in Cal. 3, 3, init.-Gabinius is called purpuratus, as one of
the titled attendants in the future royal court of Lentulus. Com-
pare Cic. Tusc. Quaest. 1, 43, Flor. 1, 10, Liv. 30, 42.
5. Vexationem virginum Vestalium.
the vestal virgins."
"The outrages offered to
6. Vehementer misera atque miscranda. "In the highest degree
deplorable and worthy of compassion."-Ea perficere.
“To bring
them to pass."
7. Praebebo. We have here given the reading which Graevius
adopted from some of his MSS. and which Gruter found in three
of his. It imparts a more sonorous and Ciceronian ending to the
sentence. The common text has praebeo.
8. De servis. We would naturally expect here de servo, since
the singular scrno precedes. But the allusion here is to the Ro-
man law, by which it was ordained, that if the master of the house,
or any member of his family were murdered, and the murderer not
discovered, all the slaves composing the household should be put to
death. Hence we find in Tacitus (Ann. 14, 43) no less than 400
in one family punished on this account.
9. Mihi vero, &c. What Cicero here justifies, viz., to seek to les-
sen the smart of anguish by the sufferings and torture of him who has
occasioned it, he would on another occasion, where greatness of
232
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
42 soul was the theme, have openly condemned. Here, however, it
suits his purpose to assert what he has in the text.
servis.
10. Nocentis. This would appear at first view to clash with de
But it in fact confirms that reading, since "the guilty one"
would be sure of being punished, if all the slaves composing the
household were put to the torture.
11. Hoc universum, &c And this common dwelling-place
of the republic," i. e. this city, the dwelling-place of a whole people.
12. Qui id egerunt ut collocarent. "Who have aimed at estab-
lishing. Si. "Even if."-Misericordes. Because no punish-
ment is adequate to their crime, and any infliction of it therefore
will only appear mercy.
>>
13. In patriae, &c. "In a case that involves the ruin of our
country and fellow-citizens."- Fama. “The imputation."
14. L. Caesar, L. Julius Caesar, who was consul with C.
Marcius Figulus, A. U. C. 689. He was uncle to Julius Caesar.
15. Crudelior. "Too cruel."
į
16. Sororis suae. Julia, who had married Lentulus, after hav-
ing been the widow of M. Antonius Creticus. By her first mar-
riage she had become the mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir.
The punishment of her second husband, Lentulus, was the origin,
according to Plutarch, of the enmity that prevailed between Antony
and Cicero. (Vit. Anton. c. 2.)
17. Virum. Lentulus.
18. Cum avum, &c. L. Caesar, in his remarks, before the
senate, on the occasion alluded to by Cicero, in order to shield
himself from the imputation of undue severity in voting for the
punishment of Lentulus, had observed, that "his own grandfather"
was once put to death by order of a Roman consul, and the son of
the former, although sent to sue for peace, was imprisoned and
slain. Caesar alluded to M. Fulvius Flaccus, who was his grand-
father on the mother's side, and who was slain by order of the con-
sul Opimius, together with his son, during the affair of Caius Grac-
chus. Consult Vell. Paterc. 2, 7, 2, Val. Max. 9, 12, 6. Plut.
Vit. C. Gracch. c. 16, seqq.
19. Quorum quod simile factum? "And yet what act on their
part was at all like the conduct of these conspirators?" Literally,
"Of whom, what act was similar?" i. e. what comparison will the
offence of Fulvius Flaccus and his son bear with that of Lentulus
and his colleagues?
20. Initum.
"Was formed by them." Referring to Flaccus
and his son.
21. Largitionis voluntas, &c. "A desire to gratify the people
AGAINST CATILINE.
233
Page.
by largesses, and a certain violence of parties, were then preva- 42
lent in the state." The allusion in largitionis voluntas is to the
movements of the Gracchi, in conciliating the favour of the people.
C. Gracchus, for example, was the author of a lex frumentaria, for
a distribution of corn among the people, and he and his elder
brother Tiberius were the well-known advocates of the Agrarian
law. Consult Legal Index.
22. Hujus avus Lentuli.
Alluding to P. Lentulus, whose
image was on the seal of his grandson, and to whom Cicero also
refers in the third oration, (c. 5,) "Est vero, inquam, signum
notum, imago avi tui," &c. As regards the occurrence mentioned
in the text, compare the words of Valerius Maximus, (5, 3, 2,)
"P. Lentulus, clarissimus et amantissimus reipublicae civis, cum
in Aventino C. Gracchi nefarios conatus, et aciem, pia et forti
pugna, magnis vulneribus exceptis, fugasset," &c.
1. Ne quid de summa, &c. "That no portion of the public 43
safety might be impaired." Summa republica is here equivalent to
what is elsewhere given as summa reipublicae, and this latter phrase
is the same as “res a qua salus universae reipublicae pendet."
Compare note 16, page 29. The common text has de summa
reipublicae dignitate. Our reading is that of Graevius, Ernesti,
Beck and Schütz, supported by good manuscripts.
2. Hic. "This his descendant."Attribuit nos.
"1
"Gives us
over.
3. Veremini censeo. "You are afraid, I suppose." The com-
mon text has vereamini. Our reading is that of Ernesti, who found
the words vere enim censeo in one of the MSS., from which he con-
jectured veremini. This would be rather feeble authority, it is true,
for the emendation, did not the sense require the indicative.
4. Aliquid severius. The common text has nimis aliquid severe,
for which we have adopted one of the emendations of Ernesti.
5. Remissione poenae. "By any relaxation of punishment.”.
Severitate animadversionis. "By any severity of infliction."
6. Quae exaudio. Ernesti remarks, that exaudio is rarely em-
ployed when speaking of rumour or mere report. Cicero, however,
expressly uses the compound form on the present occasion to impart
additional strength to the clause. It is the same as saying, that he
hears the reports alluded to so distinctly as to be incapable of any
longer misunderstanding them.
7. Jaciuntur enim voces. "Remarks are thrown out." Some
editions have jactantur, but Graevius altered this to jaciuntur,
on the authority of many MSS., and as required by the context.
Jactantur would denote a frequent and active circulation of rumours,
20*
234
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
43 such as would suit the enemies, not the friends, of Cicero ; jaciun-
tur, on the contrary, refers to what is said by the well-disposed but
timid.
8. Eorum, qui, &c. "On the part of those, who seem to be
apprehensive that I have not a sufficient force," &c. After the
verbs metuo, timeo, vereor, ne is used when we are afraid lest a thing
may take place which we do not want to happen, and ut when we
wish it to happen, but are afraid it will not. Thus, metuo ne facias
is, "I am afraid lest you will do it," but metuo ut facias, “I am
afraid you will not do it." The solution of this apparent anomaly
is as follows: metuo ne facias is the same as metuo ut non facias,
"I am afraid in order that you may not do it," i. e. I do not wish
you to do the thing in question, but fear lest you will; whereas
metuo ut facias is literally, "I am afraid in order that you may do
it, " i. e. I wish it done, but am afraid you will not do it.
9. Et provisa, &c. "Have been both provided for, and prepared,
and fully settled.". Cum. "As well."-Diligentia. "
·Diligentia. "Vigilance."
10. Tum multo etiam, &c. "As by the still greater zeal, dis-
played on the part of the Roman people, for," &c.
11. Hujus loci ac templi.
temple of Jupiter Stator.
The senate was assembled in the
12. Praeter eos, qui, &c. He refers to those whom in the 10th
chapter of the second oration he comprehended in the fourth class
of disaffected persons, men who are weighed down by debt, and
who see but too clearly that these debts will prove their ruin.
13. Qua virtute. "With what courage."-Consentiunt.
they all unite?"
14. Qui vobis ita, &c. "Who yield to you the precedence in
rank and counsel, only to vie with you in love for the republic."
Consilii refers to the administration of public affairs.-The use of
- summam, in this passage, in the sense of superiority, or taking the
lead, is of very rare occurrence. Hence Scheller suspects, that per-
haps auctoritatem has been dropped from the text.
"Do
15. Ex multorum annorum dissensione. Judges were first
selected from the senate. In consequence, however, of the venality
of that order, the right of judging was taken from them by the Sem-
pronian law, and given to the equites. It was restored to the senate
by a law of Sylla's, and subsequently, by a law of Cotta, the praetor,
in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, it was shared between
the senate, equites, and tribunes of the treasury. This latter ordi-
nance produced a very powerful effect, in healing the differences
which the others had caused between the two orders, and Cicero
exerted himself very zealously in completing the reconciliation. On
AGAINST CATILINE.
235
Page.
the present occasion, the two orders appear once more united, and 43
that too in the best of causes, the preservation of their country.
(Consult Legal Index, s. v. Lex Aurelia, and also Heinecc. Antiq.
Rom. 4, 18, 16, p. 754, ed. Haubold.)
16. Ad hujus ordinis, &c. To an alliance and union with this
order." Alluding to the change of feeling which had been produced
by the Aurelian law of Cotta.
17. Haec causa. Alluding to the conspiracy.-Conjungit.
conciles."
18. Confirmatam.
"Re-
"Placed on a sure basis."-Confirmo vobis.
"I confidently declare to you."
1. Nullum posthac malum, &c. Cicero imagined that he had 44
placed the authority of the senate on a solid basis, by uniting it with
the equestrian order, thus constituting what he calls "optima res-
publica," and he ascribes the ruin of the republic to that coalition
not being preserved. The cause of the rupture, which was a very
speedy one, was the senate's refusing to release the equites from a
disadvantageous contract concerning the Asiatic revenues. (Cic.
ep. ad Att. 1, 17.)
2. Tribunos aerarios. These were of Plebeian origin, and
through them the pay passed to the army. (pro Planc. 8.) Compare
Varro, L. L. 4, (5, 180, sp.) “Tribuni quoque quibus attributa
erat pecunia, ut militi redderent, Tribuni acrarii dicti.”
3. Scribas item universos. "And likewise the whole body of
scribes." Among the Romans there were two kinds of scribes,
private and public: the former were the slaves of private individuals ;
the latter were free, but of plebeian rank, and generally freedmen.
These last were divided into decuriae, and received pay from the
public treasury. They were distributed by lot among the different
magistrates, and hence were called, consulares, praetorii, aedilitii,
quaestorii, &c.
4. Cum casu haec dies, &c. "When this day had, by chance,
assembled them in great numbers," i. e. at the public treasury.
Frequentare is here employed in an unusual sense, for frequentes
convocare. Compare pro Dom. c. 33.-The scribes were assem-
bled on this day, the nones of December, or 5th of the month, at
the public treasury, to divide among themselves, by lot, the offices
of the ensuing year, that is, to determine who should be secretaries
to the consuls, who to the praetors, &c. This was done annually.
While thus employed, they saw the prisoners led by to the senate-
house, and immediately, abandoning all their private concerns, they
came and made an offer of their assistance, for securing the public
safety.
236
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
44
}
5. Ab exspectatione sortis. "From all expectation of the offices
to be allotted to them." Consult preceding note.
6. Omnis ingenuorum, &c. "The whole body of freeborn
citizens is here, even those of the humblest degree." By ingenui
the Romans meant those who were born of parents that had always
been free. Such at least seems to have been the case originally.
In the Institutes of Justinian, however, the strictness of the ancient
rule on this subject is very considerably modified: “ Ingenuus est
is, qui, statim ut natus est, liber est; sive ex duobus ingenuis
matrimonio editus est, sive ex libertinis duobus, sive ex altero
libertino, et altero ingenuo. Sed et si quis ex matre nascitur libera,
patre vero servo, ingenuus nihilominus nascitur: quemadmodum
qui ex matre libera et incerto patre natus est, quoniam vulgo
conceptus est. Sufficit autem liberam fuisse matrem eo tempore
quo nascitur, licet ancilla conceperit," &c. (Inst. 1, tit. 4.)
7. Libertinorum hominum, &c. The Romans distinguished be-
tween the terms libertus and libertinus as follows: when referring
to the patron or former master, they used libertus, thus, libertus
Caesaris, "Caesar's freedman," libertus Ciceronis, &c., but when
they meant to designate a freedman generally, they employed liber-
tinus, as libertinus erat, "he was a freedman," libertinum vidi, &c.
Compare the remarks of Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v., and Taylor, Ele-
ments of the Civil Law, p. 430.
66
8. Qui virtute sua, &c. 'Who, having by their merit attained
to the condition which the right of citizenship bestows." By virtute
is meant their fidelity and attachment to their masters. There is
great variation here in the MSS. We have adopted the reading
of Gruter, Graevius, and Ernesti. Muretus prefers, " qui fortuna
sua hujus civitatis jus consecuti," which is supported by some
MSS. Lambinus gives, "qui sua virtute ac fortuna hujus civitatis
jus consecuti."
9. Quidam. Referring not only to Lentulus, Cethegus, and their
colleagues, but to other and more secret partisans of the conspiracy,
whose names he could mention if he felt inclined.-Quidam differs
from aliquis, by implying that the object designated is definitely
known, though indefinitely described. This indefinite description
is sometimes resorted to for the purposes of oblique sarcasm.
(Zumpt. L. G. p. 247.)
10. Quid commemorem. "Why need I mention," i. e. why
waste time in speaking of.-Matthiae, Weiske, Schütz, &c., read
commemoro, on the authority of some MSS.
11. Qui modo tolerabili, &c. "Provided he enjoy only a tolera-
ble condition of servitude." Cicero means, that no slave, whose
AGAINST CATILINE.
237
Page.
burden of servitude is in any way tolerable, will feel inclined to 44
abandon his present state, and obtain freedom under the auspices of
Catiline, since universal ruin must result from the success of his
daring schemes.
12. Voluntatis. The choice of words here is extremely appro-
priate. It belongs not to slaves to intermeddle in the affairs of
citizens; they can, therefore, only indulge in good-will (voluntatis)
for the preservation of the state. And they dare not even indulge
in this feeling, without bearing in mind, at the same time, their real
condition, (quantum audet,) for they well know how little they can
effect by their own unaided resources, (quantum potest.)
แ
13. Forte commovet. Happens to alarm."-Lenonem quendam.
"That a certain worthless tool."
14. Concursare, &c. "Is running around among the shops of
the artisans." Compare Sallust, Cat. c. 50: "Liberti et pauci ex
clientibus Lentuli, diversis itineribus, opifices et servitia in vicis ad
eum eripiendum sollicitabant," &c.
15. Nulli sunt inventi, &c. Appian, on the contrary, states,
that the slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and Cethegus, having
been joined by a large number of working-people, (xeipotéxvas zod-
λοὺς προσλαβόντες,) endeavoured to break into the houses of the
praetors, by the rear, and rescue their masters who were confined
within. The moment Cicero was informed of this, he hastened
from the senate-house, stationed guards in different quarters of the
city, where any attack was to be apprehended, and then returned to
the senate and expedited the debate. (Appian, B. C. 2, 5.)
16. Ipsum illum, &c. "That same spot where his seat is fixed,
and his labours are performed, and his daily bread is earned.".
Cubile ac lectulum suum. "His dormitory and humble couch."
Cubile is here equivalent to cubiculum dormitorium.
17. Cursum hunc, &c. "The peaceful life which he at present
leads." More literally, "this his peaceful course of life.”
18. Omne eorum instrumentum, &c. "Every thing with which
they pursue their daily employment, all their industry and daily
gains, are supported by a crowded population, are fostered by a
state of public repose." For sustinetur some editions have susten-
tatur, which amounts to the same thing.
19. Occlusis tabernis. "When their shops are closed." The
shops at Rome were closed during times of public confusion and
alarm, and also of public sorrow, by an edict of the consul. Con-
sult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. Taberna.
1. Quid tandem, &c. "What then will be the result when they 45
If Catiline succeed, the whole city will be wrapped
are burnt?"
!
238
THE FOURTH ORATION
14
Page.
45 in flames, and the shops of the artisans, even though they favour
his cause, will share the common ruin. Some MSS. and editions
have futurum fuit. Ernesti prefers fulurum essel, but retains futu-
rum est. Beck thinks that Cicero wrote merely futurum, and
hence he encloses est in brackets. The form futurum est is
undoubtedly preferable, and is used for the purpose of strengthening
what is said, as if the fire were now actually about to be applied.
2. Consulem. Meaning himself.-Atque ex media, &c. Alluding
in particular to the attempt made to assassinate him at his own
house.
3. Mente, voluntate, &c. "In sentiment, in inclination, in zeal,
in courage, in open declarations of attachment."
4. Vobis supplex, &c. To produce a stronger impression on the
minds of his hearers, the orator has recourse to a most beautiful and
striking personification.
5. Aras Penatium. The Lares were the ordinary household
deities, the Penales were gods of a higher class. The latter were
of two kinds, public and private; but in fact the same deities, that
is, the same gods, were worshipped as Penates by both an entire
city, with public honours, and by the individual families in that city,
with private or domestic offerings. The Lares were worshipped
in the atrium, or hall, the Penates in an inner part of the dwelling,
called impluvium, and, for the most part, open to the upper air.
6. Illum ignem, &c. A sacred fire was always kept burning in
the temple of Vesta, and it was one of the offices of the Vestal
virgins to watch this fire day and night. Whoever allowed it to go
out was scourged by the Pontifex Maximus. This accident was
always esteemed unlucky, and expiated by offering extraordinary
sacrifices. The fire was lighted up again, not from another fire,
but from the rays of the sun. Consult Lipsius, "De Vesta et Ves-
talibus Syntagma," c. 8, seqq.
7. Sempiternum. Many MSS. have merely this word, omitting
perpetuum ac which precede, and Lambinus and Graevius have
adopted the reading. But perpetuus and sempiternus are not here
synonymous. Ignis perpetuus denotes a fire that is fed by a con-
stant succession of fresh fuel; whereas by ignis sempiternus is
meant one which is to be continued to future ages.
therefore render the two epithets in question by "ever-burning and
ever-abiding."
We may
8. De focis. By focus is here meant the domestic hearth, that is,
the hearth in the atrium, or place where the family generally assem-
bled, and around which stood the images of the Lares. When
focus and ara are joined in the same sentence, as in the phrase,
AGAINST CATILINE.
239
Page.
<<
'pro aris et focis pugnare," then ara denotes the altar of the Pen- 45
ates, while focus still refers to the Lares.
9. Ducem. Referring to himself.
10. Quae non semper, &c. "A privilege that is not always
afforded" Compare the explanation of Heumannus, “cujus generis
ducem non semper habere contingit.”
11. In civili causa. "In a case of a public nature," i. e. in
which all citizens are more or less concerned.
12. Auctas exaggeratasque.
up."
13. Una nox. That of the Saturnalia. Compare chapter 4 of
the 3d oration.-Paene delerit. Cicero uses delerit not delevisset,
because if he had employed the direct form of expression, what the
grammarians call the oratio directa, he would have said delevit, not
deleveral.
(C
-
Increased, aye, and even heaped
14. Esse princeps. "To be the first heard," i. e. to take the
lead.-Officio consulari. It being the duty of a consul to watch
over the public safety, and to be the first to give the alarm when that
safety is threatened.
15. Ego video. "I am well aware."-Quam videtis, &c.
"Which you see in fact is very great."
16. Turpem. "Base." Alluding to their flagitious course of
life.
The reason
17. Quod si aliquando. The grammarians lay it down as a rule,
that the syllables al should never follow the word si.
of the rule they do not give us. It appears, however, to be a good
one, with this exception added to it, that whenever emphasis is
required we are to write si aliquid, for example, but to adhere to
the main rule on other occasions.
18. Concitata. "Aroused into action."-Ista. Denoting con-
tempt.-Plus valuerit, quam. "Shall triumph over."
1. Vitac tantam laudem. "So glorious an existence."
2. Semper. Gruter thinks that this word ought to be rejected,
and Graevius actually omits it. Ernesti, however, successfully
defends its presence in the text, by showing that it stands opposed
to uni.
3. Gestae. Gruter recommends gesta and conservata republica,
which Graevius adopts. But the ablative, as Ernesti correctly
remarks, would only be proper here, if Cicero were expressing his
own sentiments. He avoids this species of vain-boasting, and uses
the genitive, as conveying merely the sentiments of the senate,
respecting the result alluded to, not his own.
4. Scipio. The elder Africanus, who defeated Hannibal in the
46
}
240
THE FOURTH ORATION
Page.
46 battle of Zama.-Atque ex Italia decedere.
tained a footing in Italy for nearly sixteen years.
Africa by Scipio compelled him to return home.
Hannibal had main-
The invasion of
5. Alter Africanus. The younger Scipio, or Africanus Minor.
He was the son of Paullus Aemilius, and was adopted into the
Scipio family by the son of the elder Africanus.
6. L. Paullus. Referring to Paullus Aemilius, who reduced
Macedonia to a Roman province, after having conquered Perses,
the last king of that country, in the battle of Pydna.
7. Cujus currum, &c. An account of this triumph is given by
Livy, 45, 35, seqq.
8. Bis Italiam, &c. By his two victories, one over the Teu-
tones and Ambrones, at Aquae Sextiae in Gallia Narbonensis, and
the other over the Cimbri, at the Raudii Campi, in Cisalpine Gaul.
Consult Vell. Paterc. 2, 12, Flor. 3, 3.
9. Pompeius. The exploits of Pompey are enlarged upon in the
Oration for the Manilian Law.
10. Tisdem quibus solis, &c. Equivalent to "
rum orbem celebrantur."
'per totum terra-
11. Aliquid loci.
"Some room.'
12. Quo victores revertantur. In illustration of what is here said
we may cite the remark of Cicero, in the treatise de Oficiis,
(1, 22,) Mihi quidem Pompeius hoc tribuit, ut diceret, fustra se
triumphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in rempublicam
beneficio, ubi triumpharet, esset habiturus.”
"In foreign
13. Uno loco. "In one respect."-Externae.
lands."-Domesticae. "At home."
14. Aut oppressi serviunt, &c. "Either have been completely
crushed and are become slaves, or have been admitted to favourable
terms of surrender, and consider themselves bound to us by the
kindness thus conferred."
15. Tantam conspirationem bonorum omnium. "So great una-
nimity on the part of all good men." Conspiratio is used by Cicero
in both a good and a bad sense. In the former meaning, it occurs,
besides the present instance, Ep. ad Fam. 12, 15: de Off. 2, 16 :
de Fin. 1, 20: in the latter, Ep. ad Fam. 11, 11 : "Sceleratissi-
ma conspiratio."
16. Pro imperio, &c. Alluding to the province of Macedonia,
to the government of which he was entitled on the expiration of his
consulship, but which he had surrendered to his colleague Antonius,
in order to keep him firm in his attachment to the state. Compare
Sallust, Cat. c. 26. Cisalpine Gaul had fallen to the lot of Anto-
nius, but Macedonia was by far the richer province of the two.
AGAINST CATILINE
241
Page.
Cicero afterward laid down the government of Cisalpine Gaul, 46
which he had thus received in exchange, and Q. Metellus Celer,
at that time praetor, was chosen in his place. (Ep. ad Fam. 15,
4.-Or. in Pis. 11.)
1. Pro cxercitu. The army which he would have commanded in 47
the province of Macedonia.
2. Pro provincia, &c. Alluding, not to Cisalpine Gaul, as Ma-
nutius remarks, but to Macedonia.
3. Pro triumpho. Hc means the public chances of a triumph
for operations abroad.
4. Pro clientelis, &c. "In return for the numerous clientships
and connexions of friendship which I might have formed in my
province, and which, notwithstanding, I here support with no less
labour, by means of those resources which the city affords me."
To prove the value of the sacrifice, he confesses how eager he is to
establish clientships and connexions of friendship at home, by every
means which his standing and influence in the city enable him to
employ.
"In return for my
5. Pro meis in vos singularibus studiis.
conspicuous proofs of zeal in
your behalf."
6. Quae dum erit infixa. "For as long as it shall be firmly
fixed."-Firmissimo muro. "By one of the strongest of ramparts."
7. Fefellerit atque superaverit. "Shall have disappointed and
triumphed over."-Parvum meum filium. His son Marcus.
8. Cui profecto, &c. "Who will find in
"Who will find in you assuredly sufficient
aid, not only as regards his personal safety, but also his future ad-
vancement, if you shall bear in mind that he is the son of that man,
who preserved from ruin, at his own individual risk, all these things
by which you are now surrounded."
9. De summa salute vestra. "In a case that concerns your
very existence." Literally, "your highest safety."
10. De aris ac focis. "That concerns your homes." Emesti
correctly remarks, that, in the expression arac ac foci, both terms
have a united reference to private dwellings, the ara referring to the
altar of the Penates, and the focus to the hearth of the Lares, in
each dwelling. Our English phrase, "altars and homes," is alto-
gether inapplicable, in the sense that we attach to it, by "altars"
being meant public places of worship.-Compare Ernesti, Clav.
Cic. s. v. ara.
11. Universa republica. "Your country at large."
CC
12. Diligenter, ut instituistis, &c. Promptly and firmly, as
you have already begun to do." The expression ut instituistis
refers as well to the promptness and energy displayed by Silanus
21
242
FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.
Page.
47 and other senators in the course of the present debate, as to the
opinions of certain members of that body during their deliberations
at the previous meeting. Compare Or. in Cat. 3, 6: "Dictae
sunt a principibus acerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae,” &c.
13. Per se ipsum praestare. "Take on himself and execute."
Quoad is introduced before possit in some MSS., and Graevius and
Ernesti both approve of it, on the ground of its being more modest
than the ordinary reading, and displaying more of the "concinnitas
Ciceroniana." Both reasons are weak. The language of Cicero,
as we have given it, shows the firm resolve and conviction of an
undaunted and patriotic mind, sure of accomplishing its object, and
encouraging others by this very appearance of decision. And as
for the "concinnitas Ciceroniana," it may be merely remarked, that
there is no direct relation whatever between quoad vivet and quoad
possit, the connexion is between dubitet and possit.
NOTWITHSTANDING the strenuous efforts of Cicero, in this oration,
to have prompt and vigorous measures taken against the conspirators
who were in custody, a large majority of the senators, and among them
Cicero's own brother, Quintus, were disposed to side with Caesar, prob-
ably from the fear, lest severe measures might prove injurious after-
ward to Cicero himself. At last, Lutatius Catulus, Caesar's inveterate
foe, and Cato, who was then tribune of the commons elect, interposed
their efforts. The eloquence of the latter proved triumphant, and the
course he recommended was almost unanimously adopted. (Consult
Plutarch, Vit. Cic. c. 20, seq.-Id. Vit. Caes. c. 7, seq.-Id. Vit. Cat.
Min. c. 22.-Suet. Caes. 14.-Appian. B. C. 2, 5, seqq.)
ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS.
Page.
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. “Oration of M. Tullius Cicero 48
in defence of the poet Archias."-This is one of the Orations of
Cicero on which he has succeeded in bestowing the finest polish,
and it is perhaps the most pleasing of all his harangues.
Archias, a native of Antioch, came to Rome when about eighteen
or twenty years of age. He was rewarded, for his learning and
genius, with the friendship of the first men in the state; and, under
the patronage of Lucullus, with whom he travelled, he obtained the
rights of citizenship at Heraclea, a confederate and enfranchised
town of Lucania. He assumed upon this, as was customary, his
patron's family-name of Licinius. A few years afterward, a law
was enacted, conferring the rights of Roman citizens on all who
had been admitted to the freedom of federate states, provided they
had a settlement in Italy at the time when the law was passed, and
had asserted the privilege, before the praetor, within sixty days from
the period at which it was promulgated. With this form Archias
complied, and for more than twenty years his claims were never
called in question.
At length, a certain individual. named Gratius, accused him of
not having any just title to the character of a Roman citizen, and
attempted to drive him from the city, under the enactment expelling
all foreigners who usurped, without due right, the name and attri-
butes of Roman citizens.
The records of Heraclea having been destroyed during the Social
war, and the name of Archias not appearing in any census of Roman
citizens, certain doubts were thrown on the legal rights of his client.
Cicero, therefore, enlarges on the dignity of literature and poetry,
and the various accomplishments of Archias, which gave him so just
a claim to the privileges he enjoyed. He beautifully describes the
influence which study and a love of letters had exercised on his own
243
244
ORATION FOR THE
Page
48 character and conduct. He had thence imbibed the principle, that
glory and virtue should be the darling objects of life, and that, to
attain these, all difficulties and dangers were to be despised.
The praetor who presided on this occasion had been supposed to
be Quintus Cicero, brother of the orator: the ancient commentary
on this oration, discovered by Maio, fully establishes this point.-The
date of the speech is A. U. C. 692, B. C. 62, and Cicero was then
in the forty-sixth year of his age.
2. Si quid est in me ingenii, &c. "If there be aught of talent
in me, O, Judges, and I am well aware how scanty that is; or if any
experience in public speaking, in which I do not deny that I am
moderately versed; or if any acquaintance with the theory of this
same art, resulting from the zealous cultivation and disciplining
influence of the most liberal studies, from which I acknowledge that
no portion of my life has ever been enstranged," &c. Ménage tells
a curious story, that the first sentence of this oration cost Patru four
years to translate, and that, after all, he omitted "quod sentio quam
sit exiguum." (Menagiana, 2, 19.)
C(
3. In qua, &c. Cicero, as Hottoman remarks, has here acci-
dentally fallen upon an hexameter, from in qua to esse inclusive.
4. Hujusce rei ratio aliqua. The expression hujusce rei refers
to public speaking; while by ratio is meant theoretical and critical
skill. Compare the definition of the latter term, as given by 1. C.
Emesti, in his Lexicon, Technol. Lat. Rhet. p. 320: "Ratio
dicendi, omnium earum rerum, quae ad artem dicendi vel eloquen-
tiam tradendam pertinent, accuratam doctamque institutionem
complectitur."
5. Hic A. Licinius. CC.
My friend Aulus Licinius here."
student will note the force of the pronoun hic in this clause.-Two
MSS. subjoin Archias, but the one which we have given is undoubt-
edly the true reading, since Cicero would purposely, at the com-
mencement of his speech, employ only the Roman part of his client's
J
The
name.
6. Repetere. "To claim in return." As the farmer seeks a
return of produce, for the labour of cultivation.-Prope suo jure.
"By a right almost peculiarly his own.
*
7. Nam quoad longissime, &c. For as far back as my mind
can possibly look over the period of the past, and recall the most
distant reminiscences of boyhood, reviewing my career even from
that early day, I see this one to have been my chief adviser and guide
for attempting, and for entering on the path of these oratorical
studies." The meaning of principem here is best given by the two
POET ARCHIAS.
245
Page.
English terms, "adviser and guide." By rationem studiorum is 48
meant the theoretical pursuit of private studies.
8. Ad ingrediendum, &c. Cicero here means to allude to his
earlier studies, since his later ones were pursued under other
instructers.
9. Pueritiac. Cicero was about five years old, when he was
first placed under the care of Archias.
10. Conformata. Moulded." Compare Ernesti, Lex. Techn.
p. 82,
Conformatio dicitur, cum res informis fit elegans et for-
mata."
11. A quo id accepimus, &c. "From whom we received that,
by which we might be enabled to lend aid to the rest of our fellow-
creatures, and preserve others from injury."
12. Ac ne quis a nobis, &c. And lest any one may chance to
wonder, that such a remark as this is made by me, because there is
in this individual a different kind of genius, and not that theoretical
o practical acquaintance with public speaking to which we aspire,
not even we ourselves have ever been exclusively devoted to this
one pursuit." Since Archias was a poet and not an orator, Cicero
thought it might perhaps appear strange to some of his auditors, to
hear him assert that he had derived so much benefit from the
former.
(6
13. Hacc dicendi ratio, &c. Observe the peculiar force of haec,
and consult, as regards the meaning of ratio, what is remarked
under note 4.
14.
Ne nos quidem uni, &c. The MSS. and early editions
have cuncti in place of uni. This latter reading is an emendation
of Ernesti's, and has been very generally adopted by subsequent
editors. It is evidently required by the context, and stands
opposed to penitus.-By huic uni studio is meant oratory.
15. Elenim omnes artes, &c. "For all those arts, that have
relation to liberal knowledge, possess a kind of common bond of
union, and are connected together by a species of natural affinity."
The liberal arts are meant.
16. Humanitatem. The term humanitas is applied by the Latin
writers to liberal and polite studies, from their humanizing influence
on the mind. Compare the language of Aulus Gellius, 13, 16:
“Qui verba Latina fecerunt, quique his probe usi sunt, humanita-
tem appellaverunt id propemodum quod Gracci maideìav vocant, nos
eruditionem institutionemque in bonas artis dicimus; quas qui
sinceriter cupiunt appetuntque, hi sunt vel maxime humanissimi.”
1. In quaestione legitima. "In the discussion of a mere legal 49
question." The point involved in the present case, respecting the
21*
246
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
49 citizenship of Archias was a strictly legal one.—In judicio publico.
It was in fact only a case about the private right of citizenship, but
then the question turned on the interpretation of a public law,
which consequently gave the trial a public aspect.
2. Cum res agatur, &c. "When a case is plead before a
praetor of the Roman people, a most accomplished individual, and
before judges of the gravest character." Severissimos, in this sen-
tence, is regarded by some commentators, as referring to the strict
impartiality of the bench whom Cicero is addressing. It certainly
has this meaning elsewhere, but in the present instance the one
which we have assigned to it is undoubtedly preferable. Cicero
means, that the mode of defence, which he is going to adopt, may
perhaps, at first view, seem unsuited to the grave character of the
judges before whom he is to speak, who would expect merely a
formal and technical discussion of a dry legal point, and not a flight
of oratory about the beneficial effects of liberal' studies.
3. Praetorem. It used to be a warmly-contested point who the
praetor was that presided on this occasion. The old commentary
discovered by Maio settles the question. The praetor was Cicero's
brother, Q. Cicero, himself an epic and tragic poet. The words of
the commentary are: "Hanc enim causam, lege Papia, de civitate
Romana, apud Quintum Ciceronem dixit," &c.
4. Judices. In conformity with the Aurelian law of L. Aurelius
Cotta, passed during the consulship of Pompey and Crassus, the
judges on public trials were selected, at the time this case was
plead, from the senators, equites, and tribunes of the treasury.
(Consult note 15, page 43.) These judices formed a select coun-
cil, who assisted the praetor with their advice. They sat by him
on subsellia, or benches, and are hence often called his assessores.
5. Quod non modo, &c. Which is at variance with not only
the custom of public trials, but even with the mode of pleading that
is usual at the bar." Hence he fears, lest it may not seem to
comport with the grave character of the court before which he is
speaking.
6. Ut in hac causa, &c. "To grant me this indulgence in the
present case, an indulgence well-suited to the character of the
accused, and, as I hope, not disagreeable to yourselves; that you
permit me, namely, when pleading in behalf of," &c.
7. Hac vestra humanitate, &c. "Before a bench as distin-
guished as yourselves for liberal knowledge, and while such a
praetor, in fine, as the present one, presides at this trial." Hoc
praetore suits well the language of one brother to another; a
higher strain of compliment would have been out of place.
POET ARCHIAS.
247
Page
8. De studiis humanitatis, &c. "To enlarge, with somewhat 49
more freedom than is usual here, on liberal studies and literature in
in general, and, in the case of such an individual as this, who, on
account of his retired and studious mode of life, has been by no
means conversant with public trials, and the risks that attend them,
to employ a novel and unusual mode of speaking.”—Tractata est
is here equivalent to exercitata est. Compare the explanation of
Döring. “Tractamus rem, quam attinginus, vel in qua nos exer-
cemus; et sic ipsae res, sive personae, quae in aliqua re exercEN-
tur, in ea tractari dicuntur. Consult also Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v.
tractare.
9. In ejusmodi persona. Referring to Archias. Passeratius
makes the allusion to be to the orator himself, of which explanation
Burmann (ad Ov. Rem. Am. 381) approves. Both, however, are
wrong. Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. tractare.
10. Novo quodam, &c. The novel kind of speaking, to which
Cicero alludes, is the introduction of literary topics into the discus-
sion of a legal point.
11. Perficiam profecto, &c. "I will assuredly cause you to
entertain the conviction, that my friend Aulus Licinius here, not
only ought not, as he is a citizen, to be excluded from their number,
but even ought, if he were not a citizen, to be admitted among
them."
12. Nam ut primum, &c. From his being subsequently called
praetextatus, Archias must at the time here alluded to have been
about 14 or 15 years of age.
13. Ad humanitatem informari. "To be trained up to liberal
knowledge." More literally, "to be moulded." Compare the
explanation of Manutius, "Quasi formae initium a literis accipiat
puerilis aetas, quae per se informis esset."
14. Ad scribendi studium. "To poetic composition." More
literally,
"to the study of composition." Some of the epigrams of
Archias are preserved in the Anthology, vol. 2, p. 80, seqq. cd.
Jacobs. His poetical merits are evidently overrated by Cicero.
15. Loco nobilî. "Of a distinguished family."-Celebri quon-
dam urbe. "A city once populous and flourishing."
As regards
the force of celeber compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. "Abundans
incolis et frequens." So ad Herenn. 2, 4, "Locus celebris an
desertus."-The words urbs, oppidum, locus, when in apposition to
names of towns, as the place where any thing occurs, may be in the
ablative without in, though the name of the place be in the genitive.
16. Eruditissimis hominibus, &c. Abounding in the most
learned men, and conspicuous for an attachment to the most liberat
<<
248
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
49 studies." What the grammarians call a zeugma operates in afflu-
enti, that is, our idiom requires a different meaning for each
clause.
17. Ei. We have inserted this pronoun into the text on the
suggestion of Lambinus and Ernesti. It is also given by Schutz.
18. Sic cjus adventus celebrabantur, &c. "His arrivals were
attended with so much eclat, that the expectation formed of the
individual exceeded the fame of his talents, his arrival itself, and the
admiration it excited, surpassed the expectation to which he himself
had given rise."
19. Graccarum artium ac disciplinarum.
"Of Graecian arts and
culture."-Studiaque huec. Referring to liberal studies in general.
-Vehementius. "With more ardour."
20. lisdem in oppidis. He uses the term oppidis purposely, as
indicating places of inferior rank to the capital, Rome, which was
properly called urbs.
21. Non negligebantur. A litotes, for maxime florebant.
22. Qui aliquid de ingeniis, &c. "Who were able to form any
estimate of talents," i. e. who were intelligent enough to mark the
existence of talent in another.
23. Hac tanla celebritale famae. "Amid this so brilliant a
reputation.”—Absentibus. Referring to those who were absent
at the time, and, of course, personally unacquainted with him.
50
1. Mario consule et Catulo. C. Marius was seven times consul;
this was his fourth consulship, A. U. C. 650. Of Catulus Cicero
speaks in high terms, Orat. 2, 7, and elsewhere.
ear."
2. Nactus est primum, &c. He found, in the first place, those
individuals in the consulship, of whom the one could furnish the
noblest subjects for poetic composition, the other both memorable
actions, and also an attachment to liberal studies and a practised
By the first of these is meant Marius, whose exploits over
the Teutones and Cimbri were celebrated in verse by Archias: the
other is Catulus, who shared with Marius the glory of the Cimbrian
victory, and was also, as Cicero styles him, (Brutus, c. 35,) “vir
doctus et disertus." He wrote the history of his consulship, after
the manner of Xenophon, and dedicated it to A. Furius, the poet
Cicero, elsewhere, (de Off. 1, 37,) ascribes to the Catuli, father and
son, “exquisitum litterarum judicium.”
3. Aures. Referring, not merely to his listening with attention
to the recitations of Archias, but also to his being enabled, by good
taste and a practised ear, to pass an accurate opinion on the pro-
ductions of the bard. Compare the remark of Manutius: “Aures:
Quae, quod audirent judicare possent," and also that of Döring.
POET ARCHIAS.
249
Page.
“ Aures adhibere, h. e. percipere et dijudicare carminum pulchritu- 50
dinem.”
4. Adhibere. We have rendered this verb by our English term
"to furnish," i. e. exhibit or display, rather than have recourse to
an awkward zeugma, as recommended by Döring.
5. Luculli. The two brothers, L. Licinius and Marcus Lucullus.
The former was the eminent commander, whose biography is given
by Plutarch.
6. Praetextatus.
"A mere youth." A Roman term applied to
a foreigner. Among the Romans, young persons wore the toga
praetexta until they were seventeen years of age, when they assumed
the toga virilis. Cicero, most probably, does not mean to designate
very closely the age of Archias, and the latter perhaps may, at the
time here alluded to, have actually passed the period of seventeen :
he only means to speak of him as possessing attainments the more
remarkable on account of his extreme youth.
7. Non solum ingenii, &c. "Was owing, not only to his genius
and literary acquirements, but also to his amiable temper and virtu-
ous disposition."—Domus. Referring to the family of the Luculli.
8. Illi Numidico. "The celebrated Numidicus." The pronoun
ilc has here the force of the Greek article when used emphatically.
Metellus received the title of Numidicus, from his having defeated
Jugurtha in two battles, and made himself master of nearly all
Numidia. Jugurtha, however, was finally taken captive and the war
ended by Marius. Still Metellus was, in fact, the true victor, having
been recalled when on the eve of terminating the contest.
9. El ejus filio Pio. "And to his son Pius." The son of Q.
Metellus Numidicus received the cognomen of Pius, from his having
obtained, by his entreaties, from the Roman people, the recall of his
father from exile. Compare Cic. Or. in Senat. post red. c. 15:
“Pro me non ·····ut pro Q. Metello, summo et clarissimo viro,
spectata jam adolescentia filius deprecatus est."-Among the Ro-
mans, the terms pius and pietas indicated not only duty towards
the gods, but also to one's country, parents, relations, friends, &c.
Hence, in the present instance, the appellation Pius conveys the
idea of filial duty. Compare Cic. de Off. 3, 23: “ Ipsi patriae
conducit pios habere cives in parentes."
10. Audiebatur a M. Aemilio. He found a hearer in M.
Aemilius," i. e. M. Aemilius was one of his hearers. The allusion
is to the poet's recitations in private circles.-The Aemilius here
meant is the famous M. Aemilius Scaurus. Consult Historical
Index.
11. Vivebat. "He lived on terms of intimacy."
250
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
50
12. Colebatur. "He was highly esteemed."
13. Lucullos vero, &c. Whil, holding as he did the Luculli,
and Drusus, and the Octavii, and Cato, and the whole family of the
Hortensii, attached to himself by habits of intimacy, he was hon-
oured by them with marks of the highest regard."
14. Drusum. M. Livius Drusus, tribune of the commons, who
had promised the people a law about admitting the Italian allies to
the rights of citizenship. He was slain at his own home by Q. Va-
rius. Consult Historical Index.
15. Octavios. The two Octavii, Cneius and Lucius.-Calonem.
Probably, M. Cato, the father of Cato Uticensis. Compare Manu-
tius, ad loc.
-
16. Colebant. "Courted his acquaintance.”—Qui aliquid, &c.
"Who were really desirous of making some literary acquisitions
and becoming his hearers," i. e. of improving themselves by becom-
ing his auditors.-Si qui forte simulabant. Whoever chanced to
affect this desire."
17. Interim satis longo intervallo. "Some considerable time
after this."
18. In Siciliam. Some of the early editors have Ciliciam, and
Ilgen attempts to defend it as the true reading. Most of the
MSS., however, give Siciliam.-This journey of Lucullus does not
appear to have been made in any public capacity. Ilgen, in attempt-
ing to prove Ciciliam the true reading, thinks it probable that Lu-
cullus, in order to qualify himself for public affairs, followed in
the train of Sylla, when the latter was sent as propraetor to that
country. This is all, however, a purely gratuitous supposition.
(Ilgen. Animadv. Hist et. Crit. in Orat. pro Arch. p. 12, seqq.)
19. Heracleam. In Lucania, between the rivers Aciris and
Siris. Consult Geographical Index.
20. Quae cum esset, &c.
"And since this state enjoyed very
favourable privileges, and a very advantageous alliance with us,"
i. e. very favourable privileges by reason of an advantageous alliance
with us.
The alliance here referred to was made with Rome, at
the time that Pyrrhus was in Italy, A. U. C. 475.-A zeugma, as
will be perceived, operates in acquissimo.
66
21. Data est civitas, &c. By the law of Silvanus and Carbo,
the rights of Roman citizenship were granted to strangers, in case
any of them had been enrolled as citizens by the states in alliance
with Rome, provided they had a domicil in Italy at the time when
the law was passed, and provided also they made their claim under
the law, before the praetor, within sixty days after the passage of
the same." Cicero quotes here, in part, the very language of the
POET ARCHIAS.
251
Page.
law, with the change merely from the present to the past tense on 50
account of data est which precedes. The two quotations are com-
monly printed in capitals, but incorrectly, since the change of tense
precludes, of course, the idea of their being the ipsissima verba of
the law.
22. Silvani lege et Carbonis. The individuals here meant were
M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carbo. They were tribunes
of the commons when the law in question was proposed by them,
A. U. C. 664. It is sometimes called lex Plautia, from the nomen
of Silvanus. Consult Legal Index.
23. Multos jam annos. Many years before this." He came
to Rome A. U. C. 652, and hence had been residing there twelve
years before the passage of the law.-Q. Metellum. Manutius
thinks that Q. Metellus Creticus is here meant, but Ferratius, with
more probability, Metellus Pius.
((
24. Si nihil aliud, &c. "If we are to treat, on the present
occasion, of nothing else except of his citizenship at Heraclea, and
the application of the law in that case, I have nothing farther to
say; my cause is plead," i. e. if I am to confine my remarks, on
the present occasion, to the fact of his being an admitted citizen of
Heraclea, &c.-The law referred to is that of Silvanus and Carbo.
25. Grati. Some editions read Gracche, but Grati rests on
better MSS. authority, and is given by Ernesti, Orellius, &c. Ilgen
thinks, that, as the gens Gratia is unknown to us, the individual
here meant was most probably Numerius Quinctius Gracchus, tribune
of the commons, A. U. C. 697. But does it follow, as a matter of
course, that the accuser, in a case like the present, must be a mem-
ber of a family that is known to us?
26. Tum. “At the time already mentioned," i. e. the period of
his visit to Heraclea in company with Lucullus.
27. Summa auctoritate, &c. "Of the highest credit, the most
scrupulous regard for truth, and the strictest integrity." Religio
here refers to the scrupulous caution that ought to be observed in
giving testimony, so that the whole truth may be told but nothing
beyond. Compare the general definition of Ernesti, "Religio est
summa in quacunque re diligentia, ne quid minus recte fiat."
(Clan. Cic. s. v.)
28. Qui se non opinari, &c. "Who states, that he does not
think it was so, but knows it as a fact; that he did not hear it from
others, but saw it with his own eyes; that he was not present
merely, but was himself an actor in the affair," i. e. aided Archias
in obtaining the rights of citizenship at Heraclea, by his personal
interference,
252
ORATION FOR THE
!
Page.
50
29. Cum mandatis, &c. "With written documents and public
testimony." The deputies from Heraclea brought with them such
written documents and proofs as might, in the absence of the origi-
nal registers, tend to furnish the next best means for substantiating
the claims of Archias.
51
1. Heracleensem. "As a citizen of Heraclea," i. e. the freedom
of the city had been conferred on him, not being a citizen by birth.
Lambinus and Ernesti propose Heracleae esse, considering adscrip-
tum as a mere gloss.
2. Tabulas publicas. "The public registers." The lists con-
taining the names of the citizens.
3. Italico bello. The war made by the Italian allies (hence called
likewise the social war) upon the Roman republic, in order to extort
from it, by force of arms, the rights of citizenship. From the Marsi
having begun it, this war is sometimes denominated the Marsic.
4. Tabulario. The registry." The office where the public
records were kept. Compare note 2.
5. Ad ea, quae habemus, nihil dicere. "To say nothing with
regard to the evidence that we have."-Quae habere non possumus.
The public register which has been destroyed.
6. De hominum memoria tacere. "To be silent as to the testi-
mony of men," i. e. as to what is testified, in the present case, by
Lucullus and the Heracleans.
7. Literarum memoriam flagitare. "To insist on that of re-
cords."
8. Cum habeas. “ Although you have.”—Integerrimi municipii.
"Of a free city of the strictest honour." When this oration was
delivered Heraclea was a municipium; when Archias obtained from
it the rights of citizenship, it was a civitas foederata.
9. Quas idem dicis, &c. "Which even you yourself confess
are accustomed to be falsified."
10. At domicilium, &c. "But, you will say, he had not his
domicil in Italy." Cicero here anticipates a frivolous objection of
Gratius, that Archias had not fulfilled the first requisite of the law.
The common text has Romae, for which we have substituted in
Italia, a conjecture of Lambinus, which Ernesti and others adopt.
The law required a domicil in Italy, not at Rome: this latter pro-
vision would have been absurd. Cicero's argument, therefore, is
briefly this if Archias lived at Rome many years before he was
enrolled as a citizen of Heraclea, he must necessarily have had a
domicil in Italy. Now, that he so dwelt at Rome is well ascertained;
consequently he fulfilled, as regarded a domicil, all the provisions
of the enactment.
•
POET ARCHIAS.
253
Page
(6
11. Ante civitatem datam. Namely, at Heraclea.-Sedem om- 51
nium rerum, &c. 'The seat of all his efforts and all his fortunes."
12. At non est professus.
"But he did not make his claim under
the law." Anticipating a second objection from his opponent.
13. Immo vero, &c. Nay, indeed, he did do so, in those very
registers, which are the only ones connected with that claiming of
the rights of citizenship, and with the college of praetors, that
possess the authority of public documents." Cicero means, that
Archias not only claimed in due season the rights of citizenship, but
had his name enrolled in those registers which were considered the
most accurately kept. These were the registers of Metellus, those
of Appius and Gabinius being regarded, for the reasons which he
specifics, as of little or no authority.
14. Nam cum, &c. "For, whereas the registers of Appius were
said to have been kept in too careless a manner, while the corrup-
tion of Gabinius, as long as he escaped impeachment, the ruin that
overtook him after condemnation, deprived his registers of all credit;
Metellus, on the other hand, of all men the most scrupulous and the
most observant of the laws, displayed so much exactness in his
own, as to have come before Lucius Lentulus, the praetor, and the
judges who were sitting with him, and to have declared that he was
rendered uneasy by the erasure of a single name."—Cicero here
places the registers of Metellus in direct opposition to those of
Appius and Gabinius, and cites a little anecdote to show how care-
ful and scrupulous a man the former was. His argument then be-
comes a very strong one. If the name of Archias be found in the
registers of a praetor so famed for his exactness as Metellus was,
this circumstance furnishes the best possible proof in support of the
poet's claim.
15. Appii. Appius Claudius and P. Gabinius Capito were prae-
tors along with Metellus, in the year when Archias was registered.
Gabinius, after returning from his government of Achaia, was ac-
cused of extortion by Lucius Piso, and condemned, and hence his
disgraceful fall destroyed the credit of his register, which his previ-
ous corruption had already greatly impaired.
16. Modestissimus. Equivalent here to legum observantissimus.
Compare the remark of Döring, "homo enim modestus vel maxime
modestiam suam probat diligenter observando ea, quae eum obser-
vare decet." Hence, Or. post red. in Sen. c. 2, the expression
modesti consules is applied to magistrates who shrink from the idea
of doing any thing in violation of the laws." (Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v.)
17. Judices. The assessores of the praetor. Consult note 14,
page 49.
22
254
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
51
18. His igitur tabulis. The student will observe the force of
the pronoun his in this clause, referring to the great care and dili-
gence with which the register of Metellus was kept.
19. Nullam lituram, &c. "You see no erasure in the name of
Aulus Licinius." We have considered in nomen, with Emesti, as
equivalent here to in nomine. It may also be differently construed
by supplying inductam.—Cicero's argument is a simple but conclu-
sive one.
If the name of Archias was contained in the register of
Metellus ;
if there was no erasure about this name; and if Metellus
was so scrupulous a man as to have been rendered uneasy, on one
occasion, by an actual erasure, and to have openly stated this in
court before the praetor and his associate judges, all this forms the
strongest possible argument in favour of Archias.
20. Mediocribus multis, &c. "On many individuals of merely
moderate abilities, and having either no profession at all, or else
some humble one.'
""
21. In Graccia. Referring to Magna Graecia, in Southern Italy,
as appears at once from the names immediately after subjoined,
Rheginos, Locrenses, &c., denoting communities in that quarter.
22. Rheginos, credo, &c. "I am to take it for granted, that the
inhabitants of Rhegium, or of Locri, or of Neapolis, or Tarentum,
were unwilling to bestow that favour on this individual, though
enjoying at the same time the highest reputation for talents, which
they were accustomed to lavish on mere actors." The whole sen-
tence is ironical, of which credo is the index. The favour alluded
to is the right of citizenship.
23. Scenicis artificibus. Equivalent to histrionibus. So the
Greeks sometimes denominated actors, οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνῖται,
and Alovvotakoi Texviral. Compare Wesseling, ad Diod. Sic. 4, 5,
Διονυσιακοὶ τεχνῖται.
vol. 3, p. 452, ed. Bip.
24. Quid? cum ceteri, &c. Cicero asks, whether Archias can,
with any justice, be deprived of his citizenship, who was actually
enrolled in several cities of Magna Graecia, but preferred being re-
garded as a citizen of Heraclea, when so many foreigners have sur-
reptitiously had themselves registered in these same cities not only
subsequent to the Plautian, but also to the Papian law. They
escape with impunity, whereas he who acted with perfect good faith
is sought to be injured.
25. Legem Papiam. By the Papian law, named from its pro-
poser, the tribune C. Papius, A. U. C. 688, in the consulship of
Cotta and Torquatus, it was ordained, that all foreigners should be
expelled from the city: "ut peregrini urbe pellerentur." In con-
sequence of this enactment, many foreigners managed to have their
POET ARCHIAS.
255
Page.
names surreptitiously inserted in the registers of the free towns of 51
Italy, as citizens of the same, by which means they evaded the law.
26. In eorum municipiorum, &c. Alluding to Rhegium, Locri,
&c. These were now municipia, under the Julian law, but had
been civitates foederatae when Archias obtained from them the
rights of citizenship. Consult Legal Index.
27. Irrepserint. By clandestine means. Alluding most prob-
ably to the corruption of the magistrates who had charge of these
registers.
28. Census nostros, &c. "You ask, forsooth, for the lists of
our censors," i. c. you demand that the census-lists be produced.
Gratius maintained that the name of Archias was not upon the
books of the censors. Cicero replies, that, at those times when the
census was taken, Archias was absent from Rome with Lucullus,
and that when he was present in Rome, no census for the year
was made.
29. Est enim obscurum. "For it is, it seems, a fact not gener-
ally known." Ironical.-Proximis censoribus. "That, under the
last censors." The censors referred to were L. Gellius and Cn.
Lentulus, A. U. C. 683.
1. Hunc. Referring to Archias.
52
2. Superioribus. "That under the censors immediately pre-
ceding the last." These were L. Marcius Philippus and M. Per-
perna, A. U. C. 667, after whom the census was for a long time
intermitted.
3. Cum codem quaestore. "With the same individual, then
filling the office of quaestor.'
4. Primis. "That, under the first censors after he received the
rights of citizenship." These were L. Julius Caesar, and P.
Licinius Crassus, A. U. C. 664.
5. Nullam populi partem, &c. "No part of the people was
rated,” i. e. no census was taken of any portion of the people.
In consequence of no census having been taken on this occasion,
Philippus and Perperna were chosen censors three years after,
instead of five, the usual interval, in order to remedy the omission.
The census had not been held, because the censors were too much
occupied with the arrangement of eight new tribes, composed of
foreigners who had just been admitted to the rights of Roman
citizens. Archias, residing in Rome at the time, was consequently
not rated.
6. Sed, quoniam census, &c. "But still farther, since the mere
entry on the books of the censors does not, of itself, establish the
right of citizenship."
256
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
52 7. Ita se jam tum, &c. "Conducted himself, at that period, so
much like a citizen, as to be able to have his name enrolled among
them." After ita supply ut censeri posset.
ܓܐ
64
8. His temporibus, &c. "At those very times when, as you
allege, he was not, even in his own opinion, in the enjoyment of the
rights of Roman citizens." More literally, at those times, with
reference to which (quoad quae) you allege that he," &c. This
construction of quae, as depending on quoad, or something equiva-
lent understood, will save us the necessity of reading queis with
Graevius, in place of quae, or of supplying, with Ernesti, after
criminaris, some such expression as dicendo, or cum dicis.
9. Testamentum fecit, &c. Cicero shows, that Archias, at the
time alluded to, was actually a Roman citizen, from the three
following circumstances: 1. From his making a will according to
the Roman laws, which none but a Roman citizen could do. 2.
From his succeeding to inheritances left by Roman citizens, which
a foreigner could not do. 3. From his having obtained a recom-
mendation to the state for good conduct.
10. Et in beneficiis, &c. "And his name was carried to the
public treasury, in the list of the beneficiaries, by L. Lucullus the
proconsul." Whenever any individual had distinguished himself
in the public service, he was recommended by the magistrate, or
governor, under whom he acted, to the government at home. A
list, containing the names of such persons, was made out by the
one who recommended them, and was deposited by him in the
public treasury, or archives of the state. The persons thus noticed
were called beneficiu, (i. e. beneficiarii,) because advantages of some
kind or other were always sure to be reaped by them. This hon-
our, however, could of course only be enjoyed by Roman citizens,
and hence Archias must have been one of the latter. (Consult, as
regards the beneficia of the Romans, the remarks of Gronovius de
Pecun. vet. 3, 17, and Manutius ad loc.)
11. Proconsule. The common text has praetore et consule, for
which we have given proconsule with Graevius. The reason of the
change is simply this; the lists referred to in the text were made
almost always by the provincial magistrates, and as one of the
MSS. collated by Graevius has P. R. consule instead of praetore et
consule, the change to proconsule seems a very rational one.
Ernesti observes of it, "Verissime Graevius corrigit Proconsule.”
12. Quaere argumenta, &c. "Seek for other proofs of Archias's
not being a citizen, if you can find any. For never will he be
refuted by any thing appearing either in his own conduct or that of
his friends." The common text has judicio, for which we have
POET ARCHIAS.
257
Page.
given indicio, on the conjecture of Ilgen.-Suo refers to Archias`s 52
having fulfilled all the requisitions of the law, and amicorum to the
conduct of Lucullus in particular, in having added the name of the
poet to the list of the public beneficiaries. Nothing, argues Cicero,
can be derived from these two sources unfavourable to the claim
of Archias, but, on the contrary, every thing in support of it.
13. Quia suppeditat nobis, &c. "It is because he supplies us
with that, by which both our minds can be refreshed after emerging
from this din of the forum, and amid which our ears, stunned by the
wrangling of litigation, may begin to taste of repose." A beautiful
allusion to the charms of literary society and leisure, after labo-
rious professional labours have been brought to their daily close.
Ubi is to be repeated with et aures, and takes a new meaning in
this latter clause, being here equivalent to in quo, whereas in the
beginning of the sentence it has the force of a quo, or rather the
simple case of the instrument, quo.
"That we can have what to
14. Suppclere nobis posse, &c.
say," &c.-Rerum. "Of matters that present themselves," i. e.
cases, subjects for pleading.
15. Nisi excolumus. "Unless we assiduously cultivate."
Tantum contentionem. "So long-continued exertion." More
literally, "to be kept so long upon the stretch." A metaphor taken
from the bending of a bow, or any thing of a pliable nature, which
loses its pliability in some degree by being too long bent.
16. Nisi relaxemus. "Unless we unbend them."-Relaxo is
here directly opposed to contentio, and is elegantly employed for
reficio or recreo. The cramping and narrowing effect of mere
professional studies is very pithily alluded to in the well known
saying. οἱ αὐτοὶ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν τοῖς αὐτοῖς τὰ αῦτα, as well as in the
δις κράμβη θάνατος.
17. His studiis. Referring to literary "pursuits."--Ita se litteris
abdiderunt. "Have buried themselves to such a degree amid
literary studies." Cicero means, that they only are to be censured
for their attachment to literary pursuits, who allow the world to reap
no benefit from their labours; that in his case they form a source
of advantage to his fellow-men, and one of the purest and truest
delight to himself, calling off his mind from all the blandishments of
pleasure.
18. Ut nihil possint, &c. "As to have been able neither to
contribute any thing from these same studies to the common good,
nor to bring forth any thing into the view of their fellow-men and
the open light of day." Adspectum and lucem are here opposed to
the retirement and comparative obscurity of the study.
22*
258
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
52
19. Ab nullius tempore aut commodo. "From no man's danger
or interests." Tempus is here elegantly used in the sense of
periculum. Cicero uses the latter, a little farther on, in this very
chapter, nunquam amicorum periculis defuit." The meaning
here assigned to tempus is derived from another elegant usage in
Cicero, by which the word in question is employed to signify the
state or condition of an individual at any particular time, whether
favourable or unfavourable. Hence arises its second meaning in
Cicero, which is always controlled by the context, denoting in the
present instance "danger," while in others it has the force of
"interests,"" advantage," &c.-Some editions have commodum,
connecting it with what follows. This seems quite inferior.
20. Otium meum. "A regard for my own leisure," i. e. the
wish to devote my moments of leisure to literary relaxation and
repose.
21. Ad suas res obeundas. "For attending to their private
affairs."-Ad festos dies, &c. "For celebrating festal days, and
enjoying the public spectacles connected with them.” Public
spectacles, such as games, theatrical exhibitions, &c., formed an
important part of festal celebrations.
22. Tempestivis conviviis. "To the revelries of the table."
By convivium tempestivum, the Romans meant an entertainment
which commenced before the usual time, and was continued late
into the night, or prolonged till morning. The ordinary time for
beginning the coena was the ninth hour or three o'clock afternoon
in summer, and the tenth hour in winter.-In the expression tem-
pestivum convivium some prefer intempestivum, as according better
with the sense; the opposite, however, is successfully maintained
by Graevius, Gronovius, Cellarius, Salmasius, and other critics.
..
23. Aleae. "To gaming." All games of chance went under
the general denomination of alea, and were forbidden by the Cor-
nelian, Publician, and Titian laws, except at the Saturnalia in De-
cember. These laws, however, were not strictly observed.
24. Pilae. "To ball-playing." This was a favourite exercise
with the Romans, and their most distinguished men engaged in it.
"For reviewing these studies of
25. Ad haec studia recolenda.
my earlier years." The allusion is to literary studies.
26. Quod ex his studiis, &c. "Because it is from these same
studies, that this faculty of public speaking, which I cultivate, is
estimated by others." Cicero means, that eloquence receives its
truest lustre from literary studies, and that the more one is attached
to the latter, the more completely will he be regarded as having
attained to the former. Oratio et facultas is here equivalent to
POET ARCHIAS.
259
Page
facultas orationis. Some read crescit for censetur, but censetur is 52
more elegant.
27. Quantacunque est in me. "In whatsoever degree it exists
in me."
1. Quae si cui levior, &c. "And if this appears to any one too 53
trifling in its nature to be here alluded to by me, I certainly know
from what fountain-head to derive those qualifications that are most
important in their character." Cicero, fearing lest his previous
remark might savour too much of vanity, subjoins this modest
observation. If the faculty of public speaking which I possess
appears to any, as no doubt it does, of too trifling and limited a
nature for me to make any boast of it, still I know in what studies
to find those aids to oratory which will enable me to attain to the
truest eminence.
2. Nam. Cicero now proceeds to show, in most beautiful lan-
guage, what are those aids, furnished by literary studies, which lead
to eminence in oratory. They are, according to him, those princi-
ples of true wisdom, and that love for friends and country, which
never fail to lead him who is governed by them to the fairest honours
of eloquence.
3. Multorum praeceptis, &c. The term praeceptis refers to the
lessons of philosophy, and litteris to the perusal of the poets, histo-
rians, &c.
4. Magno opere expetendum. Deserving of being earnestly
sought after."-Honestatem. "An honourable name."
5. In ea autem persequenda. "And that in its attainment."--
Parvi esse ducenda. "Are to be regarded as comparatively trifling."
Parvi is what the grammarians call the genitive of price or estima-
tion.
<<
6. Dimicationes. Referring here, and in what immediately fol-
lows, to the conspiracy of Catiline.
7. Sed pleni omnes sunt libri, &c.
"Full, however, are all the
the books, full are the words of the wise, full is antiquity of great
examples; examples that would all lie hid in obscurity, did not the
light of letters approach to illumine them."-The love of country,
argues Cicero, is fostered by the love of literature, for it is the latter
that has rescued from oblivion those fair examples of devotion to
country and to friends, with which all antiquity abounds.
8. Sapientium voces. Analogous to our English expression, "the
voice of the wise," and referring to the writings of the philosophers.
9. Nisi literarum lumen accederet. This same idea is very
beautifully touched upon by Horace, Ode 4, 8, 13, seqq.
10. Quam multas imagines, &c. "How many delineations of
د
260
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
53 the bravest of men, wrought out not only for our contemplation,
but also for us to imitate, have both the Greek and Latin writers
left behind them!" Imagines refers to the delineations of moral
character.
11. Mihi proponens.
Placing before my view."-Animum et
mentem mean, &c. "Strove to mould my feelings and my thoughts,
by reflecting on the characters of those illustrious men."
(C
12. Illi ipsi summi viri, &c. Were those great men them-
selves, whose merits have been handed down to remembrance by
the aid of letters, versed in that learning which you extol by your
encomiums?" Literally, "learned in that learning." The allusion
is to liberal and polite acquirements.
13. Difficile est hoc, &c. Cicero will not undertake to say, that
all the eminent men alluded to by him were trained up in the paths
of literature. On the contrary, he acknowledges, that many of them
were self-taught men, and owed their success, in a great degree, to
the unaided force of natural talents. Yet he is convinced, that
these native powers would have produced still fairer results under
the fostering influence of liberal studies.
14. Sed tamen est certum, &c. "And yet what I am going
to answer may be relied upon with certainty," i. e. is most
certain.
15. Excellenti animo ac virtute, "Of superior ability and merit."
--Et sine doctrina, &c. "And that, without the aid of learning, by
the almost divine influence of nature itself, they have become, by
their own exertions, discreet and influential men."
16. Naturae. Referring to natural abilities.-Moderatos. Com-
pare the explanation of Döring: "Moderatos, h. e. temperantes,
continentes, qui animum ad normam recti moderari et temperare
possunt."
17. Ad laudem atque virtutem, &c. "That natural abilities,
without the aid of learning, have oftener availed more for the pur-
poses of fame and of virtue," i. e. for establishing a reputation for
what is honourable and virtuous.
18. Atque idem ego contendo, &c. "And yet I at the same time
contend, that when to natural abilities of an exalted and brilliant
character there are added the directing influence, as it were, and
moulding power of learning, then something or other great and ex-
traordinary is accustomed to result."-Ratio refers to the method
which learning generally imparts, and by which our mental move-
ments become systematized.-Illud nescio quid. Literally, "That
I know not what." Something or other. Compare, as regards the
meaning of Cicero in this passage, the remarks in note 13.
POET ARCHIAS.
261
Page.
Contendo 53
19. Ex hoc esse, &c.
"That of this number was."
extends its force to this and the succeeding clauses.
20. Africanum. The younger Africanus. Consult Historical
Index, and compare Cic. de Off. 1, 32: "Hic idem Africanus elo-
quentia cumulavit bellicam gloriam.”
21. C. Laelium. Well known from Cicero's treatise on Friend-
ship.-L. Furium. L. Furius was consul A. U. C. 617, and, ac-
cording to Cicero, (Brut. 28,)“ perbene latine locutus est, et liter-
alius quam ceteri."
"The most discreet and
22. Moderatissimos homines, &c.
continent of men." Consult note 16.
23. Et illis temporibus doctissimum.
for those times."
24. M. Catonem illum senem.
More commonly known as Cato the
father of Cato Uticensis.
"And a very learned man
"Marcus Cato, the elder."
censor, and the great grand-
25. Ad percipiendam, &c. "As regarded the knowledge and
practice of virtue.”—Adjuvarentur. For adjuti fuissent.
1. Quod si, &c. “But even if so great advantages as these 54
were shown not to result."-Hanc animi adversionem, &c.
"You
would regard this employment of the mind as most worthy the dig-
nity of a thinking being, and most liberal in its character." Com-
pare, as regards humanissimam, note 16, page 48, and also the ex-
planation of Doring: “Humanissimam, h. e. homine dignissimam
et honestissimam,”
2. Nam ceterae, &c. "For other mental employments are not
suited either to every period, or to every age or place; these studies,
however, foster our earlier years, afford delight to our declining
ones."-The MSS. all agree in reading agunt for alunt, but we
have given alunt with Lambinus, Manutius, Orellius, and others, as
more in accordance with the spirit of the passage. Ernesti has
agunt, and explains it by acuunt, i. e. excitant.
3. Delectant domi, &c. "They impart gratification at home,
they embarrass not abroad, they are with us during the vigils of the
night, they roam with us in foreign lands, they are our companions
amid the retirement of rural scenes."-Non impediunt foris. Lit-
erary studies form no impediment to the successful discharge of
public duties, but rather an aid.-Rusticantur. The attachment of
the Romans to a country life, and their resorting to their villas dur-
ing the heats of summer, are too well known to need comment.
4. Quod si ipsi, &c. "And even if we could neither ourselves
prosecute them, nor taste the pleasures they afford by our own per
ceptions." Attingere is here used in the sense of tractare,
262
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
54 5. Tam animo agresti ac duro fuit. "Was possessed of a bosom
so rude and so devoid of all feeling." Agresti is here equivalent
to inhumano, i. e. if the term be allowed, "unhumanized."
Roscius, the celebrated actor. Consult Historical
6. Roscii.
Index.
7. Qui cum esset, &c. "Who, although he died advanced in
years, yet seemed, on account of his surpassing skill and grace, to
have been altogether undeserving of death," i. e. to have been
worthy of living for ever. Venustatem is here equivalent to "ele-
gantem corporis agilitatem, concinnos corporis motus."
<<
8. Corporis motu. By the mere movements of his person."
Nos animorum, &c. "Shall we treat with neglect the movements
of the mind, surpassing all belief, and the rapid play of talent?" i. e.
shall we praise Roscius for the mere movements of his person, and
neglect Archias when so much more conspicuous for the movements
of the mind?-Ernesti thinks that we ought to read hos for nos.
But the latter is far more emphatic.
9. Utar enim vestra benignitate. "For I will avail myself a
little farther of your indulgence," i. e. I will trespass a little longer
upon your attention.-In hoc novo genere dicendi. Compare note
2, page 49.
10. Cum literam scripsisset nullam. "Although he had not
committed a single character to writing," i. e. without using his
pen.
11. Dicere ex tempore.
"Uttering on the spur of the moment.'
Archias, in this, resembled the Italian improvisatori.-Revocatum.
"When requested to repeat." Literally, "when recalled," a met-
aphor borrowed from the custom of theatres, when an actor is
recalled by the audience, and requested to repeat his part.
12. Commutatis verbis atque sententiis. "With a total change
of words and ideas."
17
13. Accurate cogitateque.
"With care and on reflection."-Ut
ad veterum, &c.
"As to have attained to the praise bestowed on
the writers of old," i. e. to have equalled the productions of the best.
days of Grecian literature.
..
14. Atqui sic accepimus. Why, we have received this," i. e.
have learnt this. Ilgen reads atque on conjecture. But atqui suits
better what precedes, and is more spirited.
15. Ceterarum rerum studia, &c. "That the successful pursuit
of other matters depends on acquirements, and precepts, and art;
that the poet, on the contrary, derives his power from nature herself,
and is roused into action by the energies of the mind, and breathed
into, as it were, by a kind of sacred influence."
POET ARCHIAS.
263
Page.
16. Inflari. Compare the Greek evbovoiá(w, ¿µπvéw, &c., as ap- 54
plied to poets, and also the language of Ovid, (Fast. 6, 5) :-
Est deus in nobis, agitante calescimus illo;
Impetus hic sacrae semina mentis habet.”
17. Suo jure.
of his own eminence as a votary of the muse.
18. Sanctos. "A hallowed race."
&C
By a right peculiarly his own," i. e. on account
(C
19. Quod quasi, &c. "Because they seem to come recom-
mended to us in the light as it were of a rich favour from the
gods." The Latin writers, in order to convey an emphatic
meaning, frequently join two words, that are exactly or nearly
synonymous, in the compass of the same sentence, as, in the present
instance, donum and munus. Some writers, indeed, on Latin
style, endeavour to draw a distinction between these two terms,
making donum a pure gift, no obligation being implied on the part
of the giver, and munus, a present which usage or obligation
requires. (Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 97.) But no such
distinction operates in the present case, and certainly none in the
following passage of Ovid, (A. A. 653) :----
Munera, crede mihi, capiunt hominesque deosque.
Placatur donis Jupiter ipse datis."
In the Pandects, also, donum and munus are frequently joined with
each other, as, for example, lib. 38, tit. 1, leg. 7, 37, 47. Ulpian,
however, insists, that donum is the generic term, and munus the
special. (L. 194, D. de verb. signif.)
20. Humanissimos homincs. "Men most conspicuous for the
culture of liberal knowledge."-Nulla barbaria. "No barbarous
nation."
<<
1. Saxa et solitudines, &c. "Rocks and deserts respond to the 55
voice of the bard.” A beautiful allusion to echo, as the applause of
inanimate nature.-Bestiae saepe immanes, &c. Savage beasts
are often swayed by the influence of song, and stop in their career.
An allusion to the fable of Orpheus. Compare Horace, Od. 3, 11,
14, "Tu potes tigres comitesque silvas," &c.
2. Instituli rebus optimis. "Trained up by the best systems
of instruction," i. e. who have enjoyed the best educations
3. Colophonii. "The inhabitants of Colophon." One of the
Greek cities of Ionia. For this and the other names that occur in
the sentence, consult Geographical Index.
4. Chii suum vindicant. "The Chians claim him for their
own." The inhabitants of the island of Chios, now Scio.
5. Salaminii repetunt, &c. "The people of Salamis demand
him back, the Smyrneans, however, assure us that he is theirs."
264
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
55 The verb repeto, as here employed, is remarkably lively and stri-
king-The common line, respecting the cities that claimed the
honour of being Homer's natal place, is as follows: " Smyrna,
Rhodus, Colophon, Salamis, Chios, Argos, Athenae." There is
no agreement, however, among writers, as regards these names.
Some for Salamis substitute Cumae, others for Salamis and
Rhodes have Pylos and Ithaca. Antipater of Sidon has left the
following epigram in the Anthology
“ “Ἑπτὰ πόλεις μάρναντο σοφὴν διὰ ρίζαν ‘Ομήρου,
Σμύρνα, Χίος, Κολοφὼν, Ἰθάκη, Πύλος, 'Αγγος, ᾿Αθῆναι.”
Leo Allatius, himself a native of Chios, in a work written on the
subject of Homer's native country, argues strongly in favour of
Chios. One of the main supports, however, of this theory, namely
the line in the Hymn to Apollo, where mention is made of the
"blind man" who "dwells in rocky Chios," is now removed, that
poem not being Homer's. Of all the places referred to, Smyrna
appears to have the best claim.
6. Delubrum ejus, &c. They have dedicated a temple to
him." Literally, "a shrine of his." Consult the learned work of
Gisbert Cuper, (Amst. 1683, 4to.) on a marble which has come
down to us, with a representation on it of Homer's Apotheosis.
7. Contendunt. Weiske thinks, that de co, or some similar
words, have been dropped from this clause. This supposition seems
hardly necessary, considering all that precedes.
8. Alienum. "A mere stranger." Referring to Homer.-
Hunc vivum. "This one while still alive." Alluding to Archias.
9. Et voluntate et legibus. "Both from inclination and by the
laws." The laws of Rome respecting citizenship.-Repudiamus.
"Are we rejecting." Some editions have repudiabimus, but the
present is more emphatic, and is sanctioned by the greater number
of manuscripts.
10. Omne studium atque omne ingenium.
his talent."
11. Et Cimbricas res, &c.
"He both, when a young man,
treated of the operations against the Cimbri," i. e. the war with
that invading host.-Attigit. The verb attingo means, to touch
slightly upon, to engage in a thing in part, and hence it has been
supposed that Archias merely commenced a poem on the Cimbric
war, especially as Cicero, in the 11th chapter of this same oration,
uses attigit and inchoavit together.
"L
"All his zeal and all
12. Ipsi illi C. Mario. "To the celebrated Caius Marius
himself." The conqueror of the Cimbri. The pronoun ille has
here the force of the Greek article when emphatic.
POET ARCHIAS.
265
Page.
13. Qui durior, &c. “Who seemed cast in too rugged a mould 55
to favour these studies," i. e. to patronise or take any interest in
literary men.
14. Tam aversus a Musis. "So averse to the society of the
Muses," i. e. so great a foe to literary pursuits; possessing a mind
so uncongenial to literary studies. Compare the Greek povoos.
15. Qui non manduri, &c. "As not readily to allow the eternal
heralding of his labours to be consigned to verse," i. e. as not
readily to allow the poet to consign his fame to the immortality of
verse.
16. Themistoclem illum. "That the well-known Themisto-
cles."
17. Quod acroama. "What performer." Acroama properly
denotes any thing agreeable to hear, (from the Greek ikpoάopa‹,) a
musical symphony of players, &c. It is then, as in the present
instance, taken to signify a musician or performer. Compare Cic.
pro Sexl. c. 54: " Ipse ille maximus ludius, non solum spectator,
sed actor et acroama.” So Suetonius, Aug. 74, “Et aut acroa-
mata aut histriones aut etiam triviales ex circo ludios interpone-
bat." Ernesti, in an excursus to this latter passage, even goes so
far as to assert, that, among Latin writers, acroama is always used
of persons and never of things. This position, however, is an
erroneous one. Still his explanation of the word itself may not be
amiss in this place: "Acroamata, qui sive in theatris, sive in
convivio, voluptatis causa audiuntur, musici omnes qui cantu
nervorum, tibiarum et vocum, delectant aures."
(C
18. A quo sua virtus, &c. By whom his merits might be best
celebrated." The love of glory was the ruling passion of this
illustrious Athenian. Compare, as regards the anecdote here
related of him, the language of Valerius Maximus: "Themistocles,
theatrum petens, cum interrogaretur, cujus vox auditu illi futura
esset gratissima, dixit ; ejus a quo artes meae canentur optime.”
(8, 14, 5.)
19. Item eximie, &c. "Was, for a like reason, strongly attached
to Lucius Plotius." Ernesti regards Plotius as a poet; but
Weiske, with less probability, makes him a rhetorician, and iden-
tical with the one named in Suetonius, de clar. rhet. c. 2.
20. Mithridaticum vero bellum, &c. "The whole Mithridatic
war, however, a great and a difficult contest, and one carried on
with very varied success by land and sea, has been described in
verse by this my friend." The particle vero is here employed as
denoting opposition to what precedes. The exploits just alluded to
were great and splendid, it is true, but the muse of Archias selected
23
266
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
55 a still nobler theme. The Mithridatic war was carried on by the
Romans, against Mithridates the 7th. surnamed Eupator, king of
Pontus. It was an important and difficult contest, owing to the
great talents and varied resources of Mithridates. The war was
entered upon by Sylla, who was followed by Lucullus, and it was
"brought to a close by Pompey.
21. Qui libri.
And this poem." The term libri refers liter-
ally to the "books" of which the poem in question was composed.
-Illustrant. "Sheds lustre upon."
22. Populus enim Romanus, &c. "For the Roman people, with
Lucullus for their commander, laid open Pontus. although hitherto
strongly defended by both the resources of its monarch and the
nature itself of the country." Of the merits of Lucullus, in this
war, Cicero treats at large in the 8th chapter of the oration for the
Manilian law. As regards the force of aperunt in the present
passage, compare the oration just referred to, (l. c.) Patefactum-
que nostris legionibus Pontum, qui ante Populo Romano cx omni
aditu clausus esset.' >>
(C
23. Non maxima manu. "With no very large force." The
Roman infantry, on this occasion, consisted of about 10,000 men.
There were also about a thousand slingers. The whole cavalry
were likewise present, which Appian makes 500 in number. (Plut.
Vit. Lucull. c. 27.—Appian. Bell. Mithrid. c. 85.)
24. Armeniorum. The battle was fought with Tigranes, king
of Armenia, and son-in-law of Mithridates. His army is said to
have been 250,000 infantry, and 50,000 cavalry. (Appian. 1. c.)
According to the ancient writers, Tigranes ridiculed the small num-
ber of the Roman troops, remarking, "if they come as ambassadors,
there are too many of them; if as soldiers, too few." (Plut. Vit.
Lucull. 1. c.— -Appian. ubi supra.-Memnon. Hist. c. 57, p. 85,
ed. Orell.)
25. Populi Romani, &c. "To the Roman people belongs the
praise, that the very friendly city of the Cyziceni was rescued," &c.,
i. e. the praise of having rescued. Compare the 8th chapter of the
oration for the Manilian law; and consult, for an account of
Cyzicus, Geographical Index.
26. Ex omni impetu regio, &c. "From every attack on the
part of the monarch with whom we were warring, and from the
devouring jaws of the whole war," i. e. from the fury of a formidable
monarch, and from all the disasters of a merciless war.-
-The king
referred to is Mithridates.-Ore ac faucibus. A metaphor borrowed
from the appearance presented by a furious monster about to spring
upon its prey.
POET ARCHIAS.
267
·
Page.
27. Nostra semper feretur, &c.
"The fleet of the enemy sunk 55
and its leaders slain, Lucius Lucullus contending on our side, and
that incredible naval conflict off Tenedos, will always be spoken of
and celebrated as our own peculiar source of praise," i. e. as a
memorable source of praise to the Roman arms. With nostra re-
peat laus from the previous sentence. We have preferred this to
the very harsh construction of Ernesti: "Nostra maxime cum
pugna navalis: per ovšvyíav cum classis jungitur.”
1. Nostra sunt tropaea, &c. "These are our trophies, our 56
monuments, our triumphs," i. e. peculiarly our own; peculiarly
glorious to the Roman name.
2. Feruntur. "Are spread abroad." Equivalent to differuntur,
or dissipantur.
3. Africano superiori. "To the elder Africanus." Commonly
called Africanus Major, (scil. natu.)-Noster Ennius. Ennius,
although a native of Rudiae in Calabria, yet obtained by his merits
the freedom of Rome, and became in the strictest sense, by his
metrical annals, the national poet of the Roman people. Hence the
expression noster, "our own," in the text.
4. Itaque etiam, &c. "And hence he is even thought to be
placed of marble on the sepulchre of the Scipios," i. e. the marble
statue, which we see along with others on the tomb of the Scipios, is
thought to be that of Ennius. Compare the explanation of Ernesti :
Quod simulacrum marmoreum est in monumento Africani, id
putant vulgo esse Enni." For Africani, however, Ernesti ought
to have written Scipionum, as will appear from the next note.
C&
5. In sepulchro Scipionum. We must not render this, "in the
sepulchre of the Scipios," but "on the sepulchre," &c. Compare
Livy, 38, 56: Nam et Literni monumentum (Africani,) monumen-
toque statua superimposita fuit, quam tempestate dejectam nuper
vidimus ipsi. Et Romae extra portam Cupenam in Scipionum
monumento tres statuae sunt: quarum duae P. et L. Scipionum
dicuntur esse, tertia poetae Q. Ennii." Consult also Plin. H. N.7,
30. Solin. c. 7. Val. Max. 8, 14.-Visconti thought he had discov-
ered this tomb, not far from the Capenian gate, for the particulars of
which discovery Maio refers to the Antologia Romana, vol. 7, p. 377.
6. Ejus. We have adopted the very neat emendation of Ilgen,
as referring to Ennius. The common text has is, which had
already before been suspected by Guilielmius and Ernesti, who
thought that something had been dropped from the text. There is
nothing in the previous sentence to which is can refer.
7. Ipsi. Referring as well to Africanus, as to the individuals
mentioned immediately after, Cato, the Maximi, &c., all of whom
268
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
56 were lauded in the poetry of Ennius.-By "the Maximi, Marcelli,
Fulvii," are meant in fact only three individuals, Q. Fabius Maxi-
mus, M. Claudius Marcellus, and M. Fulvius Nobilior, all of whom
distinguished themselves in the second Punic war. The plural form
is adopted for emphasis.-Consult Historical Index.
8. Hujus proavus Culo. "Cato, the great-grandfather of him
who now hears me," or "of him who
of him who is here present."
here present." The refer-
ence in proavus is to Cato the censor. Hujus refers to Cato
Ulicensis, or, as he is more correctly called, Cato the younger, who
was present in court, and perhaps one of the judices.
9. Adjungitur. "Is thereby imparted."
10. Illum. Referring to Ennius.-Rudinum hominem. "Although
a native of Rudiae." Rudiae, the natal place of Ennius, was a city
of Calabria, in Magna Graecia. Consult Geographical Index.
11. Hunc Heracleensem. "This Heraclean." Referring to
Archias. Cicero means to contrast the comparative insignificance
of Rudiae with the splendour of Heraclea, whence Archias derived
his claim of citizenship.
12. Multis civitatibus. Rhegium, Locri, Neapolis, Tarentum.
13. In hac. "In this one of ours."-Legibus. Referring, in
particular, to the law of Silvanus and Carbo.
14. Nam si quis, &c. Cicero here meets an objection, if it
deserve the name, which some might perhaps urge, that Ennius was
honoured because he wrote in Latin verse, whereas Archias com-
posed in Greek.
"That a less abundant
“Grecian productions."
15. Minorem gloriae fructum percipi.
harvest of glory is reaped."-Graeca.
16. Latina suis finibus, &c. "Whereas Latin works are con-
fined within their natural limits, and these contracted indeed." By
the natural limits of Latin works Cicero means the confines of
Latium, where the Latin language was spoken. In Upper Italy
the Etruscan and Gallic dialects prevailed; in Lower Italy, Greek.
In a later age, Roman literature became of course more widely
disseminated.
17. Orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur. "Are only bounded by
the limits of the world," i. e. have reached the farthest limits of
earth, have had the whole world for their theatre.
18. Quo manuum, &c. That, whither the weapons wielded
by our hands have reached, thither also our glory and our fame may
penetrate."
19. Quod cum, &c.
"Because, while these things are full of
glory for the people themselves, &c.-Tum iis certe, &c. “Sa
does all this assuredly form the strongest incitement," &e.
POET ARCHIAS.
269
Page.
56
...-20. Quam multos scriptores, &c. "How many historians of his
exploits is Alexander the Great said to have had in his train."
Fabricius (Bib. Gr. 3, 18) gives a long list of writers who treated
of the history and exploits of Alexander, of whom only a few have
come down to us.
21. In Sigco. "On the promontory of Sigeum." Sigeum and
Rhoeteum were the two famous promontories of the Troad. Consult
Geographical Index.
22. Ad Achillis tumulum. According to Plutarch, as soon as
Alexander landed at the Troad, he went up to Ilium, where he
sacrificed to Minerva, and offered libations to the heroes. He
also anointed the pillar upon the tomb of Achilles with oil, and ran
round it naked with his friends; after which he placed a crown
upon it, declaring "He thought that hero extremely fortunate in
having found a faithful friend while he lived, and after his death an
excellent herald to proclaim his praise." (Vit. Alex. c. 15.)
23. O fortunate adolescens, &c. "Ah! youthful warrior, favourite
of fortune, in having found a Homer as the herald of thy fame."-
Qui is joined with the subjunctive inveneris, as referring to the
reason, &c. Literally, "since thou didst find." Compare note 14,
page 26.
24. Ilias illa. "That Iliad." Illa here takes the place of the
article in Greek, and is strongly emphatical.
25. Noster hic Magnus, &c. "Did not our own Pompey the
Great." Literally,
Literally, "this Pompey the Great of ours."
26. Theophanem. Theophanes was a native of Mitylene, in the
island of Lesbos. We have only a few epigrams of his remaining.
He is mentioned in Or. pro Balb. c. 25, Ep. ad Att. 5, 11, and
elsewhere.
27. Et nostri illi, &c. "And did not those countrymen of ours,
brave men it is true, yet of rustic habits, and mere soldiers, ani-
mated by a certain secret charm of glory, approve of that act by
loud shouts, as if they were sharers of the same praise with their
commander ?" The Roman armies were generally recruited from
the country. Hence the epithet rustici here applied to them,
which carries with it the idea of something rude and unpolished.
For the more general meaning of the term, consult Ernesti, Clav.
Cic. s. v.
1. Itaque credo, &c. "Wherefore, Archias, I suppose, if he 57
had not been a Roman citizen, according to our laws, would not
have been able to bring it to pass that he should be presented with
the rights of citizenship by some commander of ours!" We have
changed potuit, which is the commonly-received reading, to potu-
23*
270
ORATION FOR THE
Page.
57 isset, on the suggestion of Ernesti, as repudiasset follows. The
MSS. often have potuit as a contraction for potuisset, and hence
the error may have arisen.
2. Sulla, quum Hispanos, &c. "Sylla, I suppose, when pre-
senting natives of Spain and of Gaul with the rights of citizenship,
would have refused Archias seeking the same favour," i. e. had he
sought, &c.
Schütz omits this second credo, and places a mark of
interrogation after repudiasset. The alteration is quite unneces-
sary.
3. Quem nos, &c. "That Sylla whom we once saw in open
assembly, when a wretched poet, from the lower order, had pre-
sented unto him a petition, craving some recompense for having
composed a short poem in. his praise, merely in verses alternately
long and short." Literally, "in verses alternately somewhat
longer than the previous one," i. e. in the alternating hexameter and
pentameter. The term epigramma is here employed in its ancient
signification. (not in that of our modern epigram,) as denoting a
short piece of poetry, commonly in about four lines, occasionally
exceeding that number, and in alternate hexameter and pentameter
verse.
4. Libellum. The term libellus properly means a written appli-
eation, folded in the form of a small book, whence the name. In the
present instance it denotes an humble petition for some mark of
favour, and the idea of humility on the part of the applicant is still
further expressed by the verb subjecisset.
Döring thinks that this
5. Ex iis rebus quas tunc vendebat.
refers to the effects of proscribed persons.
6. Qui sedulitatem, &c. "Would not he, who thought the zeal
of a bad poet worthy nevertheless of some recompense, have eagerly
sought to honour the genius of this one, and his ability in composi-
tion, as well as the rich stores of his intellect?"
7. Neque per Lucullos. The two Luculli were cousins to
Metellus Pius. The father of the latter, Metellus Numidicus, was
brother to the mother of the Luculli.
8. De suis rebus scribi. "Of having his actions commemmo-
rated."
9. Cordubae. Corduba, now Cordova, was a city of Hispania
Baetica. Consult Geographical Index.
10. Pingue quiddum, &c. Though uttering something in dull
and barbarous strain." Pingue obtains its meaning of "dullness”
from the idea of mental inertness being always, in some degree,
associated with that of grossness of body. Compare note 5,
page 31.
"L
POET ARCHIAS.
271
Page
11. Sed prae nobis ferendum. "But must be openly acknow- 57
ledged." Equivalent to aperte profitendum.
12. Trahimur omnes, &c. "We are all drawn onward by a
love of praise, and the best of us are most powerfully influenced by
a passion for glory." Optimus quisque, literally, "each best
person."
13. Ipsi philosophi. The common text has ipsi illi philosophi,
but we have rejected illi with Schütz, as it would sound ill before
illis in the next clause, and is, moreover, not required by the
sense.
14. Etiam illis libellis, &c.
"Even inscribe their names in the
very treatises which they compose on the contempt of glory."
More literally, "on glory as deserving of contempt," i. e. on the
propriety of contemning glory. The idea here expressed is given
in almost the same language in Tusc. Disp. 1, 15.—Libellis. The
term libellus here denotes "a little book," i. e. a short work or
treatise.
15. In eo ipso, &c. "In the very case in which they affect to
despise all praise and renown, they actually wish themselves to be
talked of and mentioned." We have adopted se before nominari,
with Weiske, from Ammianus Marcellinus, (22, 7,) who cites this
passage of Cicero. The common text has merely ac nominari.
16. Decimus quidem Brutus. This individual signalized himself
by his successes in Spain. Compare Vell. Paterc. 2, 5, and consult
Historical Index.
17. Attii, amicissimi sui, &c. "Adorned the approaches to the
temples and monuments which commemmorated his exploits, with
the verses of Attius, his most intimate friend." Attius, or, as the
name is otherwise written, Accius, was a tragic poet, of whose
productions only a few fragments remain. According to Valerius
Maximus, (8, 14, 2,) Brutus erected a temple with the spoils he
had taken from the foe.
18. Fulvius. M. Fulvius Nobilior, who took the poet Ennius
along with him into Aetolia. (Tusc. Disp. 1, 2.) Consult His-
torical Index for both names.
19. Non dubitavit, &c. "Hesitated not to consecrate to the
Muses the spoils of Mars." By manubiac are meant those of the
spoils which the commander set apart to defray the expense of
erecting some monument of the victory.-The expression Martis
(for belli) is a very elegant one, standing as it does in direct oppo-
sition to Musis. It is not known what act, on the part of Fulvius,
is here referred to, or what memorial he erected.
20. Prope armati. "Almost with arms in their hands,'
W
272
ORATION FOR THE
1
Page.
57 Togati.
Arrayed in the robes of peace." The toga was the
civic robe or gown.
21. A Musarum honore, &c. "To be averse to honouring the
Muses and bestowing safety on their votaries."
22. Jam me vobis indicabo. "I will now lay open to you my
own secret feelings," i. e. I will unbosom myself unto you.-De
meo quodam amore gloriac. Respecting a certain passion for
<<
glory by which I myself am influenced."
23. Quas res. Referring to his having crushed the conspiracy
of Catiline.-Vobiscum simul. The allusion here is extremely
adroit.
<<
58 1. Attigit hic versibus atque inchoavit. "This one has touched
upon and begun to treat of in verse." Attigit when placed, as in
the present instance, in conjunction with inchoavit, refers not to
any slight handling of a subject, but rather to the making of a
beginning merely.
2. Hunc ad perficiendum hortatus sum. "I have exhorted him
to complete the poem." In many MSS., and early editions, we
find hortavi, at which Ernesti very justly expresses his surprise.
The verb hortor, it is true, may have been used by the early writers
in an active form, as many of the deponents are, but certainly this
was not the custom in the age of Cicero. The ancient annotator in
the Ambrosian MS. reads adoravi, and asserts that this was used
in the sense of hortatus sum by Cicero. Hoc verbum adoravi
significat cohortatus sum. Adoravit autem orare et petere significat."
This may all very well be, but it is, nevertheless, not the custom
with Cicero, and we have therefore, preferred the reading in the text.
3. Quid est quod. "What reason is there why." Literally,
"what is there on account of which." With quod supply propter.
4. Si nihil animus praesentiret in posterum.
no presentiment of the future." -Regionibus.
Terminaret. "It were to bound."
"If the mind had
Limits."-
<<
5. Nec se frangeret.
It would neither break down its powers."
Compare the remark of Döring : 'Frangi eleganter dicuntur
laboribus, qui omnes vires in iis perferendis consumunt.'
??
6. Nunc insidet, &c. "On the contrary there dwells in all the
noblest bosoms a kind of generous impulse."
7. Non cum vitae tempore, &c.
"That the remembrance of our
name is not to be sent away into oblivion along with the period of
our mortal existence, but is to be made equal with all posterity."
We have retained dimittendam, the reading of the common text.
Lambinus conjectures dimetiendam, which Schütz violently alters
into commetiendam.
POET ARCHIAS.
273
Page.
8. An vero tam parvi, &c. "Shall we, indeed, who are engaged 58
in public affairs, and amid these perils of life, and heavy labours,
appear to be all possessed of so little elevation of spirit, as, after
having drawn, even to the last period of our lives, not one tranquil
and peaceful breath, to imagine that every thing connected with us
is destined to perish with our frames?" i. c. as, after having during
the whole of our lives enjoyed not one moment of tranquil repose,
to imagine that death is to close the scene for ever, and that no
recompense awaits us amid the praises of posterity.
9. An cum statuas, &c. Cicero appears here to have bad in
view the fine passage of Isocrates, (Euag. c. 30,) 'Eyù d', 3
Νικόκλεις, ἡγοῦμαι καλὰ μὲν εἶναι μνημεῖα καὶ τὰς τῶν σωμάτων εικόνας,
πολὺ μέντοι πλείονος ἀξίας τὰς τῶν πράξεων καὶ τῆς διανοίας, κ. τ. λ.
(C
10. Consiliorum relinquere, &c. Ought we not to be much
more desirous of leaving behind us a delineation of our thoughts
and our virtues, traced out and perfected by the most eminent ge-
niuses of our day?"-All the editions before Ernesti's have nonne
multo, for which he very correctly reads non multo, inasmuch as an
precedes.
11. Jam tum in gerendo. "At the very time I was performing
them."
12. Haec vero, &c. "Whether this remembrance indeed, is des-
tined, after death, to be far away from all consciousness on my part,
or whether, as the wisest of men have thought, it will continue to
exercise an influence on some portion of my being, I certainly now,
indeed, delight myself with the reflection and the hope that it may
be so."-Haec refers to memoriam in the previous sentence, and
denotes the remembrance of Cicero by his fellow-men, and pos-
terity.
13. Ad aliquam mei, &c. The common text has animi after
aliquam, which makes mei a possessive pronoun. It is omitted,
however, in some MSS., and rejected by Beck, Schütz, and others.
:
14. Pudore eo, &c. "Of that degree of modest merit, the
existence of which you see plainly proved, as well by the high rank
of his friends, as by the long continuance of their intimacy and of
a genius as elevated, as it is right that his should be regarded, from
your seeing him, in consequence, eagerly sought after by individuals
of the highest order of talents."-Compare, as regards the first part
of this sentence, the explanation of Döring: quem quidem (sc.
pudorem) vere ei inesse, argumento vobis esse potest, quod viri
summi et gravissimi non solum junxerunt cum eo amicitiam, sed
candem quoque per longos annos continuarunt.”
15. Vetustate. Although nearly all the MSS. have venustate,
((
274
ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS.
Page.
58 still the reading vetustate is so much superior, and so peculiarly
adapted to the context, that Ernesti and the best editors have not
hesitated to receive it. The advocates for venustate make it equiv-
alent to morum elegantia, but Döring very justly asks, “quomodo
morum elegantia aliorum pudorem cujusdam comprobare potest?"
16. Id. Supply suum ingenium. "That genius of his."
59 1. Quae beneficio legis, &c. "Which is based upon the privi-
lege granted by an express law," &c. He means the privilege of
citizenship as granted by the law of Silvanus and Carbo.
2. Auctoritate municipii. Referring to Heraclea.
3. Humana. "On the part of men.
"" The recommendation of
men arises from the poets having celebrated in verse their fame and
achievements.Divina. "On the part of the gods." The gods
will intercede in his behalf, because they inspired him with poetic
fervour, and hence he is under their special protection.
4. Domesticis periculis. Occasioned by the conspiracy of Catiline.
-Aeternum se, &c. Referring to the completion of his poem,
already commenced, on the subject of Cicero's consulship.
5. Est eo numero, qui. "Is of the number of those, who," &c.,
i. e. a poet.—In vestram fidem. "Under your protection."
"By your kindness.”—Acerbitate viola-
Injured by your rigour."
6. Humanitate vestra.
tus.
7. De causa. "In relation to the merits of the case."-Simpli-
citerque. "And plainly," i. e. without any attempt at oratorical
display. Probata esse omnibus. "Have been approved of by you
all."
64
8. Non fori, neque judiciali consuetudine. "In accordance with
the usage neither of the bar, nor of public trials." He refers to his
eulogium on letters and literary men
9. Et communiter, &c. "And the nature of his avocation in
general."
((
10. Ab eo, qui, &c. By him who presides at this trial I am
sure they have," i. e. been taken in good part.-His brother Quintus
Cicero presided as praetor. Consult note 3, page 49. It remains
but to add, that the eloquence of Cicero was successful.
ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS.
Page.
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "Oration of Marcus Tullius 60
Cicero in behalf of Marcus Marcellus."-This is not so much a
speech in defence of Marcellus, as a panegyric on Julius Caesar, for
having granted the pardon of the former at the intercession of the
senate. Marcellus had been one of the most violent opponents of
the views of Caesar. He had recommended in the senate, that he
should be deprived of the province of Gaul: he had insulted the
magistrates of one of Caesar's new-founded colonies, and had been
present at Pharsalia on the side of Pompey. After that battle he
retired to Mitylene, where he was obliged to remain, being one of
his adversaries to whom the conquerer refused to be reconciled.
The senate, however, one day, when Caesar was present, with a
united voice, and in an attitude of supplication, having implored his
clemency in favour of Marcellus, and their request having been
granted, Cicero, though he had resolved to preserve eternal silence,
being moved by the occasion, delivered, in this oration, one of the
highest-strained encomiums that has ever been pronounced.
In the first part he extols the military exploits of Caesar; but
shows that his clemency to Marcellus was more glorious than any
of his other actions, as it depended entirely on himself, while fortune
and his army had their share in the events of the war. In the
second part, he endeavours to dispel the suspicions which, it appears,
Caesar still entertained of the hostile intentions of Marcellus, and
takes occasion to assure the dictator that his life was most dear and
valuable to all, since on it depended the tranquillity of the state,
and the hopes of the restoration of the commonwealth. (Dunlop's
Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 339, Lond. ed.)
!
275
276
ORATION FOR
Page.
60
THIS oration, which Middleton declares to be superior to any
thing extant of the kind in all antiquity, continued to be not only of
undisputed authenticity, but one of Cicero's most admired produc-
tions, till Wolf, in the preface and notes to a new edition of it,
printed in 1802, attempted to show, that it was a spurious produc-
tion, totally unworthy of the orator whose name it bears, and that
it was written by some declaimer, soon after the Augustan age,
not as an imposition on the public, but as an exercise; according to
the practice of the rhetoricians, who were wont to choose, as a
theme, some subject on which Cicero had spoken. In his letters to
Atticus, Cicero says, that he had returned thanks to Caesar, pluri-
bus verbis. This Middleton translates, "a long speech;" but
Wolf alleges, it commonly means a few words, and never can be in-
terpreted to denote a full oration, such as that which we now possess,
for Marcellus. That Cicero did not deliver a long or formal speech,
is evident, he contends, from the testimony of Plutarch, who men-
tions, in his life of Cicero, that, a short time afterward, when the
orator was about to plead for Ligarius, Caesar asked, how it hap-
pened that he had not heard Cicero speak for so long a period;
which would have been absurd, if he had heard him, a few months
before, pleading for Marcellus. Being an extemporaneous effusion,
called forth by an unforeseen occasion, it could not (he continues to
urge) have been prepared and written beforehand; nor is it at all
probable, that, like many other orations of Cicero, it was revised,
and made public, after having been delivered. The causes which
induced the Roman orators to write out their speeches at leisure,
were the magnitude and importance of the subject, or the wishes of
those in whose defence they were made, and who were anxious to
possess a sort of record of their vindication. But none of these
motives existed in the present case. The matter was of no import-
ance or difficulty; and we know that Marcellus, who was a stern
republican, was not at all gratified by the intercession of the sena-
tors, or conciliated by the clemency of Caesar.
As to internal evidence, deduced from the oration, Wolf admits,
that there are interspersed in it some Ciceronian sentences; and how
otherwise could the learned have been so egregiously deceived?
but the resemblance is more in the varnish of the style, than in the
substance. We have the words rather than the thoughts of Cicero ;
and the rounding of his periods, without their energy and argument-
ative connexion. He adduces, also, many instances of phrases
unusual among the classics, and of conceits which betray the
rhetorician or sophist. His extolling the act of that day on which
Caesar pardoned Marcellus, as higher than all his warlike exploits,
M. MARCELLUS.
277
Page.
would but have raised a smile on the lips of the dictator; and the 60
slighting way in which the cause of the public and Pompey are
rncntioned, is totally different from the manner in which Cicero
expresses himself on these delicate topics, even in presence of
Caesar, in his authentic orations for Deiotarus and Ligarius.
It is evident, at first view, that many of Wolf's observations are
hypercritical; and that in his argument concerning the encomiums
on Caesar, and the overrated importance of his clemency to Mar-
cellus, he does not make sufficient allowance for Cicero's habit of
exaggeration, and the momentary enthusiasm produced by one of
those transactions, " Quae, dum geruntur, percellunt animos."
Accordingly, in the year following that of Wolf's edition, Olaus
Wormius published, at Copenhagen, a vindication of the authen-
ity of this speech. To the argument adduced from Plutarch, he
answers, that some months had elapsed between the orations for
Marcellus and Ligarius, which might readily be called a long period
by one accustomed to hear Cicero harangue almost daily in the
senate or forum. Besides, the phrase of Plutarch, Aéyovros, may
mean pleading for some one, which was not the nature of the
speech for Marcellus. As to the motive which led to write and
publish the oration, Cicero, above all men, was delighted with his
own productions, and nothing can be more probable, than that he
should have wished to preserve the remembrance of that memorable
day, which he calls, in his letters," diem illam pulcherrimam.
It
was natural to send the oration to Marcellus, in order to hasten his
return to Rome, and it must have been an acceptable thing to
Caesar, thus to record his fearlessness and benignity. With regard
to the manner in which Pompey and the republican party are talked
of, it is evident, from his letters, that Cicero was disgusted with
the political measures of that faction, that he wholly disapproved of
their plan of the campaign, and, foreseeing a renewal of Sylla's
proscriptions in the triumph of the aristocratic power, he did not
exaggerate in so highly extolling the humanity of Caesar.
??
The arguments of Wormius were expanded and illustrated by
Weiske, in a commentary on the oration for Marcellus, published
at Leipsic, in 1805, while on the other hand, Spalding, in a dispu-
tation published in 1808, supported the opinions of Wolf.
The controversy was in this state, and was considered as involv-
ed in much doubt and obscurity, when Aug. Jacob, in an academi-
cal exercise, printed at Halle in 1813, adopted a middle course.
Finding such dissimilarity in the different passages of the oration,
some being most powerful, elegant, and beautiful, while others
were totally futile and frigid, he was led to believe that part had
24
278
ORATION FOR
Page.
60 actually flowed from the lips of Cicero, but that much had been
subsequently interpolated by some rhetorician or declaimer. In the
prosecution of his inquiry, the author successively reviews the
opinions and judgments of his predecessors, sometimes agreeing
with Wolf and his followers, at other times, and more frequently,
with their opposers.
He thinks, that the much contested phrase,
pluribus verbis, may mean a long oration, as Cicero elsewhere talks
of having pleaded for Cluentius, pluribus verbis, though the speech
in his defence consists of 58 chapters. Besides, Cicero only says,
that he had returned thanks to Caesar, pluribus verbis. Now the
whole speech does not consist of thanks to Caesar, being partly
occupied in removing the suspicions which he entertained of Mar-
cellus. With regard to the ecomiums on Caesar, which Spalding
has characterized as abject and fulsome, and totally different from
the delicate compliments addressed to him in the oration for Deio-
tarus or Ligarius, Jacob reminds his readers, that the harangues
could have no resemblance to each other, the latter being pleaded in
behalf of the accused, and the former a professed panegyric. Nor
can any one esteem the eulogies on Caesar too extravagant for
Cicero, when he remembers the terms in which the orator had
formerly spoken of Roscius, Archias, and Pompey.
Schütz has subscribed to the opinions of Wolf, and has pub-
lished the speech for Marcellus, along with the other four doubtful
harangues at the end of the genuine orations. (Dunlop's Rom.
Lit. vol. 2, p. 340, seqq.)
The discoveries of Maio at length threw new light upon the ques-
tion, that learned librarian and scholar having succeeded in bringing
to light parts of an ancient commentary, a collection of scholia on
several of the orations of Cicero, and among them that for Marcel-
lus. This commentary appears to have either been written by
Asconius Pedianus, or selected from his more extensive scholia;
and, as the part relating to the oration we are considering, although
brief, makes no mention of any other author for the speech, this
circumstance, together with the fact of the oration being joined to
others of undoubted authenticity, will form no weak argument in its
behalf. Indeed, the latest editor of Cicero's works, Nobbe, (Lips.
1827,) considers the question as now conclusively settled, remark-
ing: "Sed ecce nova et paene insperata lux orta est, inventis a
Maio veterum in hanc orationem scholiorum fragmentis, iisque Medi-
olani (1817) editis. Unde satis certum fit, ab ipso Cicerone auctore
hanc gratiarum actionem profectam esse."
M. MARCELLUS.
279
Page.
2. Diuturni silentii. "Cicero had avoided taking any active 60
part in public affairs, and mingling in the debates of the senate,
since the period of his return to Rome, after having been pardoned
by Caesar. The reason of this silence he gives us with more
openness in a letter to Sulpicius, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4,) "I had
resolved to observe a perpetual silence, not from any feeling of indo-
lence, but from one of regret at the loss of my former dignity."
3. Quo eram his temporibus usus. "In which I had indulged
during these latter times."
4. Non timore aliquo. Complimentary to Caesar, and implying
that even if Cicero had felt inclined to express his sentiments on
public affairs, with boldness and freedom, he would have been
allowed by Caesar so to do, without any interruption.
5. Partim dolore. Grief for the absence of his friend Marcellus.
Compare what follows a little after: "Dolebam enim,” &c.
"
6. Partim verecundia. Partly from a feeling of self-restraint.”
Cicero means to express by verecundia the awkwardness he felt at
speaking in the presence of one whom he had opposed in the civil
contest. Compare the explanation of Manutius :
"Contra quem
enim armis pugnassem, eo praesente in senatu verba facere vere-
cundia prohibebat.”
7. Quae vellem, &c. "Of giving utterance, with my former
wonted freedom, to my wishes and my sentiments." Compare
Manutius: (6
ut, pro meo sensu, quemadmodum antea solebam,
libere loquar."
8. Mansuetudinem. CC
Humanity." As displayed by Caesar in
pardoning Marcellus. Compare, as regards the force of mansue-
tudo, the oration for the Manilian law, c. 14, where Cicero, speak-
ing of Pompey, remarks: "Humanitas jam tanta est, ut difficile
dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem ejus pugnantes timuerint,
an mansuetudinem victi dilexerint.”
"Such boundless moder-
9. Tantum, in summa potestate, &c.
ation in the midst of unlimited power."
10. Sapientiam. As shown by its controlling the dictates of
private animosity, and restoring a useful citizen to his country.
11. Auctoritatem. Compare his words to Sulpicius, already
referred to, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4,) "Statueram, non mehercule iner-
tia, sed desiderio pristinae dignitatis, in perpetuum tacere.” Cicero
begins now to perceive a restoration in some degree of his former
"influence," in consequence of the mildness and generosity of
Caesar towards his friend.
12. Dolebam. "I used to grieve."-Virum talem. Referring
to Marcellus.
280
ORATION FOR
ا
Page.
60 13. In eadem causa, &c. "Who had been engaged in the
same cause with myself," i. e. the party of Pompey.-Non in
eadem esse fortuna. "Was not enjoying the same good fortune.”
Cicero, after the battle of Pharsalia, accepted pardon from Caesar,
and returned to Rome; Marcellus, on the other hand, too stubborn
a republican to acknowledge a master, retired to Mitylene in the
island of Lesbos, where he was residing when the news of his par-
don reached him.
14. Nec mihi persuadere poteram, &c.
"Nor could I prevail
upon myself, nor did I deem it in accordance with the hallowed law
of friendship, that I should engage in our old career, when he, the
rival and the imitator of my pursuits and labours, my associate and
companion as it were, was torn from me." The use of fas is here
strongly emphatic, which must be our apology for giving it a
paraphrase rather than a translation.- Fas has reference to the gods
and things of a sacred nature, jus to what is of human origin or
character. (Serv. ad Virg. Georg. I, 286.)
15. Nostro veteri curriculo. Forensic pursuits and public
speaking in general.-Aemulo atque imitatore, &c. Marcellus was
distinguished for his ability as a speaker Consult Historical
Index.
16. Meae pristinae vilae, &c.
which had been long closed upon me."
ing of Lambinus, Wolf, Weiske, &c.
mihi et meae pristinae, &c.
17. Et his omnibus, &c. “And have raised a signal, as it were,
for all who are here present to entertain favourable hopes of the
state at large," i. e. of all that is connected with the welfare of their
country. Signum aliquod extulisti. A metaphor borrowed from
military operations.
18. Intellectum est enim, &c. "For it was rendered plainly
apparent, to myself, indeed, in many instances before this, and
especially in my own case, but, a moment ago, to all who are here
present, that, when you granted Marcus Marcellus to the senate and
people of Rome," &c.
1. Offensionibus. Marcellus, when consul, had moved in the
senate, that Caesar's command in Gaul be abrogated, when the
latter, after having put an end to the Gallic war, though his com-
mission was near expiring, sought to retain his command, pretend-
ing that he could not possibly be safe, if he parted with his army,
while Pompey held the province of Spain. Marcellus afterward
endeavoured to get Caesar proclaimed an enemy to his country; in
a public speech he called him a robber; and finally fought against
"The habits of my former life,
We have adopted the read-
The common text has et
M. MARCELLUS.
281
Page
him in the civil contest. These were among his "offences" against 61
Caesar.
2. Tuis vel doloribus vel suspicionibus. "To your own feelings,
whether of resentment or suspicion." Resentment for the past,
suspicion with regard to the future conduct of Marcellus. Caesar
feared lest Marcellus might plot against his life.
(C
3. Ille quidem fructum, &c. He, indeed, has this day received
the richest recompense for all his past life, both in the unanimous
intercession of the senate, and also in your most solemn and gener-
ous determination." Cicero means, that this day has fully repaid
the services which the past life of Marcellus had bestowed upon his
country. He now obtains glory together with safety, because the
unanimous intercession of the senate, and Caesar's generous con-
duct, prove conclusively that Marcellus is a truly virtuous man.
4. Laus. Supply tibi.-Gloria. Supply illi.
5. Est vero fortunatus ille, &c. "Fortunate in truth is he,
since hardly less joy will accrue unto all from his safety, than is
likely to be felt by himself." The relative, from its assigning the
reason, takes here the subjunctive mood. Compare note 14, page 26.
6. Ventura sit. Because Marcellus is at a distance, and Cicero
can only surmise what his feelings will be on the receipt of the
intelligence.
1
7. Nobilitate.
"For birth.” The line of the Marcelli was dis-
tinguished in Roman history.-Optimarum artium studio.
"For
zealous attachment to the most liberal pursuits."-Innocentia.
"Blamelessness of life." Moral purity.
8. Nullius tantum, &c. "In no one is there so great a flow of
genius, in no one so great power, so great copiousness, of speaking
or of writing, as can, I will not say, fully embellish, but even fairly
recount, Caius Caesar, your exploits," i. e. all the creative power
of the finest geniuses, all the efforts of eloquence and history, will
be found inadequate even to give a simple and unadorned narrative
of
your achievements.
9. Pace tua. "With your permission," i. e. with all deference.
-Ampliorem. More glorious."-Ea. We have here adopted
the emendation of Ernesti.
The common text has cam.
10. Idque libenter, &c. "And to make it a theme of frequent
conversations." Weiske reads idemque for idque.
11. Numero proeliorum. Pliny (H. N. 7, 25) states, that Caesar
fought fifty pitched battles, the nearest approach to which number
was in the case of Marcellus, who fought thirty-nine. He also
informs us, that, independently of the carnage of the civil wars,
he
had slain 1,192,000 men. "Idem signis collatis quinquagies
24*
282
ORATION FOR
Page.
61 dimicavit : solus M. Marcellum transgressus, qui undequadragies
dimicaverat. Nam praeter civiles victorias, undecies centena ct
nonaginta duo millia hominum occisa praeliis ab eo.”
12. Nec varietate regionum. Caesar had carried on war in Gaul,
Britain, Spain, Germany, Greece, Egypt, Africa, and Asia. He
overcame Pompey at Pharsalia; Ptolemy in Egypt; Pharnaces,
son of Mithridates, in Pontus; and the sons of Pompey in Spain.
13. Celeritate conficiendi. This is well illustrated by his famous
despatch to the Roman senate, after his victory over Pharnaces,
Veni, vidi, vici." The commentaries on the Gallic war are also
full of examples.
14. Nec dissimilitudine bellorum. "Nor in the unlike character
of the wars themselves." Occasioned by the unlike characters of
the nations with whom, and the countries in which, they were
waged.
15. Nec vero, &c. “And that, in truth, lands the most widely
remote from each other could not have been travelled over with
more rapidity by the footsteps of any one, than they have been
traversed, I will not say by your marches, but by your victories."
A somewhat similar measure of praise had already been poured out
by Cicero upon Pompey, in the oration for the Manilian war, (c. 10,)
Qui saepius cum hoste conflixit, quam quisquam cum inimico
concertavit: plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt: plures pro-
vincias confecit, quum ceteri concupierunt."
16. Lustratae sint. Compare the remark of Manutius: "Lus-
trare plus est quam peragrare: nam qui peragrat transit; qui
lustrat ambit: quo plus temporis requiritur."
17. Quae quidem ego, &c. Now, were I not to confess that
these things are so extraordinary," &c.-Amens sim. "I would
be a madman," i. e. it were madness not to confess, &c.
RON
CC
18. Alia majora. Alluding to the glory he has acquired by his
generous conduct in pardoning Marcellus.
19. Extenuare verbis. "To depreciate by their remarks."-
Communicare cum multis. "To share it with the many," i. e.
with the great body of the soldiery.- Propriae imperatorum.
exclusive property of commanders."
"The
"The
20. In armis. "In military operations."-Locorum opportuni-
tas. "The advantage of situation."-Auxilia sociorum.
aid of allies."
21. Commeatus. "Convoys," i. e. supplies of military stores, &c.
22. Quasi suọ jure. "As if by a right peculiarly hers."—Paene
omne suum. "As almost entirely her own. Compare, as regards
the idea intended to be conveyed by the whole passage, the language
M. MARCELLUS.
283
Page.
of Isocrates, (Παραγρ. πρὸς Καλλίμ. c. 12,) Τῶν μὲν τοιούτων ἔργων, 61
ὅσα μετὰ κινδύνων πέπρακται, τὸ πλεῖστον ἄν τις μέρος τῇ τύχῃ μεταδοίη,
x.
K. T.
1. Hujus gloriae. The glory of pardoning a violent political 62
enemy.
2. Quantumcunque est, &c. "How great soever it is, (and it
certainly is most great,)" i. e. and nothing certainly can be greater.
3. Nihil sibi, &c. "No centurion, no prefect, no cohort, no
troop, take unto themselves any portion of this praise of thine," i. e.
no commander of infantry or cavalry, no body of foot or horse.
Centurio properly means a commander of one hundred infantry.
Praefectus denotes a leader of cavalry. Both terms are used here,
however, in a general sense. So again, cohors and turma are em-
ployed, in this sentence, with a general reference to any body of
foot or horse. In strictness, cohors means a band of 600 foot-sol-
diers; and turma, a troop of 30 horse.
4. Decerpit. The peculiar force of this verb is best expressed
by a paraphrase: "Pluck for themselves a single leaf from thy
gariand."
??
5. Quin etiam, &c. "Nay, even fortune, that very mistress of
human affairs, presents not herself for any share of this thy glory,"
i. e. lays claim to no share in this thy latest and most glorious act.
6. Tuam esse totam et propriam. "That it is all and peculiarly
thine own.
7. Nec ad consilium, &c. "Nor is chance admitted to the
counsels of prudence," i. e. nor do thy plans ever look to chance to
aid them in their fulfilment. If, therefore, fortune contributes no-
thing to the success of thy plans, in general, but if they all owe their
completion to thy sagacity and prudence, she must surely be ex-
cluded also from this last act of thine, in which wisdom and foresight
are so happily blended.
8. Immanitate barbaras. CC
Fiercely barbarous.” The Gauls,
Germans, Britons, &c. With respect to the Germans and Britons,
however, it was a mere idle boast.
9. Locis infinitas. "Spread over an infinite variety of regions."
—Omni copiarum genere. "In all kinds of resources."
10. Quae naturam et conditionem, &c. "Which possessed the
nature and condition of being able to be overcome," i. e. which by
their very nature, and the condition connected with them, were capa-
ble of being overcome.-The common text has vinci vi, but the
latter word is omitted by Lambinus, Graevius, Wolf, and others.
11. Animum vincere. "To conquer one's feelings, however."
-Victoriam temperare.
"To make a moderate use of victory."
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ORATION FOR
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62
12. Adversarium non modo extollere jacentem. "Not only to
raise a fallen foe." Jacentem, literally, "lying prostrate."-Am-
plificare ejus pristinam dignitatem. "To enlarge his former dig-
nity," i e. to elevate him to a still higher rank than he previously
enjoyed; to heighten and increase his personal consideration.
13. Simillimum Deo judico. This sounds to modern ears as the
grossest flattery. Middleton, however, undertakes Cicero's defence
against the charge of insincerity. "It must be remembered," re-
marks he, "that the orator was delivering a speech of thanks, not
only for himself, but in the name and at the desire of the senate,
where his subject naturally required all the embellishments of elo-
quence; and that all his compliments are grounded on a supposi-
tion, that Caesar intended to restore the republic, of which he
entertained no small hopes at this time, as he signifies in a letter to
one of Caesar's principal friends. (Ep. ad Fam. 13, 68.) This,
therefore, he recommends, enforces, and requires from him in his
speech, with the spirit of an old Roman; and no reasonable man
will think it strange, that so free an address to a conqueror, in the
height of all his power, should want to be tempered with some few
strokes of flattery." (Life of Cicero, sect. 8.—vol. 2, p. 259.)
14. Bellicae tuae laudes illae. "Those warlike praises of
thine.”—Literis atque linguis. "In the literature and languages."
15. Ejusmodi res. The praises attendant upon warlike achiev-
ments. Obstrepi clamore militum, &c "Seem to be drowned
amid the shouts of the soldiers, and the blast of the trumpets."
16. Iracundia praesertim, quae est inimica consilio. Compare
the language of Horace, Ep. 1, 2, 62, “Ira furor brevis est."
17. Non modo in gestis rebus, &c. "Not only in the case of
real occurrences, but even in those of a fictitious nature."
18. Cujus mentem, &c. "Whose sentiments and feelings we
see plainly to be of such a nature, that," &c. The common text
has cujus mentem sensusque et os cernimus. For et os (" and
whose very look,") we have adopted the elegant emendation of
Faernus, eos, in the sense of tales, and which has the additional
advantage of rendering the connexion of ut more apparent.—
Weiske makes the same change.
19. Salvum. "Secured to her." Compare Middleton's re-
marks, under note 13.
20. Quibus studiis, &c. "With what demonstrations of zeal
shall we honour; with what grateful feelings shall we clasp to our
bosoms? I do assure you, the very walls of this senate-house are
desirous, as they seem to me, of returning thanks to you, because
the authority of this body is soon about to be re-established in these
M. MARCELLUS.
285
Page
their fathers' seats as well as their own. We have given the 62
latter part of this passage according to the common text, although
Manutius and others suspect some corruption. Our interpretation
is that of Ernesti, who remarks: "Sensus est, quod illa pristina
auctoritas senatus mox rursus habitatura sit in hac curia, in qua
et apud majores et nuper senatores plurimum auctoritate valu-
issent."
21. Me dius fidius. The term dius is the same as deus or
divus, and fidius is an adjective formed from fides. Hence, dius
fidius, "the god of honour," or "good faith," will be the same
as the Zeus níorios of the Greeks; and, if we follow the authority of
Varro, (L. L 4, 10,) identical with the Sabine Sancus, and Ro-
man Hercules; so that me dius fidius is nothing more than me
deus fidei (i. e. Hercules) adjuvel, or, in other words, mehercule.
1. Caii Marcelli. Caius Marcellus was the brother of Marcus 63
Marcellus. This appears to be the proper place for introducing
Cicero's account, in his letter to Sulpicius, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4,) of
what took place on this occasion: "Caesar, after having complain-
ed of the moroseness of Marcellus, for so he called it, and praised,
in the strongest terms, the equity and prudence of your conduct,
presently declared, beyond all our hopes, that, whatever offence he
had received from the man, he could refuse nothing to the inter-
cession of the senate. What the senate did was this; upon the
mention of Marcellus by Piso, his brother Caius having thrown
himself at Caesar's feet, they all rose, and went forward, in a sup-
plicating manner, towards Caesar. In short, the proceeding of this
day appeared to me so fair and becoming, that I could not help
fancying I saw the image of the old republic reviving as it were.
When all, therefore, who were asked their opinions before me, had
returned thanks to Caesar, except Volcatius, (for he declared that
he would not have done it, though he had been in Marcellus' place,)
I, as soon as I was called upon, changed my mind; for I had resolv
ed-with myself to observe an eternal silence, not from any feelings
of indolence, but from regret for the loss of my former dignity;
Caesar's greatness of mind, however, and the laudable zeal of the
senate, got the better of my resolution. I gave thanks, therefore,
to Caesar, in a long speech, and have deprived myself by it, I fear,
on other occasions, of that honest quiet which was my only comfort
in these unhappy times," &c.
2. Et commemorabili, &c. "And possessed of a degree of
fraternal affection that is deserving of all mention." Compare, as
force of pictas, note 9, page 50.
3. Pectus obfudit. Came gushing over me." The common
286
ORATION FOR
Page.
63 text has effodit, which is far inferior. The greater number of MSS.
give the latter, but the better class the former reading.
4. Nobilissimamque fumiliam. Cicero uses the term familia to
denote the individual family of the Marcelli. They formed a branch
of the gens Claudia, or Claudian house.
5. Tuis maximis, &c. "To the greatest of your countless
felicitations," i. e. to the greatest of those many victories, on which
you have been felicitated by others. Some commentators confound
gratulatio here with the same term when denoting a thanksgiving
to the gods. It refers, on the contrary, merely to the private feel-
ings of Caesar, and the felicitations offered him by friends for his
numerous and eminent successes. For Cicero to have said, that
Caesar would regard this day as a source of higher pleasure than the
greatest of the many thanksgivings which had been decreed in his
name, would have shocked the religious feelings of his auditors,
Is the act of Caesar alone." Lit-
6. Est propria Caesaris.
erally, "is peculiar to Caesar,"
7. Duce te gestae quidem, &c.
We have rejected, on the sug-
gestion of Ernesti, the words magnae illae, which appear in the
common text between gestae and quidem.
8. Hujus autem rei. "In the present affair, however," i. e. in
the act of this day, the pardoning of Marcellus.
9. Quae quidem tanta est.
Tropacis monumentisque tuis.
"And so great indeed is it."-
"To your other trophies and mon-
uments"
((
10. Opere aut manu. By the labour or the hand of man.
Vetustus. 'Length of days."
11. Justitia et lenitas animi. The term justitia has reference
here to the rank and merits of Marcellus. It would have been
unjust in Caesar to have kept such a man any longer away from his
country.Lenitas animi, and not clementia, is employed, in order
that Caesar may not appear to have been sparing a foe, and the
remembrance of former enmities be in this way renewed.
12. Ut quantum, &c. "That as much as length of time shall
take from your monuments, so much will it add to your glory."
Operibus refers back to tropacis monumentisque.
13. Victores bellorum civilium. "Victors in our civil wars."
Alluding to Sylla, Marius, Cinna, &c.
14. Vereor ne. We have adopted the emendation of Ernesti.
The common text has vereor ut, but this can only be allowed if
non be thrown out before perinde. Consult note 8, page 43.
15. Non perinde, &c. May not be understood, on the mere
hearing of it to the same degree that I, reflecting upon it, feel it
("
เ
M. MARCELLUS.
287
Page.
in mind to be," i. e. lest what I say may fall far short of what I feel. 63
Perinde is here equivalent to aeque. Compare Tursellinus, de Part.
Lat. c. 176.
16. Quae illa adepta erat. "Which it had obtained for you,"
i. e. the absolute power which it gave him over his political oppo-
nents, and the means which it afforded him of gratifying private
animosity.
17. Omnes victi occidissemus.
"All of us the vanquished might
have fallen," i. e. been cut off by the sword. Cicero means, that
this would have been the case if Caesar had followed the usual
course, and taken Marius or Sylla for his models.
18. Clementiae tuae judicio. "By the decision of your clem-
ency," i. e. by your merciful determination.
Clementia is now em-
ployed because occidissemus precedes, and more besides Marcellus
are meant. Consult note 11.
19. Atque hoc C. Caesaris, &c. "And mark, Conscript Fa-
thers, how widely this determination on the part of Caius Caesar
extends in its influence," i. e. Marcellus alone is not the only one
benefited by this generous conduct of Caesar.
20. Qui ad illa arma, &c. “Who were driven by some wretched
and lamentable fatality or other, on the part of the republic, to take
up arms in that contest." The contest referred to is the civil war,
and the opposition made to Caesar, by his political antagonists, is
flatteringly ascribed by the speaker to mere blind fatality; implying,
of course, that, had they exercised any judgment or reflection, they
would never have resisted him.
21. Nescio quo. Equivalent to quo fato id factum fuerit nescio.
In translating, however, it is to be regarded as analogous merely to
our phrases, or other," "I know not what," &c.-Nescio quis,
and its other forms, nescio quid, nescio quem, nescio quo, &c., are
employed to denote something more or less obscure, or over which
we wish to pass by considering it as such.
It is used also, espe-
cially in the case of persons, to indicate contempt. The ellipsis is
worth noting. Thus, nescio quis fecit is put for, aliquis fecit, nescio
quis sit; and again nescio quem vidi is equivalent to, aliquem vidi,
nescio quem viderim," &c. Consult Scheller, Praecept. Styl. vol.
1, p. 329.
22. Etsi aliqua culpa, &c. Although we are in some degree
liable to the imputation of human infirmity," i. e. blindness in not
perceiving the true course which we ought to have pursued.
CC
23. A scelere certe liberati sumus. Have, by this act of
Caesar's, been evidently acquitted of any wicked intentions," i. e.
in pardoning Marcellus, Caesar has clearly shown, that he acquits
CC
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ORATION FOR
Page.
63 not only that individual, but all of us who followed the standard of
Pompey, of any evil feelings towards himself, and only considers us
to have been actuated by an honest though mistaken love of country.
24. Et iterum. "And once more." The earlier reading is
et item, for which Graevius first substituted et iterum, on the
authority of a MS. He is followed by Ernesti and others.
25. Reliquos amplissimos viros. "Those other very illustrious
men." Referring to the other individuals of the old Pompeian
party, who, like himself, had been pardoned by Caesar, and restored
to their rank and privileges as senators.
64
1. Non ille hostes, &c. "He has brought no enemies into the
senate," i. e. the individuals, whom he has thus restored, he has
acquitted of all hostile feelings towards himself. Had he thought
that they cherished such feelings, he would never have re-admitted
them. All which is clearly shown, if it need additional confirma-
tion, by the pardon of Marcellus.
2. Judicavit. "He concluded."—Ignoratione, &c.
"From an
ignorance rather of his real intentions, and from a false and ground-
less fear." The flattery here begins, to be very apparent. Just as
if Caesar's real intentions were for the good of his country, and as
if the fears of all good patriots for the safety of the republic were
visionary and groundless!
3. Quam cupiditate. "Than from any feelings of cupidity," i. e.
any desire of gratifying a rapacious spirit, and seizing upon the prop-
erty of others.
4. Crudelitate. “A spirit of revenge." A feeling of cruel hatred.
5. Semper de pace, &c. "I always was of opinion that propo-
sals of peace ought to be listened to.” Cicero had done every
thing, in the beginning of the civil troubles, to prevent a rupture
between Caesar and Pompey. He was convinced that an intestine
war would inevitably end in the establishment of absolute power.
His letters, which make us acquainted with his secret thoughts,
fully substantiate this: "Pace opus est; ex victoria quum multa
mala, tum certe tyrannis exsistet." (Ep. ad Att. 7, 5.) So again :
Equidem ad pacem hortari non desino, quae, vel injusta, utilior
est quam justissimum bellum." (Ad. Att. 7, 14.) He foresaw all
that happened, and it is with this view before him, that he writes to
Atticus and his other friends. Caesar, who affected great modera-
sion, made some very plausible proposals of peace, and Cicero was
desirous that they should be listened to, but Pompey absolutely
refused. When the latter had been compelled to quit Rome as a
fugitive, Cicero, after some delay, followed him from attachment
and gratitude, but still full of gloomy forebodings, and foreseeing
(C
M. MARCELLUS.
289
Page.
nought but lamentable results, since on one side was all the right 64
and on the other all the power : "Valuit apud me plus pudor
meus, quam timor. Veritus sum deesse Pompeii saluti. Itaque
vel officio, vel fama bonorum, vel pudore victus, ut in fabulis
Amphiaraus, sic ego, prudens et sciens, ad pestem ante oculos posi-
tam sum profectus," (Ep. ad Fam. 6, 6.)
6. Orationem etiam civium, &c. "That even the entreaties of
those citizens who earnestly begged for peace, were totally reject-
ed," i. e. by Pompey. Consult preceding note.
7. Neque enim ego illa, &c. "For I never took an active part
either in these or any other civil commotions.
8. Socia. “Allied to,” i. e. in favour of.-Compare the En-
glish form of expression, went hand in hand with."
9. Hominem sum secutus, &c. "I followed a certain individual
from a sense of private, not of public, duty." The allusion is to
Pompey, who is mentioned in guarded terms, not from any fear
of the consequences in case he had called him by name, but
from a becoming sense of propriety. Cicero means to convey
the idea, that he followed Pompey rather as a friend than a
leader.
(4
10. Tantumque apud me, &c. "And so powerful an influence
did the faithful remembrance of a grateful mind exercise over me,"
i. e. so strongly was I influenced by gratitude for the various favours
I had received from him.
11. Ut nulla, &c. "That not only without any desire of per-
sonal advancement, but even without any hope, although fully
aware of my situation and well knowing what was about to happen,
I rushed on as it were to voluntary ruin."
12. Quod quidem meum consilium. "And these views of mino
indeed."—Integra re. "Before hostilities broke out." Literally,
"the affair being as yet entire," i. e. no part having as yet been
acted upon, no hostile steps having as yet been taken. The primi-
tive meaning of integer is "untouched," from in and tago, the old
form of tango.
13. Eadem sensi. "I entertained the same sentiments.".
Etiam cum capitis periculo. When Cato the younger, who had
been left at Dyracchium, by Pompey, to guard the arms and treas-
ures deposited there, had, after the battle of Pharsalia, passed over
into Corcyra, where the fleet was stationed, he there offered Cicero
the command of the force which he had brought with him, consist-
ing of fifteen cohorts. Cicero, however, declined it; which so
exasperated the younger Pompey, that he was about to lay violent
hands upon the orator, when Cato interfered and saved his life.
25
290
ORATION FOR
Page.
64 (Plut. Vit. Cat. Min. c. 55.) It is to this circumstance very prob
ably that Cicero alludes in the text.
14. Ex quo.
“And hence.”—Tam injustus rerum cxistimator.
"So unfair a judge of passing events," i. e. so unfair and biassed
in the conclusions which he draws from events.-Graevius first
gave existimator, from MSS., in place of aestimator, the reading of
the common text. It is adopted by Ernesti and others.
15. Pacis auctores. "The advisers of peace."-Statim.
"From the very first," i. e. from the very commencement of hos-
tilities; in the very beginning of the civil war.
""
16. Caeteris fuerit iratior. "But displayed increased resent-
ment towards the rest." The object of the whole argument is
to show, that Caesar's wishes were always in favour of peace, and
that, in consequence of this, he was always well disposed towards
those of the opposite party who endeavoured to bring about a recon-
ciliation, while he displayed encreased rescntment against those who
were bent on continuing hostilities. This, of course, is the mere
language of flattery.
17. Victor. "When victorious," 1. e. as Caesar now is.-Pacis
auctores. Alluding to himself, among others, and to the kind treat-
ment he had received from Caesar.
18. Se maluisse, &c. "That he would rather not have con-
tended at all, than have come off victorious," i. e. that great as the
glory of the victory had been, he would rather have had no civil
contest at all, as his feelings had always been in favour of peace. It
is needless to comment on the insincerity of Cicero in making this
assertion of Caesar.
19. Atque hujus quidem rei, &c. "And on this particular point
I am evidence in favour of Marcus Marcellus." The point referred
to is the wish for peace during the civil contest, which Cicero
asserts Marcellus felt in common with himself.
20. Nostri enim sensus, &c. "For our sentiments, as they
always had in the season of peace, so then also coincided during
the war," i. e. our sentiments, namely mine and those of Marcellus,
were always in unison during both the civil contest and the times
which immediately preceded it.
son."
21. Certorum hominum. "Of certain individuals among us."
Certus vir is generally used to denote "a sure," or "trusty per-
Here, however, certus has the force of quidam. Com-
pare note 9, page 31.-The individuals alluded to are thought, by
Manutius, to have been, in particular, L. Lentulus and L. Domitius
Ahenobarbus. Compare Ep. ad Fam. 6, 21.
22. Victoriae ferocitatem. "The cruel excesses of victory
M. MARCELLUS.
291
Page.
itself,” i. e. the ferocious spirit that would, in all probability, char- 64
acterize the party of Pompey, if success were to crown their efforts.
Had Pompey proved victorious, the proscriptions of Marius and
Sylla would inevitably have been renewed. Compare the language
of Cicero's letter to Marcellus, (Ep. ad Fam. 4, 9):
“An tu non
videbas mecum simul, quam illa crudelis esset futura victoria?”
23. Tua liberalitas. "Your generosity," i. e. your generous
conduct towards your former foes.-Illa. Alluding to the insolent
conduct and the menaces of Pompey's followers.
24. Non enim jam causae, &c. "For the two causes are no
longer to be compared, but the consequences of victory on either
side." Cicero means to say, that he will be silent now respecting
the merits of the two causes, namely that of Caesar and that of
Pompey. The time for discussing this point has passed away. He
will merely institute a comparison between the very different modes
in which either party would have made use of victory. He then
proceeds to show, how Caesar has acted since his success, and then
briefly sketches what would have been the results of victory on the
side of Pompey.
25. Martis vis perculit. "The violence of war smote down."--
Ira victoriae. *C
The angry feelings generally attendant upon vic-
tory." Cicero means, that whoever fell in that conflict, fell with
arms in their hands. No one was put to death, after the victory, by
any mandate or proscription.
26. Ex eadem acie.
"From that same army," i. e. the army of
Pompey.
27. Alterius vero partis. "As regards the opposite party, how-
ever." The genitive is here used in imitation of the Greek idiom.
The Greek rule is as follows: "To words of all kinds other words
are added in the genitive, which show the respect in which the
sense of those words must be taken, in which case the genitive
properly signifies as regards,' or 'with regard to.’" (Matthiae
G. G. vol. 2, p. 555, Kenrick's transl.)
1. Nimis iracundam, &c. “That victory would have been ac- 65
companied by too much of angry feeling," i. e. that they would
have made an angry and cruel use of victory.
2. Armatis. "Those who were actually in arms." Referring
to the followers of Caesar. Compare Manutius: "Armatis, h. e.
Caesarianis.
3. Otiosis. “Those who took no part in the conflict," i. e. who
wished to remain neutral. Compare the language of Cicero's letter
to Varro, (Ep. ad Fam. 9, 6): "Crudeliter otiosis minabantur :
eratque iis et tua invisa voluntas, et mea oratio." And again, Ep.
292
ORATION FOR
Page,
65 ad Att. 11, 6: “Omnes, qui in Italia manserant hostium numero
habebantur."
4. Quid quisque sensisset, &c. "What sentiments each had
entertained, but where he had been during the contest," i. e. whether
with the army, and taking an active part against the foe, or remain-
ing inactive and neutral at home.
5. Eliamsi poenas, &c. "Even though they may have sought
a heavy atonement from the Roman people, on account of some
offence, by their having raised so great and so mournful a civil war,"
i. e. even though they may have raised this destructive and mourn-
ful war to punish the Roman people for some aggravated offence.—
We have given expetiverint, with Ernesti, in place of expetiverunt,
the reading of the common text. The relative quz, it will be per-
ceived, takes the subjunctive excitaverint, because equivalent here
to "since they," or "inasmuch as they."
6. Omnem spem salutis, &c. "To have referred our every hope
of safety to the clemency and wisdom of the conqueror," i. e. to
have made all our safety depend upon, &c.
"C
7. Quare gaude, &c. Rejoice then in this so exalted a privi-
lege," i. e. the privilege of having the safety of the whole Roman
people dependant on thy clemency and wisdom.
8. Fortuna. "Your good fortune."-Natura et moribus tuis.
"Your kind disposition and noble character."-Ex quo quidem, &c.
"From all which a wise man derives his highest recompense and
pleasure."
9. Caetera. "The other actions of your life."-Virtuti. "Upon
vour valour.".
"—Congratulabere. "You will have occasion to feli-
citate yourself." Some read gratulabere, which is much inferior.
10. De maximis tuis beneficis. "Of the boundless favours you
have bestowed upon us."
11. Quae non modo, &c. "Virtues which, I will venture to
affirm, constitute not only our highest, but in fact our only true
source of gratification." Literally, "which, I will venture to say,
are not only the greatest, but in fact even the only goods."
12. In laude vera. "In well-merited applause."-Donata.
"Bestowed," for a lasting possession; commodata, "lent," only for
a season.
13. Lapsis. "Who have been led astray." Literally, "who
have slipped."—Aut pravitate aliqua. "Or by any corrupt motive."
14. Sed opinione, &c. "But by an idea of duty, foolish perhaps,
certainly not criminal, and by what appeared to be the public good.”
More literally, "by a certain appearance of public benefit. Compare
the language of Cicero's letter to Torquatus, (Ep. ad Fam. 6, 1,)
M. MARCELLUS.
293
Page.
"Quoddam nobis officium justum, et pium, et debitum reipublicae 65
nostraeque dignitati videbamur sequi.”
15. Non enim tua, &c. "For it is no fault of thine." Because
they have mistaken thy character. The fault is theirs for not know-
ing thee better.-Senserunt. "Have felt," i. e. after having been
conquered by thee.
16. Nunc vero nenio, &c. "But now I come to that most heavy
complaint and horrid suspicion of thine." Caesar had complained
before the senate of the hostile feelings and moroseness (acerbitas)
of Marcellus, and had expressed his suspicions that the latter still
harboured evil designs against his personal safety.
17. Quae non tibi ipsi, &c. “A suspicion, the realizing of which
ought to be guarded against not more by your own self," &c. Com-
pare Manutius: "Providenda est, ne vera sit: providenda autcm
curis, consiliisque nostris.'
18. Nunquam tamen verbis extenuabo. Cicero's meaning is
this: Although I trust that your suspicion is a groundless one, still I
will not seek to "lessen" it by any thing that I can say.
For were
I to lesson it, I would at the same time be throwing you more off
your guard, whereas we all wish you to be careful about your own
safety, since ours is closely connected, and in fact identified, with it.
19. Ut si in alterutro peccandum sit.
So that if I must err in
one or the other extreme,” i. e. of too much or too little precaution.
-Parum prudens. "Not sufficiently prudent." Or simply "im-
prudent."
"L
20. Scd quisnam est iste, &c. "But who is that one so lost to
all judgment?" i. e. who is the infatuated man whom you suspect
of harbouring this design against you.-The student will mark the
force of iste. Compare note 4, page 1.
21. De tuisne? "Is he one of your own ?" i. e. one of your own
friends.-Qui magis sunt tui? "Who are more your own?"
"Who were with you in the war.
1. Qui una tecum fuerunt.
Referring to his followers generally.
66
""
2. Tantus furor. "So great madness.”—Omnia summa “Every
thing that was most desirable," i. e. the full completion of his
wishes.
3. Cavendum est.
"Who are they?" i. e. where are they now to be found?
4. Supersunt. We have adopted here the conjecture of Lambi-
nus, which is approved of by Ernesti. The common text has super-
fuerunt.
5. Tantae latebrae, &c. "Lurking places so deep, and recesses
so hidden in their nature."-Diligentiam. "Your circumspection."
"You must take care, I suppose."-Qui?
25*
294
ORATION FOR
Page.
66 6. Tam ignarus rerum, &c. "So ignorant of the course of
events, so total a stranger to the state of public affairs.”
7. Ex unius tua vita. ،، On your individual existence." Liter-
ally, "on the life of thee alone." The genitive unius is put in
apposition with the genitive implied in the possessive tua.-— Omnium,
Supply vitas.
8. Ut debeo. "As I thought to do," i. e. as I am in duty bound,
considering the many favours you have hitherto bestowed upon me.
9. Casus duntaxat humanos, &c. "I dread merely the common
accidents of life, and the uncertain issues of health," &c.
10. Doleoque cum respublica, &c. The republic, remarks Cicero,
ought to be immortal; but it depends entirely on your existence :
you, therefore, ought to be as immortal as the republic ought to be.
But you are a mortal, and I inourn, therefore, as well on account
of its destinies as the shortness and limitation of your own career.-
The language of flattery can hardly go farther.
11. Sceleris insidiarumque consensio. "The conspiring force
of guilt and treachery."
12. Excitanda. "Are to be raised to their former state." An
adroit exhortation unto Caesar to restore the former state of things,
and one, too, so managed as to render it impossible for him to take
offence.-Jucere. "Lie prostrate."--Belli ipsius impetu, &c.
"Struck down and laid low, as was of necessity to be expected,
by the very shock of the war."
13. Constituenda judicia. "Justice is to be re-established."
Literally, "trials," i. e. the dispensing of justice must be placed
upon a sure basis as formerly.-Revocanda fides. "Public credit
is to be re-instated." Literally, "is to be recalled," i. e. to the
position it formerly occupied in the opinions of all.
14. Comprimendae libidines. Licentiousness must be re-
pressed," i. e. the license attendant upon a state of warfare.
15. Propaganda soboles. "Population be increased." Literally,
"offspring be propagated," i. c. an increase of population encour-
aged, to repair the losses occasioned by the carnage of the civil wars.
Compare Dio Cassius, (43, 25,) ἐπειδή τε δεινὴ ὀλιγανθρωπία, διὰ τὸ
τῶν ἀπολωλότων πλῆθος,
πολυπαιδίας ἆθλα ἐπίθηκεν. δο
also Augustus, at the close of the civil contest between himself and
Antony, caused the famous Lex Julia, de maritandis ordinibus, to
be enacted. Consult Legal Index.
((
•
16. Omnia quac dilapsa, &c. "All those things, which have
fallen away and are now going fast to ruin, are to be bound firmly
in their former places by rigorous laws." A metaphor taken from
the component parts of a thing becoming disunited, and the whole
M. MARCELLUS.
295
Page
falling to ruins. Such, according to the orator, has been the influ--66
ence of civil war on the institutions of Rome, an evil which Caesar
is entreated to remedy by vigorous and salutary ordinances.
"Excitement.".
17. Non fuit recusandum quin. "It was not to be denied but
that."-Ardore.
-Quassata respublica. "The
shattered republic.”—Praesidia stabilitatis suae.
"The supports
of its stability," i. e. its stable supports.
18. Armatus. "When in arms."-Togalus. "If arrayed in
the robe of peace," i. e. if acting in a civil capacity and if no intes-
tine war had been raging. Compare note 15, page 30.
19. Quibus pracler te, &c. "For no one can heal them save
you," i. c. the power, which you now enjoy in the state, makes you
the fittest person to restore peace and happiness to your country.
20. Itaque illam tuam, &c. "And hence it was with a feeling
of concern I heard that very remarkable and philosophic saying of
yours, I have lived long enough for the purposes either of nature
or of glory.'" The remark here alluded to formed part of Caesar's
observations in the senate, when the affair of Marcellus was brought
before them. After having complained of the undiminished hostil-
ity of that individual towards him, and stated his own suspicions of
secret treachery from Marcellus in case he were pardoned, he went
on to remark, that, after all, this last was a matter of little moment
to himself, since he had already lived long enough and enjoyed
sufficient of glory. When he made this remark he was in the 54th
ycar of his age.
C
1. Patria certe parum.
"Not long enough certainly for your 67
country." His country still wants the presence of Caesar to give
her tranquillity and a settled order of things.
2. Quare omitte, &c. "Discard then that pretended wisdom
shown by some philosophers in contemning death; do not wish to
be wise at our risk," i. e. leave to its authors that stoical indiffer-
ence which would inculcate the contempt of death; such pretended
wisdom would be fraught with the most ruinous consequences to
ourselves, whose lives depend on yours.-Istam here denotes con-
tempt, and, in accordance with this idea, we have rendered it by the
words "that pretended."
3. Doclorum hominum. Literally, "of the learned." Docti
homines is herc, however, only a periphrasis for philosophi, and the
stoic sect are particularly meant. The followers of this school
taught that life and death are among those things which are in
their nature indifferent. (Enfield's Philosophy, vol. 1, p. 350,
seqq.)
4. Nimis crebro dicere, &c, Suetonius informs us, that Caesar
?
296
ORATION FOR
Page.
67 had, in fact, led some of his friends to entertain the opinion, that
he did not wish to live any longer, and did not regret the feeble
health under which he was then labouring: Suspicionem Caesar
quibusdam suorum reliquit, neque voluisse se diutius vivere, neque
curasse quod valetudine minus prospera uteretur." (Suet. Vit.
Jul. c. 86.)
5. Tibi. "For yourself," i. e. for all that you care to live for ;
for all that your own feelings told you was worth enjoying in life.
6. Credo. "I believe it," i. e. I have no doubt that such is the
state of your present feelings, and that you frequently indulge in
such remarks as these.
""
7. Si tibi soli viveres. "If you were living for yourself alone,"
i. e. for yourself alone and not for your country also.
8. Nunc. But now." Equivalent to sed. Compare pro
Arch. c. 11: "Nunc insidet quaedam in optimo quoque virtus,"
&c.
9. Res tuae gestae complexae sint. "Your actions have em-
braced," i e. have been and continue to be closely identified with.
Faernus rejects gestae, of which emendation Ernesti approves, on
the ground that res tuae gestae ought to be at least res a te gestae.
He retains, however, the common reading res tuae gestae, because
the same form occurs again in the 9th chapter.
10. Tanlum abes a, &c. "You are so far from the completion
of your greatest works, that you have not yet laid the very founda-
tions which you think you have." Quae cogitas may also be ren-
dered more freely,
(C as you
think you have." So again the phra-
seology tantum abes
ut, may be also translated, "you not
only have not completed, &c. but have not even laid," &c. Com-
pare, as regards this form of expression, the remarks of Scheller,
Praecept, Styl. vol. 1, p. 65.
11. Hic tu modum tuae vitae, &c. "Will you here bound your
existence not by the safety of the state, but by the moderation of
your own feelings." Compare the explanation of Budacus:
"Putasne te propterea satis vixisse, quod aequo animo et citra
indignationem mori potes, et annos praeteritos non requiris ?”
"That portion of existence which you have thus far
enjoyed." With istud we may supply vitae. Literally, "that of
life which is yours."
12. Istud.
•
13. Parumne igitur, &c. "Will we then, you will ask, leave
behind us, at the present moment, no great degree of glory ?" i. e.
will I, if my existence now terminate, leave behind me no great
degree of fame for posterity.
14. Aliis, quamvis multis, &c. Enough for others, howsoever
(C
M. MARCELLUS.
297
Page.
numerous they may be; for yourself alone not enough,” i. e. the 67
glory you have thus far acquired might suffice for any other but
Caesar.
His destinies, interwoven as they are with those of his
country, demand a larger share.
15. Quidquid enim est, &c. "For whatever there is, how
extensive soever it may be, this certainly is but small, when there
is any thing still more extensive than itself," i. e. your glory, Cae-
is now undoubtedly great, but still it sinks into comparative
insignificance when compared with that higher glory to which you
have it in your power to attain.
sar,
16. Rerum tuarum immortalium.
"Of thy immortal achieve-
ments."
17. Vide, quaeso, &c. "Beware lest your divine virtues be
likely to enjoy more of admiration than of glory," i. e. be likely to
excite the admiration of others, rather than add to your own glory.
61
18. Siquidem gloriu est, &c. Since glory is the brilliant and
wide-spread renown arising from many and important services,
either to one's friends, or country, or the whole human race."
Some MSS. have vel in suos cives, but this would be pleonastic as
in patriam follows.
"This character, there-
19. Haec igitur tibi reliqua pars est.
fore, yet remains for you to sustain." A metaphor borrowed from
the language of the stage. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. : “ Pars
in scena est persona quam quis suscepit agendam. Hence the
expressions in the Latin writers: "actores primarum partium,”
“actores secundarum partium," &c., i. e. first-rate actors, second-
rate," &c.
20. Hic restal actus. "This act remains to be performed," i. c.
this act in the drama of your glory.
21. In hoc cluborandum est, &c. "For the attainment of this
end must you exert your best endeavours, that you may place our
republic on a firm basis, and may be among the first to enjoy it, in
its settled state, ainid perfect tranquillity and retirement." In some
good MSS. the word composita does not appear, and hence Faernus,
Lambinus, and Graevius have expunged it from the text. It is
retained, however, by Ernesti, who thinks composita too good a
term to have owed its origin to a mere gloss.
22. Cum summa tranquillitate ci otio. Of which Caesar had
thus far enjoyed so little. Compare Manutius: Nam adhuc tran-
quillitate Caesar et otro caruerat, perpetuis bellis, Pharsalico, Alex-
andrino, Africano vexatus.
23. El naturum ipsam expleveris, &c. "And shall have satis-
fied Nature herself with a sufficient term of existence," i. c. when
""
298
ORATION FOR
Page.
67 Nature herself is sated with living; when you shall have reached a
good old age.
24. Quid est enim, &c. "For, after all, what is this same living
long, in which there is always something that closes the scene, and,
when this has arrived, all past pleasure goes for nothing, because
there is none to be thereafter ?" Cicero's argument is this. What
is a long life, considered merely as such? It is only a space of
time which eventually is to have an end, and, when this end arrives,
all that went before passes for a mere blank, because a mere blank
comes after. How much better is it to lead a glorious life, which
knows no limits, but will be perpetuated amid the praises of pos-
terity. Say not then, Caesar, that you have now lived for a suffi-
cient period, but rather turn your view to the career of glory which
awaits you.
When you have completed this, then say that you
have lived long enough, for then your fame will be immortal.
25. Quanquam iste, &c. Cicero here corrects himself, in order
that Caesar may not take offence at what precedes.
26. His angustiis, &c. "With these narrow limits which nature
has prescribed unto us for the mere purposes of existence," i. e.
with the narrow limits of life which nature has prescribed.
68
1. Nec vero haec tua vita, &c. Nor, in truth, can this be re-
garded as your life which is bounded by the body and the soul," i. e.
by the union of the soul with the body.-Some MSS. have dicenda
est in place of ducenda est, and it is adopted also by Lambinus, Wolf,
Schütz, and others.
um.
2. Vita est tua. "Is your true existence."-Saeculorum omni-
"Of all coming ages."-Alet. "Shall cherish."-Tuebitur.
"Shall guard as its own," i. e. shall preserve. Equivalent to con-
servabil or sustinebit.
3. Huic tu inservias, &c. "It is for this existence that it be-
hooves you now to labour, for this to show forth your glory to the
world an existence, which has long since possessed many things
at which to wonder, which now looks for those that it may praise,'
i. e. an existence which already possesses many claims to our won-
der, which now looks for claims to our applause.
"
""
4. Imperia, provincias. "Your commands, your provinces," i. c.
the variety of important military commands which you have filled,
the numerous countries which have been the theatres of those com-
mands.
5. Rhenum. Referring to Caesar's victories over the Gauls and
Germans.-Oceanum. Alluding to his invasion of Britain.-Nilum.
His operations in Egypt.
6. Monumenta innumera. "The countless monuments that
M. MARCELLUS.
299
Page.
perpetuate those victories." We have adopted innumera, the read- 68
ing of several good MSS. and early editions, in place of the common
lection, monumenta, munera. The term munera, as referring to
mere gladiatorial shows, and public exhibitions, seems out of place
here, the more especially as triumphos follows.
"Shall be placed on a sure basis
7. Stabilita tuis consiliis, &c.
by your counsels and laws."
8. Magna dissensio. "A great difference of opinion."
9. Alii fortasse aliquid rcquirent. "While others, perhaps, will
miss the presence of something else." Literally, "will seek for,"
i. e. will seek but find not.-This "something" is explained imme-
diately after. It is the extinguishing of the flames of civil war, by
giving peace and safety to his country; or, in other words, the re-
moving of every trace of former dissension, and the introduction of
good order and public prosperity. In order to bring about these
desirable results, the presence of Caesar is necessary, and he has,
therefore, not yet lived long enough. If he stop now, there is a
chance lest posterity may assign his successes to the mere operation
of the decrees of destiny. He must do something still, which shall
render his wisdom and sound policy conspicuous to after-ages.
10. Salute patriae. "By the safety of your country," i. e. by
placing on a firm basis the safety and happiness of the Roman state.
11. Ut illud, &c. "That the former may appear to have been
the work of fate, the latter of wisdom." Illud refers to Caesar's
previous achievments, hoc to what Cicero and posterity expect
from him, in securing the repose of his country.
12. Servi igitur, &c. "Have regard then for the opinions of
those judges, who, many ages after this, will decide concerning thee,
and perhaps, indeed, more impartially than we ourselves." Servire
is here equivalent to rationem habere, and carries with it the idea of
labouring strenuously to secure some advantage, or to gain the good
opinion of another. (Compare Schütz, Index. Lat. s. v.)-Tho
judges to whom Cicero alludes are posterity, and their tribunal will
be any but a partial one.
13. Haud scio an. Consult note 22, page 40.-Et sine amore
et sine cupiditate, &c. "Unbiassed by both affection and a love of
solf, and free on the other hand from hatred and envy." Cupiditas
refers here to schemes of personal advancement, which may be
furthered by flattering the feelings of the powerful.
14. Id autem etiam, &c. "And even if this shall, (as some
falsely imagine,) in no respect concern you then; it certainly con-
cerns you now," &c., i. e. and even if the praises of posterity shall
in no respect affect you, (supposing that erroneous doctrine to be
300
ORATION FOR
Page.
68 true which teaches that there is no existence beyond the grave,)
still, &c.-The expression ut quidam falso pulant expresses
Cicero's disbelief in the doctrine of materialism which was then
prevalent at Rome among the upper classes. The remark comes in
here with great beauty, and still greater force, since Cacsar himself
was a believer in the non-existence of a future state, and had openly
avowed this opinion, on a former occasion, during the debate in the
senate respecting the punishment of the accomplices of Catiline.
The future glory of Caesar, as far as he himself shall be sensible of
it, is here placed in full opposition to his own dark and chilling
belief.
15. Diversae voluntates, &c. The inclinations of the citizens
were various, and their opinions wholly divided." Alluding to the
period of the civil contest.
16. Consiliis et studiis. "In sentiments and wishes." Com-
pare Manutius: "consiliis ad sententias refertur, studiis ad volun-
tates."
17. Erat autem obscuritas quaedam. "There was also an air
of obscurity thrown, as it were, over the whole affair," i. e. the
merits of the cause were dubious, and it was hard to say, on which
side the justice of the contest lay.-An adroit extenuation, on the
part of Cicero, of his own error and that of his friends in espousing
the cause of Pompey.
"Between two most illustrious
(C
18. Inter clarissimos duces.
leaders," i. e. Caesar and Pompey.
19. Multi dubitabant, &c. ""
Many were in doubt, what one of
the two causes might be the most just; many, what might be most
expedient for themselves; many, what might be becoming in their
case; some even, what it might be permitted them to do." Cicero
here gives us four distinct classes of persons, all engaging more or
less in the civil contest, and all actuated by different sentiments.
In the first class are the true patriots and lovers of their country,
whose only object is to ascertain what may be most conducive to
her welfare. In the second class are the pretended patriots, who
have a single eye to their own interests. The third class consists
of those who are under personal obligations to one or other of the
two leaders, and who, in selecting a side, are to be governed in a
great measure by the claims of previous attachment, or, in other
words, by what is becoming in their case.
The last class are the
plunderers of party, whose only object is to
may go with impunity
ascertain how far they
20. Perfuncla est. "Has at last gone through with,” i. e. is at
last freed from. According to the rule of the ancient grammarians,
M. MARCELLUS.
301
Page
defungor is generally said of what is bad, and perfungor of what is 68
good. We have here, however, an exception to the remark. Com-
pare Har. Resp. 8, and ad Fam. 5, 12.
21. Qui non fortuna, &c. "Who would not inflame his resent-
ment by success," i. e. who would not act as victors are accus-
tomed to act, and make victory the occasion and means for indul-
ging in fiercer resentment than ever against his political foes.-
Sed bonitate leniret. "But would soften it down by clemency,"
i. e. would make a mild and merciful use of it.
1. Morte. Caesar, after proving victorious, is said to have put 69
none to death except Faustus Sylla, Afranius, and L. Caesar. (Sue-
ton. Vit. Jul c 75.)
2. Arma ab aliis, &c. "Their arms were laid down by some,
were forced from others." Graevius condemns the use of ab in this
sentence as violating correct Latinity: but it is employed in a
similar way by the best writers, and by Cicero himself in the fol-
lowing instances: in Verr. 3, 48, in Valin. 12, 5. Compare Er-
nesti, ad lec. and Duker, ad Liv. 41, 14.
3. Armorum periculo liberatus, &c. "After having been freed
from the danger of war, retains a spirit of warfare," i. e. who after
having been forgiven, still cherishes hostile feelings.
4. Ul ctiam ille sit melior.
of excuse."-In causa. "In
espoused.
"So that even he is more worthy
defence of the cause which he has
5. Sed jam omnis, &c. Now, however, all civil disunion has
been completely overcome by arms." Compare Manutius: "Frac-
ta, h. e. sublata, spoliata viribus."
6. Unum velint. "Unite in their wishes."-Nisi.
"Which you have expressed."
less."-Qua usus es.
7. Ut vilue, &c. Because on Caesar's safety, and on the con-
tinuance of his life, depend the lives and safety of all.
8. De me. "As far as regards myself."
<<
"For un-
"Non
9. Subesse aliquid. "That something lies concealed." Subesse
is here equivalent to latere. Compare Ep. ad Fam. 10, 18 :
possum non exhorrescere, si quid intra culem subest vulneris, quod
prius nocere potesi, quam sciri curarique possit.”
10. Laterum nostrorum oppositus, &c. "The intervention of
our sides and of our bodies," i. e. we are willing to present our own
bodies as a rampart between you and your foes.
11. Sed unde est orsa, &c. "But let my remarks terminate as
they began." Literally, "let
my speech be ended in the same
place whence it began,'
began," i. e. let me end as I began with an expres-
sion of thanks.
26
302
ORATION FOR
Page.
69 12. Majores etiam habemus. "We have still greater ones, which
language cannot express." Compare Manutius : "Plus enim
animus comprehendit, quam quod exsequi verbis liceat."
13. Stantibus. When any senator spoke he stood up, except
when he merely assented to another. Cicero means, therefore, that
it is not necessary for all the assembled senators to address Caesar
standing," i. e. personally or individually. Some of the early
editions have astantibus, which appears in a few MSS.
ไ
A me certe dici volunt.
14. Dicere. "To give utterance to those feelings in words.".
They wish them to be expressed by me
"Both because."
at least."-Et quod.
64
15. Praccipue id, &c. Ernesti rejects praecipue id a me fieri,
and changes debere to deberi. But this is too bold, although resting
in some degree on MS. authority.
16. Non ut. "Not as it were."
17. Quod autem summae, &c. "What constitutes, moreover,
a proof of the most intimate friendship, (such as mine towards him
was known by all on every occasion to have been, so that I scarcely
yielded to Caius Marcellus, his most excellent and affectionate
brother, except him, indeed, to no one,) this, after having displayed
it as long as there was any doubt about his personal safety, by my
solicitude, my carc, my exertions in his behalf, I certainly ought to
exhibit on the present occasion, freed as I now am from anxieties,
troubles, sorrows of no ordinary magnitude."—In the regular gram-
matical construction of this sentence the antecedent id, understood
before quod, is governed by praestare. We have preferred, how-
ever, in order to render the whole more intelligible, to consider
quod as elliptical for quod attinet ad id quod, and to understand
another id before pracstare.
18. Itaque Cai Caesar, &c. The elegance of the idiom sic
ul, in this passage, is worthy of particular notice. It is
the same, in effect, as ob hoc, quod. "Wherefore, Caius Caesar,
I return you my thanks for this, because, after having been not
only restored by you in all respects to a state of safety, but even
graced with honours, a crowning favour has nevertheless been
added, by your conduct on this occasion, to your countless acts of
kindness already conferred upon me individually, a circumstance
which I thought no longer able to be brought about."
It remains but to add a few words relative to Marcellus.
his fate is a singular one. After being pardoned by
Mitylene, and had come as far as the Piraeus, or harbour of Athens, on
The story of
Caesar, he left
M. MARCELLUS.
303
his way to Rome. Here he spent a day with his old friend and col-
league, Servius Sulpicius, intending to pursue his journey the following
day by sea. But in the night, after Sulpicius had taken leave of him,
the 23d of May, he was killed by his friend and client Magius, who
stabbed himself instantly with the same poinard. Sulpicius sent an
account of the whole affair, to Cicero, (Ep. ad Fum. 4, 12,) of which the
following is an extract :-
"On the 22d of May, I came by sea from Epidaurus to the Piraeus, to
meet my colleague Marcellus, and, for the sake of his company, spent
that day with him there. The next day, when I took my leave of him
with the intention of going from Athens into Boeotia, to finish the
remaining part of my jurisdiction, he, as he told me, intended to set sail,
at the same time, for Italy. The day following, about four in the morn-
ing, when I was preparing to set out for Athens, his friend P. Postu-
mius came to let me know that Marcellus was stabbed by his companion,
P. Magius Cilo, after supper, and had received two wounds, the one in
his stomach, the other in his head near the ear; but he was in hopes still
that he might live; that Magius presently killed himself; and that Mar-
cellus sent him to inform me of the case, and to desire that I would bring
some physicians to hun. I got some together immediately, and went
away with them before break of day. But when I was come near the
Piraeus, Acidinus' boy met me with a note from his master, in which
it was signified, that Marcellus died a little before day."
Magius, who killed him, was of a family which had borne some of the
public offices, and had himself been quaestor. Having attached himself
to the fortunes of Marcellus, and followed him through the wars and his
exile, he was now returning with him to Italy. Sulpicius gives no hint of
any cause that induced him to commit this horrid act, which, by the
immediate death of Magius, could never be clearly known. Cicero's
conjecture was, that Magius, oppressed with debts, and apprehending
some trouble, on that score, upon his return, had been urging Marcellus,
who was his surety for some part of them, to furnish him with money to
pay the whole, and, on receiving a denial, was provoked to the madness
of killing his patron. (Ep. ad. Att. 13, 10.)
(Ep. ad. Alt. 13, 10.) According to others,
however, he was prompted to the deed, by seeing other friends more
favoured by Marcellus than himself.
(Val. Max. 9, 11.)
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF THE MANILIAN LAW.
Pago.
71
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "The Oration of Marcus Tul-
lius Cicero in favour of the Manilian law."-This oration, which is
accounted one of the most splendid of his productions, was the first
in which Cicero addressed the whole people from the rostra. It
was pronounced in favour of a law proposed by Manilius, a tribune
of the commons, (A. U. C. 687,) for constituting Pompey sole
general, with extraordinary powers, in the war against Mithridates
and Tigranes, in which Lucullus had previously commanded. The
Mithridatic war had now continued for the space of twenty-three
years, with some intermission, and with great alternations of fortune
on both sides.
The chiefs of the senate regarded the law in question as a dan-
gerous precedent in the republic; and all the authority of Catulus,
and eloquence of Hortensius, were directed against it. Cicero, in
advocating its passage, divides his discourse into two parts,-show-
ing, first, that the importance and imminent dangers of the contest,
in which the state was engaged, required the unusual remedy pro-
posed, and—secondly, that Pompey was the fittest person to be
entrusted with the conduct of the war. This leads to a splendid
panegyric on that commander, in which, while he does justice to
the merits of Lucullus, he enlarges on the military skill, valour,
authority, and good fortune of his favourite chief, with all the force
and beauty which language can afford. By dwelling on these
topics, and by adducing examples from all antiquity, of the state's
having been benefited, or saved, by entrusting unlimited power
to a single person, he allays all fears of the dangers, which, it was
apprehended, might result to the constitution from such extensive
authority being vested in one individual.
304
THE MANILIAN LAW.
305-
The Manilian law was passed, and the success of Pompey was
brilliant and decisive, without any of those evil effects resulting to
the state which the foes of the measure had predicted.
2. Quamquam mihi, &c. Although, Romans, the sight of
your crowded assemblies has always appeared to me by far the most
pleasing of spectacles, and this place, moreover, the most dignified
for treating with you, the most honourable for haranguing."
3. Hic autem locus. Alluding to the rostra, where he was
standing at the time. The rostra (more commonly, but less correctly
called rostrum) was a pulpit or tribunal, in the Roman forum, where
those who addressed the people stood. It was so called, because
adorned with the beaks of the vessels said to have been taken from
the Antiates. (Liv. 8, 14.-Varro, L. L. 4, 32.) There were at
Rome the old and new rostra, (velera et nova,) the former, which are
here meant, stood in the centre of the forum, (Appiun, B. C. 1,
94,) the latter at the base of the Palatine, in the southern angle of
the forum. This last was erected by Caesar. (Nardini, R. V. 5,
3.-Rasche Lex. rei num. vol. 7, col. 1286.)
7. Mea voluntas. "C
Page
71
"
4. Ad agendum. The phrase agere cum populo signifies, “to
treat with the people," i. e. to address them, soliciting their votes
for or against a particular measure. Thus Aulus Gellius remarks,
(13, 15): “Cum populo agere est rogare quid populum quod suf-
fragis suis aut jubeat aut vetet."
5. Amplissimus. This epithet is here applied to the rostra, from
the circumstance of magistrates alone, or those whom they per-
mitted, being allowed to address the people from this place. So
also, the expression ad dicendum ornatissimus indicates how hon-
ourable it was considered to harangue the people from the rostra.
Compare the explanation of Hotomannus: " Ad agendum amplissi-
mum appellat, quod nullis nisi amplitudine praeditis viris agere
cum populo liceret; ad dicendum ornatissimum autem, quod orna-
mento esset iis qui concionabantur."
6. Hoc aditu laudis, &c. "From this avenue to praise, which
has always lain freely open to each most meritorious individual."
More literally, "which has always lain open in particular," &c. By
optimo cuique are meant the wise and good.-With a magistrate's
permission, private persons were allowed to address the peoplo
from the rostra.
My own inclinations."
8. Mcac vitae rationes, &c. "The rules of conduct formed by
me from the very commencement of my career." More literally,
26*
306
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
71 "my way of life," &c. Cicero here refers to the rule, which he had
laid down for himself, of attending to the private concerns and cases
of his friends, until age and experience should qualify him for ap
pearing in public and addressing the people from the rostra.-By
actate in this sentence is meant, not boyhood, but the period of
Cicero's entering on active and professional pursuits.
9. Per aetatem. Cicero had already held the offices of quaestor
and acdile before he addressed the people on this occasion. He
was now in his 41st year.
10. Hujus auctoritatem loci attingere. "To have aught to do
with the authority of this place," i. e. to aspire, in the slightest
degree, to the honour of addressing you from such a place as this,
where none but the most eminent individuals ought to be heard.-
Attingere properly means, "to touch gently," " to come in slight con-
tact with," and is, therefore, the very term to employ in the present
case. It is sanctioned by the authority of many MSS., and is
adopted by Graevius, Ernesti, and others. The common reading
contingere is too strong, implying, "to come in full contact with,”
"to reach," &c.
11. Nisi perfectum ingenio, &c. "But what had been perfected
by maturity of talent, carefully wrought out by assiduous applica-
tion." Cicero assigns three reasons for his not ascending the rostra
at an earlier period: first, the rule of conduct which he had pre-
scribed to himself, in devoting his chief attention, at first, to the
private cases of his friends: secondly, the modesty and diffidence
arising from his consciousness of the want of experience; and thirdly,
the conviction, that no one ought to address the people from the
place where he then stood, except after his abilities had become
matured by age, and sharpened by application and extensive expe-
rience.
12. Omne meum tempus, &c. "I thought that all my time.
ought to be devoted to the concerns of my friends," i. e. to my
friends standing in need of my assistance and advice. As regards
the peculiar force of temporibus, in this passage, consult note 19,
page 52.-Transmillendum. More literally, "ought to be trans-
ferred."
13. Vestram causam. "Your interests." Compare the remark
of Manutius: "Rostra enim nemo nisi pro populo dicturus as-
cendit."
14. Et meus labor, &c. "And my exertions, fairly and faithfully
employed amid the dangers of private individuals, have reaped from
your suffrages a most ample reward," i. c. employed by me in ward-
ing off the dangers which threatened my clients. Some commenta-
THE MANILIAN LAW.
307
Page.
tors consider the expressions caste integreque as having reference 71
to the Cincian law, by which advocates were not allowed to take
any fees or presents from their clients, (vid. Legal Index.) The
allusion, however, seems rather to be a general one, to professional
fidelity and care.
15. Propter dilationem comitiorum. "On account of the adjourn-
ment of the comitia." The comitia were adjourned, i. e. stopped,
and put off to another day, for various reasons. Any magistrate of
equal or greater authority than the one who presided, might, as well
as the latter, take the auspices before the meeting was held, espe-
cially if he wished to hinder an election, or prevent a law from
being passed. If such magistrate, therefore, declared that he had
heard thunder or seen lightning, the comitia were broken off, and
deferred to another day. The same result was produced if any
person, while they were holding, was seized with epilepsy, if a tem-
pest arose, if a tribune of the commons interposed his veto, &c.
16. Ter praetor primus, &c. "I was thrice declared first prae-
tor by all the centuries," i. e. twice at the two comitia that were
broken off, and where the people had already manifested their good
wishes towards him, and the third time when he was actually elected.
The number of praetors at this time was eight. He was called
praetor primus, or first praetor, who had the largest number of votes,
and the result of the clection was always proclaimed by the voice
of a herald, who was said renunciare, "to declare" the result, just
as the successful candidates were said renunciari.-Plutarch in-
forms us, that, on this occasion, Cicero had many persons of dis-
tinction for competitors, and yet he was returned first. (Vit.
Cic. c. 9.)
17. Centuriis cunctis. The praetors were chosen at the Com-
itia centuriatia, as were also the consuls, censors, &c. The
inferior magistrates, such as the aediles, tribunes, quaestors, &c.
were elected at the comitia tributa. At the latter of these comitia,
the vote of cach citizen counted, whercas at the centuriala the
centuries of the different classes voted as such. Thus, there were
193 centuries, forming six classes, and of these the first and richest
class consisted of ninety seven centuries. If the centuries of the
first class agreed, the affair was decided. This arrangement, which
dated back as far as the time of Servius Tullius, was intended to
place all the power in the hands of the upper classes.
18. Et quid aliis praescriberetis.
"And what course of conduct
you prescribed to others," i. e. in case they wish to attain to your
favour in as signal a manner as I had. The course prescribed was
the one which Cicero had pursued, namely to devote their earlier
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ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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71 efforts to the concerns of friends and clients, until the experience
which this brought along with it entitled them to come forward with
strong claims on the favour of the people.
"
19. Quantum vos honoribus, &c. 'As you have willed there
should be in the circumstance of your conferring honours upon me,"
i. e. as you have willed should be annexed to the offices which you
have bestowed upon me.-Honoribus mandandis. Literally, "in
assigning honours." Compare the explanation of Fabricius:
"dum honores mihi mandatis." The common text has mandan-
dum, for which we have given mandandis with Fabricius, Ernesti,
and others, on the authority of several MSS.
20. Et ad agendum, &c. “And as much fitness for addressing
you, as the almost daily exercise of speaking has been able to bring
with it to a man of industrious habits, from the practice of the
bar," i. e. to one who has thus far been merely a pleader at the
bar.-Ad agendum. Literally, "for treating with you." Compare
note 4, page 71.
21. Ea apud eos utar, &c.
i. e. "in the presence of," or,
the Roman people assembled in comitia.
"I will exert it with those," &c.
"before those," The allusion is to
22. Dicendo. This serves to explain ad agendum, in the previ-
ous part of the sentence, with which it is synonymous.
72 1. Qui ei quoque rei, &c. "Who have thought that some
recompense for this also should be awarded me by their suffrages."
By the expression ei rei, Cicero means, not so much the mere habit
of speaking at the bar, considered in itself, as the fact of his having
always exerted himself there in defending the welfare and interests
of his friends and clients.-Fructum. The recompense alluded to
was the praetorship, which he had obtained that very year. A. U..
C. 687.
2. Atque illud, &c. "And I see that the following circum-
stance, in particular, ought with good reason to afford me a ground
of rejoicing," i. e. that I ought, with good reason, to congratulate
myself on the following account.
3. In hac insolita mihi, &c. "In this, to me unusual, mode
of speaking from the place where I now stand," i. e. unaccus-
tomed as I am to harangue in this manner, and from this place.
The pronoun hoc, with loco, indicates the gesture of the orator.
4. Oratio. "An eloquent appeal." Literally, an oration," or
"harangue."
5. Difficilius est exitum, &c.
abundance of materials, with
fail to supply the speaker.
On account, namely, of the rich
which the merits of Pompey cannot
Cicero's harangue here will remind the
THE MANILIAN LAW.
309
Page.
student of the exordium of Lysias, in the speech against Eratos- 72
thenes : Οὐκ ἄρξασθαί μοι δοκεῖ ἄπορον εἶναι, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταὶ
ἀλλὰ παύσασθαι λέγοντι.
6. Copia.
"some limit."
"An abundant supply of materials."-Modus.
7. Unde haec omnis causa ducitur. "Whence the whole of the
affair now under consideration is derived." We have adopted
ducitur, the reading of the best editions, in place of dicitur, which
is exhibited by the common text.
8. Vestris vectigulibus atque sociis. Against your tributaries
and allies." The vertigales were they who paid taxes or tribute
in the produce of their lands; the stipendiari, on the contrary, in
money. The former were in a better condition than the latter,
since the proportion of produce paid by them depended always on
the nature of the crop, being less in years of scarcity than in those
when the harvests were abundant; whereas, in the case of the
stipendiarii, the amount was always the same one year with another.
Consult Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. stipendiarius, and the authorities
there cited.
"C
9. Mithridate et Tigrane. The former, king of Pontus, the
latter of Armenia. Tigranes was son-in-law to Mithridates. Con-
sult Historical Index.
^^
10. Quorum alter relictus. "The one of whom being left unme-
lested after defeat," i. e. not being pushed after defeat; the victory on
the part of the Romans not being followed up. The allusion is to
Mithridates, who, after being repeatedly overcome by Lucullus, had
again become powerful, the Roman general not being able to follow
up his successes, in consequence of the mutinous spirit of his
troops. Part of his army had been discharged and disembodied,
the remainder transferred to Glabrio. Compare the end of chapter
9:
Hic in ipso illo malo," &c.
11. Aller lacessitus. "The other provoked by your arms,” i. e.
roused to action by the movements of Lucullus. This is a mere
piece of oratorical exaggeration. The truth was, Mithridates and
Tigranes were on the poin of entering Lycaonia and Cilicia with
their whole force, when Lucullus marched into Armenia. (Plut.
Vit. Lucull. c. 24, seq.)
12. Asiam. The Roman province of Asia is here meant, com-
prchending Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and Phrygia. Consult Geograph-
ical Index. The revenues of this province were extremely rich, and
hence the tempting nature of the prize. Compare the remark of
Manutius: "Asiam, cujus certissima et magna vectigalia.”
13. Equitibus Romanis. The Roman knights, or equites,
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ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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72 farmed the public revenues from the censors. -Honestissimis viris.
"A very honourable class of men." Cicero, himself of equestrian
origin, always uses this and similar language in speaking of the
equites.
14. Quorum magnae res aguntur, &c. Large sums belonging
to whom are now at stake there, being laid out by them in the
farming of your revenues." The equites, or, as they were more
commonly called, publicani, had purchased the revenues of the
province of Asia from the censors, for a large amount, and were to
look to the actual collection of those revenues for reimbursement
and profit. The large sums of money, thus advanced by them to
the state, were endangered by the prospect of war, since success
on the part of the foe, and the consequent ravaging of the fields,
would impair of course the productiveness of the province, and
lessen materially the chances of repayment.
15. Occupatae. Equivalent here to collocatae. Compare pro
Flacc. 21: “ Pecuniam adolescentulo, grandi fenore, fiducia tamen
accepta, occupavisti:" and also, in Verr. 1, 36: "Pecumas occu-
parat apud populos, et syngraphas fecerut."
16. Qui. "These."-Pro necessitudine, &c. « On_account
of the intimate connexion which exists between me and that order."
Cicero, as we have already remarked, was himself of equestrian
family. Compare pro Rub. 6: "Vos equites Romani videte: scitis
me ortum a vobis."
(4
M
17. Periculaque rerum suarum. "And the dangers to which
their own private fortunes are exposed."
18. Bithyniae. Consult Geographical Index.-Quae nunc vestra
provincia est. "Which is now a province of yours." Nicomedes,
the last sovereign of Bithynia, had, by his will, inade the Roman
people his heirs. The ostensible cause of this bequest was grati-
tude to the Romans, for having been restored to his dominions by
Sylla after having been driven out by Mithridates. (Eutrop, 6, 6.
-Appian. B. M. 7.)
19. Regnum Ariobarzanis.
Cappadocia. Ariobarzanes was
thrice driven from his throne by Mithridates. The first and second
time he was restored by Lucullus, the third by Pompey. The
period, alluded to in the text, is that which intervened between his
second expulsion and final restoration, and during which Mithridates
had again becoine powerful in consequence of the recall of Lucullus.
(Appian, B. S. 48.- Id. B. M. 10 segg.)
20. Ab eo hello discedere. It was now about eight years since
Lucullus was sent to the Mithridatic war, and he had during this
period, by a series of brilliant successes, acquired for himself a high
THE MANILIAN LAW.
311
Page.
military reputation. He had driven Mithridates out of his kingdom 72
of Pontus, and gained several memorable victories over him and his
son-in-law Tigranes. His success, however, occasioned envious
feelings at Rome, and it was alleged against him, that he had not
pushed the war with vigour against either Mithridates or Tigranes,
that he might furnish a pretext for his being still continued in com-
mand. His army, besides, had become restless and mutinous, from
the perpetual fatigues to which they were exposed, but principally
from the factious arts of Clodius, brother-in-law to Lucullus, who
was an officer in the army, and conceived himself neglected by the
commander. The disaffection of the troops was still farther
increased by an unlucky defeat of Triarius, one of the lieutenants
of Lucullus, who, in a rash engagement with Mithridates, was
destroyed, with the loss of his camp and the best of his troops.
As soon, therefore, as they heard that Glabrio, the consul of the
previous year, was appointed to succeed him, and had actually
arrived in Asia, they broke out into open mutiny, and refused to fol-
low Lucullus any longer, declaring that they had ceased to be his
soldiers.
21. Huic qui successerit, &c. "That the individual who has
succeeded him is but ill prepared for the management of so impor-
tant a war." The allusion is to Glabrio, who was appointed to
succeed Lucullus. The words non satis esse paratum ostensibly
refer to the inadequate state of his resources; but they contain also
a covert allusion to his mental incapacity. Cicero (Brut. 68) de-
scribes Glabrio, as "Socors ipsius natura, negligensque."―The
student will mark the force of the subjunctive mood in successerit,
The speaker gives merely the language of rumour, and does not
state, as a fact within his own knowledge, that Glabrio has, by this
time, actually assumed the command. So that qui successerit
means in truth, "who is said, by this time, to have succeeded him.”
-In place of successerit some read succurrerit, which last Hoto-
mann endeavours to defend, as expressing the cagerness with which
Glabrio seized the command, when superseding Lucullus. But
successerit is every way preferable.
22. Unum. "That one individual." Alluding to Pompey.—
Eundem hunc unum, &c. "That this same one individual is feared
by the enemy, no one besides."
23. Causa quae sit. What is the nature of the affair before
you," i. e. what is the nature of the discussion which now claims
your attention.
24. De genere belli. "Of the character of the war."
25 Ad studium persequendi. "To the desire of inflicting a
312
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
I
Page.
72 severe retaliation.”
but supplied by Graevius and Ernesti from MSS.
73
26. In quo agitur, &c. “For in it the glory of the Roman people
is at stake." In quo, beginning the clause, is equivalent to nam in eo.
1. Certissima vectigalia et maxima. "The surest and most
important revenues.” We have here another specimen of oratorical
exaggeration, since elsewhere (de leg. agr. 2, 29) Cicero speaks of
the Campanian vectigalia as the surest and best: "An ignoratis,
cetera illa magnifica populi Romani vectigalia, perlevi saepe mo-
mento fortunae, inclinatione temporis pendere? Quid nos Asiae
portus, quid Syriae rura, quid omnia transmarina vectigalia juva-
bunt, tenuissima suspicione pracdonum aut hostium injecta? At
vero hoc agri Campani vectigal cum ejusmodi est, ut domi sit, et
omnibus praesidiis oppidorum tegatur: tum neque bellis infestum,
nec fructibus varium, nec coelo ac loco calamitosum esse solet.'
""
2. Et pacis ornamenta, &c. "You will have to seek anew for
both the ornaments of peace, and the sinews of war," i. c. you will
miss, you will feel the want of what constitute the ornaments of
peace, &c. The same idea is expressed in the second oration
against the agrarian law of Rullus, (c. 29,) already referred to in the
previous note: "Pacis ornamentum, subsidium belli, fundamentum
vectigalium." Compare chapter 6, of the present speech: "Si et
belli utilitatcm et pacis dignitatem sustinere vultis.”
3. A vobis et ipsorum, &c. In the early editions, and in most
MSS., we find a vobis et imperatoribus reipublicae consulendum.
Lambinus obtained the reading in the text from three MSS., and it
has been adopted by Graevius, Ernesti, and others. Ernesti re-
marks: "Ego vero nullam causam idoneam vidco quare hic impera-
tores populi Romani commemorentur, cum de uno deligendo agatur,
et quidem per populum Romanum.
4. Delenda vobis, &c. "That stain, contracted in the previous
Mithridatic war, must be effaced by you, which has now sunk
deeply in, and become identified by lapse of time with the name
of the Roman people." Inveterasco, which we have here rather
paraphrased than translated, means literally, "to grow old in," "to
gather strength by age or time," "to become deeply rooted," &c.
5. Quod is, &c. "That he," &c. Referring to Mithridates,
and his indiscriminate slaughter of the Romans in Asia. This
monarch sent secret orders to all the governors of his Asiatic prov-
inces, enjoining on them to massacre, on the thirtieth day after the
receipt of these instructions, all the Romans and Italians in their
several districts, without regard to age or sex, and to leave their
bodies without the rites of burial. (Appian. B. M. 22.) Plutarch
These words are omitted in the common text,
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313
Page.
makes the number slain on this occasion to have been 150,000. 73
(Vit, Syll. c. 24.) Valerius Maximus (9, 2, 3) gives it as 80,000,
which is probably nearer the truth. This event occurred in the
consulship of Sylla and Q. Pompeius Rufus, A. U. C. 666, B. C. 88.
6. Uno die. The massacre took place on the same day through-
out the cities of Asia. The interval of thirty days was prescribed,
in order that the secret intelligence might be communicated in time
to the more distant cities. The messenger would have time to visit
all in thirty days, and all would then be prepared to act in concert.
7. Tot in civitatibus. Appian (B. M. 23) enumerates several
of the Greck cities of Asia which obeyed the cruel directions of
Mithridates, and mentions also the different ways in which the order
was executed. Temples and altars afforded no refuge. The only
two states that remained faithful to the Romans, amid the general
defection which followed this disaster, were Magnesia and Rhodes.
8. Atque una literarum significatione. "And by the import
of a single letter." The confidential messenger had a letter, or
general circular, which he showed to each of the governors of the
cities.
9. Cives Romanos, &c. "Marked out Roman citizens for
butchery and death." We have altered, in translating, the position
of trucidandos and necandos, in order to adapt the meaning more to
the English idiom. Trucido is to put to death with circumstances
of cruelty, to butcher, &c.
10. Sed ab illo tempore, &c. "But is now reigning for the
twenty-third year from that period." This oration was delivered
A. U. C. 687. The massacre took place A. U. C. 666.
11. Neque Cappadociae latebris. "Nor in the lurking places of
Cappadocia." The term latebrae refers to the inland situation of
this country, compared with the other regions that border upon
Pontus. Compare the remark of Manutius: "Quia gentium uni-
versarum, quae Pontum accolunt, una maxime introrsus recedit :"
and also Cicero, (Agr. 2, 21,) “In Paphlagoniae tenebris, atque in
Cappadociae solitudine.”
12. E patrio regno. Pontus. Mithridates was the seventh
monarch of the name that ruled over this country.—Atque in vestris
vectigalibus, &c. "And to carry on his operations in the midst of
your tributaries, that is, under the very eyes of Asia." The force
of luce, in this clause, is apparent from its being contrasted with
latebris occultare. Compare Ep. ad Quint. fratr. 1, 1, 2: “ Istam
virtutem non latere in tenebris, neque esse abditam, sed in luce
Asiae, in oculis clarissimae provinciae, atque in auribus omnium
gentium esse positam."
27
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ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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73
13. Insignia victoriae. "The badges of victory," i. e. standard
and other emblems of success. Some commentators consider the
allusion to be to triumphs, but erroneously.-Non victoriam. "No
victory itself."
14. L. Murena. L Licinius Murena was the lieutenant of Sylla
Consult Historical Index.
15. Pulsus superatusque regnaret.
vanquished still reigned.
Though repulsed and
16. Quod egerunt. "For what they did,” i. e. propter id quod
egerunt. Quod reliquerunt. "For what they left undone." Mat
thiae considers quod a conjunction here, and after reliquerunt under-
stands Mithridatem. The construction we have adopted is much
simpler. If quod be a conjunction with reliquerunt, it must also be
a conjunction with egerunt, than which nothing can be more awk-
ward.
""
(<
17. Respublica. "The state of public affairs at home." The
successes of the Marian faction at home induced Sylla to return to
Italy. He made one treaty with Mithridates; and Murena, his
lieutenant, when recalled by him, made another. Hence, in strict-
ness, the present was the third Mithridatic war.
18. Murenam Sulla revocavit. Sylla had pressing occasion,
very probably, for all these troops in Italy. According to Plutarch,
(who obtains his information from the commentaries of Sylla,) he
had to encounter on his return home, upon this occasion, fifteen
generals, who had under them not less than twenty-five legions.
(Vit. Sull. c. 27.)
19. Omne reliquum tempus. Referring to the interval between
the departure of Murena and the renewal of hostilities by the Ro-
mans.—Ad comparationem novi. "To preparations for a new one.'
">
20. Qui posteaquam, &c. "For after he had built and equipped,”
&c. Qui beginning a clause is here equivalent to ille.
21. Bosporanis. "Against the inhabitants of the Bosporus."
The people of the Thracian Bosporus (straits of Constantinople)
are meant, who had revolted from him to the Romans.
22. Legatos. L. Magius and L. Fannius, expatriated citizens
of Rome, and belonging to the Marian faction, who had fled to
Mithridates, and had persuaded him to send them as ambassadors to
Sertorius, the head of the Marian party, who was now very power-
ful in Spain. (Appian. B. M. 68.) Asconius, in his comments on
the first oration against Verres, (c. 34,) remarks as follows: "Hi
transfugae facti, a Mariano exercitu, apud Mithridatem agentes,
ab eodem rege ad Sertorium missi erant de paciscenda societate belli
adversus Romanos: quos in Italia jam positos, et ad Sertorium
THE MANILIAN LAW.
315
Page.
festinantes, et hostes judicaverat, et inquirendos mandaverat 73
senatus."
23. Ac literas. "And letters," i. e. proposals or despatches.
The MSS. vary considerably here. Some have Ecbatanis, which
is the reading adopted in the common text, others Electanis, Elec-
tariis, e Lebetanis, ac literas. This latter reading has been adopted
by Matthiae, Orellius, and others. It is certainly far preferable to
Ecbatanis, since Ecbatana, in Media, does not appear to have been
visited by Mithridates, or even Tigranes.
24. Ad eos duccs. Referring to Sertorius and his followers.
This commander had formed a senate, composed of the senators
proscribed by Sylla, as well as others of his own choosing, and
endeavoured, in every possible respect, to imitate the form of gov-
ernment at home. The leaders referred to were, besides himself,
his lieutenants and other officers.-Duobus in locis. Pontus and
Spain.
25. Uno consilio. "In accordance with one common plan of
operations."—A binis hostium copiis. The distributive numerals
are used with words which have no singular, or whose singular, as
in the present instance, has a different signification from the plural.
(Zumpt, L. G. p. 72.) This rule is of use in translating: thus,
duae literae," two letters of the alphabet," but binae literae, “two
epistles." Tria vestimenta, "three pieces of clothing," but terna
vestimenta, "three suits of clothing." Quatuor castra, "four for-
tresses," or "castles," but quaterna castra, "four camps," &c.
1. Vos, ancipiti contentione districti, &c.
"You, embarrassed 74
by a contest pressing you on both sides, might have to contend for
empire itself,” i. e. for the very existence of your empire. Districti
is here equivalent to in angustias redacti. Some read destricti,
others distracti, but both are inferior.
2. Sed tamen alterius partis, &c. "The danger, however,
which threatened on one side, from Sertorius and Spain." Manutius
suspects the words Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis of being a mere
gloss.
3. Firmamenti ac roboris. "Of enduring strength." Literally,
"of stability and strength." Owing, namely, to the military talents
of Sertorius.
4. Cn. Pompeii divino consilio, &c. "Was warded off by the
godlike wisdom and unequalled valour of Cneius Pompeius." This
is the language of gross adulation. Sertorius was incomparably
the better general of the two, and, had he not lost his life by the
treachery of some of his followers, would most certainly have proved
superior in the contest.-Cicero had the consulship in view, and his
316
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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74 object, therefore, was to gain the good will of the people by extolling
their favourite, and secure also by this means the friendship of
Pompey.
5. In altera parte.
"In the opposite quarter." Referring to
Asia-Ita res a L. Lucullo, &c. Cicero's object is to depreciate
Lucullus, in proportion as he seeks to elevate the character of
Pompey. He manages this, however, with great adroitness, for he
apparently allows great praise to Lucullus, but then there is always
something added which diminishes its force. Whereas, in Pompey's
case, his commendations are unbounded, and even fulsome. Lucul-
lus, like Sertorius, was far superior to Pompey in military talents.
6. Initia gestarum rerum. Beginnings of exploits." Alluding
to the earlier movements of Lucullus in the Mithridatic war.
66
7. Hacc autem extrema. "These latter reverses, however."
Mithridates had, on the departure of Lucullus, not only regained
possession of Pontus, but had even made an inroad into the Roman
province of Asia. He had defeated also the heutenants of Lucullus,
and made himself master of a large part of Asia Minor. Compare
chapter 9.
8. Non culpae, sed fortunae. "Not to any fault of his, but to
his ill-fortune." This, though apparently fair, is in fact very invidi-
ously uttered. Cicero afterward, in enumerating the qualifications
of an able general, gives good fortune a very conspicuous place,
and finds, of course, a very great abundance of it in his favourite
Pompey.
1
9. Alio loco. He returns to Lucullus in the 8th chapter.-Ora-
tione nostra. "By any remarks of mine."
"To be bestowed upon him." Affingere liter-
by framing, devising, or inventing. Compare
“Faciam ut intelligatis quid error affinxe-
10. Afficta esse.
ally means, to add
pro Cluent, c. 4:
rit, quid invidia conflarit.”
11. Exorsus. "The true beginning."—Quem vobis, &c. "What
feelings you are to think ought to be entertained by you.”
12. Mercatoribus ac naviculariis, &c. "Because their traders
and proprietors of vessels were treated in too wrongful a manner."
The mercatores, among the Romans, remained a very short time in
a place, visited many countries, and were almost constantly occu-
pied with exporting and importing articles of merchandise. The
negotiatores, on the other hand, remained for some considerable
time in a particular spot.-Naviculariis. This is the reading of
Lambinus, and is adopted also by Graevius, Ernesti, and others.
It is found in good MSS. The early editions have naviculatoribus,
which occurs nowhere else in the ancient writers,
·
THE MANILIAN LAW.
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Page.
13. Tot millibus. Plutarch, as we have already remarked, makes 74
the number 150,000, but Valerius Maximus 80,000.
14. Legati quod erant appellati superbius. "Because their
ambassadors were addressed in too haughty a manner.” Cicero
purposely lessens the nature of the offence, that it may be contrasted
the more forcibly with the conduct of Mithridates. He makes it to
have been merely an employment of haughty language on the part of
the Corinthians. What the insult really was is differently repre-
sented by the ancient writers, and nowhere clearly appears. Strabo
(8, p. 381, Casaub.) says, that filth was thrown upon the Roman
ambasssadors from one of the houses of the city, as they were pas-
sing by . τινὲς καὶ τῶν πρέσβεων, παριόντων τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτῶν, ἐθάῤῥησαν
KATAνTλñoaι Bópßopov. Livy, on the other hand, (Epit. lib. 52,) states,
that personal violence was offered them: "Corinthum ex senatus-
consulto diruit, quod ibi legati Romani violati erant."
15. Exstinctum. Referring grammatically to lumen. Some read
exstinctam, agreeing with Corinthum. Corinth was destroyed by
Mummius, the Roman consul, and with it fell the Archaean league.
Consult Geographical Index.
16. Legatum populi Romani, &c. The allusion is to Manius
Aquilius, who had defeated the slaves in Sicily. He was sent at
the head of the Roman commissioners to restore to their kingdoms
Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes, who had been driven out by Mithri-
dates. His haughty demeanour soon brought matters to an open
rupture with that monarch, who defeated and took him prisoner.
The conqueror led him about the country on an ass, and obliged
him by blows and scourging to proclaim, from time to time, to the
assembled spectators, that he was Manius Aquilius. At length he
brought him to Pergamus, where he caused melted gold to be poured
down his throat, as a sarcasm upon the cupidity of the Romans.
(Appian. B. M. 21.-Plin. H. N. 33, 14.)
17. Illi libertatem civium, &c. (C
They brooked not even an
infringement of the personal privileges of Roman citizens.”
18. Verbo. (C
Only by word." Compare the language of the
speaker just above: “ Legati quod erant appellati superbius."-
Illi persecuti sunt. They avenged."
<<
19. Vos legatum, &c. "Will you leave unnoticed an ambassa-
dor put to death by every species of torture?" Before relinquetis
some editions have inultum expressed, but it arose probably from a
marginal gloss. Relinquetis is far better without the presence of
inultum, and is elegantly opposed to persecuti sunt.
20. Quid, quod salus sociorum, &c. "What shall I say of this,
that the safety of your allies is involved in the most imminent dan-
N
27*
318
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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74 ger." The terms periculum and discrimen (“ danger” and “hazard"}
being nearly synonymous, are employed by Cicero, according to the
custom of the Latin writers, to indicate a high degree of danger,
and we have rendered them, accordingly, as one word.-The ellipsis
in quid, quod, is to be supplied as follows: Quid dicam de hoc,
quod.
21. Duo reges.
Mithridates and his son-in-law Tigranes.
22, Cuncia Asia alque Graecia. Weiske considers Asia and
Graecia as ablatives, " throughout all Asia and Greece." The
nominative, however, appears neater, "the whole of Asia and of
Greece."
23. Imperatorem ccrtum. "A particular commander." Pompey.
-Alium. Glabrio, the consul of the previous year, now, of course,
proconsul.
75
1. Summo sine periculo. The risk alluded to is that of offending
the commander actually appointed.
2. Unum virum. Pompey.-In quo summa sint omnia. "In
whom the highest qualities centre," i. e. the highest qualifications
for the successful management of the war.
3. Prope. Pompey had just brought the war with the pirates to
a successful issue, settling many of them in the little towns of Cili-
cia. He was now employed in visiting some of the cities of the
east.
4. Quo etiam carent acgrius.
"On which account they even
feel the want of him the more sensibly." Literally, "they want
him the more painfully."
5. Maritimum bellum.
"The war with the Cilician pirates."
The power of the pirates, as Plutarch remarks, (Vit. Pomp. c. 24) had
its foundation in Cilicia. Their progress was the more dangerous,
because at first it was little noticed. In the Mithridatic war they
assumed new confidence and courage, on account of some services
which they had rendered the king. Afterward, in the interval
between the first and second Mithridatic wars, the Romans being
engaged in civil contests at the very gates of their capital, the sea
was left unguarded, and the pirates by degrees attempted higher
things; not only attacking ships, but islands, and maritime towns.
They had, in various places, arsenals, ports, and watch-towers, all
strongly fortified. The number of their galleys amounted to a
thousand, and the cities taken to four hundred. They not only
insulted the Romans frequently, but also intercepted their convoys,
and made prisoners of their generals. Nay, they not only attacked
the Romans at sca, but infested the great roads, and plundered the
villas near the coast. Two praetors, Sextilius and Bellinus, were
THE MANILIAN LAW.
319
Page.
carried off with all their servants and lictors; and the daughter of 75
Antonius, a man who had been honoured with a triumph, was seized
by them as she was going to her country-house near Misenum, and
the father was forced to pay a large ransom for her release. At
length, by the Gabinian law, Pompey was sent against them, and
speedily reduced them to subjection and broke up their haunts.
6. Impetus hostium. Referring to the forces of Mithridates,
whose movements, according to Cicero, were "checked and re-
tarded" by the mere knowledge that Pompey was in Asia, though
in a different part of the country.
7. Quoniam libere loqui non licet. Through fear, namely of
offending the Roman commander who then had charge of the Mith-
ridatic war.
8. Quorum salutem tali viro commendetis.
safety entrusted by you to such an individual."
safety you may entrust, &c.
9. Atque hoc etiam magis quam ceteros.
"And on this account
even more than the rest," i. e. atque ut existimetis se hoc etiam
magis dignos quam ceteros socios, &c.
10. Cum imperio. "With military command."-Ipsorum ad-
ventus, &c. "The entrance of these same individuals into the
cities of our allies differs." &c. Literally, "the entrances," &c.
Adventus being the nominative plural. Among the Latin writers,
abstract and verbal nouns are often put in the plural, to mark that
the action designated takes place at various times, where in English
we only use the singular.
11. Hunc audiebant antea.
in Italy, Africa, Spain, &c.
Alluding to his previous operations
Consult Historical Index.
12. Tanta temperantia. "Of so much self-control." This virtue
is here purposely named first, that it may be contrasted in a more
marked degree with the rapacity that characterized the other Roman
commanders
"Of having their
Literally, "whose
13. Cum Antiocho. The order of time is not observed. The
war with the Carthaginians should, strictly speaking, have been
named first. It broke out A. U. C. 489, and the ostensible cause
was the lending of aid, on the part of the Romans, to the Mamer-
tines, in Messana, who had entreated their aid against the forces of
Carthago. The true motive to the war was the spirit of rivalry between
Rome and Carthage. It is called in history the First Punic War.-—
Next in order was the contest with Philip, king of Macedonia.
He was the third of that name, and must not be confounded with
the father of Alexander, who lived long before. The Romans made
war upon him because he had attacked the Athenians, the allies of
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75 the republic. This occurred A. U. C. 553
This occurred A. U. C. 553 -The collision with
Antiochus the Great, took place A. U. C. 562, and the contest was
terminated by his defeat and submission the ensuing year.
It was
connected with the war against the Aetolians, who had raised com-
motions in Greece against the allies of Rome, and had invited An-
tiochus, monarch of Syria, to their aid.
14. Injuriis provocatos. “Irritated by a series of personal inju-
ries," i. e. injuries offered, not to your allies, but to yourselves.
15. Praesertim cum, &c. CC
Especially when your most im-
portant revenues are at stake."
16. Tanta sunt. "Are so inconsiderable." Tanta is here
equivalent to tantilla, or, more correctly speaking, its literal mean-
ing in this passage is, "so great, and no greater." Hence arises
the idea of scantiness and diminution. Instances of a similar usage
occur in Caesar, B. G. 6, 34: Praesidii tantum est ("there is so
small a garrison") ut ne murus quidem cingi potest," and Cic. Ep.
ad Fam. 8, 10: "Si bellum tantum erit (" so unimportant") ut vos
aut successores sustinere possint."
17. Asia. Referring to the Roman province of that name. Con-
sult note 12, page 72.
18. Ut et ubertate agrorum, &c.
Cicero here enumerates the
ordinary sources of Roman revenue, the productions of the earth,
the pasture-grounds, and the exports generally.
19. Et belli utilitatem, &c. "To uphold both the means of
usefulness in war, and of dignity in peace."
and of dignity in peace." We have retained the
common reading with Ernesti and many others.
Graevius gives
ad belli, &c., instead of et belli, from one of his MSS., and make
sustinere refer to eam understood. The common lection is more
Ciceronian.
20. Cum venit calamitas. "When calamity has actually
come."—In vectigalibus. "In the case of your revenues."
Affert calamitatem. Brings ruinous consequences along with
it."
"C
21. Pecora relinquuntur. "The flocks are abandoned." Ser-
vius, in his commentary, (ad Virg. Georg. 3, 64,) cites this passage
apparently, and reads pecua, from pecu. But pecua does not occur
in any of the MSS.
22. Mercatorum navigatio conquiescit. "The trading of the
merchants begins to subside." More freely, commerce stag-
((
nates."
76 1. Itaque neque ex portu, &c. Cicero here enumerates the three
principal sources of the revenue obtained from the Roman provin-
ccs:-1. Ex portu. "From the harbour," i. e. from duties im-
THE MANILIAN LAW.
321
Page.
posed on exports and imports.-2. Ex decumis, "from tithes." 76
The decumae were a tenth part of corn, and a fifth of other produce,
paid by those who tilled the public lands.-Ex scriptura.
"From
the public woods and pastures." Scriptura was the tax paid from
public woods and pastures, and was so called, because those, who
wished to feed their cattle there, subscribed (scribebant) their names
before the farmer of this branch of revenue, and paid a certain sum
for each beast.
2. Vectigal conservari potest. "Can any imposts be obtained."
-Totius anni fructus. "The.revenue of an entire year.
"Who pay duties unto
"Who farm and collect
3. Qui vectigalia nobis pensitant.
us."-Qui exercent atque
them."
exigunt.
4. Cum publicani, &c. "When the farmers of the revenue
think, that they hold, at great risk, the very numerous bodies of slaves
whom they have employed in the pasture-grounds, in the fields, in
the harbours, and custom-houses." Familia is here used in its
primitive sense, as denoting a body of slaves belonging to a partic-
ular master. Compare the remark of Festus: "Famuli origo ab
Oscis dependet, apud quos servus famel nominabatur, unde et
familia vocata."
5. Sallibus. The common text has salinis, ("salt-works,") but
no other trace has been discovered of a revenue derived from salt-
works, in Asia Minor; and, what is of still greater weight, if we
retain the common lection, mention will only be made, in this pas-
sage, of two branches of revenue, the decumae and those ex portu,
while the third branch, scriptura, will be passed over in silence.
Influenced by these considerations, Lipsius first conjectured saltibus
for sulinis, and his emendation has been approved of by Gronovius,
Burmann, Ernesti, Schütz, and others, and admitted by some of
them into the text. We have followed their authority. One MS.
of Lambinus' has silvis. Aldus oonjectured salictis as referring to
the pasture-grounds, which abounded with groves of willow.
6. Custodiis. By custodiae are here meant a kind of custom-
houses, where a number of persons, generally slaves, were stationed
by the publicani, to guard against smuggling. Sometimes, the term
is applied to the persons themselves, and is then analogous to our
modern expression, "custom-house officers."
7. Illis rebus frui posse. "Can reap any advantage from those
things."—Qui vobis fructui sunt. "Who are the authors of this
advantage unto you," i. e. whose exertions enable you to reap this
advantage. The common text has fructuosi, for which we have
given fructui, the reading of one of the MSS. It was first adopted
-----
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76 by Lambinus, and after him by Graevius and others, as more ele-
gant than fructuosi.
8. Extremum. "As the last point on which to touch."—Cum
essem dicturus.
"When I should come to speak."
9. Ad multorum bona civium. The individuals here meant are
the Roman knights, who farmed the Asiatic revenues, and those
traders who were carrying on mercantile operations in that quarter,
both of which classes of persons had large sums of money laid out
in the province, and which were consequently endangered by the
war.
10. Quorum vobis, &c. "For whom you, in your wisdom, Ro-
mans, ought to have an especial regard," i. e. over whose interests
you ought carefully to watch.
11. Nam et publicani. The particle et, ("both,") is here oppos-
ed to deinde, (“ and in the next place,") at the commencement of
the 18th section.
12. Homines et honoratissimi, &c. "Very honourable as well
as intelligent men." Ornatissimi is considered by some to refer
here to rank in the state. It has relation rather to general inform-
ation and intelligence on the part of the individuals alluded to.
13. Suas rationes, &c. Have transferred all their business
operations and means to that province." Rationes and copiae are
explained immediately after by res and fortunae, "affairs and for-
tunes."
14. Nervos. "The sinews."-Eum ordinem. The equestrian
order.
15. Ceteris ex ordinibus. Excepting of course the senate, the
members of which order were not allowed to engage in trade.
16. Negotiantur. "Carry on trade." As regards the distinc-
tion between the negotiatores and the mercatores, consult note 12,
page 74.
17. Partim suas et suorum, &c. The early editions and the
MSS. give partim eorum, for which we have substituted the read-
ing in our text with Ernesti, Schütz, and others. Partim eorum
is a good Ciceronian phrase, but it makes an awkward collocation
here after homines gnavi et industrii partim ipsi
nego-
tiantur.
.
18. Prohibere. "To shield."- Videre. "To foresee.”—A
republica sejunctam esse non posse. "Cannot be separated from
that of the state," i. e. cannot fail to affect the public prosperity.
19. Etenim illud primum, &c. "For, in the first place, it avails
but little, that you afterward recover by a victory the revenues that
have been lost by the farmers of them; for neither will the same
THE MANILIAN LAW.
323
Page.
individuals possess the means of making a new contract, by reason 76
of their losses, nor will others have the inclination so to do, on
account of their fears," i. e, their fears of being involved in similar
ruin with the previous contractors.
20. Initio belli Asiatici. He refers to the period of the general
massacre of the Romans in Asia, by order of Mithridates. About
twenty-three years had elapsed since that event.
"
""
1. Res magnas.
Large amounts. Referring to the large
sums of money which very many farmers of the revenue had lost in
the troubles and confusion that ensued.
2. Scimus, Romae, &c. "We know, that, payments becoming
embarrassed, credit fell at Rome." Very many of the publicani in
Asia having lost large sums of money there, in consequence of the
disastrous state of public affairs, and others having been killed dur-
ing the massacre of the Romans, there ensued of course a non-
payment of large amounts due to the bankers at Rome, and which
had been loaned the former to enable them to meet their contracts.
Hence a general embarrassment was felt in the money-market, and
public credit fell.
3. Rem atque fortunas. "Their property and fortunes. By
rem is here meant their actual property and resources at the time,
by fortunas, their prospects in business.
4. Hacc fides atque haec ratio pecuniarum, &c.
"This system
of public credit, and these moneyed operations that are carried on at
Rome, and in the forum, are connected with those sums laid out in
Asia, and form a close union with them." Literally, "are bound
up with and cling to them." The offices of the bankers were situate
around the forum, which hence became their usual place for meeting
and transacting business.
5. Ruere illa non possunt, &c. "The latter cannot fall without
the former's being shaken by the same movement and falling along
with them." Illa and haec become here, when adapted to our
idiom, "the latter," and "the former," but in strictness illa refers
to what is more remote, the moneyed operations in Asia, and haec to
what is nearer home, the state of business in the Roman forum.
•
state."
6. Cum republica. "Together with the best interests of the
Three MSS. have cum republica conjunctae defendantur,
but conjunctae savours of a gloss. Gruter, Graevius and others
read defenduntur, but Ernesti defends the common form: "Defen-
dantur recepi, quomodo Ciceronem scripsisse semper putavi, nam
ita ratio latinitatis postulat.”
7. Potest enim hoc dici. "For this may be affirmed," i. e. this
assertion may be made with perfect safety.
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ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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mi 8. Ne forte ea. The common text has ne forte a, the present
reading is conjectural. Some MSS. have ne fortean, which Schütz
adopts.
9. Atque ut omnes, &c. He now returns to Lucullus, whom he
has already mentioned in chapter 4.
10. Mithridati. The common text has Mithridatis, for which
we have given the dative, as occurring in one of the MSS., and
depending on fuisse: "Mithridates was in possession of very great
forces." Ernesti approves of Mithridati, though he gives the
genitive in his text. Schütz adopts the dative as we have
done. Some of the earlier editions insert delclas after fuisse, on
conjecture, but then obsessam esse must be changed to liberatam
esse.
11. Omnibus rebus, &c. "Equipped and supplied with all things
requisite," i. e. furnished with arms and provisions of all kinds.
This is said with some degree of oratorical exaggeration. Accord-
ing to Appian (B. M. 72), and Plutarch (Vu. Lucull. c. 8, seqq.),
the forces of Mithridates were very scantily supplied with provisions,
which was one of the principal causes of his abandoning the siege
of Cyzicus.
12. Urbemque Cyzicenorum. Consult Historical Index, s. v.
Lucullus, and Geographical Index, s. v. Cyzicus.
13. Maxima multitudine. According to Plutarch, (Vit. Lucull. c.
7,) the army of Mithridates consisted of 120,000 infantry, 16,000
cavalry, and 100 chariots armed with scythes. Appian (B. M. 72)
gives the whole amount, in round numbers, as about 300,000 men.
The Roman army, under Lucullus, was 30,000 foot and 600 horse,
according to Appian; but Plutarch makes the horse to have been
2500.
14. Classem magnam, &c. We have here another instance of
oratorical exaggeration. After Cyzicus had been relieved, and the
forces of Mithridates defeated at the river Granicus, Lucullus re-
ceived intelligence, that thirteen of the king's large galleys had been
seen off the coast of Troas, steering towards Lenmos. He instantly
went in pursuit, took them, and killed their admiral Isidorus. When
this was done, he made all sail after some others, which were in
advance of them, and were lying at anchor by the island. Here
again he was successful, and among the prisoners taken was Marius,
(or, as Appian calls him, Varius,) an officer sent by Sertorius.
(Plut. Vit. Lucull. c. 12.) Appian makes the number of vessels
left by Mithridates under the command of Varius and the other
leaders to have been fifty. (B. M. 77.)
15. Quae ducibus, &c. Which, inflamed with an eager
CC
THE MANILIAN LAW.
325
Page.
desire for vengeance, was getting hurried towards Italy, under 7
leaders sent by Sertorius." It does not appear from any other
authority, except Cicero's own assertion, in the oration for Murena,
(c. 15,) that the destination of the fleet was Italy, and as for the
leaders sent by Sertorius, there was in fact but one.
Consult pre-
ceding note.
16 Magnas hostium, &c. Plutarch makes the enemy to have
lost in the whole campaign nearly 300,000 men, including the ser-
vants of the army. In the battle of the Granicus alone, 20,000 were
slain.
17. Patefactumque, &c. Compare the oration for Archias, c. 9:
'Populus Romanus aperuit, Lucullo imperante, Pontum, &c.—
Qui ante, &c. “Which had hitherto been shut on every side
against the Roman people." Literally, "from (i. e. in) every avenue
of approach." Compare the language of Cicero, in the passage
just referred to, from the oration for Archias: "et regiis quondam
opibus, et ipsa natura regionis vallatum.”
18. Domicilia. "Palaces."-Omnibus rebus, &c. "Adorned
and richly stored with all things." Referta from refercio.
1. Uno aditu atque adventu. By his merely marching against,
and arriving before, them." This again is oratorical exaggeration.
Lucullus spent, for example, a long time before Amisus, and finally
left the siege in the hands of Murena his lieutenant. (Plut. Vit.
Lucull. c. 15.)
((
2. Ad alios reges. To Tigranes, king of Armenia, his son-in-
law, and to other neighbouring monarchs.
3. Salvis populi Romani sociis, &c. "The allies of the Roman
people being at the same time safe from injury, and your revenues
in that quarter unimpaired."
4. Istorum. Catulus and Hortensius are here particularly meant.
It was incumbent on them, in their speeches against the proposed
law, to do justice to Lucullus, and to show that he was abundantly
qualified by his previous exhibitions of military talent to bring the
war to a successful termination.
5. Quemadmodum, &c. "How, if these things are so, what
remains of the war can be at all important."
6. Ex codem Ponto. Medea fled from Colchis, but it is here
included under one common name with Pontus, on account of its
proximity, and for the sake of the figure.
7. Medea illa. "The far-famed Medea." Literally, "that Me-
dea." i. e. of whom we all have heard.
"Would pursue
8. Fratris sui. Absyrtus.-Persequeretur.
her," i. e. would have to pass in pursuit of her.
78
28
326
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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78
9. Eorum collectio dispersa. "The collecting of them in their
scattered state." Goerenz (ad Cic. de fin. 3, 4) suggests disperso-
rum for dispersa; and Schütz adopts the emendation in his text,
calling at the same time the common reading an absurd one. He
mistakes, however, an elegance for an absurdity.
10. Sic Mithridates, &c. Plutarch states, (Vit. Lucull. 17,)
that Mithridates, being hard pressed in his flight, was nearly taken,
when a mule loaded with gold, either by accident or the king's con-
trivance, caine between him and his pursuers. The soldiers imme-
diately began to rifle the load, and quarrelled about the contents,
which gave Mithridates time to escape. Appian (B. M. 82) informs
us, that the king's pursuers happened to strike the load of one of
the mules that were carrying away the treasure, and that the gold
in consequence fell on the ground.
11. Maximam vim omncm. "All that vast store." Direptas
congesserat. To be rendered as two verbs with the connective :
"had plundered from the whole of Asia and accumulated in his
own kingdom."
12. Illum. "The former." Alluding to Aeetes, the father of
Medea. Consult Ov. Trist. 3, 9, 21, and Cic. Tusc. 3, 12. Hos.
"These latter," i. e. the Roman soldiery.
"Took in," i. e.
13. Hunc. "This Mithridates."-Excepit.
afforded him shelter.-Confirmavit. Encouraged him."-Et
afflictum erexit, &c. "And raised him from his fallen state, and
supplied him with fresh resources in his ruin.”
14. Plures etiam gentes. Alluding to the numerous nations that
swelled the ranks of Tigranes, the Medes, Arabians, Albanians,
Iberians, &c. (Plut. Vit. Lucull. c. 26.)
"L
(C
15. Ncque lacessendas, &c. Ought neither to be attacked
nor even menaced with war." Tentare itself is frequently employed
in the sense of attacking; here, however, it yields that meaning to
lacesso. The idea of menacing arises very naturally from the gen-
eral import of the verb, viz. : "to make trial of one."
16. Erat etiam alia, &c. "There was also, besides this, a strong
and powerfully-exciting opinion."
17. Fani locupletissimi, &c. "For the purpose of plundering a
very rich and revered temple." The temple here meant was that
of Bellona, at Comana in Cappadocia. (Consult Geographical In-
dex.)-The apprehensions referred to in the text were far from
being ill-founded, since this same shrine had been already plundered
by Murena. (Appian, B. C. 64.)
18. Novo terrore ac metu. "By a new cause of terror and
alarm." Their religious fears were now excited.
THE MANILIAN LAW.
327
Page.
(6
1 Urbem. Tigranocerta, the capital of the kingdom. Compare 79
Plut. Vit. Lucull. 26, seqq., and consult Geographical Index.
2. Tamen nimia, &c. Were, nevertheless, strongly influenced
by the very great distance from home of the regions in which they
then were, as well as by a longing desire to return to their country-
men." Plutarch states, that Lucullus was anxious to reach Artaxata,
in Upper Armenia, but that his troops were discouraged by the
severity of the climate, and refused to proceed. (Vit. Lucull. 32.)
3. Hic jam plura non dicam, &c. Cicero purposely avoids
entering upon the question, respecting the movements of Lucullus
in his Asiatic campaign. The merits and demerits of that command-
er were canvassed very freely about this time at Rome, and the
orator is careful, therefore, to give offence, if possible, to neither his
friends nor his enemies. One thing is very certain, that Lucullus
eventually lost the good will of his soldiers, a result which Plutarch
ascribes to his haughty disposition, and others to his cupidity and
avarice. There is no doubt, however, but that the intrigues of the
infamous Clodius, his brother-in-law, who was an officer in his
army, operated very powerfully in producing this unfortunate result.
4. Fuit enim illud extremum, &c. "For the issue of all was
this, that a speedy return from those regions was rather sought by
our soldiers, than a farther advance.”
5. Mithridates autem, &c. Mithridates, however, had both by
this time revived the courage of his immediate band of followers,
and was strengthened by the numbers of those who had gathered
themselves together from his kingdom, as well as by large forces
that had come unto him from many kings and nations." With
eorum supply copiis, in the sense of numero.
6. Fieri. In the sense of accidere, "to happen."-Regum afflic-
tae fortunae. "The fallen fortunes of monarchs."
(£
7. Magnum et sanctum. Something great, and worthy of
veneration."
8. ltaque tantum, &c. "Accordingly, he was able to effect
more after his defeat, than he ever dared to hope for in the season
of prosperity." Incolumis, literally, "when safe," i. e. from the
attacks of any foe.
9. Ut illam posteaquam, &c. "That he should ever set foot
again in that land after he had been once driven from it." The
allusion is to Pontus.
10. Sed in exercitum vestrum, &c. Mithridates, once more
entering Pontus, fell upon Fabius, whom Lucullus had left in com-
mand there, and was on the point of defeating him, when he him-
self was wounded and compelled to retire from the fight, After a
*
328
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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79 cessation of hostilities for several days, Triarius, another of the
lieutenants of Lucullus, came to the aid of Fabius, who resigned
the command to him. Triarius, thereupon, hearing that Lucullus
was upon the march himself to join the army, and desiring to en-
gross the whole glory of the victory, gave battle to Mithridates.
The Romans, however, met with a signal overthrow; above seven
thousand were slain, among whom were 150 centurions and 24
tribunes. This was the most severe defeat which the Romans
experienced in all their wars against Mithridates. Compare the
account of Plutarch, (Vit. Lucull. 35,) with that of Appian, (B. M.
89,) where it is stated, that, in consequence of a wound received by
Mithridates, his friends were on the point of sounding a retreat,
when the re-appearance of the monarch in the fight secured to him
the day.
11. Poetae. Naevius, who wrote a metrical chronicle of the
first Punic war; and Ennius who composed Annals, likewise in
verse, comprising the history of Rome, from the earliest periods
down to the close of the second Punic, or, more correctly speaking,
the Istrian war.
Nacvius flourished from B. C. 235 to 204, and
Ennius lived from B. C. 239 to 169.
12. Non ex proelio nuntius, &c. "No messenger from the
field of battle, but rumour passing from lip to lip." Literally,
"rumour from the converse of men. This, of course, is oratorical
exaggeration.
>>
13. Hic in ipso illo malo, &c. "Here, in the midst of this very
misfortune itself, and heaviest disaster of the war.
14. Quod imperii diuturnitati, &e. "Because you thought
that, in accordance with ancient precedent, a limit should be set to
long continuance of command." The army had been under the
command of Lucullus for the space of seven years, from A. U. C,
630 to 636.
>>
15. Qui jam stipendiis, &c. "Who had now served out their
time." The oldest of the troops, including the Fimbrian legions,
as they were called, were sent home by Lucullus. The period of
their legal service was nine years, and they had now served nearly
ten.
16. Multa praetereo consulto, &c. "I purposely pass over many
things, but you yourselves clearly perceive them from mere conjec
ture," i. e. but what they are you yourselves can easily conjecture.
-We have altered the punctuation of this sentence, with Ernesti,
except that we have placed a period instead of a colon after perspɩ-
citis. The common text has a colon after consulto, and a comma
after perspicitis, connecting, of course, the clause sed ea vos, &c.
THE MANILIAN LAW.
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Page
with what follows: but ea in the plural can never refer to the simple 79
idea expressed in quantum illud bellum, &c.
17. Quantum igitur, &c. "Of how much importance, then, are
you to imagine that war has become, which two very powerful
monarchs unite in waging, which irritated nations renew, which
communities hitherto untouched by your arms are taking up as their
own, which a new coinmander of yours receives in charge, the for-
mer army having been driven from the field?"-We have com-
menced a new sentence here, contrary to the pointing of all the
editions, and have also inserted igitur, on mere conjecture. The
whole passage labours under very strong suspicion of being corrupt.
As we have arranged it in our text, it certainly suits better the idea
of a concluding sentence to one of the heads of a speech.
18. Novus imperator. Alluding to Glabrio. The cpithet novus
appears to have here a covert meaning also, in relation to Glabrio's
want of experience compared with Lucullus, who had been seven
years in cominand.
19. Ac tantis rebus praeficiendo.
"And the setting him over
so important operations."
1. Innocentium. (C
Upright," i. e. men of strict probity, of prin- 80
ciples superior to all corruption, and who would not convert the
facilities, which supreme command might afford, into the means of
enriching themselves and oppressing others.
2. Antiquitatis memoriam. “The remembrance of all antiquity,"
i. e. the brightest examples that antiquity can recall to our remem-
brance. Virtute. "
By his merit."
3. In summo imperatore, &c. "That in a consummate general
these four qualities ought to centre, a full acquaintance with the
military art, valour, reputation, and good fortune." By auctoritatem
is here meant that weight of character which a series of successful
operations bestows.
4. Scientior.
"More profoundly versed in military science."
5. E ludo. From school." On leaving school, at the
age of
17, Pompey served under his father, Cn. Pompeius Strabo, in the
Social war.
6. Bello maximo "During a most dangerous war." The Social
war is meant. It arose from the refusal of the senate and people to
grant the rights of citizenship to the Italian allies. This was the
most dangerous war in which the Romans had ever been engaged,
since they were compelled to contend with those who were well
acquainted with their discipline, and had hitherto formed the main
strength of their armies.
7. Qui extrema pueritia, &c.
"Who, at the close of his boy-
C
28*
330
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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80 hood, was a soldier under a very able commander." The allusion
is the same as in the preceding clause, viz. : to his serving in the
army of his father, at the early age of 17. Some commentators
very erroneously suppose Sylla to be meant by the words summi
imperatoris. Pompey, however, repaired to Sylla as the leader of a
large body of forces, not as a simple soldier.-Extrema pueritia.
Among the Romans, boyhood, or pueritia, ended at 17 years of age,
when adolescentia, or youth, commenced, and continued on until
about 30 or over. From the end of adolescentia until 45 or 50,
they were called juvenes. The precise limit, however, of each of
these periods, is far from being clearly ascertained.
8. Ineunte adolescentia. “In the beginning of his youth." Cicero
alludes to Pompey's having, at the age of 23, by his own authority,
raised three legions, and marched with them to the aid of Sylla, de-
feating on the way the leaders of the opposite party. Sylla received
him with great honour, and saluted him with the title of imperator.
This compliment was the more remarkable as Pompey was not yet
old enough to be admitted into the senate.
9. Qui sacpius cum hoste conflixit, &c.
"Who has engaged
more frequently with a public foe, than any one has contended with
a private enemy." Hostis, "a public foe," "an enemy to one's
country." Inimicus, "a private foe," "a personal enemy. -The
difference must also be marked between confligere and concertare :
the former means "to engage," "to come into actual collision
with," "to fight against with arms;" the latter, "to contend in
words,” “to quarrel with." Compare Manutius : Concertavit, i. e.
verbis, nam confligere est armis contendere." Thus, Cie. ep. ad Att.
3, 12: "
Quia nunquam accidit, ut cum eo verbo uno concertarem.”
10. Plures provincias confecit. "Has settled the affairs of more
provinces." Confecit has here, in some degree, though not exactly,
the force of administravit. Compare Ep. ad Att. 4, 17: " Confecta
Britannia, obsidibus acceptis," &c.
((
11. Cujus adolescentia, &c. "Whose youth was trained to a
knowledge of the military art, not by the precepts of others, but by
his own discharge of the duties of a commander; not by disasters
in war,
but by victories; not by a series of campaigns, but by a
succession of triumphs."
12. Triumphis. Pompey had already enjoyed two triumphs, one
for the overthrow of Hiarbas, king of Numidia; and the other for
bringing the war in Spain to a close. Some commentators make
him to have had, by this time, three triumphs. This, however, is
quite erroneous, since his third and most splendid triumph was at
the end of the Mithridatic war. (Plut. Vit. Pomp. c. 45.)
THE MANILIAN LAW.
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Page.
13. In quo illum, &c. "In which the good fortune of the re- 80
public has not exercised his talents," i. e. has not given him an
opportunity of displaying his abilities for the good of his country.
14. Civile. Between Sylla, on the one hand, and Cinna and
Carbo, with the remains of the Marian party, on the other. Pompey
sided with Sylla.
15. Africanum. Against Cn. Domitius, and other proscribed
members of the Marian faction, who had united their forces with
those of Hiarbas, king of Numidia. On Pompey's return from this
war, Sylla saluted him with the title of Magnus, or "the Great."
(Plut. Vit. Pomp. c. 13.) Pompey was then only in the 24th year
of his age.
16. Transalpinum. Sertorius had probably formed alliances with
the independent Gallic tribes between the Pyrenees and the Alps,
and thesc appear to have resisted Pompey on his march into Spain.
Pompey gives an account of his operations against these tribes, in
his letter to the senate, which has come down to us among the
fragments of the third book of Sallust's Roman History: Nomine
modo imperii a vobis accepto, diebus quadraginta exercitum paravi;
hostesque, in cervicibus Italiae jam agentes, ab Alpibus in Hispa-
niam summovi. Per eas iter aliud atque Hannibal, nobis opportu-
nius patefeci. Recepi Gulliam, Pyrenaeum, Laletaniam, Indigetes.”
Compare Appian, B. C. 1, 109.
17. Hispaniense. The war with Sertorius, which lasted from
A. U. C. 676 to 682.-Mixtum ex civitatibus, &c.
"Where re-
volted states and the most warlike communities were united against
us." Literally, "composed of revolted states," &c. By civitatibus
are here meant those states, or tribes, in Spain that had gone over
from the Romans to Sertorius. Compare Manutius: "civitatibus ;
quae a populo Romano ad Sertorium defecerant."-As regards the
expression, ex bellicosissimis nationibus, it may be remarked, that
the army of Sertorius consisted principally of the most warlike tribes
of Spain, whom he had disciplined in a great degree after the Roman
manner.
18. Servile. The war against Spartacus, the well-known leader
of the gladiators and slaves. Crassus deserved the credit of termi-
nating this war, having defeated the enemy, and slain 12,000 of
them; whereas, Pompey merely encountered the fugitives from the
field of battle, and killed 5000. Still the popular voice assigned:
the chief praise to Pompey; and Cicero, in order to flatter him, re-
echoes the opinion. (Consult Plutarch, Vit. Pomp. c. 21.)
19. Navale. The war against the pirates, called also, in the pre-
vious part of this oration, maritimum bellum.
332
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
80 20. Hostium. These are enumerated as follows by the Dauphin
editor: kings, exiles, proscribed persons, pirates, and slaves.
21. Confecta. "Brought to a close."-In usu militari. "Within
the range of military experience.
19
22. Jam vero virtuti, &c. "In the next place, what strain of
oratory can be found, commensurate with the warlike virtues of
Cneius Pompey ?" Jam vero is elegantly employed by Cicero, on
many occasions, in the sense of deinde, to mark a transition from
one head of a discourse to another.
23. Neque enim, &c. "For neither are those the only virtues
of a commander, that are commonly regarded as such." The other
virtutes imperatoriae are mentioned, after a long digression, in the
beginning of the 13th chapter, viz. : innocentia, temperantia, fides,
&c. The expression virtutes imperatoriae may also be rendered
more freely, "distinguished attributes of a commander."
24. Quae tanta sunt, &c. "Which exist in a greater degree in
this one individual, than they have in all the other commanders whom
we have either seen or heard of." The student will mark the ele-
gant phraseology of tanta · quanta non, in place of the ordi-
nary comparative with quam.
81
1. Testis est Italia. 66
Italy is a proof of the truth of my re-
marks," i. e. a proof of the consummate military skill of Pompey.-
Quam ille ipse, &c. The allusion is to the important services ren-
dered by Pompey, in aiding to crush the power of the Marian faction
in Italy. Compare Plutarch, Vit. Pomp. c. 9; Пoµññïov dè davµáš-
ων δι’ ἀρετὴν, καὶ μάλα νομίζων ὄφελος εἶναι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πράγμασιν,
κ. τ. λ.
•
•
6
J
2. Testis est Sicilia. He was successful in an expedition against
Perpenna and Carbo in that island, A. U. C. 671. (Plut. Vit.
Pomp. c. 10.)
3. Non terrore belli, &c. "Not by the terror of his arms but
the rapidity of his operations," i. e. not so much by the terror of his
arms as by, &c.
4. Testis est Africa. Alluding to the war against Domitius and
Hiarbas. Consult note 15, page
80.
5. Testis est Gallia. Consult note 16, page 80.-Iter. Pompey
in his letter to the senate, already cited, (note 16, page 80,) makes
mention of a new road which he had opened over the Alps; and
Appian (B. C. 1, 109) informs us, that it was around the sources of
the Rhone and Po, ¿ppi raîs πnyaîs rov re 'Podavov kaì 'Hpıdavov.
6. Testis est Hispania. The praise of Cicero here is mere flat-
tery. As long as Sertorius lived, his superior military talents com-
pletely eclipsed those of Pompey, and made Spain any thing else
THE MANILIAN LAW.
333
Page.
but a theatre of glory for the latter. Pompey only became victori- 81
ous after Sertorius was assassinated by his own officers.
7. Tetro periculosoque. The war is called tetrum, “disgraceful,"
from the character of the foe, who were principally gladiators and
slaves; and it is styled periculosum, "dangerous," from these
gladiators' having been trained to the profession of arms, and, also,
from the abilities of their leader Spartacus. Compare the words of
Plutarch (Vit. Crass. c. 9): Οὐκέτ᾽ οὖν τὸ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν καὶ τὸ αἰσχρὸν
ἠνώχλει τῆς ἀποστάσεως τὴν σύγκλητον· ἀλλὰ δὴ διὰ φόβον γε καὶ κίν-
δυνον, ὡς πρὸς ἕνα τῶν δυσκολωτάτων πολέμων καὶ μεγίστων, ἀμφοτέρους
ἐξέπεμπον τοὺς ὑπάτους. "It was no longer then the indignity and
disgrace of this revolt that afflicted the senate; but now, on account
of the fear and danger, they sent forth both the consuls to this, as to
one of their most difficult and important wars."
8. Quod bellum, &c. All mere oratorical exaggeration. The
credit of ending the war was due to Crassus, but popular favour
gave it to Pompey. The latter, after having defeated the fugitives
from the field of battle, where Crassus had proved victorious, wrote
to the senate, that Crassus had indeed gained a victory over the
runaways in a pitched battle, but that he himself had cut up the
war by the roots, ὅτι μάχῃ μὲν τοὺς δραπέτας φανερᾷ Κράσσος νενίκηκεν,
αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ῥίζαν ἀνῄρηκε. (Vit. Crass. c. 11.)
9. Omnes orae. Alluding to the power of the pirates, before
they were reduced by Pompey, and their infesting all the shores of
the Mediterranean. Compare the words of Appian, B. M. 92:
οὐ μόνης ἔτι τῆς δώας θαλάσσης ἐκράτουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἐντὸς ‘Ηρακλείων
στηλῶν ἁπάσης.
10. Gentes ac nationes. "Nations and communities." Gens,
when contrasted with natio, may be called the generic term, and
implies a whole race. Thus, the Germans are a gens, the Saxons
a natio. (Crombie, Gymn, vol. 2, p. 256.)
11. Denique maria omnia, &c. "In a word, all seas, as well
the whole taken collectively, as the bays and harbours in each.”
By omnia maria are here meant all the seas composing the Medi-
terranean, such as the Mare Siculum, the Mare Hadriaticum,
Mare Aegacum, Mare Creticum, &c., and by universa (sc. maria)
the whole Mediterranean, of course, is implied.-The common text
has oris after singulis, but Graevius very properly rejected it on
the authority of one of his MSS. Singulis (sc. maribus) is opposed
to universa.
12. Toto mari. <<
Throughout the whole Mediterranean."—Aut
tam fuit abditus, &c. "Or was so retired as to escape the notice
of the foe." By the foe are meant the pirates,
334
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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81
13. Quis naviganit, &c. "Who sailed abroad, that did not ex-
pose himself to the risk either of death, or of slavery, since he must
either traverse the sea during the winter season, or when its surface
was swarming with pirates?" In the winter the sea would be free
from pirates. The common text has navigaret, but Heumannus
restored navigaretur from the early editions.
taken impersonally, in the sense of navigandum esset.
Navigaretur is to be
M
14. Tam vetus. "Of so long continuance." These depreda-
tions had continued from about A. U. C. 666. The present oration
was pronounced A. U. C. 687, so that the whole period had been
about 21 years.-Tam late dispersum. "So widely disseminated."
Consult note 5, page 74, where an account is given of the extensive
power of the pirates.
15. Omnibus annis, &c. Pompey broke the power of the pirates
in the space of forty-nine days, and terminated the whole war in
about three months. (Plut. Vit. Pomp. c. 26, and 28.-Compare
Florus, 3, 6.)
16. Quod vectigal. "What branch of revenue."-Cui praesidio
classibus vestris fuistis. "To whom have you been a source of
protection with your fleets ?"
66
17. Longinqua. Things at a distance." Opposed to things
nearer home, in which the Romans were personally concerned, and
had been personal sufferers.
"The peculiar characteristic of
18. Proprium populi Romani.
the Roman people."
19. Propugnaculis imperii. "By the forces of their empire."
By propugnacula are here meant all the means of defence at the
command of the republic. Ernesti thinks, that the term refers to
the Roman colonies planted in conquered countries, and which
would furnish the means of defence against foreign aggression. In
this, however, he is decidedly wrong. Schütz takes a more correct
view of the subject, when he remarks; "classes et exercitus intel-
ligi patet ex antecedentibus et sequentibus.”
20. Sociis vestris, &c. "Need I tell you that the sea has been
shut, during these latter years, upon your allies, when our own
armies have never crossed over from Brundisium unless in the depth
of winter ?"-The seas being closed upon their allies is one of the
longinqua, on which there is no need of dwelling, when the orator
can tell of other things so much nearer home.
21. Brundisio. Brundisium was the usual seaport from which
they sailed for Greece. Consult Geographical Index.-The Ro-
man armies alluded to in the text, were those sent against Mitnri-
dates.
THE MANILIAN LAW.
335
Page.
22. Summa hieme. When the pirates would be away. Consult 81
note 13.
1. Cum legati, &c. "When ambassadors of the Roman people 82
were ransomed from captivity," i. e. when your own ambassadors
were made captives by the pirates, and a ransom had to be paid for
them. Who these ambassadors were is not known, nor at what
time, nor under what circumstances they were taken.
2. Duodecim secures. "Two praetors with their lictors." Liter-
ally, "twelve axes.” Each praetor had in Rome two lictors; in
the provinces six. The praetors taken on this occasion are called
by Plutarch, Sextilius and Bellinus. (Vit. Pomp. c. 24.)
3. Cnidum aut Colophonem, &c. Consult Geographical Index.
-Innumerabilesque alias. Plutarch makes the number of cities
taken by them amount to four hundred: αἱ δ᾽ ἁλοῦσαι πόλεις ὑπ'
αὐτῶν τετρακόσιαι.
4. Atque cos portus, &c. "Aye, and those harbours too, from
which you derive the very breathings of existence." Literally, "life
and respiration," i. e. the very means of sustenance. The allusion
is to the harbours of Sicily, Sardinia and Africa, whence the me-
tropolis was supplied with corn. In consequence of the pirates'
being masters of the sea, the markets at Rome were ill-supplied with
grain, and hence arose serious apprehensions of famine. (Plut. Vit.
Pomp. c. 25.)
5. Inspectante praetore.
"Under the very eyes of a praetor."
Who this praetor was is not clearly ascertained. He is thought by
some to have been M. Antonius, son of the famous orator of that
name, and father of Mark Antony, the triumvir. He was afterward
(A. U. C. 679) sent against the pirates, and attacked the Cretans
who had harboured and were connected with them, but was defeated
off that island with the loss of most of his ships, which were taken
by the enemy. (Florus, 3, 7.-Liv. Epit. 99.)
6. Ejus ipsius liberos. "That the child of this same praetor."
According to Plutarch, (Vit. Pomp. c. 24,) a daughter of M. Anto-
nius, the praetor, was taken by the pirates, and ransomed from them
for a large sum.-Liberos.
Liberos. The term liberi is not unfrequently
employed by the Latin writers, when the reference is only, as in
the present case, to a single child. The authorities on this point
are very ably adduced by Scheller. (Lat. Deutsch. Wörterb. vol.
3, col. 5685.) The only one which we will here cite is that of
Caius (ad Dig. lib. 50, tit. 16, leg. 148): "Non est sine liberis,
cui vel unus filius, unave filia est, haec enim enunciatio, habet
liberos, semper plurativo numero profertur, sicut et pugillares et
codicilli."-Dacier falls into an amusing error, through too much
336
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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82 haste in translating the present passage of Cicero. He mistakes
liberos for libros, and makes the Roman praetor to have lost his
books! not his child: "Ignorez-vous que ses livres ont été enlevés
par les corsaires ?" (Plutarque, par Dacier.-Vie de Pompée, in
notis.)
7. Ostiense incommodum. "The disaster at Ostia." Ostia was
a sea-port, at the mouth of the Tiber, and was regarded as the har-
bour of Rome. The pirates took and plundered it, destroying the
fleet there.
So great, indeed, was their daring on this occasion,
that they even remained there a considerable time, and exposed
their booty to sale. (Dio Cassius, 36, 5.)
8. Consul populi Romani. The name of this consul does not
appear, from any ancient writer. Dio Cassius (1. c.) makes no allu-
sion to any at all.-Capta atque oppressa est. "Was taken and
sunk."
9. Unius hominis. Pompey.
10. Intra Occani ostium. "Within the straits of the ocean,"
i. e. the straits of Gibraltar. There is great propriety in the use of
the expression oceani ostium, (literally, "mouth of the ocean,") to
designate the straits in question, since a strong and constant current
flows into the Mediterranean from the Atlantic ocean, in the middle
of the straits.
11. Obeundi negolii. "Of transacting business."-Tantos cursus.
"So long voyages."
12. Quam celeriter, &c. "As rapidly as, under the guidance of
Pompey, the war on our part sped its impetuous way over the
deep." Impetus belli is a poetic form of expression, for the simple
bellum, with the associate idea, however, of impetuosity and power.
Thus we have in Lucretius, (5, 101,)" impetus coeli," for coelum ;
and in Accius, (ap. Cic. de Divin. 1, 22,) "nocturnus impetus,"
for nox.
Compare the following remark of Ernesti: Tota forma,
belli impetus navigavit, poetica est. Sensus est; quanta celeritate
Pompeius bellum, et quam strenue gesserit."
13. Nondum tempestivo, &c. "Before the sea was yet fit for
navigation,” i. e. before the season for sailing was come. Tempes-
tino is here equivalent to tempore opportuno, "fit by reason of the
time of year." The season for navigation usually commenced about
the rising of the Pleiades, on the 22d of April.
14. Siciliam adiit. Pompey directed his earliest attention to
Sicily, in order to secure that important granary of the republic.
He then proceeded, with the same view, to Africa and Sardinia.-
The management of the war against the pirates was conferred on
Pompey by the Gabinian law. This law invested him with the com-
-
THE MANILIAN LAW.
337
Page.
mand of the whole Mediterranean, and with power over the land for 82
four hundred stadia (about 46 miles) from the coasts.
He was em-
powered also to choose out of the senators fifteen lieutenants to act
under him; he was to take from the quaestors, and other public
receivers, what money he pleased, and equip a fleet of 200 sail.
The number of marine forces, of mariners and rowers, was left en-
tirely to his discretion. The day after this law was passed, Pompey
summoned an assembly, and obtained a grant of almost as much
more as the first decree had bestowed. He was empowered to fit
out 500 galleys, and to raise an army of 120,000 foot and 5000
horse. Twenty-four senators were selected, who had all been gen-
erals or praetors, and were appointed his lieutenants, and he had
two quaestors allowed. (Plut. Vit. Pomp. c. 25, seq.)
15. Haec tria frumentaria subsidia. "These three granaries."
-Duabus Hispaniis. "The two Spains," i. e. hither and farther
Spain, Citerior and Ulterior. Consult Geographical Index.
16. Illyrici maris. The Mare Illyricum was that part of the
Adriatic, which lay along the Illyrian coast.-Achaiam. The Roman
province of Achaia included all the Peloponnesus, and a part of
Greece north of the isthmus of Corinth. By omnem Graeciam is,
therefore, meant all the rest of Greece.
17. Italiae duo maria. The upper and lower seas, or the Adriatic
and Tuscan.—Adornavit. "He furnished," i. e. supplied. Adorno
is here equivalent to instruo, with the collateral idea of decking or
adorning. Compare Caes. B. C. 1, 26: “Eodem conatu, appara-
tuque, omni opulentia insignium armorum bellum adornaverant."
18. Ut a Brundisio, &c. "On the forty-ninth day after he set
out from Brundisium." Ut is here elegantly used for postquam.
Consult Tursellinus, de Part. Lat. s. v. § 1, 22.
19. Totam Ciliciam. The power of the pirates had its rise in
Cilicia, and this country eventually became their centre of opera-
tions, and chief stronghold.-Pompey defeated them in a naval
battle off Coracesium, on the coast of Cilicia Trachea.
1. Unius hujus imperio ac potestati. "To the absolute control 83
of this one individual," i. e. they surrendered themselves uncondi-
tionally to Pompey.-When imperium and potestas are opposed to
each other, the former denotes military power, the latter civil; and
when both are combined in one clause, as in the present instance,
the idea intended to be conveyed is that of full and absolute au-
thority.
2. Cretensibus. Crete, next to Cilicia, was the greatest nursery
of the pirates, and one of their chief receptacles. The transaction
alluded to in the text, however, notwithstanding the commendations
29
338
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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83 of Cicero, was far from honourable to Pompey. Metellus, a rela-
tion of the one who had commanded in conjunction with Pompey
in Spain, had been sent into Crete, by the Roman people, some
time before Pompey was employed in this war. Metellus had broken
up many strongholds of the pirates in that island, when the remain-
der, who were besieged by him, suppliantly addressed themselves to
Pompey and invited him into the island, as included in his commis-
sion, and falling within that distance from the sea to which he was
authorized to carry his arms.
his arms. Pompey listened to their application,
and by a letter directed Metellus to take no farther steps in the war.
At the same time, he ordered the cities of Crete not to obey Metel-
lus, but Lucius Octavius, one of his own lieutenants, whom he sent
to take the command. Octavius went in among the besieged, and
fought on their side; a circumstance, says Plutarch, which rendered
Pompey not only odious but ridiculous. Metellus, however, pur-
sued his operations, till he took the pirates, and put them all to
death. As for Octavius, he exposed him in the camp as an object
of contempt, and loaded him with reproaches, after which he dis-
missed him. (Plut. Vit. Pomp. c. 29.)
T
Plutarch says
3. Apparavit. "Prepared for."-Media aestate.
the war was brought to a close in three months at farthest : oúk év
πλείονι χρόνῳ τριῶν μηνῶν. (Vit. Pomp. c. 28.)
4. Est haec divina, &c. "This degree of military talent on the
part of a commander is divine and incredible," i. e. is divine in its
character, and surpasses all the ordinary powers of belief.
Consult note 23, page 80.-Bellandi
5. Non enim solum, &c.
virtus. "C
Ability in war."
6. Sed multae sunt, &c.
other exalted qualities, the
tue." Hujus virtutis, sc. imperatoriae.
7. Quanta innocentia, &c. "Of how much moral purity ought
commanders to be."-Temperantia.
"Self-control.". Fide.
Adherence to their word.
"On the contrary, there are many
handmaids and attendants of this vir-
MENJAD
"Good faith."
8. Quanta facilitate. "How affable and easy of access.
Quanto ingenio, &c. "Of how much penetration, of how much
humanity ?"
""
9. Summa enim sunt omnia. "For there all exist in the high-
est degree,” i. e. in the character of Pompey all these qualities are
found in the highest perfection.
10. Ex aliorum contentione. "By a comparison with others."
Thus, Cic. de Off. 1, 17: "Si contentio quaedam et comparatio
fiat," and Partit. Or. 2: "Rerum contentiones, quid majus, quid
par, quid minus sit.”
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339
Page.
<i
11. Possumus aliquo in numero putare.
"Can we hold in any 83
estimation." Literally, can we reckon in any number," i. e. of
generals; can we regard as at all fit to be numbered among gen-
erals.
12. Cujus in exercitu, &c. "In whose army commissions for
the office of centurion are now and have heretofore been sold."
The allusion cannot be to Lucullus, on whom he has already
bestowed so many encomiums, but, from the use of the present
tense, (veneant,) seems aimed at Glabrio.-The student will mark
the force of the subjunctive mood in this and the succeeding clauses,
as indicating, not what Cicero asserts on his own authority, but from
the rumour of the day. It is equivalent, in fact, therefore, to "in
whose ariny, as is said," &c.
13. Quid hunc hominem, &c. "What lofty or generous senti-
ments can we imagine that man to entertain respecting his coun-
try." Supply after quid, the words possumus putare from the pre-
ceding clause, but in a somewhat different sense.
14. Propter cupiditatem provinciae. "From the desire of
retaining his province for a longer period," i. e. of holding over in
his command beyond the time appointed. The money was given,
not to procure a province, but to induce the magistrates at home to
interfere, and prevent any recall, at the end of the year, from the
province where the individual was then acting. Compare the ex-
planation of Ernesti: "Non ut provinciam decernerent, sed ut
impedirent ne anno exacto decedere de provincia juberetur.”—Er-
nesti supposes Lucullus to be the person meant. This, however,
cannot possibly be correct. Lucullus had set out against Mithri-
dates many years before the period when this speech was delivered;
whercas, from the language of Cicero, the transaction referred to
would seem to have been of a very recent date. So again, in
chapter 22, the orator speaks of the injuriae and libidines of the
Roman commanders sent out that very year, which of course can-
not in any way apply to Lucullus. Acilius Glabrio is undoubtedly
meant.
15. In quaestu. "At interest." Compare Or. in Pis. c. 35.
16. Vestra admurmuratio, &c. "Your murmurs, my country-
men, make it apparent, that you recognise the individuals who have
acted thus." Literally, "your murmuring makes it that you
appear to recognise," &c.-Cardinal Maury, in his Essai sur
l' Eloquence, § 53, thinks, that Cicero met with some interruption
here from certain individuals, who had appropriated a portion of the
public money to their own private purposes, and who consequently
thought, that the remarks of the speaker were in some degree
A1,
340
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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83 directed against themselves. He supposes that Cicero waited till
silence was again obtained, and then availed himself of the inter-
ruption, to express it as his conviction that their outcries were only
so many indications of a consciousness of guilt. This is a most
unfortunate piece of criticism. The simple truth appears to be,
that the murmurs came, as Cicero himself plainly perceives, from
the irritated populace, who were giving vent in this way to the indig-
nation which they felt, in common with the orator, at the conduct
of the individuals to whom he alludes.
Previously."-Avariliam.
17. Ante. "
Rapacity." Com-
pare the remark of Scheller, (Praecept. Styl. vol. 1, p. 69): "Av-
arus non est, qui pecuniae nimis parcit; hic tenax dicitur: sed
pecuniae consequendae nimis cupidus."
18. Itinera. The marches."-Per hosce annos. "During
these latter years." The allusion is to the movements of the Ro-
man forces, sent, under different commanders, against Mithridates,
Sertorius, Spartacus, &c., and which troops had to pass through
different parts of Italy, before they reached their destined scenes of
action. From the language of Cicero, they would appear to have
been guilty of excesses, by the way, against their own countrymen.
84 1. Hibernis. "By their wintering among them." Referring to
the license and rapacity exercised by the Roman soldiery against
their own allies, while in winter-quarters throughout their cities.
2. Exercitum continere. "To restrain his army," i. e. from the
plundering and despoiling of our allies.
3. Qui se ipsum non continet. "Who does not restrain him-
self," i. e. who in these same matters practises no restraint over
himself. Graevius gives se ipse, from one of his MSS., but, as
Ernesti correctly remarks, the opposition to alios requires se ipsum.
4. In judicando. "In judging of others." Supply de aliis, or
else the simple alios.
5. Sed ne vestigium quidem. "But even its very footsteps."
The meaning of the whole clause is, that the army led by Pompey,
so far from plundering any thing, did not even set foot in any place
where it was unlawful for them to come: i. e. violated the sanctity
of no shrine, as had been the case, for example, in former years,
with that of Comana. Compare the explanation of Hotomann:
"Non modo nihil rapuisse, sed ne pedem quidem, ubi non licebat
posuisse."
،،
6. Quemadmodum milites hibernent. "As to the way in which
our soldiers now conduct themselves in winter-quarters," i. e. as to
the regularity of their deportment in winter-quarters now that they
have Pompey over them.
THE MANILIAN LAW.
341
Page.
7. Ut sumptum faciat in militem. "In order that he may go to 84
expense upon a soldier," i. e. to compel him to expend any part of
his means in the maintenance of our soldiers.—Cupienti.
"When
desiring so to do.”
8. Hiemis enim, &c. "That there should be a refuge from the
severity of winter, not for the indulgence of rapacity, in the dwel-
lings," &c.
9. Qualis. The early editions have quali.
10. Inventum. Originated." More literally, were obtain-
ed." Some of the early editions have initum, which arose very
probably from the copyists not understanding here the peculiar force
of inventum. Even Lambinus seeks to alter the text, and gives
natum for the true reading. The use of inventum, in this passage,
is correctly styled by Ernesti, " exquisitius genus loquendi.”
Compare the Greek usage of employing the verb ɛúpíσkɛiv, on many
occasions, in the sense of parare, consequi, &c.
11. Non eximia vis remigum.
"No extraordinary exertions on
the part of rowers."
<<
<<
12. In ultimas terras. The allusion is to Pamphylia and Cilicia.
Compare chapter 16, where the Cretan ambassadors are said to
have come unto Pompey, who was then in Pamphylia, "in ultimas
prope terras."
13. Celeros. "The rest of your commanders." So ceteri in the
next paragraph.-Non retardarunt. "Retarded not his progress."
14. Devocavit. Called him away." This is the reading of
all the earlier editions, except the Aldine, where revocavit appears,
probably by an error of the press. From this last edition the form
revocavit found its way into the later ones, until Gruter restored
the true lection.
15. Non libido ad voluptatem, &c.
"No licentious feeling to
an indulgence in pleasure; no charms of scenery to gratification of
this kind; no renown of any city to a visiting and becoming
acquainted with it; in a word, not toil itself to repose.'
16. Signa et tabulas. "Statues and paintings." With tabulas
supply pictas.—Quae ceteri tollenda esse, &c. Statues, and paint-
ings, and works of art in general, were favourite objects of rapacity
with the Roman commanders, and were carried off without any
scruple. The statues and pictures which Marcellus transported
from Syracuse to Rome, first excited that cupidity, which led the
Roman provincial magistrates to pillage, without scruple or dis-
tinction, the houses of private individuals and the temples of the
gods. Marcellus and Mummius, however, despoiled only hostile and
conquered countries. They had made over their plunder to the
29*
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ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
84 public, and, after it was conveyed to Rome, devoted it to the em
bellishment of the capital; but subsequent governors of provinces,
having acquired a taste for works of art, began to appropriate to
themselves those masterpieces of Greece, which they had formerly
neither known nor esteemed. Some contrived plausible pretexts
for borrowing valuable works of art from cities and private persons,
without any intention of restoring them; while others, less cau-
tious, or more shameless, seized whatever pleased them, whether
public or private property, without excuse or remuneration. But
though this passion was common to most provincial governors, none
of them ever came up to the full measure of the rapacity of Verres,
when praetor of Sicily. He seized tapestry, pictures, gold and
silver plate, vases, gems, and Corinthian bronzes, till he literally did
not leave a single article of value of these descriptions, in the whole
island. (Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 284, seq.)
17. Fuisse quando. "That there once were." They now believe
that such men as Curius Dentatus, Fabricius, and others, once ac-
tually existed.
18. Quod jam nationibus exteris, &c. The accounts which the
Romans gave them of the continence and virtue of their fathers, had
appeared unworthy of belief to foreign nations, when contrasted
with the rapacity and extortion that characterized their descendants.
19. Nunc imperii vestri, &c. "Now the true lustre of your
empire shines resplendent among those nations." Pompey revives
in his single self all the glory of the good old Roman times, and
that glory is shared by his country.-Lucet. In the palimpsest frag-
ment of this oration, recently discovered, we have lucem afferre coe-
pit, which also appears in two other MSS., but it is evidently a
mere gloss for lucet, and not a very good one either.
20. Hac temperantia. "Distinguished for his self-control," i. e.
characterized by that same moderation which Pompey now exhibits.
-Imperare aliis. "To rule over others.'
"}
85 1. Jam vero ita faciles, &c. "So easy, too, is said to be the
access of private individuals unto him, so unshackled their every
complaint respecting the wrongs done them by others." As regards
the force of jam vero, consult note 3, page 86.-Faciles. No forms
and ceremony are required in approaching Pompey.-Liberae.
There are no restraints whatever upon the freedom of complaint.
2. Facilitate. "In affability.”
3. Consilio. "In wisdom of counsel."-Dicendi gravitate et
copia. In powerful and flowing eloquence." As regards the
peculiar force of gravitas, and gravis, in a rhetorical point of view,
compare the remark of J. C. Ernesti, in his Lex. Technol. Lat..
THE MANILIAN LAW.
343
Page.
Rhet. p. 191: “Sed non minus certum est, gravem orationem ap- 85
pellatam Latinis Rhetoribus esse, quae magnis, splendidis, allisque
sensibus animos legentium impleret; et ipsam gravitatem tributam
üs oraloribus vel scriptoribus, qui tales sensus facile conciperent,
atque omnino rebus augendis, exaggerandisque pares essent.” And
again: "Neque dubium est, quin Cicero, (de Invent. 1, 2,) cum
gravitate et suavitate orationis omnem eloquentiae ambitum circum-
scriberct, illam ad sententiarum vim et splendorem, hanc ad verbo-
rum ornamenta retulerit."
4. In quo ipso, &c. In which very talent itself there exists a
kind of dignity, well adapted to the character of one who com-
mands." The reference is to the talent of haranguing, which suits
so well the character of a commander Some editors refer in quo
ipso to Pompey; but then quaedam, joined to dignitas, is not suf-
ficiently complimentary.
5. Hoc ipso in loco. In the forum, where they have often heard
Pompey harangue.
6. Quam hostes, &c. "When the common enemies of all na-
tions have regarded it as inviolable," i. e. as worthy of the most
implicit reliance. Quam is here equivalent to cum eam.-By hostes
omnium gentium are meant the pirates. Cicero employs the same
circumlocution, in speaking of this class of persons, on two other
occasions in Verr. 5, 30, and de Off. 3, 29: "Pirata est commu-
nis hostis omnium."
:
7. Tantum bellum. This is the reading of the earlier editions,
which Ernesti first restored. The common text has tantum bellum
hoc, which Graevius transposed, reading hoc tantum bellum.
8. Nostrae memoriae. "Of our time."-Videatur. The use of
the subjunctive here is worth noting. The meaning is, "who seems
as far as we can perceive," i. e. as far as it is allowed mere mortals
to scan the councils of omnipotence. The indicative would have
been too strong.
9. Auctoritas. <<
'High reputation." Auctoritas is here equiva-
lent to " opinio insignis de alicujus virtute," &c. (Ernesti Clav.
Cic. s. v. § 8.)
10. Vehementer pertinere ad bella administranda. Intimately
pertains to the management of foreign wars," i. e. exercises a pow-
erful influence upon the success of your arms abroad.-Vestris
The palimpsest fragment has nostris.
11. Et fama. We have here adopted the reading of the palimp-
sest fragment, as far preferable to the ordinary one, opinione non
minus famae.—Quam aliqua certa ratione. "Than by some fixed
and reasonable motive."
“
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ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
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85
12. Clarius.
"More illustrious than his," i. e. Pompey's.
13. Facit ad auctoritatem. "Contributes to high reputation."
We have inserted ad before auctoritatem, or the conjecture of
Weiske, who considers the common reading, facit auctoritatem, as
doubtful in point of Latinity.
14. Tanta et tam praeclara, &c. "Have you made so distin-
guished and honourable expressions of opinion." The term judicia
is here applied to the honours and rewards bestowed upon merit.
Compare the remark of Ernesti (Clav. Cic. s. v.) : "Judicia dicun
tur etiam honores, praemia, quia dantur his qui iis digni judican-
tur."-Pompey obtained the honours of a triumph, while he was
only an eques, or knight, and not yet of an age to entitle him to a
seat in the senate. He was sent against Sertorius, with proconsu-
lar command, though but a simple quaestor; and he obtained the
consulship before he was full thirty-six years old, and without hav-
ing gone through the subordinate offices. In the regular course of
things, he was, at thirty-six, merely old enough to have been made
aedile. The legal age for the consulship was forty-three.
15. Illius dici. The day when the Gabinian law was passed.
Consult note 14, page 82.-Cum universus populus Romanus.
"When the whole Roman people with one voice." The student
will mark the force of universus here.
16. Hic locus. The rostra.-Unum ad commune omnium gen-
tium bellum imperatorem.
"As sole commander for a war that
involved the common interests of all nations." The reference is to
the war against the pirates. Compare note 6.
17. Quantum auctoritas. The common text has quantum hujus
auctoritas. But hujus is not needed here, since the remark is a
general one, and does not refer to any individual in particular. Er-
nesti thinks that hujus must either be rejected, or else changed into
ducis. He prefers the former course, and accordingly throws it out
of his text.
18. Omnium rerum egregiarum. "Of every thing exalted."
86
1. Vilitas annonac. "A cheapness of provisions." As long as
the pirates held possession of the sea, exportation from the corn-
bearing provinces was checked, and large stores must necessarily
have accumulated there. Pompey's appointment restored public
confidence, and as the power of the pirates was now thought to be
soon about to end, and large shipments were expected to be shortly
made from the corn-countries, the price of grain fell, of course, at
Rome.
•
2. Ex summa inopia, &c. "From the greatest scarcity and
dearness of grain."—Unius hominis spe et nomine. Compare the
THE MANILIAN LAW.
345
Page.
language of Plutarch, (Vit. Pomp. c. 26.) αἱ δὲ τιμαὶ τῶν ὠνίων, εὐθὺς 86
πεσοῦσαι, λόγον ἡδυμένῳ τῷ δήμῳ παρεῖχον, ὡς αὐτὸ τοὔνομα τοῦ Πομπηΐου
λέλυκε τὸν πόλεμον.
3. Jam.
"Still farther."
Compare the remark of Forcellini
(Lex. s. v.): "Jam saepissime conjungendi orationem vim habet, et
transitionibus inservit, pro praeterea.
4. Accepta in Ponto calamitate. Alluding to the defeat of Tria-
rius. Compare note 10, page 79.-Cum. To be repeated, in trans-
lating, before each of the two succeeding clauses.
5. Divinitus. ct
Providentially."
6. Insolita inflammatum victoria. "Fired with unaccustomed
victory." Insolita refers to his having been so often defeated
before this by Sylla, Murena, and Lucullus.-Continuit.
"Check-
ed."
7. Profecturus sit. We have adopted profecturus sit and pro-
fecerit, with Graevius, Ernesti, and Schütz, from many MSS. and
early editions. The common text has perfecturus sit and perfe-
cerit.
(C
8. Ipso nomine ac rumore. By his very name and reputation."
9. Iila res. "The following circumstance."
10. Cretensium legati. For an account of this really discredita-
ble affair, which Cicero here seeks to make a ground of praise, con-
sult note 2, page 83.-Noster imperator. Metellus.
Consult Liv.
11. In ultimas prope terras. To Pamphylia.
Epit. 99.
12. Eum quem Pompeius legatum semper judicavit. Pompey
of course would entertain this opinion from motives of vanity.
There is every reason to believe, however, that the individual
alluded to was a mere spy.
13. In quibus, &c. Referring in particular to Metellus, who
was commanding in conjunction with Pompey in Spain. He was
a relation of the Metellus just mentioned, note 10.-Ad eum
potissimum, &c. What gave offence, if the story be true,
was that the individual should have been sent to so young a man
as Pompey, and one too who was only a quaestor with pro-consular
command.
<<
“Ex-
14. Multis postea rebus gestis. 'By many subsequent ex-
ploits." Postea refers to the period after the Spanish war, and to
Pompey's operations against the pirates.--Vestris judiciis.
pressions of opinion on your part." Compare note 14, page 85.
"Which no
15. Quam praestare de se ipso nemo potest, &c.
one can exhibit at pleasure in his own case; but which we can call
to mind and make mention of in the case of another," i. e. no man
346
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
86 can be successful when he pleases; this lies entirely within the
power, and is regulated by the will, of the gods. But he may tell
without scruple of the success with which others have been fa-
voured.
16. De potestate deorum. "In relation to a thing that lies
wholly within the power of the gods," i. e. success, or good for-
tune; of which, according to Cicero, we must speak cautiously and
briefly, lest we be found ascribing too much to human agency.
Compare the explanation of Ernesti. "De potestate deorum, i. e.
de re ea, quae est tota in potestate deorum, ut cavendum sit ne in
ea plus homini tribuamus.”
87
1. Maximo. Fabius Maximus.-Marcello. The celebrated
opponent of Hannibal.-Scipioni. It is uncertain whether Cicero
means the elder or younger Africanus. Manutius thinks it is the
latter, and his opinion appears to be the correct one
For an
account of the individuals here alluded to consult Historical Index.
2. Ad amplitudinem et gloriam. "For their elevation and
glory." As amplitudo and gloria are here nearly synonymous, the
preposition is not repeated before the latter.-Divinitus.
'By the
favour of Heaven."
(C
3. Hac. For tali.-In illius potestate.
"Under his control."
Cicero means, that he will employ such moderation in speaking, as
not, on the one hand to assert that Pompey is master of events, for
such language would be offensive to the gods, (invisa diis immor-
talibus ;) and, on the other, merely to make it apparent, that he has
not forgotten the past exploits of that commander, but regards them
as an earnest of future success, for to forget them would be rank
ingratitude against the beings who have thus far presided over his
career.
4. Non sum praedicaturus. "I am not going vauntingly to
state.'
5. Obtemperarint.
"Yielded to." Obedire denotes more of
literal and absolute obedience than obtemperare, and is therefore
used in the next clause, when speaking of enemies. Obtemperare
is to obey the spirit of a command; as a son, for example, obeys a
father. Compare Cic. pro Caecin. 18: Imperium domesticum
nullum erit, si servulis nostris hoc concesserimus, ut ad verba
nobis obediant, non ad id quod ex verbis intelligi possit obtem-
perent."
"L
6. Obsecundarint. "Favoured." Roferring in particular to his
rapidity in chasing the pirates from the surface of the Mediterra-
nean.
7. Tam impudentem. "So presumptuous."-Tacitus.
"In
THE MANILIAN LAW.
347
Page.
his heart.”—Detulerunt. In many MSS. and early editions we 87
find contulerunt; but detulerunt expresses more of condescension
and favour on the part of the gods.
8. Quod ut illi, &c. "And that this may be his peculiar and
lasting privilege," i. e. that these special favours may ever be
vouchsafed unto him. Proprium here implies, that no Roman
commander has ever been so peculiarly favoured as Pompey; and
the assembled people are requested to pray, that these special acts
of kindness, on the part of the gods, may be continued to him for
the time to come, since they will only prove a fresh source of hon-
our and happiness to his country.
9. Velle et optare. "To entertain and express the wish."
10. Accuratissime. "With the utmost care.”
11. Dubitabitis quin, &c. "Will you hesitate, Romans, to
employ so favourable an opportunity as this." More literally,
"this so great a good." Many of the Oxford MSS. have dubitatis
but the present tense is too strong here.
12. Quod si. "Even if then." Quod, in such cases as the
present, commencing a sentence, always refers to something going
before, and is not redundant as some critics imagine. It is here the
same in fact as propter quod. Compare the remark of Schütz,
(Ind. Lat. s. v.): "Quod ab initio periodi saepe ponitur: sed
semper refertur ad antecedens aliquid, et transitioni servit." Con-
sult also Perizonius, ad Sanct. Min. 4, 5,—(vol. 2, p. 227, ed
Bauer.)
13. Is erat deligendus, &c. "He ought to be selected," &c.
In the consequent member of a conditional proposition, the past
tenses are frequently put in the indicative, to give more liveliness
to the representation, although, in the conditional clause, the im-
perfect or pluperfect subjunctive has been used. (Zumpt, L. G.
p. 327. Kenrick's transl.)
14. Nunc cum, &c. "Now, however, when to the other emi-
nent advantages existing in his case, the following happy circum-
stance is likewise added, that he is present in those very parts,"
&c. By iis ipsis locis is meant Asia, the seat of the war.
Pompey having ended the piratical war, was engaged, at this
time, in settling the affairs of Cilicia and the adjacent coun-
tries, and in assigning habitations to the pirates who had surren-
dered.
15. Quid exspectamus. "What wait we for ?"-Summa cum
salute reipublicae. "With the greatest advantage to the state."
-Hoc bellum regium. "This war of the kings." Referring to
Mithridates and Tigranes.
348
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
88
1. At enim. Analogous to the Greek là yup. In this combi
nation, enim introduces a reason for the opposition, diversity, or
objection to something preceding, which is signified by at. Ren-
der: "But this, it seems, you must not do, for," &c.
2. Vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus. "And one who has
been honoured with the most distinguished proofs of your regard.”
The allusion is to the famous Q. Lutatius Catulus. Consult His-
torical Index.
3. Itemque summis, &c. "And likewise Quintus Hortensius,
possessing the highest advantages that public honours, fortune, vir-
tue, and talents can bestow." The allusion is to Q. Hortensius
the celebrated orator. He had enjoyed the consulship, had amassed
a large fortune by the legal profession, was a man of upright char-
acter, and a talented and popular, though very showy, declaimer.
Consult Historical Index.
4. Ab hac ratione dissentiunt. "Differ from me in the view
which I have taken of this subject." Literally, "differ from this
view of the subject." Catulus and Hortensius led the opposition
against the bill. Consult Introductory Remarks.
5. Quorum auctoritatem, &c. "I am willing to own, that the
authority of these individuals has exercised a very strong influence
with you on many occasions, and ought so to do. In the present
case, however, although you are well aware of the sentiments of the
bravest and most illustrious men, as being in direct opposition to
theirs, still, putting authority on either side entirely out of the ques-
tion, we can ascertain the truth from the case itself, and from the
dictates of reason." By auctoritates contrariae are meant individuals
who think with Cicero, and whose character and standing are fully
equal to those of Catulus and Hortensius.
6. Omnia. All things," i. e. unlimited power. The Manilian
law proposed, in effect, to invest Pompey with unlimited power
against Mithridates and Tigranes. Compare the language of
Plutarch (Vit. Pomp. c. 30) in speaking of the provisions of the
act: τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν ἐφ᾽ ἑνὶ συλλήβδην γενέσθαι τὴν ‘Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν.
7. Re. "By facts."
By facts." The allusion is to the proper use made by
Pompey of the extensive power conferred upon him in the piratical
war.
8. Pro tua summa copia, &c.
"With that rich fluency and
eminent talent for speaking that are yours." The eloquence of Hor-
tensius was of the kind called Asiatic, being rather showy and
declamatory than solid and powerful.
9. Virum fortem A. Gabinium, &c. Cicero calls Gabinius a
courageous man from the spirit he displayed in carrying through his
THE MANILIAN LAW,
349
note 3, page 85.
Page.
law amid the strenuous opposition of the senate. One of his col- 88
leagues in the tribuneship, L. Trebellius, interposed his veto, and
assured the senate that he would rather lose his life than suffer the
law to pass.
Gabinius thereupon proposed to the people to deprive
Trebellius of his magistracy, and the tribes having made great prôg-
ress in voting upon this proposition, and the popular voice appear-
ing decidedly against him, Trebellius became intimidated and with-
drew his intercession. An account of the whole proceeding is given
by Dio Cassius, (36, 8, seqq.,) and by Asconius, (ad Cic. orat. 1,
pro Cornelio. p. 964,) from which it appears, that Trebellius per-
sisted after seventeen tribes had declared against him, and only
yielded when the eighteenth, which would have made a majority,
were about to vote in the same manner.
<<
10. Graviter ornateque.
Forcibly and eloquently." Compare
11. Vera causa.
"The cause of truth," i. e. the true interests
of the state.-Teneremus. “Would we still be retaining."
"}
12. Capicbantur. "Were accustomed to be made captives,"
"From supplies.
i. e. by the pirates.-Commeatu.
13. Ut neque privatum rem, &c. "That we could no longer
transact any business, either of a private or a public nature, beyond
the sea." The res transmarinae privatae refer to the private opera-
tions of the Roman traders; the publicae, to the revenues in the
transmarine provinces.
14. Non dico Atheniensium, &c. "I speak not now of that of
the Athenians, which is said to have held, in former days, a very
wide dominion over the sea."
1. Carthaginiensium. The orthography Carthago and Cartha- 89
ginienses is more correct than Karthago and Karthaginienses.
Consult Ruperti, ad Sil. Ital. 1, 3, Var. lect.
2. Rhodiorum. The Rhodians were still celebrated for their
naval skill and discipline, and their former glory was still fresh in
remembrance.
3. Tam tenuis. "So feeble."-Aliquam partem regionis.
"Some portion at least of her territory.”
4. Aliquot annos continuos. For several successive years."-
Invictum. “As ever associated with victory."
5. Magna ac multo maxima, &c. "Felt themselves deprived
of a large, aye, and by far the largest share, not only of their reve-
nues, but of their dignity and their empire." Utilitatis, more liter-
ally, "of what might contribute to their advantage."
6. Antiochum. Polyxenidas, the admiral of this monarch, was
defeated in two naval engagements by the Romans. In the first
30
350
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
89 action, which was fought not far from Phocea, the Roman fleet was
commanded by C. Livius. (Liv. 36, 44.) In the second, which
took place off the promontory of Myonesus, near Teos, the Rhodian
fleet was united to the Roman. The commander of the latter, on
this occasion, was L. Aemilius Regillus. (Liv. 37, 30.)
7. Persenque. No trace appears in history of any naval victory
over Perses. After his defeat at Pydna, by Paulus Aemilius, he
took refuge in the island of Samothrace, where he surrendered him-
self to the praetor Cn. Octavius, who had been sent thither with a
fleet by the Roman consul. A naval triumph was decreed to Octa-
vius, but it appears to have been bestowed upon him for receiving
Perses as his prisoner, not for any actual engagement; and hence
Livy (45, 42) calls it: “ triumphus sine captivis, sine spoliis." It
is more than probable, however, that Cicero alludes to some actual
conflict, an account of which has not come down to us.
8. In maritimis rebus, &c. "Most experienced, and abundantly
supplied with every thing requisite in maritime affairs.”
9. Ii. We have nothing in our own idiom analagous to this elegant
usage of ii for the first person. In rendering, we may consider it
equivalent here to nos tales, (i. e. nos, tales cum essemus,) “ We,
though thus sprung," i. e. we, though descended from such fathers.
10. Praestare poteramus.
"Could show forth to the world."
Praestare is here equivalent to exhibere or ostendere.-Tum cum.
"In those days, when."
11. Quo omnes, &c. The port of Delos was a convenient stop-
ping-place for those who sailed from Italy or Greece to Asia. Re-
ferta divitiis.
Though filled to overflowing with riches." Liter-
ally, "crowded," &c.
"C
K
12. Nihil timebat. Because the Roman power was then what it
should be, and Delos relied securely on this for protection.
13. Iidem, &c. We, that same people, were deprived of the
use of not only our provinces, and the whole seacoast of Italy, and
our very harbours, but even now at length of the Appian way."
The usage and position of jam, in the latter member of this sentence,
is extremely elegant. It is equivalent here to jam tandem.
14. Appia via. This road led, through Capua, to Brundisium.
(Consult Geographical Index.) The part of it which approached
the sea appears to have been infested by the pirates, who probably
had accomplices on shore.
15. In hunc ipsum locum. Alluding to the rostra.-Escendere.
The old form for ascendere. Graevius first gave this reading from
one of his MSS., and he has been followed by Ernesti, Schütz,
Orellius, and others.-The orator may purposely have used the old
CC
THE MANILIAN LAW.
351
>
Page.
89
form here, to recall early times to the minds of his hearers, and show
how the Romans of the latter day to which he alludes (his tempori-
bus) had degenerated from the practice of their fathers.
16. Exuviis nauticis, &c. "Adorned with naval trophies and
the spoils of fleets." The rostra was adorned with the beaks (rostris)
of the ships taken in early times from the Antiates. Consult Liv.
8, 14, and note 3 page 71.
17. Bono animo. "In the sincerity of your heart,” i. e. with a
fair and honest intention. Cicero alludes to the opposition made by
Hortensius and others to the passage of the Gabinian law. He
allows them the utmost sincerity in their opposition, but adds, that
the Roman people, though fully aware of the honesty of their inten-
tions in endeavouring to defeat that law, took the true view of the
case and passed it. And so (this is the tacit inference to be drawn
from what he says) will they again act on the present occasion.
18. In salute communi. "In a case involving the common
safety.”—Dolori suo. "Their own feelings of indignant grief."
Dolor, in its primitive signification, means the smart attendant upon
a wound. It becomes, therefore, a very strong term, when applied,
in a figurative sense, to the moral feelings.
annus.
19. Una lex. The Gabinian law.-Unus vir.-Pompey.-Unus
A. U. C. 686, the year previous to that in which this ora-
tion was delivered.-Cicero does not, of course, mean that it took
the entire year to bring about the change alluded to, but that a
single year saw the power of the pirates at its height, and that same
power annihilated by Pompey.
20. Quo mihi, &c. "On which account it appears to me even
the more unworthy, that opposition should have been hitherto made,
shall I say to Gabinius, or to Pompeius, or to both of them? (what is
nearer the truth,) in order that Aulus Gabinius might not be ap-
pointed a lieutenant to Cneius Pompeius, though earnestly desiring
and in fact demanding him for one."-The transaction to which
Cicero here alludes was simply this. Aulus Gabinius procures a
law to be passed, investing Pompey with supreme command. When
the latter obtains this appointment, he wishes to have Gabinius as
one of his lieutenants, but meets with so decided an opposition as
to be compelled to abandon the idea. Cicero complains of this op-
position to Pompey's wishes, and insists, that Gabinius ought to be
preferred to every other individual. It must be evident to any one,
who will take the trouble of reflecting only a moment on the subject,
that the opposition to Gabinius was perfectly proper, and that Cicero
does himself very little credit by the course which he takes in rela-
tion to it. The whole affair had too much the appearance of a cor-
352
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
89 rupt jobbing-transaction, a mere matter of bargain and sale, and the
precedent would have been a dangerous one for the interests of the
state, and the purity of legislation. Gabinius was, in fact, a man of
infamous character; and it is amusing to sec, how clear-sighted
Cicero subsequently became, respecting the merits and standing of
this individual. In the speech delivered by the Roman orator be-
fore the senate, after his return from banishment, he paints the char-
acter of Gabinius in the strongest and most revolting colours. He
describes him as a man polluted by every excess; as one, whose
only refuge from imprisonment, for numerous debts, was the inviola-
bility of his person as tribune. He alludes also to the law which
this same Gabinius had procured, respecting the appointment of
Pompey against the pirates, and then adds, that had he not caused
this law to be passed, his own necessities would have driven him to
turn pirate himself? And yet this is the very man, whom Cicero,
certainly with a full knowledge of his character, recommends to the
notice and approbation of his countrymen!
&c.
90 1. Ceteri. "Your other commanders."-Ad expilandos socios,
Cicero knew perfectly well, notwithstanding all that he says
here, that Gabinius, if an opportunity should offer, would do the
very same things which are here condemned.
2. Ipsè. Referring to Gabinius.--Constituta est.
placed on a sure basis."
3. Qui consilio ipsius, &c. "Who have been called into action
by his own counsels, and at his own individual risk." Literally :
"who have been appointed," or "set on foot."-Periculo. Be-
cause, if any thing adverse should befall Pompey, the blame would
fall on Gabinius.
"Have been
4. Honoris causa.
"With the utmost respect." Honoris
causa more frequently means, "out of respect," and is then equiv-
alent to honorandi causa.
5. Anno proximo. No one, who had been a tribune of the com-
mons, could fill the office of lieutenant under a general appointed
to a command during the magistracy of the former, until a year had
elapsed since the period of his retiring from the tribuneship. The
object of this regulation was to prevent bribery and intrigue. Ci-
cero, however, cites some instances here of a violation of this rule,
and of ex-tribunes having been appointed lieutenants the very next
year after they had laid down their tribuneships.
6. In hoc uno Gabinio, &c. "Are people so active with their
opposition in the case of this Gabinius alone, who, as far as regards
his war, which is waged in accordance with a law of his own pro-
posing, as far as regards this commander and army, whom he
THE MANILIAN LAW.
353
Page.
himself has called into action through your suffrages, ought to enjoy 90
even an especial right of being appointed," i. e. ought to be pre-
ferred to all other applicants.-From the language of Plutarch, and
the provisions of the Gabinian law, it would appear that Pompey
had the right to select his own lieutenants. If so, the opposition to
Gabinius must have been grounded on the previously existing
Aebutian law, and the infamy of his private character must have
made this opposition the more formidable. The Aebutian, which
appears to have been the same with the Licinian law, forbade the
proposer of a law, concerning any charge or power, assuming that
charge or power, or deriving any advantage from it. The same
prohibition was extended also to his colleagues, relations, &c. The
principle on which this law was founded, is very neatly stated by
Cicero, (Agr. 2, 8, in Rull.) : Etenim, si populo consulis,
remove te a suspicione alicujus tui commodi: fac fidem, te nihil,
nisi populi utilitatem et fructum quaerere: sine ad alios potcsta-
tem, ad te gratiam beneficii tui pcrvenire.”
CC
7. Per vos ipse. Gruter first proposed this reading from two
MSS., and it has been adopted by Graevius, Beck, Schütz, and
many other editors. Ernesti, however, retains the common lection,
per se ipse, making per se refer to the law which Gabinius proposed
and exerted himself to have passed. He doubts the latinity of per
vos in conjunction with ipse; but this is, in fact, the very language
required by the occasion, ipse referring to the individual exertions
of Gabinius, and per vos to their being crowned with success by
the suffrages of the people.
8. De quo legando, &c. "I hope the consuls will consult the
senate relative to his appointment as lieutenant," i. e. will lay the
whole matter before them, and get that body to interpose their
authority and sanction the appointment. The consuls of this year
were Lepidus and Volcatius Tullus. (Consult Sigonius, Fast.
Cons. p. 480, ed Oxon.)
9. Aut gravabuntur. "Or shall raise any difficulties." Gra-
vari is here used in a deponent sense.
10. Ego memet profileor relaturum. "I openly declare that I
myself will lay the matter before them." In place of the common
reading me, we have given memet on the suggestion of Goerenz,
ad Cic. Acad. 2, 16.-Nothing could be laid before the senate
against the will of the consuls. The praetors, of which class of
magistrates Cicero was at this time a member, could only convene
the senate when the consuls were absent from the city, and could
at these times only lay such matters before them as they pleased.
It will be perceived, therefore, that the language of Cicero, on the
"
30*
354
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
90 present occasion, partakes of the nature of a mere boast, and is
intended to conciliate the favour of the multitude. He declares,
that, if the consuls hold back, he himself will make the requisite
application to the senate, in spite of them and of any inimicum
edictum which they make in order to stop him; and that nothing
short of the intercession of the tribunes would keep him back. Ile
knew very well, however, that the consuls had the power to re-
strain him.
11. Inimicum edictum. "The unfriendly edict," i. e. on the
part of the consuls, and aimed at his intended motion in the senate.
-Vestrum jus beneficiumque. "The right and the favour which
you have conferred." The Gabinian law gave Pompey the right of
selecting his own lieutenants. (Consult note 20, page 89.) By
beneficium is meant the mark of favour which the granting of this
right implied.
12. Praeter intercessionem. "Short of intercession," i. c. the
tribunitian veto.-De qua. Referring to this intercession.—Quid
liceat considerabunt. "Will do well to consider, how far their
power may extend," i. e. will take care, if they value their own
tranquillity, not to exceed the power vested in them by the laws.
13. Socius adscribitur. "Is a fit person to be added as a com-
panion in arms to Pompey. Adscribitur is here equivalent to
dignus est qui adscribatur.
14. Alter. Referring to Gabinius.-Uni. "To a particular
commander.”—Alter. "That commander." Literally, "the
other."
15. Ut dicendum esse videatur.
phraseology, on purpose here, as if
the present occasion, seemed to him
and laboured refutation.
Cicero appears to adopt this
the arguments of Catulus, on
too weak to require a formal
16. Si in uno Cn. Pompeio, &c.
"In what person, if you made
all your expectations centre in Cneius Pompeius, you were going to
place any hope, in case aught should befall him." The expression
si quid de eo factum esset, is an euphemism, for "in case he should
die." The direct mention of death is omitted as ill-omened. We
have restored de eo, the old reading, with Heumannus, Matthiae, and
others. The lection adopted by most editors, from the time of
Lambinus, is si quid eo factum esset, omitting de.
The anec-
17. Cepit magnum, &c. Reaped the rich harvest of his own
virtues and high-standing."-In ipso. "In himself."
dote here alluded to is a very pleasing one. In an oration to the
people, during the discussion on the Gabinian law, Catulus asked
them, whom they would have to supply Pompey's place, in case
EL
THE MANILIAN LAW.
355
M
Page.
(Val.
that individual should be cut off! The people exclaimed with 90
almost one accord, “Te, Quinte Catule.” "You, Quintus Catu-
lus." And thus the Roman people, as Valerius Maximus remarks,
made Catulus the equal of Pompey and of all his glory.
Max. 8, 15, 9.) Catulus, it scems, according to Plutarch's account,
was arguing against the propriety of investing Pompey with the
command in the piratical war, on the ground that the people ought
to spare him, and not to expose such a man to so many dangers.
(Vit. Pomp. c. 25.)-The common text has in eo ipso. But sev-
eral MSS. omit eo, and besides, as Lambinus and Matthiae correctly
remark, it would refer to Pompey, not to Catulus. It is rejected
in consequence, by Lambinus, Weiske, and Matthiae, and enclosed
within brackets by Orellius.
18. Talis est vir, &c. This praise was as richly deserved by
Catulus, as Cicero seems to have been sincere in bestowing it.
Compare de Off. 1, 22: “ Mihi quidem neque, pueris nobis, M.
Scaurus C. Mario, neque, cum versaremur in republica, Q. Ca-
tulus Cn. Pompeio cedere videbatur.”
19. Et consilio regere, &c. "Both direct by his counsels, and
support by his integrity, and accomplish by his valour."
1. Vehementissime dissentio. Compare note 15, page 90.—Quo 91
minus certa, &c. "The more uncertain and brief that human life is.”
-Fru summi hominis, &c. "To avail itself of the days and talents
of a distinguished individual." More freely,
More freely, "to avail itself of the
talents of a great man, as long as his life is spared to his country."
2. At enim, &c. The elliptical use of at enim here, may best
be explained by a paraphrase: "But, remarks Catulus, this whole
proceeding is an improper one, for let no innovation be made, con-
trary to the precedents and institutions of our fathers." Cicero
proceeds to meet an objection urged by Catulus, that it was not
right for the state to be dependant upon, and to have all its hopes
centred in, a single individual. He cites, in opposition to this
doctrine, the examples of Scipio the younger, and Marius.
3. Non dico hoc loco, &c. "I urge not in reply here, that our
fathers always consulted in peace established usage, in war utility;
that they always adapted new plans to new emergencies." Novo-
rum consiliorum rationes, literally, "the plans of new consuls," i. e.
new plans which had been made the subject of previous deliberation.
4. Non dicam, &c. I will not tell, how two very important
wars," &c.
Ciccro will not dwell on these points, or make any
formal reply. It is sufficient merely to glance at them.-Punicum.
The third Punic war.-Hispaniense. The war with Numantia.
5. Uno imperatore. The younger Scipio.
356
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
91
6. Non commemorabo, &c. "I will not remind you, that, but a
few years ago, this course appeared a proper one to you and your
fathers, that the hopes of the empire should be made to centre in
the single person of Caius Marius; that this same individual," &c.
7. In ipso Cn. Pompeio, &c. "Recall to your own recollections,
how many things of a novel nature have been done by you, with the
full approbation of Quintus Catulus, in the case of that same Cneius
Pompeius, with regard to whom Quintus Catulus now wishes no-
thing of a novel nature to be adopted," i. e. how many innovations
on established usage, &c. These are enumerated immediately after.
8. Summa Q. Catuli voluntate. This is the very neat emenda-
tion of Graevius from one of his MSS. The old reading was sum-
maque Catuli voluntate. The praenomen Q. is often changed, in
the MSS., into the conjunction que.
The connective is not wanted
kere.
9. Enim. Referring to what immediately precedes, (quam multa
sint nova, &c.,) and therefore very unnecessarily bracketed by some
editors.
10. Adolescentulum. Pompey was, at the time here alluded to,
in the twenty-third year of his age. Compare note 8, page 80.-
Privatum. <<
Holding no official station."
11. Conficere. "To levy." More literally, "to get together."
The allusion in the text is to Pompey's levying an army, and march-
ing with it to the aid of Sylla. Compare note 8, page 80.
12. Optime. "Most successfully.”—Ductu suo. "Under his
own guidance,” i. e. in person. When a Roman commander per-
formed any thing in person, he was said to do it ductu, or auspicio
suo.
13. Cujus a senatorio gradu, &c. The senatorial age appears
to have been about thirty-two. (Consult the remarks of Ernesti,
Ind. Leg. s. v. Annales.) That is, the age for enjoying the quacs-
torship was about thirty-one, and, after having held this office, a
person was eligible into the senate. Pompey, therefore, was about
eight years under the senatorial age.-Plutarch informs us that
Pompey, at the time alluded to by Cicero, might have easily, as a
matter of favour, been admitted to the senate, but that his ambition
was to pursue honour in a more uncommon track, and to triumph
before he was a senator. (Vit. Pomp. c. 14.)
14. Confecit. "He terminated."-Deportavit.
home." Deportare properly denotes, "to remove," or
from one place to another," as, in the present instance, from Africa
to Italy.
15. Equitem Romanum triumphare. Plutarch states, that Sylla
"He brought
"transfer,
THE MANILIAN LAW.
357
Page.
at first opposed Pompey's demand for a triumph, on this occasion, 91
alleging that he was too young, and not yet of an age to be admit-
ted into the senate. Pompey, not in the least intimidated, bade Sylla
consider, "that more worshipped the rising than the setting sun,"
intimating that his own power was increasing, while that of Sylla
was on the decline. Sylla did not distinctly hear what he said, but
perceiving by the looks and gestures of those present, that they were
struck by what Pompey had uttered, he asked what it was, and,
when he was informed, in admiration of Pompey's spirit, he cried
out: "let him triumph," "let him triumph."
16. At eam quoque rem, &c. In Cicero's account of this triumph,
no mention, whatever, is made of any decree of the senate, or order
of the people to that effect. The reason is this: Sylla, being dicta-
tor, held all the power of the state in his own hands, and awarded
public honours without consulting either senate or people.
17. Duo consules. D. Junius Brutus and M. Aemilius Lepidus,
A. U. C. 676.—Bellum maximum, &c. The war against Sertorius.
1. Nonnemo.- "An individual.” The student will note the dif- 92
ference between nonnemo and nemo non; the former being equiva-
lent to aliquis, the latter to omnes.
2. Pro consule. In place of a consul," i. e. with proconsular
power. The expression pro consule, or proconsul, was applied,
among the Romans, not merely to one, who, after having filled the
consulship, was sent out, the next year, to govern a province or
execute some particular charge, but, as in the present instance, to
one sent out in place of a consul.
3. L. Philippus. A senator of great influence and weight of
character.-Pro consulibus. Intimating, by this peculiar turn of
expression, his opinion of the incapacity of both the consuls for that
year. The consuls were M. Lepidus and Q. Catulus; A. U. C. 675.
4. Legibus solutus. The laws here referred to were the Lex
Villia, and two of the Leges Corneliae. They were often called by
a general term Leges Annales, from their fixing the ages for holding
the different offices in the state. Thus, the quaestorship could not
be enjoyed until one had reached the age of 31 years, the aedileship
37, praetorship 40, and consulship 43. Such, at least, was the rule
in Cicero's time. (Ernesti, Index Legum, s. v. Annales.) Now,
Pompey was elected consul before he was full 36 years old, that is,
before he was of sufficient age to obtain the acdileship, which was
the first office properly called magistratus, although that title is
often applied also to the quaestorship and tribuneship.-Ferratius
explains the words ante quam ullum alium magistratum, &c., in a
different manner. He supposes, that there was either an old law,
358
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
92 revived by Sylla, or else a new one passed by him, which enacted,
that no one who had not filled the office of quaestor, could be a can-
didate for any other and higher office; and that, as Pompey had
never been quaestor, he was, of course, legally excluded from the
consulship. Cicero's words, however, by no means favour this
interpretation. What, in such an event, becomes of ante quam?
5. Iterum. Alluding to Pompey's second triumph, which was
granted him for his successes over the remains of the army of Ser-
torius, in Spain, after the death of that commander.
6. Ex senatusconsulto. Sylla had overthrown the tribunitian
power, and, in consequence of this, the whole administration of the
state, for some time after his death, centred in the senate. Hence,
at the period referred to in the text, this order, and not the people,
had the right of granting a triumph.
7. Quae in omnibus hominibus, &c.
"Whatever precedents of
a novel nature have been established in the case of all men, within
human remembrance," &c.
8. Profecta sunt in cundem hominem, &c. "Have taken their
rise, for the same individual, from the express recommendation of
Quintus Catulus," &c., i. e. have been established in favour of
Pompey by the very recommendation of Catulus, &c.
9. De Cn. Pompeii dignitate. "Concerning the elevation of
Cneius Pompeius," i. e. his advancement in the state, and to public
and unusual honours.
10. Dissentiant. We have adopted Ernesti's conjecture. The
common text has dissentiunt.-Iisdem istis reclamantibus. Hor-
tensius, Catulus, and other senators, had likewise opposed the Gabi-
nian law. We give iisdem before istis, with Matthiac and Orellius,
from several MSS. It does not appear in the common text.
11. Temere. CC
Rashly."-Studia vestra suis consiliis regere.
"To regulate your wishes by their counsels," i. e. to interpose their
authority and advice, and prevent you from blindly following the
mere impulse of feeling, and from listening to the dictates of per-
sonal attachment, when these are in opposition to the public good.
12. Sin autem vos, &c. "But if, on the contrary, you saw more
clearly, on that occasion, than they did, what was for the interest of
the state; if you, notwithstanding their opposition, did, by your own
unaided efforts, bestow dignity upon this empire, and safety upon
the world; let those leaders of the senate at length acknowledge,
that both they, and the rest of their order, must yield obedience to
the recommendation of the Roman people at large," i. e. must not
oppose the advancement of that individual, whom the Roman people,
with one voice, recommend as worthy of the highest honours.
THE MANILIAN LAW.
359
Page.
13. In republica. Literally, "in what concerned the republic." 92
-Per vosmet ipsos. The allusion is to the suffrages of the people,
as unbiassed by the high standing of those who opposed the Gabinian
law, and in opposition to their advice.-Isti principes. "Let those
leaders of the senate."
14. Militaris illa virtus, &c. "That military talent, which
exists in a singular degree in Cneius Pompeius."-Virtutes animi.
Qualities of mind.”
15. Interiorum nationum.
"
"Of the more inland nations," i. e.
of the nations that are removed from the shores of the Mediterra-
nean, and do not, like the countries just named, border upon
them.
16. Ita versari vestrum imperatorem, &c.
"For a commander
**
of
yours to be so employed, as to think of nothing but the foe and
renown. Cicero means, that, in countries at a distance from Italy,
and from which, of course, complaints could less easily be brought
to Rome, the temptation was a very strong one for Roman com-
manders to abuse their power, and turn their thoughts from the path
of duty to views of self interest and the indulgence of a rapacious
spirit.
1. Si qui sunt, &c. "If there be any held under more restraint 93
than others, by a sense of shame and a habit of self-control, no one
thinks that they are really such, in consequence of the vast number
of the rapacious," i. e. no one gives them credit for being sincere.
A rapacious spirit is so sure a mark of a Roman commander, that,
when one is found without it, he is merely thought to be acting an
insincere part, and laying claim to a purity and disinterestedness
which he does not really possess.
ap-
2. Quos ad cas, &c. Alluding particularly to Glabrio, but
plicable in fact to the conduct of almost all the Roman proconsuls
and governors of provinces, at this particular period.
3. Injurias ac libidines. "The oppressive conduct and libidinous
excesses."
4. Quod enim fanum, &c. "For what temple, think you, in
those lands, has preserved its religious character in the eyes of our
magistrates; what city has been held sacred by them; what private
dwelling has been sufficiently closed upon, and defended against,
their violence?"
tur.
(C
5. Requiruntur. "Are sought for."—Quibus causa belli infera-
"Against which some pretext for war may be alleged."
6. Libenter haec coram, &c. Willingly would I enter upon an
open discussion of these topics," &c.—Querimonias audiunt. Espe-
cially Hortensius, in his professional capacity.
360
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
93 7. Hostium simulatione. "Under the pretence of acting against.
enemics, but in reality against allies and friends.”
8. Quae non modo imperatoris, &c. "That can satisfy the
grasping avidity, and the insolent pretensions, not merely of a com-
mander, or a lieutenant, but of a single tribune of the soldiers ?"___
There were six military tribunes (tribuni militum) in every legion,
and they had each the charge of ten centuries.
(6
9. Collatis signis. "When an engagement takes place."-Signa
inferre, to advance against the foe;" conferre, "to engage ;" con-
vertere, "to face about ;" referre, "to retreat," &c.
10. Nisi erit idem. "Unless he shall also be one."
Ab auro
gazaque regia. "From the gold and the treasures of kings.'
11. Ecquam putatis, &c. "Think you that any state has been
subdued by our commanders, and still remains opulent; that there
is any one still opulent, which appears to them to be as yet com-
pletely subdued ?" i. e. complete subjugation to the Roman arms
only begins where every thing like opulence ends. As long as
wealth remains, so long will the commanders of Rome consider a
state hostile, and make this a pretext for plunder.
12. Videbat enim, &c.
"For it saw that the Roman people at
large were not enriched from year to year by the public money, but
only a few individuals." Videbat refers to ora maritima.-The
old editions have populus Romanus, which is approved of by Grono-
vius (de Pec. vet. 4, 4) and retained by Graevius. Gruter and
others, however, give praetores locupletari, omitting the negative.
The reading praetores, in place of populus Romanus, arose very
probably from the abridged mode of writing the latter, in the MSS.,
namely, P. R. or Po. Ro. The true lection is the one we have
adopted, and which is also given by Ernesti, in accordance with the
opinion of Hotomannus and Lambinus.
13. Praeter paucos. Literally, "except a few."
14. Classium nomine, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed
is this, that all the advantage the Romans gained by the empty name
of a fleet, was only an increase of disgrace from repeated losses.
15. Qua cupiditate. "With what rapacious views."—Quibus
jacluris. "After what heavy bribery, and under what engagements.'
By jacturae are here meant the bribes given to those in office, and
to influential individuals out of office, and also to different persons
throughout the tribes, for the purpose of obtaining some foreign
command. The only way the individual had of re-imbursing himself
for these heavy expenditures was by plundering and despoiling his
province. (Gronov. de Pec. vet. 4, 4.)—Ernesti (Clav. Cic. s. v.)
makes conditio equivalent here to largilio, an actual largess or
""
THE MANILIAN LAW,
361
Page.
present. It refers rather to a bargain or agreement, to be fulfilled 93
at some future period, and for the performance of which regular
security is given; or, as Gronovius (1. c.) explains it: "pactio,
cautionibus et syngraphis facta.”
1. Cum suis mrtutibus, &c. "As well by his own virtues, as 94
by the contrast also of the vices of others."
2. Quare nolite, &c. "Do not then hesitate to entrust," &c.
3. Inter annos tot. "For so many years." Equivalent to per
Eot annos. Compare the explanation of Ernesti : "Inter tot annos
est per tot annos, quod est et in Orat. Quintiana, nec esse debet lati-
nis auribus insolens ut Graevio visum est.”—Schottus conjectured
inter tot with an ellipsis of imperatores, throwing out, at the same
time, annos from the text. This conjecture meets with the appro-
bation of Graevius; but the ellipsis is a very harsh one, and is justly
condemned by Ernesti.
4. Quod si auctoritatibus, &c. "But if you think that this step
needs to be supported by authorities, you have, as an adviser of the
measure, Publius Servilius," &c. The individual here meant was
P. Servilius Isauricus, who had been consul A. U. C. 674. He
was sent against the pirates after the defeat of the praetor Antonius,
and was successful in several engagements with them. For his
victories over the Isauri, a mountaineer race of Pisidia, he obtained
the cognomen of Isauricus. Servilius had spoken before Cicero in
favour of the law.
5. De bello. "On any thing relating to war. "Auctor vobis,
&c. "No one ought to be regarded by you as weightier authority.”
6. C. Curio. C. Scribonius Curio, who had enjoyed the consul-
ship, A. U. C. 677. His colleague was Cn. Octavius.-Summis
vestris beneficiis, &c. "Distinguished by your signal favours, and
his own very illustrious exploits, his distinguished abilities and wis-
dom." Consult Historical Index.
7. Cn. Lentulus. Cn. Lentulus Clodianus, consul A. U. C. 681.
-In
quo omnes, &c.
In whom you all know the highest wisdom,
the most solid merit to exist, in full accordance with the very ample
honours which he has received at your hands."
8. C. Cassius. C. Cassius Varus, consul A. U. C. 680.
9. Quare videte, &c. "See then, whether we appear to have it
in our power, to reply by means of these authorities to the remarks
of those who differ in opinion from us." The whole sentence is
ironical, and had editors generally borne this in mind, the difficulty
under which they have laboured, as regards the true reading, would
never have occurred. Gruter has given, for example, videte, ut ··
videamur, from some MSS. and early editions, which Ernesti
31
362
ORATION IN FAVOUR OF
Page.
94 condemns very properly, but cannot at the same time see much to
be pleased with in videte, num ・・・ videamur, on account of the
negative sense, which it appears to him to contain in common with
Gruter's reading, as if it implied that the advocates of the law were
not able to answer their opponents. The truth is, he does not see
the ironical meaning of Cicero's words and the idea in fact conveyed
by them, that the favourers of the law are fully able to reply. Com-
pare the explanation of Schütz: "Sensus est cum ironia: cogi-
tate, quaeso, num horum auctoritates recte illis opponere posse vide-
amur; h. e. sine dubio possumus.” The reading we have adopted
appears in some of the MSS., and early editions.
10. Istam tuam et legem, &c.
"Both that law, and purpose,
and opinion of thine."- Voluntas. The wish to have Pompey sent
to the war.-Sententia. The high opinion which he entertains of
that commander's fitness for the present emergency.
11. Auctore Populo Romano. "Since you have the Roman people
on your side."
Auctor is used here somewhat in the sense of de-
fensor. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. § 10 : Defensor qui-
cunque, qui alicujus rem causamque gerit."
(4
12. Perseverantiae. This is the reading brought in by Gruter,
from MSS. The earlier lection was constantiae.
13. Quantam nunc iterum, &c. Most MSS., and all the edi-
tions before that of Graevius, together with that of Olivet, subsequent
to his, have quantam non iterum
vidimus; which makes
no good meaning at all, or to adopt the more concise language of
Ernesti, "sine sensu est." Our present reading was first given by
Graevius, from good MSS., and has since his time been very gener-
ally adopted, the only remarkable instance of deviation from it be-
ing in the case of Olivet. Graevius observed, that, in one of his
MSS., the words from quantam to videmus were omitted, from
which circumstance he was induced to think that perhaps, after all,
they were a mere interpolation.
"In appointing the same iu-
14. In eodem homine praeficiendo.
dividual to a command."
15. Quid est, quod, &c. Why should we doubt either of the
propriety of what we are seeking to obtain, or of our means of
obtaining it," i. e. why should we doubt either the justice or
success of our proposition.-De re. Literally, "about the thing it-
self."
"Of zeal, of experience, of application,
16. Studii, consilii, &c.
of talent."
17. Hoc beneficio populi Romani. "By means of this kindness
on the part of the Roman people towards me, and this authority as
(6
• •
THE MANILIAN LAW.
363
Page.
praetor which I at present enjoy." Beneficio refers to what immedi- 94
ately follows, his having been elected, namely, to the office of praetor.
18. Qui huic loco, &c. "Who preside over this spot, and the
consecrated place where I am now standing." By loco is meant
the forum, in the immediate vicinity of which were many temples,
such as those of Jove, Castor, Concord, &c.—The term templo re-
fers to the rostra, from which Cicero was speaking. Among the
Romans, every place consecrated by the augurs, was entitled to the
appellation of templum. (Varro, L. L. 6, 2.) Compare Cic. in
Valin. c. 10:"In rostris, in illo, inquam, inaugurato templo ac loco.”
So also Livy, 8, 14: Rostraque id templum appellatum."
19. Qui ad rempublicam adeunt.
affairs.
"Who take part in public
K
20. Neque quo Cn. Pompeii gratiam, &c. As Cicero was now
in the full career of his fortunes, and in sight, as it were, of the
consulship, the grand object of his ambition, it was very natural for
many to suppose, that his conduct on this occasion was governed by
interested views, and that he sought to facilitate his own advance-
ment, by paying court to Pompey's power. He here solemnly de-
nies the truth of the allegation. The opinion of modern times, how-
ever, is in general unfavourable to his sincerity.
"From the elevated standing
21. Er cujusquam amplitudine.
of any individual.
1. Ut hominem praestare oportet. "As a man ought to do."-
Innocentia tecti." Shielded by innocence.'
2. Ratione vitae. "Course of life."—Si vestra voluntas feret.
"If your inclinations shall lead you still to favour it," i. e. if your
kind wishes shall still prompt you to favour my endeavours.
<<
3. Aliquam bonam gratiam. Any favourable influence with
others."-Simultates. "Enmities."
T
4. Mihi non necessarias, &c. By pursuing his present course,
Cicero might make enemies of Lucullus and his friends, and irritate
all the opponents of Pompey. Labouring, as he did, under no ne-
cessity of acting in this way, his doing so notwithstanding becomes
a sure proof of his sincerity. The public good also, as he insinuates,
may be advanced by his present line of conduct, since some inqui-
ries and accusations may possibly follow.
5. Hoc honore. Alluding to the praetorship.-Meis omnibus
"To all my interests and views of advan-
commodis et rationibus.
tage."
95
Page.
96
ORATION FOR L. MURENA.
1. M. TULLII CICERONIS, &c. "Oration of Marcus Tullius
Cicero, in defence of Licinius Murena."-At the comitia held during
the consulship of Cicero, Decimus Junius Silanus and Licinius Mu-
rena were elected consuls for the ensuing year. The latter in-
dividual had for his competitor the celebrated lawyer Sulpicius Ru-
fus; who, being assisted by Cato and Cn. Postumius, charged
Murena with having prevailed by bribery and corruption. This
impeachment was founded on the Calpurnian law, which had lately
been rendered more strict, on the suggestion of Sulpicius, by a sena-
tusconsultum. Along with this accusation, the profligacy of Mu-
rena's character was objected to, and also the meanness of his rank,
as he was but a knight and a soldier, whereas Sulpicius was a patri-
cian and lawyer. Cicero therefore shows, in the first place, that he
amply merited the consulship, from his services in the war with
Mithridates, which introduces a comparison between a military and
forensic life. While he pays his usual tribute of applause to culti-
vated eloquence, he derides the forms and phraseology of the Roman
jurisconsults, by whom the civil law was studied and practised. As
to the proper subject of the accusation, bribery in his election, it
seems probable that Murena had been guilty of some practices, which,
strictly speaking, were illegal, yet warranted by custom. They
seem to have consisted in encouraging a crowd to attend him in the
streets, and in providing shows for the entertainment of the multi-
tude; which, though expected by the people, and usually over-
looked by the magistrates, appeared heinous offences in the eye of
the rigid and stoical Cato. Aware of the weight added to the ac-
cusation by his authority, Cicero, in order to obviate this influence,
treats his stoical principles in the same tone which he had already
used concerning the profession of Sulpicius. In concluding, he
avails himself of the difficulties of the times, and the yet unsuppress-
L. MURENA.
365
Page.
ed conspiracy of Catiline, which rendered it unwise to deprive the 96
city of a consul well qualified to defend it in so dangerous a crisis.
This case was one of great expectation, from the dignity of the
accusers and eloquence of the defender's advocates. Before Cicero
spoke, it had been pleaded by Hortensius, and Crassus the triumvir,
who had both appeared in favour of Murena, and Cicero now uses
his utmost exertions to surpass these rivals of his eloquence. In
particular, he shows much delicacy and art in the manner in which
he conducts the attack on the philosophy of Cato and the profession
of Sulpicius, both of whom were on very intimate terms with him,
and stood high also in the estimation of the judges whom he address-
ed. (Dunlop's Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 302, seqq. Lond. ed.)
This speech was delivered A. U. C. 690, during the interval
that elapsed between the second and third orations against Catiline.
The result was favourable for Murena, who was acquitted, and held
the consulship the following year.
2. Quae deprecatus, &c. "Even as I earnestly asked in prayer
of the immortal gods, O Judges, according to the established usage
of our fathers, on that day, when, the auspices having been duly
consulted, I declared Licinius Murena consul at the comitia by
centuries; namely, that the choice thus made might eventuate pro-
pitiously and happily for me and my magistracy, for the people and
commons of Rome; so now, in like manner, do I entreat of the
same immortal beings, that this same individual may enter upon that
consulship with all his rights and privileges unimpaired, and that
your opinions and sentiments," &c.-The student will note the ele-
gant use of quae and eadem in this passage, requiring to be rendered
in our idiom by an adverbial form of expression. Compare Bauer,
ad Sanct. Min. vol. 1, p. 250, seqq.
3. Judices. Cases of bribery, like the present, were tried before
one of the praetors and a select council of assessores or judices.
Compare note 4, page 49.
4. Auspicato. The auspices were always taken on the morning
of the day when the comitia were to be held, by the magistrate who
was to preside. For this purpose he went out of the city, attended
by one of the augurs. If the auspices were unfavourable, no comitia
were held. If any informality had taken place in the mode of con-
sulting them, and this were afterward ascertained, every thing done
at these comitia went for nothing.
5. Comitiis centuriatis. Consult note 17, page 71.-Renuntiavi
The candidate who was found to have received most votes, was.
31*
366
ORATION FOR
Page.
96 called forward by the presiding magistrate, and, after a solemn
prayer, and taking an oath, was declared to be elected through a
herald. It is to this prayer that Cicero here refers, and not as some
suppose to that with which the business of the comitia was opened.
-One of the consuls always presided at the comitia for the election
of new consuls. Cicero presided on this occasion, and had the pref-
erence to his colleague Antonius, because he was consul prior,
i e. had been elected to the consulship by the greater number of
wotes..
6. Magistratuique meo. Referring to his consular authority,
which would continue until the end of the year, when the new con-
suls would succeed. The latter, in the meantime, would be called
consules designati, "consuls elect."
7. Populo plebique Romanae. The allusion here is to all orders-
of the Roman people, including even the lowest of the commons.
Populus when opposed to plebs, as in the present instance, is re-
garded as the generic term, and denotes the whole body of Roman
citizens, including the senators and patricians; while by plebs, in
such a construction, are meant the lower orders of the commons.
On the other hand, in the expression Senatus populusque Romanus,
the term populus means all the Roman people but the senate.
$
8. Ob ejusdem, &c. Literally, "for an entering upon the con-
sulship by the same individual, together with all his personal privi-
leges." Obtinere gets here the meaning of "to enter upon," from
its primitive import, "to hold against another," i. e. in the present
case, to hold successfully against the accusation which had been
preferred, and, consequently, to enter upon and enjoy.-Salute.
By salus, Cicero means Murena's privileges as a Roman citizen,.
since, if convicted, he would be deprived of all his civil rights and
sent into exile.
9. Eaque res.
"And that this agreement." The agreement of
opinion here spoken of will show itself, of course, in the acquittal'
of Murena, since the Roman people have already, by their suffrages,
declared him worthy of the consulship. It will also bring with it
peace and tranquillity to the state, since an energetic consul will be
required the ensuing year, to crush what remains of the conspiracy
of Catiline; and Murena will be found to be such a one.
10: Quod si illa solemnis, &c.
1
For if that solemn prayer of-
fered up at the comitia, and hallowed by consular auspices, possesses
in itself all' that power and religious efficacy, which the dignity of
the republic has a right to expect, then, on that same occasion, I,.
in fact, also prayed, that the choice which had been made might
turn out auspiciously, happily, and well for those individuals like-
L. MURENA.
367
Page.
wise, unto whom this consulship had been granted at an assembly 96
where I presided."-This sentence is explanatory of what precedes.
If the prayer offered up at the comitia, when the result of the clec-
tion was made known to the assembled people, possessed a full
and thorough efficacy, it must be supposed to have embraced the in-
dividual welfare of the candidates, as well as the interests of the
state at large, and, therefore, it is perfectly proper for Cicero now
to entreat the gods in behalf of one of them.
11. Me rogante. The literal import of these words is, “I, as
presiding officer, asking the people their pleasure in the premises."
Compare note 16, page 10.
12. Omnis deorum, &c. "All the power of the immortal gods-
in the present case."-Vestrae fidei. "To your protection."-
Antea. "On a previous occasion," i. e. at the comitia.
13. Beneficium populi Romani. The favour conferred upon-
him by the Roman people." Alluding to the consulship.
14. In hoc officio. "In the discharge of this duty."—Studium
meue defensionis, &c. "The zeal that marks my defence of him,
and even the very undertaking of his cause by me
1. Non quo mihi, &c. "Not because a vindication of the duty 97
which I am here discharging appears of more importance in my eyes,
at this particular period, than a defence of the rights and privileges of
this individual, but that, when once my conduct shall have been
approved of by you, I may with the greater weight, &c. As regards
the usage of the Latin writers in the case of non quo, consult Tur-
sellinus, de part. Lat. p. 240, and Zumpt, L. G. p. 335, Kenrick's
transl.
2. Honore, fama, fortunisque. It has already been stated (note-
8) in general terms, that Murena, if convicted, would be deprived
of his civil rights and banished. This point may here be enlarged:
upon. If an individual were found guilty upon a trial for bribery,
he was deprived of the consulship, in case he had been elected to
that office, and the competitor who accused him was nominated in:
his place. He was also heavily fined, declared incapable of bearing
any office for the time to come, or of appearing in the senate, and
by the Tullian law, which Cicero brought forward and had passed,
an additional penalty of ten years' exile was imposed.
3. M. Catonis The same who ended his days, by his own hands,
at Utica. He was at this time one of the tribunes elect Ob
serving the great corruption that had crept into the consular elec--
tions, Cato, when appointed to the tribuneship, concluded a severo
charge to the people, by affirming on oath, that he would prosecute
avery one who should offend in this way. Hence his coming for-
368
ORATION FOR
Page.
97 ward, on the present occasion, among the accusers of Murena. (Com-
pare Plut. Vit. Cat. Min. c. 21.)
4. Vitam ad certam rationis, &c. "Who regulates his life by
the fixed standard of reason, and most scrupulously weighs the mo-
tives to every duty." Cato belonged to the Stoic sect, and Cicero,
in referring to his particular tenets, employs the word “ratio" here
in the sense which the Stoic school attached to it. With the fol-
lowers of Zeno, reason was the governing principle. They regarded
the soul as consisting of eight distinct parts; namely, the five sen-
ses, the productive faculty, the power of speech, and the ruling part,
τὸ ἡγεμονικὸν, Οr reason. (Diog. Laert. 5, § 157.—Plut. plac. 4,
2. segg.)
The human soul was regarded by them as an emanation
from that Eternal Reason, by which all nature is animated; and
their main doctrine was, that man should contemplate truth,
follow nature, and imitate God, by making the eternal reason, and
immutable law of the universe, the rule of his actions. Thus, to
live according to nature being virtue, and virtue itself being happi-
ness, the Stoic will take care to live according to a just conception
of the real nature of things, choosing that which is in itself eligible,
and rejecting the contrary; or, in the words of Cicero, "diligentis-
sime perpendebit momenta officiorum omnium," and in endeavour-
ing to accomplish this result, he will take, what he considers right
reason, for his guide.
5. De officio meo.
case."
Concerning my own duty in the present
6. Et legis ambitus latorem. "And the author of a law against
bribery." He who proposed a law to the people for their considera-
tion and adoption, was called legis lator; so ferre legem, "to propose
a law;" but perferre, "to carry it through."-The law alluded to
by Cato was the lex Tullia. Consult note 2, towards the conclu-
66
sion, and also Legal Index.
7. Et tam severe gesto consulatu. "And one, whose own con-
sulship has been exercised with so much wholesome rigour." Cato
alludes to the proceedings of Cicero against Catiline, in driving him
from the city. It is worthy of remark, however, that the severity,
for which Cato here commends Cicero, was only but just begun ;
since the present oration was delivered in the month of November,
and the accomplices of Catiline, who were tampering with the am-
bassadors of the Allobroges, were only arrested and punished in the
early part of the ensuing month.
8. Causam L. Murenae attingere. "To have aught to do with
the cause of Licinius Murena." Allingere, literally, "to touch
even in a slight degree," "to meddle with in the least." Compare
L. MURENA.
369
Page.
the remark of Dacier, ad Paul. Diac. excerpt.: "Est autem attingere 97
leviter, quasi summis, vel pedum vel manuum, digitis tangere," p.
316. cd Lindemann.
9. Cujus reprehensio.
"The censure of this individual.” Cu-
jus for Hujus, as it begins a clause.-Ut rationem fucli mei probem.
To explain the reasons of my conduct," i. e. to prove the grounds
of my conduct to have been perfectly correct.
10. Mihi conjunctior. "More intimately connected with me."
-Cui respublica, &c. "Into whose hands that republic is deliver-
ed by ine individually, to be supported by him, after having been up-
held by great toils and dangers of my own." The common text has
una, for which we have substituted uno, a conjecture of Lambinus'
which Graevius received into the text. Cicero says a me uno, as
he had presided alone.
11. Quod si in iis rebus repetendis, &c." For if, when a demand
is made for the recovery of those things, which have been alien-
ated to another with a warranty against dispossession, that individual
is bound to guaranty the risk of a decision giving this property to
another, who, by the very terms of the agreement, covenanted so to
do," i. e. if A. conveys property to B., and gives him at the same
time a warranty that the title is sound, and if C. then comes in and
claims this same property as his, A. is bound, by the very terms of
the sale, to guard B. against the chances of dispossession by the
verdict of a court of law in favour of C.-Among the Romans, Res
mancipi (contracted for mancipii,) were those things which might
be sold and alienated, or the property of them transferred from one
person to another, by a certain rite or form of proceeding used among
Roman citizens only, and such sale was always accompanied by a
warranty of title. Hence the translation, or rather paraphrase, which
we are compelled to give to the expression quae mancipi sunt, in
the text. By judicium is meant a decision of a court of law, in fa-
vour of the title of some third person; and by nexus, the obligation
of warranty always connected with res mancipi, by the provisions of
the Roman law. (Compare Heinecc. Antiq. Rom. p. 366, ed. Hau-
bold.) The res mancipi were such things as farms, slaves, quadru-
peds, pearls, and the rights of country-farms, called servitudes, (ser-
vitutes.) The distinction between res mancipi and res nec mancipi
is not recognised by the Justinian code, it having been abolished by
that emperor. Bynkershoek thinks that it was founded upon the
comparative value of different classes of things.
et nec mancipi, p. 109.) But Meerman opposes this doctrine (Diss.
de rebus manc., &c.) and maintains, that res mancipi were things
connected with agriculture, and hence deemed of greater value than
(De reb. mancipi
370
ORATION FOR
Page.
97 others. Some lexicographers make mancipi an indeclinable term,
but consult the remarks of Perizonius, ad Sanct. Min. 4, 4. n. 12, p.
46. ed. Bauer.
12. Profecto ctiam rectius, &c. "With still more justice, sure-
ly, on the ial of a consul elect, will that consul in particular, who de-
clared him elected to office, be bound to become unto him the guar-
antee of the favour conferred by the Roman people, and his defend-
er from danger." Cicero here makes a very pleasing application
of the dry rule of law which he has just been citing. The consul-
ship is now regarded, in a figurative sense, as one of the class of
res mancipi, and Cicero as the holder. Having presided at the
consular comitia, and announced the election of Murena to the
assembled people, he may be said, by virtue of his office, to have
transferred the consulship, in due form, to Murena, as a thing to be
possessed by him in his turn, and to have bound himself to aid the
latter against all who should seek to dispossess him.
13. Auctor. This term is here employed, in a figurative sense,
to denote one who sells or conveys a thing to another and pledges
himself for the soundness of the title. Compare the explanation
of Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v. auctor, § 11): “Est venditor, qui
suum esse spondet, quod vendit, et ejus vendendi se potestatem hab-
adeoque actione tenetur de evictione, aut periculum judicii
praestat, ut in mancipio." It is from this use of the term, that the
reference to selling, in the Latin term, "auctio," and the English
word "auction," is derived.
14. Ac si, ut nonnullis, &c. "And if, as is wont to happen in
some states, a patron should be appointed, by public authority, for
the management of this cause, that individual, of all others, would
be assigned as a defender to a man invested with an elevated office,
who, being himself clothed with the same dignity, would bring no
less authority than ability to his defence."
15. Patronus. We have retained the Roman law-term "patron,"
in preference to the more usual term "advocate.' For the strict
distinction between the two compare the language of Asconius, ad
Or. in Caccil. c. 4: " Qui defendit alterum in judicio, aut Patronus
dicitur, si orator est; aut Advocatus, si aut jus suggerit, aut prae-
scntiam suam commodat amico," &c.
16. Quod si e portu, &c. We have inserted the preposition e
from Quintilian, 5, 11, 23. It is given also by Victorius, Lambinus,
Gruter, and others.
17. Praecipere summo studio, &c. "Are accustomed to give,
with the utmost earnestness, an account of the storms, and pirates,
and dangerous places they have encountered." Praccipere carries
L. MURENA.
371
Page.
with it the idea of mentioning beforehand, as a warning or caution. 97
-By locorum are meant shoals, quicksands, &c.
18. Quod natura fert, &c. “Because a natural impulse leads
us to feel an interest for those," &c. The common text has affert,
for which we have given fert from Quintilian, with Lambinus, Mu-
retus, Graevius, and Ernesti.
19. Qui cudem pericula, &c. It must be borne in mind that this
oration was delivered before the arrest and execution of Lentulus
and the other accomplices of Catiline. Cicero, therefore, imagines
that the conspiracy will still give trouble during the ensuing year,
under the government of the new consuls.
""
20. Quo tandem me animo, &c. By what feelings then ought
I, when now almost in sight of land, after a stormy tossing on the
ocean of public affairs, to be actuated towards one, by whom I see
the most violent tempests are about to be encountered in his manage-
ment of the republic?"-Prope jam terram, &c. It was now the
month of November, and at the end of the ensuing month his con-
sular authority would cease. Hence he says figuratively, that he is
almost within sight of land. The land which he is soon to behold,
is the haven of repose after a story consulship.
21. Maximus tempestates.
Compare note 19.
22. Videre, quid agatur. "To attend to what is at present
passing."-Alio loco. In the 37th chapter of this speech.
1. Quantum salutis communis, &c. Cicero says this, because 98
he expects that the conspiracy will still give trouble during the en-
suing year. Compare note 19, page 97.
2. Duos consules. Silanus and Murena; and not merely one,
Silanus, Murena having been condemned. Both consuls will be
wanted, he thinks, to make head against the conspiracy, and the
time for their entering on office will be the Calends, or first, of
January.
3. Officium. "A sense of duty."-Respublica. "The interests
of the republic," i. e. the danger which threatens from the conspiracy
of Catiline.
4. Nam quod legem, &c. "For as to my having proposed a law
concerning bribery, I certainly did it with this view, that I might not
abrogate the one which I had long since proposed to my own bosom,
as regarded the warding off of those dangers which might threaten
my fellow-citizens.” The allusion is again to the Tullian law.
Consult note 2, page 97.
5. Largitionem factam esse. "That bribery had actually been
committed by Murena.”—Defenderem. This verb has here the
meaning of "to allege in defence."
ORATION FOR
372
Page.
98
6. Etiam si alius legem tulisset. "Even though another should
have been the author of the law in question."
7. Cum vero, &c. "But now, when I maintain that nothing has
been done by Murena in violation of that law, why is the mere pro-
posing of it on my part to operate as a hindrance to my defence of
him?"
8. Negat esse cjusdem severitatis. "Cato insists, that it is not
the part of the same severity," i. e. that it is a deviation from my
former severity.-Hotomannus inserts Cato in the text.
9. Verbis et paene imperio. A forcible allusion to the strenuous
efforts made by Cicero in driving out Catiline, but not by any means
intended as a censure of his conduct in so doing. It is merely ad-
duced, by way of contrast to Cicero's now appearing for one whom
Cato regards as a public offender.
"And to be now pleading
10. Et nunc pro L. Murena dicere.
in behalf of Licinius Murena."
11. Ego autem, &c. "I, however, have always acted with
pleasure this part of gentleness and compassion, which nature her-
self has taught me."-Agere partes is borrowed from the language
of the stage, and denotes, not to undertake mercly, as some errone-
ously render the phrase, but to go through with, a part or character.
-As regards the peculiar meaning of partes here, compare the
language of Ernesti (Clav. Cic. s. v. pars.): "Pars in scena est
persona, quam quis suscepit agendam."
12. Docuit. This is another term borrowed from the language
and movements of the stage. Docere fabulam is analagous to the
Greek didácкciv dpapa. From the nature of their writing materials,
διδάσκειν δρᾶμα.
in ancient times, they had no facility of making frequent copies, and
hence the parts were studied by means of reiterated recitation from
the poet; and the chorus, too, was practised in the same way.
This was called teaching a play.-The application of this figure be-
comes a very striking one in the present instance. Nature herself
has, by a course of reiterated instruction, taught the orator, in a
manner not easy to be forgotten, the dictates of gentleness and com-
passion for the great drama of life.
13. Illam vero, &c. "That other character, indeed, of rigour
and severity, I have never sought for, but have supported it, when
imposed upon me by the exigencies of the state, in such a way as
the dignity of this empire had a right to demand, amid the imminent
danger of its citizens." Cicero means, that his natural inclina-
tions always lead him to the side of gentleness and mercy, and
that the severe and rigid character, which he had been compelled to
assume toward Catiline and his accomplices, was a duty he owed
L. MURENA.
373
Page,
to the state, in the discharge of which, private feelings could, of 98
course, exercise no influence.
14. Personam. By persona is literally meant the "mask,” wom
by the ancient actor, in representing a character, and then the term
comes, as in the present instance, to denote the character itself.
The ancient masks were entire head-pieces, and of various kinds, to ex-
press every age, sex, country, condition and complexion, to which they
were assimilated with the greatest skill and nicety. The Greek term
for one of these appendages is пpóσwлоv, (or, as it was afterward called,
πρоσwлciov,) denoting something applied to the face. The Latin term
"persona" is derived from the verb "persono," and refers to the
peculiar construction of the mouth of the mask, which was made on
the plan of a speaking-trumpet, (their large theatres requiring a
great volume of sound,) and was as it were "sounded through,"
that is, made the avenue of transmission for a loud sound. (Com-
pare Theatre of Greeks, pp. 38, and 127.-Tyrrwhitt. in. Aristot.
Poet. p. 139.-Mus. Crit. vol. 2, p. 211, &c.
15. Quod si tum, &c. "And if, on that occasion, when the
state of public affairs required a vigorous and rigid exercise of
authority, I triumphed over the dictates of my nature," &c.,
i. e. I suppressed at once every feeling of lenity.-Desiderare.
"To desire earnestly," "to feel the want of," "to need,"
require," &c.
<
16. Cum omnes, &c.
The cause of Murena is
feelings of Cicero.
17. Naturae meae, &c. "To yield obedience to the dictates of
my nature, and the force of early habit."-Naturae, because all his
kindly feelings are now called into action: Consuetudini, because
he is more accustomed to defend than to accuse.
"When every motive prompts me," &c.
one which warmly enlists all the better
18. At. The common text has Ac, which we have changed to
At on the suggestion of Goerenz. (Ad Cic. Acad. 2, 2.) Lalle-
mant, in order to avoid doubling the ac, reads in the second clause
of the sentence, et de ratione, &c.
19. Officio defensionis meae. "The duty that has prompted my
present defence."-Ratione accusationis tuae. "The reasons that
have led to your accusation of him," i. e. the motives that have in-
duced you to become his accuser.
20. Hominis sapientissimi atque ornatissimi, &c.
"Of that
very wise and accomplished man, Servius Sulpicius." The in-
dividual here named was regarded as the most eminent lawyer of his
day. Consult Historical Index.
21. Commovebat. The imperfect tense is here employed,
32
374
ORATION FOR
Page.
98 to carry us back to the time when the complaint of Sulpicius
was first uttered, namely at the period of his speech against
Murena.
22. Gravissime et acerbissime ferre. Literally, "that he bore
it very heavily and bitterly," i. e. that it was to him a source of the
bitterest regret.
23. Familiaritatis necessitudinisque. "Of the claims of long
acquaintance and intimate friendship." Familiaritas implies that
we have long been acquainted with another. Necessitudo is of
stronger import, and denotes the existence of some tie or bond of
friendship between the two parties. It is in fact a term of very
general import among the Latin writers, and always implies the
existence of some strong connecting tie, which involves, as it were,
a necessity for mutual esteem and regard. Compare the explanation
of Ernesti: "Necessitudo est omnis conjunctio, sanguinis, affinita-
tis, conjugii, collegii, amicitiae, &c., quae a causa aliqua oritur,
quae nobis necessitatem amoris benevolentiaeque affert.-Cicero
and Sulpicius had been friends from early youth, and had studied to-
gether, when young, both at Rome, and in the island of Rhodes,
under the celebrated Molo.
24. Arbitros. "As umpires." Arbiter is here used in a general
sense, and is analogous to the civil-law term compromissarius. In
its special acceptation, it denotes one who judged in those cases
that were called bonae fidei, or arbitrary, and who was not restricted
by any law or form, but determined what seemed equitable. (Hei-
necc. Antiq. Rom. 4, 6, 39. p. 694, ed. Haubold.)
25. Non est negligendum.
Because friendship is too sacred a
thing to be even exposed to suspicion.
99 1. Ego Scr. Sulpici, &c. "I both acknowledge, Servius Sul-
picius, that I owed, and think candidly that I afforded unto you, in
your application for the consulship, all that zealous cooperation, and
all those kind offices, which our intimate friendship demanded."
2. A mc defuit. "Was wanting on my part."-Gratioso.
man of influence in the state."
An influential person.
¦
"A
3. Mutata ratio est. "The aspect of affairs is changed." The
change commenced with the defeat of Sulpicius, and the elevation
of Murena to the consulship.
4. Sic existimo, &c. "This is now my opinion, of this I am
now persuaded."-Contra honorem. "Against the advancement,"
i. e. clection to the consulship.-Contra salutem. Against his
personal rights." Consult note 2, page 96.
5. Cum Murenam, &c. "When you are attacking Murena him-
self." Peto is now employed in a gladiatorial sense, "to aim a blow
(C
L. MURENA.
375
Page.
at another,"
"to make a thrust," "to attack." Petere consulatum 99
is merely to sue for the consulship."
By the same rule."-Etiam alienissimos.
66
6. Eodem pacto.
"Even total strangers.
29
7. In capitis dimicatione. "In a case where all his civil rights
are at stake.” Compare note 2, page 96.—Capitis. The term
caput is here used in its legal sense, and refers to the civil condition,
liberty, personal privileges, &c., of an individual. Compare Ernesti
(Clav. Cic. s. v.): "Caput dicitur pro hominis statu, libertatis et
civitatis jure," &c. So, in the language of the Roman law, any loss
of liberty or of the rights of citizens was called “ diminutio capitis.”
8. Non idcirco obruetur. "Shall not for this reason be over-
come." Literally, "be crushed," or "overwhelmed." Compare
Manutius: "Non idcirco amico nullum fructum feret."-Quod ab
codem, &c. Because it was triumphed over by the same indi-
vidual in a mere contest for office." In the contest for the consul-
ship Cicero gave his interest to Sulpicius against Murena.
9. Quae si causa non esset, &c. "And even if this motive did
not exist, still, either the high rank of the man himself, or the ele-
vated nature of the office which he has obtained, would have branded
me with the deepest stigma of pride and of cruelty, if I had refused
to undertake the cause of one, most distinguished both for his own
merits, and for the honours conferred upon him by the Roman people,
when it was fraught with so much danger to his welfare."-The
motive alluded to at the beginning of this sentence is his friendship
with Murena.
J
10. Neque est mihi integrum. "Nor is it wholly within my
power."-Ut meum laborem, &c. "To refuse to impart my
strenuous aid towards lightening the dangers of my fellow-
men."
11. Pracmia tanta. The various offices which had been be-
stowed upon him, and especially the last and highest of them, the
consulship.-Pro hac industria. "For my active exertions in this
behalf," i. e. in defending others.
12. Labores, per quos, &c.
"To discontinue the efforts by
which you have obtained these rewards, when once you have made
them your own, would be the part of both a cunning and an un-
grateful man.”—Astuti. Because his motive, in defending and aid-
ing others, would have been the mere wish of ultimately benefiting
himself by becoming popular; a motive craftily concealed, however,
until his object was accomplished.-Ingrati. Because he ought to
show his gratitude in fresh efforts for the good of those who have
raised him to office.
376
ORATION FOR
J
Page.
"If however."-Te auctore.
((
99 13. Quod si.
By your own
advice." More literally, "you being the author (i. e. advi-
ser) of the step."-Nulla turpitudo. "No disgraceful imputation."
14. Improbitatem. "A total want of principle." More literally,
"worthlessness."-Coarguit. Clearly argues."
15. De tuo ipsius studio. "From your own pursuits," i. e. from
your own professional conduct; from your own way of acting at the
bar.
(C
17
16. Etiam adversariis, &c. "To give advice even to the ad-
versaries of your friends, when consulting you on a point of law.'
Respondere is the technical term applied to the giving of advice on
the part of the Roman juris-consult. Thus, Cic. de clar. Oral. c.
30: "Rutilius magnum munus de jure respondendi sustinebat.”
Hence the term responsa prudentum applied to the opinions given
by the members of the Roman bar. Consult Instit. Just. 1. 1, tit.
2: "Nam cum velercs leges regiae," &c.
100 1. Et si turpe existimas, &c.
"And if you think it discredita-
ble to you, in such a case, for the very individual himself against
whom you have now appeared, to lose his cause." Cicero, after
stating that Sulpicius, in common with the other lawyers of the day,
deemed it perfectly proper to give advice even to the adversaries of
their friends, puts the following case : A person has a dispute with
one of the friends of Sulpicius, and thereupon comes to the latter,
states the nature of the controversy, and obtains his professional
advice. The friend then waits upon Sulpicius, and requests him to
appear as his advocate on the trial of this very point. Will not Sul-
picius, on that trial, feel his self-love seriously wounded, if the op-
posite party, to whom he had given advice in this very same case,
and who, acting on that advice, has defended the case, be defeated
and lose his cause ?-We have given the explanation of Ferratius,
which seems much more in unison with the context than that of
Ernesti. The latter understands alio tempore after veneris, and
makes the meaning to be this: "If you deem it discreditable, when
you appear for one, against whom you have plead on a previous oc-
casion, that this individual should lose his cause," i. e. that you
should not exert yourself now in his behalf, merely because you ap-
peared against him before this.
2. Te advocato. By advocatus appears to be meant here, not
one who takes part in the actual pleading of a cause, but who stands
by and aids another by his advice and presence. Compare the ex-
planation of Asconius, as given under note 15, page 97.
3. Causa cadere. A legal expression for losing a cause, used
here in a general sense; although, in its special acceptation, it
L. MURENA.
377
Page.
applies rather to the loss of a case through some failure in the form 100
of proceeding; what we call in English a non-suit. Compare Cic.
de Invent. 2, 19: "Ita jus civile habemus constitutum, ul causa
cadat is, qui non, quemadmodum oportet, egerit.”
64
5. Tua familiaritas.
4. Tui fontes. The rich springs of your legal wisdom." Com-
pare note 20, page 98.-Nostros rivulos. "That our scanty rills."
My long acquaintance with you," i. e.
the friendship I entertain for you. The possessive pronoun is here
used in what the grammarians call its passive sense.
The active
meaning of tua familiaritas would be, "your long acquaintance
with me," or "your friendship towards me." Consult Sanct. Minero.
2, 13, p. 331, vol. 1, ed. Bauer.
6. Ab hac causa removisset. "Had induced me to decline this
cause."-Q. Hortensio, M. Crasso. These two individuals were
associated with Cicero in the management of the defence.-A quib-
us, &c.
By whom, I well know, your esteem is highly prized,"
i. e. who I well know set a high value upon your friendship, and
would make great sacrifices to preserve it.
""
•
7. Infimo. "Even among the lowest of the people."
8. Nefarium. "A wicked man." A violator of the holy law
of friendship.
9. Quod dandum est amicitiae, &c. "Whatever is to be granted
to the claims of friendship, shall be liberally conceded by me; so
that I will deal with you, Servius, in the same way as if my own
brother, who is most dear to me, occupied the position which you
now do," i. e. as if my own brother, and not you, were Murena's
accuser. Cicero means, that, in the management of the present
case, he will make the same allowance for the claims of friendship,
on the part of Sulpicius, as if the latter were his own brother Quin-
tus, to whom he was most tenderly attached.
10. Isto in loco. Literally, "in the situation in which you now
are,"
" i. e. an accuser of Murena. The student will note the force
of iste here. A want of attention to the peculiar meaning of this
pronoun has led Manutius into the error of supposing, that the
phrase isto in loco is here equivalent to in hac dignitate consulari.
11. Quod tribuendum est, &c. "Whatever, on the other hand,
is to be yielded by me to the claims of duty, of honour, of religion,
this I will regulate in such a way, as to bear in mind that I
am pleading for the safety of one friend against the hot attack of
another." Literally, "in behalf of the danger of one friend."
12. Religioni. Because Cicero had implored the favour of
heaven towards Murena and his colleague Silanus, on the day of the
comitia. Compare note 12, page 97.
32*
378
ORATION for
Page.
100 13. Intelligo, judices, &c. "I perceive, judges, that there have
been three heads to the entire accusation, and that one of these has
been taken up with the censure of his private life, the second with
contesting his claim as a fit candidate for the consulship, the third
with the charge of bribery."-By dignitas is here meant personal
merit or worth, and by contentio dignitatis a disputing of the claim.
of Murena to the consulship, on the ground of his not possessing
sufficient personal merit for that elevated station. Under this head
of personal merit the question of family is also brought in.
14. Quae gravissima, &c. "Which ought to have been the
weightiest," i. e. ought to have been managed in such a way as
naturally to form the heaviest and gravest charge against him.
15. Ita fuit infirma el levis, &c. "Has proved so weak and
frivolous a one, that some established practice on the part of accu-
sers, rather than any real grounds for imputing criminality, has com-
pelled them to say something about the life of Licinius Murena."
-By lex accusatoria is meant, an established practice, on the part
of accusers, to impute to the accused an ill-spent and dissolute life.
-Maledicendi facultas. Any grounds for establishing real crimi-
nality.
16. Objecta est enim Asia. "Asia namely has been made a
source of reproach to him." The particle cnim is here employed in
the sense of nempe, like the inchoative yàp in Greek. (Compare
Hoogeveen, Part. Gracc. p. 88, ed Schütz.)—Asia. The Romans
regarded Asia as the source whence all their luxury originated.
Compare Livy, 39, 6: "Luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exer-
citu Asiatico invecta in urbem est: ii primum lectos aeratos, vestem
stragulam pretiosam, plagulas, et alia textilia, et, quae tum magni-
ficae supellectilis habebantur, monopodia et abacos Romam advcxe-
runt," &c.
17. Non ad voluptatem et luxuriam. "Not for purposes of
pleasure and debauchery."-In militari labore. He was serving
under his father L. Murena, who had been left by Sylla in command
of the Asiatic forces.
18. Qui si adolescens, &c. Now, had he, when a young man,
not performed military service, his father being at the time com-
mander there."
(L
19. An, cum sedere, &c. "When the sons of those commanders
that triumph, who still wear the praetexta, are accustomed in par-
ticular to sit on the horses which draw the car, was this one
to avoid adorning the triumph of his father with his own military
trophies ?"-The triumphant general's children sat with him in the
car. His sons who wore the praetexta rode on the horses drawing
L. MURENA.
379
Page.
it, or followed on other horses.
The praetexta was worn by the100
Roman youth till the age of 17, when the toga virilis, or manly
gown, was assumed.
20. Huic donis militaribus, &c. The meaning of this is, was
not Murena to perform military service under his father in Asia, in
order that, by distinguishing himself there, he might, on his return
home, grace the triumph of his parents by displaying the military
rewards he himself had received? This, of course, is meant as an
answer to the charge of his having been in Asia. It was the very
country where he ought to have been at the time.
21. Et si habet Asia, &c. "And since Asia carries with it a
certain suspicion of dissolute living, not his having never seen Asia,
but his having lived temperately in Asia must be made a source of
praise to him."
1. Sed aliquod aut in Asia, &c. "But some flagrant and dis- 101
graceful vice, either contracted by him in Asia, or introduced by
others from that country," i. e. either some vice which he himself
had contracted while living in Asia, or one of Asiatic origin, brought
to Rome by some other individual, and contracted by Murena at the
latter place.
2. Meruisse stipendia. "To have performed military service."
The literal meaning of mercre stipendia is "to earn pay."-In eo
bello. The Mithridatic war.-Virtutis. "Was a proof of his cour-
age."
3. Pietatis. "Of his filial piety." Shown as well by his cheer-
fulness in serving under his parent as by his
that parent's glory.-Finem stipendiorum.
his service."
wish to contribute to
"The termination of
"Has pre-oc-
4. Maledicto. "For censure."-Occupavit.
cupied."
5. Saltatorem. Dancing was regarded as disgraceful by the Ro-
mans. It was the dancing, however, which had found its way from
the stage into convivial circles that was justly condemned, and not
every species.
For the Romans had their sacred or religious
dances, with which of course no fault was found.
planation of Graevius: "Saltator hic est histrio.
vis saltatio Romae turpis erat et probrosa, sed histrionica et mol-
lior." With the Greeks a different usage prevailed. Consult the
remarks of Cornelius Nepos, in his preface, and also the first chapter
of his life of Epaminondas.
Compare the ex-
Non enim quac-
6. Maledictum, si vere objicitur, &c. "This, if it be truly object-
ed unto him, is the charge of an angry accuser; but, if falsely, of a
slanderous calumniator." In either case, therefore, Cato ought not
380
ORATION FOR
Page.
101to utter this reproach against Murena, since an angry feeling is as in-
consistent with the character of a sage, as a disregard for the truth.
7. Quare cum isla, &c. Wherefore, since you are a person of
such weight of character, you ought not, Marcus Cato, to snatch a
calumny from the lips of the rabble, or from some carousal of buffoons,
and rashly to call a consul of the Roman people a dancer," i. e.
since your authority carries so much influence with it, you ought to
be careful what charges you bring against others, especially against
those in elevated stations.
8. Ex trivio. By trivium is literally meant a place where three
ways meet, and where all manner of idlers and low persons are ac-
customed to congregate. It is then taken, as in the present instance,
to denote this class of persons themselves, or in other words, the
rabble, the lowest vulgar.
9. Scurrarum. By scurra is meant a buffoon, a scoffer, a jester,
one who, for the sake of exciting merriment, cares not what he either
gays or does, and who is particularly fond of raising a laugh at the
expense of others, by some coarse slander. Verrius Flaccus derives
the term "a sequendo,” (scurra, quasi sccurra,) and makes its prim-
itive meaning to be "a parasite," or one who "follows" in the train
of a rich person, to amuse him by his buffoonery. Festus ridicules
this etymology very properly. (Fest. de verb. sign. p. 240, ed. Lind.)
The word appears rather to be of the same family with the German
LL scherzen," "to rail at," "to jeer," &c.
10. Convivio. The common text has convicio, which Lambinus
first altered, on conjecture, to convivio. This latter reading is
adopted by Ernesti and Scheller.
11. Neque in convivio moderato atque honesto.
"Nor at a well-
"Dan-
regulated and becoming repast."-Tempestivi convivii, &c.
cing is the last companion of the revels of the table, of a place de-
voted to pleasure, of much enjoyment," i. e. is the last act in a de-
bauch, in a place where every thing breathes of pleasure, &c.-By
tempestivum convivium, (literally, an unseasonable banquet,") is
meant an entertainment which commenced earlier than the ordinary
hour, and was protracted until a much later one than usual. Com-
pare note 22, page 52.
"C
12. Tu mihi arripis id, &c. "You eagerly catch at that, which,"
&c. Mihi is here elegantly redundant, unless we render it by a
species of paraphrase : in order to thwart my intended defence,"
or else something analogous.
13. Relinquis illa, &c. "You leave those things unnoticed,"
&c., i. e. you are silent about other moral blemishes.-Cicero means,
that no other moral failings are spoken of by his opponents, as ex
L. MURENA.
381
Page.
isting in the character of Murena; whereas dancing would imply, 101
of course, an indulgence in many other excesses, and could not, in
fact, exist without them.
14. Nullum turpe convivium, &c. "No disgraceful banqueting,
no amours, no revelling, no lewdness, no extravagant expenditure is
pointed out."—As regards comissatio consult note 11, page 16.
15. Quac voluptatis nomen habent, &c. Which bear the very
name of pleasure, and are actual vices," i. e. which stand forth
to the world with the name and character of reprehensible pleas-
ures.
16. Umbram luxuriae.
"The unbidden companion of debauch-
cry." Among the Romans, an uninvited guest, who accompanied
another, generally some distinguished personage, to a feast, was
called his "umòra." (Compare Horat. Sat. 2, 8, 21.) The term
is here forcibly applied to dancing, which is always, according to
the Roman way of thinking, sure to follow, as an uninvited guest,
in the train of debauchery. Compare Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v.):
"Umbra, comes: Muren. 6: Saltatio est umbra luxuriae.”
17. Nullum petulans dictum. "No lascivious expression." In
the common text, the words in vita follow; but they are out of
place here, and seem to have originated from in vitum. Ernesti re-
tains them in his text, but condemns them in a note. Beck encloses
them within brackets. We have rejected them with Schütz.
1. Quo constituto. "This point being established," i. e. the 102
charge against the private life of Murena, having been thus dis-
proved.
2. Summam dignitatem generis, &c. "The highest degree of
personal merit, founded on birth, integrity, the active exercise of
talent, and all those other accomplishments, relying on which it is
right for you to aspire to an application for the consulship."
3. Contempsisti. "You have treated with contempt." Referring
to the manner in which Sulpicius, in the course of his remarks, had
sought to depreciate the origin of Murena.
4. Quo loco, &c. "If in handling this topic you take it upon
yourself to assert."-Aventinum. Cicero refers here to the first
secession of the people, which, according to Piso, an earlier historian
than Livy, and who is cited by the latter, (2, 32,) was made to the
Aventine hill, and not to Mons Sacer.
5. Sin autem, &c. "But if, on the contrary, there are distin-
guished and honourable families of plebeian origin, then both the
great-grandfather," &c. This is the same as saying in our own
idiom: "But there are, on the contrary, distinguished and honour-
able plebeian families, for, both the great-grandfather," &c.
*
382
ORATION FOR
Page.
102 6. Proavus. P. Licinius Murena, who was praetor A. U. C.
Of the same name with the preceding, and praetor
596.-Avus.
A. U. C. 640.
7. Ex praetura. "In his praetorship." He triumphed for suc-
cesses over Mithridates.
8. Patri debitus. He had gone through all the subordinate
offices, and only stopped short at the consulship, for which he had
the fairest claim for services rendered his country.-Filio. The
Murena who was accused on the present occasion.
9. Hominibus literatis et historicis. "To literary men and
historians." Sulpicius traced back his origin to Servius Sulpicius,
who was consul in the tenth year after the expulsion of the kings.
A. U. C. 253. Compare Cic. Brut. 16; and Sigonius, Fast. Cons.
p. 23, ed. Oxon.-Populo et suffragatoribus obscurior. "Is less
familiar to the people and voters at elections." Cicero means, that
the intermediate Sulpicii, from the founder of the line downward,
especially those of more recent times, had not signalized themselves
in such a way as to be brought in a very marked manner before the
notice of the people.
10. Fuit equestri loco. From this we see that a patrician might
remain an eques.-Nulla illustri laude. "For no illustrious action."
Laus is here put for an action deserving of praise. Compare Ernesti,
(Clav. Cic. s. v.): "Laus, pro rebus laude dignis."
11. Ex annalium vetustate. Referring to the early date of that
ancestor of his who was regarded as the founder of the line. Com-
pare note 9.
12. Q. Pompeio. Q. Pompeius Nepos, who, though of plebeian
origin, attained nevertheless to the highest honours in the state.
Consult Historical Index.
13. M. Aemilio. M. Aemilius Scaurus, who was consul A. U.
C. 638, and a second time A. U. C. 646. Consult Historical
Index.
14. Ejusdem animi atque ingenii est. "It requires the same
degree of spirit and of talent.”
15. Quam non acceperat. Plutarch says, that he was thought
to have been the son of a flute-player. (Apophthegm. p. 200,
vol. 6, p. 755, ed. Reiske.)—Memoriam prope intermortuam,
&c. "To revive by his own merit the almost extinct remem-
brance of his line. Compare Asconius, in Or. pro Scaur.
16. Meo labore esse perfectum. "That it had been brought
about by my exertions," i. e. that I a man of humble origin, had
proved of so much service to my country, as to cause low birth to
be no longer regarded as a barrier to the consulship.
L. MURENA.
383
17. Qui non modo Curiis, &c. "Who remained notwithstand-102
ing neglected, even though they recounted not only the instances
of the Curii, the Catos, the Pompeii, those worthies of former days,
men of the greatest valour, yet of lowly origin, but even these ex-
amples of recent times, the Marii, and Didii, and Caelii," i. e. who
were nevertheless excluded from the consulship, on account of their
humble origin, or else discouraged from applying for it, although
they could point to many bright instances in the past and present
history of their country, where men of humble birth had, by reason
of signal merit, been advanced to the highest office in the state.
Page.
18. Curiis, Calonibus, Pompeiis. The plural is here used to
give emphasis to the sentence. Curius Dentatus, Cato the censor,
and Quintus Pompeius, are meant; and, in the succeeding part of
the sentence, Caius Marius, T. Didius, C. Caelius Caldus.-Manu-
tius makes a difficulty here by imagining that Cicero means the
Quintus Pompeius, surnamed Rufus, who was consul, A. U. C.
665, during the youth of the orator, and who could not well, there-
fore, be ranked among the " antiqui," when Marius, Didius and
Caelius are styled "recentes ;" and he thinks that for Pompeiis we
should read Appiis. Cicero, however, refers, not to Pompeius
Rufus, but to Pompeius Nepos. Compare Ernesti and Schütz, ad loc.
5
1. Jacebant. As regards the peculiar force of this verb in the 103
present sentence, compare the remark of Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v.):
"Jacere dicuntur qui minus gratiosi sunt. Imprimis autem,
qui nullam spem magistratus consequendi habent, cum candidati
sint, aut, eam ipsam ob causam, quia nihil sperant, ne petunt quid-
em.
{{
2. Tanto intervallo. "After so long an interval." Compare
Sallust, B. C. 23: Namque antea pleraque nobilitas invidia
acstuabat, et quasi pollui consulatum credebant, si cum, quamvis
egregius, homo novus adeptus foret."
3. Claustra ista nobilitatis. "Those barriers of nobility," i. e.
those barriers so carefully guarded by patrician pride.-Ista here
denotes contempt, with a covert reference also to the prejudices of
his opponent those barriers of nobility which you would again seek
to make an obstacle in the path of Murena.
4. Ex familia vetere et illustri. The family of Murena, although
plebeian in origin, was nevertheless an old and distinguished one.---
Ab equitis Romani filio. Compare note 15, page 43.
5. Duobus patriciis. L. Sergius Catilina and P. Sulpicius Galba.
-Modestissimo atque optimo viro. "A man of the utmost modesty
and probity." Asconius (Arg. Orat. contra compet.) calls him,
“vir sobrius sanctusque.”
384
ORATION FOR
Page.
(L
103 6. Dignitate. "In personal merit."-Gratia. "In influence,"
i. e. in favour with the people. The allusion is to that influence
which antiquity of family had hitherto claimed as its peculiar right.
7. Quod si id crimen, &c. Now, if this ought to have been
alleged as a crime against a man of humble birth, undoubtedly on
that occasion, neither enemies nor envious persons would have been
wanting to urge it against me."-The pronoun id refers here to
success in gaining the consulship; and the strong meaning to be
attached to crimen derives elucidation from the language of Sallust,
referred to in a previous note: "et quasi pollui consulatum crede-
bant."
8. Cujus cst magna in utroque dignitas. "Of which there is a
large and distinguished share in each." The Licinian family, al-
though of plebeian origin, is here placed on a full equality with the
line of the Sulpicii.
9. Quaesturam una petiit, &c. These words are supposed to
be spoken by Sulpicius.-Cicero adverts here to another allegation
on the part of the latter, namely that he was declared quaestor be-
fore Murena, that is, preceded him in the order of election.
"He
sought the quaestorship along with me, and I was declared before
him."
The order of precedence among the successful candidates
was regulated by the number of votes which each received; and
Sulpicius seeks to make this a proof of his superiority, in point of
personal merit, to Murena, because when they both were elected
quaestors, the majority of Sulpicius was greater than that of the
other.
10. Non est respondendum ad omnia. "There is no need of
answering every objection," i. e. there is no need of going into a
long discussion respecting every objection which an opponent may
see fit to raise.
Some objections answer themselves; and this is
one of them.
11. Cum multi, &c. "That when there are many candidates
equal in point of merit, and only one of them can obtain the first
rank, the order of merit and of announcement is not the same," &c.
i. e. in announcing the names of the successful competitors, some
one of them must of course be named first, and the rest must follow
in a certain order, but this is no proof of relative merit.-There is
more in the argument of Sulpicius than Cicero is willing to admit.
A greater number of votes given for one candidate than for another,
even when both succeed to office, must be regarded as some proof
of the possession of superior merit in the eyes of those who give
those votes. Cicero, it is true, supposes the candidates to be all
equal in point of merit, “pares dignitate," but this is begging the
L. MURENA.
385
Page.
question, for it is the very thing to be proved. Besides, he himself, 103
when speaking of his own case, attaches, as may well be imagined,
a great deal more of importance to the fact, of his having been de-
clared quaestor one of the first, first aedile, and first praetor.
Compare Or. in Pis. c. 1: " Me quum quaestorem in primis, aedi-
lem priorem, praetorem primum cunctis suffragiis populus Roma-
nus faciebat; homini ille honorem, non generi, &c., deferebat.”.
The student will observe, that it is aedilem priorem in the passage
just quoted, because there were only two aediles, but in our text it
is quaestor prior merely with reference to Sulpicius and Murena,
because the number of quaestors at the time was quite large, and
if Sulpicius had stood at the head of all, he would have been called
quaestor primus.
12. Sed quaestura, &c. “But, in truth, the quaestorship allotted
to each of you, was almost equally unimportant.' Literally, "the
quaestorship of each was almost of equal importance in point of lot."
The provinces, or duties of the quaestors, were assigned to them by
lot, and Murena and Sulpicius drew two of the most insignificant.
13. Lege Titia.
"Under the Titian law," i. e. by the oper-
ation of this law. The Lex Titia (proposed by the tribune
Titius, A. U. C. 448) ordained that the existing number of quaestors
should be doubled, and that they should determine their provinces by
lot. By the operation of this law, Murena obtained an unimportant
province, in which he had no chance of distinguishing himself. By the
operation of the same law (i. e. by being compelled to run his
chance in drawing lots) Servius obtained a province equally insigni-
ficant.
"}}
14. Tu illam, &c.
"You that one, at which, when the quaes-
tors are allotted to the different provinces, a shout of ridicule is even
accustomed to be raised." The unlucky quaestor who drew this
province, for his sphere of operations, was exposed to the laughter
of those who stood around.
15. Ostiensem, &c. "The province namely of Ostia, not so
much productive of influence, or conferring distinction, as full of
toil and trouble.” The burdensome nature of this province appears
to have arisen from the circumstance of Ostia's being a much fre
quented sea-port, and also from the salt-works in its vicinity (Com
pare Graevius ad loc.) Ernesti assigns a different explanation,
which we cannot, of course, mention here. Consult Clav. Cic. s.
v. Aquarius.
16. Consedit. "Settled down from public view," i. e. passed
not the bounds of the quaestorship.
17. In quo excurrere, &c. "In which your merit might speed
33
386
ORATION FOR
:
Page.
103 forth and become known." A metaphor borrowed from chariot-
races.
18. Reliqui temporis spatium, &c. "The period of time re-
maining after this is next made a subject of comparison," i. e.
the mode in which you have each passed your time since the expira-
tion of your respective quaestorships.
19. Hanc urbanam militiam, &c. "This city warfare of an-
swering legal questions, of drawing up writings, of protecting
the interests of clients, full of perplexity and vexation." We
have here, arranged under three heads, all the duties of a Roman
lawyer, and the whole is pleasantly called urbana militia, in contra-
distinction to the real warfare in which Murena is engaged.-Re-
spondendi. Consult note 16, page 99.-Scribendi. This refers to
the drawing up of contracts, articles of agreement, &c.—Cavendi.
The reference here is to advice generally: how a case is to be ar-
ranged, an agreement to be made, &c. Compare Ernesti, (Clav.
Cic. s. v.): Caveo de jureconsultis dicitur, cum litigantibus aut
aliquid contrahentibus, sive verbo sive scripto, ostendunt, quomodo
lis instruenda, resque contrahenda sit, ne causa cadant, aut decipi-
antur."-It must be borne in mind, that Cicero refers in the text, to
the Roman lawyer or jurisconsult, in the strict sense of the term,
as distinct from the orator, or pleader in the courts, Sulpicius being
ranked under the former class.
20. Difficultatem exsorbuit. "He patiently encountered every
difficulty." The literal meaning of this phrase is coarse, but ex
pressive. "He gulped down every difficulty," and made the best
of it.
104 1. In ea scientia. "In that branch of knowledge." Alluding
to the civil or Roman law.
His father
2. Legatus L. Lucullo fuit. In the Mithridatic war.
had been a lieutenant of Sylla's in the same war.— Qua in legatione.
"C
During which lieutenancy."
3. Signa contulit; manum conseruit. "He engaged; he fought
hand to hand with the foe." Manum conserere refers here to the
personal prowess of Murena.-Signa conferre is merely "to en-
gage,"
"to join battle," but manum conserere, "to come to
close quarters,"
""to fight hand to hand," &c. Compare the Greek
form of expression, μιγνύναι τὰς χεῖρας.
4. Asiam istam refertam, &c. "That Asia of yours, crowded
with riches, and the abode of voluptuousness." The pronoun ista
has here its usual force that Asia which you make a source of re-
proach to him, and about his conduct in which you are continually
declaiming.
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Page.
5. Sic est versatus. "He so conducted himself. "Literally, "he 104
was so employed."
6. Concessam licentiam fingendi.
"
"The privilege allowed us
of uttering mere fictions," i. e. of exaggerating the services of Mu-
rena. Publicis literis.
By the despatches of that commander."
7. Summa in utroque, &c. "There is, then, in each the highest
reputation, the greatest personal merit; which, if Servius shall
allow me so to do, I will consider entitled to equal and similar praise.
But no such thing is allowed me. He makes a brisk attack on the
military art, he inveighs against," &c.
8. Esse.
"Belongs as a matter of course."
9. Miki. The pronoun is here merely idiomatical, and not to be
translated. Unless, indeed, we paraphrase it, as in a previous in-
stance. (Note 12, page 101.) It may be then considered as some-
what analogous perhaps to our ordinary expression,
"Hark ye, my
friend."
10. Forum non attigeris? "Did you all that while not set foot
in the forum?"-Cum iis, qui in foro, &c. "Are you going to
contend in point of personal merit with those who have made their
very dwellings in the forum ?"
11. Positam in oculis esse gratiam. "That the favour, which my
conduct had won, was constantly before the eyes of my country-
men." And, therefore, they endured the more patiently my appear-
ing so often before them.
12. Mei satietalem. “The satiety arising from my daily appear-
ance." This, of course, is what commentators call oratorie dictum,
and by no means a copy of Cicero's secret thoughts.-Magno meo
labore. "By great exertions on my part.'
13. Desiderium. "Occasional absence." Literally, "the want
of us," at times.
14. Ad studiorum atque artium contentionem. "To the com-
parison between your respective habits and professions." Studia
is here equivalent to mores. Compare Corn. Nep. Vit. Alcib. 11,
3: "Postquam inde expulsus Thebas venerit, adeo studiis eorum
inservisse," &c., and Fischer, Ind. in Nep. s. v.
15. Qui. "How." Old ablative form for quo. More correctly
speaking, qui is the regular ablative from quis, like miti from mitis,
or tali from talis. Consult the remarks of Perizonius, ad Sanct.
Min. 3, 14.-Vol. 1, p. 700, ed. Bauer.
16. Multo plus dignitatis. “A much stronger claim." Dignitas
is here a claim founded upon personal worth or merit.-Vigilas tu
de nocte, &c. An amusing comparison now follows between the
Lawyer and the soldier, purposely to the disadvantage of the former.
388
ORATION FOR
Page.
104 By the lawyer is here again meant the jurisconsult, in the strict
sense of the term.
17. Gallorum. The Roman professional men rose at an early
hour, to be ready for their clients and dependants who were very
early in attendance. (Compare Horat. Sat. 1, 1, 9.) So the levees
of the magistrates were held at an early period of the morning.
Sallust B. C. c. 28.
105 1. Buccinarum. The trumpet called buccina was used for chan-
ging the watches. Hence the propriety of the term, on the present
occasion, to denote early rising at the commencement of the morn-
ing watch, or three o'clock. The night was divided into four
watches of three hours each. The first watch commenced at six
o'clock in the evening, according to our enumeration of time.
2. Tu actionem instituis. "You arrange the form of proceeding
in a case. Compare, as regards the meaning of actio, in this pas-
sage, the explanation of Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. "Actio est for-
mula, qua actor utitur in intendenda reo lite, quae a jureconsultis
fere petebatur." It is analagous to what we call, at the present
day, the "pleadings" in a case, that is, the carrying a case on, in
accordance with technical written forms, until it is ready for trial.
3. Ne tui consultores. "Lest they who ask your advice be taken
in by others." Understand capiantur.-Capiantur. "Be taken
by the foe."
""
4. Ille tenet et scit, &c. "He understands and well knows how
the forces of the enemy, you how rains, may be prevented from
doing harm."
The reference, in the words aquae pluviae, is to the
ancient action, “de aqua pluvia arcenda," mentioned in the Digests,
(lib. 39, tit. 3. § 1, segg.): “Si cui aqua pluvia damnum dabit,
actione aquae pluviae arcendae avertetur aqua." By aqua pluvia,
in this species of action, the Roman lawyers meant either the water
produced by heavy rains, or other water swelled by rains. Thus
Ulpian remarks: "Aquam pluviam dicimus, quae de coelo cadit,
atque imbre excrescit; sive per se haec coelestis noceat, ut Tubero
ait, sive cum alia mixta sit." The action lay, when one, by erec-
tions or works of any kind, altered the course of such water, or
made it flow more rapidly, or caused it to rise by compressing it
within narrower limits, from all which things danger was appre-
hended by those dwelling in the neighbourhood, and the person who
did this could be stopped in his movements. The action also lay
when actual damage had been done: as, for example, when one
constructed an embankment to keep out the waters of a neighbouring
fen from his grounds, and the waters of this fen, being afterward
swelled by rain, and unable to follow their old direction by reason
L. MURENA.
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Page.
of the embankment, spread in an opposite course and injured the105
fields of a neighbour. (Neratius, as cited by Ulpian ad. loc.-
Compare Cic. Topic. c. 9.)
5. Exercitatur. The common text has exercitatus est, but exer-
citatur, which suits the context much better, is given by Quintilian
(9, 3, 32) who cites the present passage from Ille tenet to regendis ;
and it is also found in several MSS., and early editions.
6. In propagandis finibus. In enlarging the boundaries of our
empire." Literally, "in carrying forward."
7. In regendis. "In regulating those of some field,” i. e. in an
action brought about the boundary line of some piece of ground.
The contrast here, between the operations of Murena and Sulpicius,
is extremely amusing, and must have been most mortifying to
the notions of self-importance entertained by the latter.
8. Rei militaris virtus, &c. "The excellence of the military art
surpasses that of every other."
9. Et haec forensis laus, &c. "And this our reputation and
assiduity, at the bar, lie sheltered beneath the protection and secu-
rity which martial prowess affords."
(C
/
10. Simul atque increpuit, &c. "As soon as the least suspicion
of any public commotion has arisen." Literally, "has sounded
forth." Tumultus appears to be taken here in a somewhat more
general meaning than its ordinary one. The signification which
this term usually has is explained in a previous part of this volume.
Compare note 9, page 25."
11. Artes nostrae. Eloquence and legal science.
12. Et, quoniam, &c. "And, since you seem to me to fondle
that science of the law, as if it were a little daughter of yours.'
Compare the explanation given to osculari by Ernesti, Clav. Cic.
S. V.: Osculari, nimis magni facere, amare."
M
>>
13. Istud nescio quid. "That, I know not what," i. e. that
something or other, that really very unimportant matter. Compare
note 21, page 63. The reference is to dry, technical law-know-
ledge.
14. Continentia, gravitate, justitia, fide. The common text has
these all as genitives, continentiae, gravitatis, justitiae, fidei. We
have made the alteration, with Schütz, after the suggestion of Lam-
binus. In the common reading, ceteris omnibus comes in very
awkwardly, to say nothing of the inelegant form of expression in
virtutibus continentiae, &c.
C
15. Quod quidem jus civile didicisti, &c. "As to your having
learnt, indeed, the civil law, I will not say you have lost your labour
in so doing."
33*
390
ORATION FOR
Page.
105 16. In illa disciplina. "In that branch of knowledge." Disci-
plina is here equivalent to doctrina. Compare the language of
Cicero, in speaking of Archimedes (in Verr. 4, 58): "Archimedem
illum, summo ingenio hominem et disciplina," i. e. a man of the
greatest talent and knowledge.
17. Munitam. "Sure." By munita via is meant a path guarded
from all inroad or interruption from without, and free from all obsta-
cles and impediments within, i. e. a way that leads with certainty to
some object.
18. El admirabilem, &c.
"Both a dignity calculated to excite
the admiration of others, and a utility that will call forth their
warmest gratitude."
19. Quae sunt in imperio, et in statu civitatis. "That are con-
nected with our empire abroad, and with the condition of our gov-
ernment at home," i. e. both our foreign conquests and our civil
institutions.
66
20. Consilio et periculo. By their wise counsels and the dan-
gers which they encounter," i. e. by their wisdom and valour. Con-
silio embraces both advice given at home, and the skilful manage-
ment of operations abroad.
21. Quae. Ernesti says that the words posse consilio, &c., do
not harmonize well, in point of construction, with what precedes,
and he therefore thinks that quae ought to be struck out. The
whole difficulty, however, is easily obviated by considering the
clause from quae to deligendo as parenthetical, and we have accord-
ingly inserted the marks of parenthesis.-Posse permovere, &c.
"To be able, namely, to move with powerful effect," &c.
22. Tribunicios furores. "The madness of the tribunes." The
tribunes of the commons, as the leaders of the popular, or demo-
cratic, party, were almost constantly at variance with the patricians,
and, in the heat of these collisions, often proceeded to the most
extravagant lengths. It was for the consuls, as the organ of the
government at large, and the representatives in feeling, most com-
monly, of the aristocratic party, to curb these wild excesses.
23. Qui largitioni resistat. "To check the current of corrup-
The same as homines novi.
tion."-Homines non nobiles.
106 1. Plurimas gratias, &c. "The most extensive influence, the
firmest friendships, the warmest feelings in our behalf.” Gratias
here refers to those who are under obligations for favours received,
and studia to well-wishers generally.
Isto
2. In isto vestro artificio. "In that poor art of yours."
here conveys a disparaging idea. Vestro refers to the whole body
of jurisconsults to which Sulpicius belonged.
L. MURENA.
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Page.
3. In tam tenui scientia. "In so frivolous a science." Literally, 106
"so weak," or "feeble."
4. Res enim sunt parvae, &c. "For the subjects connected
with it are insignificant in their nature, being almost wholly confined
to single letters and the punctuation between words," i. e. the
punctuation of sentences.-Occupatae, literally, "taken up with."
Cicero refers in this passage to the technical minutiae of the legal
forms of the day. The special pleading, and the technicalities of
our own times, are almost precisely analogous.
5. Enuntiatis vestris mysteriis. "Now that your mysteries are
divulged." This is explained immediately after: Posset agi lege,
&c.-Totum est contemptum et abjectum. "Is become altogether
contemned and degraded,” i. e. has fallen into utter contempt and
disgrace.
6. Posset agi lege, necne. Whether they could go to law, or
not." Literally, "whether it could be gone to law by them," &c.
Agere lege is "to go to law, i. e. to act in accordance with the
law permitting an action or suit to be brought. Compare the ex-
planation of Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v.): "Lege agere, i. e. ex
lege permittente lege accusare vel petere."-The student will bear
in mind, that the meaning in this passage is, not that few persons
formerly knew whether they had a good cause of action or not, but
on what day they could bring their suit, certain days being set apart,
on which alone law-proceedings could take place, and these days
being known only to the lawyers, who kept them purposely con-
cealed, in order to make their clients entirely dependant upon them.
calendar."
64
7. Fastos enim vulgo non habebant. "For they had no public
Literally, no calendar common to all," i. e. which
any one might consult. The Fasti, or Calendar, contained the
days of each month, with a particular mark designating those on
which it was lawful (fas) for the praetor to hold court. Hence
these days were called dies fasti, and hence also the name fasti
given to the calendar itself, since from this circumstance it originally
derived all its value. The appellation always continued to be given
to it, although it eventually became a record rather of sacred than
of legal days.-The Pontifex Maximus and his colleague had the
care of the calendar, and an acquaintance with its contents was for
a long time confined to the priests and patricians, the former being
all of that order. The early lawyers, being also patricians, were of
course, well versed in the whole subject.
8. Tamquam a Chaldacis. The lawyers, who were consulted
by people respecting the proper days for commencing lawsuits, are
here humorously compared to Chaldaean astrologers, who calcula-
392
¿
ORATION FOR
Page.
106 ted nativities, and pretended to be acquainted with lucky and un-
lucky days.
9. Cn. Flavius. The son of a freedman, and the scribe or clerk
of Appius Claudus Caecus, a lawyer of the day. The latter had
arranged in writing the days proper for commencing actions, and
Flavius stole or copied the book, and published it, A. U. C. 440.
In return for this favour, he was made curule aedile by the people,
and afterward praetor. The book was called from him Jus Civile
Flavianum. (Liv. 9, 46.-Cic. de Orat. 1, 41.-Digest. 1, 2, 2.)
10. Qui cornicum oculos confixerit. "Who is said to have trick-
ed these knowing ones. Literally, "who is said to have pierced
(i. c. put out) the eyes of these crows." The student will note the
force of the subjunctive in confixerit.
-We have here a proverbial
form of expression, applied, it is said, to those who deceived very
cunning persons. The crow being remarkable for keenness of sight,
to put out a crow's eyes was a figurative mode of designating a
superior degree of keenness and craft. (Compare Erasmus, Chil.
1, cent. 3, prov. 75, sub fin.) Camerarius, and others, however,
give a different explanation of this proverb. According to them,
birds of the species here denoted, in fighting with other animals,
strike at their eyes; and ought therefore to be doubly careful in
guarding their own. This seems rather forced.
11. Et singulis dicbus, &c. "And to have published, for the
information of the people, a calendar, in which each day was marked,
and which they were carefully to learn." Literally, "a calendar
for each day, to be carefully learnt." This calendar contained all
the days of the year, and distinguished between those on which an
action could be brought, (dics fasti,) and those when no legal pro-
ceedings could take place, (dies nefasti.)—In the construction of
this sentence, singulis diebus is to go with fastos.
<<
12. Itaque irati illi. Thereupon, the poor lawyers, in great
wrath."-Dierum ratione, &c. "Now that the arrangement of the
days was published and known to all."
13. Notas quasdam composuerunt, &c. "Invented certain forms
in legal proceedings, in order that their intervention might be ne-
cessary in all cases.' These forms, called notae because purposely
abbreviated, in order that none but the lawyers might understand
them, met eventually with no better fate than the system of
days. They were published by Sextus Aelius Catus, and his book
was named Jus Aelianum.-Cicero quotes and ridicules some of
these forms, in the succeeding chapter.
>>
14. Cum hoc fieri, &c. In proceeding to ridicule the legal forms
of the day, Cicero here imagines a controversy between two parties
L. MURENA.
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Page.
respecting the title to a farm in the Sabine territory. First he sug-106
gests a simple form of proceeding, the plaintiff claiming, and the de-
fendant denying his claim, and the judge then giving his decision.
But this way of doing business does not please the lawyers. They
must have their forms and technicalities, and Cicero then proceeds
to show in a very amusing way, what these forms of proceeding are.
-Render as follows: " Although the following mode might have
answered perfectly well: The Sabine farm is mine: No, 'tis
mine :' and then the decision of the judge: the lawyers shook their
heads at this. The farm,' says the lawyer, ' which is in the
country that is called the Sabine.' Verbosely enough. Well, pray,
what next?" &c.-The lawyer and Cicero are here holding an
imaginary dialogue, aud the former is giving the legal mode of
conducting a suit, interspersed with occasional remarks from the
latter.
15. Inde ibi, &c. "I summon you out of court, from that place
there, to contend with me on the spot itself." Inde ibi is a legal
pleonasm, retained from the old forms of the language, and refers to
the place where the opposite party is supposed to be standing in
court. Ernesti very unnecessarily rejects ibi with Gruter, and is
followed in this by many subsequent editors.-The phrase ex jure
is based on an old law-custom. In the earlier Roman law, if a
question arose about a farm, a house, or the like, the praetor went
with the parties to the place, and gave possession to which of them
he thought just. But, from the increase of business, this soon be-
came impracticable, and then the parties called one another from
court (ex jure) to the spot in controversy, a farm for instance, and
brought from thence a turf, or clod, and contested about it as about
the whole farm. It was delivered to the person to whom the praetor
adjudged possession. But this custom also was dropped, and the
lawyers devised a new form of proceeding, which is the one that
Cicero here ridicules. The words inde ibi, &c., as far as voco, are
supposed to be uttered by the plaintiff, and they are the same with
those that were used when the parties actually went to the contested
spot. The language remains after the actual form has ceased.
16. Manu consertum. In this old form the supine is employed.
The expression is a figurative one, and is thought by some to have
originated at a time when the Romans determined their disputes
with the point of their swords. Others suppose, that the two par-
ties broke a rod before the praetor, in a kind of mock fight, in order
that one of them might say he had been ousted, or deprived of pos-
session, and might claim to be restored. (Compare Aul. Gell. 20,
10, and Heineccius, Antiq. Rom. p. 682, ed. Haubold.)
394
ORATION FOR
Page.
106 17. Ille, unde petebatur. "He, of whom the claim was made,"
i. e. the defendant.-The plaintiff was called petitor.
18. Transit idem jureconsultus, &c. "The same lawyer now
crosses over, after the manner of a Latin flute-player." The flute-
players among the Romans were usually natives of Latium. Com-
pare Livy, 9, 30.-Cicero alludes here to the custom that prevailed
on the Roman stage. The flute-player appears to have turned from
one actor to another, aiding each in turn with a cadence adapted to
his voice, and the part he was performing at the time. In the same
way the lawyer, after arranging the form of words which one party
is to utter, passes over, and does the same kind office for the other.
19. Unde tu me, &c. "From that place there," says he, "from
which you summoned me out of court to contend, I, in my turn,
summon you." Unde does not here denote an actual change of
place in the two parties, but only a change, as it were, in their legal
position towards each other, the summoned person becoming now
the summoner. The idea intended to be conveyed is best expressed
by a paraphrase, "as you summoned me, so now I, in my turn, sum-
mon you."
20. Pulchrum se ac beatum putaret.
"Should think himself an
exceedingly clever and able personage."
We have rendered these
words more according to their spirit than their literal meaning.
Putare se pulchrum ac beatum is an idiomatic expression, and analo-
gous to our English phraseology, "to have a high notion of one's
self," "to entertain a happy opinion of one's own abilities," &c.
21. Atque aliquid, &c. The meaning intended to be conveyed
is this, lest the praetor should think himself so clever and able a
personage, as to make a speech in his own words.
22. Carmen. "A set form of words." Any set form of words,
in prose or verse was called carmen.-Cum ceteris rebus, &c.
"Both absurd in other respects, and particularly so in what fol-
lows." In some MSS. and early editions the words nullo usu
occur in place of illo, which Graevius has adopted. But then there
is nothing to answer to cum ceteris rebus.
23. Suis utrisque superstitibus, &c. "Their witnesses being
present for each, I order the respective parties to proceed that way.
Go," i. e. in the presence of your witnesses here, I order you to go
to the spot in controversy.-In note 15, we traced down the legal
mode of proceeding to the bringing of a turf from the contested
spot, and then stated that this custom also was dropped in course of
time. The new mode is now referred to. The praetor tells the
parties to go to the spot, and they make an appearance of going,
headed by the lawyer to point out the way. Then, after a short
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Page.
interval, the praetor says, “return,” and they come back as it were,106
and are supposed to bear a turf. If it appeared that one of the parties
had been dispossessed by the other through force, the praetor de-
creed according to one form; if not, according to another.
The
possessor being thus ascertained, then the action about the right of
property commenced. The person ousted, first asked the defendant
if he was the lawful possessor (Quando te in jure conspicio postulo
an sies auctor, i. e. possessor.) Then he claimed his right, and in
the meantime required that the possessor should give security not
to do any damage on the farm, &c.
24. Superstitibus. The common text has praesentibus added
after this word, but this is a manifest pleonasm, as superstes itself
means a present witness. Compare Festus, "Superstites tcstes
praesentes significat, &c., p. 244, ed. Lind., and Servius, ad Aen.
3, 339, who refers to this same passage, and explains superstitibus
by praesentibus.
25. Praesto aderat, &c. "The sage jurisconsult was close at
hand." Consult note 23.—Redite viam. Consult note 23.
26. Haec jam tum, &c. "These forms appeared even at that
day, I believe, ridiculous in their nature, among those bearded per-
sonages themselves," i. e. the very lawyers, who invented them,
laughed I believe in secret at them.-Barbatos. A long beard was
regarded by the vulgar as a type of wisdom.
Hence the expres-
sions, "barbati philosophi, ""barbati magistri," &c. In the early
days, however, to which Cicero alludes, the wearing of beards was
an ordinary custom, and hence barbatos in the text carries with it
the blended idea of antiquity and pretension to superior wisdom.
1. Homines, cum recte, &c. "For persons, when they had 107
placed themselves properly enough, and in a particular spot, to be
ordered to go away," &c.
2. Illa omnia, &c. "All those other forms."-In jure. "In
court." Consult note 23, page 106.
3. Anne tu dicis causa vindicaveris? "Have you made this
claim for mere appearance sake?" i. e. have you made it for mere
appearance sake, or have you a good right ?—The plaintiff is thus
interrogated by the defendant, who is desirous of ascertaining what
grounds of action he may have, that he may be able to meet the
claim. Such at least is the explanation of Ursinus. But the true
meaning of this detached law-form is allowed by commentators to
be very difficult to ascertain, although the solution given by Ursinus
appears the most plausible.-Dicis causa is an old form of expres-
sion, equivalent here to in speciem. Compare Ernesti, Clav.
Cic. s. v.
396
ORATION FOR
Page.
107 4. In manibus jactata et excussa.
"Well handled and exam-
ined." Excutio gets the meaning of "to examine" from its primi-
tive import" to shake out the contents of any thing," and ascertain
in this way what
what it contains.
5. Inanissima prudentiae.
any rational meaning.
Totally devoid of sense," i. e. of
6. Nam cum, &c. "For although very many admirable princi-
ples have been laid down by our laws."-Ingeniis.
"By the inge
nuity."
((
7. Infirmitatem consilii. "A natural weakness of judgment."
-In tutorum potestate.
"Under the control of guardians."
8. Quae potestate mulierum, &c. These appear to have been
the guardians whom the woman chose ex testamento viri. (Cujas,
Observ. 8, 11.) Alciatus thinks, that they had slaves of theirs
made public ones, and then appointed them their guardians. These,
although not exactly slaves any longer, in the full sense of the term,
as regarded a private owner, were yet, on the other hand, not
actually free, because the public was their master.
Such persons
were still, from their previous relation to the former owners, more
or less under their influence and control, even after the ownership
had been transferred. (Alciat. Perierg. 9, 19.)
(6
9. Sacra. "The sacred rites connected with families." Among
the Romans, each gens had certain sacred rites peculiar to itself,
which the father, or head of each familia composing the gens, was
bound to perform. These rites went with the inheritance. Com
pare Cic. pro dom. 13: "Quid? sacra Clodiae gentis cur intereunt,
quod in te est ?" So also, de Leg. 2, 9. Sacra privata perpetua
manento," to which Cicero gives the following interpretation (c.
19): "De sacris haec sit una sententia ut conscrventur semper, et
deinceps familiis prodantur, et, ut in lege posui, perpetua sint
sacra. "What was called "detestatio sacrorum" took place, when
it was announced to an heir or legatee, that he must adopt the
sacred rites that followed the inheritance.
10. Ad coëmptiones facicndas. "To make purchases of estates
encumbered by these rites." Literally, "for the purpose of making
purchases." In order to remove the incumbrance of family rites,
a fictitious sale of the property was made to some old and childless
person, and then the same property was purchased back from him.
In this way the law was completely evaded, there being no heir or
devisee who was to maintain the family rites in the present case.
-This custom is very neatly alluded to by Curius, one of Cicero's
friends, in a letter to the orator. (Ep. ad Fam. 7, 29.) "Sum
Xρíocɩ µèv tuus, kтhσeɩ dè Attici nostri : ergo fructus est tuus, man-
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Page.
cipium illius; quod quidem si inter senes coēmtionales venale pro-107
scripserit, egerit non multum.”
11. In omni denique, &c. "In fine, throughout the whole com-
pass of the civil law, they have abandoned the spirit, have retained
the mere letter." Literally, "the mere words themselves."
12. In alicujus libris. "In the writings of some lawyer.”
13. Id nomen. Caia. According to Cicero's humorous explana-
tion, they found the name Caia applied, in the works of some law-
her or other, to a female who had contracted matrimony by the rite
called coëmptio. Now this happened to be her true name. But
they thought there was a great mystery concealed under the appel-
lation, and hence, in all legal proceedings connected with the rite
termed coëmptio, every female about to contract matrimony in that
way was called by them Caia.-It will readily be perceived, that the
ridicule here is a good deal overstrained. Caius, as applied to the
male, and Caia to the female, were mere terms of convenience in
the old Roman law-forms.
14. Quae coemptionem facerent.
"Who contracted matrimony
by the rite termed coemptio." There were three modes of contract-
ing marriage among the Romans, termed respectively, confarreatio,
usus, and coëmptio. By the last of these was meant a kind of
mutual purchase, when a man and woman were married by deliver-
ing to one another a small piece of money, and repeating certain
words. What these words were is not clearly ascertained. Boe-
thius (ad Cic. Top. 3) gives rather the meaning than the actual
form of expression. (Heinecc. Antiq. Rom. p. 133, ed. Haubold.)
It is more than probable, from the language of Cicero in the text,
that one of the forms was that which is generally, though perhaps
erroneously, thought to have been common to both confarreatio and
coĕmptio. "Ubi tu Caius, ibi ego Caia," i. e. "Where you are
master, I am mistress,"
*
15. Jam illud. "The following too." Compare as to the
peculiar force of jam, in this clause, note 3, page 86.
16. Utrum diem tertium, &c. "Whether the expression 'third
day,' or 'day after to-morrow;' 'judge' or 'arbiter,' 'action,' or
'suit,' ought to be employed." This is another unfair hit at the
lawyers. In the cautious and guarded language of the ancient
pleadings, as in those of modern times, two terms were frequently
used to designate the same thing. Thus they would say,
"Diem
tertium sive perendinum :”—“ judicem arbitrumve:”—rem “sive
litem." These forms were commonly given by the ancient juris-
consults in an abbreviated style. Thus, I. D. T. S. P. which is the
same as In diem tertium sive perendinum. T. I. A. V. P. V. D.
34
398
ORATION FOR
Page.
107 equivalent to Tempore judicem arbitrumve peto ut des. And again
Q. R. S. L. D. O. for Quam rem sive litem dicere oportet. (Coп-
sult Brissonius, de formulis, &c.)
17. Perendinum. From perendie, "Quasi peremta die," says
Charisius, that is, the day after a whole intervening day has passed.
Perendinus is equivalent to tertius dies, since the Romans, in count-
ing, always included the day from, and the day to which they
counted.
18. Dignitas consularis. Any title to the consulship," i. e.
it never has carried with it that degree of merit, which could claim
the consulship as its peculiar right.
19. Ex rebus fictis commenticiisque. "Of fictions and subtle
devices."-Gratiae vero multo etiam minores. "And far fewer
claims still to the favour of others," i. e. far less of what might lay
others under obligations to you, and in this way secure their favour
and interest.
"L
20. Gratum. "Calculated to gain influence," i. e. so peculiarly
acceptable to either party, as to lead him to regard it in the light of
a special favour done him, and to induce him to cherish friendly
feelings in return.
21. Sed etiam illud, &c. "But even that form of address,
which was for some time customary, May I consult you'." This
form of words, Licet consulere? used to be uttered by the client,
when he came to consult the lawyer; and the formal reply of the
latter was "Consule." Cicero alludes in the text to this fashion
being now out of date, meaning to imply, in a playful way, that the
lawyers were not regarded by their clients with as much veneration
and respect as formerly, and that there was now more of familiarity
in addressing them.
22. In ca prudentia. "In that branch of knowledge." In that
species of wisdom.-Rebus prolatis. During a vacation of the
courts," i. e. when the courts of law are closed, and the aid of the
lawyer is not at present needed. Rebus prolatis literally means,
"when matters are put off," i. e. to the next opening of the courts.
Compare as regards its general meaning, Plautus, (Captiv. 1, 1,
10): "Ubi res prolatae sunt, cum rus homines eunt.”
23. Et perpaucis, &c. "Within the compass of both a very
few and by no means obscure words.' The allusion is to the writ-
ten law, or jus scriptum. Compare Manutius Loquitur de jure
scripto: quod cum et breve sit, et minime obscurum, cognosci ab
omnibus facile possit."
(4
108 1. Homini vehementer occupato.
engrossed by other affairs."-
MANY G
(C
(C
Although a man completely
Stomachum moveritis. There is
L. MURENA.
399
Page.
some humour in this. Cicero will only meddle with the civil law in108
case he is provoked to the step, since otherwise he would not take
the trouble of bestowing a single thought upon it.—We must not,
however, suppose that these were his real sentiments. From his
own account, the civil law, at one time, occupied a large share of
his attention. Compare Cic. Brut. 89: “Ego autem juris civilis
studio multum operae dabam Q. Scaevolae, P. F., qui quamquam
nemini se ad docendum dabat, tamen, consulentibus respondendo,
studiosos audiendi docebat.
2. Etenim quae de scriplo aguntur, &c.
"For all that relates
to matters of writing has been reduced by this time to written
forms," i. c. all the writing business of the profession is contained
in certain forms already reduced to writing.
3. Tam anguste. "In terms so concise." Referring to the
abbreviations so much indulged in by the Roman lawyers, and some
specimens of which have been given under note 16, page 107.-——
Quo ego non possim, &c. "That I cannot tell about what it treats.”
-Qua de re agitur is a law-phrase, denoting, when applied to a
written form, the nature and object of that form; and when re-
ferring to a suit or controversy, the point on which that controversy
turns. Compare Cic. Brut. 79.
4. Quae consuluntur autem, &c. "While, on the other hand,
the matters about which advice is asked, are replied to at very little
risk."-The explanation which Cicero immediately subjoins is ex-
tremely amusing. If you answer as you ought, you will pass for a
second Servius; if otherwise, men will give you credit for a pro-
found acquaintance with the controverted points of the law, which
leads you thus to differ in opinion from others.
5. Etiam controversum jus, &c. "You will even appear to be
well versed in the knowledge and handling of the controverted points
of the law." Literally, "the controversial law." Compare Manu-
tius: "Controversum jus, quod interpretationis est dubiae, et de
quo disputare licet in utramque partem.”
6. Isti vestrae exercitationi. "That profession of yours." Ves-
trae refers to the whole body of jurisconsults.-Ad honorem. "For
advancement in the state." For the enjoyment of public honours.
7. Initio. “In the beginning of their career.”—Hoc. Eloquence.
8. Istuc potissimum sunt delapsi.
"Have slid down generally
speaking into that vocation of yours."
where you are."
Literally, "into that place
9. In Graecis artificibus. "In the case of the Greek musicians."
Artifex is a general term for one who exercises an art or employ-
ment of any kind. Hence artifices scenici, "players," artifex
400
ORATION FOR
Page.
((
108 rhetoricus, a rhetorician;" and so, as regards its usage in the
present case, we have the following in Quintus Curtius, 5, 1: “Non
vates modo, sed etiam artifices cum fidibus sui generis ibant.”
10. Auloedos. Some few editions have auletas. The form
citharoedos is given by Quintilian (8, 3) and most early editions.-
Citharoedi. "Performers on the harp." The citharistae merely
played upon the harp; the citharoedi accompanied the playing with
their voice. The Greek etymology is in accordance with this: Kɩ0-
αρῳδὸς from κιθάρα and αείδω.
11. Devenire. This verb appears to imply here, that they come
to the study of the law, because, they cannot do any better. Com-
pare the language of Ernesti, in explaining the force of devenio, (ad
Or. in Verr. 5, 48.): "Devenire recte dicitur de iis, qui aliquo veni-
unt perfugii causa, supplicandi causa,
" &c.
12. Magnus dicendi labor, &c. "Great is the toil that qualifics
for public speaking, great the art itself, great its dignity, and most
great, too, the influence connected with it."
13. Salubritas quaedam. The meaning of Cicero is, that what
the lawyer, or, as we would say, special pleader, does for his client,
conduces to safety, whereas the orator ensures safety itself. The
lawyer prepares what may have a salutary effect on the issue of the
case, and may conduce to a successful defence; but the orator ac-
complishes that issue, and establishes that defence. The idea then,
intended to be conveyed by salubritas quaedam is best expressed by
a paraphrase : "What may conduce to safety," while by salus ipsa
is meant "safety itself." The language is figurative, and is borrow-
ed from the condition of the human frame, at one time enjoying "a
kind of health," at another "health itself."
""
14. In qua si satis profecissem.
"Had I made any great prog-
ress in this art," i. e. in the art of public speaking; in oratory.
This, of course, is the mere language of assumed modesty. Cice-
ro's secret vanity suggested far different ideas in reality.
15. Artes. "Professions."-Quae possunt locare, &c. "Which
are capable of placing men in the highest degree of personal con-
sideration," i. e. of raising them to the highest place in public esti-
mation. By dignitas is here meant public esteem founded on private
worth.
16. Ceterae tamen virtutes, &c. "The other kinds of merit it
is true avail much of themselves, namely, justice, good faith," &c.
Virtutes is here used in the sense, not of virtues, but meritorious
qualities, for eloquence and military talent are included in the number.
-Ipsae per se. "Even apart from eloquence." Compare Manu-
tius: "Separatim singulae, etiam sine eloquentia.”
L. MURENA.
401
Page.
17. Sed nunc disputo. “But I am now arguing.”—Insita cu-108
jusque virtute. "The innate worth of each particular individual.”
Compare Manutius: "Nam neque ars imperatoris, ncque boni fa-
cultas oratoris virtutes insitae sunt, sed extrinsecus assumuntur.”
"To
18. Aliquis. In some editions aliqui.—Bellicum canere.
sound forth the signal for war." With bellicum supply carmen. The
term denotes the blast of the trumpet summoning to arms. Com-
pare Livy, (35, 18.): “A Macedonia Philippum ubi primum belli-
cum cani audisset, arma capturum."
19. Ingeniosus poēta et auctor valde bonus. "An ingenious
poet and excellent writer." Ennius is meant, and Cicero then pro-
ceeds to quote from him.-Proeliis promulgatis. "When battles
are proclaimed." This expression has somewhat of a poetical tinge,
and is probably imitated or altered from some lost passage of Ennius.
As it stands now, it could not of course find its way into an hex-
ameter line.
1. Pellitur e medio. Cicero quotes from the 8th book of the 109
Annals of Ennius. The full passage is given by Aulus Gellius,
(20, 10,) and we will cite it here in order to make the references, on
the part of the orator, more intelligible
“Pellitur e medio sapientia; vi geritur res;
Spernitur orator bonus; horridus miles amaturz
Haud doctis dictis certantes, sed maledictis,
Miscent inter sese, inimicitias agitantes :
Non ex jure manu consertum, sed mage ferro
Rem repetunt, regnumque petunt, vadunt solida vi."
The words are given more according to the earlier orthography,
by Hesselius, in his edition of the fragments of Ennius, p. 79, seq.
In the second line, the final s in horridus is elided in scanning, be-
fore the initial consonant of miles. The early Romans did not
sound the final s in words, if the next word began with a consonant.
The practice began to disappear, however, about the time of Cicero.
The last traces of this elision are found in some parts of the poetry
of Lucretius, Catullus, and Cicero himself.-So in the 5th line,
some read magis in place of mage, making in the scanning the eli-
sion magi'. Others read at once horridu' miles, and magi' ferro, as,
for example Hesselius.--The other various readings in these lines,
such as Tollitur for Pellitur, and manum for manu, need not be
dwelt upon here.
2. Ista vestra, &c. "That wordy and counterfeit wisdom of
yours." More literally, "that wordy counterfeiting of wisdom," &e.
The allusion is to the unmeaning forms and subtleties of the law.
34*
402
ORATION FOR
¿
Page.
109 3. Non solum odiosus, &c.
"Not only he who is disagreeable
·Horridus
in speaking, and a mere talker, but even the good one.
miles amatur. "The rough soldier is caressed."-Totum jacet.
"Lies entirely neglected." Compare as to the force of jaceo here,
note 1, page 103.
4. Mage. An old form for magis. Perizonius maintains, that
both magis and mage were originally adjectives of the positive de-
gree, like potis and pote. (Ad Sanct. Min. 2, 10.-Vol. 1, p. 280,
ed. Bauer.)
5. Stilus. This was the ordinary instrument for writing. It
was sharp at one end, and broad at the other. They wrote with it
on tablets covered with wax. When they wished to correct any thing
which they had written, they turned the stilus, and smoothed the
wax with the broad end. Hence, saepe stilum vertas, “make fre-
quent corrections." (Horat. Sat. 1, 10, 72.)
6. Umbra soli. "The shade of retirement to the beams of the
sun," i. e. the retired life of the lawyer to the active one of the
soldier. So vila umbratilis is applied to a retired, studious, or com-
paratively inactive life, (Cic. Tusc. 2, 11,) and oratio umbratilis to
a philosophical discourse, (Cic. Orat. 19,) as marking the contrast
between the retired habits of the philosopher and the more active
life of the public speaker. So in the present case the lives of the
lawyer and soldier are contrasted.
"First in importance."-Omnium princeps.
"The
7. Prima.
first of all."
Alluding to the glorious results of the Roman arms.
8. Haec. "These services of Murena."-Demonstrat. "Strives
to show."-Cum mulierculis. "With mere women." The term
muliercula, the meaning of which we have here softened down, re-
fers to the effeminate and dissolute habits of the Asiatics generally,
and the enervating effects which resulted from them.
9. Neque enim, &c. "And only a few, for the merits of the
cause are not contained in this." Supply before neque the words,
et pauca modo, or something equivalent.
10. Cum Graecis. As the Romans, during the Mithridatic war,
came in contact principally with the Asiatic Greeks, Cicero here
makes mention of their other wars with the Greek nation generally.
-For an account of the different individuals mentioned by the
speaker, consult Historical Index.
11. Ille hostis. Referring to Mithridates. It is the same, in
effect, as if he had said, "and such a foe as Mithridates."
12. Antiocho. Antiochus is here brought in as an Asiatic mon-
arch, and the war that was waged with him is alluded to as an
Asiatic one.
L. MURENA.
403
Page.
13. L. Scipio. Consul with Laelius, A. U. C. 562, and sur-109
named Asiaticus for his success in this war.-
-Partita cum Publio,
&c. The allusion is to Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, the
conqueror of Hannibal. He volunteered to serve as lieutenant under
his brother, L. Scipio, in this war against Antiochus, and hence the
glory of the contest is said by Cicero to have been shared between
them.—We have adopted partita, the emendation of Lambinus, in
place of parta, as given by the common text. There can be no
doubt as to the superiority of the former, although the latter is advo-
cated by Ernesti.
14. Cognomine ipso. Alluding to his surname Africanus. Pub-
lius Scipio was the first Roman general who took his name from a
conquered country.-Ex Asiae nomine. Alluding to the surname
of Asiaticus, bestowed on L. Scipio.
"As
15. M. Catonis. Cato the censor.-Ut ego mihi statuo.
I imagine." The editors make a difficulty here, when none in fact
exists. Beck, following some of the MSS. and early editions, reads
statuam, which is only a softer way of expressing the meaning of
statuo, and equivalent to ut judicem de sensu meo. Schütz, on the
other hand, thinks the words ut ego mihi statuo a corruption, and
suggests the following emendation for the whole clause, “quum
essct in eo animi status talis, qualem in te esse video." This,
however, is re-writing, not correcting.
16. Nunquam esset profectus. The common text has cum Sci-
pione after nunquam, which is an historical blunder, originating very
probably from some idle gloss. In the war against Antiochus, M. Cato
accompanied M. Acilius Glabrio, not Scipio. Compare Livy, 36, 21.
17. Neque vero cum P. Africano, &c. "Nor would the senate,
in truth, have engaged Publius Africanus to go as lieutenant to his
brother." The elegance of the phraseology, egisset cum Africano
ut proficisceretur, (literally, "have arranged with Africanus that he
should go,") atones in some degree for its want of historical correct-
ness. Scipio was not requested by the senate to accompany his
brother as lieutenant; but, when a difficulty was about to arise in
that body respecting the provinces of the new consuls, L. Scipio
and Laelius, he declared, that if they would give his brother the
province of Greece, he would go with him as his lieutenant. This,
of course, settled the question. Compare Livy, 37, 1: "P. Scipio
Africanus dixit, 'Si L. Scipioni, fratri suo, provinciam Graeciam
decrevissent, se legatum iturum. Haec vox, magno adsensu audita,
sustulit certamen.”
*
1. Quid Mithridates potuerit, &c. Cicero's oration in favour of 110
the Manilian law is the best commentary on this whole passage.-
C
404
ORATION FOR
Page.
110Qui vir fuerit.
"What kind of man he was." Qui is here ele.
gantly used for qualis.
2. Pugna excitatum. "Only aroused to more vigorous efforts
by the loss of a battle." Sylla had defeated Archelaus, a general
of Mithridates, with great loss, at Chaeronea. (Plut. Vit. Syll. c.
16.) The true reading here is extremely doubtful. We have
adopted that given by Ernesti.
3. Non rudis imperator.
"No raw commander." This is what
Grammarians call a litotes (rórns,) where, by a negation of the
contrary, more is implied than expressed. Sylla was in fact eminent
for military talents.
4. Bello invectum, &c. "After having traversed all Asia in
hostile array."
The common text has cum bello, but we have re-
jected the preposition with Ernesti and others.
J
5. Cum pace dimisit. This is mere oratorial exaggeration. Sylla
granted peace to Mithridates, not because he found it impossible to
conquer that monarch, but because his own presence was required
in Italy, where the opposite faction had raised fresh troubles. Com-
pare Ernesti, ad loc.
6. Rationes ct copias belli. "His revenues and armies."-Oce-
anum cum Ponto. His object was to attack the Romans on the east,
while Sertorius, in Spain, did the same on the west. Compare the
Oration for the Manilian law, chapter 4.
one."
7. Duobus consulibus. Lucullus and Cotta, A. U. C. 679.-Ita.
"With this view."-Alter Mithridatem, &c. Alluding to Lucullus.
8. Alterius res calamitosae. "The disastrous operations of the
The reference is to Cotta. This commander, thinking that
he had a fair opportunity of gaining a victory before Lucullus could
join him, gave battle to Mithridates, but was defeated both by sea
and land, with the loss of 60 ships and all their crews, as well as
4000 land forces. (Plut. Vit. Lucull. c. 6.)
9. Nam, cum, &c. "For when the fury of the whole war had
centred beneath the walls of the people of Cyzicus." Compare the
Oration for the Manilian law, chapter 8.
10. Asiae. Referring to the Roman province, as appears from
what follows immediately after, "tota pateret provincia." As
regards the limits of the province of Asia, consult note 12, page 72.
11. Et omnes copiae, &c. Compare note 11, page 77.-Et
omnes is the emendation of Graevius, from one of his MSS., in
place of the common reading ut omnes.
12. Pugnam navalem, &c. Compare note 14, page 77.-Con-
tento cursu, &c. "In rapid course, under the fiercest leaders.""
Compare note 15, page 77.
L. MURENA.
405
Page.
110
13. Novis opibus, &c. Compare note 2, page 78.
14. Sed non id agimus. "But that is not our present object."
More literally,
we are not now endeavouring to do that."
(C
15. Senatus et populus Romanus. The senate passed a decree,
relative to the declaring of war against Mithridates, and the people,
with whom alone rested the power of actually declaring war, con-
firmed that decree by a vote in the comitia.
1. Populus Romanus. The people alone are named here, as 111
they passed the Manilian law, which gave the command to Pompey.
2. Vel acerrima mihi videtur illa, &c. This is the famous night
engagement fought near the Euphrates, an account of which is given
by Plutarch, Vit. Pomp. c. 32.-Compare Dio Cassius, 36, 32.
-Florus, 3, 5, 23.
3. Bosporum. The Cimmerian Bosporus is meant, now the
straits of Jenikali. Compare, as regards the flight of Mithridates,
the account given by Plutarch, (Vit. Pomp. c. 35.)
4. Etiam extrema fortuna, &c. The eulogium passed by Cicero
on the character and abilities of Mithridates is well deserved. In
point of talent and resources he was certainly the most formidable
monarch with whom the Romans had ever to contend.
5. Tamen tantum, &c. "Attached so much importance not-
withstanding to the life of a single individual,” i. e. to the mere
circumstance of Mithridates' remaining alive.-Ile. "The other."
Mithridates.
6. Arbitraremur. All the MSS. have arbitraretur, in the pas-
sive. But still Ciceronian. usage and latinity demand arbitraremur,
which we have, consequently, not hesitated to give. Ernesti, who
retains however arbitraretur, is strongly in favour of arbitraremur,
observing of the common reading, "Istac sordes sunt latinae, in-
dignac Cicerone, praesertim in oratione quae in foro dicta est, aut
concione senatuve." Two instances, it is true, of arbitro, as all
active verb, occur in Plautus, (Pseud. 4, 2, 57. - Stich. 1, 2, 87,)
but this is the usage of a poet, not of a prose writer, and, it may be
too, a specimen of vulgar not classical usage. At all events, the
pages of a comic writer can furnish no argument either way in a
question relative to Ciceronian prose.
CC
"We contend."
7. Defendimus.
Literally, we allege," or
"maintain, in his behalf." Defendere means here to bring forward
in the way of defence, or as Facciolati explains it, “allegare in de-
·fensionem."
"That these services of his."-Non
8. Hanc ejus operam.
minus dignitatis. "No less strong a claim." Dignitas here
again denotes a claim or title founded on merit or fitness.
406
ORAT
ORATION FOR
Page.
111 9. At enim, &c.
Cicero here proceeds to answer another argu-
ment advanced on the part of Sulpicius. At the comitia for the elec-
tion of praetors, Sulpicius was higher on the list of successful
candidates than Murena, that is, the majority of the former exceed-
ed that of the latter. And this is now urged as a proof of the
superior estimation in which Sulpicius was held by the people, and
a sure indication that, had there been no bribery on the part of Mu-
rena, the other would have defeated him at the consular clection.
Cicero's answer is a very adroit one.
10. Pergitisne vos, &c. "What? do you proceed to deal with
the people, as if by virtue of some written obligation?" i. e. as if
they were tied down by the terms of some bond, and had no free
agency left them.-We have here a very artful evasion of the argu-
ment adduced on the opposite side. What? if the people have done
a thing once in a particular way, are they bound to do it always in
that way? the people, too, who are so notorious for their fickle and
changeable character?
=
11. Syngrapha. By this is meant a bond or obligation, by which
a creditor got security from his debtor for the payment of a sum of
money; or by which one person bound himself to another, for the
performance of some particular act. It was generally signed and
sealed by both parties, and a copy given to each, whence the name,
συγγραφὴ from συγγράφω. The phrase agere ex syngrapha then de-
notes, to exact something from another, as if it were the payment
of a debt on bond, or the performance of some express written cov-
enant.
12. Reliquis honoribus. "In the case of the other honours he
may seek."-Debeat. Supply dare.
13. Quod enim fretum, &c. "For what strait, what Euripus,
has as many changes, as violent and as varied fluctuations, as are
the powerful tossings and impetuous tides which the comitia from
their very nature possess?" Literally,
as the
the system," or, "plan
of the comitia has."---We need hardly point to the beauty and
justice of the allusion. The whole passage is cited by Quintilian,
8, 6, 29.
(C
14. Euripum. The Euripus, or strait between Euboea and the
main land of Greece, was famed in the popular belief for its frequent
changes. Consult Geographical Index.
15. Totam opinionem commutat. "Produces an entire change
of opinion," i. e. respecting the merits of a candidate for public
favour.-Fit aliud atque existimamus, &c. (C
Something is done
directly contrary to what we think is to be the result, so that even
the people themselves wonder," &c.'
L. MURENA.
407
*
Page.
16. Nihil fallacius ratione tota comitiorum. "Nothing more111
deceptive than the whole course of things at the comitia," i. e. than
the issue of public elections.
1. Opera. Philippus was not only a public man, but an eminent 112
speaker, and hence his aid was often given in the forum, at trials,
to his friends and others. With opera, therefore, we may supply
forensi, as Gruter directs, and render the term by "application at
the bar." Compare Ernesti ad loc.: "Est ea quae alias industria
proprie dicitur."-Cicero alludes to the defeat of Philippus by He-
rennius, in the Brutus, c. 45.
2. Q. Catulum. This was the famous colleague of Marius, in
the contest with the Cimbri. Consult Historical Index.-Cn.
Mallio. A man of ignoble birth. The common text has Manlio.
3. Hominem gravissimum. "A man of the greatest weight of
character." The individual referred to is the celebrated M. Aemi-
lius Scaurus.-Q. Maximo. Q. Fabius Maximus, surnamed Ebur-
Consult Historical Index.
nus.
4. Saepe certo aliquo, &c. "Are oft-times aroused by the in-
fluence of some particular constellation." This was an article of
fixed and popular belief on the part of the Romans.-Quintilian (8,
3, 80) remarks, that Cicero expresses himself here with almost a
poetical spirit: "jam paene poetico spiritu.”
5. Saepe ila, &c. We have inserted causa after obscura, on the
conjecture of Lambinus, but have not adopted his other emendation
of ejus after saepe, as this seems quite unnecessary.
6. Si est reddenda ratio. "If a reason must be given," i. e. a
reason for Murena's apparent want of popular favour, compared
with the other successful candidates, who had received larger ma-
jorities in the application for the praetorship.
7. Duae res, &c. "The want of two things was severely felt
in this application for the praetorship, both of which proved of ser-
vice to Murena when suing for the consular office." More literally,
"two things were very greatly missed in the case of the praetor-
ship," &c.
Cicero's meaning is, that two circumstances were de-
ficient in Murena's canvass for the praetorship, both of which after-
ward occurred, and were of use to him when a candidate for the
consulship.
8. Exspectatio muneris, &c. "The expectation of public shows,
which had been increased as well by certain rumours, as by the
zealous efforts and language of his competitors." Murena had not
borne the office of aedile, and had therefore exhibited no public
shows, as was customary with those who filled that station. There
was no expectation consequently of his exhibiting any in case he..
408
ORATION FOR
Page.
112 were elected praetor, whereas rumour spoke loudly of what his
competitors would do in the way of public exhibitions, and they
themselves gave confirmation to these rumours by their conduct and
language. All this, of course, would tend to lessen very materially
the number of votes given for Murena, and it was no wonder, if the
majorities of his competitors were larger than his own.
9. Altera. The second reason was, that the troops whom he
had commanded in Asia had not yet returned home, by which cir-
cumstance he lost a number of votes, as well from these persons
themselves, as from others who would be influenced by their com-
mendations of Murena.
10. Comitiis. This is the conjectural emendation of Hoto-
mannus, which Lambinus first adopted into the text, and of
which Beck, Schütz, and others approve. The common text has
comes.
11. Munus amplissimum. "The very splendid shows." Murena,
having obtained the office of Praetor Urbanus, was called upon to
give the Ludi Apollinares, which he did with great splendour. It
will be borne in mind, that the magistrates who gave, or, in other
words, presided at, public exhibitions and shows, generally lavished
upon them a prodigious expence, to pave the way for future prefer-
ments. Compare Cic. de Off. 2, 16, where he speaks of a magnifi-
centissima aedilitas, and of Pompey's magnificentissima munera in
his second consulship.
12. Voluntas militum. "The good will of the soldiery."—Quae
cum per se, &c. Compare note 9.-Tum vero multum auctorita-
tis habet. "And also possesses great influence."
13. Verborum interpretes. "Mere interpreters of words," i. e.
mere expounders of law forms and phrases.
14. Quare gravis est illa oratio. "Of great weight therefore is
language like the following."-Me saucium recreavit. A soldier is
supposed to be here speaking of his commander to the by-standers
who are about to vote at the consular comitia.
15. Cum fortis, tum etiam felix. "As fortunate as he is brave."
Literally, "both brave and also fortunate."
16. Hoc quanti putas, &c.
"Of how much importance do you
imagine all this is, as regards the reputation of individuals, and the
favour of others ?"
17. Etenim, si tanta, &c. "For if the influence of a religious
feeling is so strong at those comitia, that, even to the present day,
the omen afforded by the century, which is first called, has always
exerted an effect on the election, why is it surprising, that, in the
case of this individual, the reputation of his good fortune, and the
L. MURENA.
409
Page.
language of his soldiers produced a similar result?" Valuisse, 112
literally, "prevailed."
18. Omen praerogativum. At the comitia centuriata, where the
consuls were chosen, the centuries were called to give their votes
by lot. The names of the centuries were thrown into a box, and
the century which came out first was called praerogativa, because
it was asked for its vote, that is, consulted, before the rest (prae
and rogo.) Its vote was regarded as a kind of omen of the result
of the election.
1. Leviora. "As of too trifling a nature to be mentioned."-113
Quae sunt gravissima. "Which are in fact of very great impor-
tance." More freely," though they are," &c.
2. Et hanc urbanam, &c. "And prefer the votes of citizens
here to those of the soldiery," i. e. consider them as carrying
greater weight, as more worth having, &c.
3. Ludorum hujus, &c. "The clegance of the shows exhibited
by this individual, and the magnificence of his scenery." Under
the head of ludi are meant, not only games, but also scenic exhibi-
tions, (ludi scenici.) Sometimes the latter were regular plays.
Thus, the plays of Terence were acted on these occasions; at
other times, what were called pegmata were exhibited. These were
large stages or wooden machines, of several stories, which were
raised or depressed at pleasure, and were magnificently adorned.
They were intended to represent detached scenes of an interesting
nature, such as a conflagration, the descent of a deity, &c. Pliny
says that Murena and his brother Caius were the first who exhibited
one of these, and that it was richly adorned with silver. (H. N.
33, 3.) This is very probably the argentea scena mentioned a little
farther on.
4. Profuerunt. They proved of great service to him in concilia-
ting the favour of the people.
5. Quamquam huic causae, &c. Although the fact itself is
sufficient for the purposes of the present case," i. e. to serve as a
basis for my present argument.
CC
6. Negotiis. By the calls of business."-In ipsa occupatione.
"In employment itself."
7. Oblectamur et ducimur.
<<
"Are gratified and attracted."-
Quid tu admirere, &c. "Why need you wonder at this, in the
case of the unlearned multitude?"
8. L. Otho. Lucius Roscius Otho, who was tribune of the com-
mons A. U. C. 686.—Equestri ordini, &c. The allusion is to
the Roscian law, proposed by Otho, by which the fourteen seats
next to those of the senators, in the theatre, were appropriated
35
410
ORATION FOR
L
Page.
113 to the equestrian order. Consult Legal Index.-From Cicero's
employing the term restituit here, it has been inferred, that the
equites had previously possessed separate seats in some conspicu-
ous part of the theatre, from which they had been dislodged. Unless
we suppose, what is not very probable, that the term restituit is here
employed, after the manner of the Roman lawyers, in the sense of
dedit or praestitit. Compare Ernesti, ad Ind. Leg. s. v. Roscia.
The Roscian law is the one that occasioned the famous disturbance
at Rome. Consult Historical Index, s. v. Otho.
9. Voluptatem. "The means of gratification," i. e. in beholding,
with more ease and comfort, the representations of the stage.
10. Cum splendore, fructus quoque jucunditatis. "Along with
the splendour of their rank, the enjoyment also of their diver-
sions."
11. In mea petitione. "In my application for the consulship."
12. Nam nos quoque, &c. "For we too had, on the part of our
opponent, a scene so splendid to contend against, that it actually
seemed to be itself a competitor." We have here been compelled
to express by a paraphrase, what the Latin gives in the compass of
a few brief words. The phraseology of scenam competitricem is
peculiar and forcible.-The nature of the allusion is as follows:
Antonius, who was Cicero's colleague in the consulship, had been
also his colleague in the aedileship, and had, while filling this latter
office, exhibited in the public shows, at which he presided, a splendid
piece of scenery, loaded with silver. This gained him great popu-
larity, and insured him a strong vote when he applied for the con-
sulship. Cicero was his competitor on that occasion, and adopts a
very forcible mode of expression in the text, to show how much
advantage Antonius had derived, in his opinion, from the silver
scene which he exhibited. Antonius, it is well known, was elected
to the consulship along with Cicero
13. Trinos ludos. "Three different kinds of solemn shows."
The first in honour of Ceres and Bacchus; the second of Flora;
the third of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. In Verr. 5, 14.)
14. Commovebar. "Was alarmed."-Casu. "From the opera-
tion of lot." The practor urbanus, whose duty it was to preside at
the Ludi Apollinares, was appointed by lot; that is, the two praetors,
after their election, determined by casting lots, which of them
should be practor urbanus, which practor peregrinus, and which
should exercise the other jurisdictions.
15. Nihil adversatam. “Proved of no injury," i. e. in your ap-
plication for the consulship. Cicero asks, whether Sulpicius does
not think that the silver scene, which Murena exhibited when praetor,
L. MURENA.
411
Page.
gained the latter numerous votes, and facilitated his election to the 113
consular office. Compare note 12.
sions."-Lenitate audiendi.
11
listens to all.'
16. Sit par forensis opera militari, &c. "Let the labours of
the bar be equal to those of the camp, let the vote of the citizen be
equal to that of the soldier."
"Between your allotted duties
17. Inter tuam et istius sortem.
and his." Compare note 14.
18. Hujus sors ea fuit, &c. "The sphere of duty, which fell to
his lot, was, what all of us your friends wished might be yours, that
of dispensing justice." Murena, as has already been remarked, ob-
tained by lot the station of praetor urbanus, an office which opened
up for him a path to extensive popularity.
19. Gloriam conciliat, &c. "The importance of the charge
gains high consideration for the individual, and the dispensing of
liberal justice, the favour of others." By aequitas is here meant
a decision according to the spirit, rather than the strict letter, of the
law. Compare Manutius: "Recte largitionis nomen ad aequitatem
adjunxit, nam saepe quod jus negat, aequitas largitur.”
CA
20. Aequabilitate decernendi. By the impartiality of his deci-
"By the affability with which he
1. Ad extremum, &c. "Is terminated at last by the gratification 114
derived from public spectacles," i. e. after having received the ap-
plause of others for the equity, uprightness and affability which
characterize his deportment, the magistrate in question crowns all
by a splendid exhibition of public shows.
2. Quid tua sors? Sulpicius drew for his lot the presiding at
trials de peculatu, or embezzlement of the public money.-Besides
the praetor urbanus, and practor peregrinus, there were other
praetors who each presided at particular trials throughout the year;
namely, one at trials concerning extortion (de repetundis); another
concerning bribery (de ambitu); a third concerning crimes against
the state (de majestate); a fourth about defrauding the public
treasury (de peculatu); &c.
ment."
3. Tristis, atrox, &c. "A gloomy, a harsh one: the trial of
questions of embezzlement." Literally, "inquiry into embezzle-
Quaestio is the technical term for each of the special juris-
dictions mentioned in the previous note, and as these were assigned
each to a particular praetor, for an entire year, they were hence
termed Quaestiones perpetuae.
4. Squaloris. Referring to the squalid and neglected garb of the
accused, assumed by him for the purpose of exciting commiseration.
5. Ex altera. Referring to the side of the accusers.-Plena cat-
412
ORATION FOR
Page.
114 enarum atque indicum.
formers."
"Full of imprisonment and common in.
6. Cogendi judices inviti. "The reluctant judges to be forced
to sit." The judices, called also assessores, formed the council of
the praetor. Compare note 4, page 99.
7. Scriba damnatus, &c. "A scribe condemned; the whole
order in consequence alienated." A scribe had been condemned
by Servius for embezzlement of the public money, and this lost him
the votes of the whole order in his application for the consulship.
As regards the scribes, compare note 3, page 43.
66
8. Sullana gratificatio reprehensa. 'Sylla's bounty disapproved
of," i. e. condemned or reversed. Several of Sylla's adherents had
received from him gifts of money from the public treasury.
This
proceeding was now adjudged to be illegal; and regarded as pecul-
atus.
"Almost an entire part." Schütz makes this
9. Prope pars.
the same as magna pars; and Lambinus, dimidia pars.
10. Lites severe aestimalae.
Damages heavily assessed," i. e.
a heavy amount of damages imposed. The allusion is to damages,
or a fine awarded by the praetor, in favour of the state, against in-
dividuals who had been convicted of embezzlement. As the amount
of damages rested with the praetor, Servius made many enemies by
imposing heavy sums.
11. Cui placet, obliviscitur. "He to whom it affords pleasure,
soon forgets it." The reference is to the accuser.-
Cui dolet memi-
nit. "He to whom it occasions pain, long remembers the circum-
stance," i. e. he that is condemned.
66
12. L. Murenae provincia. Transalpine Gaul, of which he had
charge after his praetorship.—Multas bonas grutias, &c. Brought
with it many opportunities of conferring important favours, together
with the highest reputation to himself."
13. Dedit ei facultatem liberalitatis
"Put it in his power to
exercise indulgence," i e. in excusing some from military service.
The state of public affairs (respublica) allowed him this opportunity.
14. Quae municipiis, &c. "Which are composed of the muni-
cipal town of Umbria."-Ipsa autem in Gallia.
This is the very
neat emendation of Ernesti, in place of the common reading ipse
autem in Gallia. The province of Gaul is here opposed to Umbria,
through which he was proceeding to the former.
15. Ut nostri homines, &c. "He enabled our countrymen by
his equity and application to recover sums of money which were by
this time despaired of," i. e. debts considered by this time as des-
perate. This result was brought about by mild and yet effectual
CL
L. MURENA.
413
Page.
remedies on the part of Murena, so that he often made both parties, 114
and not merely the creditor, his friends.
16. Scilicet. "It is true."—Fateor.
"This I am willing to
allow."-Nonnullorum amicorum, &c. The zeal of such friends
cools because their patrons, by refusing a province, have put out of
their hands the means of being serviceable to their followers and
dependants.
17. Disparem fortunam.
the affairs of a province."
Sulpicius declined altogether going to his.
18. Amisso jam tempore. "The occasion having now gone by."
Compare Manutius : "Cum praeterierit occasio."-Re integra.
"While the matter was as yet undetermined," i. e. before the elec-
tion took place.
19. In iis rebus ipsis, &c. Referred to immediately after.
“Primum accusandi terrores, &c. The part Sulpicius here acted
was no doubt a patriotic one, and showed "a spirited senator," but
it was not that of "a politic candidate."
20. Accusandi terrores el minae, &c. Referring to the language
of Sulpicius, before the comitia had taken place, and while private
canvassing was going on. He expressed, it seems, his firm de-
termination to impeach any one of his competitors who should have
recourse to bribery. Cicero says that this course showed the man
of spirit, but it led the people to expect that he would fail in his
election, because he acted as if he had lost all hope of success, and
it made his friends, also, less zealous in his behalf.
Unequal good fortune as regarded
Murena held an important province.
<C
21. A spe adipiscendi. "From any hope of obtaining office, on
the part of the candidate," i. e. as cherished by the candidate.
Spe adipiscendi does not refer to the people, but to the particular
candidate himself, who seems by his desperate conduct and language,
and by his threats of impeachment, to have lost all hope in his
own case.
22. In uno aut altero. "In one or two," i. e. in the case of one
or two candidates merely.-Honorem desperasse. "To have de-
spaired of the office to which he aspires."
1. Quid ergo? &c. Cicero now proceeds to meet an argu-115
ment that might be urged by Sulpicius in justification of his con-
duct; namely, that he was prompted to the course in question by a
wish to retaliate upon his opponents, for the injury they had done
him by their unfair proceeding.
2. Aliud tempus est petendi, &c. "There is one time for
soliciting the consulship, another for prosecuting," i. e. for im
peaching candidates who have been guilty of corruption,
35*
414
ORATION FOR
Page.
115 3. Magnis copiis. "With great numbers attending him," i. e.
numerously attended by friends and clients. The candidates were
accustomed to go down occasionally into the Forum and Campus
Martius, to show themselves to the people and gain votes. They
were accompanied at these times by large numbers of friends and
dependants. To escort a candidate, in this way, was called dedu-
cere, and his escort deductores.
4. Inquisitio candidati. "A prying into the conduct of a fellow-
candidate," i. e. to obtain matter for impeachment.-Comparatio.
"A procuring."
5. Declamatio potius quam persalutatio. Declamatory accusa-
tions rather than assiduously paying court to the people," i. e.
angry denunciations against rival candidates, and accusations of bri-
bery, when one ought to be going round and soliciting votes.— -The
old reading was salutatio, until changed by Gruter to the present
one, which is much stronger, and is equivalent to assidua salutatio.
(C
For a long time before the day of election, the candidates endeav-
oured to gain the favour of the people by every popular art, by go-
ing round to their houses, shaking hands with those whom they met,
saluting every one by name, &c. This last was esteemed a very
great compliment, and hence the candidate commonly had along
with him a monitor or nomenclator, who whispered in his ears
every body's name. In this way, salutatio and persalutatio become
general terms for all kinds of canvassing, though literally, they only
mean the latter.
6. Et ex vultu candidatorum faciant, &c. "And try to make
out from the looks of the candidates, how much of hope and re-
sources each may appear to possess." —Animi, literally, "of spirit,"
or courage," for the approaching contest.
(6
sense.
7. Jacet. "He's down." Used here in a familiar and colloquial
Compare note 1, page 102.-Abjecit hastas. "He has
given up the day.
the day." Literally, "he has flung the spears aside." A
figurative mode of expression, borrowed from the movements of
those who confess themselves vanquished in battle, and, in con-
sequence, throw away their arms. This is what the Greeks called
Siaomis. Compare Erasmus, Chil. 2, 3, 97, p. 415.
8. Alium faciam. "I'll make another my candidate."
9. Debilitantur. "Are dispirited." Literally, "are enfeebled
in their efforts."-Testatam. "As manifest and known to all."
The true reading here has been much disputed. Ernesti retains
testatam, but suggests desperatam. Lambinus prefers totam. It
is a case, however, where no emendation whatever appears necessary.
10. Operam et gratiam. "Their aid and influence."
L. MURENA.
415
Page.
11. Totum animum. "His whole spirit.”—Non possit ponere.115
"Cannot, when so situated, employ." The reference is still to a
candidate who despairs of success, and is now thinking of an im-
peachment against his competitors.
12. Nonparva res &c. "No small matter in itself, but in real-
ity the most important of all.
13. Comparare ea. "To get together those things," i. e. to
supply yourself with the means of driving out, &c.
14. Etiam per alienos.
ings of natural commiseration.
after.
Even by mere strangers." From feel-
This is explained immediately
15. In capitis periculis.
"When their lives or privileges are in
danger." Periculum capitis means not only "a capital trial,” in
our sense of the term, but also one involving the rights and privileges
of a citizen, where, for example, the punishment in case of convic-
tion would be exile, and not loss of life. We have been compelled,
therefore, to give it a general translation here, embodying both
meanings. Compare the remark of Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v.
caput,): "Causae capitales porro, res capitales, in quibus caput
hominis agitur, sunt, cum aliquis in judicium vocatus est publicum,
quo condemnatus locum in senatu, aut alia sui ordinis commoda,
civitatem, libertatemve amittit, solum vertere cogitur, aut vitam adeo
perdit. Itaque quoties formula hujusmodi apud Latinos occurrit,
semper de quibus hominibus, de quibusque causis sermo sit, viden-
dum, et quibus ex legibus causa agatur, iisque quae poenae propo-
sitae fuerint. Nam ita demum, capitis quae sit vis, intelligi poterit.'
16. Sic intellexi. "Have perceived this."-In petendo studium,
&c. "That in suing for office there is the most unremitted ardour;
in defending another, the most anxious zeal; in accusing, the most
active exertion," i. e. that suing for office requires the most unre-
mitted ardour, &c.
>"
17. Sic statuo. "I maintain this." The literal idea of statuo,
when taken in this sense, is to set or place a thing in a particular
position, with the determination of keeping it there as far as we
may be able.
18. Ut idem, &c. "That the same individual can, with suf-
ficient diligence, prepare the materials for an impeachment, and ar-
range an application for the consulship," i. e. at one and the same
time.-Adornare accusationem literally means, to furnish or supply
an accusation with what may be requisite for its success.
19. Unum. "The weight of merely one of these."
1. Cum te de curriculo, &c.
"When you turned off from 116
the career of a candidate." Curriculum properly denotes a chariot-
416
ORATION FOR
Page.
116 course, or race, and is here figuratively applied to the contest for
the consulship.
2. In istam accusandi denuntiationem. "C
'Upon that announce-
ment of your intention to accuse."-In ista ratione. "In that
employment," i. e. in getting ready the materials for an impeachment.
3. Legem ambitus, &c. "You earnestly solicited a law against
bribery; although there was one already for you," i. e. although
there was a law of this nature already in existence, namely the
Calpurnian.
4. Erat enim, &c. "For there was the Calpurnian, couched
in terms of very great severity." Passed A. U. C. 686. Compare
chapter 32, and consult Legal Index.
5. Gestus est mos. 'Regard was paid." More literally, "obe-
dience was paid," i. e. a new law was passed, as you entreated.
This new law against bribery was the Tullian, proposed by Cicero
himself, and which inflicted, in addition to the punishments ordained
by the previous laws on this subject, the penalty of ten years exile.
Consult Legal Index.
6. Sed tota illa lex, &c. "Now that whole law would per-
haps have armed your accusation with new terrors, if you had had
an accused person to deal with, who was actually guilty as it was,
however, it only served to oppose your application for the consul-
ship," i. e. if you had had a real offender to impeach, and not Murena,
the Tullian law might have done some good, in making your accusa-
tion the more formidable, and his punishment the more severe. But,
having only an innocent man like Murena to threaten with the penal-
ties of that law, you merely injured your cause with the people, who
regarded your conduct toward my client as the offspring of a vin-
dictive spirit.
7. Gravior. He means more severe than that already prescribed
by the Calpurnian and other laws.-In plebem. Referring to those
of the common people, who should suffer themselves to be corrupted
by any candidate.
8. Commoti animi tenuiorum. "The minds of the lower orders
were alarmed." The consequence was that he lost their votes.
9. Exsilium in nostrum ordinem. "The penalty of exile was
entreated by you against our own order," i. e. against those senators
who should be guilty of bribery.—Concessit. The punishment of
ten years exile was ordained.
(C
10. Sed non libenter, &c. "But it was with reluctance that, in
accordance with your suggestion, they decreed greater severity
against the order at large." Literally, "they unwillingly established
a harsher condition for our common fortune."- Fortunae communi
L. MURENA.
417
Page.
refers to the common condition of the order, and not, as some er-116
roneously explain it, to the lower classes of the people. We must
supply omnium senatorum after fortunae communi, as Sylvius does.
11. Morbi excusationi, &c. "A punishment was annexed to
every excuse of illness." The allusion here is extremely doubtful,
and we have nothing to guide us but mere conjecture. Manutius
thinks, that Servius got a law passed with the consent of the senate,
ordering all persons to be present at the consular comitia, and
directing, that the excuse of illness should not be received, to ac-
count for a person's absence, but that he should be punished for
non-attendance. Ernesti, however, gives a more reasonable inter-
pretation. He thinks that the enactment in question was aimed at
the judges, witnesses, and others, whose presence might be deemed
of importance in a trial for bribery. These were punished if they
stayed away, and the excuse of illness was not taken. The object
of the law was to guard against any improper collusion, which might
defeat the ends of justice.
12. Voluntas offensa multorum, &c. "The friendly feelings,
which many had entertained towards you, were hurt at this, since
they must either exert themselves to attend court to the detriment
of their health, or else, in addition to the evil of illness, the other
advantages of life must be abandoned by them," i. e. the other ad-
vantages of life besides health.-From the language here employed
by Cicero, Ernesti thinks, that the penalty to be inflicted on those,
who gave the excuse of illness, was an exclusion from office and
from the other rights and privileges of citizens.
13. Haec quis tulit? "Who proposed the law enacting all
this?" Literally, "who proposed these things?" The answer of
course is Cicero himself. From this passage it would appear, that
all the enactments which have just been enumerated by Cicero,
were contained in the provisions of the Tullian law.
14. Is qui, &c. Cicero, as consul, proposed the law in question
to the people, in accordance with the direction of the senate and the
wishes of Sulpicius, although he himself by no means approved of
the measure. Hence we have adopted Schütz's emendation, que
minime probarat, in place of the common reading cui minime prod-
erant. Ernesti retains the common lection, but condemns it in his
notes as incorrect. Vulgatum quidem verum non est. Ciceroni
quidem ista non nocebant, aut nocere poterant."
15. Illa, quae mea summa voluntate, &c. "Think you that the
following, which a crowded senate rejected to my very great satis-
faction, were only moderate impediments to your application for the
consulship?" Literally, "opposed you in a moderate degree."
((
418
ORATION FOR
Page.
116
16. Confusionem suffragiorum. “A promiscuous intermingling
of votes." The usual arrangement at the comitia centuriata, was
for the centuries of the first class to give their votes in order, and
then the centuries of the other classes, after them.
This was
favourable to bribery; for if a majority of votes had been purchased
in any century, it could easily be ascertained by the vote of that
century, on the day of election, whether it had fulfilled its share of
the bargain or not. In order to prevent this, Servius proposed to
the senate, that all the votes of all the centuries should be consider-
ed as thrown into common, that is, that the old order of calling up
the centuries in succession should not be observed, but that the in-
dividual citizens should be called upon for their votes, in no regular
order whatever, but as it were confusedly. Hence the expression
confusionem suffragiorum. Two advantages would result from this
new arrangement. First, it could not be ascertained how a par-
ticular century voted, the different individuals composing it being
scattered throughout the great body of voters; and in the next
place, the vote of each citizen counted equally, which was not the
case under the old system. Compare note 17, page 71.-The
senate rejected the proposition.
17. Prorogationem legis Maniliae. "An extension of the Manili-
an law," i. e. which amounted in fact to an extension of the provisions
of the Manilian law. By prorogatio legis is meant the extending of the
provisions of a law, so as to make these same provisions apply in
some other case, not originally contemplated by those who passed
the law in the first instance.-Servius had not asked for an exten-
sion of this law, but Cicero, in order to excite some degree of odi-
um against the latter, says that his proposition about blending the
votes was equivalent to an extension of this statute. The Manilian
law, here alluded to, was proposed by the same Manilius, who
brought forward the other law of the same name, for investing Pom-
pey with the charge of the Mithridatic war. The Manilian law,
which we are at present considering, however, allowed freedmen to
vote in all the tribes, whereas, previously to this, they voted in some
one of the four city-tribes only. This law was very unpopular
with the upper classes at Rome, since it made the freedmen equal
with the free citizens, and the favour of the former would have to
be sought as carefully at elections, by the haughty patricians, as that
of the latter. (Ascon. in Or. pro Cornel.) Now the proposition
made by Servius, about confounding together the votes, would have
had the effect of making the votes of the lowest of the people equal
to those of the highest, and in this sense Cicero says it would have
been in fact an extension of the Manilian law, which made the votes
L. MURENA.
419
Page.
of freedmen equal to those of freemen. This is merely said, how-116
ever, to bring Sulpicius into odium with those who regarded the
Manilian law itself in so unfavourable a light.
18. Aequationem gratiae, &c. "An equalizing of influence, of
rank, of suffrages." Such would have been the result, according
to Cicero, of the proposition of Servius; amounting, in effect, to a
perfect levelling system.
19. Homines honesti. "Men of honourable standing.”—Gratiosi.
"Of influence."
20. Dignitatis et gratiae.
"Of rank and influence." By dig-
nitas is here meant the degree of consideration in which an individ-
ual would be held, who had exerted his influence in favour of any
particular candidate, in case that individual were elected to office;
and gratia denotes the influence so exerted. Compare Manutius,
ad loc.
21. Idem editicios judices, &c. You likewise wished, that the
judges should be named by the parties." The Judices, or “judges,”
as the term is accustomed to be translated, were in fact a kind of
jury, though far more numerous. They formed a species of council,
over which the praetor presided, and were called his assessores. In
ordinary cases, they were chosen by lot. But sometimes the law
allowed the accuser and defendant to select them, in which case
they were said judices edere, and the judges themselves were called
editicii. Thus, by the Servilian law against extortion, the accuser
was ordered to name 100 from the whole number of persons who
were liable to be called upon as judices for that year, and from that
100 the defendant was to choose 50. By the Licinian law, de soda-
litiis, the accuser was allowed to name the judices from the people
at large. Whatever checks there might be on this strange practice,
we should view it at the present day as one of the surest means of
subverting all justice.-Servius wished, according to Cicero, this
mode of selecting judices to be extended to trials of bribery, and
the latter immediately after states the evil that would have resulted
from such an arrangement.
22. Ut occulta odia, &c. "In order that the private animosities
of citizens, which are now confined within the bounds of silent dis-
like, might break forth," &c. Cicero means, that, if an accuser
were to be allowed to select the judices, it would be a very easy
matter for persons to accuse and effect the condemnation of illustri-
ous individuals, who chanced to have incurred their hatred.
<<
23. Adipiscendi obsaepiebant. They obstructed that of attain-
ing to the consulship." After adipiscendi supply consulatum.
24. Ex omnibus illa plaga maxima. "That greatest of all
420
ORATION FOR
Page.
116 wounds," i. e. that mortal blow.-Hortensio. Hortensius and
Crassus were, as has already been remarked, engaged on the same
side with Cicero in this case.
25. Durior locus dicendi. "A more difficult task in speaking."
117 1. Ego in extremo, &c. "I, in closing, should not have to
handle merely some particular part of the case, but to state what-
ever might seem fit to me, respecting the affair at large," i. e. I, as
the closing speaker, when Hortensius and Crassus have gone over
the whole case with so much ability, should be compelled to follow
in the same track, and not be allowed to discuss merely some par-
ticular head of this cause, although the latter arrangement would be
easier for me, and certainly more agreeable to you.
2. Itaque in iisdem, &c. "Wherefore, I am now occupied with
almost the same topics that they were, and, as far as lies in my pow-
er, I strive to facilitate the decision which you in your wisdom will
make."
Cicero means, that, being compelled to go over the same
ground which had been travelled by his predecessors, he endeavours
to do this in such a way, that it may serve as a brief recapitulation
of the most important points in the cause, and thus render their task
the less burdensome in coming to a decision. -Lambinus found
sapictati in one of his MSS., which has been found also in another,
and hence conjectured satietati, so that occurro satietati, &c., will
mean, "I strive to diminish as much as I can the satiety you must
necessarily feel," i. e. having to go over the same topics, I do so as
briefly as possible. There is a good deal to be said in favour of this
reading, although it is condemned very decidedly by Ernesti, and is
followed by a very few. Ernesti, however, is wrong in the explana-
tion which he gives of the whole passage, as may be seen from the
remarks of Schütz.-The verb occurro, it must be remembered, is
here used in the sense of juvo.
3. Quam le securim, &c. "What an axe do you think you laid,"
i. e. only think what an axe you laid.
4. Deposita atque abjecta petitione. "Your application for the
consulship being given up, and cast aside as of no value," i. e. as
quite hopeless. This retiring from the contest, on the part of Sul-
picius, would cause Catiline's party to rally, and inspire them with
the hope of success, and would alarm many lest that hope might be
realized. These last would therefore throw the weight of their
influence into the scale of Murena and Silanus.
▬
5. Inquirere. "Collecting information."-Observationes. "Your
investigations," i. e. your inquiries as to who had given and who re-
ceived bribes. Compare Manutius: " Quis largiretur, quis ac-
ciperet."
L. MURENA.
421
Page.
6. Testificationes. "The depositions that were made.”—Se-117
ductiones testium. “The taking aside of witnesses,” i. e. the be-
ing closeted with them, in order to arrange their testimony for the
approaching trial.
7. Secessionem subscriptorum.
"The consultations of the ac-
cusers." Literally, "the going apart of the accusers." The
principal accuser was called accusator, and those who joined in the
accusation subscriptores, from their subscribing their names to the
impeachment.
<<
8. Indicibus atque sicariis. By informers and assassins."
Graevius finds it difficult to understand who are meant by "inform-
ers" in this case. The answer is an easy one. They were false
accusers and at the same time worthless persons, whom Catiline
kept around him for the purpose of harassing and intimidating the
good. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. and Cicero's language
respecting Clodius, (pro Sext. 44): Qui stipatus semper sicariis,
septus armatis, munitus indicibus fuit."
t
9. Collegae mei. Antonius. Compare Sallust, (B. C. 21):
"Petere consulatum C. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore spera-
ret, hominem et familiarem," &c., and also, (c. 26): “Ad hoc col-
legam suum Antonium," &c.
10. Arretinorum et Fesulanorum. Compare Or. in Cat. 2, 9.
Quam turbam, &c. "Which crowd, most motley in its character,
certain individuals, who had been sufferers by the calamities of Syl-
la's times, served to diversify," i. e. one might see scattered through-
out this motley group, and serving to make the contrast more con-
spicuous, certain persons who had lost their all during the proscrip-
tions of Sylla, and who were now, as desperate men, following a
desperate leader.
11. Perculsi. The common text has percussi. But perculsi is
the true reading. When speaking of the blow of calamity, where
the mind and feelings are of course involved, the Roman writers use
percello; when referring to mere bodily injury they employ percutio.
Hence the distinction which Bentley lays down, ad Horat. Epod.
11, 2, that percutere is the weaker term, and denotes merely to
strike, whereas percellere means "to stun," "to prostrate" as it
were.
12. Domi conditus. "Laid up for him at home." A forcible
expression. The consulship appeared to Catiline to be as fully in
his possession as any article of property under his own roof,
and all that remained for him to do was to put forth his hand and
take it when the occasion required.
13. Accusatorem suum. Because Sulpicius had declared his
36
422
ORATION FOR
Page.
117 intention to bring to trial every one who should employ improp-
er means in canvassing for the consulship.
14. Reipublicae. "Of the public welfare." -Factus esset.
Supply consul.
15. Percrebuissent. "Had spread abroad."-In concione domes-
tica. At the house of Laeca. Or. in Cat. 1, 4.
16. Eum, qui ipse miser esset. Alluding to himself. The
student will mark the use of the subjunctive here by Cicero, who is
quoting the sentiments and language of Catiline. So negrasset in
the previous clause.
"Of those who were unin-
17. Integrorum et fortunatorum.
jured and fortunate.” Meaning the upper classes and the wealthy.
Integrorum is here opposed to saucios, and fortunatorum to miseros.
18. Consumpla replere. "To repair their exhausted fortunes."
-Erepta. "What had been wrested from them," i. e. by the op-
pression and power of the aristocracy. Compare Catiline's speech
in Sallust, (B. C. c. 20): Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos,
divitiae apud illos sunt," &c.
118 1. Referente me. "On my motion." More literally, “I re-
ferring the matter to them for their consideration." Cicero, as con-
sul, laid this subject before the senate. Compare, as regards the af-
fair to which he alludes, note 5, page 3.
2. Catilinam excitavi. "I called upon Catiline." The literal
force of excitavi, "I caused to rise," has reference to the custom
that prevailed in the Roman senate of a member's always rising
when he had any remark to make, and his remaining up until he had
finished the observations he had to offer.
""
"
3. Apertissimus. Very open in his declarations."—Indicavit
atque induit.
"Owned the charge and plunged into the very midst
of the snare.' Indicare differs from confiteri in denoting a volun-
tary and ready confession. Compare the remark of Donatus, (ad
Terent. Adelph. prol. 4): "Indicat is qui de sc volens aliquid, et
de aliis etiam, prodit: sed confitetur, qui de se tantum, et qui in-
vitus."—With regard to induit, in this passage, it may be remarked,
that it is a metaphor taken from the deer plunging into the nets set
for it. Catiline plunges into the very midst of the danger, boldly
and fearlessly, although he sees it full before him. Compare Or. in
Verr., (4. 42); "Videte in quot se laqueos induerit, quorum ex
nullo se unquam expedirct."
4. Duo corpora, &c. Compare note 5, page 3.-Unum debile,
&c. The first of these denotes the senatorial party with Cicero at
its head; the other the advocates for a change of affairs, who
Catiline promises shall not be without a head.
(C
L. MURENA.
423
Page.
5. Congcmuit senatus frequens.
"A crowded senate broke 118
forth into one groan of indignation." The student will note the
force of the compound verb.-Pro rei indignitate.
“Considering
the indignity of the insult."
6. Tum erupit e senalu, &c. What the senate decreed against
Catiline, on this occasion, does not appear, but most probably from
the words here employed, and from his going to the Campus Martius
as a candidate, no measures of any importance were taken against
him. Dio Cassius, indeed, says that he did not venture to persist
in his application for the consulship, being deterred by the law which
had been passed against bribery, but Sallust (c. 26) merely remarks
that his application proved unsuccessful. Plutarch states express-
ly, that he stood for the consular office on this occasion.
Cic. c. 14.)
(Vit.
7. Paucis ante diebus. Sallust states that Catiline uttered the
threat here alluded to on the occasion of Cicero's first oration against
him. Cicero's authority, however, is of greater weight, and he
gives the same account in his Orator, 37, 129. Florus and Vale-
rius Maximus agree with Sallust.
8. Sed ruina. "But by ruins." Alluding to the custom of
stopping the progress of a fire, when ordinary means fail, by de-
molishing the buildings in the vicinity.
Non quae
9. Et cum illa lata, &c. Compare note 3, page 5.———Non
me tegeret. "Not that it might protect me." When Cicero says
that Catiline aimed only at the head and neck of his victims, he
must be understood as alluding figuratively to his cruel conduct
during the proscription of Sylla, when the heads of their political
antagonists were brought in by the assassins of party. Consult
Historical Index, s. v. Catilina.
10. Remissiorem. "Relaxing your ardour."
11. Magna est autem, &c. This appears at first view harsh La-
tinity, since two epithets are seldom if ever employed, unless one
of them come in as a participle. Magna, however, is not in fact an
epithet of inclinatio, but a predicate of repentina inclinatio. "Of
great importance is a sudden turn of popular feeling," &c. Com-
pare Ernesti ad loc.
12. Ad virum bonum. Such as Murena is.-Multis aliis adju
mentis, &c. These are enumerated immediately after.
1. Modestissima. "Characterized by the utmost self-control."119
-Legatione. "His lieutenancy under Lucullus."
2. Praetura probata in jure, &c. The praetorship of Murena is
here considered in its three different aspects, the dispensing of jus-
tice, the exhibiting of public shows, and the province that followed.
424
ORATION FOR
Page.
119 Render, "approved of as regarded the discharge of its judicial
duties, acceptable for the public shows connected with it, supplied
with every thing requisite as regarded the province that succeed-
ed." By ornare provinciam is meant, to supply a province with
every thing that may tend to give it efficiency in its several opera-
tions, and consideration in the eyes of those who come under its
jurisdiction. Compare the explanation of Facciolati: "Ornare pro-
vinciam est, ex Senatus consullo decernere certum militum numerum,
et iis stipendium, item viaticum in legatos et comitatum, terminare
ipsius provinciae fines, jurisdictionis formam modumque praescri-
bere, et hujusmodi alia, quae honori et ornatui erant tum provinciae
ipsi, tum magistratui eam regenti." Consult also Ernesti, Clav.
Cic. s. v. ornare.
3. Perpurgatus. "Fully cleared up.”—Ab iis qui ante, &c.
Referring to Hortensius and Crassus.
4. Postumius. Associated in the accusation with Sulpicius and
Cato. Consult Introductory remarks.
5. De divisorum indiciis, &c. Concerning the disclosures
made respecting the distributors of bribes, and the sums of money
that had been seized in their hands." The divisores were persons
employed by the candidates to distribute bribes. This, though
illegal, was often done; and was practised, on one occasion, against
Caesar, with the approbation of Cato himself.
6. Ser. Sulpicio. Son of Sulpicius, the accuser, and one of the
subscriptores. Compare Manutius :
Compare Manutius: "Quis non intelligit, Ser.
Sulpicii filium significari? qui et cum Postumio et Catone, patri,
Murenam accusanti subscripserat.'
""
แ
7. De equitum centuriis. These are centuries that composed
the whole body of the equites. They were eighteen in number,
and voted in the first class. If unanimous in their agreement with
that class, the election was decided. (Compare note 17, page 71.)
Hence the importance attached to their vote by the respective can-
didates. L. Natta, Murena's step-son, had invited them to a ban-
quet, and this was alleged to have been done with the view of se-
curing their vote.
"From the pursuits of ambition.".
8. A studiis ambitionis.
Secuti sunt. "Have courted."
9. Neque hujus eventum fortunamque. "Nor the fate and con-
dition of my friend," i. e. the hard lot which is his.
10. Unum adscendere gradum, &c. The father, the grand-
father, and others of the progenitors of Murena, had held the office
of praetor; but the consulship had not hitherto been attained to by
any of the family.
L. MURENA.
425
Page.
11. Ea quae relicta, &c. The honourable name left him by his 119
fathers. Haec quae ab ipso, &c.
The honours conferred for pre-
vious services rendered to his country by Murena himself, exclusive
of the consulship.
12. Propter studium novac laudis. "On account of his eager
pursuit of a new honour." Literally, "of a new source of praise."
The reference is to the consulship. Compare note 10.-Veteris
fortunae. The honours he had enjoyed previous to the consulship,
and which have already been alluded to, in the words "haec quae
ab ipso parta sunt.”
13. Odio inimicitiarum. Through the hatred engendered by
private animosity.”—Qui studio accusandi, &c.
Cicero means,
that Murena's old friends have, through their ill-timed and misdirec-
ted zeal for impeaching, been induced to become his accusers.
14. Non injuria L. Murenae, &c. "Not by any personal injury
received from Licinius Murena, but by a contest with him for pre-
ferment."
•
""
15 Paternus amicus. "An hereditary friend," i. e. whose
father and Murena's had been friends. The sons inherited the friend-
ship of their parents.--Some commentators make Postumius him-
self a friend of Murena's father, and translate paternus amicus
his father's friend." This, however, cannot be correct, since
Postumius was younger than Murena the son.
16. Qui necessitudinis, &c. "Who has assigned in fact very
many grounds for intimate friendship between them, has been un-
able to mention a single one for enmity," i. e. in all that he has said
on this part of the subject, Postumius has only shown the more
clearly that he and Murena were intimate friends, and consequently
that he ought not to be here as his accuser.
1. Ser. Sulpicius. Son of Sulpicius the accuser.--Sodalis 120
filii. "The companion of his son," i. e. of Murena's son. The
son of Sulpicius and the son of Murena the accused had been com-
panions.
<<
2. Cujus ingenio, &c. By the exercise of whose talents all
his father's friends ought only to be rendered the more safe." The
reference is to the son of Sulpicius, who ought not, according to
Cicero, to be here accusing, and endangering the safety of an old
friend of his father's, but ought rather to exert himself in behalf of
that friend. The reproof is extremely delicate. The son of
Sulpicius, when he finds his father at variance with an old friend,
ought to do his best in order to reconcile them to each other.
3. Alienus. Enstranged in feeling."--Multis etiam alienis-
simis. "To many who were even the merest strangers to him,"
**
36*
426
ORATION FOR
Page.
120 i, e. of whom he knew nothing at all.—Exitio.
"Detrimental."
The heathen doctrine of doing our utmost to retaliate upon and in-
jure our private foes, needs, of course, no comment here.
(6
4. Qui, nescio quo pacto, &c. Who, I know not how it is,
seems to me, being himself a candidate for the praetorship, to run
full against a competitor for the consular office, just as if a vaulter
on horseback should leap into a four-horse chariot."-Postumius,
himself a candidate for the praetorship, desists from his own can-
vass, turns off, and accuses one of the competitors for the consul-
ship. This is strange enough. Why did he not rather accuse some
one of his own rival candidates, and not interfere in a case where
his presence was unnecessary? This is the same, remarks Cicero, as
if a vaulter in the sports of the circus, who is accustomed to leap
from the back of one horse to that of another, should on a sudden
vault from a steed into the seat of a chariot. What has such a
vaulter to do with a chariot ? And what has Postumius to do with
the present impeachrnent ?With desultorius supply eques. The
desultorius, or, as he was more commonly called, desultor, leapt
from one horse to another as they were both proceeding at full
speed.
5. Cujus competitores, &c.
"If his competitors have been
guilty of no act of delinquency, he yielded to their superior merit,
when he desisted from being a candidate; but if, on the contrary,
some one of them has been guilty of bribery, then it seems some
friend is to be sought to prosecute another's injuries rather than his
own. All this is said to show that Postumius has nothing what-
ever to do with the present impeachment, and ought to be away.
If he yielded to his own opponents for the praetorship, because
their claims to personal merit were superior to his, for the very same
reason he ought not to be here accusing Murena, since the merit
of the latter is equal to that of Sulpicius. If, on the other hand, he
abandoned his own canvass because some one of his competitors
had been guilty of bribery, and he left it to some one of his friends
to prosecute this offence, when he ought to have done it in person,
in this case also, he should not have taken part in the present im-
peachment, because the man who cannot advocate his own rights, is
a very unfit person to appear as an advocate for those of another.
>>
6. Venio nunc. The replies to Postumius and the younger Sul-
picius do not appear in the MSS., and their absence is indicated, in
our text, by the asterisks after persequatur. It has been thought by
some that they were suppressed by Cicero himself, in the copies of
the speech prepared by him and published. The younger Pliny re-
fers to this oration with several others, in one of his letters, (1, 20,)
L. MURENA.
427
Page
and remarks: “Ex his apparet illum permulta dixisse; cum ede-120
ret, omisisse."—Cicero wrote down his speeches after delivery, and
does not appear to have prepared them in writing beforehand. Com-
pare what he himself says, on this subject, (Tusc. 4, 25): “Jam,
rebus transactis et praeteritis, orationes scribimus."
7. Quod est firmamentum, &c. "And this forms the main sup-
port and strength of the whole accusation," i. e. Cato's weight of
character makes Sulpicius and his friends regard this as the strong-
hold of their case.
8. Qui tamen, &c. "Who, notwithstanding, is so powerful and
vehement an accuser, that I fear his weight of character far more
than his accusation." The peculiar force of ita is lost, however,
in a literal translation. A paraphrase will convey Cicero's meaning
more clearly: "Who, notwithstanding the heavy and vehement at-
tacks which he has made against Murena on the present occasion,
appears to me far more formidable for his general weight of charac-
ter, than for any thing he has alleged against my client.
9. In quo accusatore. "In the case of this accuser," i. e. as
far as this accuser is concerned.--Illius. Referring to Cato.-
Expectatio tribunatus.
Cato was then tribune elect.
T
10. P. Africanus. The younger of this name.
11. In ipso imperio, &c. The pronoun ipso is not expressed in
some MSS., and early editions. It appears, however, in the best
modern editions, and imparts force to the clause.
12. L. Cottae profuisse. This prosecution is also referred to in
the oration for Fonteius, c. 16, and in that against Caecilius, c. 21.
Some farther details are given by Valerius Maximus, 8, 1, 11, but
the same reason is assigned for his acquittal, although, to quote the
words of the last-mentioned writer, "gravissimis criminibus erat
confossa."
13. Cadere in judicio. Compare note 3, page 100.-Abjectus.
"Borne down." Abjectus is here equivalent to dejectus or pro-
stratus. Compare (Cic. in Verr. 7. 54): “ Ad tribunal ante pedes
tuos, ad terram virgis et verberibus abjectum ;" and (Senec. de
benef. 5. 3): “Luctator ter abjectus perdidit palmam.”
14. Ser. Galbam. Servius Sulpicius Galba was accused by L.
Libo, a tribune of the commons of having slain a large number of
the Lusitani, in violation of his own plighted word. He was an an-
cestor of the emperor Galba. Valerius Maximus says, that, having
assembled the inhabitants of three cities of Lusitania, under the
pretext of conferring with them in relation to their common interests,
he disarmed them, and seized nine thousand of the flower of their
youth, whom he partly slew and partly sold as slaves. (Val. Max.
428
ORATION FOR
Page.
1208, 6, 2.) Suetonius (Vit. Galb. 3) says, that he massacred thirty
thousand, and that this was the cause of the war of Viriathus.
(Compare Oros. 4, 21.) Libo applied for a bill, the object of which
was to bring Galba to trial before the people, although he was not
expressly named in it. Cato, then at a very advanced age, sup
ported the passage of this bill, and a short time before his death pro-
nounced a long oration against Galba, which he inserted in his work
entitled Origines. (Cic. Brut. 23.)
15. Eripuit. In his Brutus, c. 23, Cicero ascribes the acquittal
of Galba to the commiseration felt by the people at the sight of the
young children of Galba, who were brought into public for this pur-
pose; and he quotes Cato to the same effect: Isque se tum eripuit
flumma, propter pueros misericordia populi commota, sicut idem
scriptum reliquit Cato." Compare also Cic. de Orat. 1, 53, where
some more details are given of this same transaction.
"C
Looking far into the
121 1. Multum in posterum prospicientes.
future for the good of a coming age."
2. Nolo accusator, &c. "I do not like an accuser to bring with
him to trial any degree of power, nor any greater force than ordinary,
nor any superior weight of character, nor too extensive influence."
3. Valeant haec omnia, &c. "Let all these things have their
full force for the safety of the innocent," &c., i. e. when exerted
for the safety, &c.
"If he had not previously
4. Nisi prius de causa judicasset.
judged this cause in his own mind."
5. Judicium accusatoris, &c. "That the judgment passed by
an accuser upon the accused ought to operate as a judicial precedent
against him."
By praejudicium is meant a judgment or sentence
which affords a precedent to be afterward followed. Compare As-
conius, (in Or. contra Caecil. c. 4): "Praejudicium dicitur res, quae
cum statuta fuerit, affert judicaturis exemplum, quod sequantur.”
6. Tuum consilium. "Your determination in the present case,"
i. e. to turn accuser against Murena.-Propter singulare animi, &c.
"On account of the high opinion I entertain," &c.
7. Conformare et leviter emendare. "To mould and slightly
amend it." Cicero means to say, that although his high respect for
Cato prevents him from blaming his conduct, still he has a little re-
proach to make against him.
44
8. Non mulla peccas, &c.
You do not often go wrong,
says the aged preceptor in the play to a very valiant hero, but
when you do, I am able to set you right." These words are thought
to have been quoted by Cicero from some well-known play of En-
nius or Attius, where Phoenix, the governor of Achilles is conver-
-་
L. MURENA.
429
Page.
sing with and imparting instruction to his pupil.-Ille senior magis- 121
ter. We have endeavoured to express the peculiar force of the pro-
noun ille in this clause. Its literal meaning is "that well-known,"
i. e. he that is known to all from the play that we have seen so of-
ten represented.
9. Ut corrigendus, &c. "As to appear to require to be made
straight, rather than to be only slightly bent," i. e. as to stand in need of
correction rather than gentle admonition. Corrigere is to straighten
what is quite crooked; inflectere to bend back to a straight form what
is only a little curved, and what therefore requires only a slight degree
of inflection to restore it to its previous state.
10. Accessit istuc. The common text has accessit his tot, where
tot cannot possibly be correct. One of the MSS. has istuc which
Ernesti commends in one of his notes. The peculiar force of istuc,
as applying to the person who is addressed, makes the correction a
very plausible one.
11. Nec mitis, &c. "Nor yet at the same time mild in its
character, but as appears to me a little too harsh, and more intract-
able than either truth or nature allow.'
>>
12. Cum, &c. "In the presence of an illiterate multitude."
Scheller has doubts respecting the correctness of this use of cum,
and suggests coram in place of it. In his Latin Lexicon, however,
he gives this as one of the meanings of cum, and quotes the follow-
ing passage from Caesar, (B. G. 7, 47): “Legionisque decimac,
quacum crat concionatus."
All the MSS. of Caesar confirm this
reading, but the editors have thought fit to substitute for quacum
erat concionatus the lection qua tum erat comitatus. The author
of the Greek translation of Caesar sanctions, however, the common
reading, for he has πρὸς δ αὐτὸς ἑδημηγωρήκει.
13. Imperita multitudine. It is curious to observe how Cicero
sometimes adapts his language to circumstances, and to the exigen-
cies of the case in hand. The very same individuals, whom he here
praises for their intelligence, he actually calls an illiterate class of
persons, on another occasion, when he was no longer pleading before
them. Thus, in the fourth book of the treatise de Finibus, c. 27,
where he is supposed to be conversing in private with Cato, about
the merits of the Stoic philosophy, Cicero remarks: "Non ego te-
cum jam ita loquar, ut iisdem his de rebus, quum L. Murenam, te
accusante, defenderem. Apud imperitos tum illa dicta sunt ; aliquid
etiam coronae datum: nunc agendum est subtilius." On another
occasion again, he even makes a precept out of this docility of the
imagination, and lays it down as a rule, that the first duty of an orator
is to please the people. (Brut. 50.)
430
ORATION FOR
Page.
121
14. Studiis humanitatis. Compare note 16, page 48.
15. Hacc bona divina et egregia. "That these divine and ad-
mirable qualities." Bona literally "goods," i. e. excellences.-Quae
nonnunquam requirimus. The verb requiro is here taken in the
sense of reprehendo. Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. and Schütz,
Ind. Lat.
16. Fuit enim quidam, &c. The art with which Cicero man-
ages to attack, not the character and authority, but the doctrines
of Cato, has often been a theme of remark. He is highly praised
for it by Quintilian, (11, 1, 68.) In the treatise de Finibus, (4, 27)
already alluded to in a previous note, Cicero acknowledges that he
had been too severe in his remarks on the Stoic sect.
17. Zeno. Consult Historical Index.—Cujus inventorum aemuli.
"The followers of whose discoveries." Aemulus is here, not a
rival, but a zealous follower. Compare Liv. 1, 28: " Quem juve-
num aemulantium studia coetus habuisse constat," where H. Homer,
in his Gloss. Liv. explains aemulantium by sequentium. So Ta-
citus, Hist. 3, 81: "Musonius Rufus, Equestris ordinis, studium
philosophiae et placita Stoicorum aemulatus.”
18. Stoici. The name is derived from the porch (oroà) where
Zeno was accustomed to lecture to his pupils. Hence "Stoics"
are literally, according to the import of the term, "the men of the
porch,” οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς.
19. Sententiae et praccepta.
"The tenets and maxims."
man.
20. Sapientem, &c. Cicero, in order to throw ridicule on the
Stoic doctrines, advances here some of the extravagant assertions
which the Stoics were accustomed to make respecting their wise
For example, that he feels neither pain nor pleasure; that
he exercises no pity; that he is free from all faults; that he is
divine; that he can neither deceive nor be deceived; that he does
all things well; that he alone is noble, great, ingenuous; that he
alone is free; that he is a prophet, a priest, and a king; and the
like. In order to conceive, however, the true notion of the Stoics
concerning their wise man, it must be clearly understood, that they
did not suppose such a man actually to exist, but that they framed,
in their imagination, an image of perfection, towards which every
man should constantly aspire. All the extravagant things which are
to be met with in their writings on this subject, may be referred to
their general principle of the entire sufficiency of virtue to happiness,
and the consequent indifference of all external circumstances.
ܕܕ
21. Gratia nunquam moveri. Because all external things are
matters of indifference to him.-Nunquam cujusquam delicto ignos-
cere. Because every fault, great or small is a deviation from the
L. MURENA.
431
Page.
strict and unerring rule of right reason, which must ever be most121
implicitly obeyed.-Neminem misericordem esse. To show pity is
to let feeling triumph over reason, and external things have sway.
122
1. Solos sapientes, &c. "That the wise, even though they be
most distorted in appearance, are alone beautiful; rich, though in
the most abject poverty; though in the lowest degree of slavery,
kings." All this follows from the Stoical premises of the indiffer-
ence of external things. True beauty, riches and royalty are the
beauty, riches, and royalty of reason and virtue.-Horace humor-
ously ridicules these paradoxical vauntings. Sat. 1, 3, sub. fin.—
Ep. 1, 1, 106.
same root.
2. Si servitutem serviant. The accusative is often added to an
intransitive verb, like an adverb, especially if the noun be of the
The object of this construction is to impart force to the
passage. Thus we have, besides the instance in the text, such forms
as vivere vitam, somniare somnium, pugnare pugnam. In English,
the construction is also found, "to live a life," "to dream a dream,
&c. So in Greek, Biurai Bióv, &c. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 257, Ken-
rick's transl.—Bultman, G. G. p. 360, Robinson's transl.)
3. Omnia peccata esse paria. According to the Stoic doctrine,
every virtue being a conformity to nature, and every vice a deviation
from it, all virtues and vices are equal.
(6
4. Nihil opinari. "Assents to nothing without full conviction."
Compare Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. Opinari, h. e. rei incertae
assentiri."-Sententiam mutare nunquam.
This fellows of course,
from his never making up his mind about any thing until the matter
has become perfectly clear to him.
5. Auctoribus eruditissimis. The various writers on the Stoic
doctrines, such as Zeno, Chrysippus, Cleanthes, &c.—Arripuit.
"Has eagerly caught at."-Scd ita vivendi. "But of living in
accordance with them." Ita literally, "in such a way" as they
prescribe.
6. Petunt aliquid publicani?
"Do the farmers of the revenue
petition for some abatement ?" The allusion is to cases where the
farmers of the public revenues have suffered in their contracts by
reason of war, or any other calamity, and have requested some abate-
ment in the terms of the agreement. These applications were made
to the senate. It seems that such requests were very often nega-
tived by that body, and that Cato's influence was very instrumental
in producing such a result. The evil policy of this opposition to the
wishes of the equestrian order, who were the farmers of the revenue,
soon displayed itself. The equites applied to Caesar, when in
power, for relief from a disadvantageous contract respecting the
432
ORATION FOR
ליז
Page.
122 Asiatic revenues, and that artful leader, by granting them the favour
which they could not obtain from the regular authority, turned in
effect the resources of the republic against itself, the disunion of the
senate and equites only serving to strengthen the more his usurped
power, and pave the way for the downfall of freedom. Compare
Cic. de Off. 3, 22: Ego etiam cum Catone meo saepe dissensi.
Nimis mihi praefractum videbatur aerarium vectigaliaque de-
fendere, omnia publicanis negare, multa sociis." Consult also
Heusinger, ad. loc.
"
7. Cave quidquam, &c. "Take care iest favour have any weight
with you." A wise man feels no favour or bias towards any indi-
vidual.
8. Dixisti quippiam ? &c. "Have you said any thing? It is
fixed and determined :" i. e. have you once said a thing, &c. A
wise man does all things well, and whatever he once says cannot be
improved.
""
9. Non re ductus, &c. "But you were influenced in what you
said, not by a careful consideration of the case, but only by a casual
opinion. This is supposed to be addressed to the Stoic, (repre-
sented here by Cato,) in order to induce him to change his mind.
The answer is, sapiens nihil opinatur. "A wise man never acts
from mere opinion;" i. e. never assents to any thing uncertain in its
nature, but is always guided by the unerring rules of reason. Opin-
ions are liable to error, because they are based on what is merely
speculative; the deductions of right reason are true and unalterable.
10. Errasti aliqua in re, &c. "You were wrong in something
or other he conceives himself calumniated by the remark," i. e.
does any one tell the Stoic that he has gone wrong in any particular
matter? the latter is indignant at a charge which strikes at the very
root of his peculiar doctrines, and he conceives himself calumniated
and called a false Stoic. For a wise man can never go wrong.
11. Hac ex disciplina, &c. "From this system of philosophy
we obtain the following results: I declared in the senate, says Cato,
that I would impeach some consular candidate. O, but you said
this, Cato, when you were angry. A wise man, replies he, is never
angry."
Cicero's object is to lessen the weight of Cato's charge
against Murena, by showing that the former was induced to come
forward as an accuser, not so much on account of any known crim-
inality in Murena, as in obedience to the peculiar doctrines of his
Cato accuses him, not because he had done any thing con-
trary to law, but because the Stoic had declared, in the senate, that
he was resolved to impeach some consular candidate. Any other
person, not infected with the obstinacy of Stoicism, would, accord-
sect.
•
L. MURENA.
433
Page.
ing to Cicero's meaning, have made no scruple of owning, that he122
was angry when he said this, and therefore now chose to drop his
design. But such an acknowledgment was by no means to be ex-
pected from Cato, who would thereby seem to deviate from the
gravity and firmness of a wise man. Murena, therefore, must be
impeached, because the Stoics thought anger inconsistent with the
character of a wise man, and Cato claimed that character as belong-
ing to himself.
12. Dixi. On account of this form, in the present clause, Man-
utius conjectures ratus dixi, in the succeeding one. But the
emendation impairs the force and spirit of the passage.
13. At temporis causa.
"Well then, you said it perhaps on
account of the particular conjecture," i. e. this threat was uttered
by you, perhaps, under particular circumstances; you were very
probably engaged at the time in speaking for some friend.—The
answer to this is in full accordance with the Stoic tenets: a wise
man never deceives, never changes his opinion, &c.
14. Nostri autem illi. "Those masters of ours, however."
Cicero here proceeds to show how directly opposite to the doctrines
of the Stoics were the milder systems of philosophy from which he had
culled his principles and rules of conduct. And he cites, in partic-
ular, Plato, the founder of the Academic, and Aristotle the great
head of the Peripatetic sect.
15. Valere aliquando. "Does sometimes exercise an influence."
-Viri boni esse misereri. "That it is the part of a good man to
show compassion." The substantive verb is emphatic in this and
the succeeding clauses.
16. Hominem constantem. "One that is firm.' The idea in-
tended to be conveyed by the clause is, that firmness of purpose is
not inconsistent with clemency.
17. Saepe aliquid opinari, &c. “Oft-times hazards a mere opin-
ion respecting that about which he knows nothing for certain," i. e.
frequently contents himself with opinions, where he finds it impos-
sible to arrive at absolute certainty.
""
1. Omnes virtutes, &c. “That all virtues are regulated by a123
certain degree of moderation," i. e. that moderation is an essential
feature in the character of every virtue, meaning by moderation that
barrier, beyond which we approximate to what is excessive and
immoderate. This is nothing more than the well-known maxim of
Horace, "Est modus in rebus," &c. There is a mean in all things.
2. Hos ad magistros, &c. "If, with those natural advantages
that you possess, any lucky fortune had brought you to instructers
such as these."
37
434
ORATION FOR
Page.
123 3. Paullo ad lenitatem propensior. He would have had, ac-
cording to Cicero, less of the austere and rigid character with which
the Stoic doctrines had unfortunately invested him.
4. Pudentissimum hominem. The epithet pudentissimum, be-
sides the idea of modesty, carries with it here the general one also
of moral worth.
(C
5. In ejusdem anni custodia. "Under the care of the same
year." Cato would be tribune, and Murena consul, during the en-
suing year.-Aliquo reipublicae vinculo. By some political tie.”
6. Seposuisses. "Would have put aside," i. e. would have
suppressed. Instead of aut seposuisses aut Lambinus gives, on the
conjecture of Hotomannus, aut si potuisses.
7. Praeceptorum. The Stoics.-Jam usus flectet, &c.
"Ex-
perience will one day bend, time soften down, age bring to milder
views."
8. Paullo longius, quam natura vellet. It was this that made so
many of the Stoics philosophers in words, rather than in actions.
And hence their adversaries found so much room for satirical ridi-
cule and invective against Stoical pride and hypocrisy. Nor is it
surprising that this should have happened. For a system of philos-
ophy, which attempts to raise men above their nature, must com-
monly produce either wretched fanatics or artful hypocrites. (En-
field's Hist. Phil. vol. 1. p. 322.)
9. Ut, cum ad ultimum, &c. "So that, although we should
strive in thought to reach the farthest limit, we ought nevertheless
to stop where it behooves us so to do," i. e. our desires should prompt
us indeed to aim at the highest perfection, yet we should ever stop
at the point marked out by reason.-The common text has opor-
terel, for which we have substituted oportet, with Gruter and Grae-
vius.
10. Nihil ignoveris. "Pardon nothing, you say." Cicero in
this, and what follows, quotes several of the Stoic maxims, and
subjoins his own replies. In other words, he proceeds to contrast
the doctrines of Stoicism with those which he himself has pursued.
The student will mark the use of the subjunctive as a softened form
for the imperative.
11. Immo aliquid, non omnia. "Nay, indeed, pardon some things,
not all."
12. Immo resistito, &c. "Nay indeed, resist favour, when duty
and honour shall demand this," i. e. not so: resist it when it comes
in contact with what duty and honour prescribe;
some influence on other occasions.
but allow it to have
13. Etiam; in dissolvenda severitate, &c.
"Certainly; when,
L. MURENA.
435
Page.
for example, wholesome severity would be relaxed; but still there is 123
some praise attendant on the exercise of humanc feelings," i. e. it
is certainly right, not to yield to compassion, in those cases, where,
by so yielding we may relax a wholesome severity; but still, on
many occasions, humanity is praiseworthy.
14. In sententia permaneto, &c. “Adhere to your opinion.
True; unless some better one shall triumph over it," i. e. some
more correct one, founded on a clearer view of the subject.
15. Scipio. The younger Africanus. Compare Cic. de Off. 2,
22, and Heusinger, ad loc.-Eruditissimum hominem. The Stoic
Panaetius. He was not, however, a strict follower of all the doc-
trines of Zeno, but seems rather to have borrowed opinions and
sentiments with much freedom from philosophers of every sect.
(Enfield, Hist. Phil. vol. 1, p. 360.)
16. Cujus oratione et praeceptis. "By whose converse and pre-
cepts." Literally, "by whose language," &c.
17. Eadem. Not exactly, however. Consult note 15.-C.
Laelio. C. Laelius, surnamed Sapiens, or "the wise," the well-
known friend of the younger Scipio, as his father had been the
friend of the elder. He was also a hearer of the Stoic Panaetius.
18. L. Philo. The common text has L. Philippo, but as L.
Philippus was not remarkable for any great advances in learning and
philosophy, Manutius conjectured L. Philo, which has been adopted
by Beck, Matthiae, and Schütz. The reference will then be to L.
Furius Pbilus. Compare Agr. 2, 24.-De Orat. 2, 37.
((
19. C. Gallo. C. Sulpicius Gallus. Consult Historical Index.
20. Catone. Cato the Censor.-Commodiorcm. "Milder."
Compare Ernesti, (Clav. Cic. s. v) : Commodus, mitis, qui nec
facile in rebus levibus, nec nimis irascitur." It has also the kin-
dred meanings of "affable," "polite," obliging," &c., and appears
analogous to the Greek εφάρμοστος.
99.66
21. Comiorem. "More unassuming in manners." Compare
Ep. ad Fam. 4, 4.-Corn. Nep. Vit. Att. 3.-Graevius, Beck,
and others give communiorem from some MSS.
"More 124
1. Moderatiorem ad omnem rationem humanitatis.
within due bounds as regarded all the social relations of life."
2. Te habere dixisti, "You told us that you had in him.".
Est illud quidem, &c. "It is true indeed, that this example of his
has been set up for you at your own home."- Naturae similitudo
illius. "The resemblance of his natural endowments."
3. Comitatem et facilitatem.
Unassuming and affable deport-
The presence of comitatem here, as applied to Cato, is an
argument in favour of the reading comiorem already referred to.
ment."
(C
436
ORATION for
Page.
124 4. Ista. "Those qualities of yours.".
Condita jucundius.
64
"More agreeably seasoned," i. e. more amiable.
5. Tolle mihi, &c. Away for me with the name of Cato from
this cause: remove and pass by an authority, which either ought to
have no weight at all in trials, or else ought to tend to the safety
of individuals: join issue with me upon the charges themselves."
The first part of this sentence is addressed to each individual who
hears him, especially among the judices. The last clause, from
congredere, is addressed to Cato.-Congredere, literally,
action with," "enter the lists with."
(C
come to
6. Quid accusas. "What do you accuse him of.”
guis. "What do you seek to prove?"—Non defendo.
no defence to urge for such a crime," i. e. if your charge be true, I
have nothing to say. But is it true? can you prove it so?
7. Me reprehendis, &c. "You blame me, for seeking to defend
the very same offence which I have punished by a law," i. e. you
blame me for defending bribery, when I myself proposed a law for
the punishment of bribery.
8. Punivi ambitum, &c. Cicero here draws the proper distinc-
tion. My law was for the punishment of the guilty, not of the in-
nocent. Murena is an innocent man: therefore the law can never
affect him.
mere glosses.
9. Ambitum vero ipsum, &c. Cicero means, that to such a de-
gree does he disapprove of bribery, as to be willing to turn an ac-
cuser of it, along with Cato himself.
10. Si mercede corrupti, &c. "That if persons corrupted by a
bribe should go to meet any candidate for office; if persons hired
for that purpose should attend upon them; if at gladiatorial shows
places had been assigned to the people gratuitously, and arranged by
tribes; and also if entertainments had been given to the populace,
all this seemed done in violation of the Calpurnian law."
11. Corrupti. Some of the Oxford MSS., and a few edi-
tions have conducti. Both corrupti and conducti are probably
12. Locus tributim.
-Quid ar-
"I have
Certain places might be assigned to certain
individuals at the games, free of any charge. But this could not
be done to the people by tribes, without incurring the suspicion of
an attempt to bribe.
Graevius ad loc.
(C
13. Si facta sint. Only in case they have been committed."
-Decernit quod nihil opus, &c. They decree what is not
needed, when they comply with the wishes of the candidates them-
selves."
The candidates in this very election asked for this
senatus-consultum. Of course, the senate could not be said to
((
L. MURENA.
437
Page.
have decreed against them, when it only decreed in order to please 124
them.
14. Nam factum sit, &c. "For the great question is, whether
the act was committed or not. If it has been committed, then no
one can doubt but that it is in violation of the law." Cicero insists,
of course, that Murena has committed no act of bribery in the
present case.
15. Atqui id decernitur. "Now, the decree in question is
passed." We have given atqui, the conjecture of Pantagathus, as
cited by Ursinus. The ordinary reading is atque.
16. Multi obviam, &c. Cicero supposes, that Cato here takes
him at his word, and proceeds to show that Murena has employed
bribery. The first charge is, that many persons went out to meet
him, when he returned from his province to stand for the consul-
ship. The reply is, that this is a very customary thing.
1. Eccui autem, &c. "For to whom do not persons go out, on 125
his returning from a province ?"
2. Quae fuit, &c. A second objection supposed to be made.
"Yes, but who were that large concourse?"
3. Istam rationem reddere.
that."-Quod nisi esset factum.
i. e. had not numbers gone out to receive him.
4. Quod a consuetudine non abhorret. "What is not at variance
with the custom of the day," i. e. what is fully sanctioned by usage.
-Rogalos esse multos. "That many persons were invited to meet
Murena."
"To give you an explanation of
"Indeed had this not been done,"
5. Rogati. "On being invited so to do.”—Infimorum hominum
filios: i. e. when candidates for office.-Prope de nocte. "While it
is almost yet dark," i. e. even at the earliest dawn.
are
6. Non esse gravatos. “Think it no trouble." Literally,
not burdened," or "weighed down."-Hora tertia. Answering to
our nine o'clock. The first hour commenced at six in the morning,
according to our way of computing.
7. Omnes societates. "All the companies of the knights."
These were the several companies or copartnerships of knights,
who contracted as farmers-general of the provincial revenues.
<<
8. Tota nalio candidatorum. Candidates for the praetorship,
aedileship, quaestorship, &c. They would all come out, in order to
secure if possible the vote of so distinguished a new-comer. Hence
they are said to allow no one to enter the city "without paying him
some mark of respect," or in the words of the text, non honeste.'
In this same sense is the epithet officiosissima applied to them.
Compare note 11.
(C
??
37*
438
ORATION FOR
Page.
125 9. Noster Postumius.
An amusing hit. Postumius, one of
the very accusers of Murena, happened to have swelled with his
retinue the very crowd whose numbers are now regarded as a sure
indication of bribery !
10. Clientes. The clients of Murena are meant.-Tribules.
"The members of his tribe."
11. Frequentiam in isto officio gratuitam. "That a disinterested
concourse of friends, on such an occasion, has not only never been
wanting to the merit, but not even to the wishes, of any individual.'
-Officio. The term officium is often employed to denote any
compliment paid to an individual, by going forth to meet him, es-
corting him, &c. Compare the explanation of Ernesti, Clav. Cic.
8. v.: “Officium, honos qui ex more alicui, salutando, occurrendo,
deducendo, sectando, &c., habctur."
12. At sectabantur multi. A new objection is here supposed to
be started. "Aye, but a large concourse escorted him."- Very
well," replies Cicero, "show that they did this for hire, and I will
allow it to be an offence. But if this be put out of the question,
with what do you find fault?" i. e. if you cannot show any bribery,
why do you blame him for his numerous escort?
13. Quid opus est, inquit sectatoribus ?
"What need is there of a train of followers ?"
does such an escort answer?
·
Another objection.
What good purpose
14. Quo semper usi sumus. Cicero refers not to himself par-
ticularly, but to all candidates heretofore. This custom of having
a train of followers had been long in general use among the Romans,
and it was idle now to find fault with it. We may here quote the
language of Cicero's brother, Quintus, in relation to the propriety of
this usage: ((
Qui autem tibi debent, ab iis plane hoc munus exige.
Valde ego te volo, et ad rem pertinere arbitror, semper cum
multitudine esse."
15. Homines tenues, &c. "Men of humble condition have in
the aid thus lent, and in this species of attendance upon us during
our applications for office, their only opportunity of conferring a
favour upon our order, or of returning one already received."
16. Neque enim fieri potest, &c. The senators and equites
cannot, from the press of public business and other matters, accom-
pany their friends when candidates for office (suos necessarios can-
didatos) during whole days together. This the lower orders can
better do, and therefore there is no impropriety in their doing it.
17. A quibus si domus nostra celebratur, &c. "If our dwelling
is only often visited by them, if we are occasionally escorted by
them down to the forum, if we are favoured with one turn during
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a walk in some basilica, we appear to be sufficiently respected and 125
honoured by them," i. e. we candidates cannot expect to have the
senators and equites attending upon and escorting us all day long,
as the lower orders do. It is a sufficient mark of respect and esteem
on their part, and will answer precisely the same purpose, if they
pay us frequent visits at our houses, &c. The inference from all
this is, that they too would escort us if their affairs and engagements
permitted them; and, consequently, that this same escorting carries
nothing improper with it.
18. Basilicae. The Basilicae were spacious halls around the
forum where the courts of justice sat, and public business was oc-
casionally transacted. They were adorned with columns and por-
ticoes. From the crowds usually assembled here, to take a turn or
two with a friend, in one of these porticoes or piazzas, would be
almost tantamount to escorting him about the streets of the capital.
-The Basilicac took their name from their splendid construction,
(quasi Bucidikaì croat,) and, when Christianity was introduced, many
of them were converted into churches, while other churches were
built after their model. Hence we find, in the early ecclesiastical
writers, the term ẞuriin applied to a sacred edifice, and so basilica
in Latin. Thus, "Mox, usa regni viribus, basilicam in loco Do-
minicae passionis, et resurrectionis, et ascensionis constituit,”
(Sulpic. Sev. 2, 2, 33,) and again, "In basilica Martyrum, extra
oppidum sita." (Id. ibid. c. 38.) The term remains at the present
day in the Italian language: “La basilica di San Pietro.' "The
church of St. Peter." It means, in the Italian, a cathedral church,
but is sometimes applied to a royal mansion, or princely palace, and
is then equivalent to casa reale.
""
19. Tenuiorum et non occupatorum, &c. "That constant at-
tendance belongs to well-wishers in humble life, and who are not
occupied by the calls of business.”
126
1. Hunc fructum officii. "This fruit of their good offices."
2. Si nihil erit praeter, &c. If they shall have nothing to be-
stow upon us except their mere vote, this is a thing of but little
value; if, on the other hand, nothing except to support us by their
interest, they really have none to exert." This passage is evidently
corrupt. We have given Ernesti's reading as the best that offers.
Schütz inserts alii after suffragentur, on conjecture, and opposes
their own votes to those of others whom they might gain over, if
they possessed any influence. With the second si, as we have
given the passage, erit must be supplied, not nihil erit.—When
Cicero says, that the mere vote of the lower orders was of little
value, he alludes to the peculiar system of voting which prevailed
440
ORATION FOR
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126 at the comitia centuriata, where the balloting seldom reached the
lower classes, and where of course their suffrages were of com-
paratively little value.
3. Non dicere pro nobis, &c. "Cannot plead for us, cannot go
surety for us, cannot invite us to their houses."-Spondere. Com-
pare the explanation of Ernesti: " Spondere pro aliquo, est fidem
suam interponere pro aliquo in re pecuniaria. Nam si quis pecuniam
mutuam petebat, cui tuto credi non posse videbatur, petebat creditor
ab eo, ut aliquem daret, qui solutum iri promitteret, h. e. sponderet."
4. Haec. "These services," i. e. pleading for others, &c.
ܝ
5. Legi Fabiae. Very little is known about this law. Its object
was to limit the number of followers that were to attend a candidate
to the Campus Martius. The people, however, strenuously opposed
it, and could he deterred by no penalties from this mode of expres-
sing their regard for a candidate.-The distinction between the salu-
tatores, deductores, and sectatores, is given by Quintus Cicero, de
Pel. Cons. c. 9.
6. L. Caesare consule factum. The year previous, when L.
Julius Caesar and C. Marcius Figulus were consuls. This was
the year in which Cicero stood for the consulship. The practice of
bribing was carried on so openly and shamefully by Antonius and
Catiline, that the senate thought it necessary to give some check to
it by a new and more rigorous law. But when they were proceed-
ing with it, one of the tribunes, Q. Mutius Orestinus interposed.
7. Nulla est enim poena, &c. "For there is no penalty that
can restrain the zeal of the lower classes from this long-established
mode of testifying attachment."
8. At spectacula, &c. "But seats at the public shows were
given to the people by tribes, and they were all invited to entertain-
ments." We have here another objection of Murena's accusers,
referred to by Cicero.
71
9. Morc el modo. "According to established usage, and in a
"These investigations.'
moderate manner."-Hae quaestiones.
Compare Ernesti, Clan. Cic. s. v. : "Dicitur et quaestio de quali-
bet inquisitione publica; Mur. 34; quaestiones in senatu habitae."
10. Punctorum. "Of votes." The Romans counted votes by
points marked on a tablet. Compare pro Planc. 22: "Nonnullas
tribus punctis paene totidem tulerunt."
11. Quo haec, &c. "When this, whether it be the result of
ambition or of liberality, was not customary among us, namely, that
a place," &c. Non fuerit, literally, "did not exist.”
12. Haec homines tenuiores, &c. A chasm occurs in the MSS.,
after assequebantur. The previous part of the clause is also very
L. MURENA.
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Page.
probably corrupt. In the Wolfenbuttel MS., there is a vacant space 126
left for a line between the words tenuiores and qui.
13. Praefectum fabrum, &c. "That the praefect of the military
artificers." This is in a great measure analogous to the modern
station of "head of the engineer department," excepting that by
fabri, in a military sense, the Romans meant actual artificers, rather
than persons, who, like our modern engineers, planned and super-
intended military works. According to Vegetius, (2, 11,) the legion
contained various kinds of artificers: "Habet praeterea legio fabros
lignarios, instructores, carpentarios, ferrarios, pictores, reliquosque
artifices ad hibernorum aedificia fabricanda; ad machinas, turres
ligneas," &c.
14. Dedisse. We may suppose this to be governed by notum
cst understood. The corrupt state of the previous part of the text,
as well as the lacuna in the MS., make the true government of de-
disse, of course, altogether uncertain.
15. Qui tolas tabernas compararunt.
"Who have prepared
whole booths." These were intended as places from which the
games could be seen with more advantage and convenience.
16. Haec sectatorum, &c. "All these accusations, Servius,
about retinues, public spectacles, and entertainments, were ascribed
by the multitude to your scrupulous exactness," i. e. all these mi-
nute charges have only led people to believe that you are over-exact
in finding fault.
17. Convince. "Aye, prove that," i. e. prove that, if you can,
against Murena.
18. Doce. "Show me that Murena has done this."
19. Sed vulgo, passim. But indiscriminately, in every quarter.
-What is indiscriminately?-All without any exception."
20. L. Natta. Already alluded to in a previous note.
a member of the old Pinarian line, and Murena's step-son.
1. In equitum centuriis, &c. "Wished to become possessed 127
of influence among the centuries of equites, both with respect to
this duty imposed by relationship, and with reference to the time to
come."
Cicero means, that L. Natta, by the entertainment which
he gave to the equites, merely discharged the ordinary duty of a
relative towards Murena, and sought, at the same time, to establish
his own interest and popularity as regarded some future application
for office.
He was
2. Ejus vitrico fraudi, aut crimini. "A source of injury or of
accusation unto his step-father." Fraus is here used in its old
sense, as equivalent to poena or detrimentum.
3. Virgo Vestalis. Besides other privileges, the Vestal virgins
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ORATION FOR
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127 had the singular one of being present at the gladiatorial combats.
For this purpose, they had seats allotted them in front, in a conspic-
uous place; and the charge referred to in the text was, that one
of them, a relation of Murena's, gave up her seat to that individual,
in order that he might bestow it on some third person, whose vote
he wished to gain by this act of courtesy. Compare Ernesti, ad loc.
4. Gladiatoribus. Equivalent to cum ludi gladiatorii fierent. It
would not have been correct Latinity to have said locum gladiatorium.
5. Non et illa, &c. "Did both that female not act in the way
that affection demanded, and is this friend of mine not far removed
from all kind of censure ?"
6. Omnia haec, &c. "All these things are merely the duties of
friends, the means of gratification on the part of the lower orders,
the privileges of candidates."
7. Austere et Stoice.
Austerely and like a Stoic," i. e. with
all the austerity of a Stoic.-Verum. Right and proper." Verum
is here equivalent to aequum.-Allici benevolentiam cibo.
"That
favour should be conciliated by food." Benevolentiam, literally,
friendly feelings," "well-wishing."
8. Judicium hominum, &c. "The decision of individuals in
assigning offices of magistracy," i. e. the votes at elections.
9. Quippe, inquil, &c. "For do you, pray, asks he, seek for,"
&c. We have paraphrased mihi in order to adapt it to our own
idiom. Compare note 9, page 104.-Fovendis sensibus. "By pam-
pering the senses.
<<
46
10. Utrum lenocinium, &c. "Were you seeking for some im-
pure gratification from a herd of effeminate youth," i. c. invited by
you to an entertainment. Compare, as regards lenocinium, the
remark of Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v. 'Lenocinia corporum, sunt
res quibus corpus suaviter afficitur."
11. Horibilis oratio. "Horrid speech!" Uttered ironically.-
Sed eam usus, &c. "But our usages, our mode of life, our man-
ners, our political institutions themselves reject it," i. e. furnish a
direct refutation.
12. Auctores istius vitae atque orationis. "The authors of that
mode of living and speaking which you have adopted." The stu-
dent will note the force of istius here, as applying to Cato, the
person addressed.—Qui quotidianis epulis, &c. "Who, at their
daily meals, sit on bare boards." The reference is to the public
ineals or ovocítia of the ancient Spartans, where all ate in common,
and the utmost plainness and frugality prevailed. Their seats were
boards, not cushioned as the Roman couches were, nor did they
recline after the Roman fashion, but sat upright.
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13. Cretes. The common meals of the Cretans were also of a127
plain and frugal nature.-Cubans. Reclining, i. e. as the Romans
did. Compare note 14, page 16.
14. Melius, quam Romani homines, &c. Cicero's object is to
show, that their frugal mode of life did not save the Spartans and
Cretans from being subdued, and by the very nation too who were
less abstemious in their diet. This is urged as a kind of argument in
favour of a moderate enjoyment of the pleasures of the table, and as
an answer to Cato's harsh remark just quoted, utrum lenocinium, &c.
15. Qui tempora voluptatis, &c. "Who distinguish between
their moments of relaxation and serious enjoyment,” i. e. who have
times set apart for both pleasure and business.
16. Quorum altcri. The Cretans.-Uno adventu nostri exercitus.
If we believe the voice of history, Q. Metellus, surnamed Creticus,
took three years to conquer Crete. (Eutrop. 6, 11.) Cicero there-
fore exaggerates a little the facility of this conquest. As for the
Lacedaemonians, they had already passed with the rest of Greece
under the Roman dominion.
17. Res ipsa.
"The present state of our affairs themselves,"
i. e. the present flourishing condition of our affairs.
18. Eodem ex studio. "Of the same school of philosophy," i. e.
the Stoic. Literally, "of the same study."
19. Epulum. This term denotes a banquet connected with some
solemn celebration, such as the dedication of a temple, a triumph,
public games, &c. In the present case it was a funeral entertain-
ment. Epulae, on the other hand, denotes an entertainment or
banquet in the usual form.
20. Africani patrui, &c. "In memory of his uncle Africanus."
More literally, "on account of his uncle Africanus." Nomine pa-
trui is here equivalent to propter patruum, i. e. in memoriam
patrui. Lucius Aemilius Paullus (more commonly known by the
name of Paullus Aemilius) had two sons by his wife Papiria. One
of these was adopted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, and took the
name of his adoptive father. He had a son himself, who is the
Quintus Maximus mentioned in the text. The other son of Paul-
lus Aemilius was adopted by Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of Afri-
canus Major, and was himself named Publius Comelius Scipio
Aemilianus. This is the younger Africanus, the destroyer of Car-
thage, and is the one also mentioned in the text. Paullus Aemilius
had, by another wife, two daughters, one of whom was married to
Quintus Aelius Tubero, father of the Tubero of whom Cicero here
speaks.
21. Ut triclinium sterneret. "To make the requisite prepara-
1
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127 tions."
:
We have been compelled to resort to a paraphrase here, in
order to convey more clearly the meaning of Cicero. Triclinium
in its primitive acceptation, denotes a couch for reclining on at sup-
per, large enough to hold three persons, (τọcîs and kλívn.) Thus
we have in Varro, R. R. 3, 13: "Ibi erat locus excelsus, ubi tri-
clinio posito coenabamus.” It is then taken to denote the place
of entertainment itself, from the circumstance of three couches,
(Tρcīs kλívaι,) each holding three guests, being used at private feasts.
For Varro says, that the number of the guests ought not to exceed
that of the Muses, nor be less than that of the Graces. (Aul. Gell.
13, 11.) The phrase triclinium sternere has in like manner two
meanings. The first is to spread a couch, that is, to cover it with
what was termed the stragula vestis, a species of covering put upon
it previous to a banquet, plain and neat for ordinary entertainments,
but sumptuous and highly ornamental when the feast was to be a
splendid one. Compare Cic. in Verr. 5, 25: “Cum Apronius c
palaestra rediisset, et in triclinio, quod in foro straverat decubuis-
set." The second meaning of triclinium sternere, is to arrange the
couches in a banqueting room, that is, to prepare the place for an
entertainment. Thus we have in Varro, L. L. c. 4: Qui tricli-
nium constrarunt, si quem lectum de tribus unum imparem posuc-
rant," &c. Now, from all that has been here premised, we may
ascertain, very clearly, in connexion with the context, the meaning
of Cicero on the present occasion. The feast was to be a public
one, and Tubero was requested to prepare accommodations for the
guests, that is, not only to see that the place itself was got ready in
a proper manner, but that the tables were supplied with a sufficient
number of couches, and that these couches as well as the other arti-
cles connected with the banquet were of such a kind as might best
comport with the occasion.
e
"
22. Stravit pelliculis, &c. Spread low Carthaginian couches
with little goat-skins, and set out vessels of Samian earthenware."
The Carthaginian couches were low, small, and made of wood.
The vessels also were cheap and mean. The little goat-skins were
purposely substituted for the more usual and expensive couch-
coverings. Seneca alludes to this same circumstance, in one of his
letters, where he also speaks of the couches as being of wood, on
this occasion, and the vessels of earthenware, and where his lan-
guage also confirms the view we have taken, in the previous note, of
the meaning of ut triclinium sterneret. Thus (Ep. 95, p. 607, ed.
Lipsii,) he has the following: "Tuberonis ligneos lectulos, cum in
publicum sternerentur, haedinasque pro stragulis pelles, et ante
ipsius Jovis cellam proposita convivis vasa fictilia: quid aliud est,
("
L. MURENA.
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Page.
paupertatem in Capitolio consecrare?" Compare Isidorus (Orig. 127
20. 11, 3): "Punicani lecti parvi et humiles, primum a Cartha-
gine advecti, et inde nominati.” And in relation to the Samian
vases, consult Plautus, Captiv. 2, 2, 40, and Taubmann. ad loc.
1. Hanc perversam sapientiam Tuberonis. "This ill-judged 128
wisdom of Tubero." Perversus, in its literal acceptation here, ap-
proximates very closely to our plain English epithets,
wrong-
(6
headed," cross-grained."
2. Homo integerrimus.
"This most upright man. "Referring
to Tubero. Cum esset. <<
Although he was." As regards the
relationship between Tubero and the individuals mentioned in the
text, consult note 20, page 127.
3. His haedinis pelliculis, &c. "Lost the praetorship through
these same little goat-skins." More literally, "was dislodged from
his application for the praetorship by these same little goat-skins."
The people were so offended at what they considered his parsimony,
in the case of the funeral honours rendered to Scipio, that they
would not vote him into the praetorship. His stoical frugality,
therefore, like Cato's strictness and simplicity on the present occa-
sion, was completely out of place.
4. Non amat profusas epulas, &c. "They are not fond of pro-
fusion at repasts; but much less of sordidness and meanness." The
term inhumanitas is well explained by Ernesti, Clav. Cic. s. v.
Inhumanitas est ejus, qui facit abhorrentia a vilae humanae cultu
et elegantia."
C
5. Distinguit rationem, &c. They know how to distinguish be-
tween the relative bearing of duties and of occasions," i. e. they
know very well when a duty is urgent and imperative in its char-
acter, and admits of no alternative but prompt performance, and
when it is of a less binding character and may be passed by without
any impropriety. So again, they know well what occasions are to
be strictly attended to, and what to be regarded with less care.
<<
6. Hoc tu ipse, &c. "You yourself, in whom there is the highest
merit, do not adhere to this."-Cur enim quemquam, &c. The
idea intended to be conveyed by the whole passage is as follows:-
If merit alone ought to influence the minds of men, in conferring
public honours, why do you, who have so much merit of your own,
go about and solicit votes, and not leave the result to be determined
⚫by merit alone. Perhaps you will say in reply, that you do not ask
any favour of me, when soliciting my vote, but on the contrary,
merely intend something for my own good; to have me place
myself, namely, under your guardianship and care, in order that you
may the better provide for my welfare. Do you not think, however,
38
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ORATION FOR
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128 Cato, that this request would come with more force from me to
you? Is it not rather my business to ask you to expose yourself
to dangers and fatigues for my sake?
7. Nomenclatorem. "A nomenclator." A slave who accom-
panied candidates for office, and whispered in their ears the names
of the different individuals whom they met, in order that the candi-
date might salute them by name, and conciliate their favour by this
species of compliment, which had always great weight with the
Romans. Compare note 5, page 105.-Plutarch says, that a law
having been passed, ordaining that no man who solicited any office
should take a nomenclator with him, Cato was the only one that
obeyed it; and that in order not to need such an assistant, he made
himself master of the names of all the citizens. (Vit. Cat. Min. c.)
Cicero's language, however, is directly the other way, and very
probably he is the more correct of the two.
8. Fallis et decipis. "You mislead and deceive." The dis-
tinction between fallere and decipere appears to be as follows:
Fallere implies, that we are misled by something negative or indi-
rect in another's words or actions: decipere always denotes, that the
person deceived is imposed upon by something positive and express
in the person deceiving. (Crombie, Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 437.)
9. Nam, si nomine, &c. Cicero's argument may be briefly stated
as follows: If you employ a nomenclator, Cato, you impose upon
and mislead your fellow-citizens, whether you yourself actually know
their names or not. If you do not know their names but obtain
them from the nomenclator, you of course deceive others, by salu-
ting them after you have learnt their names, as if you had been long
acquainted with them. If, on the other hand, you actually know
their names, and only take a nomenclator with you because it is
customary so to do, here again you are guilty of deception, for you
do not merely let him whisper the name of the party into your ear
as a matter of form, but you actually ask him first about the name,
as if you were quite ignorant of it, although you know very well all
the time what the person's appellation is.
10. Sin etiam si noris. The common text has, Sin etiam noris.
We have adopted the conjectural emendation of Lambinus.-Tamen
per monitorem appellandi sunt. Namely, as a matter of mere form
and custom, the candidate asking and the slave whispering the name,
although the former knows very well already what it is.
11. Cur ante petis quam insusurravit. "Why do you actually
ask the person's name before he has whispered it into your ear?"
12. Haec omnia, &c. "If you measure all these things by the
usages of the state, they are correct enough: but if you wish to
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weigh them carefully by the precepts of your own philosophy, they 128
will be found to be very wicked in their nature." More freely, "if
you refer all these things to the usages of the state," &c.
13. Fructus isti ludorum, &c. "That gratification which is de-
rived from public shows," &c.-Comparaverunt. Prepared for
them," i. e. instituted for their gratification.
14. Nec candidatis, &c. "Nor are candidates to be deprived
of that exercise of friendly feelings which is a proof rather of their
generosity than of a wish to corrupt." More literally, "which in-
dicates generosity more than bribery."
،،
15. At enim te, &c. The particles at enim are here, as else-
where, elliptical. "But all clse you will say is of comparatively
trifling importance, for the interests of the republic lead you in fact
to undertake this accusation," i. e. a regard for the public welfare
led you," &c.
16. Credo, Cato, &c. "I easily believe, Cato, that you came
here with those feelings and with that intention. But you make a
slip, through want of reflection," i. e. you go wrong, you defeat your
own purpose.
1. Clamo atque testor. "Loudly proclaim, and call you all to 129
witness."-Audite, audite consulem. "Hear, hear your counsel."
-Usque co. "To such a degree." So far.
2. Latius patet, &c. Cicero now argues on the importance of
having a person of energy and military experience in the consulship
during the ensuing year.
3. Equus Trojanus. A highly figurative allusion to the seeds
of the conspiracy that were still lurking at Rome.
4. Copias illius. "Those troops of his." His secret partisans,
with whose movements Cicero was in a great degree acquainted.-
It will be borne in mind, that Lentulus and the other accomplices
had not yet been detected and punished.
5. In capite atque in cervicibus nostris. Equivalent here to in
caput atque in cervices nostras, with the idea of continuance, or
lasting harm, annexed. Similar examples occur in many of the an-
cient writers. Consult Forcellini Lex. Tot. Lat. s. v. in, sub.
init.
6. Integrum consulem. An upright consul," i. e. an honest
patriotic consul, and not one contaminated by any union of principle
or action with Catiline. Compare Manutius: “ Integrum consu-
lem, h. e. malis consiliis non infectum."
7. Et natura, et fortuna. "In both principles and fortune," i. e.
a man of correct principles and ample means. Such a person would,
of course, be attached to the interests of the republic, and the exist-
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ORATION FOR
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129 ing state of things, and would have no wish for any revolution or
change, because not a man of needy fortune.
8. Vestris sententiis. "By your sentence," i. e. by your opin-
ions as judges in the present case. For Murena is such a man as
has just been described by me, and the partisans of Catiline would
rejoice in having him driven from the consulship, by your sentence
of condemnation.
9. In campo. Compare chapter 26, of the present speech, and
Or. in Cat. 1, 5.-Domi meae. Alluding to the attempt to assas-
sinate him at his own home. Or. in Cat. 1, 4.
10. Kalendis Januariis.
Compare note 2, page 98.
11. Aut. A chasm occurs here in the MSS. Schütz proposes
to fill it up, and re-model the whole sentence as follows: "Nolite
arbitrari, Catilinam ejusque socios mediocribus consiliis, aut usitatis
viis, in rempublicam grassari.”
<<
12. Reipublicae quaeritur. "Is sought for against the republic,'
i. e. the republic is not sought to be injured by ordinary means, such
as a hurtful law," or "the pernicious influence of bribery," &c.
130 1. In exitu. "Near its close." This speech was delivered in
the month of November, and the new consuls would be installed on
the first of January coming.
"Who is to succeed me in my
2. Vicarium meae diligentiae.
vigilance."
3. Tempestatem anni tui. "The storms that impend over your
own year," i. e. over your magistracy as tribune.
4. Designati tribuni. The allusion here is, most probably, to Q.
Metellus Nepos, the same who afterward prevented Cicero from
making the customary address to the people, at the close of his con-
sulship.-Ernesti thinks, that designati ought to be removed from
the text, because, according to him, the new tribunes had already
entered on office when this speech was delivered. He observes,
that had they not entered already on office, they could not have held
an assembly the day previous. But the text only speaks of an as-
sembly that had been held, without specifying by whom. The ex-
pression "ox perniciosa, moreover, does not necessarily imply a
speech on the part of the new magistrate, it may denote a mere
remark made by him, on being presented to the people by the
tribunes of the current year. The chief argument, however, against
Ernesti's emendation, is in the dates. The new tribunes did not
enter upon office until the fourth day before the Ides of December,
and every thing connected with this speech plainly shows, that it
was delivered before the Nones of the same month, for on that day
the conspirators arrested by Cicero were condemned.
""
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449
Page.
5. Tua mens. "Your own foresight."--Qui te ad tribunatus, 130
&c. "Who requested you to stand candidate for the tribuneship,'
i. e. in order that you might thwart the nefarious schemes of Metel-
lus and others.
6. A L. Catilina et Cn. Pisone, &c. At the close of the con-
sulship of M. Lepidus and Volcatius Tullus. Compare Or. in Cat.
1, 6: "Potestne hujus vitae lux," &c.
7. Meo nomine. "On my own account." Equivalent to prop-
ter me ipsum. Compare chapter 36, “ Africani patrui sui nomine.”
Cicero means, that they did not seek his destruction so much out of
personal hatred, as in order to remove a faithful guardian of the
public welfare,
8. Et agunt et moliuntur. "They are both attempting, aye,
and striving earnestly to effect."—Quantum animi, quantum in-
genii. "How much courage, how much talent."
9. Consulari auctoritate et auxilio spoliatam. By the condem-
nation of Murena.
A p A
""
10. Ne sufficiatur consul. "Lest a new consul be substituted,"
i. e. in place of Murena, if condemned. Compare, as regards the
force of sufficere, the explanation of Ernesti: "Sufficere, in locum
alterius creare: de magistratibus, inprimis consulibus, qui in locum
mortui consulis, aut de ambitu damnati, &c., creantur.”
11. Vident te in tuorum, &c. We have inserted te after vident
on the conjecture of Matthiae, who thinks that it has been accident-
ally omitted by the copyists.
12. Sibi objici posse.
May be exposed to them," i. e. to their
attacks. Silanum. Plutarch says, that after Cato had declared
his intention of prosecuting every one who should have recourse to
bribery, he took very good care, that Silanus, who had married
his sister Servilia, should be excepted. (Vil. Cat. Min. c. 21.)
This would seem to imply that Silanus in common with Murena
lay open to the charge of bribery, for which we find elsewhere no
authority whatever.
13. Non cupidum. "Not ambitious." Manutius understands
rerum novarum, "not desirous of a change."-Fortuna constitutum,
&c. Alluding to his private wealth.
14. Animo et usu, &c. "Of spirit and experience for executing
whatever you may wish."
1. Hujusce rei potestas, &c. "The means of accomplishing431
this result are placed wholly in your hands." You hold, in the
present case the whole republic under your care. You are its pilots,"
i. e. the helm is in your hands, and it is for you to guide us safely
through the storm.
(6
450
ORATION FOR
Page.
131 2. Petunt rationes illius. "His plans demand."-Auxilio. “Of
her wonted aid."-Ut minuatur, &c. "That the number of her
leaders, capable of resisting his fury, be diminished.”
3. Depulso adversario. Alluding to Murena, and to the stand
he would take against the conspirators, in support of the govern-
ment and laws. Hence he is called the opponent of the turbulent
tribunes, and hence his condemnation (depulso adversario) would
leave them more at liberty to excite commotions in the state.
4. Idemne igitur delecti, &c. “Will men distinguished for in-
tegrity and wisdom, men selected from the first orders of the state,
come then to the same decision with that most audacious gladiator,
that foe to the republic ?" The address is to the Judices, the
gladiator is Catiline.
5. Apud Anienem. "At the Anio." Here, in the second Pu-
nic war, Hannibal pitched his camp, at three miles' distance from
Rome. Compare Livy, (26, 10): "Inter haec, Hannibal ad Ani-
enem fluvium, tria millia passuum ab urbe castra admovit.”
6. Nonnemo, &c. "There are some, there are some foes even
in that sanctuary of the republic, I say, in the very senate itself.”
Nonnemo is here equivalent to aliquis, but our idiom requires the
plural. It is well known that several of the senators were implicat-
ed in the conspiracy. Consult Sallust, B. C. c. 17.
7. Faxint. The old form for fecerint.
The earlier mode of
conjugating this verb was facio, facsi (faxi), factum, facere. Com-
pare Struve, über die Lat. Decl. und Conj. p. 171. seqq.-This old
form, faxint was retained, in common with faxit and other similar
ones, principally in solemn adjurations, &c.
8. Meus collega. Antonius.-Ego togatus. Compare note 8,
page 23.-Hoc quod conceptum, &c. "Will dispel and crush
that danger which, conceived in its bosom, the republic is now on
the point of bringing forth."
9. Haec. These same dangers.-Unus erit consul, &c. If
Murena be condemned, Silanus will be the only consul in office;
and his time will be occupied, not by the affairs and dangers of the
state, but by the election of a colleague; for the seditious tribunes
will oppose him in all his movements, and in this way much valu-
able time will be lost to the republic.
10. Impedituri sint. There is here another chasm in the MSS.,
though smaller than the one previously mentioned. Some editors
insert videtis, others parati sunt, on conjecture.
11. Importuna. The common text has Catilinae after importuna.
But many editors regard it as a mero gloss, and we have therefore
thrown it out.
L. MURENA.
451
Page.
12. Versabitur in castris furor. "Wild fury will reign in your 131
camp."-In campo exercitus. "An armed force in the Campus
Martius." The allusion is to the partisans of Catiline who will
come armed to the comitia, when Silanus shall convene the people
to vote for a new consul in the place of Murena.
1. Si ornata suis praesidiis, &c. "If the republic shall be fur- 132
nished with other means of protection."
2. Potior. "Dearer," i. e. to exercise a more powerful sway.
-Pro consulari auctoritate, &c. "I exhort you in consideration
of my consular authority," i. e. by my consular office.
3. Defensoris. The common text has vel defensoris, but we
have rejected vel with Ernesti and Schütz. Beck encloses it with-
in brackets.—Manutius doubts whether it be correct latinity to say
oro atque obsecro fidem, and Graevius inclines the same way. But
we have in Plautus, (Amph. 1, 1, 217,) "obsecro tuam fidem."
Compare Ernesti, að loc.
4. Corporis morbo. Murena was then labouring under severe
indisposition. Recentem gratulationem. "His recent felicitations.”
A thanksgiving had been decreed, in the name of Murena, for his
successes against Mithridates.
5. Municipium antiquissimum.
""
Lanuvium, of which Murena
was a native. Consult Geographical Index.
6. Squalore sordidus. "Of squalid appearance and in neglected
attire." It was customary at Rome for those accused of capital or
heavy offences, to appear in public arrayed in such a manner as
might be best calculated to excite compassion.—Lacrymis et moer-
ore perditus. Spent with tears and sorrow."
7. Intuetur.
He looks with an earnest eye to."
8. Hac re. "On that very account," i. e. the consulship to
which he had been elected. Orellius suggests hac eum cum re.
Schütz proposes either una cum hac eum re, or else cum hac eum
Te. No change, however, is requisite.
9. Atque ita, &c. "For thus does Murena," &c., i. e. in terms
such as the following.-Si nullius aures, &c. "If he has wound-
ed the ears or the feelings of no individual," i. e. if moderation has
always dictated his words, always regulated his conduct.
10. Modestiae locus. "An asylum for moderation."-Demissis
hominibus. "For the dejected."
11. Misericordiam spoliatio consulatus, &c. "To be stripped of
the consulship ought, O judges, to carry with it a strong claim to our
compassion." Literally, "the being despoiled of the consulship," &c.
12. Una enim eripiuntur, &c. Cicero means to express the
idea, that in losing the consulship the person referred to loses his all.
452
ORATION FOR
Page.
132-Invidiam nullam. "No claims to envy," i. e. nothing worth
enjoying in the office.
13. Objicitur. "The holder of it is exposed."—- -Concionibus
seditiosorum. Referring to the tribunes of the commons.
14. In hoc praeclaro consulatu. "In this distinguished post of con-
sul." Praeclaro is said with a tinge of irony in this distinguished
post, as many call it, and take it to be.
133
1. Hunc vestris sententiis afflixeritis. "You shall dash this
man in sorrow to the ground by your decision," i. e. shall condemn
him.
2. Quo se miser vertet? The peroration here is extremely beau-
tiful. "Locus," says Manutius, "ad commovendam misericordiam
aplissimus."
3. Laureatam in sua gratulatione, &c "Decked with laurel
amid his own felicitations."
<<
S
4. Lugentem.
Plunged in mourning."
Cicero purposely
uses this form of expression, instead of lugenti similem, for the sake
of greater strength.
5. Misera.
"Wretched parent."
6. Nova poena legis. The Tullian law (lex Tullia) had only re
cently been passed, which added ten years' exile to the penalties be-
fore inflicted by the laws upon the crime of ambitus.
"Ah! but it brings with it
"When invested with supreme com-
9. C. Murenam, fratrem suum. C. Licinius Murena. He was
governor of Transalpine Gaul, and is the same individual of whom
Sallust speaks, B. C. 42.
10. Qui hujus dolor. Qui for quis. Compare note 10, page 52.
So also, qui illius moeror erit?-The student will note the distinc-
tion here between hujus and illius. "What anguish on the part of
the former ? What deep affliction on that of the latter?" The
same remark applies here, that was made in a previous note respect-
ing an apparent violation of the rule concerning hic and ille. Hu-
jus refers to Murena, Cicero's client, and illius to his distant
brother.
7. At habet magnum dolorem, &c.
a deep pang of sorrow," &c.
8. Summo cum imperio.
mand."
11. Quanta autem perturbatio, &c. "What a reverse of for-
tune, what a change of language," i. e. how changed the condition
of the one, how altered the language of both.
12. Conservate populi Romani beneficium. "Preserve unto him
the favour which the Roman people have conferred," i. e. establish
by your decision his claims to the consulship.
L. MURENA.
453
Page
13. Junonis Sospitae. There was at Lanuvium, whence the 133
family of Murena came, a temple sacred to Juno Sospita. The Ro-
mans had a joint right of sacrificing to this goddess, and an annual
offering was made by the Roman consuls. According to Livy, (8,
14,) the people of Lanuvium were allowed by the Romans to con-
tinue the worship of this goddess, on condition that the latter people
shared in it along with them. Compare, as regards this same deity,
Liv. 40, 19.—Ov. Fust. 6, 60.—Sil. Ital. 13, 364, and Cic. N. D.
1, 29.
The last-mentioned writer describes the effigy of the god-
dess, as arrayed in a goat-skin, bearing a small shield and a spear, and
having on little slippers turned up at the toes.
"Cum pelle cap-
rina, cum hasta, cum scutulo, cum calceolis repandis." Consult
also Montfaucon, Antiq. Explic. lib. 2, c.'5. fig. 10.
14. Facere. Supply rem divinam, or, what is much simpler,
sacra from the previous sacris patriis. The analogy between this
usage of facere, and that of the Greck pile or epdety is worth
noting.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
}
HISTORICAL INDEX.
A.
ABSYRTUS, Son of Aeetes, king of Colchis, and brother of Medea.
His sister, when accompanying Jason, who was bearing off the golden
fleece, is fabled by the poets to have put to death the young prince, and
to have scattered his limbs along the route which her father would take
in pursuing her. The stratagem succeeded, and Aeetes stopped to col-
lect the mangled remains of his son, thus enabling his daughter and Jason
to make their escape.
Ovid. Trist. 3, 9.-Senec. Med. 963.-Lucan.
Phars. 3, 190.
AEMILIUS, Paullus.
AEMILIUS, Scaurus.
Vid. Paullus.
Vid. Scaurus.
AFRANIUS, a celebrated Roman, consul A. U. C. 694, B. C. 60, and
one of Pompey's lieutenants during the civil wars. After the defeat at
Pharsalia, he crossed into Africa and fought at the battle of Thapsus.
Being taken prisoner along with Faustus Sylla, in the rout that ensued of
the Pompeian army, he was put to death along with that individual by
order of Caesar. Suet. Vit. Jul. 75.-Caes. B. Afric. 95.-Dio Cass.
43, 12.-Oros. 6, 16.
AHALA, Caius Servilius, master of the horse to the dictator Cincin-
natus. Spurius Melius, who had been accused of aspiring to regal power,
having refused to appear before the dictator when ordered so to do, Aha-
la, who bore the summons to him, slew him in the very midst of the as-
sembled people whom he was endeavouring to excite in his behalf. The
dictator commended the act. Ahala, though he at first incurred the resent-
ment of the populace for this bold discharge of duty, was subsequently,
however, raised to the consulship. Liv. 4, 14, and 30.-There is a great
variation, as regards the praenomen of this individual, in the MSS. and
the editions of Cicero. In the first oration against Catiline, c. 1, he is
called, in the common text, Quintus, where Muretus and Pighius give
the true reading Caius, which Ernesti adopts. In the oration pro domo,
c. 32, he is styled, on the other hand, Marcus Servilius Ahala. In this
latter passage, Cicero informs us, that he was exiled by the people for
slaying Melius, though subsequently, as above stated, advanced to the
consular office.
name.
ANTIŎCHUS, surnamed the Great, king of Syria, and the third of the
He came in collision with the Romans, on attempting to reduce
under his sway the cities of Asia Minor as well as the whole of Greece.
457
39
458
HISTORICAL INDEX.
These cities implored the protection of the Romans, who sent deputies
to Antiochus, commanding him to give up the conquests he had made in
this quarter.
Antiochus, urged on by Hannibal, to whom he had given
an asylum in his dominions, paid no regard to these orders, and became,
in consequence, involved in war with the republic. Neglecting, however,
to follow the plan of operations marked out for him by Hannibal, he soon
experienced the fatal effects of his error. Acilius Glabrio defeated him
at Thermopylae and compelled him to flee into Asia; and Scipio Asiaticus.
gained a decisive victory over him at Magnesia in the latter country.
Compelled to sue for peace, he only obtained it on very hard conditions.
The Romans made the range of mount Taurus the limit of his power on
the side of lower Asia, and reduced to the form of provinces all the
countries which he had possessed on this side of the mountains just men-
tioned. They obliged him also to stipulate for the payment of an annual
tribute of two thousand talents. As his treasury could not support this
heavy tax, he resolved, in order to replenish his resources, to pillage the
temple of Belus, in Susiano, but the inhabitants of this country, irritated
at the sacrilegious attempt, slew him with his followers, B. C. 187. He
had reigned 36 years. Justin. 31, 32.-Florus, 2, 1.-Liv. 34, 59.
ANTONIUS, Caius, son of M. Antonius the orator, and brother of M.
Antonius Creticus the father of the triumvir. He was originally in
habits of very great intimacy with Catiline, and the arrangement was,
that these two should stand for the consulship, and, if they succeeded,
commence, while in this high office, their plans of revolution. Cicero
defeated this scheine, and being elected consul, with Antonius for his
colleague, succceded in detaching the other from the conspiracy, and
from every other design formed against the state. He effected this de-
sirable object by yielding to Antonius the rich province of Macedonia,
which had fallen to his own lot. After the conspiracy was crushed, An-
tonius went to his province of Macedonia, where he continued for two
years; but, on his return to Rome, he was brought to trial, and banished,
for having been guilty of extortion and having made war beyond the
limits of his province. He was a man of very dissolute habits, and, be-
fore he obtained the consulship, had been expelled by the censors from
the senate for immoral conduct. Sallust, B. C. 26.-Liv. Epit. 103.—
Cic. in Vat. 11.—Id. pro Coel. 31.
ANTONIUS, Marcus, a celebrated Roman orator, grandfather of the
triumvir. After having been praetor, and having during his praetorship,
obtained a victory over the pirates of Cilicia, he was raised to the con-
sulship, A. U. C. 655, B. C. 99. He is more eminent, however, in Ro-
mau history, as an orator than a statesman. He was the most employed
patron of his time; and, of all his contemporaries, was chiefly courted
by clients, as he was ever willing to undertake any cause which was pro-
posed to him. He possessed a ready memory, and a remarkable talent
of introducing every thing where it could be placed with most effect.
He had a frankness of manner, which precluded any suspicion of artifice,
and gave to all his orations an appearance of being the unpremeditated
effusions of an honest heart. But, though there was no apparent prep-
aration in his speeches, he always spoke so well, that the judges were
never sufficiently prepared against the effects of his cloquence. His
language was not perfectly pure, nor of a constantly sustained elegance,
but it was of a solid and judicious character, well adapted to his purpose.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
459
His gesture, too, was appropriate; his voice strong and durable, though
naturally hoarse; but even this defect he turned to advantage, by fre-
quently and easily adopting a mournful and querulous tone, which, in
criminal cases, excited compassion, and more readily gained the belief
of his judges. He left, however, as we are informed by Cicero, hardly
any orations behind him, having resolved never to publish any of his
pleadings, lest he should be convicted of maintaining in one cause some-
thing that was inconsistent with what he had alleged in another.-During
the civil wars of Marius and Sylla, Antonius declared for the latter, and
was in consequence proscribed by Marins. His place of concealment
having been discovered through the indiscretion of a friend, a party of
soldiers was sent to put him to death. The cloquent appeal of the orator,
however, checked their murderous purpose, and drew tears from their
eyes, when Amius, their leader, who had remained without, impatient at
their delay, was compelled to enter the place himself, and despatch An-
tonius with his own liand. Dunlop's Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 211.-
Cic. de Orat. 2. 2.-Id. Brut. 36.—Id. de Orui. 3, 3.— Val. Max. 7, 3.
ANTONIUS, Marcus, surnamed Creticus, son of Antonius the orator,
and father of the triumvir. Having obtained the praetorship, A. U. C.
678, through the interest of the consul Cotta, and the faction of Cethe-
gus, he was charged with the war against the pirates. He pillaged,
however, the provinces which had been intrusted to his defence, and
having advanced toward Crete, was defeated in an engagement off that
island. The appellation of Creticus was given him from this circum-
stance, as a mark of derision. He is said to have died of chagrin at his
defeat. Florus, 3, 7.-Liv. Epit. 99.-Cic. in Verr. 2, 3.—Id. in
Verr. 3, 91.
ARCHIAS, Aulus Licinius, a Greek poet, born at Antioch in Syria, aud
better known by the discourse which Cicero pronounced in his favour,
than by any productions of his own. He caine to Rome at an early age,
and passed the greater part of his life there, teaching the Greek language
and literature, and giving instruction particularly in the department of
poetical composition. Among his pupils was Cicero, who has returned
the favour by transmitting the name of his preceptor to posterity. Ar-
chias lived on terms of great intimacy with several distinguished Roman
families, and accompanied the celebrated L. Lucullus in his expedition
against Mithridates, and also in his travels through Asia, Greece, and
Sicily. It was during his visit to Magna Graecia, in company with this
illustrious patron, that he obtained the rights of citizenship at Heraclea
in Lucania, which led subsequently to his procuring the same privilege
at Rome. This latter point, however, having been contested by a cer-
tain individual named Gratins, led to the delivery of the celebrated ora-
tion in his favour, by his old pupil Cicero.-The works of Archias are
lost, except some epigrains in the Anthology. While still quite young
he composed a poein on the Cimbric war, which gained for him the favour
of Marins, who was in general but little alive to the charms of poetic
composition. At a later period of his life, the Mihridatic war became a
theme for his Muse. In a third poem he gave a prophetic interpretation
to a circumstance which had happened to the infant Roscius; and Cicero
speaks also of a poem which he had commenced on the subject of his
consulship. The Anthology contains thirty-five epigrams under the
name of Archias, but some of them are attributed by the commentators
460
HISTORICAL INDEX.
to a certain Archias of Macedonia, or another of the same name, a native
of Byzantium; others again ascribe them to Archias the grammarian, or
the younger.
Hence, it is probable that very few if any of them are by
Archias of Antioch. Cic. pro Arch.-Id. de Divin. c. 36.---Jacobs. ad
Anthol. Graec. vol. 2, p. 92.-Schoell, Hist. Lit. Gr. vol. 4, p. 43.
ARIOBARZĀNES, king of Cappadocia, and the first of the name. He
ascended the throne under the protection of the Romans, about B. C. 91,
after the expulsion of the false Ariarathes. Mithridates and Tigranes
united against him, and drove him twice from his kingdom; but he was
as often restored, once by Sylla, and again by Pompey, the latter of
whom added to his dominions Sophene. a province of Armenia. Ario-
barzanes abdicated in favour of his son, the second of the name. Justin.
38, 2.—Appian. R. S. 48.—Id. B. M. 10, seqq.
ARISTOTELES, a celebrated philosopher, born at Stagyra, B. C. 384.
Cicero alludes to him in the oration for Murena, as being one of those
philosophers from whose writings he had imbibed principles of an oppo-
site nature to those which influenced the conduct of the rigid and stoical
Cato. Cicero, though particularly attached to the new Academy, was
free from the exclusive spirit of sectarism, and inclined to select what-
ever he found valuable in the doctrines of the different schools. Kuehner,
Cic. in Phil. merita, p. 74, seqq.
ATTIUS, less correctly written Accius, an early Latin tragic-poet, born
A. U. C. 584. He pursued the career opened by Livius, Ennius, and
Pacuvius, and the ancients give the titles of a large number of tragedies
which he had composed, among which was a national piece entitled
Brutus. Velleius Paterculus says, that Attius deserved to be ranked
among the Grecian poets, in point of talent. Horace also ascribes to
him elevation of manner, by which is probably meant sublinity both of
sentiment and expression. Attius was held in high estimation by his
countrymen. The few fragments, however, that we have of this poet,
do not enable us to form any decisive opinion on his merits. Buchr,
Gesch. Rom. Litt. p. 79.-Vell. Paterc. 1, 17.-Id. 2, 9.-Horat.
Epist. 2, 1, 55.
AURELIA ORESTILLA, a female of great beauty, but of very corrupt
principles. Catiline offered her his hand in marriage, which she refused to
accept, because he had a son by a former marriage, arrived at man's
estate. To remove this obstacle Catiline put his son to death by admin-
istering poison. Val. Max. 9, 1, 9.-Sallust B. C. 15.
B.
BRUTUS, Decimus Junius, the colleague of Africanus Minor in the
consulship, A. U. C. 615. He distinguished himself in Spain, and ob-
tained a triumph for his successes over the Gallaeci. Cicero speaks of
his adorning the monuments and temples erected by him, with the verses
of the poet Attius. Velleius Paterculus, (2, 5,) calls him Aulus, in place
of Decius, but the true reading appears in later editions. Cic. pro Balb.
17.-Sigon. Fast. Cons. p. 339, ed. Oxon.-Cic. pro Arch. 9.
C.
CAESAR, Caius Julius, son of Caius Caesar and of Aurelia, the daughter
of Cotta. He was born in the sixth consulship of Marius, B. C. 99.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
461
When only in his seventeenth year he obtained the office of Flamen
Dialis, or High-Priest of Jupiter. His marriage with Cornelia, the
daughter of Cinna, excited against him the hatred of Sylla, whose sus-
picion he had previously incurred from his aunt Julia's being the wife of
Marius. He with difficulty escaped being put to death, among the num-
ber of the proscribed, and it was only at the intercession of the Vestal
virgins, and in consequence of the entreaties of his relations, that Sylla
spared his life. The latter, however, had the discernment to behold in
him, even when a mere youth, the germs of future talent and ambition,
and when he was asked by his friends why he was so anxious to put a
mere boy to death, his answer was, In that boy I see many Mariuses."
-Of the eventful life of this eminent Roman our limits forbid even any
thing like a rapid sketch. His various successes are touched upon by
Cicero in the oration for Marcellus, but a full account of his numerous
conflicts, and of the remarkable events which have rendered his naine so
conspicuous in history, will be found in the pages of Plutarch. It will
only be necessary here to speak of Caesar as connected, in a covert
manner, with the conspiracy of Catiline. His principal aim, in the ac-
complishinent of his ambitious schemes, was to gain the favour of the
populace, and weaken the power of the nobility. This brought him at
once in contact with Catiline, and, in favouring the views of that daring
conspirator, his object was to destroy by these means the liberty of his
country, and then to crush the conspirators themselves and make himself
master of Rome. The opinion which he gave in the senate, with respect
to the punishment of Lentulus, Cethegus, and the other accomplices of
Catiline; the threatening conduct of the Roman equites, who guarded
the temple where the senate met; and his being arraigned as an asso-
ciate in the conspiracy before the senate itself, all tend to show the
opinion of the public respecting his secret movements, as well as his
own actual participation in the daring attempt of Catiline. Sallust, B. C.
49, seqq.-Plut. Vit. Cic. 20.-Id. Vit. Cues. 7, seqq.
CAESAR, Lucius Julius, enjoyed the consulship with C. Figulus, A. U.
C. 699. His sister was married to Lentulus the accomplice of Catiline,
notwithstanding which relationship he gave his opinion in the senate, in
favour of that individual's being put to death. He was uncle also to
Mark Antony the triumvir, the latter being his sister's son by a former
marriage, previous to her union with Lentulus. Cic. Or, in Cat. 4, 6.—
Pro Muren. 34.-Ep. ad Fum. 10, 28.
CAESAR, Lucius, a young Roman, who, though related to Julius Cae-
sar, attached himself nevertheless to the party of Pompey. He was the
son of Lucius Caesar, who had been one of Caesar's lieutenants in the
Gallic war. Cicero calls him in one of his letters to Atticus, "not a
man, but an untied broom," intending by this proverbial form of expres-
sion to indicate a person of no value whatever. When Caesar was
marching toward Utica after the battle of Thapsus, he surrendered him-
self to that commander, and, according to the author of the commenta-
ries on the African war, obtained his life by his own earnest entreaties.
According to Dio Cassius, however, he was put to death. Caes. Bell,
Civ. 1, 8.—Bell. Afric. 89.-Dio. Cass. 43, 12.-Sueton. Vit. Jul. 75,
and Crusius ad loc.
CAPITO, Publius Gabinius, a Roman of equestrian rank, whom Cicero
calls Cimber. He appears to have been one of the most worthless of
39*
462
HISTORICAL INDEX.
the accomplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment along with
Lentulus and the rest. Sallust, B. C. 55.
CAPITO, Publius Gabinius, a Roman praetor, A. U. C. 664, the year
when Archias the poet was registered. After returning from his gov-
ernment of Achaia, he was accused of extortion by Lucius Piso, and con-
demned; and hence his disgraceful fall destroyed the credit of his regis-
ter, which his previous corruption had greatly impaired. Cic pro Arch.
5.-In Caecil. 20.
CARBO, Caius Papirius, an eminent Roman orator, contemporary with
the Gracchi, and the friend of Tiberius, the elder of the two.
He was
concerned in some seditious movements the year that Tiberius was
slain, but seems to have changed his sentiments at a subsequent period,
for we find hin when consul defending L. Opimios, before the people,
who had slain Caius Gracchus, the brother of his former friend. He is
thought to have been concerned in the death of Publius Africanus. Be-
ing accused at length by L. Crassus, consul elect, on account of the
part he had taken in the sedition of Tiberius Gracchus, be destroyed
himself, by swallowing cantharides, in order to escape from the impend-
ing trial. He is spoken of by Cicero, in the oration for Archias, as having
proposed, in conjunction with Silvanus, a new law respecting the rights
of citizenship. Cic. Brut. 27, 43.-Orat. 1, 34.—In Verr. 3, 1.-Ep.
ad Fam. 9, 21.
www.
CASSIUS, Caius, was consul with M. Terentius Varro Lucullus, and
not with Gellius, as Manutius maintains (ad. Or. pro Rub. c. 7.) His
consulship is to be assigned to A. U. C. 680, the first year of Verres'
Sicilian praetorship. He is mentioned by Cicero as having advocated
the passage of the Manilian Law. Or. pro L. Manil. 23.-Pro Cluent.
49.-In. Verr. 1, 23.-In. Verr. 3, 41.
CASSIUS, Lucius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, and a competitor
of Cicero's in suing for the consulship. It is uncertain whether he be
the same with the one mentioned in the oration for Cluentius, c. 38.—
Or. in Cat. 3, 4.
+
CATILINA, Lucius Sergius, a Roman of patrician rank, and the last
of the gens Sergia. Of his father and grandfather little is known. The
former would seem to have been in indigent circumstances, from the
language of Quintus Cicero, (de Pet. Cons. c. 2,) who speaks of Catiline
as having been born amid the poverty of his father. The great-grand-
father, M. Sergius Silus, or Silo, distinguished himself highly in the
second Punic war, and was present in the battles of Ticinus, Trebia,
Trasymenus, and Cannae. Pliny speaks of his exploits in a very anima-
ted strain.—The cruelty of Catiline's disposition, his undaunted resolu-
tion, and the depravity of his morals, fitted him for acting a prominent
part in the turbulent and bloody scenes of the period in which he lived.
He embraced the interests of Sylla, in whose army he held the office of
quaestor. That monster, in his victory, had in Catiline an able coadjutor,
whose heart knew no sympathy, and his lewdness no bounds. He re-
joiced in the carnage and plunder of the proscribed, gratifying at one time
his own private resentments, by bringing his enemies to punishment, and
executing at another the bloody mandates of the dictator himself. Many
citizens of noble birth are said to have fallen by his hands, and according
to Plutarch, he had assassinated his own brother, during the civil war,
and now to screen himself from prosecution, persuaded Sylla to put him
HISTORICAL INDEX.
463
down among the proscribed, as a person still alive. He murdered, too,
with his own hands, his sister's husband, a Roman knight of a mild and
peaceable character. One of the most horrid actions, however, of which
he was guilty, would seem to have been the killing of M. Marins Grati-
dianus, a near relation of the celebrated Marius. Sylla had put the name
of this individual on the list of the proscribed; whereupon Catiline en-
tered the dwelling of the unfortunate man, exhausted upon his person all
the refinements of cruelty and insult, and having at length put an end to
his existence, carried his bloody head in triumph through the streets of
Roine, and brought it to Sylla, as he sat on his tribunal in the forum.
When this was done, the murderer washed his hands in the lustral water
at the door of Apollo's temple, which stood in the immediate vicinity.-
Catiline was peculiarly dangerous and formidable, as his power of dis-
simulation enabled him to throw a veil over his vices. Such was his
art, that, while he was poisoning the minds of the Roman youth, he
gained the friendship and esteem of the severe Catulus. The close of
his career is detailed in the pages of Sallust. Being driven from the
city by the eloquence of Cicero, he betook himself with a body of fol-
lowers to the camp of Manlius in Etruria, and in the action which ensued
with the forces of the republic, whose movements had cut him off from
all communication with lower Italy, while another army prevented his
passage into Cisalpine Gaul, he fell bravely fighting near the Etrurian
town of Pistoria. Plin. H. N. 7, 29.-Plut. Vit. Syll. c. 32.—Id. Vit.
Cic. c. 10.-Sallust, B. C. c. 56, seqq.
CATO, Marcus Porcins, surnamed for distinction sake, "the Elder,"
and also "the Censor," was born B. C. 234, at Tusculum, of a family
in no respect remarkable. After having passed his earlier years in the
country, he came to Rome, through the persuasions of Valerius Flaccus,
a nobleman who had an estate contiguous to Cato's. Valerius had heard
of Cato through his domestics. They told him that he used to go early
in the morning to the little towns in the neighbourhood, and defend the
causes of such as applied to him; that thence he would return to his
farm, where, in a coarse frock if it was winter, and naked if it was sum-
mer, he would labour along with his domestics, and afterward sit down
with them, and partake of their bread and wine. At Rome, Cato's
pleadings soon procured him friends and admirers; and the interest of
Valerius likewise greatly assisted him, so that he was at first appointed
tribune of the soldiers, and afterward elected quaestor. Among all the
more aged senators he attached himself chiefly to Fabius Maximus. He
was at first quaestor in Africa, under Scipio Africanus, and afterward
praetor in the island of Sardinia, which he brought under the Roman
sway. Being elected to the consulship, along with his early friend and
patron Valerius Flaccus, he obtained for his province the government of
Hispania Citerior, where he greatly signalized himself, and for his suc-
cesses in which country he was honoured with a triumph.
chosen censor, with Valerius again for his colleague, B. C. 184, and
discharged the duties of that high office with such inflexible severity, as
to obtain from it one of the titles usually appended to his name.
Cato
occupies a conspicuous place in Roman history for his obstinate perse-
verence in insisting on the destruction of Carthage, and is said to have
ended every speech, no matter what the subject was, or with what busi-
ness the senate might be engaged, by repeating the well-known phrase,
He was
464
HISTORICAL INDEX.
"Censeo quoque Carthaginem esse delendam," or, as it is more com.
monly given," Delenda est Carthago." His advice was at last followed,
but the tide of corruption that flowed in upon Rome, when the fear of
her great rival was at an end, shows plainly how feeble, in this respect,
were Cato's claims to political sagacity. This distinguished man ended
his days B. C. 149, at the age of 85, and at the very roment when the
third Punic war had broken out, which ended in the fulfilment of his
long-cherished wish concerning Carthage.-As a magistrate, a general,
a lawyer, and a public speaker, Cato the censor. merits a high degree
of reputation. His rigour and austerity, brought to bear with no less
strictuess on his own life than on that of others, obtained for him from
his countrymen a degree of consideration fully equal to that which he
had acquired by the exercise of his talents. He was the inveterate and
sworn foe of luxury, and so keenly did he pursue it under all the various
shapes which it assumed, as even to cut off the pipes by which private
individuals conveyed water from the public fountains into their houses
and gardens, and to demolish all the buildings that projected into the
streets. He is well known also for his strenuous opposition to the intro-
duction of the fine arts and the sciences into the capital of Italy, through
fear lest the refinements of Greece and Asia might corrupt the principles
of his countrymen. He pressed also the departure of the Greek philos-
ophers who had come to Rome as ambassadors from Athens, for he
dreaded lest the habit of speaking ou both sides of a question, on which
Carneades one of the number particularly prided himself, might convert
the Roman youth into mere sophists, and render them indifferent to glory
and virtue. And yet he himself took up the study of the Greek language
at an advanced period of life.-Cato, by the universal consent of his
contemporaries, passed for the best farmer of his age, and was held un-
rivalled for the skill and success of his agricultural operations. He is
the author of a work on husbandry, entitled "De Re Rustica," which
has come down to our times, though in a somewhat imperfect state, since
Pliny, and other writers allude to subjects as treated of by Cato, and to
opinions as delivered by him in this book, which are nowhere to be found
in any part of the work as we now have it. In its present state, it
resembles merely the loose and unconnected journal of a plain farmer,
expressed with rude, sometimes with almost oracular, brevity. It con-
sists solely of the dryest rules of agriculture, and some receipts for
making various kinds of cakes and wines. The most remarkable feature
in the work, however, is its total want of arrangement. Cato left also
one hundred and fifty orations, which were existing in Cicero's time,
though much neglected. They are now lost. Cicero admits, that, if
number and cadence, and an casier turn of expression were given to his
sentences, there would be few who could clain the preference to Cato.
He wrote also a book on Military Discipline, a good deal of which has
been incorporated into the work of Vegetius. His principal production,
however, was an historical treatise in seven books, entitled De Origi-
nibus." Its object was to discuss and settle the history and antiquities
of the Roman people, with a view to counteract the influence of the
Greck taste, introduced by the Scipios. Only fragments of it remain.
He wrote also on Orators and on the Medical art. The former of these
productions was a treatise addressed to his son, and entitled " De Oratore
ad filium." The work on medicine would appear to have been a sin-
་
HISTORICAL INDEX.
465
gular affair; and his great object was to decry the compound drugs of
the Greek physicians, whom he accuses of having formed a league to
poison all the barbarians, among whom they classed the Romans. Cato
finding that their patients lived, notwithstanding this detestable conspir-
acy, began to regard the Greek practitioners as impious sorcerers, who
counteracted the course of nature, and restored dying men to life by
means of unholy charms; and he therefore advised his countrymen to
remain steadfast, not only by their old Roman principles and manners,
but also by the venerable unguents and salubrious balsams, which had
come down to them from the wisdom of their grandmothers. Such as
they were, Cato's old medical saws continued long in repute at Rome.—
Aulus Gellius mentions Cato's Libri quaestionum epistolicarum,” and
Cicero his Apophthegmata, (De Off. 1, 29,) which was probably the first
example of that class of works which, under the appellation of Ana, be-
came so fashionable and prevalent in France.-Cato wrote also a work
entitled "Curmen de Moribus." This, however, was not written in
verse, as might be supposed from the title. Precepts, imprecations, and
prayers, or any set formula whatever, were called Carmina. Dunlop's
Roman Lit. vol. 2, p. 12, seqq.
*
CATO, Marcus Porcius, afterward surnamed in history Uticensis, on
account of his having destroyed himself at Utica, was the great-grand-,
son of Cato the censor. His parents died when he was very young, and
he was educated under the roof of his mother's brother, Livius Drusus.
He was austere in his morals, a strict follower of the tenets of the Stoic
sect, and so great a lover of what was virtuous and right, as to pursue
every object of such a nature with undeviating steadiness, regardless of
the difficulties which he might have to encounter, or of the dangers to
which he might be exposed. Cato exerted himself, though in vain, to
stem the torrent of Roman luxury and corruption, and in his own person
he copied the simplicity of earlier days. He often appeared barefooted
in public, and never travelled but on foot. In whatever office he was
employed, he always reformed its abuses, and restored the ancient reg-
ulations. To the qualities of a virtuous man, and the rectitude of a stern
patriot, Cato added the intrepidity of a brave soldier and the talents of an
able general. In the affair of the conspiracy of Catiline, he gave Cicero
his constant and vigorous support, and it was chiefly through his efforts,
in opposition to those of Caesar, that the accomplices of Catiline were
capitally punished. This virtuous Roman put an end to his existence at
Utica, after the defeat of Juba and Scipio by Caesar in the battle of
Thapsus. Plut. Vit. Cat. Min.
CATULUS, Quintus Lutatius, a noble Roman, conspicuous for both his
love of country and private virtues. He was the colleague of Marius, in
the consulship, when the Cimbri and Teutones came down upon the
south of Europe, and he was engaged with that commander in the san-
guinary conflict at the Raudii Campi, where the Cimbri were so signally
defeated by the Romans. We afterward find him censor with Crassus;
and, subsequently to this, opposing the attempt of Crassus to make Egypt
tributary. Catulus was in politics on the aristocratic side, and was of
course a warm opponent of Julius Caesar. He was competitor also with
the latter for the office of pontifex, but was unsuccessful in his applica-
tion. The character of Catulus stood deservedly high. A stranger to
flattery and adulation, he reproved, with equal openness, the levity of the
466
HISTORICAL INDEX.
multitude, and the misconduct of the senate. After a long life of hon
ourable usefulness, Catulus was compelled to put an end to his days, by
order of the sanguinary Marius. In order to effect this, he shut himself
up in a narrow chamber, newly plastered, and suffocated himself by the va-
pour produced by a large fire. Cic. pro Font. 15.—Id. pro Muren. 17.—
Id. Orat. 3, 3.--Plut. Vit. Mar. 14, scqq.-Id. ibid. 44.—Id. Vit. Crass. 13.
CATULUS, Quintus Lutatius, son of the preceding. He obtained the
consulship along with Lepidus, B. C. 78, and opposed the views of his
colleague who was in favour of rescinding the acts of Sylla. He dedi-
cated the new capitol, the old one having been destroyed by fire.
Ca-
tulus was the first that pronounced Cicero" the father of his country,"
and it was he who accused Caesar of participation in the conspiracy of
Catiline. This is also the Catulus that opposed the passage of the Ma-
nilian Law, and of whom Plutarch relates the anecdote which we have
mentioned under note 17, page 90. His character for patriotism and
integrity stood as high as his father's had. Cic. Or. in Cut. 3, 10.—Id.
in Verr. 4, 31.-I. pro Manil. Leg. 17, seqq.-Tucit. Hist. 3, 72.-
Vell. Puterc. 2, 31.
CETHEGUS, Caius Cornelius, a Roman of corrupt morals and turbulent
character. He filled at one time the office of tribune, and was also a
warın partisan of Sylla, after having originally sided with Marius. Sub-
sequently, however, losing the influence which he had possessed, he
joined in the conspiracy of Catiline. Cicero informs us, that, in rash-
ness and daring, he surpassed Catiline himself, and almost equalled him
in strength of body, love of arms, and dignity of birth. In arranging the
details of the plot, the conspirators assigned to Cethegus the task of
posting himself at the door of Cicero's house, and, after he had forced an
entrance, of murdering that illustrious Roman. The vigilance of Cicero
frustrated this design. Cethegus was apprehended along with Lentulus
and the rest, and strangled in prison.-Sallust. B. C. 43.—Id. ibid. 45.
-Cic. Or. in Cut. 3, 3.
CICERO, Quintus Tullius, brother of the orator. He attained to the
dignity of praetor, A. U. C. 693, and afterward held a government in
Asia, as pro-praetor, for four years. Quintus returned to Rome at the
moment wher his brother was driven into exile; and for some time after
was chiefly employed in exerting himself to obtain his recall. Subse-
quently to this, we find him serving as one of Caesar's lieutenants in
Gaul, and displaying much courage and ability on many trying and im-
portant occasions. During the civil war, however, he abandoned the sido
of Caesar, and espoused the party of Pompey. But, after the battle of
Pharsalia, he followed Caesar into Asia, in order to obtain a pardon, and
that he might the more easily accomplish this, he throw all the blame of
his defection upon his brother the orator. For this purpose, he made it
a point in all his letters and remarks to Caesar's friends, to rail at the
orator in a most unfeeling and disgraceful manner At a subsequent
period he was proscribed by the triumviratc, and concealed himself at
Rome, but was discovered and put to death together vith his son.-We
have remaining, at the present day, the correspondence of Cicero, the
orator, with his brother Quintus. The first letter in the collection is one
of the noblest productions of the kind that has ever been penned. It is
addressed to Quintus on occasion of his governinent in Asia being pro-
longed for a third year. Availing himself of the rights of an elder brother,
HISTORICAL INDEX.
467
as well as of the authority derived from his superior dignity and talents,
Cicero counsels and exhorts his brother concerning the due administra-
tion of his province, particularly with regard to the choice of his subor-
dinate officers, and the degree of trust to be reposed in thein. He
earnestly reproves him, but with much fraternal tenderness and affection,
for his proneness to resentment; and he concludes with a beautiful ex-
hortation, to strive in all respects to merit the praise of his contempo-
raries, and bequeath to posterity an untainted name.-Along with Cicero's
letters to Quintus there is usually printed an epistle or memoir, which
the latter addressed to his brother when he stood candidate for the con-
sulship, and which is entitled De Petitione Consulatus." It gives
advice with regard to the measures he should pursue to attain his object,
particularly inculcating the best means to gain private friends and acquire
general popularity. But though professedly drawn up merely for the use
of his brother Marcus, it appears to have been intended by the author as
a guide or manual, for all who might be placed in similar circumstances.
It is written with considerable elegance, and great purity of style, and
forms an important docun.ent for the history of the Roman republic, as
it affords us a clearer insight, than we can derive from any other work
now extant, into the intrigues resorted to by the heads of parties to gain
the suffrages of the people. We have also remaining a small poem by
Quintus Cicero, in twenty-one verses, on the signs of the zodiac, and
two epigrams preserved in Burmann's Anthology. He is said to have
composed tragedies, which are now lost. Cic. Ep. ad Att. 5, 3.-Id.
ibid. 11, 8.-Id. ibid. 11, 9.-Dio Cassius, 47. 10.-Appian. B. C. 4,
20.-Bähr. Gesch. Röm. Lit. p. 85.-Schöll. Hist. Lit. Rom. vol. 2,
p. 141.-Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, թ. 493.
66
CINNA, Lucius Cornelius, a Roman nobleman of considerable influence
and personal bravery. He was consul with Cn. Octavius, B. C. 91, but
was deprived by his colleague of his consular authority, and driven by
him out of the city, because he had by force procured the enactment of
several injurious laws. Obtaining possession of the army of Appius
Claudius, he declared war on the government, and called to his assistance
Marius and other exiles from Africa. Cinna and Marius eventually tri-
umphed, Rome opened her gates, and the most cruel excesses were
cominitted by the victors. All the leading men of the party of Sylla
were put to death, and their property confiscated. Cinna and Marius
then declared themselves consuls, and the latter died on the very first
day of his entering upon office. L. Valerius Flaccus succeeded him.
In his third and fourth consulships, Cinna had Cn. Papirius Carbo for
his colleague, with whom he made preparations for a war against Sylla,
who was then engaged in the operations against Mithridates. During
the fourth consulship of Cinna, Julius Caesar married his daughter Cor-
nelia. Cinna eventually, after raising a powerful armament against
Sylla, was slain by a centurion of his own army, a rumour having been
spread among his soldiers that he had put Pompey, then quite a young
man, to death. Haughty, violent, always eager for vengeance, addicted
to debauchery, precipitate in his designs, but nevertheless pursuing them
with courage, Cinna had passions that caused him to aspire to tyranny,
and but few of those talents that would otherwise have led to it. Florus.
3, 21.-Vell. Paterc. 2, 20.-Appian. B. C. 1, 64, seqq.-Plut. Vit.
Syll. 10.-Id. Vit. Mar. 41.
468
HISTORICAL INDEX.
CLAUDIUS, Appius, called for distinction sake "Minor," or "the
younger," having a brother of the same name, who was called, for a
similar reason,
Mujor," or "the elder." He was praetor in the year
when Archias was registered, and afterward consul with P. Servilius
Isauricus. Cic. pro Arch. 5.-Pro Planc. 21.
44
CLODIUS, Publius, a Roman of noble birth, but infamous for the cor-
ruption of his morals. Among other offences, he is said to have violated
the mysteries of the Bona Dea, by penetrating into the house of Caesar,
during their celebration, disguised in female attire. He was led to the
commission of this act by a guilty attachment for Pompeia, Caesar's
wife. Being tried for this impiety, he managed to escape by corrupting
the judges. Clodius caused himself to be adopted into a plebeian family,
for the purpose of being elected tribune of the coinions, and while hold-
ing this office had a number of laws passed, favourable to the people, but
contrary to the principles of the Roman constitution. He caused the
command of an expedition against Ptolemny, king of Cyprus, to be given
to Cato, whom he detested, in the hope that he might fail in this enter-
prise, and lose in consequence the credit and influence which he enjoyed
at Rome. He cherished also a bitter hatred against Cicero, and pro-
cured his banishment from Italy, on the ground that he had violated the
laws in the punishment inflicted upon the accomplices of Catiline. He
even caused his house to be demolished, and put up his effects at auction,
but no one would purchase them. Clodius was eventually assassinated
by the retinue of Milo, on an accidental rencontre having taken place
between the two, as Milo was journeying towards Lanuviuin, his native
place, and Clodius was on his way to Rome. Cic. Or. post red. in Sen.
-Id. pro Dom. -Il. de Har. resp.-Id. pro Milone.-Id. Ep. ad Att.
1, 12.—Id. ibid. 1, 18.
COEPARIUS, Quintus, a native of Terracina, and accomplice in the
conspiracy of Catiline. He was preparing to set out for Apulia, to rouse
and arm the slaves against the state, at the time the conspiracy was dis-
covered. Having learnt that the plot was detected, he fled from Rome,
before the officers, sent by the consuls to apprehend him, arrived at his
house, but was afterward taken and strangled in prison. Sallust. B. C.
46.-Id. ibid. 55.
COTTA, Lucius, the colleague of Lucius Torquatus in the consulship.
During his magistracy the capitol was struck by lightning, A. U. Č.
688. Cic. de Div. 1, 12.-ld. Or. in Cut. 3, 8.
CRASSUS, Lucius Licinius, a celebrated Roman orator, highly com-
mended by Cicero, who has made him one of the principal interlocutors,
in his dialogues de Oratore. He commenced his oratorical career at the
early age of nineteen, when he acquired much reputation by his accusa-
tion of Caius Carbo; and he not long afterward, greatly heightened his
fame, by his defence of the virgin Licinia. Another of the best speeches
of Crassus, was that addressed to the people in favour of the law of
Servilius Caepio, restoring in part the judicial power to the senate, of
which they had recently been deprived, in order to vest it solely in the
equites. But the most splendid of all the appearances of Crassus was
the immediate cause of his death, which happened A. U. C. 662, a short
time before the commencement of the civil wars of Marius and Sylla;
and a few days after the period in which he is supposed to have borne a
part in the dialogue De Oratore. The consul Philippus had declared,
HISTORICAL INDEX.
469
in one of the assemblies of the people, that some other advice must be
resorted to, since, with such a senate as then existed, he could no longer
direct the affairs of the government. A full senate-house being imme-
diately summoned, Crassus arraigned, in terms of the most glowing
eloquence, the conduct of the consul, who, instead of acting as the polit-
ical parent and guardian of the senate, sought to deprive its members of
their ancient inheritance of respect and dignity. Being farther irritated
by an attempt on the part of Philippus to force him into compliance with
his designs, he exerted, on this occasion, the utmost effort of his genius
and strength; but he returned home with a pleuritic fever, of which he
died seven days after. This oration of Crassus, followed as it was by
his almost immediate death, made a deep impression on his countrymen;
who, long afterward, were wont to repair to the senate-house, for the
purpose of viewing the spot where he had last stood, and where he fell,
as it may be said, in defence of the privileges of his order -Crassus left
hardly any orations behind him, and he died while Cicero was still in his
boyhood; yet that author, having collected the opinions of those who
had heard him, speaks with a minute, and apparently perfect intelligence
of his mode of oratory. He was what may be called the most orna-
mental speaker that had hitherto appeared in the Forum. He was master
of the most pure and accurate language, and of perfect eloquence of ex-
pression, without any affectation, or unpleasant appearance of previous
study. Great clearness of exposition distinguished all his harangues, and
while descanting on topics of law or equity, he possessed an inexhausti-
ble fund of argument and illustration. In speaking he showed an un-
common modesty, which went even the length of bashfulness. This
diffidence never entirely forsook him; and, after the practice of a long
life at the bar, he was frequently so much intimidated in the exordium
of his discourse, that he was observed to grow pale, and to tremble in
every part of his frame. Some persons considered Crassus, as only
equal to Antonius; others preferred him as the more perfect and accom-
plished orator. Crassus possessed a greater acquaintance with literature,
and showed off his information to the most advantage. His language
was indisputably preferable to that of Antony; but the action and gesture
of Antony were as incontestably superior to those of Crassus. Dun-
lop's Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 215, Lond. ed.
CRASSUS, M. Licinius, a celebrated Roman, surnamed "the Rich,"
on account of his great opulence. At first he was very circumscribed in
his circumstances, but by educating slaves, and selling them for a high
price, he soon enriched himself. Crassus distinguished himself in the
war against Spartacus, after which he was chosen consul with Pompey,
and on laying down the consulship obtained after a short interval the
office of censor. His supposed participation in the conspiracy of Cati-
line was probably without any foundation in truth. What purpose could
Crassus, in fact, propose to himself, by entering into a plot to burn a
city, in which his own property was so considerable? The enmity which
arose between Cicero and Crassus, in consequence of the alleged guilt
of the latter, was so bitter, that, according to Plutarch, it would have
shown itself by some act of violence on the part of Crassus, had not his
son Publius, who was very intimate with Cicero, prevented him. He
even prevailed on his father, eventually, to become reconciled to the
orator. Crassus became afterward a member of the first triumvirate ;
40
470
HISTORICAL INDEX.
and, obtaining Syria for his province, marched against the Parthians, by
whom he was defeated and slain. Plut. Vit. Crass.
CRASSUS, P. Licinius, held the consulship with Cn. Lentulus Clodi-
anus, A. U. C. 656. He was afterward censor, A. U. C. 664, along
with L. Julius Caesar, and during his censorship no part of the people
were rated.
This Crassus was father of the preceding. In an ancient
inscription his praenomen is given as Marcus. Or. pro Arch. 5.—Er-
nesti, Ind. Hist. s. v.
CURIUS, Quintus, a Roman of good family, whose disgraceful and im-
moral conduct had caused his expulsion from the senate by the censors.
He was connected with the conspiracy of Catiline, but divulged the secret
to Fulvia, a fernale of high rank but corrupt principles, with whom he
was intimate. Fulvia communicated the danger which threatened the
state and the lives of the citizens; and the alarm which this occasioned
caused the election of Cicero to the consulship. Cicero subsequently
prevailed upon Curius, through the means of Fulvia, to discover to him
all the movements of Catiline, and was thus enabled to baffle the schemes
of that daring conspirator. In return for these services, rewards were
voted him froin the public treasury; but Caesar, whom Curius had named
among the conspirators, exerted himself against the fulfilment of the
public promise, and the rewards were not given. Sallust. B. C. 23.—
Plut. Vit. Cic. 11.
a
D.
DIDIUS, Titus, a Roman, who although of lowly origin, rose notwith-
standing to the highest offices in the state. In his praetorship he tri-
umphed over the Scordisci. He was afterward consul, along with Q.
Metellus, A. U. C. 655. Cic. Or. pro Planc. 25.-Id. in Pis. 25.
DIOGENES, a celebrated philosopher of the Cynic sect, born in the third
year of the ninety-first Olympiad, at Sinope, a city of Pontus. He was
a pupil of Antisthenes, and perfectly adopted the principles and character
of his master. Renouncing every other object of ambition, he deter-
mined to distinguish himself by his contempt of riches and honours, and
by his indignation against luxury. He wore a coarse cloak; carried a
wallet and a staff; made the porticoes and other public places his habi-
tation, and depended upon casual contributions for his daily bread. He
practised the most rigid self-control, and the strictest abstinence, expo-
sing himself to the utmost extremes of heat and cold, and living upon the
simplest diet. He died in the 90th year of his age. Diogenes left be-
hind him no system of philosophy. After the example of his master, he
was more attentive to practical than theoretical wisdom. Enfield's Hist.
Phil. vol. 1, p. 305, seqq.
DRUSUS, Marcus Livius, a Roman tribune of the commons, A. U. C.
662, who, among other ordinances, proposed a law that the allied states
of Italy should be admitted to the freedom of the city. Drusus was a
man of great eloquence, and of the most upright intentions; but endea-
vouring to reconcile those whose interests were diametrically opposite,
he was crushed in the attempt, being assassinated at his own house, by
Quintus Varius, as was thought, and as Cicero expressly states, although
other writers omit the name. The states of Italy considered his death as
the signal of a revolt, and endeavoured to extort by force, what they
HISTORICAL INDEX.
471
could not obtain voluntarily. In other words, the Social war aroso.
Vell. Paterc. 2, 13, seqq.-Liv. Epit. 70.-Cic. N. D. 3, 33.
E.
ENNIUS, a native of Rudiae, in Calabria, who lived from A. U. C.
515 to 585. He has generally received the glorious appellation of the
Father of Roman song. In his early youth he went to Sardinia; and,
if Silius Italicus may be believed, he served in the Calabrian levies, which,
in the year 538, followed Titus Manlius to the war which he waged in
that island, against the favourers of the Carthaginian cause. After the
termination of the campaign, he continued to live for twelve years in
Sardinia. He was at length brought to Rome by Cato, the censor, who,
in 550, visited Sardinia, on returning as quaestor from Africa. At Rome,
he instructed the patrician youth in Greek, and acquired the friendship
of many of the most illustrious men in the state. Being distinguished
in arms as well as in letters, he followed M. Fulvius Nobilior, during his
expedition to Aetolia in 564; and in 569 he obtained the freedom of the
city, through the favour of Quintus Fulvius Nobilior, the son of his for-
mer patron, Marcus. He was also protected by the elder Africanus.
He is said to have been intemperate in drinking, which brought on the
disease called Morbus Articularis, a disorder resembling the gout, of
which he died at the age of 70. A bust of the poet was placed on the
family tomb of the Scipios.-To judge by the fragments of his works
that reinain, Ennius greatly surpassed his predecessors not only in poeti-
cal genius but in the art of versification. By his time, indeed, the best
models of Greek composition had begun to be studied at Rome. We
find, accordingly, in the works of Ennius, innumerable imitations of the
Iliad and Odyssey. It is, however, the Greek tragic writers whom he
has chiefly imitated; and indeed it appears from the fragments which
remain, that all his plays were rather translations from the dramas of
Sophocles, on the same subjects which he has chosen, than original trage-
dies. Ennius was also a satirical writer, and the first who introduced
this species of composition into Rome. His satires, however, appear to
have been merely a kind of cento, made up from passages of various
poeins, which by slight alterations, were humorously or satirically applied,
and chiefly to the delineation of character. It is much to be regretted,
that we possess such scanty fragments of these satires, which would
have been curious as the first attempts at a species of composition, which
was carried to such perfection by succeeding Latin poets, and which has
been regarded as almost peculiar to the Romans. But the great work
of Eunius, and of which we have still considerable remains, was his An-
nals, or metrical chronicles, devoted to the celebration of Roman exploits,
from the earliest periods to the conclusion of the Istrian war. These
annals were written by him in his old age; at least Aulus Gellius informs
us, on the authority of Varro, that the 12th book was finished by him
in his 67th year.
We have fragments also of some other works of his.
On the whole, the productions of Ennius are rather pleasing and inter-
esting, as the early blossoms of that poetry, which afterward opened to
such perfection, than estimable from their intrinsic beauty. Dunlop's
Rom. Lit. vol. 1, p. 84, seqq.
472
HISTORICAL INDEX.
F.
FALCIDIUS, Caius, a tribune of the commons, who is mentioned in the
oration for the Manilian law, as having been appointed to a lieutenancy
the year after he had filled the tribuneship. Or. pro M. L. 19.
.
FLACCUS, Lucius, was one of the praetors during the consulship of
Cicero, and arrested, by order of the latter, in conjunction with Caius
Pomptinus, the retinue of the Allobroges, at the Mulvian bridge. He
was also military tribune, under P. Servilius, in Cilicia, and quaestor
with M. Piso in Spain. We have an oration remaining, which Cicero
delivered in his behalf, when he was accused of extortion in his govern-
ment of Asia, by D. Laelius. He had obtained this government after
going through the quaestorship at home. Or. in Cat. 3, 2.-Pro Flace.
1, &c.
FLACCUS, Marcus Fulvius, a man of consular rank, who was charged
with the execution of the Agrarian law, proposed by the Gracchi, and
who seconded the efforts of Tiberius Gracchus, to procure for all the
Italians the rights of Roman citizenship. Having been sent against the
Gauls, he defeated them and obtained the honours of a triumph. Four
years after this, he was cited by the consul Opimius, along with Tiberius
Gracchus, to render an account of his conduct. Flaccus refused to
answer the summons, but seized on mount Aventine. Opimius attacked
him here, and having put to flight his followers, forced him to take refuge
in an old and neglected public bath, where he was slain with his eldest
Vell. Paterc. 2, 7.-Plut. Vil. c. Gracch.
son.
FLAMININUS, Titus Quintius, a celebrated Roman commander, who
obtained the consulship A. U. C. 556, before he was thirty years old.
Macedonia and the war with Philip fell to his lot. He defeated the
enemy on the banks of the Aous, detached the Achaean league from the
party of Philip, and crowned his successes by the victory at Cynosce-
phalae, after which the king of Macedon found himself compelled to give
freedom to the Greek cities in Europe and Asia. Flamininus announced
this intelligence, kept secret till then, to the multitude assembled at the
Isthmian games, and it was received with the loudest acclamations.
Flamininus respected the laws, and adopted the usages and manners of
the Greeks, and by this wise course of conduct merited the name of their
father and liberator. He was afterward sent as ambassador to the court
of Prusias, king of Bithynia, where Hannibal had taken refuge, with a
demand that the latter should be put to death, and his prudence and ad-
dress contributed not a little to remove from existence a man who had
so long been a terror to the Romans. After having held the consular
office a second time, Flamininus was found dead in his bed. Plut. Vit.
Flam.
FLAVIUS, Cneius, the son of a freedman, but an artful and eloquent
man. Livy calls him Caius Flavius, and makes his father's naine to
have been Cneius, but Caius is given as the true praenomen by Draken-
borch (ad Liv. 9, 46.) He was scribe to Appius Caecus, the acdile,
and published, for the use of the people, an account of the dies fasti, or
days on which legal proceedings could be had, which was called from
him Jus Flavianum. The people in return made him curule aedile. The
mode which he adopted of making the days in question known to all, was
to hang up to public view, round the forum, the calendar on white tablets.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
473
His elevation was, of course, extremely unpalatable to the patricians, nor
did his own behaviour toward them at all tend to diminish this feeling.
To the great displeasure of the nobles, he performed the dedication of
the temple of Concord, and the Pontifex Maximus was compelled to dic-
tate to him the form of words, although he affirmed, that. consistently
with the practice of antiquity, no other than a consul, or commander in
chief, could dedicate a temple. Livy says, that Flavius owed his ap-
pointment to the aedileship to a faction composed of the lowest of the
people, which had gathered strength during the censorship of Appius
Claudius; for Appius was the first who degraded the senate, by electing
into it the sons of freedmen; and when he found that no one allowed
that election to be valid, and that his conduct in the senate-house had
not procured him the influence in the city, which it had been his principal
object to attain, he distributed men of the meanest order among the dif
ferent tribes, and thus corrupted the assemblies both of the forum and
campus Martius. To these men Flavius owed his preferment.
9, 46.
Liv.
FULVIA, a Roman female of high rank, but corrupt principles, who
gave Cicero secret information of all the movements of Catiline's party.
Her informant was Curius. Sallust. B. C. 23. Id. ibid. 26.
FULVIUS, Marcus.
Vid. Nobilior.
FURIUS, Lucius, was consul A. U. C. 617, along with Sextus Atilius
Serranus. He was distinguished in some degree by a taste for literature,
and Cicero remarks of him, "perbene Latine locutus est, et literatius
Brut. 28.
quam ceteri."
FURIUS, Publius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, remarkable for
his active and daring spirit. He is supposed to be the one to whom
Sallust alludes under the epithet Fesulanus. He fell fighting among
the foremost, at the battle of Pistoria, where Catiline was defeated by
the forces of the republic. Sallust. B. C. 60.
G.
GABINIUS, Aulus, a tribune of the commons, who proposed the law by
which Pompey was invested with supreme command in the war against
the pirates. He appears to have been a man of very corrupt and proffi-
gate character. For an account of the provisions of this law, consult
note 14, page 82; and for some remarks respecting the private character
of Gabinius, note 20, page 89. Cicero states, that Gabinius was the
only one to whoin a supplicatio" had not been allowed. Philipp. 14, 8.
GABINIUS, Publius, a Roman of equestrian rank, whom Cicero calls
Cimber. This individual appears to have been one of the most worthless
among the accomplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment
with Lentulus and the rest. Or. in Cat. 3, 3.-Sallust. B. C. 55.
(6
GABINIUS, Publius, or, as he is sometimes called, Publius Gabinius
Capito, was praetor A. U. C. 664. After returning from his govern-
ment of Achaia, he was accused of extortion by Lucius Piso and con-
demned. His disgraceful fall destroyed the credit of his register, which
his previous corruption had already impaired. Or. pro Arch. 5.—In.
Caecil. 20.
GALBA, Publius Sulpicius, a Roman senator, who held also at one
time the office of Pontifex Maximus.
He was a competitor of Cicero's
40*
474
HISTORICAL INDEX.
for the consulship, but did not succeed. Or. in Verr. 7.-De Har.
Resp. 6.-Ep. ad Att. 1, 1.—Or. pro Muren. 8.
GALBA, Servius Sulpicius, was consul along with Marcus Aemilius
Scaurus. Cicero speaks highly of his power, as an orator, in arousing
and swaying the feelings of his auditors. He was accused by L. Libo,
a tribune of the commons, of having cruelly slain a large number of the
Lusitani, in his government of Spain, contrary to his own plighted word,
and was only acquitted by exciting in his behalf the commiseration of the
people. (Consult note 14, p. 120.) He was an ancestor of the emperor
Galba. Cic. de Or. 2, 65.-Pro Rabir. 7.-Brut. 21.-Or. 1, 53.-
Pro Muren. 28.—Suclon. Galb. 3.
GALLUS, Caius Acilius, an eminent lawyer, highly praised by Cicero.
Brut. 23.-Top. 12.-Pro Muren. 37.
GELLIUS, Lucius, held the censorship, A. U. C. 683, along with Cn.
Lentulus, who had also been his colleague in the consulship 681. It
was he who declared that a civic crown ought to be voted to Cicero, for
his preservation of the republic. Cic. pro Cluent. 42.—Ad Quir. post
red 7.-In Pis. 3.
GLABRIO, Manius Acilius, held the consulship A. U. C. 684. He
was named as the successor of Lucullus, in the government of Bithynia
and Pontus, and in the management of the Mithridatic war, but was soon
after superseded by Pompey. He appears to have been a person of very
little military talent, and not very upright in the discharge of his duties
as commander. Or. pro. Man. Leg. 9.-Brut. 68.
GLAUCIA, Caius, a seditious and profligate individual, put to death
while holding the praetorship, when Marius and Valerius were consuls.
The senate had passed the usual decrec, directing the consuls to see that
the republic sustained no injury. Saturninus and Glaucia, who were
acting in concert, fled into the capitol, with a number of their followers.
Here they were besieged, and at last forced to yield for want of water,
the pipes being cut off. When they could hold out no longer, they called
for Marius, and surrendered themselves to him upon the public faith.
Marius tried every art to save them, but nothing would avail. They no
sooner came down into the forum, than they were all put to the sword.
Such, at least, is the account of Plutarch. Florus, however, says that
the people despatched them with clubs and stones. Cicero indulges in
some degree of oratorical exaggeration, when he makes Glaucia to have
been put to death by the immediate act of Marius. Plut. Vit. Mar. 30.
-Cic. Or. in Cat. 3, 6.-Pro Rab. 7.-Fior. 3, 16.
GRACCHUS, Tiberius Sempronius, father of Tiberius and Caius Grac-
chus. He was twice consul, and once censor, aud was distinguished as
well for his integrity, as his prudence and superior ability, either in the
senate or at the head of armies. He carried on military operations in
Gaul and Spain, and met with much success in the latter country. He
married Cornelia, daughter of the elder Africanus, by whom he had the
Gracchi. Plut. Vit. Gracchorum.—Cic. Brut. 20.--Prov. Cons. 8.
GRACCHI. There were two brothers of this name, Tiberius Gracchus,
and Caius Gracchus, sons of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, and of
Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio Africanus Major. Tiberius, the elder,
was of a mild and unruffled temper, but Caius, violent and irascible.
The object of the two brothers, in succession, was to have the public lands
divided among the citizens. Appian says, that the nobles and rich men,
HISTORICAL INDEX.
475
partly by getting possession of the public lands, partly by buying up the
shares of indigent owners, had made themselves masters of all the lands
in Italy, and had thus, by degrees, accomplished the removal of the com-
mon people from their possessions. This abuse stimulated Tiberius
Gracchus to revive the Licinian law, by which no one could hold more
than 500 jugera, or about 350 acres of land. The owners, however,
were to be indemnified for the land they had thus lost. The attempts of
the Gracchi cost them their lives. Tiberius was slain in a collision be-
tween his adherents and the party of the nobility headed by Scipio Nasica.
Caius was slain some years afterward by the consul Opimius and his
party. Plut. Vit. Gracch.
GRATIUS, the accuser of Archias, probably some obscure individual.
The earlier reading was Gracchus, which induced Ilgen to think that
Numerius Quinctius Gracchus was meant, who was tribune of the com-
mons, A. U. C. 697, but consult note 25, page 50.
H.
HERENNIUS, Marcus, a public speaker of only moderate ability, who
nevertheless triumphed over L. Philippus, in a contest for the consul-
ship, A. U. C. 660.-Brut. 45.-Pro Muren. 17.
HORTENSIUS, Quintus, an orator and statesman, whose name has been
handed down to us by Cicero, with great commendation. He filled in
succession the offices of praetor and consul, and died B. C. 50, in the
63d year of his age. His first appearance at the bar was at the early
age of 19, and his excellence, says Cicero, was immediately acknow-
ledged. The imminent perils of the Social war, which broke out in 663,
that is about four years after his first appearance, interrupted, in a great
measure, the business of the forum, and hence we find Hortensius serv-
ing in this alarming contest for one year as a volunteer, and in the fol-
lowing season as military tribune. When, on the re-establishment of
peace in Italy, in 666, he returned to Rome, and resumed the more
peaceful avocations to which he had been destined from his youth, he
found himself without a rival. Crassus died in 662, before the troubles
of Marius and Sylla; Antonius, with other orators of inferior note,
perished in 666, during the temporary and last ascendancy of Marius, in
the absence of Sylla. Sulpicius was put to death the same year, and
Cotta driven into banishment, from which he was not recalled until the
return of Sylla to Rome, and his elevation to the dictatorship in 670.
Hortensius was thus left, for some years, without a competitor; and,
after 670, with none of eminence but Cotta, whom also he soon outshone.
His splendid, warm, and animated manner, was preferred to the calm
and easy elegance of his rival. Accordingly, when engaged in a cause
on the same side, Cotta, though ten years his senior, was employed to
open the case, while the more important parts were left to the manage-
ment of Hortensius. He continued the undisputed sovereign of the
forum, till Cicero returned from his quaestorship in Sicily, in 679, when
the talents of that orator first displayed themselves in full perfection and
maturity. Hortensius was thus, from 666 till 679, a space of thirteen
years, at the head of the Roman bar; and being, in consequence, eu-
gaged, during that long period, on one side or other, in every cause of
importance, he soon amassed a prodigious fortune. He lived, too, with
476
HISTORICAL INDEX.
a magnificence corresponding to his wealth. His house at Rome, which
was splendidly furnished, formed the centre of the chief imperial palace,
which increased from the time of Augustus to that of Nero, till it nearly
covered the whole Palatine mount, and branched over other hills. Be-
sides his mansion in the capital, he possessed sumptuous villas at Tuscu-
lum, Bauli and Laurentum, where he was accustomed to give the most
elegant and expensive entertainments.-Hortensius was praetor in 682,
and consul two years afterward. The wealth and dignities he had ob-
tained, and the want of competition, made him gradually relax from that
assiduity by which they had been acquired, till the increasing fame of
Cicero, and particularly the glory of his consulship, stimulated him to
renew his exertions. But his habit of labour had been in some degree
lost, and he never again recovered his former reputation. Cicero partly
accounts for his decline from the peculiar nature and genius of his elo-
quence. It was of that showy species called Asiatic, which flourished
in the Greek colonies of Asia Minor, and was infinitely more florid and
ornamental than the oratory of Athens, or even Rhodes, being full of
brilliant thoughts and sparkling expressions. This glowing style of
rhetoric, though deficient in solidity and weight, was not unsuitable in a
young man; and being farther recommended by a beautiful cadence of
periods, met with the utmost applause. But Hortensius, as he advanced
in life, did not correct this exuberance, nor adopt a chaster eloquence;
and this luxury and glitter of phraeseology, being totally inconsistent
with his advanced age and consular dignity, caused his reputation to
diminish with the increase of years. His elocution, too, became event-
ually much impaired by a constant tooth-ache, and swellings in his jaws,
and this complaint became at length so severe as to accelerate his end.
The speeches of Hortensius suffered greatly by being transferred to
writing, his chief excellence consisting in action and delivery. None of
his speeches have come down to us. Dunlop, Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 222.
I.
JULIUS.
Vid. L. Julius Caesar.
JULIA, a Roman female, of the house of the Caesars, but of a different
branch from that whence sprang Julia, the aunt of Julius Caesar, and
wife of Marius. She was first married to M. Antonius Creticus, by
whom she had Antony the triumvir; and, after the death of Creticus,
she was united to Lentulus, the accomplice of Catiline. The punish-
ment of her second husband was the origin, according to Plutarch, of the
enmity that prevailed between Mark Antony and Cicero. Plut. Vit.
Anton. c. 2.
L.
LAECA, Marcus Porcius, an accomplice of Catiline's, who, in the dead
of night, convened the leading members of the conspiracy at his own
house, just before the discovery of the plot. He was a descendant of
M. Porcius Laeca, tribune of the commons, who had a law passed pro-
hibiting magistrates from punishing a Roman citizen with death, and
substituting for capital punishment, banishment and confiscation of
property. Sallust. B. C. 27.
LAELIUS, Caius, a Roman, celebrated for his intimate friendship with
HISTORICAL INDEX.
477
the elder Africanus, and which commenced in early life. He followed
that eminent commander in all his campaigns, and was the confidant of
all his secrets. Laelius commanded the Roman fleet which blockaded
the port of Carthage, while Scipio pressed the siege by land; and after
the capture of the place he was presented by Scipio with a golden crown
and thirty oxen, besides receiving the highest encomiums for his signal
services. He was afterward elected aedile, and finally attained to the
consulship, B. C. 190. Liv. 26, 42.-Id. 27, 7.-Id. 28, 23, &c.
LAELIUS, Caius, surnamed Sapiens, or "the Wise," was the son, or,
according to some, the grandson of the preceding, and equally celebrated
for his friendship with the younger Africanus. While praetor, he suc-
cessfully prosecuted the war against Viriathus, B. C. 146, and subse-
quently, B. C. 140, was chosen to the consulship. Laelius was more
eminent, however, for private virtues and intellectual endowments thar
military abilities; and it is to him that Cicero assigns the eulogium on
Friendship, in his dialogue "de Amicitia." Scipio and Laelius were
reported. though without any truth, to have aided Terence in the compo-
sition of his dramatic pieces. Cic. de Inv. 1, 7.—Id. de Off. 2, 11.—
Id. Tusc. Disp. 5, 19.
LENTULUS, Cneius Cornelius, was consul with L. Gellius, A. U. C.
681, and afterward censor with the same. He is described by Cicero
as producing considerable effect, in public speaking, by the management
of his tones and look, but by no means a solid or fluent speaker.
in Verr. 5, 7.—Pro Cluent. 42.—Brut. 66.—Or. pro Man. L. 23.
LENTULUS, Cneins, was tribune of the commons, and the next year
enjoyed a lieutenancy. Or: pro Man. L. 19.
Cic.
LENTULUS, Lucius, was praetor, when P. Gabinius was condemned for
extortion. Or. pro Arch. 5.
Lentulus, Publius Cornelius, was consul A. U. C. 591, and subse-
quently princeps senatus. He was the grandfather of Lentulus the
accomplice of Catiline, and is highly commended by Cicero for his
patriotism. Or. in Caecil. 21.-In Cat. 3, 5.
LENTULUS, Publius Cornelius, surnamed Sura, a Roman nobleman,
possessed of some share of talent, but extremely corrupt in his private
character. The interest of his family, and the affability of his manners,
proceeding from a love of popularity, raised him through the usual gra-
dation of public honours to the office of consul, which he obtained B. C.
73, in conjunction with Cn. Aufidius Orestis. Expelled from the senate
on account of his iminoral conduct, he had procured the praetorship, the
usual step for being again restored to that body, when Catiline formed
his design for subverting the government. Poverty, the natural conse-
quence of excessive dissipation, added to immoderate vanity and extrav-
agant ambition, induced him to join in the conspiracy. The soothsayers
easily persuaded him, that he was the third one of the gens Cornelia
destined by the fates to enjoy the supreme power at Rome. L. Corne-
lius Sylla, and L. Cornelius Cinna, had both attained to that elevation.
His schemes, however, all proved abortive, and he was strangled in
prison with the other conspirators who had been arrested. Plutarch
informs us, that he received the name of Sura, in consequence of his
having wasted a large sum of public money, in his quaestorship, under
Sylla, who, enraged at his conduct, demanded a statement of his accounts,
in the senate, when Lentulus, with the utmost indifference, declared he
478
HISTORICAL INDEX.
had no accounts to produce, and contemptuously presented to him the
calf of his leg, (sura.) Among the Romans, particularly among the
boys, the player at tennis, who missed his stroke, presented the calf of
his leg to receive as a punishment a certain number of blows upon it.
Lentulus, in allusion to that game, acted in the manner just described,
which accounts for the surname, or rather nickname, of Sura. Such is
the account of Plutarch; but it may be doubted whether the explanation
be correct, as regards the conspirator Lentulus, the name as appears
from Livy (22, 31,) being one of carlier date. Plut. Vit. Cic. c. 17.-
Sullust. B. C. c. 55.
LEPIDUS, Manius, was consul with L. Volcatius Tullus, A. U. C. 687.
Consult note 6, page 6.
LEPIDUS, Marcus, was consul with Catulus, A. U. C. 675. Consult
note 12, page 34.
LUCULLUS, Lucius Licinius, a Roman noble, celebrated both for his
munificence and military talents. He distinguished himself at first by
his rapid progress in literary pursuits, and particularly in eloquence and
philosophy. His first campaigns were made in the war with the Marsi,
where he acquired considerable reputation by his valour. He conciliated
the favour of Sylla by his agreeable disposition, and by his constancy in
friendship. This new connexion procured for him in succession the
offices of quaestor in Asia, and praetor in Africa. In this latter province
he won two naval victories over Hamilcar, and gained the affections
of all by his justice, moderation, and humanity. Raised to the consul-
ship, B. C. 74, and charged with the prosecution of the war against
Mithridates, he commenced by delivering his colleague Cotta, who was
besieged in Chalcedon. This success was followed by a great victory,
gained over the forces of Mithridates, on the banks of the Granicus, and
by the reduction of Bithynia. Similar success attended the Roman
arms by sea, and Mithridates stripped of his former power, was compelled
to fly for refuge to his son-in-law Tigranes, king of Armenia. Lucullus,
on ascertaining his flight, hastened to cross the Euphrates, gave battle to
a numerous army of the Armenian monarch, and gained a signal victory,
although his own forces were far inferior in point of number to those of
the foe. The capture of Tigranocerta, and the seizure of the royal
treasures contained in it, were the fruits of this brilliant success. The
following year was marked by the capture of Nisibis. The pride and
severity of Lucullus, however, alienated from him the affections of his
soldiers, and proved injurious to his interests at home. The defeat of
Triarius, his lieutenant, furnished a pretext for the attacks of the malev-
olent, and Pompey was appointed to succeed him in the command, and
to continue the war against Mithridates. Their common friends brought
Lucullus and Pompey to an interview. They met at first upon polite.
terms, but soon broke out into open variance, and parted greater enemies
than ever.
Lucullus upon this set out for Rome, with but 1600 men,
which were all that Pompey allowed him to take home with him, in order
to attend his triumph, and even the triumph itself he obtained with diffi-
culty, such was the coldness with which he was received in the capital.
The days of his glory terminated with this ceremony; and he lived after
this in complete retirement, without taking any part in those civil disor-
ders, which soon after took their rise at Rome, and in which, if he had
been possessed of a little more ambition, he might have taken a very
HISTORICAL INDEX.
479
prominent place. He devoted the remainder of his days to literary pur-
suits, and to the society of his intimate friends, and had a large and val-
uable library, to which he took pleasure in admitting the wise and learned
of the day. He himself wrote with equal excellence in both Greek and
Latin, and composed a history of the Marsic war, in which he had served.
Lucullus was remarkable for his lavish and expensive style of living, the
means of supporting which he had obtained in abundance from his Asiatic
campaigns. He died at the age of 67 or 68 years. The people render-
ing tardy justice to his merits, insisted on burying him in the Campus
Martius, and it was with great difficulty his brother obtained leave to inter
hin, in accordance with his own wish, on his estate at Tusculum.
Plut. Vit. Lucull.
M.
MAELIUS, Spurius, a Roman of equestrian rank, A. U. C. 315, who
was possessed of extraordinary wealth for the times in which he lived,
and strove to make it the means of attaining to sovereign power.
Having, through his connexions and dependants, bought up a large
quantity of corn from Etruria, which very step, most probably, obstructed
the endeavours of the magistrates to lower the price of provisions, he
began the practice of bestowing largesses of corn; and having gained
the favour of the commons by this munificence, he became the object
of general attention. Assuming thence a degree of consequence, be-
yond what belonged to a private citizen, he drew the people after him in
crowds wherever he went; and they, by the attachment which they ex-
pressed towards him, encouraged him to look up to the consulship with
a certain prospect of success. He was disappointed, however, in his
application for this office, and T. Quintius Cincinnatus and Agrippa
Menenius were elected. The designs of Maelius becoming gradually
known, he was denounced to the senate, by Minucius, president of the
market, who stated that arms were getting collected in the dwelling of
Maelius, that he held assemblies in his house, and that there remained
not a doubt of his having formed a design to possess himself of absolute
power. On this information being received, Lucius Quintius Cincin-
natus was appointed dictator, and the latter named Caius Servilius Ahala
his master of the horse. The next day, after fixing proper guards, the
dictator went down to the forum, and despatched Ahala with a summons
for Maelius to appear before him. Maelius declined obeying the man-
date, and endeavoured to excite the bystanders in his behalf, who actually
rescued him from a lictor sent by the master of the horse to seize him.
Betaking himself thereupon to flight, he was pursued and slain by Ahala
in person, and the deed was highly applauded by the dictator, who de-
clared to Ahala, that he had preserved the commonwealth. Liv. 4, 13,
seqq.
MANLIUS, Caius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, whom the latter
sent into Etruria to levy troops, and adopt whatever measures he might
deem necessary for the success of the plot. He commanded the right
wing of Catiline's army in the final encounter, and fell fighting with the
most desperate valour. Manlius had held a commission in the army of
Sylla, under whom he had acquired considerable experience as an officer,
and had accumulated great wealth, which, however, he soon squandered
480
HISTORICAL INDEX.
away. He engaged in the conspiracy to retrieve his ruined fortunes.
Sallust. B. C. 27.-Id. ibid. 59.-Cic. Or. in Cat. 1, 3.
MANLIUS, Cneius, a man of humble origin, who is alluded to by Ci-
cero as having triumphed over Catulus in an application for office. The
orator describes him, as not only a person of ignoble birth, but also with-
out merit, without talents, and sordid and contemptible in private life.
He was defeated by the Cimbri, along with his colleague Caepio, and
was defended by Antonius when accused on this account by Sulpicius.
Cic. Or. pro Muren. 17.-Pro Planc. 5.-Or. 2, 28 -Vell. Patcrc. 2,
12.-Drakenborch. ad Liv. Epit. 67.-Ernesti ad Tuc. Germ. 38.
MARCELLUS, Caius, the brother of Marcus Marcellus whom Caesar
pardoned. He was consul with Cn. Lentulus, at the beginning of the
civil war, and is not to be confounded with the Marcellus who held the
consulship along with Lucius Paullus. Cic. Or. pro Marcell. 4.-Ma-
nut. ad Ep. ad Fam. 15, 7.
MARCELLUS, Marcus, an accomplice and intimate friend of Catiline's.
Or. in Cat. 1, 8.
MARCELLUS, Marcus Claudius, held the consulship with Servius Sul-
picius, B. C. 51. He was remarkable for his attachment to republican
principles, and his uncompromising hostility towards Caesar; and it was
he who proposed to the senate to recall that commander from his province
in Gaul. After the battle of Pharsalia, Marcellus went into voluntary
exile, and was not pardoned by Caesar until some considerable interval
had elapsed, and then only at the earnest intercession of the senate. It
was on this occasion that Cicero delivered his speech of thanks to Cae-
Marcellus, however, did not long survive to enjoy the pardon thus
obtained, having been assassinated by an adherent of his, P. Magius
Cilo. Consult the concluding note to the oration for Marcellus, page
76. Cic. pro Marc.-Ep. ad Fam. 4, 12.-Ep. ad Att. 13, 10.—Val.
Max. 9, 11.
sar.
MARCELLUS, Marcus Claudius, the celebrated opponent of Hannibal
mentioned incidentally in the oration for the Manilian law, c 16. He
is famous for the check which he gave Hannibal at Nola, for the capture
of Syracuse, and for his subsequent successes against the Carthaginians
in southern Italy. He lost his life, by being entrapped into an ambus-
cade, at the age of 70, and in his fifth consulship. Marcellus was no
less celebrated for his private than his public virtues. Liv. 22, 35.-
Id. 23, 14.-Id. 24, 9.—Id. 25, 3, &c.
MARIUS, Caius, a native of Arpinum, remarkable for his military tal-
ents, but still more for his cruel and vindictive disposition. Having pre-
served the state by his bravery, he afterward brought it to the brink of
ruin by his reckless and uncompromising violence. In early life he
was a ploughman, and wrought for hire. Quitting that employment, he
entered the ranks of the army, and distinguished himself under Scipio at
the siege and capture of Numantia. From the condition of a common
soldier, he gradually rose to the command of the Roman forces, and the
office of consul. After bringing the war with Jugurtha to a close, he
defeated in two terrible encounters the Teutones and Cimbri, slaying an
immense number, and taking a vast multitude prisoners. After these
signal victories, his ambitious feelings brought him into collision with
Sylla, and a desolating civil war was the consequence. To crush the
power of his rival, Sylla marched the troops, which he had raised to carry
HISTORICAL INDEX.
481
on the war against Mithridates, to the Roman capital, and Marius was
obliged to flee. In his banishment he underwent uncommon hardships,
from which he was in the end released by Cinna's embracing his inter-
ests. He then returned to Rome to satiate his inhuman resentment,
and butchered many thousands of the citizens. Tired at last with mur-
der and assassination, he and Cinna appointed themselves consuls. But
Marius, worn out by infirmities, age, and excessive intoxication, to which
he probably had recourse in order to blunt the stings of a guilty con-
science, died on the first day of his being invested with the consulship
for the seventh time. Plut. Vit. Mar.-Sallust. B. J. 63, &c.
MAXIMUS, Quintus Fabius, an illustrious Roman, the well-known op-
ponent of Hannibal, and styled Cunctator, from having saved his country
by his wise delay, and cautious operations. He is incidentally alluded
to by Cicero in the oration for the Manilian law, c. 16. Plut. Vit. Fab.
Max.
METELLUS, Quintus Caecilius, surnamed Numidicus, enjoyed the con-
sulship with M. Junius Silanus, B. C. 111. He obtained Numidia as
his province, and had nearly brought the war against Jugurtha to a close,
by his military talents and incorruptible integrity, when he was removed
from the command by the intrigues of Marius. For defeating Jugurtha
and desolating Numidia, Metellus received the surname of Numidicus,
and according to Eutropius, (4, 27,) a triumph. Sometime after, he was
summoned to trial by Saturninus, a tribune, for having refused to swear
to observe the Agrarian law, which this individual had carried by force;
and, although all the good citizens supported him, he went, in order to
prevent any commotion, into voluntary exile at Rhodes.
Marius pro-
nounced sentence of banishment against him, B. C. 104; two years
after which, however, he was honourably recalled. Sallust. B. J. 30,
seqq.-Vell. Patcrc. 2, 9.-Aul. Gell. 17, 2.—Val. Max. 13, 8.—Cic.
pro Arch. 3, &c.
METELLUS, Quintus, surnamed Pius, was the son of Metellus Numi-
dicus. He served under his father in Numidia, and is alluded to by
Sallust in his history of the Jugurthine war. He obtained the consul-
ship, B. C. 80, and was sent against Sertorius in Spain. The latter,
however, proved far superior to him in talents and activity, though Me-
tellus occasionally gained some advantages over him. The surname of
Pius was given him on account of the sorrow he testified at the exile
of his father, and his eager efforts to have him recalled. Plut. Vit. Sert.
22.
Vell. Paterc. 2, 1, &c.—Sallust. B. J. 44.
METELLUS, Quintus, surnamed Creticus, was consul B. C. 70, along
with Q. Hortensius. On the expiration of his consulship, he obtained,
as pro-consul, the island of Crete for his province, and reduced it be-
neath the Roman sway, for which he obtained the surname above men-
tioned. He was honoured besides this with a triumph, notwithstanding
the opposition of Pompey. Consult note 2, page 83. Sallust. B. C.
17. Vell. Paterc. 2, 34.-Cic. Or. in Verr. 1, 9.-Pro Flacc. 13.-
Ep. ad Att. 1, 19.
MITHRIDATES, a celebrated king of Pontus, in Asia Minor, surnamed
Eupator, and the seventh in succession. He was distinguished for his
personal bravery and military talents, and for the long resistance which
he made to the armies of Rome. At last, however, being deserted by
his allies, betrayed by his son Pharnaces, and frequently defeated by the
A
Sk
41
482
HISTORICAL INDEX.
Romans, he was, at his own request, slain by a Gaul, that he might not
fall into the hands of his enemies. The constitution of this monarch
was so fortified by antidotes, of many of which he is said to have been
the inventor, that the strongest and most active poisons had no effect
upon him. The true form of the name appears to be Mithradates, the
root being the appellation of the solar deity among the Persians, i. e.
Mithras or Mithra. Custom, however, has sanctioned the other form.
Appian. Bell. Mithrid.-Plut. Vit. Lucull.-Id Vit. Syll., &c.
MUMMIUS, Lucius, surnamed Achaicus, from his overthrow of the
Achaean league, and reduction of Southern Greece, was consul, B. C.
146. He was sent into the Peloponnesus, against the Acheans, defeated
their general Diaeus, put an end to the famous league which bore their
name, took and burnt Corinth, and reduced the whole of Southern
Greece to a Roman province under the name of Achaia. He received
the honours of a triumph, and the surname above mentioned. Mummius
is celebrated for his disinterestedness, and his ignorance of the fine arts.
He would not enrich himself with the spoils of Corinth; while so little
acquainted was he with the value of paintings and statues and other
masterpieces of art obtained from the captured city, as to enjoin
upon those who were to convey them to Rome, that they should supply
their places by others at their own expense, in case these were lost.
Flor. 2, 6.-Vell. Paterc. 1, 13.—Plin. H. N. 34, 7.—Id. ibid. 37, 1.—
Pausan. 7, 24.
MUNATIUS, Titus, one of the associates of Catiline, described by
Cicero as of dissolute habits, and deeply involved in debt. Or. in Cat.
2, 2.
MURENA, Lucius Licinius, an eminent Roman general, who com-
manded one of the wings of the army of Sylla, in the battle with Arche-
laus, general of Mithridates, near Chaeronea, B. C. 87. Sylla, shortly
after this, having made an armistice with Mithridates, returned to Rome,
leaving Murena in command of the Asiatic forces. This officer, pretend-
ing ignorance of the treaty, which had only been orally made between
Sylla and Mithridates, invaded the territory of that monarch, and took
and plundered Comana; but was subsequently defeated by Mithridates,
and compelled to retire into Phrygia. These contests form in history
what is termed the second Mithridatic war. Murena subsequently
obtained a triumph at Rome, which, in the opinion of historians, was
granted him by Sylla for no other reason than to match it against the
trophies raised by Mithridates. His movements in Asia certainly do not
appear to have entitled him to one. Appian. B. M. 63, seqq.
MURENA, Lucius Licinius, son of the preceding, was one of the
lieutenants of Lucullus in Asia, and distinguished himself in the war
against Mithridates. Not long after he stood candidate for the consul-
ship, and was successful in his application, but was accused of bribery.
Cicero defended him, and succeeded in procuring his acquittal. Or. pro
Muren.
MURENA, Caius Licinius, brother of the Murena whom Cicero defended.
He was governor of Transalpine Gaul when Catiline's conspiracy broke
out, and secured a number of the malcontents, who were endeavouring
to excite commotions in his province. Sallust. B. C. 42.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
483
N.
NATTA, Lucius, a member of the old Pinarian line, and step-son to
Murena. He is praised by Cicero, in his oration for that individual; but
far different language is used by the orator concerning him, in one of his
letters to Atticus. Natta, it seems, subsequently to the period of Cicero's
pleading for Murena, was Pontifex Maximus, and dictated the form of
words, when Clodius consecrated, for the erection of a temple, the
ground on which Cicero's house had stood. Or. pro Muren. 35.—Ep.
ad Alt. 4, 8.
NAEVIUS, Cnaeus, a native of Campania, and the first imitator of the
regular dramatic works which had been produced by Livius Andronicus.
He served in the first Punic war, and his earliest plays were represented
at Rome A. U. C. 519. The names of his tragedies are still preserved,
and a few fragments of the pieces themselves. He was accounted,
however, a better comic than tragic poet. Naevius, unfortunately,
indulged, in the course of his productions, in personal and offensive
sarcasms against some of the most distinguished patricians of the day.
The Metelli, in particular, were the objects of his satire and retaliated
upon the poet by having him thrown into prison. Here he wrote some
comedies, which were intended, in some measure, as a recantation of his
former invectives, and he was accordingly liberated. But relapsing soon
after into his former courses, and continuing to persecute the nobility in
his dramas and satires with implacable dislike, he was at length driven
from Rome by their influence, and having retired to Utica, died there,
according to Cicero in the year 550; but Varro fixes his death somewhat
later. Besides his comedies, Naevius was also author of the Cyprian
Iliad, a translation from a Greek poem, called the Cyprian Epic. He
likewise wrote a metrical chronicle, relating chiefly to the events of the
first Punic war. Dunlop, Rom. Lit. vol. 1, p. 74, seqq.
NICOMEDES, king of Bithynia, and the third of the name, succeeded
his father, Nicomedes 2d, B. C. 92. He was at first dethroned by
Socrates, his brother, and then by Mithridates, who protected Socrates.
The Romans, however, re-established him in his dominions. Having in
his turn attacked the king of Pontus, he was defeated, and driven once
more from his dominions, but was replaced upon the throne by Sylla.
He governed for the space of ten years after this, and then died without
issue, leaving the Roman people his heirs. Appian. B. M.-Florus. 3,
5.-Justin. 38, 3.—Sueton. Vit. Jul. 2.-Vell. Paterc. 2, 4.
NOBILIOR, Marcus Fulvius, was praetor in Spain, A. U. C. 558, and
carried his arms as far as the Tagus, making himself master of Toletum,
until then regarded as impregnable. Being appointed to the consulship
in the year 565, he was intrusted with the war in Greece. Having with
the aid of the Epirots taken the city of Ambracia, considered as the key
of the neighbouring country of Aetolia, he compelled the Aetolians to
sue for peace, which was only granted them on condition of their giving
up to the Romans all the cities and territories, which they had conquered
since the consulship of Flamininus; of paying the expenses of the war;
of sending forty hostages, and of engaging to have no other friends and
enemies than those of Rome. Two years after this, he was accused
before the senate of having inflicted injuries on the allies of the Roman
people, but his only reply to the charge was to demand a supplicatio and
484
HISTORICAL INDEX.
triumph, which were actually awarded him. He was appointed censor,
A. U. C. 575, with Aemilius Lepidus, his mortal enemy, and consented
for the good of the state to become reconciled to him. Liv. 33, 42.—
Id. 35, 7.-Id. 37, 3, &c.
0.
OCTAVIUS, Cneius, a partisan of Sylla's, who held the consulship
A. U. C. 667, and drove out his colleage Cinna from the city. Consult
note 8, page 34.
OPIMIUS, Lucius, a Roman nobleman, who held the consulship with
C. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, and who, while in that office, over-
powered Caius Gracchus, the advocate of the Agrarian law. No fewer
than three thousand persons were slain on this occasion, according to
Plutarch, and along with Gracchus perished M. Fulvius Flaccus, a man
of consular dignity. Opimius subsequently allowed himself to be bribed
by Jugurtha, and being brought to trial for this offence, was condemned,
and went into banishment at Dyrrhachium, where he died in great pov-
erty. The name of this individual has also descended to later times in
another way. The wine made during his consulship was remarkable for
having attained to a very great age, and was called Vinum Opimianum.
There appears to have been an uncommon vintage during the year in
which he was consul. Cicero states that he tasted some Opimian wine
seventy-five years after; and Pliny informs us, that it was still to be
found when he wrote, at the distance of two hundred years, and that it
had the appearance of candied honey. Cic. pro Planc. 69.—Pro Sext.
122.-Sallust. B. J. 12.-Vell. Paterc. 2, 6.-Plut. Vit. Gracch. 17.
-Plin. H. N. 14, 4.-Henderson's Hist. Anct. and Mod wines, p. 69,
seqq.
OTHо, Lucius Roscius, was tribune of the commons during the con-
sulship of Cicero, and had a law passed by which seats were set apart
for the equites at the public spectacles. On his appearance in the thea-
tre, after this ordinance had been made, a serious disturbance ensued,
the knights applauding, and the people hissing him: Cicero, on being
informed of the tumult, hastened to the spot, and, calling out the people
to the temple of Bellona, he so calmed them by the magic of his elo-
quence, that, returning immediately to the theatre, they clapped their
hands in honour of Otho, and vied with the knights in giving him demon-
strations of respect. Plut. Vit. Cic.-Dunlop. Rom. Lit. vol. 2, p. 332.
P.
PAULLUS, Lucius Aemilius, more commonly called Paullus Aemilius,
a celebrated Roman commander, was the son of L. Aemilius Paullus,
who was slain at Cannae. He rendered himself famous by his victories,
and was surnamed Macedonicus, from his conquest of Macedonia. He
distinguished himself, from early youth, by his zeal for military discipline,
and it was to his valour and skill that the Romans owed the great suc-
cess which attended their arms in Spain, during his praetorship, B. C.
190, when he was employed in reducing some of the revolted tribes of
that country. Being elected consul, B. C. 182, he reduced the Ligu-
rians, and obtained a triumph. Having failed, however, in a second
application for the consulship, he for a long time renounced public affairs
HISTORICAL INDEX.
485
entirely, and turned his attention to the education of his children. But
in the year 168, B. C., he was, almost in spite of himself, elected consul
a second time, and was sent agains Perses, king of Macedonia. Al-
though now sixty years of age, he nevertheless prosecuted the war with
the greatest vigour, and, at the decisive battle of Pydna, destroyed the
power of Perses, and overthrew the empire of Macedon. His triumph,
at Rome, was a most brilliant one, and not the least remarkable object
in it was Perses himself, led along as a prisoner, and accompanied by
the inembers of his family. The conquest of Macedonia enriched the
Roman treasury to such a degree, that the people were exempted from
taxation, and continued so until the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa.
Paullus Aemilius alone remained poor in the midst of so much wealth,
having merely appropriated to his own use the library of the fallen mon-
arch. Elevated some time after to the dignity of censor, he conducted
himself in that office with the greatest moderation. His death, which
happened B. C. 158, was the signal for general mourning, not only among
the Romans, but the inhabitants also of the countries which he had con-
quered. Paullus Aemilius had by his first wife Papiria, whom he sub-
sequently repudiated, two sons, one of whom was adopted into the
Fabian family, and the other by the son of Africanus Major. By his
second wife he had two other sons, the sudden death of whom gave the
Romans a strong proof of the firmness of his character. He saw the
elder one expire five days before his triumph, and the younger three days
after. Plut. Vit. Paul. Aemil.-Liv. 34, 45.-Id. 35, 10.-Id. 37, 46.
-Id. 39, 32, &c.
PAULLUS, Lucius, mentioned in the oration for Murena, c. 14, the
same with the preceding.
PERPENNA, Marcus, a Roman proscribed by Sylla. He passed, upon
this into Spain, and became one of the lieutenants of Sertorius, but be-
coming jealous of the glory of that commander, and irritated at playing
only a secondary part himself, he conspired against him and assassinated
him at a banquet. Being taken prisoner after this, he was put to death
by Pompey. Plut. Vit. Sert.-Vell. Paterc. 2, 30.
PERSES, king of Macedonia. He was the son of Philip V., by a con-
cubine, and therefore inferior to Demetrius, the legitimate son of that
monarch. By a false accusation, however, he induced the monarch to
put Demetrius to death. Philip, on being informed of the truth, re-
solved to disinherit Perses, and secure the crown to his younger son
Antigonus; but his own death, which happened soon after, frustrated
his design. One of the first acts of Perses, on coming to the throne,
was to put Antigonus to death, both because he had been intended as
successor to Philip, and because it was through him that the innocence
of Demetrius was made known. Becoming involved, however, in war
with the Romans, he was conquered, and stripped of his kingdom by
Paullus Aemilius, who led him in triumph through the streets of Rome.
He was afterward sent as prisoner to Alba, where he ended his days.
The Romans treated him with more kindness than he deserved, allowing
him to retain his attendants, money, &c. With Perses fell the Mace-
donian empire. He was the twentieth monarch, reckoning in succession
from Caranus, the first king of the country. Liv. 31, 28.—Id. 38, 5.—
Id. 39, 23.-Justin. 32, 2.-Id. 33, 12.-Vell. Paterc. 1, 9, seqq.-
Tacit. Ann. 4, 55.-Florus. 2, 12.-Plut. Vit. Paull. Aemil.
M
41*
486
HISTORICAL INDEX.
PHILIPPUS, Lucius, a distinguished Roman orator, considered the best
of his time after Crassus and Antonius. In applying for the consulship,
he was defeated by M. Herennius, a man of low origin and inferior char-
acter. He afterward, however, obtained the consulate in conjunction
with Sextus Julius Caesar. In his consulship, he opposed the proceed-
ings of the tribune Drusus, and sided with the equites. Mention has
already been made, under the article Crassus, of his having inveighed
against the senate, and been replied to with great power and eloquence,
by that orator. Cic. Brut. 30.—Pro Rabir. 7.—Or. 1, 7.—Or. 3, 1.—
Pro Manil. L. 21, &c.
PHILIPPUS, the 5th of the name, king of Macedonia, became embroiled
in a war with the Romans, by allying himself to Hannibal, who was then
in Italy. The consul Laevinus was charged with the war against him.
and having surprised him near Apollonia, caused him to flee, and de-
stroyed his fleet by fire. This defeat was followed by a peace of but
short continuance. The Romans having learnt that Philip had furnished
succours to Hannibal, declared war anew against him, a contest which is
known in history as the second Macedonian war, the previous one hav-
ing been the first. Philip lost successively the battles of Astacus, Aous,
and Cynoscephalae, the last of which was decisive in its nature, and
compelled him to sue for peace. This was only granted him on the
most humiliating conditions. Domestic sorrows came to increase the
chagrin occasioned by these disasters. The merits of Demetrius, one
of his sons, excited the jealousy of Perses, his eldest offspring, but ille-
gitimate in origin. Perses accused the young prince to his father of
having designs on the crown. Philippus lent a credulous ear to the
charge, and destroyed Demetrius by poison. But he soon became cou-
vinced of the treachery of Perses, and to punish him, resolved to bestow
the crown on Antigonus, his younger son, when a sudden death carried
him off, and frustrated his well-meant intention.
He ended his days,
B. C. 179, in the 42d year of his reign, and was succeeded by Perses.
Liv. 22, 33.-Id. 24, 40.—Id. 26, 22.—Id. 27, 30, &c.—Val, Max. 4,
8.-Justin. 23, 3.—Id. 29, 1, &c.-Plut. Vit. Flamin.-Pausan. 7, 8.
-Oros. 4, 20.
-
PHILUS, Lucius Furius, a Roman distinguished for the advances he
had made in learning and philosophy. Consult note 18, page 123, and
compare Cic. de Am. 4, 7, 19.
Piso, Caius Calpurnius, Cicero's son-in-law. He neglected the
quaestorship of Pontus and Bithynia, in order to have more time to de-
vote to the interests and safety of his father-in-law. He is praised as a
good speaker, in the Brutus, 78. Compare Or. ad Quir. post red. 3.—
In Senat. 15.
Piso, Cneius, a Roman of good family, but profligate and needy. The
urgency of his wants, uniting with the depravity of his disposition, insti-
gated him to any measures, which had for their object the convulsion of
the state, as the only remedy which could free him from his difficulties
and embarrassments. He readily entered into the conspiracy of Cati-
line, and, in the execution of the plot, he was to be at the head of an
army to hold the Spaniards in subjection. The design transpired, and
necessarily prevented its execution. Soon after, although only quaestor,
he obtained the government of Hither Spain, with the authority of pro-
praetor, by the interest of Crassus, who wished to set him up in opposi-
HISTORICAL INDEX.
487
tion to Pompey. The senate assented, in order to have so dangerous
a citizen at a distance from the seat of government.
Some of the Spanish
cavalry, however, who formed part of his train, assassinated him soon.
after his arrival in that country. Sallust. B. C. 18, seqq.
PLOTIUS, Lucius, a Roman poet, contemporary with Marius, whose
praises he sang. He is supposed by some to be the same with the Plo-
tius, who was born at Lugdunum, and who was the first that taught
rhetoric at Rome in the Latin language. In this he was very success-
ful, and had Cicero among his hearers. Or. pro Arch. 9.-Sueton. Clar.
Rhet. 2.-Quintil. 2. 4, 42.-Id. 9, 3, 143.
POMPEIUS, Cneius, son of Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and the well-known
opponent of Caesar. His earlier movements, down to the period of the
Mithridatic war, have been so fully detailed in the notes to the oration
on the Manilian war, as not to need recapitulation here. A sketch of
his character will be found in the dialogue on the life and writings of
Cicero.
POMPEIUS, Quintus, surnamed Nepos, an individual of humble origin,
the son, according to Plutarch, of a flute-player. He attained, however,
to the highest honours of the state, and was consul, A. U. C. 612, and
afterward censor with Metellus Macedonicus. Or. pro Muren. 7.—In
Verr. 5, 70.—de Off. 3, 30.-Brut. 76.—Plutarch. Apophth. p. 200.-
(Op. ed. Reiske, vol. 6, p. 755.)
POMPTINUS, Caius, a praetor during Cicero's consulship. He was one
of the officers appointed by the latter to arrest the Allobrogian ambassa-
dors and their retinue. On the expiration of his praetorship, Pomptinus
obtained the government of Gallia Narbonensis, defeated the Allobroges,
who had revolted, and reduced their country to tranquillity, for which he
was honoured with a triumph. Cicero employed him as one of his lieu-
tenants in the government of Cilicia, where he distinguished himself by
his bravery. Sallust. B. C. 45.-Cic. Or. in Cat. 3, 2.-Pro Flacc.
40.-de prov. Cons. 13.-Dio Cassius, 37, 47.—Id. 39, 65.—Ep. ad
Fam. 15, 4, &c.
POSTUMIUS, Cneius, one of the assistant accusers (subscriptores)
against Murena, and an unsuccessful applicant for the praetorship in the
consulate of Cicero. Or. pro Muren. 27.
PUBLICIUS, one of the dissolute companions of Catiline. Or. in Cat.
2, 2.
R.
ROSCIUS. Vid. Otho.
Roscius, Quintus, a celebrated Roman actor, from his surname Gallus
supposed to have been a native of Gaul, north of the Po, although edu-
cated in the vicinity of Lanuvium and Aricia. His acting is highly com-
mended by Cicero, who, according to Plutarch, studied the art of gestic-
ulation under him. Valerius Maximus informs us, that Roscius prac-
tised with the utmost care the most trifling gesture which he was to
make in public, and Cicero relates, that, though the house of this actor
was a kind of school where good performers were trained, yet Roscius
declared that he never had a pupil with whom he was completely satis-
fied. Roscius died about 62 B. C. Cic. pro Q. Rosc. 7.-N. D. 1, 28
-Divin. 1, 36.-Pro Arch. 8.-Val. Max. 8, 7.-Macrob. 2, 10.
*
488
HISTORICAL INDEX.
S.
SATURNINUS, Lucius, a tribune of the commons, and violent partisan
of Marius, who abetted him in his numerous misdeeds. It was Satur-
ninus who proposed the agrarian law, for refusing to take the oath pre-
scribed by which, Metellus was sentenced to banishment. He it was
also that hired assassins to take away the life of Caius Meinmius, when
the latter was seeking the consulship B. C. 102. Memmius fell under
repeated strokes by the bludgeons of these miscreants, in open assembly;
and the motive of Saturninus in causing the deed to be perpetrated was
an apprehension lest Memmius wonld oppose him in his evil career. At
last, however, strong measures were taken against him. He was driven
into the capitol with his adherents (vid. Glaucia) where he was com-
pelled to surrender. On coming down into the forum he was put to
death. Plut. Vit. Mar. 30.-Or. in Cat. 4, 2.-Or. in Cat. 1, 2.
SCAURUS, Marcus Aemilius, a Roman nobleman, of great ability, who
held the consulship with M. Caecilius Metellus, B. C. 116. He tri-
umphed over the Carni; and made the road from Placentia to Parma,
hence called the Aemilian Way. He had the honour of being appointed
Princeps Senatus, and would have ranked in history with the very first
characters of the Roman state, had not his splendid talents been tarnished
by cupidity. Pliny agrees with Sallust in giving the unfavourable side
of the picture. On the other hand, Cicero highly extols his virtues,
abilities, and achievements. It is more than probable, that Sallust
endeavours to depreciate the merits of Scaurus, because the latter was a
member, and strong advocate for the power, of the nobility; while Cicero,
on the other hand, strives for this same reason to exalt his character.
The truth undoubtedly lies between either extreme. Scaurus afterward
held the office of censor, and the consulship a second time. His name
often occurs in the writings of Cicero, who speaks in great praise of a
work of his, in three books, recording the principal occurrences and
transactions of his life. The orator considers it equal to Xenophon's
Cyropaedia. Sallust. B. J. 15.—Cic. de Of. 1, 22.—Brut. 29.—Plin.
H. N. 33, 1.—Quintil. 5, 12.—Val. Max. 3, 7, 8.-Cic. pro Muren. 7.
SCIPIO, Publius Cornelius, surnamed Africanus Major, the celebrated
conqueror of Hannibal, in the battle of Zama. He is only alluded to
incidentally by Cicero, in the course of this volume.
SCIPIO, Publius Cornelius, surnamed Acmilianus from having been
the son of Paullus Aemilius, adopted into the Scipio line. He is also
known by the additional agnomen of Africanus Minor, from his having
destroyed the city of Carthage, which ended the third Punic war.
was likewise the conqueror of Numantia.
He
SCIPIO NASĪCA, Publius Cornelius, son of Scipio Nasica, surnamed
Corculum, and grandson of the Nasica, who was pronounced the most
virtuous man in Rome. He held the consulship with D. Brutus, A. U. C.
615, and had a very stormy period, having come into collision with the
tribunes of the commons, and been imprisoned by them along with his
colleague. His private character stood so high in the estimation of the
people, that he was the first and probably the only Roman ever chosen
Pontifex Maximus without being present at the time of election. While
holding this latter dignity, he took an active part against the operations
of the Gracchi, and headed the body of the nobility by whom Tiberius.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
489
was slain. Some even ascribed the death of the latter to Nasica's own
hand. The partisans of the aristocracy exalted the deed, while their
opponents regarded it as nothing else but an act of open murder. So
highly was the fury of the multitude excited, that Nasica could no longer
appear in public without being exposed to their invectives and even
menaces. A public prosecution was threatened, and as sovereign pontif
also he was regarded by his enemies as having been guilty of sacrilege.
The senate, justly alarmed for a man, whom they considered a benefactor
to the state, found themselves obliged to remove him from Italy. This
again was a violation of the pontifical duties, since no pontifex maximus
could ever leave Italy. Nasica was sent, however, into Asia, under the
pretext of appeasing some troubles which had been excited in Pergamus
by Aristonicus. He did not live long in this honourable exile, but died
of chagrin A. U. C. 622. Cicero bestows on him the highest eulogiums,
and declares that the best citizens regarded him as the deliverer of his
country. Velleius Paterculus also praises him for having preferred the
interests of his country to the ties of consanguinity, Tiberius having been
his own cousin. Cic. Brut. 22.-Or. in Cat. 1, 1.-Pro Dom. 34.—
De Am. 12.-De Of. 1, 22.-Pro Flacc. 31.-Liv. Epit. 55.-Plin.
H. N. 7, 12.-Val. Max. 9, 14, 3.- Vell. Paterc. 2, 3, 1.
SCIPIO, Lucius Cornelius, surnamed Asiaticus, elder brother of Afri-
canus Major, enjoyed during life a degree of glory, which appears to have
been in reality but little more than a reflection from the brilliant character
of the conqueror of Hannibal. According to Polybius, Lucius Scipio
was not a favourite with the people, but the historian is silent respecting
the cause. He served under his brother in Spain, and the tender union
which existed between them, does more honour perhaps even to the elder
than the younger brother, since it shows how little susceptible the heart
of Lucius was of any feeling of jealousy, toward one so far his superior
although younger in years. After distinguishing himself in Spain, he
obtained the praetorship A. U. C. 561, (B. C. 194,) and the consulate
A. U C. 564. In this latter magistracy he was sent against Antiochus,
the senate having given him the charge of this war, on his brother Afri-
canus promising to go with him as his lieutenant. Africanus, however,
soon after his arrival in Asia, was taken ill; or more probably, being
desirous not to rob his brother of any share in the glory which he per-
ceived was to be easily won against the present enemy, he affected indis-
position, and remained at a distance from the camp. Lucius, thus left
alone to command the Roman army, advanced against the king, attacked
him in the post he had chosen, and in a decisive victory, dispersed his
numerous forces. This battle ended the war, and Lucius on his return
was honoured with a triumph and the surname of Asiaticus. After the
death of Africanus, he was violently assailed by some of the tribunes of
the commons, particularly Cato and Petilius, and charged with having
extorted, or else received, for his own private benefit, large sums of
money from Antiochus and his subjects. In vain he protested his inno-
cence; he was fined four millions of sesterces, ordered to be led to prison,
and was now in the act of being conducted thither, when Sempronius
Gracchus, the father of the Gracchi, who was then tribune, interposed
his authority, and obtained his release. His effects, however, were sold,
but the comparatively small sum obtained from them was a triumphant
answer to the charge made against him. After this, the conqueror of
490
HISTORICAL INDEX.
Antiochus passed into the obscurity of private life, until at last he was
sent as arbitrator to settle a difference which had arisen between Eume-
nes and Seleucus. On his return, the people, ashamed of their former
severity, bestowed such recompenses upon him, that he was enabled, at
his own expense, to celebrate games in honour of his victory over Antio-
chus. The year of his death is unknown. Or. pro Muren. 14.-De
prov. cons. 8.-Brut. 47.-Phil. 11, 7.-Plin. H. N. 33, 11.—Liv. 37,
58.-Id. 38, 55.-Id. 39. 44.
SERTORIUS, Quintus, a celebrated Roman commander. He distin-
guished himself at first at the bar, but soon quitted this profession to
follow the career of arms. Sertorius made his first campaign under
Caepio, against the Cimbri and Teutones, and acted against the same
enemy, under Marius. Entering Rome, at a subsequent period, with this
latter commander, he could not but condemn his conduct, when he saw
him fill the city with carnage and desolation. The acts of Sylla, in like
manner, met with his severest censure. Proscribed by this latter indi-
vidual, he fled to Spain, about 78 B. C., and maintained his authority
for a long time in that country by his valour and address. Here he soon
found himself surrounded by a numerous body of Romans, whom the
cruelty of Sylla had driven from home. In imitation of the government
established at Rome, he formed a senate out of these illustrious exiles,
and presided over it in capacity of consul. Every effort was also made
by him to civilize the native tribes, public schools were established, and
the young Spaniards of the higher class of families were instructed in all
the arts of Greece and Rome. In order to strengthen bis ascendancy
over the lower orders, he called in the aid of superstition, and pretended
to have, in a white fawn, which he said had been given him by Diana, a
sure means of communication with the gods, and the organ of their will.
The Romans, alarmed at the progress made by Sertorius, exerted their
utmost endeavours to overthrow his power. Four armies, however,
in succession against him, were defeated, and even Pompey himself had
but little of which to boast. Metellus also, who had been despatched to
co-operate with Pompey found himself foiled and baffled, and though
after uniting their forces, they succeeded in defeating Sertorius at Sagun-
tum, yet a short time after, he was as powerful and active an opponent
as ever. Mithridates, of Pontus, now formed a league with Sertorius,
by which he engaged to supply him with 3000 talents and forty galleys,
and to cede to him Bithynia and Cappadocia. Their plan was to attack
the empire simultaneously on the east and west. This treaty inspired
the Romans with fresh alarm, and the most vigorous efforts were made
to crush the enemy in Spain. Private treachery, however, was more
successful than their arms, and the assassination of Sertorius by the hand
of Perpenna, one of his own officers, delivered Rome from one of her
most formidable foes. Sertorius merits the greatest praises for his dis-
interestedness and love of justice, and in military talents deserves to be
ranked above all his contemporaries. Vell. Paterc. 2, 29, seq.-Flor.
3, 21.-Val. Max. 1, 2.-Plut. Vit. Sert., &c.
sent
SERVILIUS, Caius, Vid. Ahala.
SERVILIUS, Publius, surnamed Isauricus, from his conquest of Isauria,
held the consulship B. C. 79. He was one of the advocates of the
Manilian law. Or. pro Manil. L. 23.-In Verr. 1, 21.-Agr. 2, 19.
SEXTIUS, Publius, was quaestor to the consul Antonius in Macedonia.
HISTORICAL INDEX.
491
Sextius also filled the office of tribune, and while acting in this capacity,
was very instrumental in procuring Cicero's recall from banishment. An
accusation was afterward brought against him, which was in fact a con-
sequence of his interposition in favour of the illustrious exile; for, when
about to propose his recall to the people, he was violently attacked by
the Clodian faction, and left for dead in the street. His enemies, how-
ever, though obviously the aggressors, accused him of violence and of
exciting a tumult. Against this charge he was defended by Cicero in
one of the longest and most elaborate of his harangues; which has
moreover come down to our times. Or. in Cat. 1, 8.-Ep. ad Fam. 1,
9. Or. pro Sext.
M
SILĀNUS, Decimus Junius, held the office of consul with Licinius
Murena, B. C. 64. They succeeded Cicero and Antonius. Being con-
suls elect, when the case of Catiline and his associates came before the
senate, Silanus was asked his opinion first, respecting the punishment
of those who had been arrested, and was in favour of their being put to
death. Subsequently, however, he embraced the opinion of Tiberius
Nero, who was for strengthening the guards and adjourning over the
debate to another day. Sallust. B. C. 50.
SILVANUS, the author of the Plautian law. Vid. Legal Index.
STATILIUS, Lucius, one of the accomplices of Catiline. Or. in Cat.
3, 3.
SYLLA, Lucius Cornelius, a Roman nobleman, who served at first
under Marius. His activity and address contributed greatly to bring the
Jugurthine war to a successful termination. Marius became, at last, jeal-
ous of Sylla's merit, and hence originated that quarrel between them
which was productive of the most enormous cruelties, and contributed to
the final extinction of Roman liberty. Being sent to Asia, to restrain the
power of Mithridates, though under a different pretext, he proved him-
self both a brave soldier and an able general. On his return, he dis-
played his military talents to great advantage in the Social war. So
strongly were his soldiers attached to him, that when two tribunes were
sent to take command of his army, and give it to Marius, they stoned
them to death. Marius, in revenge, put Sylla's friends in the city to the
sword, upon which the latter marched to Rome, and compelled Marius to
flee. The horrid proscription now began. A price was set upon the
head of Marius, but he effected his escape. Sylla then set out against
Mithridates, defeated his armies under different generals, and concluded
a peace with him on very advantageous terms. Marius and Cinna hay-
ing butchered many of Sylla's friends at Rome, he returned to Italy to
avenge their deaths.
On his arrival, his conduct was marked by clem-
ency and moderation; but no sooner were his enemies wholly within his
power, than he committed the most enormous and barbarous acts of
cruelty. To aggrandise himself, to exalt the patricians, and to glut his
desire of revenge upon his enemies, induced Sylla to assume the reins
of absolute government. He corrected the abuses introduced by popular
and unprincipled demagogues, restored the ancient laws, and enacted
many that were salutary and beneficial. Still, tyranny marked his whole
conduct, and rendered his administration a scene of terror, by his per-
sonal enmities and insufferable despotism. Desire of revenge was a
stronger passion in the mind of Sylla than love of power. After glutting
his vengeance with the blood of thousands, and governing with despotic
492
HISTORICAL INDEX.
authority for three years, he resigned the reins of power, and lived un-
disturbed as a private citizen. He died in great torment of the morbus
pedicularis, in the 60th year of his age, about 78, B. C. The perpetual
intoxication to which he had recourse, to avoid the horrors of a guilty
conscience, contributed to hasten his death. Plut. Vit. Syll.
SYLLA, Cornelius Faustus, son of the preceding, followed the party
of Pompey, joined Cato in Africa after the battle of Pharsalia, and was
put to death by Caesar after the battle of Thapsus. Liv. Epit. 114.-
Cic. in Vat. 23.-Plin. H. N. 19, 1.
SULPICIUS, Caius, held the praetorship while Cicero was consul. Or.
in Cat. 3, 3.
Jagadis
SULPICIUS, Servius, an eminent Roman lawyer, the accuser of Mu-
rena, and his competitor in suing for the consulship. He was afterward
consul with M. Marcellus, and on laying down this office obtained the
government of Achaia. In the civil contest he sided with Caesar. We
have an elegant epistle of his remaining, in which he seeks to console
Cicero for the loss of his daughter Tullia. Or. pro Muren. 3.-Ep. ad
Fam. 8, 6.-Ibid. 4, 3, seq.-Ep. ad Att. 9, 19, &c.
SULPICIUS, Servius, son of the preceding, and one of the assistant
accusers of Murena. He was tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 706.
Or. pro Muren.
T.
THEOPHANES, a Greek historian, a native of Mitylene, very intimate
with Pompey, whose life he wrote, and who on his account granted great
privileges to the Mityleneans. It was in accordance with the advice of
Theophanes, that Pompey betook himself to Egypt, after the battle of
Pharsalia. Or. pro Arch. 10.- Vell. Paterc. 2, 18.-Plut. Vit. Pomp.
-Tacit. Ann. 6, 18.
TIGRANES, king of Armenia, B. C. 95-60, of the family of Artaxia,
and son-in-law of Mithridates the Great. He was defeated by Lucullus,
and his capital taken. Tigranes subsequently obtained peace from Pom-
pey on the most humiliating terms. Or. pro Manil. L. 2.-Val. Max.
5, 1.-Vell. Paterc. 2, 33.-Justin. 40, 1.-Plut. Vit. Lucull.-Id.
Vit. Pomp.
TONGILIUS, one of the dissolute accomplices of Catiline. Or. in
Cat. 2, 2.
TORQUATUS, Lucius, was consul with Cotta. A. U. C. 689. He ob-
tained the province of Macedonia, through the aid of Cicero, and was
honoured by the senate with the title of Imperator. Or. in Cat. 3, 8.
Agr. 2, 17.-In Pis. 19, &c.
plan de in
TRIARIUS, one of the lieutenants of Lucullus, in the Mithridatic war.
Being informed, on one occasion, of the approach of Lucullus, and being
desirous of seizing the victory which he thought perfectly secure, he
hazarded and lost a great battle. Above seven thousand Romans were
killed, among whom were a hundred and fifty centurions and twenty-four
tribunes. Mithridates likewise took his camp. Plut. Vit. Lucull. 35
TUBERO, Quintus Aelius, nephew on the half-sister's side to Africanus
the younger.
He was attached to the doctrines of the Stoic sect, and
displayed his firmness on one occasion, in deciding against Africanus,
when a case in which that illustrious individual was a party, had come
HISTORICAL INDEX.
493
Or. pro
before him as judge. He signalized himself also by his zeal against
Caius Gracchus, and prepared some harangues against him.
Muren. 36.-Consult note 20, page 127, and note 3, page 128.
U.
UMBRĒNUS, Publius, a freedman, who engaged in the conspiracy of
Catiline, and endeavoured to prevail upon the ambassadors of the Allo-
broges to take part in that affair. He was committed to prison on the
discovery of the plot, and most probably punished with death. Sallust.
B. C. 40.
V.
VOLTURCIUS, Lucius, one of the accomplices of Catiline, who under-
took, along with C. Cornelius, to murder Cicero at his own house. The
consul was apprised of his danger by Curius, through Fulvia, and they
were refused admittance. Sallust calls Vargunteius a senator, whereas
Cicero says they were both knights. Vargunteius, probably, though a
senator, was of equestrian origin. Sallust. B. C. 28.-Or. in Cat. 1, 4.
Z.
(C
ZENO, the famous founder of the Stoic sect, was born at Citium, in
Cyprus. He came to Athens when about thirty years of age, and first
attended the lectures of Crates the Cynic. He afterward passed to the
schools of Xenocrates and Diodorus Chronus, and finally to that of Po-
lemo. Having made himself master of the tenets of others, Zeno deter-
mined to become the founder of a new sect. The place which he made
choice of for his school, was called the Poecile, (Îoikiλ) or “Painted
Porch," a public portico so called from the pictures of Polygnotus and
other eminent painters with which it was adorned. This portico, which
was the most famous in Athens, was called, by way of excellence, Eroù,
or the Porch," and hence the followers of Zeno were called Stoics,
i. e. 44
men of the porch." Zeno lived to the extreme age of ninety-
eight, and at last, in consequence of an accident, voluntarily put an end
to his life. As he was walking out of his school, he fell down, and broke
one of his fingers; upon which he was so much affected with a conscious-
ness of infirmity, that, striking the earth, he said, "Why am I thus im-
portuned? I obey thy summons ;" and immediately went home and
strangled himself. He died B. C. 264.-The Stoic philosophy was as
it were of heterogeneous origin, its founder having attended upon many
eminent preceptors, and having compiled his system out of their various
tenets. Cicero says, that Zeno was not so much an inventor of new
opinions, as of new terms. Enfield. Hist. Philos. vol. 1, p. 315, seqq.
42
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
ร
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
A.
ACHAIA, I. A country of the Peloponnesus, lying along the Sinus
Corinthiacus, to the north of Elis and Arcadia. It gave name to the
famous Achaean league, of later Grecian history.-II. A Roman prov-
ince, embracing, besides Achaia proper, all the rest of the Peloponnesus,
together with all the country north of the isthmus of Corinth, excepting
Thessaly, Epirus and Macedonia. This province was formed after the
fall of Corinth and the destruction of the Achaean league.
AEGAEUM MARE, that part of the Mediterranean which lay between
Greece and Asia Minor; now the Archipelago. The modern name
appears to be formed from Egio Pelago, which is itself a corruption of
Αἰγαῖον πέλαγος.
AETOLIA, a country of Greece, to the east of Acarnania. Aetolia first
began to acquire a degree of importance among the other states of
Greece, after having repelled the formidable Gallic irruption, when these
barbarians had penetrated into its territories. It is rarely, however, that
history has to record achievements, or acts of policy, honourable to the
Aetolians. Unjust, rapacious, and without faith or religion, they attached
themselves to whatever side the hope of gain and plunder allured them.
The Aetolians are memorable in Grecian history for having afforded the
Romans, by their alliance, the first opportunity of interfering in the affairs
of Greece. They perceived their error when it was too late, and fell
with the rest of their countrymen under the yoke of Rome.
ALLOBROGES, a people of Gaul, between the Isara, or Isere, and the
Rhodanus, or Rhone, in the country answering to Dauphine, Piedmont,
and Savoy. Their chief city was Vienna, now Vienne, on the left bank
of the Rhodanus, thirteen miles below Lugdunum, or Lyons. They
were reduced beneath the Roman sway by Fabius Maximus, who was
hence honoured with the surname of Allobrogicus. Their name is said to
mean "Highlanders," from Al, "high," and Broga, "land." (Thierry,
Hist. des Gaulois, vol. 2, p. 168, seqq.-Adelung, Mithridates, vol.
2, p. 50.)
AMĪSUS, a city of Pontus, on the coast of the Euxine, northwest from
the mouth of the river Iris. It was founded by a colony of Milesians,
was the largest city in Pontas next to Sinope and was made by Phar
naces the metropolis of his kingdom. It is now called Samsoun,
497
42*
498
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
ANTIOCHIA, a celebrated city of Syria, built by Seleucus Nicator, in
memory of his father Antiochus, and deriving its name from him. It was
situate on the river Orontes, about twenty miles from its mouth, and was
equidistant from Constantinople and Alexandria, being about 700 miles
from each. It is now Antakia, and has suffered severely in modern
times from earthquakes.
APENNINI, a large chain of mountains, branching off from the mari-
time Alps, in the neighbourhood of Genoa, running diagonally from the
Ligurian gulf (Gulf of Genoa) to the Adriatic, in the vicinity of Ancona,
thence continuing nearly parallel with the latter gulf, as far as the pro-
montory of Garganus, and again inclining to the Mare Inferum, till it
finally terminates in the promontory of Leucopetra at Rhegium. The
Apennines may be equal in length to 670 miles.
APPII FORUM, Vid. Forum Appii.
APPIA VIA, the most celebrated of the Roman roads, both on account
of its length, and the difficulties which it was necessary to overcome in
its construction. It was hence called the "Queen of the Roman Ways,"
Regina Viarum, (Stat. Sylv. 2, 2.) According to Livy (9, 29) it was
made by the censor Appius Caecus, and at first was only laid down as
far as Capua, a distance of about a hundred and twenty-five miles. From
Capua it was subsequently carried on to Beneventum, and finally to
Brundisium, when this port became the great place of resort for those
who were desirous of crossing over into Greece and Asia Minor. This
latter part of the Appian way is supposed to have been constructed by
the consul Appius Claudius Pulcher, grandson of Caecus, A. U. C. 504,
and to have been completed by another consul, of the same family, thirty-
six years after. According to Eustace, such parts of the Appian Way,
as have escaped destruction, show few traces of wear and decay after a
a duration of two thousand years and upward. The same writer states.
the average breadth of the road in question at from 18 to 22 feet.
(Eustace, Class. Tour. vol. 3, p. 177.)
ARMENIA, a large country of Asia, answering nearly to the modern
Turcomania; lying southeast of mount Caucasus, and comprehending
the Turkish pachalics of Erze Roum, Kars, and Van, and also the Per-
sian province of Iran or Erivan. It was a rough, mountainous country,
having Caucasus in part for its northern boundary, and being traversed
by branches of mount Taurus. The climate was cold, the soil only
moderately fertile, and better fitted for grazing than for agriculture.
Armenia Minor was on the other side of the Euphrates, and formed origi-
nally part of Cappadocia.
ASIA, one of the divisions of the ancient world. The name was ap-
plied by Homer, and Herodotus, to a district of Lydia watered by the
Cayster. As their geographical knowledge of the continent increased,
the Greeks extended the appellation to the whole of Asia Minor, and
eventually to the other extensive countries of the east. When the Ro-
man writers refer to Asia, specially, they mean the Roman province in
Asia Minor, containing Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and Phrygia.
AURELIA VIA, a Roman road, which followed the whole length of the
Etrurian and Ligurian coasts, and led into Gaul by the Alpes Maritimae.
It was made by the consul Aurelius, about 605 A. U. C., and from him
was called Via Aurelia. It seems to have been laid down in the first
instance from Rome to Pisa, from which point it was subsequently con-
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
499
tinued under the name of the Via Aemilia, by the consul Aemilius
Scaurus, as far as Vada Sabata: here it left the coast, and led as far as
Dertona, now Tortona. At a later period, however, it was carried along
the coast to the Maritime Alps, and even beyond them into Gaul as far
as Arelate, now Arles; when the name of Via Aurelia, as we find from
the Itinerary of Antoninus, was commonly used to designate the route
between that city and Rome. Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 35, seqq.
---Compare Gell's Rome and its Vicinity, vol. 2, p. 68.
B.
BITHYNIA, a country of Asia Minor, bounded on the north by the
Euxine, on the south by Phrygia, on the east by Paphlagonia and part
of Galatia, and on the west by the Propontis and Mysia. It was a well-
watered and fruitful country. The earlier name was Bebrycia; the
Bithyni, from Thrace, gave it the appellation of Bithynia.
BOSPORUS, a name given in ancient geography to two straits, known
as the Thracian Bosporus, and Cimmerian Bosporus. The former of
these is now the straits of Constantinople; and the latter the straits of
Jenicali. The name is thought to indicate the passage of agricultural
knowledge from east to west, (Booòs Topos, i. e. "the passage of the ox.")
rúpos,
BRUNDISIUM, a celebrated city on the coast of Apulia, in the territory
of the Calabri. By the Greeks it was called Boevréotov, a word which in
the Messapian language signified a stag's head, from the resemblance
which its different harbours and creeks bore to the antlers of that animal.
The advantageous situation of its harbour, for communicating with the
opposite coast of Greece, naturally rendered Brundisium a place of great
resort, and it soon became a formidable rival to Tarentum. In Roman
times it was the usual place of embarkation for Greece and Asia. Here
the Appian Way ended. The modern name of the place is Brindisi.
C.
CAIETA, a town and harbour of Latium, southeast of the promontory
of Circeii. The Roman poets fabled that Caieta, nurse of Aeneas, was
buried here, whence the name of the place. According to Strabo, how-
ever, it comes from a Laconian term, xatárra, denoting a hollow or cav-
ity, in allusion perhaps to a receding of the shore in this quarter. It is
now Gacta. The harbour of Caieta was considered one of the finest and
most commodious in Italy.
CAMPUS MARTIUS, a large plain without the city of Rome, where
martial sports and exercises were performed, and assemblies of the people
often held. At the present day it forms the principal situation of modern.
Rome, and according to modern authorities lies at the foot of the Pin-
cian, Quirinal, and Capitoline hills. Burgess, Antiquities of Rome, vol.
1, p. 59.
CAPPADOCIA, a country of Asia Minor, bounded on the north by Ga-
latia and Pontus, east by the Euphrates, south by Cilicia, and west by
Phrygia. Its eastern part was called Armenia Minor. The Cappado-
cians were regarded as of a dull and submissive disposition, and their
moral character did not rank very highly.
CARTHAGO, a celebrated commercial city of Africa, and the rival, for
500
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
a long period, of the Roman power. It was founded by a colony from
Tyre, according to the common account, B. C. 878. The Greeks called
it Καρχηδὼν, and the inhabitants Καρχηδόνιοι. The name of the city in
Punic was Carthada, or Cartha Hadath, i. e. "the new city," in con-
tra-distinction perhaps to the old or parent city of Tyre. Carthage was
situate on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by the
promontory Hermaeum, now Cape Bon, on the east, and that of Apollo,
Cape Zibb, on the west. The river Bagradas flows into the bay, be-
tween the remains of Utica and the peninsula. The modern name of this
river is the Meierda. Being an inundating stream, like the Nile, it has
caused many changes in the bay. The circuit of Carthage was 23 miles,
and when it was set on fire by the Romans, at the close of the third
Punic war, it burnt for seventeen days. Julius Caesar planted a small
colony on the ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent three thousand men
thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on which the
ancient place had stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the imprecations,
which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to custom, at the
time of its destruction, against those who should rebuild it. This later
Carthage was taken by Genseric, A. D. 439, and it was for more than a
century the seat of the Vandal power in Africa. It was at last destroyed
by the Saracens, during the caliphate of Abdel Melek, towards the end
of the seventh century, and but very few traces of it now remain.
CHI, the natives of the island of Chios, now Scio. It was situate in
the Aegean sea, between Lesbos and Samos, off the coast of Asia Minor,
and was probably once connected with the main land, from which it is
separated by a strait only three leagues wide. The wine of this island
was held in high esteem by the ancients; its marble also was in much
repute. Modern Scio, until the late dreadful ravages of the Turks, con-
tained 115,000 inhabitants, nearly all Greeks, and was the best cultivated
and most flourishing island in the Archipelago.
CILICIA, a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast, south of Cappa-
docia and Lycaonia. It was surrounded inland by steep and rugged
mountains, so that a few inen might defend it against a whole army, there
being but three narrow passes leading into it. The country was divided
into rugged and level Cilicia, (Trachea and Campestris.) The former
was subsequently considered as a termination of Isauria. The latter
was one of the most fruitful provinces of Asia, excepting the western
part, which, however, though barren, was famed for its horses. Cilicia
was the main seat of the formidable piratical power, which was finally
crushed by Pompey, after having afforded so much trouble to the Ro-
mans and been the occasion of so much disgrace to them.
CIMBRI, a German nation, supposed to have been descended from the
Asiatic Cimmerians, and occupying what was called Chersonesus Cim-
brica, now Jutland. About 113, B. C., the Cimbri, leaving their terri-
tories, which were both narrow and barren, and being joined by the
Teutones, or rather by several German nations, under this general name,
moved through the intervening countries, entered and overran Gaul, and
defeated four Roman armies in succession. Marius at last, in his second
consulship, was chosen to carry on the war. He met the Teutones at
Aquae Sextiae, in Gaul, and after a bloody engagement, left 20,000 of
the enemy dead on the field of battle, and took 90,000 prisoners. The
Cimbri, who had formed another army, had already penetrated into Italy
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
501
where they were met at the river Athesis, by Marius and his colleague
Catulus, a year after. An engagement ensued, and, if we believe an-
cient accounts, 140,000 were slain. Those who escaped the sword of
Marius settled in that part of the Alps called Sette Commune, where their
descendants still retain the Teutonic language, and a traditional account
of their origin. They keep themselves quite separate from the surround-
ing states, by which means they have preserved the language of their
ancestors, in a great degree, uncorrupted. The late king of Denmark
visited these Alpine Cimbrians, and readily conversed with them when
both parties, speaking their native language understood each other.
COLCHIS, a country of Asia, along the eastern shore of the Mediter-
ranean. It is now in part Mingrelia. According to Strabo, it was a
productive country. Its linen manufacture was in high repute. Colchis
was famous for the expedition of the Argonauts, and for having been the
native country of Medea.
COLOPHONII, the inhabitants of Colophon, a city of Ionia, near the sea,
northwest of Ephesus. The Colophonians were famed for their cavalry,
and so excellent in fact were they, that they generally turned the scale
on the side on which they fought, and hence the proverb, Kolopŵva iñi-
rivéval, “to add a Colophonian," i. e. to put the finishing hand to an
affair. This was one of the places that claimed to have given birth to
Homer.
COMANA, a town of Pontus, on the Iris, south east of Amasea, now
Almons. There was another place of the same name in Cappadocia, on
the Sarus, now El Bostan. Both were famous for temples of Bellona,
but especially the latter of the two. Strabo makes the goddess wor-
shipped at these places to have been Venus; and Procopius, the Tauric
Diana. The temple of the Cappadocian Comana, which was famed for
its riches, was plundered by Mark Antony. Each place is said to have
had 6000 ministers, of both sexes, and the high priest was next in au-
thority to the monarch of the land, and was generally a member of the
royal family.
CORINTHUS, a celebrated city of Greece, situate on the isthmus of the
same name. Commanding by its position the Ionian and Aegean seas,
and holding as it were the keys of the Poloponnesus, Corinth, from the
pre-eminent advantages of its situation, was already the seat of opulence
and the arts while the rest of Greece was sunk in comparative obscurity
and barbarism. The arts of painting and sculpture attained to the high-
est perfection here, and rendered this city the ornament of Greece, until
it was stripped by the rapacity of its Roman conquerors. After its over-
throw by Mummius, Corinth remained for many years in ruins, until
Julius Caesar, not long before his death, sent a numerous colony thither,
by which it was once more raised from its fallen state. It became sub-
sequently once more a large and flourishing city.-Corinth was famed
for its harbours, of which it had three, Lechaeum on the Corinthian gulf,
and Cenchreae and Schoenus on the Saronic.-This city was celebrated
for what was termed the "Corinthian brass," a metallic mixture nearly
resembling aurichalcum. The common account is, that when Corinth
was destroyed by the Romans, all the metals that were in the city melted
and mixed together during the conflagration, and formed the composition
in question. Klaproth and others very properly reject the whole account
as fabulous.
502
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
CORDUBA, now Cordova, a city of Hispania Baetica, on the river Baetis.
It was the native place of both the Senecas and of Lucan.
CRETA, now Candia, one of the largest islands of the Mediterranean,
lying to the south of all the Cyclades. Crete was famous for its code
of laws, the gift of Minos, from which the institutions of Lycurgus were
closely copied. The private character of the Cretans, however, was any
thing but fair, and they were chargeable with the grossest immorality
and the most hateful vices.
Cyzicus, a city of Mysia, situate on an island, or according to others
the neck of a peninsula. It was a very flourishing commercial place, and
is called by Florus the Rome of Asia. The coinage of this city was
very famous, and the kvinvoì orarñpes were so beautifully executed that
they were deemed a miracle of art. Cyzicus is famous for its siege by
Mithridates, which Lucullus compelled him to raise. It continued a
place of importance until a late period; now, however, it is only a heap
of uninhabited ruins.
D.
DELOS, a celebrated island in the Aegean sea, nearly in the centre of
the Cyclades, and the natal place of Apollo and Diana. It was fabled to
have been originally a floating island, moving to and fro beneath the
surface of the sea, until Neptune ordered it to appear above the waves,
and remain firmly fixed, in order to receive the offspring of Latona who
was about to become a mother. Hence the name Delos, from dñλos,
"manifest." The fable evidently points to a volcanic origin for the
island. After the Persian war, the Athenians established at Delos the
treasury of the Greeks, and ordered that all meetings relative to the con-
federacy should be held there. An order, however, that was not long
acted upon.
In the tenth year of the Peloponnesian war, not being satis-
fied with the purifications which the island had previously undergone, in
obedience to an oracle, in the earlier part of the contest, the same power
removed the entire population to Adramythium, where they obtained a
settlement from the Persian satrap Pharnaces. They were restored to
their homes, however, after the battle of Amphipolis, as the Athenians
ascribed their ill success in the war to the anger of the god, on account
of their treatment of the Delians. This island became a place of great
commercial importance after the destruction of Corinth, as the merchants
who had frequented that city then withdrew to this island, which afforded
great facilities for carrying on trade, on account of the convenience of
its port, its advantageous situation with respect to the coasts of Greece
and Asia Minor, as well as from the great concourse of people who
resorted thither during the period of the stated festivals. It fell in im-
portance and prosperity, however, during the Mithridatic war, for, on the
occupation of Athens by the generals of Mithridates, they sent troops to
Delos, and committed the greatest devastations, in consequence of the
inhabitants having gone over to the Romans. After this calamity it
remained in an impoverished and deserted state. The town of Delos
was situate in a plain, watered by the little river Inopus. The island is
now called Delo or Sdille, and is so covered with ruins as to admit of
little or no culture.
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
503
E.
ECBATANA, the ancient capital of Media, now Hammedan. The
editions of Cicero had (pro Manil. L. 4,) Ecbatanis, until Matthiae,
Orellius, and others substituted ac literas. Consult note 23, page 73.
ETRURIA, a large country of Italy, lying north and west of the Tiber.
The origin of the Etrurian nation is unknown, although many erroneously
suppose the basis of the population to have been Celtic. Their civiliza-
tion came in with the Tyrrheni, who appear to have been a branch of the
Pelasgic race, and to have migrated from the shores of Lydia, whence,
according to Müller, they were driven out by the great Ionic migration.
The Etrurians appear to have been quite distinct from the Greeks in both
language and religion. They excelled in the knowledge of augury and
sacrificial rites and ceremonies, and the Romans, in these respects, did
little more than borrow from them. Etruria was divided into twelve
states, each independent of the other, though united in a common con-
federacy, but as this union was far from being a strong one, the want of
a closer bond contributed very materially to their final subjugation by the
Romans.
EURIPUS, a narrow strait dividing Euboea from the main land of
Greece, and remarkable for the fluctuation of its waters. Several of the
ancient writers have reported that the tide in this strait ebbed and flowed
seven times in the day, and such too was the popular belief. From this
rapid movement of the current, the Euripus derived its ancient name,
(tu, bene, and pírrw, jacio.) Livy's account, however, is the more
rational. "A more dangerous station for a fleet," observes this writer,
"can hardly be found; besides that the winds rush down suddenly and
with great fury from the high mountains on either side, the strait itself
of the Euripus does not ebb and flow seven times a day, at stated hours;
but the current changing irregularly, like the wind, from one point to
another, is hurried along like a torrent tumbling from a steep mountain,
so that, night or day, ships can never lie quiet." (Liv. 28, 6.) This
strait is now called, by a corruption of the ancient name, the straits of
Negroponte, through the modern Greek mode of pronunciation, (Evripo,
Egripo, Negroponte,) at least such is the common opinion. The last
change from Egripo to Negroponte appears to owe its origin to a nautical
source, just as mariners sometimes call the Archipelago the "Arches,"
and Corunna in Spain, "the Groin."-Hobhouse who visited the Euri-
pus, compares it to a mill-race.
F.
FESULAE OF FAESULAE, now Fiesoli, a town of Italy, in Etruria, south-
east of Pistoria. Here Catiline raised the standard of rebellion. The
Goths, when they entered Italy, under the consulate of Stilico and Au-
relian, were destroyed in the vicinity of this place. In modern times it
is rather a village than a town.
FORUM APPI, a town of Latium, on the Appian Way, about 23 miles
from Aricia, and 16 from Tres Tabernae. It is mentioned by St. Paul
in the account of his journey to Rome, (Acts 28, 15,) and is also well
known as Horace's second resting place in his journey to Brundisium.
D'Anville places the site at the modern Borgo Lungo near Treponti.
504
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
FORUM AURELII, or AURELIUM, a town of Etruria, above Tarquinii,
on the Aurelian way, now Montallo.
G.
GALLIA, an extensive country of Europe, lying between the Rhine, the
Alps, the Mediterranean, the Pyrenees and the ocean. It was more ex-
tensive, therefore, to the north and east than modern France. The name
Galli, given to the inhabitants by the Roman writers, is the Celtic term
Gael, Latinized. The Greeks called them Kéλrai, and their country
Κελτικὴ and Γαλατία.
GALLIA CITERIOR, called also Gallia Cisalpina, a name given by the
Romans to that part of Italy, which lay between the Alps, and the rivers
Rubicon and Macra. It was occupied by various Gallic tribes, which
had poured over the Alps into this extensive tract of country. Livy
assigns to these migrations the date of 600 B. C.; but in all probability
they were much earlier.
GALLIA TRANSALPINA, Gaul beyond the Alps, or Gaul Proper.
GALLICUS AGER, a name applied by Cicero to Cisalpine Gaul, espe-
cially that part of it from which the Galli Senones had been driven out.
H.
HERACLEA, a city of Lucania, in lower Italy, situate between the
Aciris and Siris. It was founded by a colony of Tarentines, after the
destruction of the ancient city of Siris, which stood at the mouth of the
latter river, (B. C. 428.) This city is rendered remarkable in history,
as having been the seat of the general council of the Greek states. An-
tiquaries seem to agree in fixing its site at Policoro.
HISPANIA, an extensive country, forming a kind of peninsula, in the
southwestern part of Europe. It was divided into Hispania Cilerior and
Ulterior. Hispania Citerior was also called Tarraconensis, from Tar-
raco, now Tarragona, its capital, and extended from the foot of the
Pyrenees to the mouth of the Durius, (now Douro,) on the Atlantic
shore, comprehending all the north of Spain, together with the south, as
far as a line drawn below Carthago Nova (now Carthagena) and con-
tinued in an oblique direction to the river Durius, passing by Salamantica,
now Salamanca. Hispania Ulterior was divided into two provinces.
Baetica, in the south of Spain, between the Anas, (now the Guadiana,)
and Citerior; and above it Lusitania, corresponding in a great measure,
to modern Portugal. Baetica answers to modern Andalusia.
I.
ILLYRICUM MARE, that part of the Adriatic which washes the shores
of Illyricum.
ISAURIA, a country of Asia Minor, north of, and adjacent to Pisidia.
The inhabitants were a rude mountaineer race, remarkable for the vio-
lence and rapine which they exercised against their neighbours. P.
Servilius derived, from his reduction of this people, the surname of Isau-
ricus. A conformity in the aspect of the country, which was rough and
mountainous, caused Cilicia Trachea, in a subsequent age, to have the
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
505
name of Isauria extended to it, and it is thus denominated in the notices
of the eastern empire.
L.
LANUVIUM, a town of Latium, about 16 miles from Rome, situate,
according to Strabo, to the right of the Appian Way, and on a hill com-
manding an extensive prospect towards Antium and the sea. Lanuvium
seems to have been treated with more moderation than the other Latin
towns, when it fell into the hands of the Romans; for, instead of being
punished, the inhabitants were made Roman citizens, and their privileges
and sacred rights were preserved, on condition that the temple and wor-
ship of Juno Sospita, which were held in great veneration in their city,
should be common to the Romans also. Lanuvium then became a mu-
nicipium, and it remained ever faithful to the Romans, particularly in the
second Punic war. Murena was a native of this place, and so also was
Milo, the antagonist of Clodius. The famous comedian Roscius was
also born, or, according to others educated, near it. The ruins of La-
nuvium still bear the name of Civita Lavinia, or Città della Vigna.
LOCRI, a city of Magna Graecia, or Southern Italy, near the Zephy-
rian promontory, at the lower extremity of Bruttium, and founded by a
colony of Locrians from Greece. This city was mainly indebted for its
prosperity and fame to the institutions of its great legislator Zaleucus.
His laws, which, according to the assertion of Demosthenes, continued
in full force for the space of 200 years, are said to have been a judicious se-
lection from the Cretan, Lacedaemonian, and Areopagitic codes, to which
however, were added several original enactments. From its greater
proximity to Sicily, Locri appears to have been involved in the politics
of that country at a more early period than the other Italian cities, and
at one time fell under the tyrannical sway of the younger Dionysius, who
gave loose here to all the vicious propensities of his nature. It suffered
severely also from Pyrrhus, whose cause it had deserted for that of the
Romans; but the heaviest blow it received was in the time of the second
Punic war. Having followed the example of the other Greek colonies
in siding with Hannibal, it again fell into the hands of the Romans, who
left in it a garrison under the command of Q. Pleminius. The conduct
of this officer and his troops towards the inhabitants of Locri, seems to
have far surpassed in licentiousness and wanton cruelty all that the rage
of an enemy could have inflicted on a conquered city. He was at length
recalled, and ended his days in prison.
M.
MASSILIA, a celebrated colony of the Phoceans, on the Mediterranean
coast of Gaul, now Marseilles. It became at an early period a powerful
and flourishing city, and was famed for its extensive commerce. The
most prosperous period in its history would seem to have been the inter-
val from the fall of Carthage, with which city it had frequent collisions,
to the commencement of the contest between Caesar and Pompey. This
city was always the firm ally of Rome. It suffered severely in the civil
wars from its attachment to the party of Pompey, being compelled to
sustain a severe siege, in which its fleet was destroyed; and, after sur-
43
506
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
rendering, to pay a heavy exaction. Massilia became afterward, in
the days of Augustus, famous as a seat of science, and the rival of
Athens.
MISENUM, a town and harbour of Campania, on the promontory of the
same name. In the reign of Augustus it became one of the first naval
stations of the Roman empire, being intended to guard the coasts of
the Tuscan sea. Pliny the elder was stationed here, as commander
of the fleet at the time of the great eruption of Vesuvius, in which he
perished.
MONS SACER, a low range of sandstone hills, extending along the right
bank of the Anio, and about three miles distant from Rome. It is cele-
brated in history for the secession that was made to it by the Roman
people.
MULVIUS PONS, now Ponte Molle, one of the bridges over the Tiber.
It was built by M. Aemilius Scaurus, from a corruption of whose nomen
(Aemilius,) the appellation Mulvius is thought to have originated. At
this bridge commenced the Via Flaminia, which led from Rome to
Ariminum. Situated at a little distance from the city, surrounded by
villas, and places of public resort, it became the rendezvous of nightly
revellers and debauchees in the licentious age of Nero. The battle be-
tween Constantine and Maxentius, which decided the fate of Rome and
the empire, was also fought in this quarter.-The Ponte Molle is reared
upon
four arches of Travertine stone, and is about 350 feet in length. It
was so entirely rebuilt (A. D. 1450) by Pope Nicholas V., that it cannot
be said any thing ancient now remains to be seen; indeed, the old bridge
was probably a few paces farther up the river, and some vestiges of the
foundations may be discovered when the waters are very low. Burgess,
Topography and Antiquities of Rome, vol. 2, p. 227.
N.
NEAPOLIS, a celebrated city of Campania, on the Sinus Crater, now
Naples, or, in Italian, Napoli. Its earlier name is said to have been
Parthenope, from a siren who was cast upon the shore in this quarter;
and the appellation of Neapolis appears to have been given to it when a
colony of Cumaeans settled here, and so changed the aspect of the city
as to give rise to the name Neapolis, i. e. New City. Many, however,
think that the Cumaeans founded it in the first instance. Neapolis was
famed for the beauty of its situation, and its inhabitants were marked by
all the indolence and luxury of Grecian manners.
NUMANTIA, a town of Spain, near the sources of the river Durius, cel-
ebrated for the brave resistance which it made against the Romans for
the space of 14 years. It was built upon an eminence of no great height,
between two branches of the Durius, and surrounded by a very thick
wood on three sides. One path alone led down into the plain, and this
was defended by ditches and palisades. The great length of time it
withstood the Romans, may be easily accounted for, by its difficult situ-
ation, and the circumstance of its circuit being so large, that within it
were even pastures for cattle. This place was at last reduced by Scipio
Africanus Minor, the conqueror of Carthage. The remains of Numantia
may be still seen near Puente de Garay.
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
507
NUMIDIA, a country of Africa, east of Mauretania, and corresponding,
in a great measure, to the modern Algiers.
0.
OSTĬA, a celebrated town and harbour, at the mouth of the Tiber. It
was the port of Rome, and its name even now remains unchanged,
though few vestiges are left of its former importance. All historians
agree in ascribing its foundation to Ancus Martius. When the Romans
began to have ships of war, Ostia became a place of great importance,
and a fleet was constantly stationed there to guard the mouth of the
Tiber. The place, however, was taken by the pirates during their ascen-
dancy in the Mediterranean, and Cicero alludes to the circumstance with
great indignation in his oration for the Manilian law. Ostia was thirteen
miles from Rome. Great changes, however, have taken place since
ancient times, and the port of Ostia is now two miles, or nearly so, from
the sea.
The cause of this, in a great measure, seems to be, that the
extreme flatness of the land does not allow the Tiber to carry off the
great quantities of earth and mud brought down by its turbid waters, and
the more that is deposited, the more sluggishly it flows, and thus the
shore rises, the sea recedes, and the marshes extend.
P.
PALATINUS MONS, a celebrated hill, the largest of the seven on which
Rome was built. It was upon
It was upon this that Romulus laid the first foundation
of the capital of Italy, in a quadrangular form, and here also in a later
age dwelt Augustus and the succeeding emperors. On this same hill
too stood the famous Palatine library. The Palatium was secured, on
account of its importance, by a nightly guard during the alarm attendant
upon the first rumours of Catiline's conspiracy.
PAMPHYLIA, a province of Asia Minor, lying along the sea from Lycia
to Cilicia, and having Pisidia to the north. The inhabitants are said to
have been an intermixture of the mountaineer races of the interior with
Phoenicians and Greeks, and the latter are reported to have settled here
after the overthrow of Troy, under the guidance of Amphilochus and
Calchas. Under the Syrian dynasty, this country made part of the king-
dom of Syria; it then became a part of the kingdom of Pergamus; and
was finally absorbed in the Roman empire. The pirates had several
castles along the coast, which were all destroyed by Pompey.
PICĒNUS AGER, another name for Picenum, a district of Italy, east
and southeast of Umbria. The inhabitants were of Sabine origin. Their
country was considered one of the most fertile parts of Italy, and the
produce of its fruit-trees was particularly esteemed.
PONS MULVIUS, Vid. Mulvius Pons.
PONTUS, a country of Asia Minor, bounded on the north by the Eux-
ine, on the south by Cappadocia, on the west by Galatia and Paphla-
gonia, and on the east by Armenia. This country was originally a part
of Cappadocia, and a satrapy of the Persian empire. A son of Darius
Hystaspis, Artabazes, held this satrapy as a vassal, with the right to
transmit it as an inheritance to posterity. Its rulers, however, eventually
made themselves independent of any foreign control, and under Mithri-
508
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
dates VI., surnamed Eupator, Pontus attained to a high degree of glory,
and extended its arms far and wide over lower Asia and Greece, until
reduced by the Roman arms.
PRAENESTE, now Palestrina, an ancient city of Latium, southeast of
Rome. Strabo makes the intervening distance twenty-five miles (200
stadia ;) but the Itineraries give more correctly twenty-three miles. Its
citadel is described by Strabo as remarkable for its strength of position,
and Catiline therefore attempted to seize upon it, but was frustrated by
Cicero. Praeneste was famed for its temple of Fortune.
R.
REATE, an old Sabine town, on the river Velinus, a branch of the Nar.
Its modern name is Rieti. Reate was only a praefecture in Cicero's
time. In the days of Suetonius, however, it held the rank of a munici-
pium. It was famed for its breed of mules. The valley of the Velinus,
in which this place was situated, was so delightful as to merit the appel-
lation of Tempe, in imitation of the beautiful vale, of the same name, in
Thessaly.
RHEGIUM, One of the most celebrated and flourishing cities of Magna
Graecia, at the extremity of the peninsula, and in the territory of the
Bruttii. It is supposed to have been founded nearly 700 B. C., by a
party of Zancleans from Sicily, together with some Chalcidians from
Euboea, and Messenians from the Peloponnesus. Its name is supposed
to allude to the great catastrophe by which Sicily was broken off, in early
days, from Italy. ('Pńyιov a дñyvvμ frango.) Some, however, consider
the name of the place as of Oscan origin. The modern appellation is
Reggio.
RHOETEUM, a promontory of Troas, on the shore of the Hellespont, in
a northeast direction nearly from Sigaeum. On the sloping side of it the
body of Ajax was said to have been buried, and the tumulus that stands
there was thought to mark the spot. Between this promontory and that
of Sigaeum was the position of the Graecian camp. According to Leake,
Palaeo Castro, near the Turkish village of It-gelmes marks the probable
site of Rhoeteum.
RUDIAE, a city of Italy, in the territory of the Calabri, and below
Brundisium. It was rendered famous by being the birthplace of Ennius.
The remains of this place are still known by the name of Ruge.
S.
SALAMINII, the inhabitants of the island of Salamis, who are mentioned
by Cicero as among the number of those that claimed to have had Homer
born among them. Salamis lay in the Sinus Saronicus, opposite Eleusis
in Attica, and the intervening strait was famous for the naval conflict be-
tween the Greeks and the Persians. It is now called Colouri, which is
also the name of its principal town.
SAMOS, an island in the Aegean sea, off the lower part of the coast
of Ionia, and nearly opposite the Trogilian promontory. The intervening
strait was about seven stadia. Samos was the most important and pow-
erful island of the Ionians. It was the birthplace of Pythagoras, and
claimed also to be the natal place of Homer.
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
509
SICILIA, a well-known island in the Mediterranean, separated from
Italy by the Fretum Siculum, or straits of Messina. Its triangular shape
gave it the name of Trinacria and Triquetra, (тpeîs-ǎkpai, and rpeîs-ĉopai.)
The promontory nearest Italy was called Pelorum, now Cape Faro. The
one to the south of this was Pachynum, now Passaro; and the remain-
ing one, Lilybaeum, now Boeo. This last, however, is in truth, not a
mountain-promontory, but a low, flat point of land, rendered dangerous
to vessels by its sand-banks and concealed rocks. Sicilia derived its
name from the ancient Siculi, who came into this island from Latium.
SIGAEUM, a celebrated promontory of Troas, near the mouth of the
Scamander. The modern name is Cape Jenischehr, or, as it is more
commonly pronounced, Cape Janissary. The promontories of Sigaeum
and Rhoeteum formed the limits, on either side, of the station of the
Grecian fleet. Achilles, Patroclus, and Antilochus were buried on Si-
gaeum, and three large tumuli, or mounds of earth, are supposed to mark
their tombs; though, from a passage of Homer (Od. 24, 75, seqq.) it
would seem that one mound or tomb covered the ashes of all three.
SINOPE, a city of Paphlagonia, on the eastern coast, and a little below
its northern extremity. It was the most important city, in a commercial
point of view, on the shores of the Euxine, and was founded by a Mile-
sian colony at a very early period, even prior it is said to the rise of the
Persian empire. The situation of Sinope was extremely well chosen.
It was built on the neck of a peninsula; and as this peninsula was se-
cured from any hostile landing along its outer shores by high cliffs, the
city only needed defending on the narrow isthmus connecting it with the
main land, while at the same time it had two convenient harbours on
either side. Sinope soon increased in wealth and power, and became
possessed of a dependant territory, which reached as far as the Halys.
Its flourishing condition of course excited envy, and it was frequently
besieged by the neighbouring satraps of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. It
was at last reduced by Pharnaces, and became the residence of the mon-
archs of Pontus, until Lucullus took it from the last Mithridates. It
suffered severely on this occasion, and the Roman commander stripped
it of many fine statues, and valuable works of art. Sinope was the birth-
place of the Cynic Diogenes. Its modern name is Sinub, and it is still
one of the most important cities along this coast.
T.
TARENTUM, (in Greek Tápas-avros,) now Taranto, a celebrated city
of Lower Italy, situate in the northeastern angle of the Sinus Tarentinus,
and in the territory of Messapia or Iapygia. Placed in the centre, as it
were, it obtained the whole commerce of the Adriatic, Ionian, and Tus-
can seas. The adjacent country was fertile in grain, and fruit, the pas-
tures were excellent, and the flocks afforded a very fine wool. Its navy
also was superior to that of any other Italian colony. Luxury, however,
the sure concomitant of wealth, eventually undermined all this fabric of
power and greatness, and Tarentum passed, after a long struggle, under
the yoke of the Romans, although upheld for a time by the talents and
energies of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus.
TENEDOS, a small but fertile island of the Aegean, opposite the coast
of Troas, at the distance of about 12 miles from Sigaeum, and 56 miles
43*
510
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
north from Lesbos. It was here that the Grecian fleet were said to have
concealed themselves, the more effectually to make the Trojans believe
that they had returned home without finishing the war. Tenedos de-
clined in power after the fall of Troy, and became subject to the city of
Alexandrea Troas, on the continent. The position of Tenedos, so near
the mouth of the Hellespont, has always rendered it a place of impor-
tance in both ancient and modern times.
TIGRANOCERTA, the capital of Armenia, built by Tigranes. It was
situate to the east of the Tigris, on the river Nicephorius, and, according
to Tacitus, stood on a hill surrounded by that river. Lucullus took it
during the Mithridatic war, and found in it immense riches. The mod-
ern Sered on the Chabur, indicates the ancient site.
TEUTONES, Vid. Cimbri.
LEGAL INDEX.
LEGAL INDEX.
A.
Lex AEBUTIA, proposed by the tribune Aebutius, but at what time is
uncertain. It prohibited the proposer of a law concerning any charge or
power, from conferring that charge or power on himself, his colleagues,
or relations. Agr. 2, 8.
Leges AGRARIAE, Vid. Lex SEMPRONIA.
Leges ANNALES, laws fixing the ages for enjoying different offices. A
law was passed for this purpose, A. U. C. 573, which had been proposed
by L. Villius, a tribune of the commons, whence he obtained the sur-
name of Annalis, which descended to his family. (Liv. 40, 44.-Ma-
nut. de leg. c. 6.) There seems, indeed, to have been some regulation
on the subject, even before the Villian law, (Liv. 25, 2,) but the partic-
ular ages for particular offices were not designated, as in this law; it was
only settled how old a person must be before he could begin to be an
applicant for office generally. (Duker, ad Liv. 1. c.) The years fixed
by the Villian law were as follows: for the quaestorship, 31; for the
aedileship, 37; for the practorship, 40; and for the consulship, 43.
This estimate is founded upon Cicero's movements, who obtained these
offices at the periods just mentioned, and, as he himself informs us, each
in its proper year, (suo anno,) i. e. as soon as it could be obtained by
law. Another Lex Annalis was introduced by M. Pinarius Rusca, a
tribune of the commons, (Cic. de Orat. 2, 65,) but nothing is known of
its provisions. These laws are also called Leges Annariae by Festus,
and Lampridius. Vit. Comm. c. 2.
Lex AURELIA, (judiciaria) by L. Aurelius Cotta, praetor, A. U. C.
683. It ordained that judices, or what we would call jurymen, should
be chosen from the senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii. These last
were officers chosen from the plebeians, who kept and gave out the money
for defraying the expenses of the army.-The history of this law is as
follows: The Judices at first were chosen from the senators, until, on
account of the corruption of that order, Caius Gracchus brought in a law
(Vid. Lex SEMPRONIA,) by which the right of acting as judices was taken
from the senators and given to the equites. The latter, however, in-
dulged in great harshness and actual unfairness, towards the members
of the senate who happened to be accused before them, especially if they
had opposed, either in the senate, or during some provincial magistracy,
any of the unreasonable demands of the publicani of the day. (Cic. in
513
1
514
LEGAL İNDEX.
Verr. 1, 13.) In every other respect, however, they judged with great
impartiality. The Livian and Plautian laws were therefore enacted, by
which it was ordained that judices should be chosen in common from
among both senators and equites. But these statutes were found ineſ-
fectual to remedy the evil, and Sylla, therefore, by one of the Leges
Corneliae, took away the right of judging from the equestrian order and
restored it to the senate. Not even after this, however, was there com-
plete fairness in judging. The lower orders complained of the existing
state of things, and therefore, through fear lest some seditious tribune
might make this matter a handle for exciting sedition, Cotta proposed the
Aurelian law. Compare Cic. Phil. 1, 8.—Agr. 1, 2.
C.
Lex CALPURNIA, by C. Calpurnius Piso, A. U. C. 686, when he and
M'. Acilius Glabrio were consuls. It was aimed against bribery in su-
ing for office, which had become very marked and open. Some idea of
its provisions may be obtained from the language of Cicero, in the oration
for Murena, (c. 32)" Si mercede corrupti obviam candidatis issent," &c.
The reference to be sure is to a senatus-consultum, but Cicero adds a
little farther on, "Si factum sit, (sc. hujusmodi quid,) quin contra legem
sit, dubitare nemo potest.-This law is sometimes called Lex Acilia-Cal-
purnia, from the names of both consuls, but Cicero merely styles it Lex
Calpurnia. It was subsequently abrogated by a senatus-consultum
(Pro Corn. fragm. 1, p. 631.—Ascon. ad loc.) It is alluded to by Sal-
lust. B. C. 18. Compare Dio Cass. 36, and Vid. Lex TULLIA.
Lex CARBONIS et SILVANI, Vid. Lex PLAUTIA.
Lex CORNELIA, (judiciaria) by L. Cornelius Sylla. It took away
from the equites the right of being judices, and restored it to the senate.
Consult remarks under Lex AURELIA.
Lex CORNELIA, (de veneficiis,) by the same. It was aimed in the
first instance at those guilty of secret assassination, and then at those
who took away the life of another by poison, false accusation, &c. The
law ordained that these should be regarded as quaestiones capitales,”
and the punishment was to be banishment and confiscation of property.
Consult Cic. pro Cluent, 56, and Sigonius, de Judiciis, 2, 31.
66
Lex CORNELIA, (testamentaria) by the same, against those who forged
or altered wills. As it, however, contained other provisions against
various kinds of false and dishonest conduct, it is sometimes called Lex
Cornelia de falso. For example it was aimed also at those who debased
or counterfeited the public coin. J. Paulli. recept. sententiarum L. V.
Tit. 25.
Lex CORNELIA, (de libertinorum suffragiis,) by Cornelius a tribune of
the commons. This law was the same with the Manilian. (Vid. Lex
MANILIA de suffragiorum confusione.) In other words, the accuser of
Cornelius alleged, that the Manilian law had been passed by the joint op-
eration and efforts of him and Manilius.
F.
Lex FABIA, (de numero sectatorum) limiting the number of sectatores
that attended candidates, when canvassing for any office. A large attend-
LEGAL INDEX.
515
ance was forbidden by this law, as coming under the head of "ambitus."
It was never a popular statute, for the people could be deterred by no
penalties from this mode of expressing their regard for a candidate.-
The sectatores, who always attended candidates, were distinguished from
the salutatores, who only waited on them at their houses in the morning,
and then went away; and from the deductores, who also went down with
them to the forum and Campus Martius.
G.
Lex GABINIA, by Aulus Gabinius, about conferring on Pompey the
management of the war against the pirates. For an account of its pro-
visions, consult note 14, page 82.
→→
M
J.
Lex JULIA, (de maritandis ordinibus,) this was the famous law of Au-
gustus, for the encouragement of matrimony, offering rewards to those
who should enter the married state, and imposing a penalty on those who
should remain in a life of celibacy. It met with great opposition, accord-
ing to Suetonius, (Oct. 34,) and Augustus was compelled to soften down
its most obnoxious features, and then allow an exemption from its pro-
visions for three years. At the expiration of this period, a still farther
exemption of two years was granted, and at length the law went into full
operation A. U. C. 757. It was re-modelled, however, into the Lex
PAPIA-POPPAEA, A. U. C. 762. Sueton. Oct. 89.—Liv. Epit. 59.-Horat.
Carm. Saec. 17, seqq.—Propert. 2, 6, 1.—Dio Cass. 56, 10. Consult
remarks under Lex PAPIA-POPPAEA.
L.
Lex LAETORIA, (contra circumscriptores adolescentum,) against the
defrauding of minors, passed A. U. C. 490. It ordained that no one
under 25 years of age could make a legal bargain, fixing therefore the
limit of minority at that period of life. Hence it was also called Lex
QUINAVICENNARIA. (Plaut. Pseud. 1, 3, 68.) It was proposed by M.
Laetorius Plancianus, tribune of the commons. Cic. de Off. 3, 15.—Id.
N. D. 3, 39.-Sueton. Lib. Praet. ap. Prisc. lib. 18.-Heinecc. Ant.
Rom. 1, 23, 6, p. 198, ed. Haubold.
Lex LICINIA, by L. Licinius Crassus, the orator, similar in its provis-
ions to the Aebutian law. Agr. 2, 8.-Pro Dom. 20.
M.
Lex LICINIA, (de ambitu et de sodalitiis,) passed in the consulship
of Cn. Pompeius and M. Licinius Crassus, A. U. C. 698. It was
enacted against bribery and the assembling of societies or companies for
the purpose of canvassing for office. In a trial for this crime the accuser
was allowed to name the jurymen from the people in general. Or. pro
Planc. 15.-Id. ibid. 17.-Sigonius, de Judiciis, 2, 30, p. 650, et 658.
Lex MANILIA, (de libertinorum suffragiis,) proposed by C. Manilius
the tribune, who also introduced the law giving Pompey charge of the
516
LEGAL INDEX.
war against Mithridates. An account of the provisions of this statute
respecting the votes of freedmen will be found under note 17, page 116.
Lex MANILIA, by the same Manilius, giving the charge of the Mithri-
datic war to Pompey. (Or. pro Man. L. 29.) The Manilian law,
according to Plutarch, gave Pompey all the provinces and forces under
Lucullus, and added likewise Bithynia, which was at that time governed
by Glabrio. It directed him to carry on the war against Mithridates and
Tigranes, for which purpose he was also to retain his naval command.
This was subjecting, at once, the whole Roman empire to one man. For
the provinces, which the Gabinian law did not give him, viz., Phrygia,
Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, and Armenia,
were granted by this; together with all the forces which, under Lucullus,
had defeated Mithridates and Tigranes. Plut. Vit. Pomp. 30.
P.
LEX PAPIA-POPPAEA, (de maritandis ordinibus,) proposed by the con-
suls Papius and Poppaeus, at the desire of Augustus, A. U. C. 762. Its
object was to enforce and enlarge the Julian law, and to promote popu-
lation, and repair the desolation occasioned by the civil wars. This statute,
like the Julian ordinance, proposed certain rewards for marriage, and
penalties against celibacy. Whoever in the city had three children, in
the other parts of Italy four, and in the provinces five, was entitled to
certain privileges and immunities. Hence the famous jus trium libero-
rum, so often mentioned by Pliny, Martial, and other ancient writers.
The privileges of having three children were, an exemption from the
trouble of guardianship, a priority in bearing offices, and a treble propor-
tion of corn. Those who lived in celibacy could not succeed to an inher-
itance, except of their nearest relations, unless they married within 100
days after the death of the testator; nor receive an entire legacy. And
what they were thus deprived of fell as an escheat to the exchequer or
prince's private purse. (Heinecc. Antiq. Rom. 1, 25, 7, seqq.)
Lex PAPIA, by C. Papius, tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 688. It
ordained that all foreigners should be expelled from Rome, and that the
allies of the Latin name should return to their respective cities. (Cic.
pro Arch. 5.-Pro Balb. 23.—Ep. ad Att. 4, 14.-De Off. 3, 11.)
Lex PAPIRIA, the same with the Lex PLAUTIA.
Lex PLAUTIA, or PLOTIA, (judiciaria,) proposed by M. Plautius Sil-
vanus, and C. Papirius Carbo, both tribunes of the commons at the
time. The provisions of this law are given in the oration for Archias,
(c. 4.) It was passed A. U. C. 664.
Lex PORCIA, by M. Porcius Laeca, tribune of the commons, A. U. C.
556, that no one should bind, scourge or kill a Roman citizen, but that
the alternative of exile be allowed him. Manutius errs in assigning this
law to M. Porcius Cato, the censor.
Q.
QUAESTIONES. The praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus dispensed
justice only in private or less important causes. But in public cases and
those of any magnitude, the people either judged themselves, or appointed
persons, one or more, to preside at the trial, who were called quaesitores,
or quaestores, and whose authority lasted only till the trial was over.
LEGAL INDEX.
517
But A. U. C. 604, it was determined, that the praetor urbanus and prae-
tor peregrinus should continue to exercise their usual jurisdictions; and
that the four other practors should, during their magistracy, also remain
in the city, and preside at public trials; one at trials concerning extor-
tion; another concerning bribery; a third concerning crimes committed
against the state; and a fourth about defrauding the public treasury.
These were called Quaestiones Perpetuae, because they were annually
assigned to particular praetors, who always conducted them for the whole
year, according to a certain form prescribed by law; so that there was
no need, as formerly, of making a new law, or of appointing extraordi-
nary inquisitors to preside at them, who should resign their authority
when the trial was ended. But still, when any thing unusual or atro-
cious happened, the people or senate judged about the matter themselves,
or appointed inquisitors to preside at the trial; and then they were said
extra ordinem quaerere: as in the case of Clodius, for violating the sacred
rites of the Bona Dea; and of Milo, for the murder of Clodius.—Sylla
increased the number of the quaestiones perpetuae, by adding those de
falso, concerning forgers of wills, &c., and coiners of base money; de
sicariis et veneficis, about such as killed with a weapon or poison; and
de parricidis; on which account he created two additional praetors.
R.
Lex Roscia, (theatralis,) by L. Roscius Otho, determining the fortune
of the equites, and appointing them certain seats in the theatre. By this
law fourteen rows of seats, immediately behind the senators, were appro-
priated to the knights. This ordinance excited a great tumult in the
theatre on the first appearance of its proposer after the law had been
passed. Consult Historical Index, s. v. Otho.
S.
Lex SEMPRONIA, (Agraria,) by Tiberius Gracchus, A. U. C. 620, that
no one should possess more than 500 acres (jugera) of land; and that
three commissioners should be appointed to divide among the poorer
people what any one had above that extent. This is the famous Agra-
rian law, which cost its proposer his life. It was in fact little more than
a revival of the Licinian law of Stolo. This ordinance was passed, but
never carried into effect. (Plut. Vit. Gracch.-Vell. Paterc. 2, 2.-
Liv. Epit. 58.)
Lex SEMPRONIA, (judiciaria,) by Caius Gracchus, that the judices
should be chosen from among the equites, and not from the senators, as
formerly. Consult remarks under Lex AURELIA.
Lex SEMPRONIA, (de libertate civium,) by the same, that sentence
should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen, without the order of
the people. This was merely declaratory of one of the laws of the twelve
tables. (Pro Rab. c. 4.-In Verr. 5, 63.-In Cat. 1, 11.)
T.
Lex TITIA, (de quaestoribus,) by C. Titius, tribune of the commons,
A. U. C. 448, about doubling the number of quaestors, and that they
should determine their provinces by lot. (Or. pro Muren. 8.)
44
518
LEGAL INDEX.
Lex TULLIA, (de ambitu,) by M. Tullius Cicero, A. U. C. 690, adding
to the former punishments against bribery. Previously to the passage
of this law, if persons were convicted on trial of having employed bribery
in suing for office, they were deprived of that office, in case they had
obtained it, and their competitors who accused them were nominated in
their place. They were also, besides being fined, declared incapable of
bearing any office for the time to come, or of appearing in the senate, by
the Calpurnian and other laws; and now by the Tullian law banishment
for ten years was added. It was also ordained by this same statute, that
no one should exhibit shows of gladiators for two years before he stood
candidate for any office, unless that task was imposed upon him by the
testament of a friend. (Dio Cass. 37, 29.-Cic. in Vat. 15.-Pro
Muren. 32, seqq.)
V.
Lex VILLIA, Vid. Leges ANNALES.
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Works Recently Published by Harper & Brothers.
In one vol. 18mo.,
ÆSCHYLUS.
Translated by the Rev. R. POTTER, M.A.
In one vol. 18mo., with a Portrait,
SOPHOCLES.
Translated by THOMAS FRANCKLIN, D.D.
In 3 vols. 18mo., with a Portrait.
EURIPIDES.
Translated by the Rev. R. POTTER, M.A.
In 2 vols. 18mo., with a Portrait,
HORACE.
Translated by PHILIP FRANCIS, D.D.
With an Appendix, containing translations of various Odes, &c.
By BEN JONSON, COWLEY, MILTON, DRYDEN, POPE, ADDISON, SWIFT,
BENTLEY, CHATTERTON, G. WAKEFIELD, PORSON, BYRON, &c.
And by some of the most eminent Poets of the present day.
PHEDRUS.
With the Appendix of Gudius.
Translated by CHRISTOPHER SMART, A.M,
In 2 vols. 18mo., with a Portrait,
OVID.
Translated by DRYDEN, POPE, CONGREVE, ADDISON,
and others.
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HERODOTUS.
Translated by the Rev. WILLIAM BELOE.'
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HOMER.
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LIVY.
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THUCYDIDES.
Translated by WILLIAM SMITH, A.M.
In one vol. 12mo., with a Portrait,
A LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON.
In Latin Prose
By FRANCIS GLASS, A.M., of Ohio.
Edited by J. N. Reynolds.
In one vol. 12mo.,
INITIA LATINA;
OR, THE RUDIMENTS OF THE LATIN TONGUE.
Illustrated by Progressive Exercises.
By CHARLES H. LYON.
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ENGLISH
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SYNONYMES.
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A TREATISE ON LANGUAGE,
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THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF SURVEYING;
containing all the Instructions requisite for the skilful practice
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With a new set of accurate Mathematical Tables,
By ROBERT GIBSON.
Newly arranged, improved, and enlarged, with useful selections
by JAMES RYAN.
In one vol. 8vo.,
AN ELEMENTARY TREATISE ON MECHANICS.
Translated from the French of M. Boucharlat.
With additions and emendations, designed to adapt it to the use of
the Cadets of the U. S. Military Academy.
By EDWARD H. COURTENAY.
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PRACTICAL EDUCATION.
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COBB'S SERIES OF SCHOOL BOOKS.
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Page Missing
in Original
Volume




Page Missing
in Original
Volume




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In one vol. 18mo., with Engravings,
LETTERS ON NATURAL MAGIC.
Addressed to Sir Walter Scott.
By Dr. BREWSTER.
In 2 vols. 18mo., with Engravings,
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
From the Anglo-Norman Invasion till the Union of the
Country with Great Britain.
By W. C. TAYLOR, Esq.
With Additions, by WILLIAM SAMPSON, Esq.
In one vol. 18mo., with a Map and Engravings,
HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE PROGRESS OF
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NORTH AMERICA.
From the Earliest Period to the Present Time.
By P. F. TYTLER, Esq.
With Descriptive Sketches of the Natural History of
the North American Regions.
By Professor WILSON.
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THE TRAVELS AND RESEARCHES OF
ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT;
being a condensed Narrative of his Journeys in the
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Russia: together with Analyses of his
more important Investigations.
By W MACGILLIVRAY AM
8
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LETTERS OF EULER
ON DIFFERENT SUBJECTS OF NATURAL
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Addressed to a German Princess.
Translated by HUNTER.
With Notes, and a Life of Euler, by Sir DAVID BREWSTER
and Additional Notes, by JOHN GRISCOM, LL.D.
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A POPULAR GUIDE TO
THE OBSERVATION OF NATURE;
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By ROBERT MUDIE.
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ON THE IMPROVEMENT OF SOCIETY
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HISTORY OF CHARLEMAGNE.
To which is prefixed an Introduction, comprising the
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By G. P. R. JAMES, Esq.
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