III lrr;:"-’p‘:aC;:'f«*'S^ i |p :i i kV?"> ■';:: it' V." ' 'i'-' , • ■ '-!'*!^.'%-'r ! • " " " ’ ' ' ' ' ‘ ? ,;Sf{ r: " ■- ;■.; ■■'- ■ \ ■ ■’ -.-..w .w ■^r>-‘ “i: ..st''?';*,?:' V }^y h. •■!"•,■ vV- ^ ■T'HkinsL’* •*' • A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. THE REFUGEE OR TILE NARRATIVES OF FUGITIVE SLAVES IN CANADA. RELATED BY THEMSELVES, ■WITH AN ACCOUNT OF TUK HISTORY AND CONDITION OF THE COLORED POPULATION OF UPPER CANADA. BY BENJAMIN DKEW. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY. CLEVELAND, OHIO: JE^^ETT, PROCTOR AND WORTICNGTON. NEW YORK ; SHELDON, LAMPORT AND BLAKEMAN. LONDON : TRUBNKR AND CO. 1 85 6 . rUBLISHERS’ ADVERTISEMENT. The work here offered to the public will be found, we ven- ture to say, one of the most instructive and interesting that has yet appeared on the subject of American Slavery. It is origi- nal in design and scope, and has been executed with the most conscientious care and fidelity. The author is a gentleman of high character, whose statements may be implicitly relied upon, and whose intelligence is not likely to have been deceived. As for the statements of the Fugitives from Slavery, they speak for themselves. Nowhere else can be found such a mass of direct and unimpeachable testimony as to the true character of the Peculiar Institution, by witnesses who have had the best oppor- tunities of knowing its nature, and who occupy a point of view from which its characteristic lineaments can be most distinctly discerned. We are confident that “A North-side View of Slavery” will prove to be not only one of the most effective Anti-slavery argu- ments ever issued from the press, but a valuable and perma- nent contribution to American Literature. JOHN P. JEWETT & CO. (iii) AUTHOR’S PREFACE. The colored population of Upper Canada, was estimated m the First Report of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, in 1852, at thirty thousand. Of this large number, nearly all the adults, and many of the children, have been fugitive slaves from the United States; it is, therefore, natural that the citizens of this Republic should feel an interest in their fate and fortunes. Many causes, however, have hitherto pre- vented the public generally from knowing their exaet condi- tion and circumstances. Their enemies, the supporters of slavery, have represented them as “indolent, vicious, and de- based; suffering and starving, because they have no kind mas- ters to do the thinking for them, and to urge them to the necessary labor, which their own laziness and want of fore- c'lst, lead them to avoid.” Some of their friends, anxious to ob- tain aid for the comparatively few in number, (perhaps three thousand in all,) who have actually stood in need of assist- ance, have not, in all cases, been sufficiently discriminating m their statements: old settlers and new, the rich and the jwor, the good and the bad, have suffered alike from imputations of poverty and starvation — misfortunes, which, if resulting from idleness,are akin to crimes. Still another set of men, selfish m A* VI author’s preface. purpose, have, while pretending to act for the fugitives, found a way to the purses of the sympathetic, and appropriated to their own use, funds intended for supposititious sufferers. Such being the state of the case, it may relieve some minds from doubt and perplexity, to hear from the refugees them- selves, their own opinions of their condition and their wants. These will be found among the narratives which occupy the greater part of the present volume. Further, the personal experiences of the colored Canadians, while held in bondage in their native land, shed a peculiar lustre on the Institution of the South. They reveal the hideousness of the sin, which, while calling on the North to fall down and worship it, almost equals the tempter himself in the felicity of scriptural quotations. The narratives were gathered promiscuously from persons whom the author met with in the course of a tour through the cities and settlements of Canada West. While his informants talked, the author wrote ; nor are there in the whole volume a dozen verbal alterations which were not made at the moment of writing, while in haste to make the pen become a tongue for the dumb. Many who furnished interesting anecdotes and personal his- tories may, perhaps, feel some disappointment because their contributions are omitted in the present work. But to publish the whole, would far transcend the limits of a single volume. The manuscripts, however, are in safe-keeping, and will, in all probability, be given to the world on some future occasion. F or the real names which appear in the manuscripts of the narratives published, it has been deemed advisable, with few exceptions, that letters should be substituted. To those persons mentioned in the course of the work as author’s preface- VJJ having given him assistance and aid, the author acknowledges his obligations : and he feels, likewise, that his thanks are due to Thomas Henning, Esq., Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Soci- ety of Canada ; F. G. Simpson, Esq., Agent of the same Society, and S. Walton, Esq., of Toronto ; John Doyle, Esq. City Clerk, London; Rev. Mr. Peyden, of Hamilton; Rev. William King, Buxton; John Hatfield, Esq., Amherstburg; John Fairfield, Esq., Canada West. Boston, 1855. D r i CONTENTS. I PAGE INTRODUCTION * ST. CATHARINES . James Adams William Johnson Harriet Tubman Mrs. Rev. Alexander Hemslcy John Seward James Seward Mrs. James Seward . Mr. Rohm James M. Williams . John Atkinson Mrs. Ellis . Han Josiah Eockhart Mrs. Nancy Howard . George Johnson Isaac Williams . Christopher Nichols Henry Banks John W. Lindsey . Henry Atkinson William Grose Havid West Henry Jackson TORONTO . . • • Charles H. Green . James W. Sumler • Patrick Snead . 17 . 19 29 . 30 31 . 32 40 . 41 41 . 43 43 . 43 44 . 45 50 . 52 . . 54 . 67 72 . 77 78 . 82 87 . 91 94 . 96 97 . 99 (ix) X CONTENTS Charles Peyton Lucas Benedict Duncan . William Howard Robert Belt . Elijah Jenkins . John A. Hunter Sara Davis 105 110 111 112 113 114 115 HAMILTON 118 Rev. R. S. W. Sorrick 119 Edward Patterson .121 Williamson Pease 123 Henry Williamson 133 GALT 136 William Thompson 136 Henry Gowens 138 Mrs. Henry Gowens ........ 143 LONDON .... Aby B. Jones Alfred T. Jones Nelson Moss . Francis Henderson Mrs. Francis Henderson John Holmes Mrs. Brown . John D. Moore . Christopher Hamilton . Mrs. Christopher Hamilton Alexander Hamilton Mrs. Sarah Jackson . Henry Morehead . Anonymous John Warren Benjamin Miller 147 149 152 153 154 160 161 173 174 175 177 177 179 180 182 183 187 QUEENS BUSH . William Jackson Thomas L. Wood Knox Sophia Pooley . John Francis John Little Mrs. John Little . 189 189 191 192 195 198 224 CONTENTS, XI CHATHAM J. C. Brown . Philip Younger . Gilbert Dickey William J. Anderson Henry Crawhion . Mary Younger . Edward Hicks Henry Blue Aaron Siddles John C n • • Reuben Saunders . Thomas . Hedgebcth William Brown Anonymous Isaac Griifen William Street . 234 239 , . . . 248 251 . . . . 254 256 258 260 . 270 271 . . . . 274 274 276 280 282 284 285 BUXTON Isaac Riley Mrs. Isaac Riley Harry Thomas . R. Van Branken . Henry Johnson . . 291 . . . . 298 299 301 305 306 DRESDEN ; DAWN . British American Institute . William H. Bradley William Hall 308 309 312 314 WINDSOR . Refugees' Homo Thomas Jones William S. Edwards Mrs. Colman Freeman Ben Blackburn . William L. Humbert David Cooper Industrial Institution John Martin Daniel Hall . Lydia Adams J. F. White . Leonard Harrod . 321 323 . 326 328 . 330 333 . 333 . 334 . 334 . 335 . 337 . 338 . 339 , 339 XU CONTENTS. SANDWICH George Williams ...... 343 Henry Brant ....... 344 Mrs. Henry Brant . . . . . .346 AMHERSTBURG Charles Brown ...... 350 James Smith ....... 351 Rev. William Troy ..... 353 William Lyons ••.... 358 Joseph Sanford ...... 359 John Hatfield ....... 303 COLCHESTER . Robert Nelson ...... 359 David Grier ...... 372 Ephraim Waterford ..... 373 Eli Artis ... o.. 1 Ephraim Casey • • . . . 374 Rev. William Ruth • • . . . 375 GOSFIELD ... * • . . .o/O John Chapman • * . . . S 78 Thomas Johnson .... 3-0 Eli Johnson . . . * ’ * ' B y - INTRODUCTION. When in any State, the oppression of the laboring portion of the community amounts to an entire depri- vation of their civil and personal rights ; when it as- sumes to control their wills, to assign them tasks, to reap the rewards of their labor, and to punish with bodily tortures the least infraction of its mandates, it is obvi- ous that the class so overwhelmed with injustice, are necessarily, unless prevented by ignorance from know- ing their rights and their wrongs, the enemies of the government. To them, insurrection and rebellion are primary, original duties. If successfully thwarted in the performance of these, emigration suggests itself as the next means of escaping the evils under which they groan. From the exercise of this right, they can only be restrained by fear and force. These, however, will sometimes be found inadequate to hold in check the natural desire of liberty. Many, in spite of all opposi- tion, in the face of torture and death, will seek an asylum in foreign lands, and reveal to the ears of pity- ing indignation, the secrets of the prisonhouse. 1 2 INTRODUCTION. The escape of slaves forms the most irritating sub- iect of discussion between the North and tiie South. If on this, as on all other evils connected with or growing out of slavery, a common man of plain com- mon sense, were asked his opinion, he would probably say — “remove the cause and the effects will cease ; re- move the oppressiSi which induces to emigration, and a fugitive slave will be an impossibility.” But this “ would only excite a smile at the South. How mis taken is common sense ! The South are taking measures, (when was it oth- erwise ?) to preserve, extend, and perpetuate slavery. The problem must be solved, if solved at all, without the oppression being removed. By the combined influence of ignorance and fear, the amount of emigration has been reduced to a minimum. We could wish the South would adopt a mode of rea- soning sometimes presented to us, — something of this sort; — in all kinds of business, losses are inevitable Men at the North lose by fall of stoeks, by consignments, by fires, and in a great variety of ways. If a Yankee loses a ship worth twenty thousand dollars, he does not expend one hundred thousand in endeavoring to fish it up. He simply enters it in his account of profit and loss. And if a slave runs away, we might as well make the same entry quietly, as to wound the feelings and sensibilities of our northern friends; magnifying and increasing “ the deep sectional difference of inborn feel- ing;” and filling whole cities with grief, shame, and INTRODUCTION. 3 an indignation iiTcpressible, except by marines and de- tachments of artillery. Meanwhile the fugitive slave law continues to be enforced. Gloss the matter over as much as we may, and take “ south-side views ” through a multiplying glass, — yet we must admit, that the slave’s is a cruel lot. We may compare King James’s or the Douay Bible with the Hebrew and the Septuagint; we may find there, and in all recensions, polyglotts, and translations extant, the history of Abraham and Hagar, — yet we must allow, that an American slave, in his best estate, is a man badly educated, and systematically ill used. * We may study the New Testament and become con- versant with the proceedings of Paul in regard to One- simus ; we may wade through the commentaries of pro-slavery and anti-slavery writers thereupon, — yet the truth will remain, that an American slave is deemed “ a chattel personal,” — “ the property of a master to whom he belongs,” — that he is liable to be flogged, sold, and divorced, as the interest, caprice, or spite of his master may dictate. It may possibly be the case that the denunciatory language which the South has used in speaking of abo- litionists, may have “ irritated ” them, and that, under this irritation, they have manifested more zeal in the cause of emancipation, than they would otherwise have done. Still we deem it undeniable, that if there is any situation on earth in which a man can be placed, which should stir up from its depths, the most active sympa- 4 INTRODUCTION. thies of the human heart, it is the deplorable situation of an American slave. If these things are so, how can it be wrong to assist a slave who is making his escape ? Surely, to aid the unfortunate is a duty, which no power on earth can legislate into a crime. But at this late day, the question is forced upon us, whether it is an unfortunate thing for a man to be a slave ? This “ excites a smile ” at the North, — but as this book is destined to be read at the South as well as at the North, we will examine the question a little. Slavery, we are told, has its bright as well as its dark parts. Ill southern cities, there is good order, the streets are quiet in the night, and there is an absence of mobs. In that portion of southern society which is under the highest cultivation, the slaves smile, laugh, arc happy, — one must see that they are happy. Relig- ion has gained a wonderful ascendency among the col- ored people. The number of communicants among them is very large. “ The only difference between them and us, as to religious instruction is, they cannot gen- erally read.” “ As responsibility, anxiety about the pres- ent and future, are the chief enemies to cheerfulness, and, among mental causes, to health, it is obvious that if one can have all his present wants supplied, with no care about short crops, the markets, notes payable, bills due, be relieved from the necessity of planning and contriving, all the hard thinking being done for him by another, while useful and honorable employment fills his thoughts and hands, he is so far in a situation favor- INTRODUCTION. 5 able to great comfort, which will show itself in his whole outer man. Some will say, ‘This is the low- est kind of happiness.’ Yet it is all that a large portion of the race seek for ; and few, except slaves, obtain it.” “ If the colored people of Savannah, Colum- bia, and Richmond, are not, as a whole, a happy peo- ple, I,” says the reverend author from whom we quote, “ have never seen any.” We are told, indeed, that “ Cases illustrating the opposite of almost every agree- able statement now made could also be multiplied ; still the things just described are as represented, and he is not in a healthful state of mind, who cannot appre- ciate them. Our error has been in mixing the dark and bright parts of slavery together. This is wrong. We should never lose sight of distinct moral qualities in character, as we do of different colors in mixing paint. Let us judge slavery in this manner; let us keep her different qualities distinct — abhor that in her which is evil, rejoice in that which is good.” Damocles sits at the royal banquet, surrounded with gold and silver plate ; the table is loaded with delica- cies of every kind. “ Happy fellow that Damocles,” says Mr. South, “ he is in a broad laugh ! ” “ Yes ; ” answers Mr. North, “ but look — do you not see that glittering sword hanging over his head by a single hair ?” “ Never mind the sword, — you are mixing together the bright and the dark. This is wrong. Let us, at present, consider only the dinner. What splendid fare ! 1 * 6 INTRODUCTION. Judging from the gold and silver plate, from the chap- lets of roses, from the handsome pages about him, from the mingled flavors of the roast and the boiled, and from the appetite of Damocles himself, one must see that he is a happy man.” “ If he is happy it is either because he is ignorant of his condition, — or knowing ‘the day of trouble and of treading down,’ he has adopted the philosophy spoken of by the prophet, ‘ let us eat and drink, for to- morrow we shall die.’ As happy as Damocles appeals, there is the sword, — who would want a good dinner with such an accompaniment ? ” “ You are wrong. The dinner is good — let us re- joice over that. Damocles fares well. It is a pity that the hungry, dirty, rascally, riotous Celts cannot have just such a dinner every day at the table of Dionysius. Now we will examine the sword a little — but let us handle it gingerly.” If slavery causes an “ absence of mobs,” let slavery have all due credit on that score. Give it joy that it prevented the destruction of Cassius M. Clay’s press, the murder of Lovejoy, the expulsion of Judge Hoar, the lynching of Amos Dresser, and the thousand and one acts of violence and outrage which have caused some unreflecting men to deny that the South is ten- anted by a civilized people : more recently that it pre- vented a mob of armed IVIissourians from interfering in the Kansas election, and spared the office of the Park- ville Luminary. We presume that the absence of mobs of colored persons must have been intended. INTRODUCTION. 7 A strong police must watch the motions of the op- pressed — prevent them from meeting together unless some of the oppressors are present — keep them in their quarters at night, etc. This system of police usually answers its atrocious purpose very well. It wields the lash against offenders, and instils into the oppressed the fear requisite to suppress any overt act toward gaining their rights as human beings. Inci- dentally, it hinders the commission of crimes, prevents mobs [of colored persons], and keeps the streets quiet, and is so far beneficent in its action. Yet it cannot be denied that the cause of liberty in the world has been much indebted to mobs. “ Oppression driveth a wise man mad.” The op- pressed, then, must not be made wise. If they do not know that a laborer can be a free man, the thought of freedom for themselves will not, perhaps, enter their heads. If they can be raised^ so ignorant as to believe that slavery is the proper and natural condition of their being, — that they cannot take care of themselves, they will probably, be contented with their lot. The more infantile their minds are suffered to remain, the less will they comprehend the absolute wretchedness of their estate ; the less opportunity will they have to learn of lands where all are free, — the less capable will they be of putting forth exertion to resist oppres- sion or to escape from it. The intention of the slave- holders in this respect, seems to be approximately real- ized. Unaware of the delights of mental cultivation, of the proper growth and expansion of the human souk 8 INTRODUCTION. many of the oppressed class will appear in good humor and often in a “ broad laugh.” The manhood of this portion of the sufferers has not, indeed, been “ crushed out of them : ” — it has never been developed. They are little children in every thing but bodily maturity. “ The slaves in Savannah,” says Patrick Snead, a fugi- tive slave from that city, “ are poor, ignorant creatures, — they donH know their condition^ A class of men retained in the lowest form of bond- age, hopeless of any thing higher and better on earth, — at the best dividing their earnings with masters, but more often urged to hard and prolonged labor, through the influence of fear, — incapable of obtaining any de- gree of cultivation or dignity here below, — will be peculiarly interested in representations of a better life hereafter. A religion which insists on obedience to masters aUd mistresses, and which inculcates forgive- ness of injuries, will find many teachers among those whose domestic cares lessen, and whose profits rise in proportion to the number of proselytes, and whose codes legalize the grossest wi-ongs : a faith which prom- ises heavenly rewards to humility, obedience, and pa- tience, — which admonishes him that is smitten on one cheek to turn the other also, will find many converts among those who are glad to escape a sense of their indignities and incessant humiliations, by believing that servility itself is a Christian grace. “ Suppose a fam- ily [of slaves] bound to their master by afl’ection and respect. Whatever he can make appear to their under- standings and consciences to be right, he has as much INTRODUCTION. 9 power to enforce upon them as ever falls to the power of moral suasion.” “ If the numbers of pious slaves are an indication, it must be confessed that slave-own- ers, as a body, have performed their Christian duties to their slaves to a degree which the masters of free ap- prentices and the employers of free laborers have as yet hardly equalled.” What knowledge the slaves have of the Scriptures is obtained by the ear, for “ they are generally unable to read.” While we would hope that many among the class of oppressors are faithful in pro- claiming the whole counsel of God, it must be admitted that there is a strong temptation on the part of the mas- ters to use the Scriptures mainly as an auxiliary to the overseer. The South-side View of Slavery says, “ The gospel which is preached to them [the slaves], so far as I heard it, is the same gospel which is preached to us.” But the prayers of the slaves [p. 54 and 55] and the hymns they selected, [p. 55] Watts’ Ps. 51, Hymns 189, B. I. and 90, B. II., seem to confirm the view we have presented ; while the address of the superintend- ent of the colored Sabbath school, [p. 85] by no means contradicts it : nor does the hymn sung by slaves [p. 212 ]. To magnify the benefits which incidentally and cas- ually grow out of the system of slavery, and to repre- sent them as vast enough to sink its direct enormities into comparative insignificance, is, as if a man were to point to an abundant harvest of corn, on the blood- 10 INTRODUCTION. enriched field of AV^aterloOj as a sufficient reason for involving the world in the horrors of war. If, as we have said, the slave’s lot is a cruel one, — if, in his best estate, the enslaved American is a man badly educated, and systematically ill-used, — if, by law he is “ the property of a master to whom he be- longs ” — liable to be flogged, sold, and robbed of his wife and children, as the interest, or caprice, or spite of the master may dictate — it appears to us that to as- sist him if he endeavors to escape from bondage, is a binding duty which not all the constitutions, laws, and sophistries in Christendom can erect into a crime. But before you render assistance, you should know “whom you are helping and for what reason he has fled.” Perhaps he is running away to get rid of a scold- ing wife, — or he may be an ungrateful man, — nay, he may be a thief or a murderer. And where am I to go for information on these points ? To his pursuers ? They will not tell me the truth. Patrick Snead, a fugitive from Savannah, as white as nine tenths of the men of the north, and not therefore “ a fugitive black man,” was arrested on a false charge of murder, Sims and Burns, both black men,” were kidnapped in Boston on charges of theft. By taking the word of a pursuer, I may “ plunge a shipmate into the jaws of a shark.” Proceedings are “ summary,” — and by the time I could obtain reliable intelligence, the fugitive might become the victim of an incensed tyrant, whose malice is protected by writ- INTRODUCTION. 11 ten atrocities denominated laws. In any particular case, the probabilities are, that the fugitive slave is an innocent man, — a wronged and suffering brother, to hear whose prayer it would be perilous for a Christian to refuse. But if, in one case out of a thousand, it should subsequently appear, that he had committed lar- ceny, or had even “killed an Egyptian,” — it might quiet our consciences to reflect that in judging of a slave’s guilt, allowances ought to be made for the pe- culiar privations and wrongs, incident to a slave’s life, and on the score of the abject ignorance, to which he has been condemned by an unjust law, — that if the same crime had been perpetrated by a white man, in order to effect his escaj>e from wrongful captivity among Patagonians or Arabs, he would be acquitted both in conscience and law, — and that it were better to aid ten, nay, ten thousand poor, unenlightened, uninstructed creatures to escape hanging, than to incur the tremen- dous responsibility of consigning an innocent man to a doom worse than death itself. But even in cases where the fugitives bring proof that they are fleeing from brutal treatment, “ no rule was ever made that could determine a man’s duty.” We must “return to the Constitution!” Return to the gospel, rather. “ Lord when saw we thee, a stranger, and did not minister unto thee ? Then shall he answer them, saying. Verily, I say unto you. Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these ye did it not to me.” Could not an ingenious clergyman manage to construct from this passage a rule to determine a man’s 12 INTRODUCTION. duty ill case of a fugitive stranger ? To suppose that one on the left hand might urge in reply, “ Lord, the least of thy brethren came to my door, hungered, and athirst, a stranger, and naked ; it offended my moral sense to have him taken back to involuntary servitude : but there were other interests for moral sense to be con- cerned about besides those of a fugitive black man. I lived in a Union, under a Constitution, which contained a ‘ simple provision ’ that he must be delivered up, — and there was a law of the land, which made it penal to minister to thy brother, — and I chose to obey man, rather than to obey God, therefore place me among the sheep.” To suppose that this might be urged in reply, were taking a south-side view of the day of judgment. A certain man on his way from Jerusalem to Jericho “ fell among thieves which stripped him of his raiment, and wounded him, and departed, leaving him half dead.” Leaving him I They were quite merciful com- pared with slave-hunters, — these take man and all. The priest and the Levite saw him but had no com- passion on him, — perhaps they wanted to know whom they were helping, before they lent their aid, — or per- haps they had constitutional scruples. But a certain Samaritan put him on his own beast, and brought him to an inn. “ Which now of these three, thinkest thou, was neighbor unto him that fell among the thieves ? And he said, he that showed mercy on him. Then said Jesus unto him. Go, and do thou likewise:^ This is in illustration of the law, “ Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,” — a law rather “higiier” than the Blue INTRODUCTION. 13 Ridge, or the Black Code : and considering the source from which it emanated, possibly somewhat higher than any form of Constitution in any human gov- ernment whatever : nay, than that embodiment of American civilization, that flower of human wisdom, that rarest union of exact justice and gentle mercy, the unconstitutional fugitive slave law. But until the “ law of the land ” is repealed, all appeals to a “ higher law ” are “ fanaticism ! ” Let us strive to amend the Consti- tution, and to repeal the obnoxious statute, — for Con- stitution, and laws, and the Republic itself must come to nought, if the people subscribe to the doctrine, that the enactments of man, however unjust and abomina- ble, are paramount to the merciful laws of the Most High God. But with whatever tint of words oppression may be decked : with what zeal soever it may strive to bring a clean thing out of an unclean, and to prove that ig- norance and degradation and man-cliattelism are pro- ductive of happiness to their victims, and pregnant with some immense good in some unknown way to Africa, and to those persons in this country having less or more African blood, and who are of all shades and col- ors, ‘‘ from snowy white to sooty ; ” it is a positive fact, that many thousands have fled from the ‘‘ happiness ” of southern servitude, and found freedom in Canada. From the ties of a common humanity and a common nationality, we feel a deep interest in those exiled men. Why have they left a government which acknowledges 2 that “ all men are born free and equal,’’ and given their allegiance to another which does not recognize so dem- ocratic a doctrine? What circumstances have led them to prefer a monarchy to a republic ? Why have they exchanged the genial clime of the south for a realm wliere winter holds half the year ? Why have they abandoned friends and kindred, kind masters and mis- tresses who were willing to take care of them, [wives, children, and home, we would add, were it not that the idea would “ excite a smile at the South ”] to live a life of exile among strangers? What are their views of the patriarchal institution ? Which condition do they find best suited to the African race, or rather to a race partly African, partly Saxon, — slavery or freedom ? Should a contest with England arise, would they enlist under the cross of St. George, or under our stars — and stripes ? What is their present condition ? What are their prospects for the future ? These and similar questions can be most satisfacto- rily answered by the refugees themselves. The history of their sufferings and their wrongs, of their bondage and their escape, may excite in some heart hitherto unmoved a glow of sympathy for our colored brother, yet fraudulently deprived of his birth- right, — it may furnish the true friends of our country, — the friends of liberty and equal rights, — additional means toward overthrowing the slave power ; that scandalous aristocracy which has hitherto been allowed to a great extent to sway the destinies of our nation. 1 1 I INTRODUCTION. 15 The opinions and views of those who have been held in bondage in the United States may enable us to ob- tain a clearer insight into the nature of American slavery, — may prompt us to perform more energeti- cally than hitherto, our duties to the opjiressor and the oppressed, — to the North and to the South, — to the national government, and to the State in which we dwell. The WTiter of these pages intends to visit those Americans who have fled from the North and the South into Upper Canada to escape the oppression exercised upon iliem by their native countrymen. He will assure them that they have the sympathies of many friends in the United States, and advise them that their good conduct and success in life may have an important bearing on the destinies of millions of their brethren, col- ored land white, in this country, who have the misfor- tune to be descended from slave mothers. He will en- deavor to collect, with a view to placing their testimony on record, their experiences of the actual workings of slavery — what experience they have had of the condi- tion of liberty — and such statements generally as they may be inclined to make, bearing upon the weighty subjects of oppression and freedom. Objections may be urged to the testimony of the refugees on the score of their ignorance. We may nat- urally expect errors and mistakes in regard to dates, ages, proceedings at law, and other matters to know which would require an amount of information not vouchsafed to American slaves. But errors of this sort ! 16 INTRODUCTION. | I are of secondary coi^sequence, and should rather be imputed to those who have from interest or necessity (the tyrant’s plea) placed their candle under a bushel, i ^ that it might not give light to all who were in their I house. With this qualification there appears to be no i reason why the statements of the colored Canadians ^ should not be received as readily as any human testi- i mony whatever. j If verbal alterations are required care will be taken J to preserve the meaning : and if any portion of a nar- j rative is found to trench upon affairs having no connec- 1 . tion with slavery, or is likely to involve any good Sa- maritan in trouble, it will receive no other attention i from the writer than to be studiously omitted. I And now wo will make the best of our way to Can- I j 9-da. From that point let us survey the institution ( which entails many “ domestic evils deplored bif the , I whites,” — which “ impoverishes a State,” — “ stays the | development of its natural resources,” — is “a great curse ” “ a blot on our holy religion,” — a curse in all its relations of master and servant,” exerting a ^‘bad i influence, says a slaveholder, ‘‘ upon our passions, upon our children, destroying that sense of moral responsi- bility which ought to bear upon us : ” and let us in- dulge a hope that the cause of emancipation may re- j ceive a new impulse from a North- Side View of , Slavery. THE llEFUGEE; OR A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. ST. CATIIARIlfES. Refuge! Refuge for the oppressed! Refuge for Americans escaping from abuse and cruel bondage in their native land! Refuge for my countrymen from the lash of the overseer, from the hounds and guns of south- ern man-hunters, from the clutches of northern mar- shals and commissioners! Rest! Rest for the hunted slave ! Rest for the travel-soiled and foot-sore fugitive. Refuge and Rest! These are the first ideas which arise in my mind in connection with the town of St. Catharines. I might mention here its pleasant situation, its com- mercial advantages, the Welland Canal, its telegraphic wires, its railroads, its famous mineral springs, and other matters interesting to the tourist; but we will step aside from these, and look at St. Catharines as the peaceful home of hundreds of the colored race. Of the population of about six thousand, it is esti- 2 * ^^ 7 ) 18 TUE refugee; or a mated that eight hundred are of African descent. Nearly all the adult colored people have at some time been slaves. . The name, too, of a distinguished, self-denying phi- lanthropist comes into my mind with the recollection of ‘St. Catharines, the Rev. Hiram Wilson. With him the refugee finds a welcome and a home; the poor stranger is pointed by him to the means of honorable self-support, and from him receives wise counsel and religious instruction. The lady of Mr. Wilson warmly seconds his benevolent exertions. Tlie wayfarer, how- ever forlorn, degraded, or repulsive even, shares her hos- pitality, and is refreshed by her words of kindness and her cheerful siuilc. I have seen the negro — the fugitive slave, wearied with his thousand miles of travelling by night, without suitable shelter meanwhile for rest by day, who had trodden the roughest and most unfrequented ways, fearing, with too much cause, an enemy in every human being who had crossed his path ; I have seen such ar- rive at Mr. Wilson’s, bringing with him the subdued look, the air of sufferance, the furtive glance bespeaking dread, and deprecating punishment ; I have seen such waited on by Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, fed and clothed, and cheered, and cared for. Such ministrations give a title to true greatness, a title recognized by Divine wis- dom, and deriving its authority from revelation itself: “ Whosoever would be great among you, let him be your minister.” The houses occupied by the colored people are neat and plain without; tidy and comfortable within. Through the kindness of Mr. Wilson and other friends, I was enabled to visit many families, and was invari- ably received with courtesy and kindness. Such nar- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 19 ratives and statements as I received in St. Catharines, it is now my purpose to spread before the reader. JAMES ADAMS. I was raised in Virginia, about twenty miles above the mouth of the Big Kanawha. At the age of seven- teen, I set out to seek freedom in company with Benja- min Harris, (who was a cousin of mine,) and a woman and four children. I was young, and they had not treated me very badly ; but I had seen older men treated worse than a horse or a hog ought to be treated; so, seeing what I was coming to, I wished to get away. My father being overseer, I was not used so badly as some even younger than myself, who were kicked, cufi'ed, and whipped very badly for little or notliing. We started away at night, on the 12th of August, 1824. After we had crossed the river, alarm was given, and my father came down where we had crossed, and called to me to come back. I had not told my intention to either my father or mother. I made no answer at all, but we walked three miles back from the river, where we lay concealed in the woods four days. The nights we passed at the house of a white friend ; a friend in- deed. We set out on a Monday night, and on the night following, seven more of my fellow-servants started on the same race. They were overtaken on Wednesday night, while they were in a house on the Oliio side. One jumped from a window and broke his arm ; he stayed in the woods some days, and then he returned. The other six, two women and four children, were car- ried back, and the man we stopped with told us that 20 THE refugee; or a the two women were whipped to make them tell where we were, so they could come upon us. They told their master as near as they could. On Thursday five white men came to the house where we had been concealed, but we were then in the woods and mountains, three miles from the friend’s house. Every evening, betAveen three and four o’clock, he would come and bring us food. We had nothing to give him — it was the hand of Divine Providence made him do it. He and others on the river see so much abuse of colored people that they pity them, and so are ready to give them aid ; at least it was so then. He told the white men he knew nothing about us, and nothing of the kind. They searched his premises, and then left, believing his story. He came to us and said, “ Boys, we are betrayed, they are eoming now round the hill after us.” We picked up our bundles and started on a run ; then he called us back, and said he did it to try our spunk, . He then told us of those who were carried back, and of the searching of his premises. We lodged in his barn that night. On the morning of Friday, he took us twelve miles to a place where the woman would have to leave her children, because he could conceal her better without them. He pointed out a house occupied by a family of Methodists, where she could go and tell them she was going back, and so leave her children there. But when she reached the house the father and mother were absent, so she went at a venture to another house. As it was raining and dark, she was guided by a white boy, a stout lad, and a girl with a lantern. At this house, she slept on a pallet on the floor ; and when all else were asleep, she put her baby, which she had all along kept in her arms, into her oldest boy’s care, crept to the door and went out. We had bidden her good-by, not # NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 21 expecting to see her. When the boy and girl had come back from guiding lier, I lieard the boy say, « Now we shall get fifty dollars for giving her up, and she ’ll get a good fleecing into the bargain.” The man where we had stopped intended to take her to his house after she had got rid of her children, and when opportunity of- fered, send her to Canada. We went to a fire which we saw burning in a clearing, and Ben slept while I kept watch. Presently the woman came towards us. I heard the cracking of sticks as she came, and awoke Ben. He raised a sort of tomahawk he had made, intending to strike the person approaching, supposing it was an enemy. Said she, “ Oh Ben, don ’t strike me, it is I.” This made me cry to think Ben was so near killing the woman. Then she begged us not to leave her until the man should come to find her. He not coming so soon as we expected, we all steered back the twelve miles through the woods. Towards night, we heard his cow-bells ; we drove the cattle before us, knowing that they would go home. Just as they had guided us there, the man, who had also followed the bells, came up. He told us that the children had been carried back to their master. We supposed the boy — guide — liad betrayed them, but do not know. We stayed in his barn all night, and left on Sunday morn- ing, the woman remaining behind. At about noon, we were near a village. He pointed out a haystack, where we were to rendezvous at night, to meet another man whom our friend was to send to take us further along on our way. At night we went to the haystack ; a road ran by it. Instead of keeping watch by the stack, we were so jaded that we crossed the road and lay down to rest on the bare ground, where we fell asleep. The man, as we afterwards learned 22 THE refugee; or a from him, came as agreed upon, whistled and made signals, but failed to wake us up. Thinking we had been pursued away, he went back without us. le next morning, when we awoke, the sun was rising re , right on the public road. We saw a man at his door some two hundred yards from us. I went to ask him how the roads ran ; Harris told me to inquire the way to Carr’s Run, near home, so we would go the contraiy. By the time I got back, Ben, who had watched, saw the man leave his house with his gun, and take a circle round to come down on us ; but before he could head us, we were past him in the road running. Wc ran and walked about four miles barefoot; then we took courage to put on our shoes, which we had not dared slop fong enough to do before, for fear the man with the gun would get ahead of us. We were now on the top of a high lull. On our right was a path leading into the woods. In this path w descended, and after walking a few minutes, we ar- rived at a house, by the main road. We went in to ask for a drink of buttermilk. Only the woman of the house was at home. Said she, “ Boys, you are the very ones my husband was looking for last night.” We de- nied it, being right on the road, and atraid. She insist- ed, “ for,” said she, “ the man who came to tell my hus- band, said there was a big one and a little one.” I was the little one. She gave us crackers, cheese, and on- Against her advice, we left the house and moved ions. on. Presently wc came to a toll-gate, about which there were standing several white men. We walked up boldly to the gate ; one of the men then asked us, “Where are you going?” Ben answered, “ We are going to Chillicothe to see our friends there.” Then he made answer and said, “ You can ’t go any further, you NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 23 must go back with me, you are the very boys I was looking for last night.” We told him we wanted to go on, but he said, “ There are so many buckskin Yankees in these parts that you will be taken before you get half through the town.” We then went back to his house, but we did not stop more than ten minutes, be- cause it would be dangerous for him as well as for us if we were caught on his premises. He stuck up a pole close to his house and tied a white cloth on it ; then he led us up to the top of the hill (this was Mon- day, quite early in the morning), and showed us a rough place of bushes and rocks where we could lie concealed quite pleasantly, and so high up that we could see the main road, and the toll-gate, and the house, and the white flag. Said he, If there ’s any danger, I Ml send a child out to throw down the white flag ; and if you get scared away from here, come back at night and I Ml protect you.” Soon after he left us, we saw five white men come to his house on horseback ; they were the five who had carried back the others that tried to escape. Two of them went into the house ; then we saw a little girl come out and climb up on the fence, as if she were playing about, and she knocked down the flag-pole, — which meant that we were to l»ok out for ourselves. But we did not feel that there was any immediate danger, and so we kept close under cover. Pretty soon the two came out of the house, and they all rode forward very fast, passed the toll-gate, and were soon out of sight. I suppose they thought to overtake us every minute, but luckily I have never seen them since. In the evening the man came and conducted us to his house, where we found the men we had seen at the toll-gate in the morning. They were mostly armed with pistols and guns. They guided us to a solitary 24 THE refugee; or a house three miles back among the mountains, in the neighborhood of which we remained three days. We were told to go up on the mountain very high, where was an Indian cave in the rocks. From this cave we could look a great distance around and see people, and we felt afraid they would see us. So instead of stay- ing there, we went down the mountain to a creek where trees had been cut down and branches thrown over the bank ; we went under the branches and bushes where the sand was dry, and there we would sit all day. We all the time talked to each other about how we would get away, and what we should do if the white folks tackled us ; that was all our discourse. We stayed there until Friday, when our friends gave us knapsacks full of cakes and dried venison, and a little bundle of provision besides, and flints and steel, and spunk, and a pocket-compass to travel through the woods by. We knew tlie north-star, but did not travel nights for nearly a week. So on Friday morning we set out, the men all bidding us good-by, and the man of the flag-staff went with us half a day to teach us the use of the compass ; we had never seen one before. Once in a while he would put it on a log to show us how to travel by it. When he was leaving us, he took his knife and marked on the compass, so that we should steer a little west of north. During the six days succeeding, we traversed an un- broken wilderness of hills and mountains, seeing neither man nor habitation. At night we made a fire to sit by. We saw deer on our way; we were not annoyed by wild animals, and saw but one snake, a garter-snake. The first sign of man we met with was a newly-made road ; this was on the seventh day from the time we left the house in the mountains. Our provisions held NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 25 out well, and we had found water enough. After crossing the road, we came out from the mountains to a level cleared place of farms and houses. Then we were afraid, and put ourselves on our guard, resolving to travel by night. We laid by until starlight, then we made for a road leading to the north. We would fol- low a road until it bent away from the north ; then we would leave it and go by the compass. This caused us to meet many rivers and streams where there were no bridges ; some we could wade over, and some we crossed by swimming. After reaching the clearings, we scarcely dared build a fire. Once or twice we took some green corn from the fields, and made a brush fire to roast it. After lighting the fire, we would retire from it, as far almost as we could see it, and then watch whether anybody might come to it. When the fire ^ had gone out, the corn would be about done. Our feet were now sore with long travelling. One night we came to a river ; it was rather foggy, but I could sec a ferry-scow on the other side. I was afraid of alligators, but I swam over, and poled the scow back and ferried Ben across, — his ancle was so sore, that he did not like to put his foot in the water if he could help it. We soon reached an old stable in the edge of a little town ; we entered it and slept alternately one kee])ing watch, as we always managed while in the neighborhood of settlements. We did not do this in the wilderness, — there we slept safely, and were quite reconciled. At cock-crowing in the morning we set out and went into the woods, which were very near ; there we stayed through the day. At night we started on and presently came into a road running north-west. Coming to a vine patch we filled our knapsacks with cucumbers; we then met a 3 26 TIIE refugee; or a =rwt:.ar;5 ;;i:“:r:£S a man drive a diove ot cauie. „r,.nui of you must be runaways, - but you needn t ^ a aid « me,- 1 don’t want to hurt you.” He then told us something that we knew before — that the last spiin„ five fu<^itives were overtaken at Ins house by my mas t r and tvvo other men ; that the fugitives took through ins wheat-field,-one of them, a little fellow, could not run so fast as the rest, and master called to him to stop, he ’d shoot him. His answer was, “ shoot and be 'fhe man further told us, tliat he tookthiough the wheat-field as if he would assist in catching the slaves, but that when hc got near enough, hc told them to “push on!” Ben and T knew about the pursuit, and what the little fellow had said ; for it got round among the servants, after master got back. That little fellow’s widow is now my wife. We went to the man s house, and ]iartook of a good luncheon. He told us to hurry, and try to get through Newark before daylight. We hurried accordingly, but it was daybreak when we crossed the bridge. We found the litUe toll-gate open and we went through — there were lights in a taicrii window at the left of the gate, and the windows had no curtains. Just as we were stepping off' the bridge, a plank rattled, — then up started after us a little black dog, making a great noise. We walked smartly along, but did not run until we came to a street leading to the i-jgljt, — then we ran fast until we came to a left hand turn, which led to the main road at the other side of the town. Before sunrise, we hid in a thicket of briars, close by the road, where we lay all day, seeing the teams, and every thing that passed by. At dark we went on again, passed through Mount NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 27 Vernon in the night, and kej)t on until daylight. Again we halted in concealment until night, then we went on again through Wooster. After leaving Wooster, we saw no more settlements, except one little village, which we passed through in broad day. We entered a store here, but were asked no questions. Here we learned the way to Cleveland. In the middle of the afternoon we stopped for a little rest. Just before night wc moved forward again and travelled all night. We then stopped to rest until four in the afternoon, meanwhile roasting some corn as before. At about four, we met a preacher, who was just come from Cleveland. He asked us if we were making our escape, — we told him “No.” He said, “You need not be afraid of me, — I am the friend of all who travel from the South to the North.” He told us not to go into Cleveland, as we would be taken up. He then described a house which was oil our way, where, he said, we might mention our meeting him, and we would find friends who would put us on board a boat. We hid until dark, — then we went to the house, which we recognized readily from the preacher’s description. We knocked at the door, and were invited in. My cousin told them what the minister had said. The man of the house hid us in his barn two nights and three days. He was a shoe- maker. The next night after we got there, he went to Cleveland himself to get a berth for us aboard some boat for Canada. When he returned, he said he had found a passage for us with Capt. B., who was to sail the next Thursday at 10, p. m. At that hour we em- bpj-ked, having a free passage in a schooner for Buffalo. On board this boat, we met with an Englishman whom we had often seen on a steamboat at the plantation. He knew us, and told us a reward of one hundred dollars 28 the refugee ; or a was offered for each of ns, ami he showed us “J™' handbills to that effect. He said they had be^n g van him to put up along the road, but he had prefermd to 1:“^ them in his pocket. Cnpt. B. took awmy our knives and Ben’s tomahawk, for fear of mischiek We reached Buffalo at 4, P. M. The captain said, that if there was any danger in the town, he won take us in his yawl and put us across. He walked throu-h the town to see if there were any bills up. Finding no danger, he took us out of the hatchway, he walked with us as far as Black Rock Ferry, giving us <^ood advice all the way, how we should conduct ourselves through life in Canada, and we have never departed from his directions, — his counsel was good, and I have kept it. I am now buying this place. My family are with me, we live well, and enjoy ourselves. I worship in the Methodist church. What religious instruction I received on plantation, was from my mother. I look upon slavery as the most disgusting system a man can live under. I would not be a slave again, except that I could not put an end to my own existence, through fear of the punishment of the future. Men who have never seen or felt slavery cannot realize it for the thing it is. If those who say that fugitives had better go back, were to go to the South and see slavery, they would never wish any slave to go back. I have seen separations by sales, of husbands from wives, of parents from children, — if a man threatens to run away, he is sure to be sold. Ben’s mother was sold down South — to New Orleans — when he was about twenty years old. I arrived in Canada on the 13th September, 1824. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 29 WILLIAM JOHNSON. I look upon slavery as I do upon a deadly poison. The slaves are not contented nor happy in their lot. Neither on the farm where I was in Virginia, nor in the neighborhood were the slaves satisfied. The man I belonged to did not give us enough to eat. My feet were frostbitten on my way North, but I would rather have died on the way than to go back. It would not do to stop at all about our work, — if the peo|ile should try to get a little rest, there would be a cracking spell amongst them. I have had to go through a great deal of aflliction ; I have been com- pelled to work when I was sick. I used to have rheu- matism, and could not always do so much work as those who were well, — then I would sometimes be whipped. I have never seen a runaway tliat wanted to go back, — I have never heard of one. I knew a very smart young man — he was a fellow- servant of mine, who had recently professed religion — who was tied up by a quick-tempered overseer, and whipped terribly. He died not long after, and the peo- ple there believed it was because of the whipping. Some of the slaves told the owner, but he did not discharge the overseer. He will have to meet it at the day of judgment. I had grown up quite large, before I thought any thing about liberty. The fear of being sold South had more influence in inducing me to leave than any other thing. Master used to say, that if we didn’t suit him, he would put us in his pocket quick — meaning he would sell us. He never gave me a great coat in his life, — he said he knew he ought to do it, but that he 3 * 30 THE refugee; or a couldn’t get ahead far enough. His son had a child by a colored woman, and he would have sold it — his own ^Q . >> — for if they had said yes, and had then fallen to the other heirs, they would be sold, — and so they said “ No,” against their own consciences. But there will be a time when all will be judged. The Lord, He made us out of the dust of the earth, and He is the greatest Judge of the earth, yet even He does not com- pel us to serve Him : but among men, who are so frail, the stronger takes the weaker by force, and binds them slaves, and murders them. These views I have not got since I left the South ; they were in me all the time I was there. I have often tried to love my minister and brethren in Pokaroan church, but when I heard them say, “ Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you,” and saw what they were doing to their own brethren in Christ, I thought with the disciples, “ Who, then, can be saved? ” I never knew in all my living in the South, a colored man to separate a family of whites by sale or in any way, but have often known this to be done by the whites. HENRY JACKSON. I was born free at Chatham Four Corners, N. Y. State. I was sent to school and learned to read and 92 the refugee; ok a ' wTite. My parents were free at the time of my birth, but had been slaves under the old laws of New York. ' ■ At about the age of sixteen, my father bound me out to a man named G , to remain till twenty-one, then ! to reeeive two hundred and fifty dollars. G went I to California, where he remained over a year, and then ' came back for his wife and children and me to take us to that State. Then I Avent with liirn by railway and by water : the vessel was a steamer, — took us into some port, tlie name of which I do not know ; there G and another man came on board, and asked me to go up into the town, — it was a middling-sized town. Tliey took me to an auction room where were other colored people, and I was sold at auction to the high- est bidder for four hundred and fifty dollars. I thought it a strange transaction, but I felt that I was in their power, — I was among strangers, had no friends there, knew it would be of no use to remonstrate, and so said nothing. A man by the name of W. K. S. bought me. I saw no papers passed, — there might have been. S. said, “ You are in my hands now, and you must obey my orders.” I answered him nothing, — did not say a word to him. As soon as I was sold, G left, and I have not seen him since. I was taken into S.’s fam- ily, and went to work for him and the family, doing house-work, errands, etc. I was treated kindly, — had enough of every thing, — his son gave me a little change occasionally. My mind was all the time occu- pied by the thought of my freedom, and I made up my mind to escape on the first opportunity. I said nothing to Mr. S. about my past life : he never said any thing about setting me free. Whether he knew it was ille- ' gal for G to sell me, I do not know. I had some fears in regard to running away — fears that something NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 93 — I could not tell what — would be done with me. At last I started on foot^for Philadelphia, which I reached in due time, without any trouble on the way, except being worn out with fatigue. I did not travel ifbout much while in slavery : but from my own experience of it, and from what I have seen, I pronounce it a very great curse. I think G ’s conduct is mean. I think it would be a good thing for him to be sold for a few years down South, — I think that by the time he had been there five years, he would be glad to set all the slaves free. I think it necessary for all free people of color to be on their guard. I had the privilege of going to church every Sunday. I belonged to the Methodist church before I went away, as did my father and mother. Mr. S. was a member of the same church with myself, — we heard the same preaching and sat at the same communion table. The colored people partook after the others had done. I have not seen S. since I came away, and have no de- sire to see him. The population of this wealthy, enterprising, and beautiful city is estimated at forty-seven thousand, of whom about one thousand are colored persons. Of these no separate count is made in taking the census. The greater part of the colored people reside in the north-western section of the city. Their houses resem- ble those of the same class of persons in St. Catharines: but as they have not generally so extensive gardens, more time can be allotted to the beautifying and gen- eral care of their dwellings than in St. Catharines. Many of the colored people own the houses in which they dwell, and some have acquired valuable estates. No distinction exists in Toronto, in regard to school privileges. One of the students in the Normal School was a fugitive slave, and colored youths are attending lectures in the University. There are three churches exclusively belonging to the colored people — a Bap- tist and two Methodist churches. They are excluded, however, from none of the churches, and in all of them a few of the African race may be found. The colored people in Toronto are, on the whole, re- •markably inefustrious. Their condition is such as to gratify the philanthropist, and to afford encouragement to the friends of emancipation everywhere. A portion ( 94 ) NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 95 of them sustain a lyceum or debating club (which is attended by both sexes) where debates are held, and original essays are read. A large majority of the adult colored people are refugees from the South. Several of these furnished their testimony in regard to the insti- tution under whose fostering care they were reared. They gave their statements readily and with every ap- pearance of truth. Their evidence is as reliable as any which can be obtained. No longer dreading the lash, they arc free to utter their real sentiments, and to com- municate their actual experiences. Some of the details would appear too shocking for credence, were it not ad- mitted on all hands, that the only limit to the cruelty of a mean, ill-tempered, virtually irresponsible tyrant, is the capacity for suffering with which the victims of his malignity may be endowed. Those who have been most cruelly treated and un- justly used, are most likely to undertake an escape. Those who have succeeded in the undertaking, there- fore, may fairly be expected to give a very dark picture. Ought slavery then, as a whole, to be condemned by the evidence they present? We answer, that every slave is liable to the same maltreatment and abuse from which the fugitives in Canada have escaped ; and that an institution which holds such liabilities over the heads of millions, and inflicts the most enormous evils on many thousands, might as well be set aside. Again, in forming a judgment of slavery as to its merits and demerits, this testimony should receive at least as much weight as a class of anecdotes so readily chronicled, and so widely circulated, of individual slaves who have manifested great attachment to their masters, or refused to receive their freedom. The excellence of pious masters who exhort and pray with their slaves 96 THE refugee; or a from the best of motives, is also deemed worthy of record ; and if from such anecdotes, of slaves loving slavery, and of the kindness of some masters, inferences are drawn favorable to the continuance of slavery, facts of the opposite class, although it is a more ungrateful task to expose them, ought also to be fully stated, lest humanity and benevolence be lulled to sleep over evils which they should do their utmost to remove. Let it not be understood, however, that in this work we intend to make a selection of the most atrocious cases of abuse. Any instances of kind, sell-sacrificing masters, or humane, benevolent overseers, will be men- tioned at greater length and in greater fulness than those of opposite character, to relieve, if possible, the canvas which truth is reluctantly obliged to crowd “ with bitter and with black.^’ What is here incidentally said in regard to the narra- tives of the fugitives in Toronto, applies with equal force to all statements of fugitives in Canada W^est in this work. CHARLES HENRY GREEN. I was a slave in Delaware from birth, until twenty- three years of age : am now twenty-four. I never had any religious or other instruction from my master. I picked up a knowledge of reading, and some religious knowledge among people where I was hired out. I was well used — have been hit over the head with chunks of wood, — hit over the back with a pitchfork handle, but was never whipped with a cowskin. N0RTH-SI1>E VIEW OF SLAVERY. 97 Slavery is horrid. I think if the slaves were set free, they would readily go to work for money. JAMES W. SUMLER. Arrived in Canada, March 3, 1855. I came from Norfolk, Va. ; was in bondage twenty-six years. I was not sent to school — never. My first master and mis- tress gave me no religious instruction at all, nor any other. I learned to read : the way was, I hid in a hay- loft on Sunday, and got the younger white children to teach me. I bought the book with a ninepence that a man gave me for holding his horse. My master was a Methodist. I used to get his horse ready, and hold him when master was going to meeting, but he never asked me to go. At twelve years, my first master died and I was hired out. I was put to work in a lumber-yard. I generally had enough to eat, but was sometimes short for clothes. My second master and mistress never gave me any instruction about God, and Christ, and the Bible : they used to object to my going to meetings. It was noth- ing but come and go. They were Methodists. I was never punished very severely, but I have seen servants of the same family punished in various ways. I have seen them tied down, stripped bare, and struck with the paddle, bored with auger holes, until they could n’t walk straight. This was because they did not perform the tasks assigned them. I consider the tasks given them were such they could ‘not perform them. I have seen them tied up and whipped until the blood ran 9 98 TUE refugee; or a down to the ground. I have seen a man — Elick Smith — so badly whipped with the cobble and cow- hide, that he could not lie down any way. The use of brine after whipping is very common. After I got to years of maturity, and saw the white people sitting in the shade, while 1 worked in the sun, I thought I would like to be my own man. The first that started me was, they sold my brother down south, and I have not seen him since. I thought my chance would come next, and so I put out. A white man — a Baptist, used to preach to us. The white people took the communion in the morning, and we took it in the evening. The minister used to tell us not to be disorderly on taking the sacrament — I thought he was disorderly himself, for he kept slaves. I left home at 2 p. M., and walked a very considerable distance. Then I saw fit to remain concealed nine months. Meanwhile I was advertised, and a reward of $200 was oflered for me. On seeing this I felt somewhat troubled in mind, — at last I started, but I had to run back to my hiding-place. A second time I got very near a place where I would have been safe, but I was pursued, and had again to put back. A third time I was successful. I enjoy myself here more than I did in slavery. I believe that liberty is the true and proper state for the colored man, and for every man. I came here with nothing. I think I can make a living here, and am disposed to try. I left slavery with the expectation that I would have to work, and I am glad to get work. I look upon slavery as wrong, and as a curse upon the masters. I do not believe that there is any religion in the masters. The slaves are not religious in conse- quence of slavery ; they have often impediments in the NOllTII-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 99 way of Iheir going to meetings. I believe that the slaveholders know that that they are guilty in holding slaves. If the slaves were all set at liberty, I think it would be better for the slaves and for the slaveholders too. The abolitionists have helped me a great deal. PATRICK SNEAD. I belonged in Savannah, Georgia. I am as white as my master was, but I was born a slave. My first mas- ter dying, I fell to one of the sons, who died when I was about fifteen. He was a sporting character. He had always promised my mother to give me my free- dom at some time, — as soon as I could take care of myself. I was sent to school a little while by mother, so that I could spell quite well, — but I have lost it all. My master gave me no religious instruction, but I was allowed to attend a Sunday School for colored children. I was put to the coopfVs trade, which I learned in five years. While my master lived I was well used. But at length he was taken sick with consumption ; I at- tended him, and took care of him. 1 said nothing to him about my freedom, not feeling any great interest in the matter at that time. I have good reason to believe that he was persuaded not to set me free. At length he departed this life. After his death, the doctor's bill of three hundred dollars had to be satisfied out of the estate. Other prop- erty being deficient, I was given up, and was for one day the property of the physician. I was then sold to a wholesale merchant for five hundred dollars. The THE refugee; or a 100 merchant employed me about the store four years ; he found me smarter than many others, and I had to work hard, lifting heavy bales of goods. This lifting caused me to wear a truss some time before I left. In the easi- est time of the year, the summer, my working hours were from 6 in the morning to 7 in the evening. In the fall and spring I worked from 6 in the morning until 12 at night, the bales of goods being opened in the night: in the winter from 6 to 6. I had plenty of food and good common clothing. The merchant’s manner of aE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 155 plantation the mulattoes were more despised than the wliole blood blacks. I often wished from the fact of my condition that I had been darker. IVIy sisters suffered from the same cause. I could frequently hear the mistress say to them, “you yellow hussy! you yel- low wench ! ” etc. The language to me generally was, “go do so and so.” But if a hoe-handle were broken or any thing went wrong, it would be every sort of a wicked expression — so bad I do not like to say what — very profane and coarse. Our houses were but log huts — the tops partly open — ground floor, — rain would come through. My aunt was quite an old woman, and had been sick several years : in rains I have seen her moving about from one part of the house to the other, and rolling her bedclothes about to try to keep dry, — every thing would be dirty and muddy. I lived in the house with my aunt. My bed and bedstead consisted of a board wide enough to sleep on — one end on a stool, the other placed near the fire. My pillow consisted of my jacket, — my covering was whatever I could get. My bedtick was the board itself. And this was the way the single men slept, — but we were comfortable in this way of sleeping, being used to it. I only remember having but one blanket from my owners up to the age of 19, when I ran away. Our allowance was given weekly — a peck of sifted corn meal, a dozen and a half herrings, two and a half pounds of pork. Some of the boys would eat this up in three days, — then they had to steal, or they could not perform their daily tasks. They would visit the hog-pen, sheep-pen, and granaries. I do not remember one slave but who stole some things, — they were driven to it as a matter of necessity. I my.self did this, — many a time have I, with others, run among the stumps 156 THE refugee; or a in chase of a sheejo, that we might have something to eat. If colored men steal, it is because they are brought up to it. In regard to cooking, sometimes many have to cook at one fire, and before all could get to the fire to bake hoe cakes, the overseer’s horn would sound : then they must go at any rate. Many a time I have gone along eating a piece of bread and meat, or herring broiled on the coals — I never sat down at a table to eat, except in harvest time, all the time I was a slave. In harvest time, the cooking is done at the great house, as the hands are wanted more in the field. This was more like people, and we liked it, for we sat down then at meals. In the summer we had one pair of linen trousers given us — nothing else ; every fall, one pair of woollen pantaloons, one woollen jacket, and two cotton shirts. My master had four sons in his family. They all left except one, who remained to be a driver. He would often come to the field and accuse the slaves of having taken so and so. If we denied it, he would whip the grown-up ones to make them own it. Many a time, when we did n’t know he was anywhere round, he would be in the woods watching us, — first thing we would know, he would be sitting on the fence looking down upon us, and if any had been idle, the young master would visit him with blows. I have known him to kick my aunt, an old woman who had raised and nursed him, and I have seen him punish my sisters awfully with hickories from the woods. The slaves are watched by the patrols, who ride about to try to catch them off the quarters, especially at the house of a free person of color. I have known the slaves to stretch clothes lines across the street, high enough to let the horse pass, but not the rider : then the boys NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 157 would run, and the patrols in full chase would be thrown off by running against the lines. The patrols are poor white men, who live by plundering and stealing, getting rewards for runaways, and setting up little shops on the public roads. They will take whatever the slaves steal, paying in money, whiskey, or whatever tlie slaves want. They take pigs, sheep, wheat, corn, — any thing that’s raised they encourage the slaves to steal : these they take to market next day. It ’s all speculation — all a matter of self-interest, and when the slaves run away, these same traders catch them if they can, to get the reward. If the slave threatens to expose his traffic, he does not care — for the slave’s word is good for nothing — it would not be taken. There are frequent quarrels between the slaves and the poor white men. About the city on Sundays, Ihe slaves, many of them, being fond of dress, would appear nicely clad, which seemed to provoke the poor white men. I have had them curse and damn me on this account. They would say to me, “ Where are you going? Who do you belong to?” I would tell them, — then, Where did you get them clothes ? I wish you belonged to me — I’d dress you up ! ” Then I have had them throw water on me. One time I had bought a new fur hat, and one of them threw a watermelon rind, and spoiled the hat. Sometimes I have seen them throw a slave’s hat on the ground, and trample on it. He would pick it up, fix it as well as he could, put it on his head, and walk on. The slave had no redress, but would sometimes take a petty revenge on the man’s horse or saddle, or something of that sort. I knew a free man of color, who had a wife on a plantation. The patrols went to his house in the night time — he would not let them in; they broke in and beat him : nearly killed him. The next morning he 14 158 the refugee; or a went before the magistrafes, bloody and dirty ju:^t as he was. All the redress he got was, that he had no right to resist a white man. An old slaveholder married into the family, who in- troduced a new way of whipping, — he used to brag that he co\ild pick a “nigger’s” back as he would a chicken’s. I went to live with him. There was one man that he used to whip every day, because he was a foolish, jreevish man. He would cry when the master undertook to punish him. If a man had any spirit, and would say, “ I am working — I am doing all I can do,” he would let him alone, — but there was a good deal of flogging nevertheless. Just before I came away, there were two holidays. When T came home to take my turn at the work, mas- ter wanted to tie me up for a whipping. Said he, “ You yellow rascal, I hate you in my sight.” I resist- ed him, and told him he should not whip me. He called his son — they both tried, and we had a good deal of pulling and hauling. They could riot get me into the stable. The old man gave up first — then the young man had hold of me. I threw him against the barn, and ran to the woods. The young man followed on horseback with a gun. I borrowed a jacket, my clothes having been torn off in the scuffle, and made for Washington City, with the intention of putting myself in jail, that I might be sold. I did not hurry, as it was holiday. In about an hour or so, my father came for me and said I had done nothing. I told him I would return in the course of the day, and went in time for work next morning. I had recently joined the Metho- dist Church, and from the sermons I heard, I felt that God had made all men free and equal, and that I ought not to be a slave, — but even then, that I ought NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 159 not to be abused. From this time I was not punished. 1 think uiy master became afraid of me^ wiien he pun- ished the children, I would go and stand by, and look at him, — he was afraid, and would stop. I belonged to the Methodist Chureh in Washington. My master said, “ You shan’t go to that cluu-ch they’ll put the devil in you.” He meant that they would put me up to running off ’I’hen many were leaving; it was two from here, three from there, ete. — perhaps forty or fifty a week. was about there then. I heard something of this : master would say, “Why don’t you work faster? I know why you don’t; you’re thinking about running off! ” and so I was thinking, sure enough. Mon would dis- appear all at once : a man who was working by me yesterday would be gone to-day, — how, I knew not I really believed that they had some great flying ma- chine to take them through the air. Every man was on the look-out for runaways. I began to feel uneasy, and wanted to run away too. I sought for information — all the boys had then gone from the place but just me. I happened to ask in the right quarter. But my owners found that I had left the plantation while they had gone to church. They took steps to sell me. On the next night I left the plantation. At length I turned my back on Washington, and had no difficulty in get- ting off. Sixteen persons came at the same time — all men — I was the youngest of the lot. I enjoy freedom as all other hard-working men do. I was broken up in Rochester, N. Y. by the fugitive slave bill. There is much prejudice here against us. I have always minded my own business and tried to deserve well. At one time, I stopped at a hotel and was going 160 THE kefcgee; or a to register my name, but was informed that the hotel was “ full.” At another time, I visited a town on busi- ness, and entered my name on the register, as did the other passengers who stopped there. Afterward I saw that my name had been scratched off. I went to another hotel and was politely received by the landlady : but in the public room— the bar — were two or three persons, who as I sat there, talked a great deal about “niggers,” — aiming at me. But I paid no attention to it, knowing that when “ whiskey is in, wit is out.” MRS. FRANCIS HENDERSON. I was born of a slave mother in Washington, D. C., and was raised in that city. I was to be set free at the age of thirty. When my old mistress died, I was sold for the balance of the time to an Irish woman. When I first went there, I was the only slave they had ever owned ; they owned afterwards a man, a woman, and a male child. The man went out to get some one to buy him. He left word at the grocery : the grocer was not particular to report the one who would pur- chase him to the old man by himself, but let on before the folks. This provoked the Irishman and his wife, and as the old man was taking out ashes from an ash-hole, the master went down, and as the slave raised his head, the man struck him about the temple, with a long handled scrubbing-brush. The old man never spoke afterwards. I saw the blow struck. The old man died the next morning. An inquest was held. I was afraid, and told the jurymen I knew nothing about NOKTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 161 it. The white girl said the boss was n’t at home, — she swore a false oath, and tried to make it out that the old man fell and hit his head against the bake oven door. The man was bound over, not to put his hand on a servant any more. Mistress used to pinch pieces out of the boys’ ears, and then heal them with burnt alum. She dared not do much to me, as my former owners were in the city, and would not suffer barbarity. Her husband was under bonds of two thousand dollars to treat me well. But she treated the others so badly that some of my friends told me I had better leave. was there then with some persons who were going to travel north with him, and I joined them and came away. I like liberty, and if Washington were a free coun- try, I would like to go back there, — my parents were there. There are so many congressmen there that the slaves are not treated so badly as in other parts. JOHN HOLMES. My name in slavery was John Clopton. I belonged originally in Hanover Co., Va. My treatment was so bad, I hate to say any thing about it. Slaves were not allowed to open a book where I came from : they were allowed to go to meeting, if the master gave them a pass — some have that privilege, and some do not. My owners never gave me a hat in the world, nor hardly any clothes. When I got big enough, I worked nights to get me a hat and some clothes. There was one physician there, who I know as well as I know myself, 14 * 162 THE REFUGEE ; OR A who flogged one woman till the skin was off her back, and then whij 3 ped the skin off her feet. One neighbor of ours was worse than the evil one wanted him to be. He used to make a married man get out of his bed in the morning and he would go and get into it. What I have seen, I seldom say any thing about, because peo- ple would not believe it, — they would not believe peo- ple could be so hard-hearted. They whipped so much, I couldn’t tell any particular reason for it. The horn would sound at the time the cocks crowed. Then they all got up. When it blowed the second time all had to start for the field : if any remained after this, the overseer would go in and whip them. Day- light never caught us in the house. Then the overseer would get on his horse and ride to the field ; and if any one came in after him, he would apply the lash — per- haps fifty, perhaps a hundred. I have seen the women jump for the field with their shoes and stockings in their hands, and a petticoat wrapped over their shoul- ders, to dress in the field the best way they could. The head magistrate of that county (L J ) was about the hardest of any of ’em. When I came away, one of his men had maggots in his back. His brother E was not so hard, — he was killed in a duel. Another brother was very hard toward his wife, his slaves, and everybody else. His name was B J . He was so bad he couldn’t live any longer — he killed him- self by drinking a quart of brandy from a case-bottle — a case-bottle full. Next morning he was dead. This was before I came away, and I left in 1825. I don’t know my age. They don’t tell the slaves any thing about their age. There were but two that I known of, who used their people any way decent. There was a young T P who had overseers NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 163 who would kill his people with no more conscience than one would kill a snake. T P was so bad he would n’t give his people Sunday. He had two or three farms. On a Saturday night his people would pack up, and travel Sunday to another farm, so as to be ready for work Monday morning. He had one over- seer named L , who called himself a bull-dog, and said he could manage any ‘‘ nigger.” They allow eight ears of corn for a horse at noon. A young man was about feeding a horse ; L says, “ How many ears have you got ? ” “I did n’t count them.” L counted, — there were ten ears. Just for that L seized a flail, and struck the young man breaking two of his ribs — he hit him with the flail until he found the young man was dying — then he sent for the doctor. The doctor said, “ What did you kill this man, and then send for me for ? ” I knew the young man and knew the overseer. The first time I was shot, my young master. Dr. (who had married one of the girls) and I got into a skirmish. I was in the kitchen before anybody was up. He came in and wanted to know what I was doing in the house ? Why I didn’t go to work? He says, “ If you do n’t go out and go to work. I’ll give you a hundred lashes. Go, get your hoe, and come up to the house — I’ll show you where you can hill up a potato patch.” I went, got my hoe and came back. Then he had been to the stable, and got leading lines, a whip, and his gun. He knew I would not let him whip me, because I had always fought like a tiger when they undertook it. The gun was to scare me, so as to make me take off my jacket. He left the whip and gun inside the door and said, “ come in here.” I had not seen then the lines, whip, or gun. He took up the 164 THE refugee; or a lines, and came by me as if he was going out when he got near the whip and gun he turned — “ take off your shirt, Til hit you a hundred lashes this morning.” It was because I had not gone to work — that was all the quarrel we had had that morning. I turned round and faced him. “ Pull off your shirt, you d— d rascal.” I said, “ not to-day.” The minute I said so, he snatched up his gun, pointed it at my breast and said, “ Pll shoot you.” I went towards him, opened my breast, and said, “ shoot away.” My temper was raised — I meant if he did not kill me, that I would kill him. It seemed to daunt him. He said, “ Stand your ground.” I was approaching him. Said I, “ Pve got no ground to stand on.” I was very near him, — he seized the whip, and struck at me, but I was near enough to prevent him from hitting. As he made a lick at me, I sprung for the door. He thought I was going to seize him, and dodged out of the way. I went out, took my hoe, and was walking away. I had got mad, and could n’t run. He called, “ Stop, you d — d rascal.” I told him I would go away, and not come back while wind blew or water run. I had not got far, and looked around, when I saw him have the gun ; I saw the flash, and was peppered all over with shot. I went off into the woods. The shot did not bother me much, except one in the ball of my thumb, which I got out some four or five years after. I stayed in the woods all summer. They used to hunt for me. I’ve seen them after me with dogs — dogs could n’t catch me. I used to watch when they started and follow behind them. I used something on my feet to keep dogs from taking a scent. At last they told all the neighbors if I would come home, they wouldn’t whip me. I was a great hand to work and made a great deal of money for our folks. I used to NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 165 tell them, if they whipped me, I wouldn’t work. The only fault they could find with me was, I would not be whipped. The young master — this one I ran from — used to say, “ a man must be whipped, else he wouldn’t know he was a nigger . I finally went back. I had a great many such scrapes with the overseers — two or three with the masters. At last they said, “ bet- ter let him alone, he is a good hand to work.” I would not be whipped. One day an overseer, who thought he was a better man than any of the others, came to me — I was a leader, and was pulling corn. lie took me by the collar, and said I did not go fast enough — he would “ tie me up to the persimmon tree, and hit me a hun- dred lashes ; ” he meant to do it, because the others had not made out to. I told him, “not to-day” — that’s what I always used to tell them. He called two dogs, and they bit me in a great many places, — the marks of their teeth arc all about my knees, — then he called sev- eral of the hands, but only one came up before I got away from overseer, dogs and all. I had to fling off the overseer, E E ; he went to the ground. I took to the woods : I don ’t know how long I stayed out that time, but I have stayed in the woods all winter. My young master had a bloodhound, very large and savage. He would let no one come near him. At night this dog was turned loose, and no negro could come round the house, nor along the road. He would not touch white people, — he was brought up so. At one time they were repairing a chimney, — several loose bricks were about the yard. One of the women and myself were sent through the yard. The dog was chained, and was enraged, because he could not get at us: the master was standing in the yard. The dog broke his collar: I saw him coining, and took up a half 166 THE refugee; or a brick. I knew the dog would spring for my throat, and I took a position as for wrestling. When the dog sprung, I threw up my left arm : the dog just got hold, and I struck him on the side of his head with the brick — he fell stunned, but I did not kill him. Young mas- ter was laughing when he saw the dog springing about, and when he saw him coming ; but when he saw the doe: fall, he ran out and struck at me with his fist. I fended off, as I had pretty good use of my limbs then. He then tried to kick me, but I caught his foot every time. I told him, ‘‘ Y'ou sha’n’t strike me, and your dog sha’n't bite me, ne’er a one.” He then ran for his gun, so ambitious, that his mother went to look, to see what he was going to shoot at. She got to the door as quick as he did : the gun was then pointed at me, but she seized it and pulled it out of his hands, and told me to be off quick. He was not of age when I came away. I never saw such a set of fellows as our folks were : one of them shot a dog, because he would n’t come when he called him. This one was accidentally killed one Sun- day morning, by a gun in the hands of the overseer. They were playing, and the gun went ofi’ at half cock, and blew his brains out. A A was a great overseer, who never went on any plantation but what he whipped every man on it. He bragged of it, and was called a great negro- manager. There were two men and one woman, named Betty, on the place, who, like me, would not be whipped. They employed him to come on for overseer, because he could make a great crop any how, by managing the hands. When the new overseer comes, all hands are called up and given over to him. I would not go up at such times — once only I went into the yard. A ordered all to meet him at the barn next morn- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 167 ing, to get orders where to go. Every thing went on well lill the middle of February, when we make plant- patches to put tobacco in. We would go to a wood and get brush, and burn it on the soil till blood^varm, then plant it. All the women were raking dry leaves to put on the brush, to make it burn. The overseer first fell in with Betty — his word was, if any one did not work fast enough — “ go to work ! go to work ! ” He said this to Betty. Said she, “ Where must I go?’’ “ Go to work ! ” “I am working.” He struck her with a stick he had in his hand — she struck him with the rake. They struck several blows. She got the stick and lost the rake : they fought then like two dogs. She was better with her fists, and beat him ; but he was better at wrestling, and threw her down. He then called the men to help him, but all hid from him in the brush where we were working. We could see him, but he could not see us, — he was too busily engaged. They fought till they got out of breath, and then he started with her to go to the mistress ; they never broke their hold. He got her over two or three fences ; then came the doctor who had shot me, and J T , my mistress’s son, and they took her to the barn, and whipped her almost to death : but she behaved worse afterwards. Then the calculation was to whip us every one, be- cause we did not help the overseer. He told us, the same afternoon to go to the barn to thresh oats ; but the oldest son, who had the management of the whole estate, was not at home, which saved us that time ; but it was to be done next day. While they were plotting it in Ihe evening, one of the house girls overheard it. That night every one of us went away into the woods. (Among those woods I have seen, where there are large 168 THE refugee; or a trees, the old corn hills and tobacco hills, where it used to be planted. At one time, I was hoeing in a field which we had just cleared of big pine-trees, and I found there two iron wedges and a hoe in the ground.) We stayed until they could not pitch a crop of corn. The head plougher and all, — all of ’em went away; they had only women and old men, and one young man who stayed behind, who was foolish. The overseer came to make a greater crop than they ever had, and he did not make any. They sent off the overseer to get us home. We went back, but after a while he came back too, and stayed the year out. He whipped the women, but he did not whip the men, for fear they would run away. He has cut many hickories and got chains made to put on me : but I was always looking out for him. When I was young, before I got so watchful, I had blows and knocks. One morning I was sick : the rule was, to tell the overseer. I said I was n’t going all over the farm to look him up. First thing I knew, he was in, with some switches, cowhide, and a rope with a running noose. He put the noose over my head as I sat, — I cleared it, and he struck me with a knife which hit a button : I knocked the knife out of his hand, — we had a fight and I whipped him. I knew if I stayed, he would whip me. I ran for a swamp, and he after me; but I got there first, and went through the mud and water, — he stopped at that. I always started in time, — before the lash came, I was off. One overseer we had was named E T ; a stout, big, young man, who worked the people hard, night and day ; all the time at our heels, “ rush ! make haste ! ” The weaker ones were called the “ drop-short gang ; ” these were taking the lash all the time : he was always after them. He wanted I should blow the NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 169 horn, but I would n’t undertake it. The old head man used to blow it. He used to hide the horn sometimes, so that we need not get it to throw it away. One time I found it, and threw it in the river. The overseer wanted to know why the horn did not blow. The old man told him “ somebody done hide it.” The overseer threatened us with a hundred lashes, unless we would find it, but we told him we had nothing to do with it. T got another horn : I do n’t believe he blew it three times before it was in the river. One of the wo- men saw where the old man hid it, and when he went for it, it w^as gone, — it was in the river. We got up afterward without a horn. Several times, horns were got for the farm, but they could not keep them. This overseer was very mistrustful and watchful, but he would get come up with sometimes. At threshing time, he accused me of stealing the wheat. At one time, he came down there, when he was sick to watch us. He had been taking medicine: he laid down on some straw, — it was damp, and he got worse. He called to me to take him up. I told him, « All I ’ll do for you will be, if you die, I ’ll close your eyes, and lay you out.” Two others, a man and a woman went to him. Said I, “ if you take him up, he ’ll get well, and you ’ll be the first ones he ’ll whip.” They took him to the house : he was very sick there, crying, “ let me pray ! let me pray ! ” I could hear him at the barn. When he got out to the field again, I did not know he was there, till I heard the switch. I looked to see whom he was whipping. It was the very two who had carried ' him to the house. I said to them, “ do n’t you remem- ber what I told you ? If you had let him stay there and die, you would n’t have got that.” It struck him so, he flung his switches down, and sat on the fence : 15 170 THE REFUGEE ;^OR A he looked pale : he went back to the house, and we did not see him again for three days. One morning I had a great scrape with him. He swore he would whij) me at the risk of his life. Ihat morning I did not get into the field until sunrise. All were at work but me ; I had had something to attend to, and would not go. He said I should not strike a liek there, till he had whipped me. I told him, “ you shall not, if everybody has to die between here and Kentucky. I’ll die before I’ll take a whipping.” “You sha’n’t do a stroke of work, before I whip you.” The next word was, “ master sha’n’t whip me, mistress sha’n’t whip me, you sha’n’t whip me, nobody sha n t whip me.” He said, “I’ll make all the hands catch you, and I ’ll whip you.” “ There ain’t a man the sun shines upon, that shall whip me.” The next thing he said was, “ You ought to consider your mistress’ inter- ests.” I told him, “ let mistress consider her own inter- ests, and let me consider mine,— let everybody consider their own interest.” I was fixing then to come away, but he did not know it. “ I will whip vmu any how. If you ’ll take off your shirt, I ’ll only give you a few jicks, — I have sworn that I would whip you, and want to make my words good.” I answered, “ I have said, you should not whip me, and that’s as good as if I had sworn to it.” We were some five or ten yards apart. He said I should not work till I was whipped. I told him I was not doing myself any good, — that I wasn’t working for myself anyhow, and didn’t care whether I worked or not. I then turned for the wmods, — when almost there lie called me back, — not one of the hands would have dared to touch me. I always carried an open knife, — they never could catch me unprepared. I went back : said he, “ I ’ll excuse you this time, but NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 171 you must n’t do so any more.” I answered, “ I do n’t know what I am going to do.” The last year, we liad to work backwards and for- wards, from one fami to another — from my mistress’ farm to her son’s: two overseers, — we worked so till harvest time, when I came away. My master was mad with me all the time about the overseers. I was the leader on our farm — on the other farm, I followed their leader. There were fifteen cutting wheat in cra- dles, some were raking, some binding — master followed the cradles. The other leader and 1 cradled so fast, we kept ahead of the rest — so we would have time to stop a little. lie was mad because he could not see us cut wheat — he said we did nothing, and wore play- ing all the harvest. One forenoon a shower came up — all were busy to get the wheat out of the shower ; mas- ter, to get occasion to whip me, came to me and said, “ You shall run too.” I did run ; but that did not suit him : he came up and struck me three or four times. He then went and cut three or four long poles : he shook them at me, and said he would whip me a hundred lashes for the new and the old. All hands were now sent to the barn to shell corn, — that was where they were going to catch me. I took up my cradle and jacket; I spoke to Tom, and asked him if he knew he was to have one hundred lashes ? He said, “ Yes.” “ Are you going to the barn ? ” “ Yes, — are you going ? ” “ No : I ’m going to the woods.” “ But you cannot stay in the woods always.” Said I, “ If you will go with me, I ’ll carry you into a free country.” “ Oh, you can’t.” I said, “I’ll go, or die in the attempt a trying.” Tom said, “ I reckon you have n’t sense enough to get away.” I told him, “I ’ll walk as long as there’s land, and if I come to the sea, I ’ll swim till I get drowned.” I bade 172 THE refugee; or a all the hands good-by — “ T never expect you ’ll see me again : if they try to take me I ’ll fight till I die : but if it so happens that they master me, I’ll never tell ihein where I came from.” Then I went into the woods. I had some good clothes, and went round through the woods and got them. I waited till night, to see what they would do. I saw them going to the house where I had been for my clothes. I could hear them talking, telling the owner of the place, a poor white man, to catch me if I came there. I laid about the woods ten days, \vaiting for another man who had promised to come with me. I saw him, but he was afraid to come. I started without him. At sixty miles from home, I got work, and stayed until I got some clothes and a little money. Then I left for the North. I have two children in slavery. They were carried away from me when they were a few months old. I have lived in Canada twenty-four years, and have made out pretty fair since I have been here. I came here expecting to work, but have not had to work so hard here as I did at the South. I know all the old set- tlers, but a great many have come lately, whom I am not acquainted with. Those that will work, do well — those that will not — not: it is the same here as every- where. It is the best poor man’s country that I know of — if a man comes without a shilling, he can get along well. There is no more idleness among colored than other people — there are idlers among aU nations. I came here with money enough to biiy a hundred acres of land. My money was stolen, but I did not get discouraged. I now own this house and land — ten acres here, and twelve in another place. I had a house and land which the railroad took, and I got a good price. NORTH-fSTDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 173 If I had had any knowledge how to calculate and scheme, as I should if I had learning, I should be worth ten thousand dollars. London has grown up since I came here. I had an opportunity to buy land in the heart of the city, but did not bother about it. Many of our people remain poor for want of education. It can- not be expected that men who have just got away from slavery should look far ahead : they are only looking for to-day and to-morrow. The colored people are mostly given to hard work : for the time we have been here, we have made great progress in this country. They have many good farms about Wilberforce. There is some prejudice, but not so much as there used to be. There is no separate school here. There are a Baptist and a Methodist church exclusively for colored people. Whether this is best, I cannot say. I used to persuade the colored people to go into the white folks’ churches. They came near making me say I would never go to church any more : on coming out, the colored people were insulted ; things were said then that would not be said now. Colored people attend at every church in London. MRS. BROWN. I keep a boarding-house, and have now ten boarders, all fugitives, as nearly as I can recollect. One of them came last winter. They have all got employment. 174 THE refugee; or a JOHN D. MOORE. I lived in Pennsylvania and New Jersey some twenty years. I suffered a great deal there solely on account of my color. Many a time, when I have been travel- ling, and would come to a tavern tired and hungry, I would be told, “ We have no accommodations for men of your color,” and I would have to go on. Perhaps I might get a luncheon at a private house, — or at some place kept by a foreigner, who needed the colored man’s money. I have suffered a great many other ways on account of my color. Several times I wanted to go into busi- ness there, but was dissuaded by my white friends, who said I would be mobbed or burned out. I was discour- aged in so many ways, that I came to Canada, to see if I could find a place where a colored man could have some privilege. I find it the reverse here from what it was in the States. There is prejudice here among the low class of people, but they have not got the power to carry it out here that they have in the States. The law here is stronger than the mob — it is not so there. If a man insults me here, he is glad to get out of the way for fear of the law ; it was not so in the States where I lived. A ruffian there may insult or throw stones at a colored man, and he must get out of the way — I found no law on my side. I can’t complain — I am doing well here, and am satisfied with Canada. I have lived here eighteen months. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 175 CHRISTOPHER HAMILTON. I was raised in St. Louis, Mo. I went to school a little, to a Sunday School, and learned to read, but was stopped — I suppose because I was learning too fast. My people came from Virginia. They were all free by right. My grandmother was an Indian woman. She put my mother with a man by the name of E G , to bring up. He moved to Kentucky, stopped a little while, then went to Missouri, thence to Jackson, Miss. While they were moving out, on their way to Kentucky, I was born on board a boat in Pittsburg. After we reached Jackson, my father, my mother, and all their sons and daughters, except myself and a sister who had two children, were sent to Mine Oburden — lead mines — they moved there with Dr. G , who kept them all for slaves. After he had stopped there awhile, he sold them to a man named S P • My sister, her two children, and myself, were sold by W G , to whom the Dr. had given us up for debt, to a man in St. Louis. W G was in debt to a man named H , and H was in debt to a Frenchman named B . We slipped along from one to another to pay debts. With B I remained from ten years old, till I left for the North. I have written kind letters to B , but got no reply. The people who were sold to S P all were finally removed with him to St. Louis, except one who died in the South. I look on slavery as the greatest evil that ever existed The preaching I used to hear was, “ Servants, be obe- dient to your masters.” “ He that knoweth his master’s will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many 176 THE refugee; or a stripes.” I was well used by my master, and well treated, until he married a second time. He married a very mean woman. He was a very wealthy man, and when she married him, it raised her right up. Nothing could please her. I had been married two years, and she tried to persuade her husband to sell my wife down the river : she wanted to whip my wife, and my wife wouldn’t let her. I did not wait to see whether he would sell her or not: but we came away, — got oft’ very comfortably. I had only sixteen dollars when I started. When I got here, I found a brother of mine here, — he helped me about getting work, and I make out to live comfortably. I would n’t go back for all St. Louis, poor as I am. They have no good feeling there for colored people anyhow. All they care for is, to get all the work out of them they can. They whip them to death, starve them to death, and I saw one colored man burned to death, — McIntosh, who had killed a man. I used to go to Sunday School in St. Louis, to Mr. Lovejoy — the man who was killed. The colored people in London are generally saving; they do not waste their means ; they are getting along as well as they can expect, as a general thing. I do not know of one who suffered so much here, as he would in slavery. There are some who are vicious and dissolute, and so there are of all nations. Take them in general, and they are getting along first-rate. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 177 MRS. CHRISTOPHER HAIVHLTON. I left Mississippi about fourteen years ago. I was raised a house servant, and was well used, — but I saw and heard a great deal of the cruelty of slavery. I saw more than I wanted to — I never want to see so much again. The slaveholders say their slaves are better off than if they were free, and that they prefer slavery to freedom. I do not, and never saw one that wished to go back. It would be a hard trial to make me a slave again. I had rather live in Canada, on one potato a day, than to live in the South with all the wealth they have got. I am now my own mistress, and need not work when I am sick. I can do my own thinkings, without having any one to think for me, — to tell me when to come, what to do, and to sell me when they get ready. I wish I could have my relatives here. I might say a great deal more against slavery — nothing for it. The people who raised me failed ; they borrowed money and mortgaged me. I went to live with people whose ways did not suit me, and I thought it best to come to Canada, and live as I pleased. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1 was brought up in St. Louis, Mo., — was not very badly used, except that I was not taught to read nor write, — I was not used well enough to stay there. 1 178 THE refugee; or a have seen many very badly used, and many sent down the river to the south. It was a common thing to take off a drove for a cotton farm. I never heard that it was intended to sell me ; but I knew it might be so, and I thought I would make hay while the sun shone. I left St. Louis in ’34, at the age of about eighteen. We do n’t know our ages exactly, I knew one man to cut off the fingers of his left hand with an axe, to prevent his being sold South. I knew of another who on hearing that he was sold shot himself: I saw physicians dissecting this man after- ward. I knew of a woman who had several children by her master, who on being sold, ran down to the river and drowned herself: I saw the body after it was taken from the water. I think that God made all men to be free and equal, — not one to be a slave. Other nations have abolished slavery, and there is no reason why the United States cannot do the same thing. We would many of us like to live in the United States were it not for slavery. Many separations I have seen, — dragging husbands from wives, children from their mother, and sending them where they could not expect to see each other again. I reached Canada in 1834. I had only a dollar and a half. I had no need to beg, for I found work at once. I have done well since I came here : have made a good living and something more. I own real estate in Lon- don, — three houses and several lots of land. It is a healthy country — Canada. The colored people in London are all making a liv- ing : there is no beggar among them. Some of us would like to live in the South if slavery was done NOKTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 179 away with, and the laws were right. I am naturalized here, and have all the rights and privileges of a British subject. Many have gone about, collecting money and clothes for fugitives, but I think that is not necessary now: they can get work. A great many fugitives are coming into London, they arc coming almost every day. ]VmS. SARAH JACKSON. V I belonged to a bachelor, who said I might come away with my three children if I chose. I always de- sired to come to a free State ; and I could not bear the idea of my children’s being slaves. He did not think I really would leave, although he said I might. There was some opposition from his relatives, — they told me they thought I was mighty foolish to come away from a good master. I thought I was n’t foolish, considering I had served all my days, and did not feel safe at night: not knowing whom I might belong to in the morning. It is a great heaviness on a person’s mind to be a slave. It never looked right to see people taken and chained in a gang to be driven off. I never could bear to see my own color all fastened together to go to such a place as down the river. I used to go in the house and shut myself up. I did not know how long before it would be my own fate. I had just enough to pay my way here. I expect to work for a living, and I am try- ing to get a house. I am better here than I was at home, — I feel lighter, — the dread is gone. I have a 180 THE REFCGEE ; OR A sister and brother in slavery in Kentucky. I intend to send my children to school. I have been here about a week. HENRY MOREIIEAD. I came from Louisville, Ky., where I was born and bred a slave. The colored people have not sent their children to school in London, so generally as desirable, for this reason. The fugitives who come to this coun- try for freedom from bondage, have been kept down in such a manner, that these privileges granted to them seem somewhat strange, and they have to take some time to consider whether they shall send their children to school unth the white children or not. This free school is something so unusual to them, that they can’t realize it, until they become naturalized to the country. Although they know they are free, they have a kind of timidness about them, so that they cannot mingle with the whites of this country, as they would if they had been free born. Yet the day, I believe is fast approach- ing, when the people of color will see that they stand in their own light by not sending their children to school. The time is now, when the colored men begin to see that it is the want of education which has kept them in bondage so long. My owners used to object to my going to school, say- ing that I could learn raseality enough without it — that “ niggers ” going to school would only teach them rascality. I always felt injured when a slave and when free, at the use of that word. This dampened my feel- ings for getting learning, somewhat, but I went to a NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 181 night school, at my own expense of course, to learn to spell and to read. My owners found it out, and set policemen to break the scliool up. This put an end to my sehooling — that was all the schooling I ever had. I have looked at it, and have come to the conclusion, that it is best that colored people should teach their children to read and to write, in order that they may know the ways of the world. I left slavery a little more than a year ago. I brought my wife and three children with me, and had not enough to bring us through. My owners did not know that we were coming. I left because they were about selling my wife and children to the South. I would rather have followed them to the grave, than to the Ohio River to see them go down. I knew it was death or victory — so I took them and started for Can- ada. I was pursued, — my owners watched for me in a free State, but, to their sad disappointment, I took another road. A hundred miles further on, I saw my advertisements again offering $500 for me and my family. I concluded that as money would do almost any thing, I ought to take better care, — and I took the underground railroad. I was longer on the road than I should have been without my burden : one child was nine months old, one two years old, and one four. The weather was cold, and my feet were frostbitten, as I gave my wife my socks to pull on over her shoes. With all the sufferings of the frost and the fatigues of travel, it was not so bad as the effects of slavery. I am making out very well here — I have not been in the country long enough to accumulate any wealth, but I am getting along as well as the general run of people. It stands to reason, that a man must be doing some- 16 182 'EKE refugee; or a thing to pay a rent of five dollars a month, and support, a family of four besides himself, as provisions are, and have been. To do this does not look much like st arving. an old woman. My name is , hut you must not tell it, for I have children at the South, who would be eaten up if their masters knew. [The old lady detailed her history, but requested that no use should be made of it at the present time, excepting the part which follows.] I am now eighty years old. Now I will tell you what I saw with my own eyes. I was called on to leave the room where was a dead body which they were going to strip for the grave. They said it would be a shame for me to remain. I said, “ it is only a lifeless lump of clay, and I will stay and see with my own eyes what has been done, that I may say it is so, and that it is the truth.” I remained and saw the man’s body. It was a field hand, that had died under the lash. There were a few marks on the calves of his legs, a few on his breast where the whip had sometimes reached round. From his neck to the calves of his legs, the flesh was raw and bloody — completely cut up with two bull whips by the overseer and driver. It looked as sausage meat when you chop it. This man had children and grandchildren on the plantation. The man’s fault was, when they finish work Saturday night, they bring home the maul and wedges, and put under the bed, to have them ready Monday morning. On Monday morn- ing, he forgot the wedge, and started back to get it. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 183 The overseer tackled him — he resisted ] the overseer called the driver ; between them both they staked him down, and whipped him, until he fainted. They got some water in a shoe, and revived him, — he fainted again and revived — the third time he fainted, and they could not bring him to — he died. The overseer ran away JOHN WARREN. I was born in W^ilson Co., Tenn., lived there twelve and a half years, and was then carried to Mississippi, by my owners who settled in Marshall Co. Two of us, brothers, went down with the young man, to whom we fell on settlement of estate. Then he sold us to his brother who was a regular speculator, buying and sell- ing all the time — kept from eighteen to tvv(*nty on the place. I went right to work on the cotton farm, under an overseer. The overseers changed every year I stayed there. There was pretty hard work and many kinds of it on the cotton plantations. The overseers were gen- erally cruel, hard men, but some had more consideration than others. Four o’clock was rising time. We blew but one horn — when that sounded we all got up, fed the stock, hogs, horses, etc., and went to work. The farm contained 645 acres. We took a little breakfast with us, which we cooked generally over night : but at picking cotton time we had a cook to cook for us. Every man took his little bucket of breakfast to the field, where fifteen minutes was allowed for breakfast, sometimes with water, and sometimes without, — no 184 THE refugee; or a coffee nor tea in the field. The provision was corn bread and pork — sometimes enough, and sometimes not. After breakfast we worked until one. The over- seer generally stayed with the hoe-gang — women and children. He could see from one field to another. We had no drivers on our farm — plenty in the neighbor- hood. On the big farms they fared worse than we did. The overseer walked to and fro behind to see that they did not cut out too much cotton with the hoe, and that they took up the grass ; if they did not, he would whip generally with a long bull whip, sometimes with a bunch of six or eight black-gum switches, generally laying on hard. There are marks on me made soon after I went there. The only way I got shut of the whip was when I got stouter, to fight them and run away. I was always watching, and they hated to lose my time. Twenty-five acres of cotton and corn to- gether were allowed to a hand, and if one goes, it makes it hard for them. Before I was twenty years old, I was tied up and received two hundred lashes. Gen- erally, they give fifty, and then stop a little then give fifty more. They sometimes tie round a tree, some- times to four stakes, and sometimes gammon them. [ Gambrel is meant here : the wrists are bound together the arms made to embrace the lower limbs, and a gambrel is thrust through under the knees,] I have seen a man receive five hundred and fifty lashes for running away. The overseer and boss drank brandy, and went at him. They gave him brandy for devilment, — making fun with him : then they would leave him tied a while, and then go and put it on again. I have seen men on the next farm, whipped with a handsaw flatwise : the T;eeth would cut when the blow was put on. The saw was used after the bull whip. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 185 I learned to spell and read some in Tennessee, among the children. The owners knew I could read. I bought a copy of the letters in writing of a white boy in Mis- sissippi, for half a dollar. It was a good price, but I did not mind that. I kept that copy of the letters three years, and learned to write from it. I practised nights and Sundays. ... I got so I could write, but I had nobody to show me, and did not know how to hold the pen. But I wrote three j)asses for myself. I wrote one to go to Memphis with. I left the farm on the night of the 3d July, 1854. I had beaten the overseer on the Sunday evening before : he undertook to whip me for going away Sunday. I knocked him over, bumped his head against the logs of the corn-crib, and went into the woods, where I staid all day Monday ; Tuesday morning I left, and travelled to Memphis on foot, ex- cepting the last four miles, which I rode. At Memphis, I threw away the first pass and took the second, which was a privilege to work out in Memphis a month : my calculation was to get on board a boat before a month was out. Then I had a third pass, which said I had hired my time for the rest of the year to work in the State or out of the State. I worked in Memphis three days, then went aboard a boat and showed my year’s pass. The first trip, I went down the Mississippi and up White River to Jackson Port, in iVrkansas : then back to Memphis. We were gone eight days, lacking an hour. Then I hired on a boat bound to Cincinnati. I saw the sign “ Cincinnati,” and went aboard : sailed that evening, and got safely to Cincinnati in five days. I stopped there two or three days, and then left for Canada. A man in Chatham hired me to come here to work. I get good wages. I always hated slavery from the first. It never 16* 186 TUE REFUGEE *, OR A seemed right to work for nothing, driven in tlie rain, and so on. When I was small, I had heard of a free State where black people were free, and had no master nor mistress, and I wanted to go there. I have no dis- position to go South again — I love liberty too well for that. I do n’t have to get up at four and work till nine ; I do n’t have now to drive a wagon Sundays to haul cotton bales. I believe that if the slaves were hired and paid for their labor, they ’d all go to work, and they would do a great deal more work than they do now, for they would not be thinking all the time about running away, and fighting the overseers, — there would not be so much confusion. Sometimes, on a holiday, the boss hires them, — they go to work singing and hollowing, with- out an overseer, and they do the work better than when he is behind them. Now I do n’t study all day about running into the woods, nor dream of it nights, as I used to. There are no hounds here to be running after me. There is a man down there, who gets ten dollars for catching a runaway : if he has been gone longer, he gets more. A good “ nigger dog” is worth four hun- dred dollars. I knew how to kill the scent of dogs when they came after me : I could do it with red pepper. Another way which I have practised is, to dig into a grave where a man has been buried a long time, get the dust of the man, make it into a paste with water, and put it on the feet, knees, and elbows, or wherever I touched the bushes. The dog won’t follow that. I came here to work and expect to work. Time goes smoother with me than it did. One month there seemed longer than two do now. A planter near us in Mississippi, bought a man from Kentucky out of a drove, who ran away, he was treated NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 187 so mean. They followed him, got ahead as he was going back, caught him and brought him back. He fought hard not to be taken, gave them some bruises, but they took him. When they got him back, they gave him two hundred lashes every morning for seven mornings. The hands on the place told me so, the man told me so, and the master told my boss so, just like any other joke : he said “ he was the d — dest nigger on God’s earth.” They put a heavy log chain, which weighed twenty pounds around his body. In about a yeeir they sold him to a speculator. The white folks down south don’t seem to sleep much, nights. They are watching for runaways, and to see if any other slave comes among theirs, or theirs go off among others. They listen and peep to see if any thing has been stolen, and to find if any thing is going on. “ What is there in this barrel ? Too many d — d barrels in here, — I ’ll have ’m put out.” From those who had slaves we would steal whatever we could get to eat — chickens, ti^rkeys, geese, etc. The slaves have no particular rules, except in regard to marriage : they try to make it as near lawful as they can. BENJ^VMIN MILLER. I came from St. Louis, Mo., about twenty years ago. I had the privilege of purchasing my freedom, and had paid of the $500 asked, all but $220 : then I had good reasons to believe, from information which I received, that after all was paid, I was to be carried down the river and sold. I then made for the North. I was a 188 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. slave, to be sure, but was doing business as boot and shoemaker. I learned the trade while I was pajing $120 per annum for my time. If I had been sure of my free papers, I could have paid the $220, and would have been doing a good business there. My partner was a free man. I have lived in and about London ever since I came out. My property here is worth about $1,800. It con- sists partly of a house and land. I have brdbght up a large family — have a wife and eight children living, — have buried ten — three in St. Louis, the remainder here. I feel thankful that I can mention that I have given a part of my time to the spiritual interests of the people here without pay : having served them as pastor in the Methodist denomination some years. I have travelled in all the principal places in Canada West, and, generally speaking, the colored people are doing well : thank God, uncommon well, considering the way they came. JVIen who at home know nothing but to come and go just as they are bid, here go into business, and do well, very well. They are temperate men, considering the way they are brought up. We that begin here illiterate men, have to go against wind and tide. We have a learned, enterprising people to contend with ; we have a colder climate than we have been used to, to contend with ; we have our own ignorance and poverty to contend with. It takes a smart man to do all that : but many do it, all make a living, and some do lay up money. I asked one of our old white ’squires, if he ever saw a colored man that was well, in this township, begging. He said, No. QUEEN’S BUSH. Tins name was originally given to a large, unsur- veyed tract of land, now comprising the townships of Peel and Wellesley, and the country extending thence to Lake Huron. While it was yet a wilderness, it was settled mainly by colored people, about the year 1846. The following, communicated by a resident of Galt, gives the main features of the settlement of the Queen’s Bush. The testimonials following Jackson’s, are from that part of the scarcely reclaimed wilderness now known as the township of Peel. WILLIAM JACKSON. My father and myself went to the Queen’s Bush in 1846. We went four and a half miles beyond the other farms, to Canestogo, where he cleared up and had a farm ; for years scarcely any white people came in, but fugitive slaves came in, in great numbers, and cleared the land. Before it was surveyed, there were as many as fifty families. It was surveyed about two years after we went there. The colored people might have held ( 189 ) 190 \ THE refugee; or a their lands still, but they were afraid they would not be able to pay when pay-day came. Under these circum- stances, many of them sold out cheap. They now con- sider that they were overreached — for many who bought out the colored people have not yet paid for the land, and some of the first settlers yet remain, who have not yet been required to pay all up. Some colored people have come in from the free States, on account of the fugitive slave bill, and bought land. The farms are usually from fifty to one hundred acres. The timber is hard wood. The soil is produc- tive, and it is a good wheat country. A great many who sold out went to Mr. King’s set- tlement, and to Owen Sound. The health of the col- ored people was very good — there was hardly any sick- ness at all : indeed, the climate of Canada agrees with them as well as with the white people. It is healthy for all. I have heard white people who lived at Queen’s Bush say, that they never lived amongst a set of people that they had rather live with as to their habits of industry and general good conduct. I never knew of but one to be taken before a court, for any thing but debt, and I lived there seven years. In regard to riding in coaches or cars, I never had any trouble in Canada. I have heard of some who have suffered from prejudice, but I never did. The amount of prejudice is small here, and what tliere is grows out of slavery: for some, when they first come, feel so free, that they go beyond good limits, and have not courtesy enough. But I find that they get over this after awhile. NOKTH-SIBE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 191 THOMAS L. WOOD KNOX. I was born free in the eastern part of Pennsylvania, but removed to Pittsburg. I should not have left the States only that I was not treated with respect. I would go to market with provisions off a farm I rented in New Brighton. When I got into Pittsburg, other farmers would drive in with their teams into the tavern yard, and get their breakfasts and go and sell out, before I could get any thing to eat : so that by the time I would get to market, the best of it would be over. The same thing would run through all the conduct of the whites. In the place where I went, they were opposed to my coming, — but after four years they were grieved to have me come away. But I could not stand it, and left for Canada. I have been in Canada eleven years — eight in the Queen’s Bush. When I came here it was a complete wilderness : I took hold and cleared a farm. I would rather have remained in my native country, among my friends, could I have had such treatment as I felt that I deserved. But that was not to be, and I came into the wilderness. Most of the colored people living here are doing as well, if not better, than one could reasonably expect. Most of the grown people among them are fugitive slaves. I know of but one, free-born, from Pennsylvania, and that is myself. The number here I cannot speak of with any certainty. Many have removed to Owen’s Sound and other places: there may be now five hundred per- sons. All are equal here : I have been about here a great deal, but have seen no prejudice at all. 192 THE eefugee; or a SOPHIA POOLEY. I was born in Fishkill, New York State, twelve miles from North River. My father’s name was Oliver Bur- then, my mother’s Dinah. I am now more than ninety years old. I was stolen from my parents when I was seven years old, and brought to Canada ; that was long before the American Revolution. There were hardly any white people in Canada then — nothing here but Indians and wild beasts. Many a deer I have helped catch on the lakes in a canoe : one year we took ninety. I was a woman grown when the first governor of Can- ada came from England : that was Gov. Simcoe. My parents were slaves in New York State. My master’s sons-in-law, Daniel Outwatcrs and Simon Knox, came into the garden where my sister and I were playing among the currant bushes, tied their hand- kerchiefs over onr mouths, carried us to a vessel, put us in the hold, and sailed up the river. I know not how far nor how long — it was dark there all the time. Then we came by land. I remember when we came to Genesee, — there were Indian settlements there, — Onondagas, Senecas, and Oneidas. I guess I was the first colored girl brought into Canada. The white men sold us at Niagara to old Indian Brant, the king. I lived with old Brant about twelve or thirteen years as nigh as I can tell. Brant lived part of the time at Mohawk, part at Ancaster, part at Preston, then called Lower Block : the Upper Block was at Snyder’s Mills. While I lived with old Brant we caught the deer. It was at Dundas at the outlet. We would let the hounds loose, and when we heard them bark we would run for the canoe — Peggy, and Mary, and Katy, Brant’s daughters 193 NOUTII-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. and I. Brant’s sons, Joseph and Jacob, would wait on the shore to kill the deer when we fetched him in. I had a tomahawk, and would hit the deer on the head — then the squaws would take it by the horns and paddle ashore. The boys would bleed and skin the deer and take the meat to the house. Sometimes white people in the neighborhood, John Chisholm and Bill Chisholm, would come and say ’twas their hounds, and they must have the meat. But we would not give it up. Canada was then filling up with white people. And after Brant went to England, and kissed the queen’s hand, he was made a colonel. Then there began to be laws in Canada. Brant was only half Indian: his mother was a squaw — I saw her when I came to this country. She was an old body ; her hair was quite white. Brant was a good looking man quite portly. He was as big as Jim Douglass who lived here in the bush, and weighed two hundred pounds. He lived in an Indian village — white men came among them and they intermarried. They had an English schoolmaster, an English preacher, and an English blacksmith. When Brant went among the English, he wore the English dre.ss — when he was among the Indians, he wore the Indian dress, — broad- cloth leggings, blanket, moccasins, fur cap. He had his ears slit with a long loop at the edge, and in these he hung long silver ornaments. He wore a silver half- moon on his breast with the king’s name on it, and broad silver bracelets on his arms. He never would paint, but his people painted a great deal. Brant was always for making peace among his people ; that was the reason of his going about so much. I used to talk Indian better than I could English. I have forgotten some of it — there are none to talk it with now. 17 194 THE refugee; or a Brant’s third wife, my mistress, was a barbarous crea- ture. She could talk English, but she would not. She would tell me in Indian to do things, and then hit me with any thing that came to hand, because I did not understand her. I have a scar on my head from a wound she gave me with a hatchet ; and this long scar over my eye, is where she cut me with a knife. The skin dropped over my eye; a white woman bound it up. [The scars spoken of were quite perceptible, but the writer saw many worse looking cicatrices of wounds not inflicted by Indian savages, but by civilized (?) men.] Brant was very angry, when he came home, at what she had done, and punished her as if she had been a child. Said he, “ you know I adopted her as one of the family, and now you are trying to put aU the work on her.’’ I liked the Indians pretty well in their plaee ; some of them were very savage, — some friendly. I have seen them have the war-dance — in a ring with only a cloth about them, and painted up. They did not look ridiculous — they looked savage, — enough to frighten anybody. One would take a bowl and rub the edge with a knotted stick : then they would raise their toma- hawks and whoop. Brant had two colored men for slaves : one of them was the father of John Pa.tten, who lives over yonder, the other called himself Simon GanseviUe. There was but one other Indian that I knew, who owned a slave. I had no care to get my freedom. At twelve years old, I was sold by Brant to an Eng- lishman in Ancaster, for one hundred dollars, — his name was Samuel Hatt, and I lived with him seven years : then the white people said I was free, and put me up to running away. He did not stop me — he NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 195 said he could not take the law into his own hands. Then I lived in what is now Waterloo. I married Robert Pooley, a black man. He ran away with a white woman : he is dead. Brant died two years before the second war with the United States. His wife survived him until the year the stars fell. She was a pretty squaw : her father was an English colonel. She hid a crock of gold before she died, and I never heard of its being found. Brant was a freemason. I was seven miles from Stoney Creek at the time of the battle — the cannonade made every thing shake well. I am now unable to work, and am entirely dependent on others for subsistence : but I find plenty of people in the bush to help me a good deal. JOHN FRANCIS. I was twenty-eight years old when I came into the Queen’s Bush from Virginia. My usage down South was hard. I was sold three times : first, for debt ; then I was traded oH : the third time I sold myself to my- self. I came in ten years ago. Then there were few families. More kept coming, — colored peojde, — there were not many white. The land was not surveyed. We settled down where we saw fit. We knew nothing about price nor terms. After considerable many settlers had come in, we called a meeting, and sent a man to get a grant of the land if he could ; or, if not that, to find the terms. The answer was, that we were on 196 THE refugee; or a clergy reserves, and they could give no grant. Still we kept at work, clearing and planting. The land came into market about seven years ago, being surveyed and a price set on it. Then came a land agent, to sell and take payments. He put up public notices, that the settlers who had made improvements were to come and pay the first in- stalment, or the land would be sold from under them. The payment was to be in ten annual instalments of 15s. M. currency, 5s. to the dollar. It was then hard times in Canada, and many could not meet the pay- ment. The agent, as we now know, transcended his powers, for some people, white and colored, still hold their lands, not having made payments. The agent had a percentage for collecting. His course in driv- ing people for money, ruined a great many poor people here in the bush. Fearing that the land would be sold, and they get nothing for their betterments, they sold out for very little and removed to other parts. The agent himself told me he would sell my land unless the instal- ment was paid. I sacrificed my two cows and a steer, to make the payment that I might hold the land. Others did not do that and yet hold. One man, fearing to lose all he had done, sold out for ten dollars, having cleared eiglit or ten acres — that property is now esti- mated at §15,000. Some borrowed money on mort- gages, and some paid a heavy per cent, for money to meet that instalment : which was very hard on the poor settlers who had their hands full in trying to live, and clearing land so that they could live. But it was done : and it has kept many back by trying to meet that bor- rowed money, and others by their moving where they would have to begin again : that is what has scattered the colored people away from here. There are now NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 197 about three hundred, — there were three times as many. Some went where they got grants of fifty acres for set- tling. The young men growing up here have not so much knowledge as desirable, as there were no schools here when they were growing up. Now it is different, and many send their children. The teachers generally have not the feelings in regard to slavery that we have. It would be well to have the young taught, that they should improve themselves as a means of elevating their race. When my children get old enough to read, I intend to instruct them about slavery, and get books to show them what we have been through, and fit them for a good example. My mother was sold away from me, when I was about eleven years old. In escaping, I sailed over two hundred miles on the sea in an open boat with my father, a day without eating, and ten days without drink- ing. One night we were near being lost in a storm. We put in to get water and were taken : but we made out to clear ourselves. The colored people in the Queen’s Bush, are doing pretty well — they have many drawbacks: as they can keep no books nor accounts, they are liable to be over- reached — and are overreached sometimes. 17 * 198 THE kefugee; or a JOHN LITTLE. [The hero of the following narrative is much respected, wherever he is known — in Canada West. And in that country of good farms, Mr. Little’s is one of the best, and among the best managed.] I have been bought and sold by several masters. I was born in N. C., Hertford Co., nigh Murfreesboro’ : I lived there more than twenty years. My first master, was just a reasonable man for a slaveholder. As slave- holders go, he used his people very well. He had but seven, — my mother and her six children; of the chil- dren, I was the oldest. I was never sent to school a day in my life, and never knew a letter until quite late in life. I was not allowed to go to meeting. My busi- ness on Sundays was looking after the mules and hogs, and amusing myself with running hares and fishing. My master broke down, and I was taken by the sheriff, and sold at public auction in Murfreesboro’. I felt miserably bad to be separated from my mother and brothers and sisters. They too felt miserably about it, especially my poor old mother, who ran all about among the neighbors trying to persuade one and another to buy me; which none of them would promise to do, expecting the traders to give more. This she did on Sundays : week-days, she had to work on the farm. Finally I was sold to a man in the same county, about ten milea from the first place. He abused me like a dog — worse than a dog, — not because I did any thing wrong, but because I was a “ nigger.” My blood boils to think about him, let me be where I will. It do n’t seem to me that even upon the Lord’s day, and now I know that there is a hereafter, it would be a sin before God to shoot him, if he were here, he was so NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 199 bad : he so abused me, — he, a wise man, — abused me because I was a fool, — not naturally, but made so by him and others under the slave laws. That is God’s truth, that I was inhumanly abused. At the time of this sale I was about twenty-three, but being a slave, I did not know my age ; I did not know any thing. He came and said to me, “ Well, boy, do you know who ’s bought you ? ” I answered, “ I do not, sir.” “ Well,” he said, “ I’ve bought you : do you know me ? ” I told him “ I did.” “ I have bought you, and I ’ll give you a pass (for there a colored man can- not go without a pass even from an auction,) to go to my farm ; go down there, to the overseer, and he ’ll tell you what to do.” I went on Sunday morning, the day after the sale, and delivered myself up. Said he, “ Go down there to the quarters, with the rest of the niggers^ and to-morrow I ’ll tell you what to do. When I got down there I found about seventy men, women, and children. They told me Mr. E was a hard man, and what I had better do to avoid the lash. They do that among themselves any time. It was in the winter time, and when the horn sounded for us to rise, we were allowed fifteen minutes to get to the overseer’s house about a quarter of a mile off. I wish he were here now to hear me tell it, to see whether it ’s the truth, — I could look right in his face the whole time. Break- fast was not even talked about. We were dismissed from work at different hours, but never till after dark. Then we would go to our cabins, and get up our little fires, and cook, or half cook, our victuals. What we did not eat that night, we put into little old baskets that we made ourselves, and put it handy, so that when the horn sounded, we could take it and clear to the overseer’s. This provision served us all the next day. \ 200 THE refugee; or a usually ate it at the time the horses ate. We were not allowed to eat during work, under penalty of fifty lashes. That was the law laid down by the master to the overseer. We had to plan and lay schemes of our own to get a bite. “ A nigger could always find time to eat and smoke and shuflle about, and so he would n’t allow it to us. He would n’t have his work hindered by eating.” I do n’t put the blame of cruelty on the overseer: I put it on the master who could prohibit it, if he would. No man ought to take the place of overseer, — I blame the scoundrel who takes the office ; but if he does take it, he must obey orders. After being there three weeks, I wanted to go back to see my mother who was broken-hearted at the loss of her children. It seemed as if the evil one had fixed it so, — for then two daughters were taken and carried off to Georgia. She had been sold before for the fel- low’s debts, — sold close by at private sale. I asked leave of my master Saturday night. I went to him, pulled off my hat, and asked him, if he would please give me a pass to go and see my mother, and I would come back Sunday evening. “ No ! I do n’t allow my niggers to run about Sundays, gawking about ; I want you to-morrow to look after the mules and the horses along with the rest of the niggers.” He was the great- est gentleman in that neighborhood. The white men all looked up to him. He was what is called a “ nigger- breaker.” If any one had a stubborn slave, that they couldn’t bend just as they wanted to, they would hire him to S E for a year. I have known them to be sent from as much as fifty miles, to be broke, be- cause he had so much cruelty : he was a hard-hearted, overbearing scoundrel : the cries and groans of a suffer- ing person, even if ready to die, no more affected him. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 201 than they would one of my oxen in the field yonder. This I have seen and known, and partly endured in my own person. His refusing the pass, naturally made me a little stubborn : I was a man as well as himself. I started and went without the pass, and returned on Sunday evening, after dark. Nothing was said until Monday morning, — then we went to the overseer, and were all told to go to the gin-house. As soon as I got there, the overseer and two colored men laid right hold of me, and tied me fast to an apple-tree with some of the bal- ing-rope, and then sent for the master. He came, — “ Well, Sir, I suppose you think you are a great gentle- man.” I thought, as they had me tied, I would try to beg off as well as I could, knowing that sauciness would not make it any better for me. “ I suppose,” he went on, “ you think you can come and go whenever you please.” I told him “ No : I wanted to see my mother very bad, and so I ran over there and came back as I told you.” Said he, “ I am your master, and you shall obey me, let my orders be what they may.” I knew that as well as he, but I knew that it was devil- ishness, that he would n’t give me a pass. He bade the overseer hit me five hundred lashes, — five hundred lashes he bade the overseer hit me ! Men have received them down south, this morning since the sun rose. The overseer ordered two slaves to undress me, which they did : they turned my shirt over my head which blind- folded me. 1 could not see who put on the blows, but I knew. It was not the master, — he was too much of a gentleman : but he had a plenty of dogs to set on. What I tell you now, I would tell at the judgment, if I were required. ’T is n’t he who has stood and looked on, that can tell you what slavery is, — ’tis he who has en- 202 THE refugee; or a dured. I was a slave long enough, and have tasted it all. I was black, but I had the feelings of a man as well as any man. The master then marked on me with his cane where the overseer was to begin, and said, Whip him from there down.” Then the overseer went at it, the master counting aloud. He struck me a hundred lashes right off before he stopped. It hurt me horribly, but after the first hundred, sensation seemed to be beaten out of my flesh. After the first hundred, the master said, “ Now, you cursed, infernal son of a b — , your running about will spoil all the rest of my niggers : I do n’t want them to be running about, and you shan’t be run- ning about.” I answered, “ Master, I did n’t mean any harm ; I wanted to go and see my mother, and to get a shirt I left over there.” He then struck me over my head twice with his cane, and told me to “ hold my jaw.” I said no more; but he told the overseer, ‘‘put it on to him again like the very devil.” I felt worse on account of the blows with the cane than for the over- seer’s whipping : that ’s what makes me feel so towards him now. It poisons my mind to think about him. I do n’t want to think about him. I was as much a man as my master. The overseer then went on with the bull whip. How many they put on, I do n’t know, but I know that from the small of my back to the calves of my legs, they took the skin clear off, as you would skin beef. That ’s what they gave me that day — the next day, I had to have some more. One of the slaves then washed me with salt and water to take out the soreness. This almost put me into a fit. It brought the pain all back — the abominable scoundrel knew it would. Then I was taken up to the black- smith’s shop to be fettered : that was the way S NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 203 E : broke “niggers.” His name sounded around there sis if he had been Satan himself: the colored peo- ple were as afraid of him as they would be of a lion out in these bushes. Iron rings were put about my ankles, and a short chain to the rings. I was given in charge to two slaves. Some may deny that the slaveholders are so bad, but I know it’s true,^and God knows it’s true. A stranger may go there, and they are not such fools as to put such punishment on a man before him. If he is going to do that, he will send him over the fields out of the way, and while they are enjoying themselves in the house, the slave is suffering under the whip. A regular slaveholder has got no conscience. A slaveholder knows the difference between a northerner and a south- erner. If a man came from any other part, he never saw me in irons. G L might have seen me, L K , or any other slaveholder might come and see it, and hold a council over it, and blackguard me for it : “ Boy, what have you got that on you for? That shows a d — d bad nigger : if you war n’t a bad nigger you wouldn’t have them on.” The two slaves took me in charge, with orders to kill me if I tried to escape. At night, my feet were made fast in the stocks, without removing the irons. The stocks were of wood with grooves for the ancles, over which laid an iron bar. I could lie on my back, but could not turn. The next morning, I was taken to the gin-house to receive fifty blows with the bucking-paddle. This was my master’s order. I re- ceived three blows, and then fainted. When I came to, only one slave was with me, who took me to the field to work, — but I was in so bad state that I could not work that day, nor much for a week. After doing 204 THE refugee; or a a hard day’s work in the fetters which had now worn to the bone, for they would get wet with dew in the morning, and then sand would work in, I was placed in the stocks — my ankles sore, bleeding, and corrupted. I wished I could die, but could not. At the end of three months, he found I was too stubborn for hiM to subdue. He took oft the fetters from my ankles, put me in handcuffs, and sent me to Norfolk jail, to be shipped for New Orleans. But when I arrived, the time that niggers were allowed to be shipped to New Orleans was out, and the last boat for that spring had sailed. After two weeks, I had the measles. My master was written to, but neither came nor sent any answer. As the traders were coming there with slaves, the turnkey put me into the kitchen to avoid contagion. I soon got better, — the turnkey said, “ You are well now, and must be lonesome, — I ’ll put you in with the rest in a day or two.” I deter- mined to escape if I could. At night I took a shelf down and put it against the inclosure of the yard, and climbed to the top, which was armed with sharp spikes, fourteen inches long, and, risking my life, I got over the spikes. Just as I had done this, the nine o’clock bell rung the signal for the patrols. I fell on the outside and made for the river, where I found a skiff loaded with wood. I threw over half a cord in a hurry, and pushed oft' for the opposite shore, to go back into the neighborhood of my old place, hoping, by dodging in the bush, to tire out my master’s patience, and induce him to sell me running. I knew nothing about the North then — I did not know but the northerners were as bad as the southerners. I supposed a white man would be my enemy, let me see him where I would. Some of the neighbors there NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 205 would have bought me, but he refused to sell me in the neighborhood, being ashamed to sell there a slave whom he could not break. He gave up first, but I was the worse beaten. 1 was as big-hearted as he was : he did not like to give up, and I would not give in — I made up my mind that if he would find whips, I would find back. Having lightened the skiff, I paddled across, and went back to North Carolina to my mother’s door. I ran about there in the bush, and was dodging here and there in the woods two years. I ate their pigs and chickens — I did not spare them. I knew how, to dress them, and did not sufi'er for want of food. This would not have taken place had my master complied with my reasonable request for a pass, after I had done my work well, without any fault being found with it. But when I found out by that, and by his cruel punishment, that he was a devil, I did not care what I did do. I meant he should kill me or sell me. My master did not advertise me when he got the news of my escape, saying it was their loss, as I was placed in their charge. He sued, but was beaten. After this he advertised for me, oflering fifty dollars for my capture, dead or alive. A free-born colored man, whom I had known, betrayed me. Some j)oor white fellows oflbred him ten dollars if he would find out where I was. He put them on my track. At ten one morning, they found me lying down asleep. I partially aroused, and heard one say, “ Do n’t shoot: it may be somebody else lying down drunk.” I arose with my face towards them: there were six young white men armed with guns. I wheeled, and ran ; they cried out, “ Stop, or I ’ll shoot you.” One of them, a real youngster, hit me, firing first ; the others fired, and said they shot their 18 206 THE refugee; or a best, but did not hit. A bullet and a buckshot entered my riffht thigh ; the shot came out, but the bullet went to the bone, and is there yet. It injured a smew, so that my foot hurts me to this day, when I walk, i ran about a quarter of a mile, then my foot all at once gave out, and I fell. They came up with dirks, threatening me ’with instant death, if I even winked my eye to- wards molesting them. They took me m a cart, and put me into the county jail. All that night I lay wish- in<^ they had shot me dead. I did not want to tacc that hy'^ena again. But he was as afraid of me as I was of him. He would not have me, he said, come on his farm again. He kept me in jail until a slave-driver came from Western Tennessee — he took me out to lennes- see, to hire out or sell — any thing to get rid of me. I was hired out to T R , in Jackson, Madison Co., two years. I did very well ; the man who hired me was a pretty fair sort of a man for a slaveholder. During the two years I became satished with my con- dition, and, in about a year after, married a young woman, belonging to T N : she is living with me yet. About nine months after our marriage, I was, on a sudden, without suspecting any thing, jerked right up and put in jail again to be sold. I was taken by a driver to Memphis, and put into the hands of a planter, who was to sell me when he got an opportunity. In about two weeks, when I had got rested, I started to go back to see my wife ; but I got taken up on the course, and was put in jail. The people asked me where I was going. I told them the truth, “To Jackson.” I’ve been into pretty much all the jails round there. It seems to me wonderful, when I have known men to be killed without doing so much, or going through so NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. *^07 much as I have, that I should be spared. It is only by the mercy of God that I have escaped so many dangers. I have known men to be killed by less accidents, — but I was spauid, although I have the marks of many wounds and bruises. In jad they fettered my ankles again. There was a black man m the room with me, who was caught under the same circumstances as myself— going to see his wife, as a man has a right to do. I was very muscular and smart, but he was stouter than I. We broke through the top of the jail at night — the shingles crack- ing gave the alarm. jMy friend was scared, and did not dare fall : but I did not care what befell me, and I rolled oil to the ground, without having time to use strips of bedclothes which we had prepared. I was chained, and could not spring to save myself: it was a hard fall, but I was not quite stunned. I should not have got off, but that my pursuers bothered each other. T. hey first started for the roof, and finding we were out- side, the jailer cried, “ Go outside ! do n’t let ’em come down ! do n’t let ’em come down ! ” His wife, hearing this, thought we were coming down stairs, and secured the door. While they were breaking out, I crept on my hands and knees about two hundred yards, to a creek, which I crept over in the same way. Then I looked around, and saw the jailer on the top of the jail with a light, looking for me, not thinking I could get down chained. He called, “John! John! where are you ? If you do n’t answer me, you son of a b — h, I ’ll kill you when I get you.” A neighbor crossed over, and asked, “ What is the matter ? ” He answered, “ The d — d niggers are breaking out of jail.” I heard this distinctly on the other side of the creek, where I sat listening, to hear what course they would take. As I 208 THE refugee; or a crept, I had to spread my feet to keep my chain from rattling — a child could have taken me chained as I was. In a few minutes the whole village was in an uproar. I heard the jailer tell some one to go to a man that kept dogs, and “ tell him to come in a minute I want him to run a nigger.” I then crept : I could creep faster than I could run. From what I had told my captors, they thought I had gone to Jackson, and so failed of finding my track. I did not know where I was, nor which way to go. I found a road, and wandered along in that. When my hands and knees got cold with creeping, I would get up and shuflle along with my chain. At daybreak, as the Lord would have it, I came to a blacksmith’s shop. No one was there. I went in and felt among the tools in the dark, and found a great new rasp. I took the rasp along with me, and crept on to find a bush, and wait for daylight. As soon as I could see to do it, I cut my feet loose. I would give fifty dollars if I had the irons here that I ’ve been abused in, to show people who say they do n’t believe such things who say that men are not so abused. I would like to show them the irons and the paddles and the whips and the stocks that I have worn on me and been punished with. I would n’t take fifty dollars of the best British gold that ever was laid out to me, if I could have them here to show people how I have suffered in the United States : and I should like to have them here who ordered the blows and fastened the irons, to see how they would look while I was telling of it. At about 8 o’clock in the niorning, my feet were free. I had had nothing to eat since noon the day before. I wandered through the woods all day, eating acorns, and trying to find the route for Jackson. I meant to NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 209 getihcre: nothing would have stopped me but death. I was not going to have another man send me round the country just where he liked. That night I got the course for Jackson ; and after walking an hour, I en- tered a barn-yard and found among the harness a bri- dle. I was barefooted, and bareheaded — had nothing on but my shirt and pantaloons, — all else I had taken ofl’ to get through the roof the jail. I then walked into the stable, and found what appeared to be a gentle- man’s riding-horse— and a better nag I never laid leg across. He took me in three hours further than he ever took anybody else in six, I think. When I got to Jack- son, I turned the horse loose in the street : he wandered about a while, but the owner got him at fast. When he sees that, he will know who borrowed his horse, and if he will send in his bill, I will settle it. I have plenty of land and plenty of money to pay off all debts, and if some of my old friends would come this way, I would pay oft some other old scores — that arc on my back. At Jackson, I saw my wife: she had been bought by T . a regular negro-trader — one of the big- gest dogs in the bone-yard. He said he would buy me running if he could, but no one was to be told where I was, as he wished to buy me cheap. He wrote to my master that he had bought my wife, and that I was dodging about the place : that he did n’t want me about among his “ niggers,” — but that if he would sell me, he would catch me if he could, — if not, he would shoot me. The answer was, that my master would sell me for eight hundred dollars. T- paid the money and took possession of me. He put me on his farm. He was overbearing — his overseer was more so. He was one of those who, when they get a “ nigger,” must whip him, right or VTong, just to let him know “ that he is a 18 * 210 THE refugee; or a ‘nigger.’” No fault was found with my woric. He, looked sharp to try to hnd some way to get at me. At last he found a way to do it — an excuse to whip me, it was in this way: one day he heard me speak something to one of the hands; it was some of our nonsense, of no consequence whatever. But he was itching for an excuse to Hog me, and now he had got one — for it was a rule that there should be no talk on work hours, except about the work. My master having heard that I was an old runaway, and had given trouble to my master, had cautioned the overseer not to bear down very hard upon me until I had got habitu- ated to the place and the ways. The overseer went to the master and said it would never do to excuse that “nigger;” for if he talked the rest would stand and hear it ; he should either whip me or take me oft the place. Master told him, and was overheard to say it, that if I would not obey him, he might take me down and give me three hundrt;d with the paddle. The over- seer made up his mind to give me the punishment on the next evening. When I had got through work, I went home, tired and hungry — ray wife met me at the door, laid her hand on my arm, “John, three hundred for you this evening with the paddle!” That news filled my stomach very quick, — it stopped my hunger, but made me feel thirsty for blood. I swore that I would not leave the quarters until I was killed, or had killed any man ; master, overseer, or slave, who might come to take me. But as it haj)pened, a gentleman from New Orleans came to see my master that night, and so the punishment was postponed. If this was done for a southerner, how could a northerner expect to see any punishment? That visit was what prevented my killing a man, and being killed for it that night: for I NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 211 had a good sharp axe, and I know I should have used it. I waited some time for them to come, — but as they did not, my temper cooled down, and I concluded to take to the bush. I had heard that if I could get into Ohio, and man- age to stay there one year, I would, after that, be a free man. I intended to wait for my wife to get smart, she being sick at the time. I went into the woods, and once more took to living on chickens and geese, which I understood very well. In about two weeks I went for my wife. Another man had agreed to come with us : but he was weak enough to advise with a friend about it, and the friend turned traitor and told his mas- ter. They are just the same as white men. I have found out since I have been in Canada, that ’tis not the skin that makes a man mean. Some of them will betray another to curry favor with the master, or to get a new coat, or two or three dollars, and I have noticed the same mean spirit among white men. But there are others who would die sooner than betray a friend. I bade my wife get ready for a start on the next night, and then I took to the bush again. Meanwhile, the traitor slipped to our master, and asked him if he knew that three of the negroes were going to run away. He told him “ No — which three ?” He named us. “ Where are they going to ? ” “ Ohio State.” This aroused my master : he went to the quarters, tied the man, and tied my wife, and took them to a swamp. There they uncovered my wife, and compelled a girl to whip her with the paddle to make her tell where I was. It so stirred me with indignation to think they should so foully abuse my wife, that I could have run a dagger through their hearts and not thought it wrong : nor have I yet got so far enlightened as to feel very differ- 212 THE refugee; or a ently about it now. She could not tell him, for she did not know. The man also was punished, and put in irons. They had no irons to fit her, and sent to the blacksmith’s shop to get some made : and had it not been for some craft on her part that night, I should never have got her away. Old Billy, with whom we were usually left, was the blacksmith ; and while he was going to make the irons, she was left with a younger man who was a stupid sort of a fellow. It was then nearly noon, and she had had no food for the day. She was then at the quarters. She said to one of the girls, “ Maria, you go to the turnip-patch, and get some salad, and I’ll go to the spring, get some wa- ter, and put on the meat.” She expected the fellow would stop her, but he did not. She carried the pail to the spring, about a quarter of a mile, then dropped it, and made for the bush. It was a down-hill way at first, but by and by, there was a rise and then they saw her. Out came master, overseer, and many slaves, in full run to catch her : but she was now nearly half a mile ahead, and ran very fast. She got into the woods which were very thick. Master then ordered a halt, he had found from the other slaves that I had a pistol, powder, and ball. I had, indeed, and would have used it, rather than they should take me or her. But I was in another place at the time. I had appointed a place where she was to come to meet me : when I went she was not there. I then drew near the house to ascertain what had happened, and heard a loud laughing and talking in my cabin. I tried to hear what it was about. I heard one of them say, “ Lord, how she did run across that field ! ha ! ha ! ha ! ” She had baked cakes for our journey, and they were making merry over the flour cakes. Presently, I saw a NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 213 colored man, and whistled to him. He came up, and I learned wliat had happened, and that all were then out on a hunt for me, being stimulated by a promised re- ward of ten dollars. All this set me into a tremble j I turned back, and went to the place I had appointed. She was near by, saw me and ran to me, and so we were together once more. We then w^alked nine miles northwardly to a little village where I had put up my clothes. The man who betrayed us had told our route. I got the things and went to the barn close by: then my wife was exhausted, and fell on the barn-floor. I had a strong constitution, and could travel all the time ; but she was so fatigued from the flogging, and the race, and the long walk, that she fell on the barn-floor. I re- turned to the house, and then wailked to a tavern stable, to hook three or four blankets to keep us warm on our way north. If this was WTong, it was taught me by the rascality of my master. While at the tavern stable, I heard the dog bark at the house I had left; I gathered three blankets and bolted for the barn, expecting the scoundrels wmuld be pursuing my wife. I saw a candle burning bright in the house, and moving from room to room. That fright- ened me: 1 seized and shook her, — “wdfe! wife! mas- ter is coming !•” — but I could Tiot awaken her. I gath- ered her up, put her across my shoulder manftilly, jumped the fence, and ran with my burden about a f]uartcr ot a mile. My heart beat like a drum, from the thought that they were pursuing us. But my strength at last gave out, and I laid her down under a fence, but she did not awaken. I then crept back to the house to see who was there and to get my things. The light I had seen now came down stairs, and moved towards 214 THE refugee; or a the barn. I was so near that I saw the overseer and six slaves, armed, searching for me. Oh my soul! it makes my hair stand up to think how near we were to getting caught, and carried back, to be abused and maltreated unreasonably, and without cause. I was within five rods of them when they went into the barn. They searched it thoroughly, as I saw be- tween the rails of a fence. “ Oh you rascals ! ” I thought, “ you’re defeated now!” — but ’twas a close run and a narrow chance. When they left the barn, I kept watch of them. They returned the candle to the house, then walked the way they had come, to the place where they had*left their mules. They stayed there about a half an hour. I still kept watch of them. I wanted to get my things, but I was wise enough to know that every time a slaveholder is out of sight, he is n’t gone ; every time his eye is shut, he is not asleep. They then re- turned toward the house; as they moved, I moved, keeping the same distance from them. When they were within about ten rods of the house, they crouched down in readiness to shoot me when I might approach the house. They had rendered me desperate by their devilment, and knew I would fight: they would not dare take me without shooting me first. I watched them, and they watched for me, until the cocks crowed for morning. It would not do for me to remain any longer to get my clothes and provisions. I went back to the place where I had left my wife ; she was then easily awakened, and we hied to the woods to conceal ourselves for the day. We had no provisions but a raw ham. We dared not make a lire to broil it, so we ate of it raw ; like a dog. At night, between sunset and NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 215 dark, I went back Ui Ihe house in the village — at the door I saw a person with our things. They gave them to me, and bade me God-speed, and that, if ever I was taken, not to betray them. I then put forth, and, with my wife, reached Canada. God save the Queen ! From .lackson to the Ohio River was called one hun- dred and forty miles, — crossed the river to Cairo; then we footed through Illinois to Chicago; all the way we lay by days, and travelled nights. I forgot the name of that city, and wandered out of the way, and got to a river. It was the Mississippi, but I did not know it. We crossed into Black Hawk territory. There I was so lost and bewildered, that I had at last to go up to a house to inquire the way. I found there a man with true abolition principles, who told us the route. He said a man and his wife had been carried back to sla- very from that neighborhood. He did not take us across the river, buf we found a way over. Then we walked on, — my wife was completely worn out : it was three months from the time we left home before we slept in a house. We were in the woods, ignorant of the roads, and losing our way. At one time we came to a guide- board, which said “ 5 miles to Parks’s Landing.” I had learned to spell out print a little. This was Sunday night. I took the direction I wanted to travel as near as I could, and we went on. On Wednesday afternoon we came back to the same guide-board — “5 miles to Parks’s Landing.” Many such roundabout cruises we made, wearing ourselves out without advancing: this was what kept us so long in the wilderness and in suf- fering. I had suflered so much from white men, that I had no confidence in them, and determined to push my- self through without their help. Yet I had to ask at last, and met Avith a friend instead of an enemy. At 216 THE refugee; or a Chicago money was made up to help me on, and I took passage for Detroit, and then crossed to Windsor, in Canada. That was the first time I set my foot on free soil. Work was dull among the French at Windsor. We stayed there about six months. We heard of the Queen’s Bush, where any people might go and settle, colored or poor, and might have a reasonable chance to pay for the land. We set out to find the Queen’s Bush — went to Bufl’alo — thence to Black Rock — thence to St. Catharines, and there I got straight instructions. We had not a second suit of clothes apiece ; we had one bedquilt and one blanket, and eighteen dollars in money. I bought two axes in Hamilton, one for my- self, and one for my wife; half a dozen plates, knives and forks, an iron pot, and a Dutch oven : that’s all for tools and furniture. For provisions I bought fifty weight of flour, and twenty pounds of pork. Then we marched right into the wilderness, where there were thousands of acres of woods which the chain had never run round since Adam. At night we made a fire, and cut down a tree, and put up some slats like a wigwam. This was in February, when the snow was two feet deep. It was about fourteen years ago. We made our bed of cedar boughs from a swamp. Thus we travelled three or four days, seeing plenty of deer: wolves, as plenty as sheep are now, were howling about us, and bears were numerous. At last I came to a place where I judged, from the timber, the land was good — and so it proved. My nearest neighbor was two miles off. I felt thankful that I had got into a place where I could not see the face of a white man. For something like five or six years, I felt suspicious when I saw a wliite man, thinking he NOUTll-SIDK VIEW OP SLAVEUY. 217 was prying round to t^ike some advantage. This was because I had been so bedevilled and harassed by them. At length that leeling wore oil through kindness that I received from some here, and from abolitionists, who came over from the States to instruct us, and I felt that it was not the white man I should dislike, but the mean spirit which is in some men, whether white or black. I am sensible of that now. The settlers were to take as much land as they pleased, when it should be surveyed, at various prices, according to quality. Mine was the highest price, as I had taken of the best land. It was three dollars seventy- cents an acre. I took a hundred acres at first, and then bought in fifty. Myself and wife built us here a little log hut amid the snow. We made it ourselves, shouldering the logs to bring up to the place. We went to the cedar swamp, and sj)lit out boards for the roof. M^'e had plenty of firewood, which served instead of blankets. Wolves, any quantity, were howling about us constantly, night and day — big, savage wolves, which alarmed the peo- ple. Some men carrying meat, were chased by them. Isaac Johnson was obliged to take up a tree. We got used to them on our way here, and did not fear them at all. In the. spring, plenty of bears came about us after sheep and hogs. One day my wife and I were walking out, and we saw four bears in the cherry-trees eating the fruit. My wife went for my gun, called some neigh- bors, and we killed all four. Now the wolves are all gone, and the deer and the bears are scarce. There are idle men enough about here, colored and white, to drive them away, when they had better be chopping and clear- ing land. We went to chopping, day and night; there was no 19 218 THE refeoee; or a delay ; we logged the trunks with our own hands, with- out cattle, or horses, or help, — all with our own hands, and burned them. I raised that year one hundred and ten bushels of spring wheat, and three hundred bushels of potatoes on land which we had cleared ourselves, and cultivated witliout plough or drag. All was done with the hoe and hand-rake. This 1 can prove by my nearest neighbors. I got the seed on credit of some Dutchmen in the towns, by promising to work for them in harvest. They put their own price on the seed, and on my labor. Ill the next winter we went to clearing again. My wife worked right along witU me: I did not realize it then, for we were raised slaves, the women accustomed to work, and undoubtedly the same spirit comes with us here : I did not realize it then ; but now I see that she was a brave woman. I thank God that freedom has never overw^eighted us : some it has, but I have worked to support it, and not to discourage it. I thought I ought to take hold and work and go ahead, to show to others that there is a chance for the colored man in Canada ; to show tlie spirit of a man, and a de- sire to improve his condition. As it is so often said by slaveholders, that if the “ niggers ” were free, and put m a place where they would be together they would starve to death, I wanted to show to the contrary. I have one hundred and fifty acres of land : one hundred and ten - of it cleared, and under good cultivation : two span of borides, a yoke of oxen, ten milch cows and young cat- ; tie, twenty head of hogs, forty head of sheep ; I have ^ tw^o wagons, two ploughs, and two drags. I would like to show this to that everlasting scoundrel, E , my former master, and tell him, “ All this I would have done for you cheerfully, and thought myself at home, NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 219 and felt, happy in doing it, if you would have let me : but I am glad that you scarred and abused me, as it has given to myself and my family the fruits of my own labor.” I would like to show it to those stout, able men, who, while they might be independent here, remain in the towns as waiters, blacking boots, cleaning house.s, and driving coaches for men, who scarcely allow them enough for a living. To them I say, go into the back- woods of Queen Victoria’s dominions, and you can se- cure an independent support. I am the man who has proved it; never man came into an unsettled country with lesser means to begin with. Some say, you can- not live in the woods without a year’s provisions, — but this is not so : I have come here and proved to the con- trary. I have hired myself out two days to get things to work on at home one. If there is a man in the free States who says the colored people cannot take care of themselves, I want him to come here and see John Lit- tle. There is no white blood in me ; not a drop. My mother’s father was imported from Africa, and both my grandparents on the father’s side were also import(!d. I can prove to him that every thing which was due on the land is paid ; that I raised seven hundred bushels of wheat last year, two hundred bushels of potatoes, one hundred bushels of peas, two hundred and fifty bushels of oats, ten tons of hay ; fattened fifteen hundred weight of jK>rk, one ox, besides other produce of less conse- quence. I have now growing fifty acres of wheat, eigh- teen acres of oats, ten of peas, one acre of potatoes, and twenty acres of meadow grass : I have horses, oxen, cows, hogs, sheep, and poultry in abundance. The man who was “a bad nigger” in the South, is here a respect- ed, independent farmer. I thank God that 1 am re- spected in this neighborhood by the best men the country 220 THE refugee; or a can afford — can lend or borrow two thousand dollars any time I am asked, or choose to ask for it. I do n t say this for the sake of boasting — I say it to show that colored men can take care of themselves, — and to an- swer any who deny that Canada is a good country. The who was so “bad” among Southern- ers, as to be scarred with whips, put in the stocks, chained at his work, with ankles sore from the irons, months together, legally shot and maimed for life by a boy who was too young to be trusted with a gun, sold into Tennessee, his character “ feac?,” sent after him to debase him there, put in jail after jail, hunted by hounds — stands up here at the North, a man respectable and respected. I do n’t ask any one to take my word for it, merely. Ask the people of Peel, Wellesley, Woolwich, and Waterloo — those are the places where I am known, and where they can get acquainted with my char- acter; and I am willing it should be compared with that of any slaveholder whatever. The abuse a man receives at the South is enough to drive every thing good from the mind. I sometimes felt such a spirit of vengeance, that I seriously medi- tated setting the house on fire at night, and killing all as they came out. I overcame the evil, and never got at it — but a little more punishment would have done it. I had been so bruised and wounded and beset, that I was out of patience. I had been separated from all my relatives, from every friend I had in the world, whipped and ironed till I was tired of it. On that night when I was threatened with the paddle again, I was fully determined to kill, even if I were to be hanged and, if it pleased God, sent to hell : I could bear no more. If any man thinks slavery a proper thing, let him go and be abused as I was for years in North Car- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 221 olina, much of the time in agony from irons and whips and paddles — then let him be sold off a thousand miles into Tennessee, and begin to live it over again, and I think he would be tired of it too. I want every man that has the heart of a man, to put down upon slavery with all his heart and soul, — be- cause it is a curse — because it makes the feeling of dislike to color, leading the white to abuse a “ nigger” because he is a “nigger,” and the black to hate the white because he abuses him. In making my escape, my main difficulty was in crossing the Ohio Bottoms, before reaching the river. The water was black and deep. I bound our packages on my wife’s back, placed her on a log as a man rides on horseback, and I swam, pushing the log, holding it steady, to keep her up. Had the log turned right or left, she would have slipped off, and the packs would have sunk her. It would have been death, sure — but worse than death was behind us, and to avoid that we risked our lives. When we had crossed one, we would presently come on another, and had to go through the same again. By and by, I would think, this must be the last, — but when we had crossed this, and gone over some little island, there would be another. Oh dear! it seems as if I could see it now, — I almost re- pented I had started, but on I went. There was an- other and another — good swimming creeks: but when I had crossed the last one, my spirits rose again — my heart cheered up, and I thought I could go through all. After we had got to a place where we intended to pass the night, I would leave my wife, and go and look all around, to see if there was any white man. I was like an old hunting dog, who, when he has treed a coon, will not believe his eyes, but goes scenting about to see 19 * 222 THE refugee; or a if the track has left the tree : if not, he will come back, look at the coon, bark, and then scent again. I was hunted like a wolf in the mountains, all the way to Canada. In three months I had to go to many places to steal our food. I would have asked for it, but if I did, it was, “ Where is your pass ? ” To avoid this meanness, and the risk of capture, I was obliged to look out for myself, and I made good use of my time. One night, on entering a dairy near a farm-house, the door creaked, and an old man called out, “ Sa-a-1 ! ” But I took some cakes, and Sal made no answer. When I was travelling in the North, I found that men worked days, and slept nights without fear, because they were honest. At the South they do not have this comfort. The overseer watches through the day, and the master is on the look-out in the night. I know this, for many times, after my hard day’s work, being but half fed, I went out to steal a chicken, or a goose, or a pig, as all slaves have to do, — at night, if the dog barked sharp, I would see master at the window with a gun. Sometimes the window would fly up — “ who ’s that?” — then the man must give an account of him- self. They are doing wrong in robbing the slaves, and so they are uneasy nights. When I first got into the North, and heard a dog at night, I would dodge away from the house, expecting to see the man of the house start out with a musket, as I had down south : but I was much astonished to find that they let a dog’s bark go for what it was worth. I saw then the difference between free labor and slave labor ; the northern man labors in the day, and sleeps soundly all night. He does not spend his day in laying deep schemes to whip a “ nigger’s ” back, and then start up at night, in unex- pected places, like a ghost. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 223 One night, in Tennessee, my master heard a dog bark , he started up and ran out in his shirt, like a mad- man, to the quarters. When he got there, he called to us by name, saying some one had gone pp to the house to see his girls — two slave girls he kept at the house. Every man was in his own cabin, but one old man of sixty, who was out getting a little wood. He accused him of going up to the great house to trouble his people: the old man begged off, and finally was ex- cused. How can men, who know they are abusing others all the day, lie down and sleep quietly at night, with big barns of corn, and gin-houses full of cotton, when they know that men feel revengeful, and might burn their property, or even kill them ? Even now the thought of my cruel abuses begins sometimes to creep up and kin- dle my feelings, until I feel unhappy in my own house, and it seems as if the devil was getting the better of me ; I feel, then, that 1 could destroy that tyrant, who, knowing that I was a man, cut me with a whip in a manner worse than I will name. Then I think, “ What is the use ? here I am, a free man in Canada, and out of his power.” Yet I feel the stirrings of revenge. I know that thousands at the South feel the same, for we have counselled upon it; the slaveholders know this — how will they sleep nights ? The slaveholder is afraid of his slaves : it cannot be otherwise. Some have been round the borders of slavery, and seen a little of the edges of it, and they think they know a great deal about it, but they are mistaken. I have been in slav- ery, and know its worst is hid from them. They have all the laws and customs of the country in their favor, and yet they find something to grumble about: how then can they expect the slaves, whose feelings are 224 THE refugee; or a wretched, even when they are best used, can be happy and contented ? They say the slaves are happy, be- cause they laugh, and are merry. I myself, and three or four others, have received two hundred lashes in the day, and had our feet in fetters : yet, at night, we would sing and dance, and make others laugh at the rattling of our chains. Happy men we must have been ! We did it to keep down trouble, and to keep our hearts from being completely broken : that is as true as gos- pel! Just look at it, — consider upon it, — must not we have been very happy ? Yet I have done it myself — I have cut capers in chains ! MRS. JOHN LITTLE. I was born in Petersburg, Va. When very young, I was taken to Montgomery county. My old master died there, and I remember that all the people were sold. My father and mother were sold together about one mile from me. After a year, they were sold a great distance, and I saw them no more. My mother came to me before she went away, and said, “ Good by, be a good girl ; I never expect to see you any more.” Then I belonged to Mr. T N , the son of my old master. He was pretty good, but his wife, my mis- tress, beat me like sixty. Here are three scars on my right hand and arm, and one on my forehead, all from wounds inflicted with a broken china plate. My cousin, a man, broke the plate in two pieces, and she said, “ Let me see that plate.” I handed up the pieces to her, and she threw them down on me : they cut four N0RTU-SI1>E VIEW OF SLAVERY. 225 gashes, and T bled like a butcher. One piece cut into the sinew of the thumb, and made a great knot per- manently. The wound had to be sewed up. This long scar over my right eye, was from a blow with a stick of wood. One day she knocked me lifeless with a pair of tongs, — when I came to, she was holding me up, through fright. Some of the neighbors said to her, “ Why do n’t you learn Eliza to sew ? ” She answered, “ I only want to learn her to do my housework, that ’s all.” I can tell figures when I see them, but cannot read or write. I belonged to them until I got married at the age of sixteen, to Mr. .lohn Little, of Jackson. My master sold me for debt, — he was a man that would drink, and he had to sell me. I was sold to F T , a planter and slave-trader, who soon after, at my persua- sion, bought Mr. Little. I was employed in hoeing cotton, a new employ- ment : my hands were badly blistered. “ Oh, you must be a great lady,” said the overseer, “ can’t handle the hoe without blistering your hands!” I told him I could not help it. IVIy hands got hard, but I could not stand the sun. The hot sun made me so sick I could not work, and, John says if I had not come away, they would surely have sold me again. There was one weakly woman named Susan, who could not stand the work, and she was sold to Mississippi, away from her husband and son. That’s one way of taking care of the sick and weak. That ’s the way the plant- ers do with a weakly, sickly “ nigger,” — they say “ he ’s a dead expense to ’em,” and put him off’ as soon as they can. After Susan was carried off', her husband went to see her : when he came back he received two hundred blows with the paddle. 226 THE refugee; or a I staid with T more than a year. A little be- fore I came away, I heard that master was going to give my husband three hundred blows with the paddle. He came home one night with an axe on his shoulder, tired with chopping timber. I had his clothes all packed up, for I knew he would have to go. He came hungry, calculating on his supper, — I told him what was going. I never heard him curse before — he cursed then. Said he, “ If any man, white or black, lays his hand on me to-night, I ’ll put this axe clear through him — clear through him:” and he would have done it, and I would not have tried to hinder him. But there was a visitor at the house, and no one came : he ran away. Next morning, the overseer came for him. The master asked where he was ; I could have told him, but would not. My husband came back no more. When we had made arrangements for leaving, a slave told of us. Not long after, master called to me, “ Come here, my girl, come here.” I went to him : he tied me by the wrist with a rope. He said, “ Oh, my girl, I don’t blame you, — you are young, and do n’t know ; it’s that d — d infernal son of a — ; if I had him here, I’d blow a ball through him this minute.” But he was deceived about it : I had put John up to hurry- ing off. Then master stood at the great house door, at a loss what to do. There he had Willis, who was to have run away with us, and the man who betrayed us. At last he took us all ofl‘ about half a mile to a swamp, where old A need not hear us as he was going to meeting, it being Sunday. He whipped Willis to make him tell where we were going. Willis said, “Ohio State.” “What do you want to be free for? NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 227 G — cl — you, what do you know about freedom? Who was going with you ? ” “ Only Jack.” G — d Jack to h — , and you too.” While they were whip- ping Willis, he said, “ Oh, master, I ’ll never run away.” “ I did n’t ask you about that, you d — d son of a — , you.” Then they tried to make him tell about a slave girl who had put her child aside : but he knew nothing about that. As soon as they had done whipping him, tliey put a plough clavis about his ankle to which they attached a chain which was secured about his neck with a horse-lock. Then they took a rheumatic boy, who had stopped with us, whom I had charged not to tell. They whipped him with tlie paddle, but he said he was ignorant of it : he bore the whipping, and never betrayed us. Then they questioned him about the girl and the child, as if that boy could know any thing about it! Then came my turn; they whipped me in the same way they did the men. Oh, those slaveholders are a brutish set of peo- ple, — the master made a remark to the overseer about my shape. Before striking me, master questioned me about the girl. I denied all knowledge of the alfair. I only knew that she had been with child, and that now she was not, but I did not tell them even that. I was ashamed of my situation, they remarking upon me. I had been brought up in the house, and was not used to such coarseness. Then he (master) asked, “ Where is Jack?” “I don’t know.” Said he, “Give her h — , R •” That was his common word. Then they struck me several blows with tlie paddle. I kept on telling them it was of no use to whip me, as I knew nothing to tell them. No irons were ready for me, and I was put under a guard, — but I was too cunning for him, and joined my husband. 228 THE refugee; or a My shoes gave out before many days, — then I wore my husband’s old shoes till they were used up. Then we came on barefooted all the way to Chicago. My feet were blistered and sore and my ankles swollen ; but I had to keep on. There was something behind me driving me on. At the first water we came to I was frightened, as I was not used to the water. It was a swift but shallow stream : my husband crossed over, and I was obliged to follow. At the Ohio Bottoms was a great difficulty, — the water was in some places very deep, — it was black, dirty water. I was scared all but to death : but I had become somewhat used to hardship. If I had seen a white face , I would have into the By and by, we succeeded in crossing the last one. Then we struck a light at a shingle-getter’s shanty, made a fire with the clapboards and dried ourselves. We were merry over our success in getting so far along, and had a good laugh as we burned the boards and part of the shanty itself. I felt afraid at getting into a boat to cross the Ohio River: I had never been in any boat whatever. Now to get on this in the night, frightened me. “John,” said I, “don’t you think we’ll drown?” “ I don’t care if we do,” said he. We reached Cairo well enough. We never slept at the same time; while one slept, the other kept watch, day or night. Both of us never slept at one time, — if we had, we would not have reached Canada. One morning, as I was watching by a fire we had made, John sleeping, I saw a dog, and told John. Said he, “’tis some old white man hunting a hog, —— however, we had better go from this fire.” IVe went down into a valley and there remained. In the afternoon, an hour before sunset, a white man came NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 229 suddenly upon us, while we were getting ready for a night’s march. I started to run : John stood. Tlie man said, “ Stop, there !” But I kept on ; his face was so white, that I wanted nothing to do with him. John said, “ What did you say ? ” “ Stop, there.” John said, “ I ’ll do no such thing.” Then hard language passed between them. The man said, “ 1 ’ll have a pack of hounds after you before night.” John answered him with an oath to frighten him, “ You had better do it, and be off yourself, or I ’ll blow a ball through you.” The man never had heard a negro swear at him before. They are generally so cowed down, that John’s swear- ing at him, alarmed him more than a bullet from a white man. It showed that he was desperate, — and that was the only reason why he used such language. The man struck spurs to his horse, and went olf in a hurry. We followed him, as he went the same way we were going, and kept as close to him as we could: for, if the man got hounds he would start them at the place where he had seen us; and corning back over the same route with hounds, horses, and men, would kill out track, and they could not take us. But we saw no more of the man. Soon after dark, we came to a lake. We found an old white man there in a shanty, who was caring for a slave that had been shot by his master a few cfhys be- fore. We went in and saw him, — he was an old, gray-headed man. His master had threatened him with a flogging, and he took to the river : just as he reached the water, his master shot him behind. But he got across. He was wounded, and without hat or shoes. In this place we were informed about our route. It was in Kentucky. While we were stopping at the shanty, a day or tsvo, 20 230 THE refugee; or a John went out one evening with the old man, to hunt for provisions. I went to bed. By and by the dogs barked ; the door opened, and by the fire 1 saw five white men. One said, “ Who you got here ? ” “ Only my own family.” I was afraid, and crept out slyly on my hands and knees, and hid behind an ash-barrel until they were gone. In a few days we crossed the ferry. Then we went on, and were without provisions, except some corn, which we parched. We met here a runaway slave, who knew the route of the country above us. He was returning to his master, where he had a wife and chil- dren. At Cairo, the gallinippers were so bad, we made a smoke to keep them off. Soon after I heard a bell ring. Said I, “John, somebody ’s dead.” It was a steamboat bell tolling. Presently there she was, a great boat full of white men. We were right on the river’s bank, and our fire sent the smoke straight up into the calm. We lay flat on the ground. John read the name — Maria. No one noticed us : after the boat was gone, we had a hearty laugh at our good luck. Thinking there was no more trouble, we did not put out our fire. Presently came a yawl boat : they saw our fire, and hailed, “ Boat ashore ! boat ashore ! runaway niggers ! runaway nig- gers!” •We lay close, and the boat kept on. We put out our fire, and went further back from the river, but the musquitoes were so bad, we made another fire. But a man with a gun then came along, looking up into the trees. I scattered the fire to put it out, but it smoked so much the worse. We at last hid in a thicket of briers, where we were almost devoured by musqui- toes, for want of a little smoke. Next day I lay down to sleep, while John kept watch. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 231 When I awoke, I told him I had dreamed about a wiiite cow, which still seemed a white woman, and that I feared we would be caught. We were in the woods, in a low, damp place, where there was no bit of a road, and we knew not where the road was. We started to find a road, and then met with a white woman. I re- minded John of my dream. “ Good evening, good evening,” said she. My husband asked if she would sell him some bread : this was to make conversation, so he could inquire the road. “ Oh yes, just come to my house. I’ll give you some bread.” We went to the house, and presently her husband came in. He asked, “ Have you got free papers ? ” John answered, “ No.” “ Where are you travelling to ? ” ‘‘ To the upper lakes.” “ We are not allowed to let a colored man go through here without free papers : if we do, we are liable to a fine of forty dollars.” He allowed us to remain all ni,ght, — but in the morning we were to go before a squire at Dorrety, and, if we wer^ free, we would go on. This was the woman’s arrangement : the man did not seem inclined to stop us. She said, “ If we stop you, we shall get fifty dollars apiece for you : that ’s a — good — deal — of — money^ — you know.” The man asked John if he had a pistol. John produced one. The man said 't was no harm, he would take care of it for him, — and locked it up. They lived in a little, dirty log hut : they took the bed off’ the bedstead, and lay down on it close to the door, so that it could not be opened without disturbing him. The man took a nice silver-mounted pistol from a cupboard, loaded it, and placed it where he could reach it in the night. We lay on the bedstead — they on the ffoor. She was the evil one : she had made the plans. J'heir name was Smith. At about three o’clock in the morning, husband 232 THE REFUGEE ; OR A aroused me, — “I’m going away from here ; I do n’t value them, now other folks are asleep.” We both got up. John spoke roughly, “ Mr. Smith ! Mr. Smith ! ” He aroused: “we are unwell, and must pass out, — we’ll be back very soon.” Mr. Smith got up very readily, and pulled the bed away a little, so we could slip out. As John passed by the pistol, he put his hand on it, and took it in exchange for his old one. It is a beautiful rifle pistol, percussion lock, — John has been offered fifteen dollars for it. If the man will come here with John’s old flint lock, my husband will exchange back, and give him boot I am very sorry for my friend, Mrs. Smith, that she did not get the hundred dollars to go a shopping with in Dorrety — am much obliged to her for our night’s lodging. We went across a small stream, and waited for daylight. Then we went on to Dorrety, and passed through the edge of it, without calling on the squire, as we had not time. One Sunday moriiiflg, being on a prairie where we could see no house — about fifty miles west of Spring- f**ld — we ventured to travel by day. We encountered an animal, which we at first supposed to be a dog; but when he came near, we concluded it to be a wolf. He yelped something like a dog: he did not attack us. AVe went on and crossed a stream, and then we saw three large wood-wolves, sneaking around as if waiting for darkness. As we kept on, the three wolves kept in sight, now on one hand, and now on the other. I felt afraid, expecting they would attack us : but they left us. Afterward we made a fire with elder-stalks, and I un- dertook to make some corn bread. I got it mixed, and put it on the fire, — when I saw a party of men and boys on horseback, apparently approaching us. I put out the fire ; they turned a little away, and did not ap- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 233 pear to perceive us : I rekindled the fire, and baked our bread. John managed to keep us well supplied with pies and bread. We used to laugh to think how people would puzzle over who drank the milk and left the pitchers, and who hooked the dough. I got to be quite hardy — quite used to water and bush-whacking; so that by the time I got to Canada, I could handle an axe, or hoe, or any thing. I felt proud to be able to do it — to help get cleared up, so that we could have a home, and plenty to live on. I now enjoy my life very well — I have nothing to complain of. We have horses and a pleasure-wagon, and I can ride ont when and where I please, without a pass. The best of the merchants and clerks pay me as much atten- tion as though I were a white woman : I am as politely accosted as any woman would wish to be. I have lost two children by death ; one little girl is all that is spared to me. She is but four years old. I intend to have her well educated, if the Lord lets us 20 * i 4^4 >•' r\ CHATHAM. “ At Chatham,” said Mr. John Little, ‘‘ the fugitives deed, more fully than anywhere else, the traveller real- izes the extent of the American exodus. At every turn, he meets members of the African race, single or in groups; he sees them building and painting houses, working in mills, engaged in every handicraft employ- ment: here he notices a street occupied by colored shop- keepers and clerks: if he steps into the environs, he finds the blacks in every quarter, busy upon their gar- dens and farms. 'The white population of Chatham is reckoned at four thousand: the number of colored persons in the town may be safely estimated at eight hundred. If to this estimate is added the number residing in the neigh- borhood, the total amount cannot be less than two thousand. A gentleman, holding an office in the town, and who, having been one of the earliest settlers, has seen the town grow up around him, remarked of the colored population, “ They are as good a body of people as you can find anywhere : ” and their general appearance, and attention to business confirm his opinion. Among that portion of the whites who put a high value on their prejudices, and a lofty estimate on their own personal importance, there seems to be a dread are as thick as blackbirds in a corn-field.” Here, in- (^ 34 ) NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 235 that some terrible and unpardonable crime, termed sauciness” may yet become rife among the blacks. A white farmer in the vicinity of Chatham, manifested in conversation a great dislike of the colored residents. His main objection to them seemed to be, that, on one occasion, as somebody had told him, four or five of them kept the side-walk, whereby a white woman was obliged to step off, — “ that ’s the way ’t is with ’em, — they ’ll get so saucy, by and by, that there ’ll be a rebellion.” On mentioning this circumstance to a colored man, he answered, “ I have had to step off fifty times for impu- dent white fellows, — but I do not blame all the whites for it : but if a colored man does any thing out of the way, his fault is tacked to the whole of us.” And this is too much the case. In another part of Canada, a white man expressed lively fears that the negroes would yet become “ saucy.” He explained this term as applicable to “language which would be well enough from a white man, but out of the way from a negro, — because a man won’t take from one of them, what he would from a white man.” “ And why should he not ? ” “ Why — he wonH,^^ In 1832, there were in Chatham, but two or three shops, and a few houses. The oldest deed on record is dated 1801. In 1837, two steamboats commenced ply- ing to Detroit, one occasionally extending its trips to Buffalo. The facilities thus afforded to trade, proved highly conducive to the prosperity of the town: but Chatham “ took its great start ” in 1852, while the Great Western Railway was constructing. Colored people began to come in at the first settlement of the town : at present they are increasing in a greater, ratio than the whites. They maintain separate churches. 236 THE refugee; or a and attend a separate public schooL This the writer visited, and found fifty pupils of both sexes in attend- ance under a colored teacher. A private school i^ taught by Mr. Alfred Whipper, a colored man. This school appeared to be in very good condition : fifty- eight colored pupils of both sexes were present. It was in Chatham, that the writer first heard of the Associations called True Bands. A True Band had just been formed here, enrolling at first three hundred and seventy-five members, and it was continually re- ceiving accessions of numbers. On inquiry, the follow- ing was furnished as an answer to the question, what is meant by a True Band ? A True Band is composed of colored persons of both sexes, associated for their own improvement. Its ob- jects are manifold: mainly these: — the members are to take a general interest in each other’s welfare; to pursue such plans and objects as may be for their mu- tual advantage ; to improve all schools, and to induce their race to send their children into the schools ; to break down all prejudice ; to bring all churches as far as pos- sible into one body, and not let minor differences divide them; to prevent litigation by referring all disputes among themselves to a committee ; to stop the begging system entirely ; (that is, going to the United States, and there by representing that the fugitives are starving and suffering, raising large sums of money, of which the fugitives never receive the benefit, — misrepresent- ing the character of the fugitives for industry, and un- derrating the advance of the country, which supplies abundant work for all at fair wages ;) to raise such funds among themselves as may be necessary for the poor, the sick, and the destitute fugitive newly arrived ; and to prepare themselves ultimately to bear their due weight of political power. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 237 The first True Band was organized in Malden, in September, 1854. It consists of six hundred members. It is represented as having thus far fulfilled its objects admirably. Since its organization, no action at law has been brought by one member against another: their differences being arranged by a committee of arbitra- tion. A small monthly payment is made by the mem- bers. The receipts have enabled them to meet all cases of destitution, and leave a surplus in the treasury. In all other places where the bands have been organized, the same good results, as I was creditably informed, have followed as in Malden : thus showing that the colored population possess the means and the will, when acting in concert, to take care of themselves and of the strangers as they arrive. There are now four- teen True Bands organized in various sections of Can- ada West. What in the above sketch of the bands is character- ized as “ the begging system,” meets the almost univer- sal reprobation of the colored people of Canada. Many of them express themselves with indignation against it: “ We have heard that thousands of dollars have been raised for us in the United States, but we never received any of it; a great deal of clothing, but it never reached us. Not that we Avant the money or the clothing ; we can support ourselves : but we do n’t want others beg- ging over our backs : representing us as starving and freezing through our own laziness and vice, and thus injuring our character while they pretend to befriend us, — meanwhile, subserving nobody’s interest but their own. What cases of suffering occur, can be taken care of here.” Some expressed a wish that those who were disposed to give money, should give it to the fugitive on his way, or use it to relieve those who suffer from 238 THE refugee; or a having assisted fugitives. One case was named to me of a man who raised a sum of money in the United States for some imaginary persons, whom he called suffering, starving fugitives, and who, on his return, erected for himself a fine dwelling-house. By and by, wanting a fence about his premises, he again raised a sum of money for some more miserable fugitives, and, soon after, his grounds were duly fenced in. Many similar stories are in circulation. What part of them is true, and how much is scandal, it may be difficult to determine : but every one at all acquainted with the present status of Upper Canada, knows that any man there, able to labor, can readily find work, and get his pay for it when it is done. The cases of suffering and destitution occasioned by sickness and improvidence, can be best relieved by local institutions. The annual report of “ The Toronto Ladies’ Association for the relief of destitute Colored Fugitives ” for 1853 - 1855, states, “ During the past inclement winter, much suf- fering was alleviated, and many cases of extreme hard- ship prevented. Throughout the year, the committee continued to observe the practice of appointing weekly visitors to examine into the truth of every statement made by applicants for aid. In this way between two and three hundred cases have been attended to, each receiving more or less, according to their circumstances.” How much money was disbursed during the year is not stated : the amount of subscriptions and donations for the year was a little more than one hundred and sixty pounds. Of this society, Mrs. Arnold is presi- dent ; Mrs. Willis treasurer, and Mrs. Henning corre- sponding secretary. The Rev. Hiram Wilson succeeded a few years since, in organizing in St. Catharines, a “Refugee Slaves’ NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 239 Friend Society,” which embraces many of the most respectable citizens of the place. If these and similar well-managed associations, which practise a judicious system of expenditure, see fit to appeal to friends of the fugitives in the United States, there can be no doubt of a suitable response. The opinions of a portion of the fugitives themselves on the subject of charities in their behalf will be found among the narratives which follow. J. C. BROWN. I was born in Frederick county, Va. My father was a white manj my mother a mixed blood. She was given aw\ay by a man named N to a man named ® that she could not appear at a court against N. on a suit for her freedom and her three children’s. B. took her to Kentucky : therefore, myself and brother and sister remained slaves wdth N. He in a short time removed to Kentucky. At fifteen, I was hired to Capt. George Smith, w"ho volunteered to go to Tippecanoe. I was fifer in his company. The freedom of myself, Moses, and some others was promised us on our return. But the last time I saw Moses, he was bowed down in hellish slavery in Little Rock, Ark., and I had the misfortune to have to pay N. eighteen hundred dollars for my freedom — my step-father and mother hiring my time for six years. Neal was captain of the Silver Greys, who did not go to war, being over forty-five, — they reported whether any negroes were disaffected, and strong suspicion fell on me — but it was false. At 240 THE hefugee; or a fhat time there were many colored people joined in a conspiracy to get their freedom, and wore as a mark, a plait in the hair over the left eye. This was discovered, — many were whipped, and had the plait cut off. The conspiracy extended over three hundred miles, from Maysville to Henderson. A free colored man named Freeribbon, who lived four miles from Louisville, was suspected as the author of this conspiracy. F., his wife and daughter kept an inn, and he had a blacksmith’s shop to accommodate with farriery those who stopped with him. They searched the shop, — under it they found old guns, butcher-knives, and other implements for killing. He was put in jail and condemned to be hung, — but hav- ing many friends, he was .reprieved on condition that he should be sent to some Spanish mine, and there remain the rest of his days. He was sent to the mines. After twenty years, a white man in the neighborhood committed murder. Under the gallows he confessed that he had been employed by three near neighbors of Freeribbon, and that they paid him for putting the im- plements under F.’s floor. One of the three was a con- gressman, one a colonel, one a gentleman. In conse- quence of their crime, F. had been sent off, and his fine farm confiscated. When this was made known, the court sent for Freeribbon. He came back, and 1 saw him — a heart-broken man. The colonel afterward poisoned himself. After I became a free man, I carried on the mason business in Bardstown, Shelbyville, and Louisville. My misfortunes now began. I had been used well as a slave, for my mistress was my aunt. I was an ob- ject of jealousy to the white mechanics, because I was* more successful in getting jobs. They threatened me, NORTH*SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 241 unless I left the iieighhorhoocl, to break every bone in my body. I was then tinishing a large building for Capt. Nelson. He said he would see M , leader of my enemies, and stop their proceedings : but M still continued his threats. About the same time, I saw a free colored man whipped. This grieved and alarmed me. I burst into tears ; I went to my mother and told her I would leave a slave country and go to a free country. I had been married about two years. In 1819, under the advice of Stratford Gowen and Benjamin Lundy, I was sent to Texas to find shelter and suitable situations for free people of color. Meet- ing there with Mr. Black or Blake, then a member of the council of that colony, he told me that Texas was to be a great cotton and sugar-growing country, and would one day be annexed to the United States. He said a majority of the council were opposed to having a free colored settlement in Texas, and it would be useless for me to look further. I then returned to Louisville, and in a short time removed with my family to Cincin- nati. At this time, a white man of a Quaker family, named Hethers, was teaching colored children in Louisville. The slaveholders being very suspicious of him, hired a colored barber named Tillman, a slave, to get Hethers into his shop and ask him to write a free paper. Capt. T G and S B concealed themselves under the counter in Tillman’s shop. Hethers came in, and the colored man asked him his charge for writing a free paper to come to Canada. He told him, if he was to write one, he would not charge him any thing. Tillman said, “ No — you must have twenty dollars,” — as he had been instructed. He asked Hethers if he thought the papers would pass him good to Canada. 21 242 OUE refugee; or a Hethers told him Yes, but he had better call on J. Brown, in Cinciilnati, who was, he understood, a very clever man, and could give him instructions. So I got into a scrape without knowing it. It was a few days after that, I went to Louisville to settle up some business. Hethers had been seized by the two white men and was now in jail. The night I got down, a man named Shaw came to me, and told me that some gentlemen wanted to see me in Dr. Tal- bot’s shop. I went there ; M , my old enemy was there. He asked me who raised me? “’Squire Neal of Shelby.” “ You are a sample of some of his rais- ing. Do you know what we sent for you for ? ” “ I do not.” He then raised an oil cloth, and showed pistols, bowie-knives, ropes, and cow-hides. Said he, “this is what we sent for you for; and I’ll tell you what you are to do. To-morrow morning at 10 o’clock, you are to go to court, where Hethers is to be tried, and testify that Hethers is writing free passes for our nig- gers to be taken to you, and for you to forward to Can- ada.” I denied that it was so, and told them I didn’t know Hethers. “ Take me to the jail and let Hethers see me, and if he says he ever saw me or knew me, turn the key upon me and give me a trial.” M was then a Methodist preacher, and is yet. He said, “ Hear him, — he wants to be tried like a white man! but we have a trial for yoain Bullock’s woods.” He then told me if I failed to appear and testify as they said, I should be taken to the woods at night, then tied up and receive nine hundred lashes : one hundred apiece from nine of them. They consulted Dr. T , as to whether I could take the nine hundred blows and live. He felt of my body and said I was a man of great muscle, — he told them where to chall^ me about the shoulders, NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 243 and so as to avoid the kidneys. I said to them, “ Gen- tlemen, I have a wife and two children, and of what use can I be to take care of them after you have given me nine hundred lashes ? ” M said, “ That ’s their look-out, not ours.” They dismissed me with the in- junction that I should attend the court. I did not attend it, believing that I had many friends in Louis- ville who would not let them use me so. Just after dark, on the evening after the court, I was at my mother-in-law’s with my family, and was in- vited to stop to supper. Knowing that I drank water, the old lady was going to the pump, when she met a mob of white men coming. One of them told her to run to the house and tell me to flee for my life, or my life would be taken. She fainted and fell. While 1 sat at the table, fearing tliat all was not right, I came down to the foot of the stairs, and there saw three or four white-hatted gentlemen looking up the stairs, and many others behind them. I walked out through them bareheaded — they did not recognize me — I heard them say, “ Hush ! hush ! ” to each other as I passed through the crowd. I got to a steamboat landing, where were several boats going next day, and went on board a Pittsburg boat bound to Cincinnati. I told my situation to a man, who then locked me up in a state-room. Next morning, the slaveholders went aboard all the boats and ordered them not to take me out of the city. We left next morning at 9 o’clock, (^apt. Y not knowing that I was on board. After we got twelve miles from Louisville, they rung the bell for passengers to pay their fare. Not wishing any charge against the man who had concealed me, I had come out on deck. The clerk asked my name, — I told him “ J. C. Brown.” He would n’t take my money, 244 THE refugee; or a but went for the captain. He came and said, I can get more money by running back to Louisville, than I can by going to Pittsburg.” I told him he had better do it. He said, ‘‘ No insolence ! ” and then told a young man, a deck hand, to “ camp me.” That fellow’s back soon felt the deck, and I made for the captain ; he rang the bell, and called help, who seized me, and chained me to the capstan-bar, where I was kept nearly all the distance to Cincinnati. I got a warrant for false im- prisonment against Capt. Y. It was to be served by one Doty, but he always pretended he never could catch him. I got no recompense nor justice for that treat- ment. Three years after this affair, the law of 1804, known as the Ohio black law, was revived in that State, and enforced. By this law, every colored man was to give bonds in §500 not to become a town charge, and to find bonds also for his heirs. No one could employ a colored man or colored woman to do any kind of labor, under penalty of §100. There were then about 3,000 colored people there — by this law they were thrown out of employment. I was then clearing §600 a year, and refused to give bonds. The colored people had a meeting, and talked about a court of appeals to test the law. Some talked of going to Texas, — we knew not what to do : we were sore perplexed. I spoke to them of Canada, and we formed a Colonization Society, of which I was President. I wTote for the Board to Sir John Colborne, at Little York, now Toronto, to know if we could find in Canada an asylum for ourselves, our wives, and children. Two members of the Board went with the letter to Toronto, and were well received by Sir John. He WTote us to remove into Canada with our wives and children, if we chose to do so ; and that NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 245 so long as we remained true and loyal subjects, we should have every privilege extended to us that was enjoyed by any of her majesty’s subjects, no distinction being made on account of color. I have his letter now in my possession — his memorable words. Mr. Ham- monds, our friend, editor of a daily paper in Cincinnati, published the letter at my request. The publication made an excitement in the corporation of Cincinnati. Two or three of us, including myself, were sent for by the city government, next day. The reason was, as Mr. Hotchkiss said, that I, as one of the leading spirits, was doing a great deal of mischief; for every one that I took off to Canada was a sword drawn against the United States. At this time Cincinnati was full of women, without husbands, and their children. These were sent there by planters from Louisiana and Missis- sippi, and some from Tennessee, who had now got for- tunes, and had found that white women could live in those States. In consequence, they had sent their slave-wives and children to Cincinnati, and set them free. They had begun to come about the close of the last war. Cincinnati was the great point for them. I was agent of a man who had eighteen of these headless families in one house. I asked the Mayor, “ Now that they have deprived us of work, who is to go begging for these people, to keep them alive ? ” He said they were taking steps to have the law repealed, and wished me to stay any action about sending people to Canada. I paid no attention to what he told me, and sent three wagon loads out to Sandusky next day. In three or four weeks I and my family left — came to Sandusky — thence I took a boat, the “ Gov. Cass,” and went to Little York, where I entered into a contract with the Canada Company, for a township of land, agreeing to 21 • 246 THE refugee; or a pay $6,000 a year, for ten years. It was the township of Biddulph. The black law had now become inoper- ative in Cincinnati, and the colored people wrote me, that they could now walk without being pushed off the side-walks, were well used, and were living in clover. Of 2,700 who were to have come, only 460 came out. They settled promiscuously in the province, buying land here and there, and getting work. Only five or six^ fam- ilies of them settled in Biddulph. Three weeks after they settled, fifteen families from Boston, Mass., met them there, and settled there, where they remain. We only paid for 1,220 acres, which was divided, from 25 to 50 acres to a family. Numbers, who came after- ward, had to leave for other places. These families in Biddulph are now independent. Their lands now will sell at forty to fifty dollars an acre : it cost one dollar and fifty cents. I settled in Toronto, where I could have some means of making myself useful for them among the white people, and where my trade was good. My wife became dissatisfied, and I removed with her and my daughter, — my son having died, — to Cincin- nati, where I remained thirteen months. I went on to Louisville, to see my old mother. This was some six or seven years from the M scrape. I saw my old mother, and just as I was taking a seat at the table, an oflicer popped into the room, shook hands with me, and said he wanted to speak with me. I went into another room with him — he put his hand on my shoulder, and said, “ You are my prisoner.” I was put in jail, charged with running off large quantities of slaves : my accuser, Mr. G D , said I had crossed the river at Utica, Charleston, and Madison, with large droves of slaves. The third day I wrote an advertisement for Mr. Penn’s NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 247 paper, offering pOO reward for any credible evidence of iny having done as was alleged. The court released me on $2,500 bail ; two persons recognized in $1,000 each, and I was taken for the $500. On the evening of the day I gave the bonds, three men came out at me, and drew pistols, which they fired at the ground about my feet: this, my friends supposed, was to frighten me, and induce me to run off, so that my securities might forfeit their bonds. The Grand-Jury failed to find a bill, and I was discharged. I returned to Cincinnati. My wife had seen so much of my persecution, that she was more anxious to return to Canada than she had been to leave it. We returned to Toronto, and I was a gunner there in the Patriot war. I removed to Dawn, and was elected one of the trustees of the school in that place. From Dawn I came to Chatham about 1849. Chatham was then a little village of frame buildings and log cabins. There were tlien no masons, bricklayers, or plasterers among the colored men. I went for some, and got them here, and we are now able to build a house from the stump. We can cut the timber and make the brick. The greater part of the bricklaying and plastering is in the hands of the colored mechanics. There are four churches of colored people which are well filled. We have separate schools which are tolerably well attended, — the Sunday school is very numerously attended. There are three charitable societies of men, and two of women, which do much good, relieving the wants of the sick and destitute. There is a great deal of prop- ertv owned here by the colored people : their number has doubled in two years, mainly by immigration, which continues still — especially of fugitive slaves, sometimes twenty in one day. Many agents have 248 THE REFUGEE ; OR A come here, nominally to assist the fugitives, but some of them have not been so honest as one could wish. They collected money, but the fugitives did not get it. However, what money the fugitives have received, has been an injury, rather than a benefit. I have seen cases where the money would have done good, if rightly dis- tributed. Our children growing up in this country, and not having the fear of any white man, and being taught to read and write, will grow up entirely different from their fathers, of more benefit to themselves, of more benefit to the government, and will be more able to set good examples to the rising generation. Intelligent par- ents will raise up intelligent children. Slavery disarms a man of virtue,— of every thing: It prevents his being a man. Anticipation is what we live for, — it makes us anxious to improve ourselves and our children ; but the slave anticipates nothing, but the setting of the sun, or the passage of some law to curtail what little of privilege he possesses. The effects of slavery are perceptible here in our courts. I have seen fugitives, brought as witnesses, afraid to testify against a white man. This is a part of the horrid effects of slavery. The younger ones are better than this. They grow up without slavish fear : they know nothing about it. PHILIP YOUNGER. I served in slavery fifty-five years, and am now nearly seventy-two years old. I was born in Virginia, went, at ten, to Tennessee; at twelve, to Alabama: was, all NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 249 the time, body servant of a military man. My treat- ment was various, — sometimes rough, — sometimes good. Many awful scenes I have seen while moving about. I have had to put chains on men, myself, to go into a chain gang: I have seen men whipped to death, — have seen them die. I have ridden hundreds of miles in Alabama, and have heard the whip going, all along from farm to farm, while they were weighing out cotton. In Alabama, the patrols go out in companies at about dark, and ride nearly all night. If they meet a colored man without a pass, it is thirty-nine lashes; but they do n’t stop for the law, and if they tie a man up, he is very well off if he gets only two hundred. If there is a party assembled at the quarters, they rush in half drunk, and thrash round with their sticks, perhaps be- fore they look at a pass, — all must be whipped unless they rush out: I can’t paint it so bad as ’t is. Some- times a stout man will fight his way through. As a general thing the treatment on the plantations in Alabama is very hard. Once in a while a man is kind, as kindness is out there, and then he is hated by all the other masters. They say “ his niggers spoil our niggers.” These servants are not allowed on the other plantations at all, — if caught there, they will put as much on them as they can bear. I have as good a chance to know as any man there, — I have travelled there on the plantations, — I was there before the coun- try was opened, — at the war, — and have seen it grow up by the colored man’s labor. I have seen miles of fences around plantations, where I had been through woods with the surveyors. Escape from Alabama is almost impossible, — if a man escapes, it is by the skin of his teeth. w I 250 the refugee ; or a There was a free man in Huntsville — a barber, — whose wife — a free woman — was taken by a patrol, as she was walking out at dark, and put in jail, just to I ii disgrace her, — as she was in a little better standing ; than the patrol was. Her husband grumbled about it, t Ij , — 3- rumpus was made, and people collected. It was ‘ ij fi*ont of a tavern door. The folks then called out, ^ “Shoot the d — d nigger! shoot him!” The patrol stabbed him with a bowie-knife, and he fell in the street. , He was carried in, and a doctor dressed the wound, but he was never a sound man afterwards. ‘ I hired my time, and made some money. I bought * * wife’s freedom first, and sent her away. I got off ‘ by skill. I have children and grand children in slavery. I had rather starve to death here, being a free man, than to have plenty in slavery. I cannot be a slave any more, — nobody could hold me as a slave now, except in irons. Old as I am, I would rather face the Rus- sian fire, or die at the point of the sword, than go into slavery. We are placed in different circumstances here — some drag along, without doing much, — some are doing well. I have a house ; I have taken up fifty acres of land, and have made the payments as required: I have other property besides. Here is Henry Blue, worth twelve thousand dollars ; Syddles, wortli a fortune ; Lucky, I . worth a very handsome fortune ; Ramsay, a great deal of land and other property, at least twelve thousand dollars ; all these were slaves at some time. And there are many others wealthy, through their own skill and industry. Before I came here, I resided in the free States. I came here in consequence of the passage of the Fugi- tive Slave Bill. It was a hardship at first ; but I feel NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 251 better here — more like a man — I know I am — than in the States. I suffer from want of education. I man- age by skill and experience and industry — but it is as if feeling my way in the dark. GILBERT DICKEY. I HxVVE been in Canada but six weeks : am 55 years old. I was raised a slave until 35. I was born in North Carolina, Guilford Co., where I was the main hand on tlie farm, where we raised wheat, corn, rye, etc., some cotton. There were about fifteen slaves on the farm, sometimes more, sometimes less. My master has fre- quently said, that Gil. could carry on the farm better* than he could ; he had told his neighbors that I and his wife could carry on the farm as well, if he were a hun- dred miles off. I never had a day’s schooling in my life — went to a Sunday School a few times, but that was cut off I have no learning but what God has put into my head. My master was hasty and high-tem- pered, but was always kind to me owing to some pecu- liar circumstances. He was more kind than most who own servants in that country, and more so than his companion. Some thought him a hard man, but I never thought him so hard as some I have seen. When be did whip, he whipped severely, I tell you ; he was high-strung when he got up. I suppose there ’s no doubt that he and his father-in-law — a severe old man — whipped one slave man to death. They whipped him over the head with a loaded whip, shamefully. He was one of those that could not be whipped. He was sold after the beating, and died two months after. The 252 THE REFUGEE | OR A ferrule came off the whip they used, and the whalebone bursted out. At nine years old, I was bought into this family, being transferred to pay a debt of three hundred dollars. At the death of my master, I was hired out sixteen years, until my young master came of age. I had then made up my mind to buy my time and was preparing to do it, by laying up my money as I could earn overplus. I have made fifty dollars in a winter by working after 9 o’clock nights while buying my time. It is hard work ever since I was seven years old, which has broken me down : I have now rheumatism, coughs, etc. I worked at all kinds of work, — every thing a man would call on me to do, except stealing, my hands were ready to do it. I worked at fencing, laying stone wall, digging wcHs, carpentering, etc. During the sixteen years, I paid up five hundred and seventy-five dollars ; that left four hundred dollars to be paid, which I borrowed by giving names. I was then free, but had to work to raise the four hundred dollars, which took me nearly two years. I was whipped at one time by my old master, be- cause I could not work. It was brought about by a mean white man who was working in the field, and told master that I was not sick. My master cursed and swore very wicked. He did not tie me up, but he gave me a severe whipping. It did not cure me: I had to go and try to work, but could not do much. I have seen sixteen men chained abreast for market, and driven from that place. I have seen a woman chained and handcuffed in the gangs, leaving a child only nine days old : the child raised by hand, and when a woman nearly grown, she was sold. After the old man died, and before I was hired out, NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 253 two of the colored children were sick — one died, and I watched with the other by the corpse. On the next day evening, when we came back from the burial of the child, the other was dying, and the doctor was there. The child died that evening. My mistress then re- quested me to mend a pair of shoes for her daughter that night. I told her I would rather not, as I had been up the night before, and a corpse was in the house. She flew into a passion, said she would have it done, or her father should whip me. I mended the shoes that night, but it made no difference. Her father came next morning with some work-hands, and told me with an oath, that if he had a knife he would cut my d — d throat. I drew a knife from my pocket, opened it, handed it to him, opened my shirt-collar, and told him to cut it. He pretended to do so, and drew blood on my throat — the mark remains. I went away a piece, then changed my mind and came back. They tied my hands, I was so mad, I hardly knew what they did. He gave me thirty blows. I told him afterwards, that I had no place appointed to die or to be buried, and I cared not when it happened ; that I would not be whipped any more, and that the first man who struck me I would kill. I was never punished afterward, although I was sometimes threatened. If they find a man determined and resolute not to be whipped, they will sometimes let him alone : but in other places, they will do it at any rate. No man, who has not been in slavery, knows the real curse of it. A northern man can’t tell half how bad it is. When I began to be hired out, I felt more liberty than on the place — where I had to do whatever a man said — where it was never too wet, nor too cold, too 22 254 THE reftgee; or a hot, nor too dry — where I could not go to the next house, no matter how near it was, without a permit. I lived in Indiana for nine years before I came here, and did well. I have been doing business for myself some twenty years : I never considered that I was doing business for myself till I got out of debt. I was mak- ing money in Indiana, and had plenty of friends. I liked there, all but one thing — slavery was there, as it is all over the United States. One or two days in the year they acknowledge a colored person to be a man } that is, when he works on the road, and pays his tax : all the rest of his time he is a brute. I came on pur- pose to come to a country where I could be a free man, and to encourage men of my color to take hold of work; to set them a good example, and to make their con- dition here better, if my assistance could do any good. WILLLVjVI J. ANDERSON. I was a slave from birth, until thirty-two years old, on Red River, Bayou Rapide. 1 belonged to a man who kept me at home until twenty-one years of age. He was a constable, and I was the turnkey some two or three years. After twenty-one, I hired out to work on a steamboat, paying my master $25 a month, and supporting a family : and at the age of thirty-two 1 had $500. I was steward and cook. One day, at New Orleans, I beard the news of my master’s death. I felt that I had lost my only friend ; for although a mean man, he had some good qualities — he could not bear a man that drank, and yet he was drunk all the time him- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 255 self. On hearing his death, an acquaintance of mine said, “ Now is your time to puty I packed some clothes, took my $500, started for the North, and reached Cincinnati. I was robbed of my money on the passage. I opened a sliop, and did very well by cooking at the hotels. After four years, I had some words with a man named Magee, who was a run- away, who had come barefoot, and I had given him employment to keep my grocery. He went down to the place where I came from, and informed where I was : he was retaken, and held in slavery. I married in Ripley, Ohio. One day I heard a gen- tleman in Cincinnati talking to his brother about buy- ing “ niggers ” and horses : one of them said, “ Old Atwood is dead.” I asked my wife if her name really was Atwood. She applied to the men, and found that Atwood had left her mother and the balance of the ser- vants free — say ten — and left $8,000 to each of them. Part of this I invested in Ohio, and a part I brought with us to Canada. Her father was her master, and had brought her to Ohio when she was six years old. 1 had a brother named Charles, who carried a basket of eggs on board a boat named Red River, that ran up Red River. When he came oft', he did not get the money for the eggs, as was expected by Mr. T , a Frenchman, who had hired him. He belonged to my master. When he went back, the Frenchman jumped on him, and beat him severely. Charles, however, struck the Frenchman. My master said, “ Charles will certainly be hung for striking a white man: so you fix four stakes, and 1 ’ll whip him.” I drove the four stakes into the ground for my brother : he was fourteen, and I thirteen years old. Master asked me if the stakes were ready. Said 1, “ Charles, before I’d be whipped for 256 THE refugee; or a that Frenchman, Pd cut my throat.” He did cut his throat, and ran into the river, where he beat off five men who tried to get him out. Then he came out himself, and was clear — was not whipped. In a few weeks he got well : he meant to kill himself. I have seen many whipped till they could not stand up. S P. S whipped a man in Red River jail while I was turnkey, until he burst a bloodvessel, and died. I saw this done : no notice was taken of it.* HENRY CRAWHION. Was born in Louisville, Ky. As soon as able to work, I was hired out on a steamboat, and have mainly followed steamboating. Master died, and I remained with my mistress : young master being a sporting ehar- acter, I had to be sold to pay his debts. Was sold to a trader in L., who took me to South Carolina, where I was employed three months to take care of race-horses. While there, I undertook to escape. I packed up in a carpet-bag, went to depot, and bought a ticket for * Female slaves enciente were formerly tied up for punishment : but to avoid the pecuniary loss which sometimes ensued, the masters adopted the humane method said to have been fii-st pmetised by the French of Louisiana. The woman’s limbs are fastened to four stakes driven into the ground ; a portion of the earth having been previously removed in the centre of the space staked out. The traveller in Can- ada West will hear of this mode in almost ever}^ town and village ; from old settlei’s and recent immigitints ; from persons who came from different slave States, and from parts of the same State remote from each other. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 257 Montgomery. A black man suspected me, because I had changed my trunk for the carpet-bag, — they came to tlie cars and took me out. They put me in chains, and kept me confined in the stable about two months ; then I found a man who would buy me and take me to Louisville. I was put in the trader’s yard, but nobody wants to buy out of the yard, because they think they are put in for some fault. I was then taken down to Port Gibson, Miss., and traded off for fifteen mules. I stayed there three weeks, and was then taken to Baton Rouge, where I was set up for sale. Here I found a man who bought me to take to Louisville, where I had a wife, on the condition that I would find a man to buy me there. But I could not find a man who would buy me. I went to see my wife, and left for the North. I got here last night. I do n’t feel reconciled, on account of my wife and family. I am anxious now to get work. [He got employment in the course of the day.] I would prefer Louisville, if I could be free there. It is hard on me that I am obliged to live away from my family. I cannot express what I think of slavery, I have so horrible ideas of it. I was taken to Savannah on my way to Charleston, and staid in Savannah four weeks. On the farms around Savannah, I saw them using bucking-paddles on the women. There were overseers and drivers behind the workmen on the farms. If a man lagged, he got a cut with a whip, — if any reply was made, he was bucked down. The bull whip is used freely all around there, — I have heard them crack like a pistol almost. In the city, a black man must get off the side-walk if he meets a white man, or stop on the curb-stone and raise his hat : if he meets a lady and 22 ^ 258 THE refugee; or a gentleman he must step clean olT the walk and raise his hat. While in Charleston, S. C., I did not know the law of the country, and lit a cigar at my boarding-house and walked towards the stable smoking. I was taken up and put in the calaboose. Several others were put in for being out after nine at night. In the morning, they gave each of them ten lashes apiece, and let them go. I asked them why they did not whip me and let me go. They said I had committed a crime, and must go before a magistrate. I asked them “what crime? “ Smoking in the street.” I told them I was a stranger, and did not know the law. That made no odds, how- ever; I was sentenced to nine and thirty lashes, and received them in the calaboose with a leather strap cut into three or four strips. White people smoke in the street, but ’tis against the law for a colored man. MARY YOUNGER. I was reared a slave, and have seen a great deal of barbarity in the State I came from. Many a time I have looked out in the moonlight, and seen my little children, just able to walk to the fields, carrying buckets of water to the hands. They used to carry the buckets on their heads : they would wear off the hair, and I used to make pads to protect the sore places where they carried the buckets. If those slaveholders were to come here, I would treat them well, just to shame them by showing that I had humanity. 259 iinnni NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. A woman who lived near us, used to beat her cook, and burn her with hot irons. I have seen the burns with these eyes. The same woman whipped at differ- ent times three of her slave women to death. The last one I was sent for by her mother to see : I found her dying. She died while I was standing by. Her mother wanted me to shroud the corpse : but the mistress in- terfered, and made the dead woman’s mother do it. The house where these cruelties occurred, was so near ours that we could talk over the palings. If a white man passes by a house, and a person is whipping a servant, he goes straight by — he don’t see it. I did not know, when I was a slave, that any white person had any sympathy for me. I thought all white people were alike, and had no sympathy for colored people. I did not know the difference until I reached a free State, when I saw the white people use the col- ored people like folks. I did not hear such terms ap- plied as “wenches,” “ heifers,” etc. Where I was raised, my children were often whipped till the blood ran, and then they would call me to see if I looked rumpled about it, and unless I looked pleased, I knew they would whip me. I often wish that people from the North could just go through the southern country at harvest time, and see and hear what is done there. There was a man whipped there one day, and at night I took pity on him and greased his back, — he died on my floor. The barbarity of slavery I never want to see again. I have children now who have got the yoke on them. It almost kills me to think that they are there, and that I can do them no good. There they are — I know how 260 THE refugee; or a it is — it brings distress on rny mind — there they are, working till late at night; off before day ; and where there is no humanity — where the lash is not spared. I was born and raised in old Virginia, Lunenburg county, and was sold when a well-grown boy — was put on the block at the court house and sold. I was frightened at being up there on the block, and was afraid of being carried out of the country. A trader on his way to New Orleans bought me. He took me to his pen at Brunswick court house. I being very obedi- ent, he thought I would n’t run ; but I determined to run if I could, for I thought if I got to New Orleans, I was at the shutting-up place. He waited a day or two to attend another sale fifty miles off, taking us with him — perhaps forty or fifty. We went by stages. I being so obedient, he turned me out to bring water and do errands in general, while he waited for the sale at Brunswick court house. In this time I thought about my mother and brother in the place where I was raised, and thought ’twas about time to run. I ran; but did not know what way to go, and took into the pines. Now, after I had done this, I began to study what I should do for something to eat: then I was in a strange country. I continued there for four days without any food except sassafras leaves, and I found water. After that, I found an old colored man. I told him how the case was with me, and asked for a bit of bread. He told me to come to his house at night, at a certain EDWARD HICKS. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 261 hour, and he would give me a mouthful to eat. I went to the house, got some food ; and, behold, the patrollers were out that night, and they came within one of catcliing me. Just as I had stepped out of the house, they came right in. The old man came out a little be- fore day and whistled. I went to him, and he put me on the way to Lunenburg. I travelled on about twelve miles, when it was so dark I dared not walk any further. I made for the bush, and laid a stick with the big end the way I was to go. That night, about dark, I got up and started again. I went on, and struck a creek near midnight, called Earn’s Creek, — from Earn’s Creek, I came to Stony Creek. Day overtaking me, I had to make into the willows on the creek. The bloodhounds that day, of their own accord, having such knowledge, gave me a little race : I went down into the creek, nothing out but my head, among big water moccasin snakes, which I kept oft with a stick. The dogs I saw, — they heard me, but there was no one to hearken them on. At night I left the creek, and went up into the neighborhood of the house where 1 was born and raised : I saw some of my friends and brothers there, and I got something to eat, I was then advised (as the advertisement was just out from the wigge/'-tradcr) to go on to an old house where cotton was kept, and there stay until the adverlisement was over. For they drive for runaways there with bloodhounds, and a great many men moving abreast, so that they will have a man unless he is a long dis- tance under the ground. I went to the cotton house, and got under the cotton, and stayed till the drive was over — some two or three days. I came out then, and made for the bush. I stayed till that trader went down with that company of col- 262 THE refugee; or a ored people, and sold them and came back. I was out all the winter in caves and barns. In the spring the trader came back. There was a white man in Lunen- burg, that wanted to buy me. The trader lieard of it, and said, ‘‘ Til sell him, if you think you can get him: a nigger that will stay in the woods all winter, I wonT have him. What will you give me for him ?” It was settled at eight hundred dollars : then he sent out some of his boys to tell me, and in a few days I went to him. He had four farms. I commenced to work right at the great house. I stayed there three years, I guess : then he died. Then every man had to come up to be appraised: about sixty of us were appraised. The same old trader (S N ) came up to buy me again, chains and handcufls all in his hand. He swore that the “ nigger” that ran away from him, was the one he ’d have, and the chains should not leave him, till he’d got him to Orleans. At twelve o’clock, I went to the kitchen to get my breakfast, and stepped right on, out into the bush. The sale was coming on in about a week, and the trader had come on to brag what he would do, — I stepped out right in the bush. I was appraised and given to a young lady who thought it necessary to hire me out, right in the bush, where I was. A man hired me at about half price. He was a good man, — no bad man will hire one in the bush, because he won’t come to him to save his life, and only the big traders can afford to have driving done. After I got to him, he put me to work at the great house, and he liked me so well, he bought me. He got a man to oversee at the great house, who was determined to make more than any farmer in that country. He began to fight, kick, and knock over. We NORTII‘SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 263 were going along, suckering tobacco one day ; a couple of worms were found — these big, horned worms — lying on the ground in the rows ; we had not seen them as we were breaking the suckers. He called the two men who went by them, and made each take one of the worms and bite its head off. I passed a small worm, — “ G — d — you,” says he, ‘‘ you bite that worm’s head, and suck the stuff out of him ; you may run away, — you’ve got to a place now, where if you run nine miles into h — , we ’ll go in for you up to our armpits. You ’ve made three runs, now you ’ve made a bad stand.” I told him I shouldn’t bite the worm’s head off: it was a thing I never had done, and I wasn’t used to it, and would n’t do it. He made to me with his bull whip, very long, and struck me three or four times ; the third or fourth time, I got hold of it. He then turned to strike me with the butt, — but being too anxious, he let too much of it go over my shoulder, and I caught the other part, that he was going to knock me down with. S II , if he gets hold of that paper, he ’ll know all about it. He liollowed for help, — he wanted the other colored people to help him. They all passed on with tlieir rows, but would not. I then having hold of both ends of the whip, jerked it out of his hands and ran. I did not intend to carry the whip far, but there was no stop for vie then. I went on to the bush ; he mounted his horse,, and started off for men and blood- hounds. He then came back with the company and the hounds, stripped the head man and whipped him, because he did not help take me. I was then preparing to keep the bloodhounds from following me. I had gathered up some wild onions, and knew what to do. Tlie master now came home. He tells the overseer, that he shall pay a dollar a day for every day that I 264 THE refugee; or a was gone, for he had no business to make that disturb- ance among the people. They chased me that day, but could not follow me beyond the place where I had put on the onions. It takes a mighty old hound to follow that track. I stayed three weeks, and then went in home. When I got home, the old man got hold of it then, and I was not flogged. At the end of the year, my lost time was brought against the overseer. The overseer left, and went to oversee for another man, named S S , at the edge of Brunswick Co. My master being sickly, in some way, his boys being sportsmen, and gambled, got involved, and had to sell part of his hands, at sheriff’s sale I suppose. I was again put on the block and sold, and that overseer, S- H , persuaded his employer, S , to buy me, so he could get his spite of me. S bought me and sent me on to the quarter : put on leg goggles, a band of thin iron round each ancle, with a piece of wood, banded with iron, sticking from each with a rivet. A man cannot run with them on : the iron plays round and the long piece whips his legs as he runs. Each goggle weighs about three pounds. The overseer put. them right on, as soon as I got there. The master had plenty of dogs, four of which were regular “nigger bloodhounds,” worth one Imndred dol- lars or more apiece. That was the first time I began studying head-work. I had been running about in the bush without much object, but now I began studying head-work : while in this condition, it put my mind off to study what to do now. Every day I was sure of my whipping though — that was sure — with the loaded bull whip — loaded at both ends : every blow would cut through the skin. I could n’t run could n’t get away. li NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 265 I lay down studying, and got up studying, how to get out of the condition I was placed in. One night it came to my mind that I would go to the blacksmith’s shop. After every person was asleep, and every thing appeared still, I got into the window and got a rasp. I put it away where I could get hold of it, knowing that if I cut it part through, they would see it, and band me stronger. That night I studied that I would go down deep, right there in the yard, where they machine cotton and pack cotton, right down among the seeds — way down — live feet I guess I went down, — and that the bloodhounds would not find me, as they would look round for me outside. I studied that as hard as a Philadelphia lawyer ever studied a case ; if he studies as hard as I studied that, he ’ll give a right judgment. I went down the night after I got the rasp, taking the rasp with me. The cotton seed and motes tum- bled in after me as I went down, and buried me up entirely. They walked over me : I could feel the rat- tling over mo. I could not rifle in there. The next night I came out, and commenced rifling to get off the goggles. They had been out all the day with some drivers and the bloodhounds, expecting, as I had the goggles on, to catch me directly. I sat up on the up- per floor, where I could see by the light of the moon or stars, and there I rifled away ; I rifled faithfully, and got one olT that night, — but I had to break it away some, and got the skin off my leg. Before day I went down into the hole again. The next night I came out and rifled off* the other: it came oft easier than the other. Now I ’ve got to go down again. Into the same hole I went — ’t would n’t do to come out yet. They had driven the second day, and I 23 266 THE refugee; or a was afraid they would the third. I had eaten nothing all this time, nor drank a drop. The next night about dark, I jumped out and went into the bush. 1 knew all about that neighborhood, and which way to go. I got me an old scythe-blade, and broke off a ])iece and made me a knife. This I found at the machine as I was on the way to the bush. Then I killed me a pig, took him on my back and walked five miles. I dressed him, singed oil' the hair, and before he was fairly dressed, I had his ears on the coals broiling. Another consideration struck me now. It would be death to go back to that place : I must get to a free land now. I had got the irons off’ — that I knew. I came out of that county, went into a neighboring county, into the bush, and staid out six months. I heard of some free people coming on to the Ohio, and I thought I would get in the crowd. We came on with a white man who had formed an attachment to a colored girl, and as she was coming, he determined to leave too, although he was a regular patroller. I came on with him as a waiter and servant, and very faith- fully I worked too. We travelled with horses and wagons, but some had to walk. I had to pull at the baggage, — I would have pulled a wagon all through myself but what I ’d have come. I was concealed the first part of the way ; all the food and clothes piled on me in the wagon, which was very uncomfortable. You do n’t know how much I endured. At night I would get out and walk. We succeeded until we got to Point Pleasant ; within three or four miles of the ferry, we met men at different times, telling this tale — “ If you take your slaves this way they’ll all get free, — for you’ll get ’em on the Ohio side: 1 would n’t take that man ; if you want to sell him, you can get your money right in this place,” etc. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 267 He began to fear that they’d think he was running away slaves. Look here,” says he, “ to-night you’d better take a skill’ and cross the river — these folks have got passes to show, and you have not.” This made me uneasy — I knew nothing about paddling a skifl’: I might get off into the middle of the river, and then paddle back to the same shore. I then said to him, “ It is a matter of course that we go on, and I go on as you said, and you’ve a right to take your slave wherever you please.” Now he told me, “ Do you go off, and come up to us when we get to the ferry- place.” I said, “ That won’t do.” We reasoned con- siderably about it: he was a man that would hear to a little reason, and so we reasoned. Now he told me, “ Suppose I sell you, and I come back and steal you, and we divide the money?” He was turning now ; he ’d been into the town that day : enough wanted to buy me, but they did n’t want the women. I told him, that would n’t do — that was n’t our bargain — I had worked for him all the way, and his agreement was to take me over the ferry, and go on to the farm he was to take, and work for him one year at clearing, etc. We came on, all hands, down to the ferry at Point Pleasant, — r some were for putting me in the wagon, and covering me; but they would search the wagon. So I walked with the rest. At the ferry, the guard who watches all who cross the ferry — a great, big white man, who looked rather severe, quizzed my master, whether I was his slave, and ques- tioned so close, that the white man began to grow weak in the knees, and I saw it: he trembled. I was scared for him, and I was scared about being taken my- self — it was a scaring time. The guard told him the consequences — of going to the penitentiary, if he were 268 the refugee; or a going off with another man’s slave. He trembled, and got weak, so that he did not get over it, till he got way out into the Ohio. We were commanded to get aboard the fen*y-boat, and over we went. I walked on behind him, as he went up the hill: he yet trembled, and so did I, not knowing what might take place yet. I felt joyful that I had got over, but it was no time to rejoice there. We put the man in the wagon, and dragged him : he was more scared than he ought to have been. I went to work with him in Ohio, according to prom- ise. After we had begun, it got clear back to where I started from, that I was in Ohio. I made out that I was a man from Cincinnati, and was hired for money : but it got back home, that I was in Ohio. He then told me to leave. I understood that there was a reward of live hundred dollars offered to any one who would take me over the river to the Kentucky side. I had been there as near as I can tell about six months when I t in no man’s house nor barn : I felt that there were only two persons in the world I could trust : one girl, Lavina Robinson, who brought me food from a white man, and that white man himself, Timothy Guard. Mr. Guard knew me well, — I was his foreman — cooper. He offered $1,000 for me: the trader wouldn’t take it. Guard lent me the money — I offered it for myself. The trader said, “ 1 know you had that money of Guard, and I won’t please him. I want you — you’ll make a first-rate w^g-er-driver.” I felt I would rather be killed than go. I was only afraid they’d chain me: I think they were afraid to undertake it. I was a stout man, and have lifted seven hundred and fifty pounds — a steamboat shaft. It was on a bet ; a Southerner bet a new coat he had against five dollars, that I could not lift it. I lifted it with ease, and took the coat. I took to the woods as I said. The trader got dis- couraged, and sold the chance of me to Guard for $1,000. The conditions were, if Guard ever saw me in the United States, he was to pay the money. He saw me the next night, for 1 went in. I had a previous understanding with Guard, that if he bought me, I was to have a chance to buy myself. He gave me a paper 272 THE refugee; or a signed before witnesses, that I was to be free, when I paid him ^1,600. He also gave me papers stating that I was allowed to trade for myself : if I would not pay, he would, and if any one would not pay me, he would compel them. I went to work as steward of a steam- boat. At first, I got $35 a month, which raised till I got $100 a month. I paid off Guard between six and seven years after : still remained on the boats, and, in all, I worked eleven years with one man at $100 a month, — and he would give me that now, if I would go back. On passing up or down the Mississippi, between slave States, the first thing I heard in the morning was the sound of the great bells, which are rung to call the slaves. The next thing, before it was light enough to see, I heard the crack of the overseer’s whip, and the cries of the slaves, “Oh! pray, Mas’r! Oh! pray, Mas’r!” Every morning I heard it from both sides of the river. Living in Indiana, I was dissatisfied with the laws of the country. I had a good deal of property there ; it was not safe, for any loafing white might destroy or steal, and unless a white man were by to see it, I could get no redress. One time in Indiana, seven white fellows, without provocation, thretV' brickbats at my house, and broke my windows. I was so mad, that I seized my gun and pursued them, and put some small shot in the backs of two of them. Dr. F. would not take out the shot, un- less they would tell him where they got them. They told him they had been to steal watermelons ; had not got any ; and on passing my house, they threw the brickbats because colored people lived there. The Dr. blamed them, said I was as much esteemed and respect- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 273 ed as any man there. They owned they had no cause. I afterward made it known that, as my oath was good for nothing, if any white man interfered with me, or trespassed on my property, I would make him a witness. I removed to Canada, where I would have an equal oath with any man, when any thing occurred ; where I would have every right that every man has. I brought ten thousand dollars into Canada with me, and I find profitable employment for my capital here. Excepting for the oppressive laws, I would rather have remained in Indiana. I left one of the most beau- tiful places in that country — everybody who sees it says it is a beautiful place. I had a two-story frame house, with piazza — good stable — and every arrange- ment about the premises was nice and convenient. I had abundance of apples, peaches, quinces, plums, and grapes. I paid my taxes, and felt hurt and angry too, that I was not allowed my oath — there was no justice in it. The road tax, I would not work out. They threatened to sue me. I told them I would stand a lawsuit first, and take it to the Supreme Court. “ What!” said I, “shall a white man drive against me, on this very road, and break my wagon, and I get no redress? No! when you give me my oath, Pll work on the roads.” They never sued me. I suffered op- pression in being obliged to leave my place to claim my rights as a man. I blame for this the tories and turncoats of the free States. They don’t put in right men, that are true to their country. They are chosen to represent the free States, but they act with the South. Just exactly what they call dough-faces. I was nev^T taught to read or write. 274 THE refugee; or a JOHN C N. I live at the concession line and farm about four miles from Chatham. I was many years a slave, and have been up and down the Mississippi a great deal. In the morning the great bells ring on the plantations. Before you can see persons on the farms, you hear the whips crack and the slaves cry out. I have heard them every morning, when passing up or down the river, — “Oh Lord ! master ! — Oh Lord ! master ! ” It seems to me always as I heard them in the dark, as if hell was there, and I heard the cries of them who were just going into it. I was born in Greene Co., Georgia. At about twelve years old, our family was broken up by the death of my master. I was the oldest child : there were three broth- ers and two sisters. My master’s children had grown, and were married, and settled in various parts of Georgia. We were all separated, — no two went to- gether. My mother’s master was about half a mile from where the youngest child was. They did not think it would know enough to learn the way. Some of them carried her once to see her mother, and she learned the way. She used to go over to where her mother lived, and creep under the house, where she would wait till her mother came into the yard and Ihen run to her. There were bad dogs there, but they did not trouble her. My mother’s master tried to buy this REUBEN SAUNDERS. 275 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY, child, but her owner would not sell her under six hun- dred dollars. He did not mean to sell, I have not seen my mother since the sale, I remained there from twelve to twenty-four years of age, and was well treated. I was never cauglit there with a book in my hand, or a pen. I never saw but one slave in Georgia, who could read and write, and he was brought in from an- other State. The treatment about there, seemed to depend on the number a man had. If few, they got on well, if many, they fared worse. If a man used his slaves with kind- ness more than the others, they disliked it. From Georgia, I was removed to Mississippi, — that being considered a money-making place. I was the only slave my master had. I went on with him. At first he engaged in rafting cypress timber, then kept a wood-yard on the Mississippi. I stayed there sixteen years. Then he brought me and my wife and children to Indiana, and set us free. He had made money fast, and he made a good use of it, — for he bought my wife and three children, and my wife’s brother, on purpose to set us free. My family cost him thirteen hundred dollars, and the brother, seven hundred and fifty dollars. He afterward went down the Mississippi with eight hundred dollars, and to sell some land and wind up. He was lost off the boat and drowned : some thousrht he was robbed and pushed overboard. I do n’t think any man can of right, hold property in another. I like the condition of freedom, — what I make is mine. I arrived here last April. 276 THE refugee; or a THOMAS IlEDGEBETH. I was born free, in Halifax Co. North Carolina, where I lived thirty-five years. About ten years ago, I re- moved to Indiana. My father was a farmer, half white, who ran through his farm. If a white man there brings a great account, the white man would carry it against the colored, — the law there does not favor colored peo- ple. I cannot read or write. A free-born man in North Carolina is as much oppressed, in one sense, as the slave : I was not allowed to go to school. I recollect when I was a boy, a colored man came from Ohio, and opened a school, but it was broken up. I was in the field ploughing with my father, — he said he wished we could go and learn. I think it an outrageous sin and shame, that a free colored man could not be taught. My ignorance has a very injurious effect on my pros- pects and success. I blame the State of North Caro- lina — the white people of that State — for it. I am now engaged in a troublesome lawsuit, about the title to my estate, which I would not have got into, had I known how to read and write. There were lots of slaves in the neighborhood where I was raised. After I grew up to take notice of things, I found I was o])pressed as well as they. I thought it a sin then, f«r one man to hold another. I never was allowed to visit among the slaves, — had I been caught visiting them, I should have been fined : if a slave had visited me, he would have been whipped. This pre- vented my having much intercourse with them, except when I was hired to work by the masters. The con- versation among the slaves was, that they worked hard, and got no benefit, — that the masters got it all. They NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 277 knew but little about the good of themselves, — they often grumbled about food and clothing, — that they had not enough. I never heard a colored man grum- bling about that here. They were generally religious, — they believed in a just God, and thought the owners wrong in punishing them in the way they were pun- ished. A good many were so ignorant that they did not know any better, than to suppose that they were made for slavery, and the white men for freedom. Some, however, would talk about freedom, and think they ought to be free. I have often been insulted, abused, and imposed upon, and had advantage taken of me by the whites in North Carolina, and could not help myself. When I was twenty-one, I went to vote, supposing it would be allowed. The ’Squire, who held the box ob- jected, and said no colored man was allowed to vote. I felt very badly about it, — I felt cheap, and I felt vexed : but I knew better than to make an answer, — I would have been knocked down certain. Unless I took off my hat, and made a bow to a white man, when I met him, he would rip out an oath, — d — n you, you mulatto, ain’t you got no politeness ? do n ’t you know enough to take off your hat to a white man ? ” On go- ing into a store, I was required to take off my hat. I have seen slaves with whom I worked, nearly starved out, and yet stripped and whipped ; blood cut out of them. It makes my flesh creep now to think of it — such gashes as I’ve seen cut in them. After a whip- ping, they would often leave and take to the woods for a month or two, and live by taking what they could find. I’ve often heard it said that’s the cause of col- ored people in the South being dishonest, because they are brought so as to be obliged to steal. But I do not 24 278 THE REFtJGEE; OR A consider it dishonest — I always thought it right for a slave to take and eat as much as he wanted wheie he labored. At some places where I have worked, I havejrnown that the slaves had not a bite of meat given them. They had a pint of corn meal unsifted, for a meal, — three pints a day. I have seen the white men measure it, and the cook bake it, and seen them eat it : that was all they liad but water — they might have as much of that as they wanted. This is no hearsay — I’ve seen it through the spring, and on until crop time: three pints of meal a day and the bran and nothing else. I heard them talk among themselves about having got a chicken or something, and being whipped for it. They were a bad looking set — some twenty of them — starved and without clothing enough for decency. It ought to have been a disgrace to their master, to see them about his house. If a man were to go through Canada so, they ’d stop him to know what he meant by it — whether it was poverty or if he was crazy, — and they ’d put a suit of clothes on him. I have seen them working out in the hot sun in July or August without hats — bareheaded. It was not from choice, — they could n’t get hats. I have seen families put on the block and sold, some one way, some another way. I remember a family about two miles from me, — a father and mother and three children. Their master died, and they were sold. The fatlier went one way, the mother another, with one child, and the other two children another way. I saw the sale — I was there — I went to buy hogs. The purchaser examined ihe persons of the slaves to see if they were sound, — if they were “ good niggers.” I was used to such things, but it made me feel bad to NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 279 see it. The oldest was about ten or eleven years. It was hard upon them to be separated — they made lamentations about it. I never heard a white man at a sale express a wish that a family might be sold to- gether. On removing to Indiana, the white people did not seem so hostile altogether, nor want the colored people to knuckle quite so low. There were more white peo- ple who were friendly than in North Carolina. I was not allowed my vote nor my oath. There were more who wished colored people to have their rights than in North Carolina, — I mean there were abolitionists in Indiana. I came here a year last spring, to escape the oppres- sion of the laws upon the colored men. After the fugi- tive slave bill was passed, a man came into Indianapo- lis, and claimed John Freeman, a free colored man, an industrious, respectable man, as his slave. He brought proofs enough. Freeman was kept in jail several weeks, — but at last it turned out that the slave sought, was not Freeman, but a colored man iji Canada, and F. was released. The danger of being taken as Freeman was, and suftbring from a different decision, worked on my mind. I came away into Canada in consequence, as did many others. There were colored people who could have testified to Freeman’s being free from his birth, but their oath would not be taken in In- diana. In regard to Canada, I like the country, the soil, as well as any country I ever saw. I like the laws, which leave a man as much freedom as a rn in can have, — still there is prejudice here. The colored people are trying to remove this by improving and educating themselves, and by industry, to show that they are a maBSStB 280 THE refugee; or a people who have minds, and that all they want is cul- tivating. I do not know how many colored people are here — but last summer five hundred and twenty-five were counted leaving the four churches. WILLIAM BROWN. [An old man, apparently eighty years of age, nearly bald : wliat little hair he had was grey. Ilis countenance wore a pleasant but subdued expression.] I am not eighty — only sixty-three — but I am work- ed down, and worn out with hard work. Work all the time in the South — in Fauquier county, Va. When I began work in the morning, I could usually see a little red in the east, and I worked till ten before eating : at two I would eat again, and then work, at some seasons, until ten at night. Then I would have a pint of meal and a roasted herring. Tired and hun- gry — tired and hungry, — the slaves are obliged to steal ; they arc so hungry, that they will steal whatever they can find to cat. I could generally find the tobacco worms by a hole through the leaf. But in the heat of the day, they get under a leaf and do not eat: and the hands passing along, breaking off suckers, don’t always see them; then the overseer follows along behind looking, and if he finds the worm, the man is called back to kill it, and he gets five or six blows from the hickory or cow-hide. In hoeing corn, the overseer will perhaps stand in the shade of a tree, where he can see the slaves; if they NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 281 slacken work, he calls out to hurry them up, but he do n’t like to leave the shade of the tree, it is so hot. But sometimes, if a man drops behind, the overseer comes up, gives him some lashes, and then goes back to his tree. The slaves work and the planter gets the benefit of it. It is wrong for him to have the money for their labor, and if a man goes to him for ten cents, to be re- fused. But they can’t prosper: Providence won’t let ’em. My master got all broke up at last, and started witli his slaves for Missouri. I have a wife and three children that belonged to another master. When my master was about moving, the man that owned my family came to him and said : “ William is old, and his family are here ; his work won’t amount to much now. I will give you two hundred and twenty dollars for him, and let him stay with his family.” But my mas- ter cared nothing for that. “ I can get that out of him in Missouri in three years,” says he. I had to leave my family behind. When we got to Cincinnati, he put all the slaves but me in a boat and kept them on the Kentucky side. I took care of his five horses on board. He came on board just at night, and said, “ Have you fed the horses?” “Yes, Mas’r.” “I want you to stay on board and look out for the horses, for I can put more dependence on you than on the others. Do n’t leave the boat, nor go up into the city to-night, for there are men here that catcli all the niggers they can, and take them to New Orleans : so be sure, do n’t go ashore.” I said, “ No, mas’r,” — but that no meant yes. In the evening, while he was on the other side, I looked for my bag of clothes which I had left on the top of every thing, — but I could n’t find it : that fellow had hid it. 24 * 282 THE refugee; or a I searched among the things, but I could n’t find it any- where. I went up into the city and passed a great many folks, but they took no notice of me. I wanted to find some abolitionists or quakers. At last, I saw two white men standing together, and spoke to them. They were friendly, and it was not long after that, I got into Canada. It is three years ago that I left my family, and I do n’t know whether they are dead or alive. I want to hear from them. MR. . [The name and former residence of the person who furnished the following testimony of his expeiience as a slave, and his present doings as a free man, are suppressed, on account of the circumstances con- nected with his escape. The writer has suppressed several interesting narratives and parts of naiTatives for similar reasons.] At sixteen years of age, I went in a chain-gang to Mississippi, where I was sold and taken to another State. There they calculated to work me down. Tak- ing my shirt off and whipping me, was a new thing to me — it was what was never done by them that raised me. Then ’twas cut on some two or three hundred. Once I received a very severe whipping — the colored people told me it was two hundred — with the paddle. I had no friends there. The colored people were as eager to catch me as the whites. I wanted to find some friend. I made my way back to the place where I was raised, and saw my old mistress who had raised me from an infant. Her second husband, while I was NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 283 stopping around there, secreted me, but was watching the advertisments, to let the reward run up high, so as to get a great sum. The mistress told me he was cal- culating to pocket the reward, and return me into the hands of my owners. She said there was a free country, called Canada : she gave me a few dollars, and told me to follow the north star. If it was too dark to see the north star, to feel of the trees, and on that side where the moss was longest, was my way. I followed her directions, and travelled through the woods, exposed to wet and cold and starvation. 0» my way I was caught and put in jail, where I was kept six weeks. They could find no master. I was hired out one month. They calculated to keep me twelve months, advertising me, in hopes my owner would appear. I was again hired out, on the second month, to a drunken dog, — but I had learned better sense than to follow the plans he was determined on. While his guard was at supper, I made my escape. I was pur- sued the next day, and saw my pursuers, but they did not see me : I made my escape by hiding in the brush. The first friend I met was a white man at last — an abolitionist. He kept me two weeks till I got recruited. I leased a piece of ground, and went to clearing up. It was heavily wooded. I have cleared four acres, and cut it into cord-wood ; have got it under good fence, — have raised one crop, and have a prospect of another. I was to have it three years more if I wished — if I leave it, I am to be paid for my improvements. I can understand about written agreements, but do not know how to write, and have suffered losses from this cause. Slavery is one of the greatest curses that ever was. There could not be one so despised in the sight of God. I believe that the place of punishment was made for 284 TTTE refugee; OR A those who separate husbands and wives, and traffic in their fellow men : killing babes — 1 have seen one with its brains dasl>ed out against a red oak tree. Tired of carrying it, its mother being in the gang, and troubled with it, as any man would be, they put it out of the way. ISAAC GRIFFIN. I am from Trimble county, Ky. I was a slave in Kentucky forty-six years. Then I had $500 for self, wife, and xjhild. I left eight children in bondage, who undertook to escape. The oldest got here ; the others were retaken, and sold in Texas. Two years ago, I saw one hundred men chained, be- sides women and children, going down south. I have often been down the Mississippi on flat-boats, — following the river every year for five or six years. Mornings I would hear something like a bell — it is a clock though, — then the hands have to rise; if they do n’t, the overseer is among them. Just before day, the first time I went down, as I was floating down the Grand Gulf, I heard the whip crack- ing, and a man crying, “ Oh Lord ! Oh Lord ! Oh Lord ! ” I was afraid somebody was murdering : I called my master, — he said, “ Somebody is whipping his slave.” We had to put in there. I saw the man: he was put over a log, his feet tied, and his hands tied, and a rail put between. They would whip him, and then rest upon it. They flogged him off and on until daylight. His back At one time I went down on a boat. There were NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 285 many slaves on board, and one yellow girl with a child. At Natchez, a man came on board who wanted to buy a yellow girl without children. Her master told her to say she had none. The man bought lier, and the trader gave her child, six weeks old, to a white woman. Slavery is the greatest curse on earth. Nothing ex- ceeds it for wickedness. A slave in the South suti'ers death many times before he does die. I felt, when free, as light as a feather — a burden was off of me. I could get up and go to my work without being bruised and beaten. The worst thought was for my children, — what they might have to go through. I cannot hear from. them. I have lived in Canada one year. I find the people laboring well generally: as industrious as any men. The law is the same for one as another. We have our meetings and gatherings here, and have no trouble at all. I am doing as well, for a poor man, as I can expect — I get a good living. WILLIAM STREET. I am from Middle Tennessee, where I worked as a blacksmith, another man taking my wages. Ail I got was my victuals and clothes, and not much at that. Twenty-five years I was a slave, — was bred and born a slave, and cannot read or write. My mother has several times told me that her father was sick, and his mistress drove him out of the house, and he leaned his breast over the fence and died. She often showed me the place where he died. I was hired 286 THE REFUGEE ; OR A out when very young — did not get the ‘lash. It was never “ Can you do it?’’ or Will you do it?” but “ You must go and do it.” Sometimes I would do a good day’s work, and then have another job put on me. I can’t paint it as bad as it is. I have seen a man at the iron-works — Perkins’s — who said he did not be- lieve that there was a bit of skin on him that he was born with, — they had whipped it all off. If a northern man were to go right into a slave State, he would not see the worst of slavery. By the time he was up in the morning, the slaves would be a mile off — he would see but little of the evil — he wouldn’t get to see it. My master died when I was seven ; my mistress when I was twenty-live. Then we were divided out: 1 fell to a son who lived in Mississippi. I had been living with a doctor two years, and I asked him to buy me. But my master would n’t sell — the doctor offered $1,100 for me. I was put in jail five days — I and my brother, who had fallen to the same man, were there. Our owner came in with irons and handcuffs, and put them on, and took us to the blacksmith to have them riveted. I left two men in the jail who had run away from Mississippi, and had lain there eleven months, — in one month to be sold. One of them was a great fel- low to pray : I ’d hear him praying every morning for the Lord to help him. He said he wished the doctor would buy me. The rivets were fixed : w’e went to Nashville, and were put on board a steamboat, I and my brother chained together. They were loading the boat, which t^kes two or three days. I heard some one tell a colored man to pump the boilers full, and they’d put out in the morning. I said to my brother, “ When you hear me say to-night, the dog^s dead^ then we ’ll put out.” NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 287 At 11 o’clock we laid down. I made believe that something ailed me, and kept going out. By and by, I said “ the deadP We crept into the wheelhouse, and down on the wheel, to the outside of the guard, and got on board a stone-coal boat. We walked eighteen miles that night, — but we were not away yet — yet had no thought about Canada. I had heard of it, but had no thought about getting to it. We laid down, meaning to stay till next night. Two men went out to hunt partridges, and at about one o’clock they came across us. “ What are you doing here, boys?” We had broken oil the chains, but the handcuffs were on each of us. “ I am going to Colum- bia — did n’t you see that wagon with the boiler on it?” They said, “ Come, go this way,” and one threatened with his gun. We up and ran. The slaveholders both followed us. We ran across a field about half a mile : when we got across there was a mill and a creek. We ran through the creek : there was a big hill. I wei^t one side, and my brother the other : they followed after me. I stopped and hailed, “ What do you vrant ? ” Tliey thought I was coming in to give up, — but I passed them and went into the creek, where I fell down, and got wet all over. I crossed at the mill ; they after me : there was a horse tied there, and there were several men about the mill ; one a colored man, who had the horse. “ Can I take your horse ? ” “ No.” I took him any how. I cut the bridle, jumped on, and started. Then a white man put his gun over a tree and shot me — some eight or ten small shot went in — they are most of them in me now. The horse then put out with me — then I was shut of them. They had no horse — he put out like lightning — 1 did not know where I was going, — I rode two miles, got oil’, hitched the horse, 288 T THE refugee; or a and went away and left him. Thinks I, they ’ve gone from the mill now — Pll go back and get my clothes now, — I had left them in my hurry. As I went back to the mill, I saw them and took them, and then I saw the men coming back from pursuing my brother. I heard them say, “ Yonder he is ! yonder he is ! ” I ran to an open field where there was a little grass, and laid down. They did not see — they hunted about and gave it up : then I went to an old house that had hay in it, and put my clothes in there. I then walked right before the door of a house where were slaves at work — no- body spoke a word to me. After I got through them, I saw an old colored man with a wagon. He told me, ‘‘You go this way, and when they come Pll tell ’em you ’ve gone that way.” I did as he advised me, and got into a tree that had been burned out, and stayed in it till night : then I went and got my clothes, and started for the old place where I was raised. I went on to where my oldest brother lived in Ten- nessee, and told him the circumstances. I was then told to go into the barn-loft, and stay there, — I did — stayed three days hid in the wheat : then I went in the woods, and stayed eight months without ever going into a house, — from Christmas until the last of August. Then my owner came from Mississippi, with a man named T , who brought three bloodhounds along with hhu. A white man who saw me the day before, told them where they had seen me. They went to that place, and put the bloodhounds on my track. I had never seen a bloodhound, but I heard them, and I spoke to myself; says I, “ I’m gone.” I had a pistol, a big stick, and a big knife. Then I ran out of the corn field into a little skirt of woods, and the bloodhounds got over the fence when I did. I wheeled and shot one of NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 289 them through and through. He never got away from the place at all. I got back to the corn field, the others both with me in the field ; one hold of my wrist, the other of my leg. I have the marks — here they are on my wi-ist. I struck at tlie dog with my knife a number of times — but he dodged every time. Then my mas- ter came up with a pistol, and said if I did’nt stand, he VI put a ball through me. T came up and struck me with a hickory stick five or six blows, on the back of my neck. I cried, ‘‘ Oh Lord! Oh Lord !” then T made the dogs let go. He then took out his handcuffs and chains, and put them on, and took me to a blacksmith’s, to have them riveted, putting in another chain between the cuffs, to make ’em strong, so I could n’t get away anyhow. They concluded 1 must know where my youngest brother was, but I did not and could not tell them any thing about it. They did n’t believe that. I was stand- ing up ; a great many gathered round to see me : I was chewing tobacco. T said, “ G — d — you, quit chewing tobacco, and tell us where your brother is, for I know you know.” Some fellow asked my master what he was going to do with me, — he said he was going to give me up to T , because I had killed the bloodhound, — T would n’t have taken five hundred dollars for him ; said “ he was worth more than him, d — n him.” He was the fastest one they had ; before they brought them from Mississippi, they had caught a man and torn out his entrails, — T told me so him- self. They kept me going round from that day, Tues- day, to Friday, trying to find my brother, — chaining me to the bedstead at night. Thursday morning they thought they had heard of him; went eighteen miles to Shclbyville. A great many went with them for the 25 290 NOETII'SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. fun of the thing. This was in the beginning of Sep* tcmbcr, 1851. I was now at the old place where I was bred, and was left with master’s brother-in-law, in his care. At three o’clock, the brother had some sheep to shear : he took me into the stable, put on shackles, and took off my handcuffs, so I could shear. After dinner, said I, ‘‘ Mr. E , won’t you give me some grease, if you please, to grease my boots ? ” “ Oh, yes.” I went into the kitchen where my mother had lived, close by, and thought over all things that had passed before. Pretty soon he told me to fill a kettle with water. The kettle was some fifty yards from the house ; there were some six men on the piazza, who could watch me. I filled the kettle. “ Did you see my boys ? ” says he. 1 told him, “ Yes — behind the barn.” The barn was further off than the kettle. “ Shall I go and tell them to make a fire about the kettle ? ” Says he, “ \ es.” They wanted to kill a shoat against the folks got home with my brother. I stepj)ed to the barn to tell them ; I looked round, — no one was looking. I told them. They all started for wood, etc. 1 looked up to the sun, and said to myself, “it’s three o’clock.” I threw my boots over a stump, and drew them so I could run, I kept my boots, and ran off to Canada It is above my language to tell how overjoyed I was on getting into Canada. Nothing harasses a man so much as slavery. There is nothing undt^T the sun so mean : after a man is dead, they won’t let him rest. It is a horrible thing to think of, the ignorance slaves are brought up in. There is not a man born, who can rep- resent slavery so bad as it is. I work here at blacksmithing : I own this shop. I have plenty of work, and good pay. ■V BUXTON. The Elgin Settlement, or, as it is more commonly called. King’s Settlement, is in Buxton, in the town- ship of Raleigh, county of Kent. The colored popula- tion of Buxton numbers eight hundred. Nearly all the adults have, at some time, been slaves, but many resided in the free States before entering Canada. King’s Settlement comprises nine thousand acres of land, — a tract some six miles in length, by three in breadth, — and is situated between the Great Western Railway and Lake Erie : its boundary being about, a mile and one fourth from the lake shore. A company has been chartered by the Provincial Legislature, for the jnirpose of constructing a railroad to connect Ni- agara with Arnherstburg. This road is to pass through the southern portion of the settlement, and will afibrd a ready market for all the firewood, of which there is abundance on the lands. The settlement at Buxton, was first projected by the Rev. Wrn. King in 1849. Mr. King was formerly a slaveholder in Louisiana ; but not being “ to the man- ner born,” he manumitted his own slaves, about four- teen in number, (for whom he had been oflered nine thousand dollars,) and brought them with him to Can- ada, where he settled them on farms or on lands recently purchased of the government. From long acquaint- ance with the colored people in the South, and from ( 291 ) 292 THE refugee; or a their previous history, Mr. King was satisfied, that, when placed in favorable circumstances, they could support themselves as well as the emigrants from Eu- rope, and would be capable of making the same prog- ress in education. The colored people and their friends owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. King, for having suc- cessfully conducted the experiment at Buxton. Ill furtherance of Mr. King’s views, an association was “ formed in Upper Canada by divers persons resi- dent therein, under the name of the Elgin Associa- tion, for the settlement and moral improvement of the colored population of Canada, for the purpose of pur- chasing Crown or Clergy Reserve Lands, in the town- ship of Raleigh, and settling the same with colored families resident in Canada, of approved moral charac- ter.” The association under the above style and de- scription was incorporated on the 10th of August, 1850. The land is divided into farms of fifty acres each, and so situated that a road runs past each man’s farm. The houses arc set thirty-three feet from this road, facing streets, so that the whole settlement, when clear- ed up and opened, will present a uniform appearance. The land is sold to the settlers at ^2.50 per acre, the government price, and is paid in ten equal annual in- stalments, with interest at the rate of 6 per cent. But although ten years were allowed to the settlers to pay for their farms, a number have taken out their deeds already ; and there is no doubt that before the ten years shall have expired, each settler will have his deed in possession : for which he will be indebted to his own exertions — since the settlers receive no money, no grants of land, no farming implements, — nothing but protection and advice. Wliatever they have is pur- chased by themselves, and as far as the supply of their NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 293 physical wants is concerned, they are self-support- ing. The houses in the settlement are built of logs, after a model prescribed by the Improvement Committee. The model was 18 feet by 24, and 12 feet in height, with a gallery running the whole length of the front. While no house was allowed to go up inferior to the model, the settlers were allowed to build as much bet- ter as they pleased. The first actual settler entered in December, 1849. The third annual report of the directors, September, 1852, says, “ The number of families of colored persons settled on the lands of the association up to August 1, 1852, is 75 — and the number of inhabitants 400. By these settlers not fewer than 50 houses have been erected. Besides the regular occupants, about 25 fami- lies of colored people, attracted by the advantages of the settlement, have purchased lands in its immediate proximity. Including these 100 colored families, about 500 individuals are now comfortably settled on their own property in that district. The number of acres cleared on the Elgin grounds to August 1, is 350; and 204 of those have been under crop this season. The land is best adapted for the culture of wheat; but it also produces corn, tobacco, and hemp, equal to any that is grown in the Western States. With regard to the moral state of the people, sobriety is so general that no case of drunkenness has occurred ; and as a guar- anty for peace among the settlers, a court of arbitration has been set up, before which five cases only have been brought, which were decided easily and amicably, and without expense to either party. The day school has 73 on the roll ; the attendance is good, and the number increasing. About 20 of the present number are the 25* 294 THE REFUGEE ; OR A children of white parents. The Sabbath school has 53 attending it. Tlie churcli, which is supplied by Rev. Mr. King, the indefatigable and able missionary to the Elgin settlement, is attended by from 100 to 140 persons; and the desire for the administration of the word and ordinances seems to be on the increase. A Latin class was opened last November, which is at- tended by 6 colored youths ; and it is hoped that some of them may be found qualified for teaching their breth- ren, or for filling the office of the Christian ministry.” Mr. King is chiefly paid by the Home Mission Com- mittee of the Presbyterian (Free) Church of Canada, which has always borne testimony against the evils of slavery. The fourth annual report of the directors, made in September, 1853, states: “ Up to this time, 130 families have settled on the lands of the association, and im- proved farms in the neighborhood : these families con- tain 520 persons in all. 500 acres are cleared and un- der fence ; 135 cut down and partially cleared. Of the cleared land, 236 acres are in corn ; 60 acres in wheat ; 29 in oats, and 90 in other crops : making in all 415 acres under cultivation. The number of cattle in the settlement is 128. There arc 15 horses, 30 sheep, and 250 hogs. The temperance principle is strictly acted on through the whole settlement, — no intoxicating drinks being either manufactured or sold. The Sab- bath is generally observed; and most of the settlers attend some place of worship. The number of chil- dren at the day school is 112; at the Sabbath school, 80. They were all improving, both in secular and scriptural knowledge : a number of the more advanced pupils were studying Latin, with a view to future use- fulness.” NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 295 The fifth annual report, September, 1854, shows that the settlement was making good progress. It informs us, that “several houses have been built during the past year far above the model, and one person has con- tracted for a brick cottage, the first on the lands of the Association ; [this has since been completed ;] others, both of brick and frame, will be erected in a few years. The clay on the land is found to make excellent brick : 250,000 have been made during the last year, and the same number will be furnished during the next year. About 150 families are on the association lands and farms in the neighborhood ; 77 houses have been built after the model, most of them inclosed with a picket fence and whitewashed : 8 are above the model. The rest are making arrangements to have their houses put up during the ensuing year. The number of acres cleared and under fence is 726 ; the number chopped down and ready for clearing is 174. Of the cleared land, 334 are in corn, 95 in wheat, 48 in oats, and 100 in other crops, making in all 577 acres under crop. This shows an increase over last year of cleared land, 226 acres ; and of crops, 162. The number of cows and oxen is 150; of horses, 38; of sheep, 25; and of hogs, 700. The health of the settlement continues good ; peace and harmony reign among the people. The Sabbath is strictly kept as a day of rest. Tem- perance prevails ; nothing that intoxicates is made or sold in the settlement. The schools and church are well attended ; 147 are on the roll in the day school ; 120 in the Sabbath school. Progress has been made in secular and scriptural knowledge. The population has increased so fast during the last year, that, one school failing to accommodate all, the residents in the north- ern part of the settlement, anxious that their children 296 THE refugee; or a should receive education, have erected a neat school- house at their own expense, with a view of getting a teacher for it, at least six months in the year.” The value of the oak timber on the lands of the As- sociation has been estimated by good judges at $57,000; of the maple, hickory, etc., at $70,000. Lumber, how- ever, has hitherto been of little avail to the settlers, for want of a saw-mill and a market. A steam saw-mill was, however, completed, and ready for operation on the 4th of July, 1855 : and a plank road is contemplat- ed, which, extending eight miles from the Great West- ern Railway to the Lake, will give the settlers two markets — one on the Lake, and another on the Rail- road. The annual report for 1855, states that “ the colored population have manifested a more fixed determination to raise from the soil what will support themselves and their families, without going abroad to work, a part of the year, for money to purchase the necessaries and comforts of life Nearly all the settlers have made a steady advance in clearing and cropping : the quantity of land clear and under fence is 827 acres, besides 216 acres that have been chopped down, and will be ready to put in fall and spring crops. Of the land cleared, 180 acres have been sown with wheat ; 340 with corn ; 50 with potatoes ; 40 with oats ; and 200 with hay, buckwheat, and turnips. Besides these crops, there is a considerable quantity of tobacco, — the leaf of which is said by com- petent judges to be equal in quality to any raised in Vir- ginia and Kentucky During the past year, but little has been done in raising stock. It has been found that sheep and horses cannot be raised with much profit, till there is more open land, and more hay to support them during the winter. The number of cows in the NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 297 settlement is 140 ; of oxen, 50 ; of horses, 40 ; of sheep, 88 ; and of hogs, 600 The improvement in the buildings has not made the same progress this year as last. Several buildings after the model, have gone up, and some above the model, but none of them have been finished for want of lumber. That difficulty will now be obviated. A good saw and grist-mill has been erected. The saw now supplies abundance of lumber for the settlement : so that, during the next year, there is a prospect of having more houses finished than dur- ing any one year since the settlement commenced One hundred and fifty children have been going to school during the last year; and some of them have made cojisiderable progress in the higher branches of education The health and morality of the set- tlement continue good.” The settlers at Buxton are characterized by a manly, ind(^pendent air and manner. Most of them came into the province stripped of every thing but life. They have purchased homes for themselves, paid the price demanded by government, erected their own buildings, and supported their own families by their own indus- try ; receiving no aid whatever from any benevolent society, but carefully excluding donations of any kind from coming into the settlement. Mr. King having full faith in the natural powers, ca- pacity, and capabilities of the African race, is practically working out his belief, by jdacing the refugees in cir- cumstances where they may learn self-reliance, and maintain a perfect independence of aid : trusting, under God, on their own right arm. A few testimonials from residents of Buxton are appended. Those of Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Riley arc the most favorable to the “ peculiar ” institution, of any 298 TUE refugee; or a that the writer listened to in Canada — and yet they tell against slavery with tremendous force. Compara- tively well treated as was Mrs. R., she was yet urged by a young white man to make her escape from “ dark- ness,” and from evils which impended over her. ISAAC RILEY. In Perry county, Missouri, where I was raised, I never saw an overseer, nor a negro-trader, nor driver, nor any abuse, such as is practised in other places. Pve never seen any separations of families. I always from a small boy meant to be free at some day. After I had a son, it grieved me to see some small boys in the neighbor- hood, who were hired out to work twenty miles from home. I looked at my boy, and thought if he remained, he would have to leave us in the same way, and grow up in ignorance. It appeared to me cruel to keep him ignorant. I escaped with my wife and child to Canada. Among the French near Windsor, I got small wages — 2s. or Is. 6d. a day, York : and morning and night up to my knees in water, — still 1 preferred this to abun- dance in slavery. I crossed over and got work and bet- ter pay in Michigan. They would have liked to have me remain, and offered to build a house for me. But I did not feel free in Michigan, and did not remain. I went to St. Catharines, and got fifty cents a day. By and by, I heard of Mr. King’s settlement, — I came here, and have got along well. My children can get good learning here. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 299 MRS. ISAAC RILEY. I was born in Maryland, and raised in Perry County, Mo. Where I was raised, the treatment was kind. I used to hear of separations of families, but never saw any. I never saw the lash used, nor the puddle, nor ever heard of the abuse of slaves until I came into Can- ada. I see many here, who have suffered from hard treatment, and who have seen it practised on others, — but I never saw an overseer, nor a negro-trader in my life ; if I did, I did n’t know it. I never knew any thing about places they call “the quarters,” in my life. I could not go when I pleased, nor come when I pleased, but was sometimes allowed to go out without a pass ten or twelve miles from home. I was never stopped on my way by patrols — never heard about such things where I was raised. I was never sent to school, — but my master, who had owned my mother, and raised me from the cradle, was very kind, and taught me to read and spell some, — but not to write. I used often to think that I would like to be as free as the white people were. I often told them, when they made me angry, that they had no more business with me, than I had with them. My master was very particular about my having clothing and food enough. When I first came to Can- ada, the colored people seemed cold and indifferent to each other; and so it was with the white people and the colored. It seemed as if the white people did not want to speak to us. I took this very much to heart, for where I grew up, the white people talk freely to their neighbors’ colored people. I felt so about it, that if THE refugee; or a they had come for me, I would have gone back wil- lingly. In Missouri, when my first child was young, up to seventeen months old, when I left, I had no care of it, except to nurse it, — the white people took all the care of it. P'or two years before I left, my husband talked of coming to Canada. I felt no desire for leaving. But [a young man, a relative of my master] often per- suaded me to leave for Canada, — and he talked with a great deal of reason.' He said he would not, if he were I, bring my boy up to be a slave : “ you do n’t know,” he would say, “ how long [the old gentleman] may live, — and when he dies, you may come under altogether dill’erent treatment.” At last, when there was a camp-meeting, I told my husband we had better leave, as it might be so by and by, that we could not leave at all. We left, and made a long camp-meeting of it. We crossed over at Windsor, and had rather hard times about Potico, among the French, — there ’s where Ihe people seemed so distant. I thought if Can- ada was all like that place, it was a hard place. We stayed there a few months, and went to St. Catherines, where we did better. After a while, we heard that Mr. King was buying a place to settle the colored people. We came up here before it was surveyed, and Mr. Riley helped the surveyors. He took one hundred acres of land, and we are well contented. If I do not live to see it, perhaps my children will, that this will one day be a great place. My two oldest children go to school. The oldest is well along, and studies Latin and Greek. The other NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 301 three are not old enough to go to school. We have good schools here, — music and needlework are taught. I think my present condition here far preferable to what it would have been in slavery. There we were in darkness, — here we are in light. My children also would have grown up, had I remained there, in igno- rance and darkness. HARRY THOMAS. I was born in Brunswick, partly raised in Southamp- ton, ten miles below Bethlehem, Virginia. Was then bought by a “ nigger-trader,” J B , and was sold to J S , in South Carolina. The treat- ment there was barbarous. At sixteen years old, they gave me a task, splitting rails, which I did* in the time, then went to take my rest. His wife was harder than he was, — she told me to make lights in the road, set- ting fire to rubbish, it being a new place. I got through at ten o^clock : boss came home, I went in again. She ordered me to put on water to scour the floors, etc. I would n’t, — I went over to her father’s “ nigger-house ” all night. Next morning, the master came for me, took me home, stripped me stark naked, made a paddle of thick oak board, lashed me across a pine log, secured my hands and feet, and whipped me with the paddle. His little boy saw it and cried, — he cursed him away, — his wife came, — he cursed her away. He whipped till he broke the paddle. After that, he took me to the house, and hit me with a hickory stick over the head and shoulders, a dozen times or more : then he got salt and water, and a corn cob, and scrubbed me. Then 26 302 r*: i' i: the refugee; or A he sent me to water the hogs, naked as I was, in Janu- ary. I ran into the woods, and went back to the sarne house, and the colored people gave me some old rags to keep me from freezing. , , , ^ I recovered from that beating, and at length ran away again, because he refused to let me go to see my friends. I was caught by a colored man, who took me to my master’s step-father’s, - he whipped me till lie was satisfied, then master came, and whipped me with a leather strap. I ran right off again ; was caught and put in a potato house. After that I was put in the field to knock along the best way I could, but I was not able to work. .... - 4 .u My master removed to Mississippi, taking me with him, the year before Gen. Jackson commenced fighting . the Creek Indians. This big scar on my left cheek, I got in a runaway scrape. A man who got up with me, jobbed me with the muzzle of a gun, which knocked me back into the mud: then he tied me. That time, I received three hundred lashes ; one of the slaves who helped tic me, fainted at seeing me so abused. I have a cut with a knife made by J S after I had worked for him all day, because he could not flog me, as he liked. I staid awhile, then ran away again, — then a man caught me, and another came witli him home, who wished to buy me. 1 was a smart-looking boy be oflered one thousand dollars for me : master would n't sell. For running away, I received a hundred lashes on the bare back. I was then sold to his cousin, J , in Mississippi. I lived %vith him ten years ; I suppose I must have been about thirty-two. At first, Y.’s treatment was fair. I was foreman. He got rich, and grew mean, and I left him. I was caught and ( 1 / NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 303 taken back again, kic took me to the blacksmith’s shop and had a ring made of axe-bar iron, which I wore on my right leg from the middle of May to the middle of September. I worked with it on, and slept with it on, all that time. . . After he got it off, I worked awhile, — again I went off, went into Alabama, was out from October to March, — then was put in jail, where I lay three months, as they could not hear from my owner, who had moved off to the Choctaw purchase. My boss came and took me out of jail, chained me to his liorse with plough traces, and was taking me on his way, when Gen. S > of Georgia bought me. He put me in his kitchen to cook for him. But I was not satisfied with him, although he used me well. Tlie fact is, I wanted to be free. I ran away and left him, — he had me * caught, and sold me to S N , who took me to New Orleans. Nobody there liked my countenance at all — no one would give a cent for me. N took me to Natchez and sold me, after a week, to a young man named G S , who had a cotton planta- tion a few miles above Natcliez. He treated me well at first. He would not allow any to leave the place to sec their friends without a pass from him or the over- seer. I went out to see my friends, and was flogged with a bull whip on the bare back — a whip heavier and larger than a horse-whip, with a buck-skin cracker on the lash. I ran away again — they caught me and put plough traces around my body, and put me to work hoeing cotton and corn. Not long after, they put on an iron collar. I made an errand — went to the woods — and the overseer sent all liands to hunt for me. They found me, and brought me back to the driver. The old driver gave me two blows with the 304 the kefhgee; or a bull whip; the young driver stopped him. Tiie over- seer came up and knocked me down with his fist by a blow on the head. I fainted, was taken to a tree, and when I came to, the overseer was bleeding me. W ord came to the overseer, from ray master’s grandmother, the same day, that my master was gone away, and unless he took off my chains, I would die before his re- turn. The overseer took them all off. At night, I dressed up and started off, steering by the north star. I walked seven hundred and fifty miles nights, — then, in Kentucky, I was betrayed by a col- lored man, and lay in jail fifteen months. I would n’t tell them where I belonged. Then, under terror of the whip, I told them all about it. A Dr. J N had bought the chance of me, — he took me to Nash- ville, where I waited on him, his partner, and took care of his horses about four years. I started to run away from him on his partner’s horse — I had one hundred and fifty dollars with me. He overtook me and took away my money. Then he put me in jail and sold me to an old broken down trader. I left him, proceeded north, was caught in Indiana, and taken to Evansville jail. They would not receive me there, and I was ta- ken to Henderson, on the Kentucky side, and put in jaU there. My owner put on handcuffs and locked me into the wagon besides with plough chains. I trav- elled three days thus in succession — he chaining me at night to his bedstead. On the third night, I was eating in the tavern kitchen where we stopped ; I con- cluded to try for the North once more. I went out and hammered off my chains — found some assistance to get off my cuffs, and came on my way, travelling alto- gether nights by the north star, and lying by in the day. In Ohio, I found the best kind of friends, and soon NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 305 reached Canada. When I first came, I joined the sol- diers just after the rebellion : then practised up and down the province as a physician, from the knowledge I had obtained from a colored man in Mississippi, who knew roots and herbs, — but there were many kinds I wanted which I could not find here. I am now hiring a piece of land in Buxton. My cal- culation is, if I live, to own a farm if I can. My health is good, and the climate agrees with me — and it does with colored men generally. Slavery is barbarous. In my view, slaveholders, judged by the way they treat colored people, are the worst persons on earth. R. VAN BRANKEN. I was born and brought up in New York State. I have suffered in the States somewhat on account of my color : in travelling, not being allowed the same privileges as others, when they took my money : not having cabin fare like others, when I paid cabin pas sage. If my work was that of an hostler or cook, or any thing of that sort, I did not think that my place was the parlor ; but when clean and well dressed, in occupations not offensive, then I think I am as good as anybody, and deserve as good treatment. I have four acres and a half of land here, and a fifty- acre wood-lot on the fourteenth concession, and can make a good living here. Among some people here, there is as much prejudice as in the States, but they cannot carry it out as they do in the States ; the law makes the difference. 26 ♦ 306 THE refugee; or a I am acquainted with many of the colored families here, and they are doing well. We have good schools here. The separate schools and churches work badly for the colored people in the States and in Canada. In Roch- ester, N. Y., it injured them very mucli, although the separate school was petitioned for by a portion of the colored people themselves. In Cleveland, Ohio, they have separate churches, but no separate school. In Chatham, the separate school was by request of them- selves. I never was in favor of such a thing. HENRY JOHNSON. I have lived in Canada four years — in Buxton one year. I came originally from Pennsylvania. The situation and circumstances of the colored peo- ple in Canada are better than in the United States. I have a large family — ten persons — and know. I have bought, paid for, and have a deed of one hundred acres of land. The people here are very prosperous — they came into the woods without means, depending on their own hands ; they never begged a meal here, — nor have any goods nor old clothing been distributed. If any were sent, I should want it sent back. In other places, where money and clothes have been given, the tendency is to make men lazy, — that I know, for I saw the bad effects in Amherstburg. I wouldn’t receive any of their help : I did n’t want it : I felt ’t would do more injury than good. We look upon the steam saw and grist-mill, just fin- ished, as of great benefit to us here. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 307 I left the States for Canada, for rights, freedom, lib- erty. I came to Buxton to educate my children. I lived twenty-three years in Massillon, Ohio, and was doing well at draying and carting — wanted for noth- ing — had money when I wanted it, and provisions plenty. But my children were thrust out of the schools, as were all the colored children — one must know how I would feel about it. My daughter was doing well — advancing rapidly. She began to climb up into the higher classes, among the ladies, and the noblemen of the town thought it would n’t do. The teacher liked her, but she was thrust out. The teacher called about it, but I could not send her there again : had they al- tered the law, I would have been too spunky to send her again. We were careful to keep her cleanly, and to dress her nicely and well. Her mother took a great deal of pains with her, because she was going to a ladies’ school. I went to see the trustees : they told me the vote was passed — nothing was the matter only she was black. The white children of her class wished her to remain, and voted in the school against the law, — the teacher told me so — but I said I could not send her on account of the law. DRESDEN; DAWN. Dresden is situated at the head of navigation on the Big Bear Creek, just above the bend in the river which indents the lands of the Dawn Institute, It is in the gore of Camden, being part of the township of Cam- den. The village contains about 100 whites and 70 blacks. There is not land enough cleared and under cultivation to supply the wants of the inhabitants . their principal business is in lumber, especially staves. One individual had, in the spring of the present year, 125,000 ready for shipment, worth, as I was informed, from $55 to §60 per M. ; and as many more had been manufactured by others. About one fifth of the labor on these was performed by colored men. Many of the colored settlers were attracted to Dresden and Dawn by the proffered advantages of education, on the indus- trial plan, in the Dawn Institute. Their children at present attend a school situated on the Institute Farm, but not under the supervision of its managing agent ; it is in the hands of trustees, connected with the com- mon school system. Twenty-four children were assem- bled about the house, a little before the hour for opening school. The white and colored do not attend the same school. The colored people in the neighborhood of Dresden ( 308 ) NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 309 and Dawn are generally very prosperous fanners — of good morals, and mostly Methodists or Baptists. But here, as among all people, are a few persons of doubtful character, who have not been trained “ to look out for a rainy day,’’ — and when these get a little beforehand, they are' too apt to rest on their oars. Some of the settlers are mechanics, — shoemakers, blacksmiths, etc. About one third of the adult settlers are in possession of land, which is, either in whole or in part, paid for. BRITISH AMERIC.VN INSTITUTE. In the early history of its settlement, this was known as the Dawn Institute. In 1840, £350 was raised in England, mostly among Quakers, for the purpose of establishing an Industrial or Manual Labor School for the benefit of refugees and their children. Three hundred acres of land were purchased and deeded to trustees, solely to subserve educational purposes. The Dawn Institute Farm, lies partly in the gore of Camden, and partly in the township of Dawn. It is beautifully situated on a bend of the river Sydenham, (the Big Bear Creek of the maps). At one extremity of the curve, where the river “ comes cranking in,” with “deep indent,” is a windowless, uninhabited, two story frame building, against which props are placed to keep it from falling. This house was injured by fire soon after its erection, and has never been repaired. At the opposite extremity of the bend, and nearly half a mile distant, is situated a dilapidated steam saw-mill, which has not fired up for about two years : huge logs, brought ll to the mill long ago, lie rotting on the ground. The ruined dwelling-house on the one hand, and the old, unused saw-mill on the other, and the unbroken stillness of a spot so well fitted for the home of busy men, give an unfovorable and melancholy impression to the-mind, which the sight of the growing grain on the farm, and of the deep and beautiful river, winding from view among lofty woods, can scarcely dispel. An unfreighted canoe, paddled down the stream by a colored man, and a larger boat which a youngster was pushing to the shore, assisted by two lads tugging at a line, was the only navigation observable. I was hospitably and kindly received by John Scoble, Esq., resident superintendent, who expatiated with pleas- ing enthusiasm on the natural advantages of the place, and accompanied me in a walk along the bank of the river, to point out the site where the chm-ch is to be erected, on either side of which is to be a school-house, one for boys, the otlier for girls. The cultivated clearing, across the stream, he pointed out as the spot where the college is to be erected. In a beautiful piece of woods, a little above the ruined dwelling-house, and extending from the Dresden road to the river, trees have been felled, to open an avenue to the shore : and when the obstructions shall have been removed, and the road gravelled, this avenue will add much to the beauty of the place. The ground opposite the avenue on the right of the Dresden road, rises gently in a wooded knoll, — the trees are to be “thinned out,” leaving a magnificent grove, and, on the summit of the elevation, a cottage is to be ercct(,‘d, from which the superintend- ent will be able to survey all parts of the farm. The Rev. Hiram Wilson oriirinallv conceived the plan NORTn-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 311 rcctcd.and managed the school for nearly seven years from its commencement in the wilderness. At that time there were no more than fifty colored persons in all, in the vicinity of the tract purchased. Mr. Wilson began the school with fourteen boarding scholars, re- ceived the refugees as they arrived, and did what he could for their encouragement. About seven years ago, Mr. W. left the Institute : it was then a little embar- rassed, but was considered to be in good condition for accomplishing the main design. The saw-mill was in process of erection, about the time Mr. Wilson re- signed. The original purchase was two hundred acres, to which one hundred were subsequently added. Nearly half the tract has been cleared, and is well cultivated. Three or four colored families support themselves on the Institute Farm. Mr. Josiah Henson resides here, but as he was absent at the time of my visit to Dawn, I had not the pleasure of an interview. The First Annual Report to the Anti- Slavery Soci- ety of Canada, presented iMarch 24, 1852, says of the Fiducational Institute, “ About sixty pupils are attend- ing the school. The Institution is soon to be placed under the management of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, a change likely to prove favorable to its future success.” The property of the Institute has since been conveyed through John Scoble, Es(j., by lease and release.” The whole number of colored persons in Dawn and Dresden, who are within reach of the place where the church and scliool-houses are to be built, docs not ex- ceed five hundred. There is not a single colored person coming into Dawn or Dresden, who if he have health arid indus- 312 THE refugee; or a trious habits cannot support himself within one» week of his arrival. Refugees need no pecuniary or other aid, except on first arriving, or in sickness, or with young children. Mr. Scoble is ready to assist in any enterprise which would be of advantage to the Institute. Sydenham River is deep and bold ; from its banks commerce may be carried on with St. Clair and the adjacent lakes, — nay, with the Atlantic itself. What is wanted is, the hearty cooperation of wealthy, energetic, and enterpris- ing men. WILLIAM HENRY BRADLEY. This is my name since I left slavery: in slavery I was known as Abram Young. I left Maryland with my wife and two children in 1851. While body-servant, 1 was well used — while a farm-hand, had more hardship. In Baltimore, I was acquainted with Mr. M L. N . I look at slavery as the most horrid thing on earth. It is awful to think of the poor slaves panting for a place of refuge, and so few able to find it. There is not a day or night that I do n’t think about them, and wish that slavery might be abolished, and every man have his God-given rights. I have prospered well in freedom. I thank the Lord for my success here. I own fifty acres of land, bought and paid for by my own energy and exertions, and I have the deed in my house. If there were a law to abolish the use of liquor as a beverage, it would be a good thing for Canada. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 313 I own two .span of Iiorses, twelve head of hogs, six sheep, two mileh cows, and am putting up a farm barn. There is a great deal of prejudice here. Statements have been made that colored ptmple wished for separate schools ; some did ask for them, and so these have been established, although many colored people have prayed against them as an infringement of their rights. Still, we have more freedom here than in the United States, as far as the government law guarantees. In conse- quence of the ignorance of the colored men, who come here unleariied out of slavery, the white people have an overpowering chance. There are many res|>ectable colored people moving in, but I have not much hope of a better state of things. Public sentiment will move mountains of Jaws. Steam-engines do n’t work harder than a man’s heart and veins, when he starts from his master, and fears being overtaken. I do n’t understand how an honest man can partake of any principle to carry him back. If a man could make slaves of mud or block, and have them work for him, it would be wrong, — all men came of the hand of the Almighty ; every man ought to have life, and his own method of pursuing happi- ness. Mr. Scoble is doing all he can for the benefit of the colored people. His plans are all for their good, but they don’t seem to see it, and so don’t help along as they might. 27 314 THE refugee; or a AVILLIAM A. HALL. I was born seven miles from Nashville, Tenn., Da- vidson county. I lived one year in Mississippi. I saw there a great deal of cotton-growing and persecution of slaves by men who had used them well in Tennessee. No man would have thought there could have been such a difference in treatment, when the masters got where they could make money. They drove the hands severely. My mother and brothers and sisters, when they changed their country, changed their position from good to bad. They were in Mississippi the last I heard of them, and I suppose they are there yet. It makes me miserable to consider that they are there : for their condition has been kept fresh in my memory, by seeing so much suffering and enduring so much. I went from Mississippi to Bedford county, Tenn. My master died here, and I was in hopes to go to see my mother. The doctor who attended my master had me sold at auc- tion, and bought me liimsclf, and promised he would never sell me to anybody ; but in six months he tried to sell me. Not making out, he sent me to his father’s farm in Tennessee, where I was treated tolerably well. I remained there one year, then he took me horse- driving to Louisiana and back. I saw some of the drcadfulest treatment on the sugar farms in the sugar-making season. The mill did not stop only to gear horses. People would come to my master and beg money to buy a loaf of bread. I saw them chained. I saw twelve men chained together, working on the levees. I saw three hundred tiiat spec- ulators had, dressing them up for sale. The overseers NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 315 WTre about t!ic mills, carrying their long whips all the time and using them occasionally. Wlien they want- ed to whip severely, they put the head and hands in stocks in a stooping posture. Ihe last two years I was in Tennessee, I saw nine persons at diflerent times, made fast to four stakes, and whipped with a leather strap from their neck to their heels and on the bottoms of their feet, raising blisters : then the blisters broken with a platted wdiip, the over- seer standing off and fetching hard blows. I have seen a man faint under this treatmetit. I saw one about eighteen years old, as smart as you would see on the foot, used in this way: seven weeks after he fainted in consequence; his nerves were so shattered that he seemed like a man of fifty. The overseer tied me to a tree, and flogged me with the whip. Afterwards he said he would stake me down, and give me a farewell whipping, that I would always remember. While he was eating supper, I got oft iny shoe, and slipped off a chain and ran : I ran, I suppose, some six hundred yards : tlien hearing a dog, which alarmed me, I climbed a hill, where I sat dowm to rest. Then I heard a shouting, hallooing, for dogs to hunt me up. I tried to understand, and made out they were after me. I went through the woods to a road on a ridge. I came to a guide-board — in order to read it, I pulled it up, and read it in the moonlight, and found I was going wrong — turned about and went baek, travelling all night : lay by all day, travelled at night till I came where Duck River and Tennessee come together. Here I found I was wrong, — went baek to a road that led down Tennessee River, the way I want- ed to go. T.his was Monday night, — the day before they had been there for me. A colored man had told 316 THE REFUGEE ; OR A them, “ For God’s sake to tell me not to get caught, for they would kill me : ” but that I knew before. I got something to eat, and went on down the river, and travelled until Saturday night at ten, living on green corn and watermelons. Then I came to a house where an old colored man gave me a supper : another kept me with him three days. My clothes were now very dirty : I got some soap of a woman, and went to a wash-place, and washed my clothes and dried them. A heavy rain came on at daybreak, and I went down to the river for a canoe — found none — and went back for the day, — got some bread, and at night went on down the river ; but there were so many roads, I could not make out how to go. I laid all day in a corn field. At night I found a canoe, 12 feet long, and travelled down the river several days, to its mouth. There I got on an island, the river being low. I took my canoe across a tongue of land, — a sand-bar — into the Ohio, which I crossed into Illinois. I travelled three nights, not dar- ing to travel days, until I came to Golconda, which I recognized by a description I had given on a previous attempt, — for this last time when I got away was my fourth effort. I went on to three forks in the road, took the left, travelled through the night, and lay by. At two, I ventured to go on, the road not being travelled much. But it seemed to go too far west: I struck through the woods, and went on till so tired I could walk no further. I got into a tobacco-pen, and stayed till morning. Then I went through the woods, and came to where afire had been burning — I kindled it up, roasted a lot of corn, then travelled on about three miles completely lost. I now came to a house, and re- volved in my mind some hours whether to go or not, to ask. At last I ventured, and asked the road — got the NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 317 information — reached Marion : got bewildered, and went wrong again, and travelled back for Golconda, — but I was set right by some children. At dark I went on, and at daybreak got to 'Frankfort — 13 miles all night long, being weak from want of food. A few miles further on I found an old friend, who was back- ward about letting me in, having been troubled at night by white children. At last he let me in, and gave me some food, which I much needed. The next night he gave me as much as I could carry with me. I went on to within five miles of Mount Vernon. At 4 A. M., I lay down, and slept till about noon. I got up and tried to walk, but every time I tried to stoop under the bushes, I would fall down. I was close to a house, but did not dare to go to it ; so I laid there and was sick — vomited, and wanted water very bad. At night I was so badly oil’ that I was obliged to go to the house for water. The man gave me some, and said, “ Are you a runaway ? ” I said, “ No — I am walking away.” “ Where do you live ? ” “I live here now.” “ Are you a free man ? ” “ Why should I be here, if I am not a freeman? — this is a free country.” “Where do you live, anyhow?” “I live here, don’t you understand me ? ” “ You are a free man, are you ? ” “ Do n’t you see he is a free man, who walks in a free country ? ” “ Show me your pass — I s’pose you ’ve got one.” “ Do you suppose men need a pass in a free country ? this is a free country.” “ I suppose you run away — a good many fugitives go through here, and do mischief.” Said I, “ I am doing no mischief — I am a man peace- able, going about my own business ; when I am doing mischief, persecute me, — while I am peaceable, let no man trouble me.” Said he, “ I’ll go with you to Mount Vernon.” “ You may go, if you have a mind to : I am 27* 318 THE refugee; or a going, if it is the Lord’s will that I shall get there. Good evening ; ” and 1 started out of the gate. He said, “ Stop ! ” Said I, “ Man, do n’t bother me, — I ’m sick, and do n’t feel like being bothered.” I kept on : he followed rnc, — “ Stop, or I ’ll make you stop ! ” “ Man, did n’t I tell you I was sick, and do n’t want to be both- ered.” I kept on, — he picked up a little maul at a wood-pile, and came with me, his little son following, to see what was going on. He walked a mile and a quarter with me, to a neigh- bor of his — called — there came out three men. He stated to them, “Here’s a runaway going to Mount Vernon ; I think it would be right to go with him.” I made no reply. He said, “ We’ll go in with him, and if he be correct, we ’ll not injure him, — we’ll not do him no harm, nohow.” I stood consulting with my- self, whether to fight or run ; I concluded to run first, and fight afterward. I ran a hundred yards : one ran after me to the edge of the woods, and turned back. I sat down to rest, — say an hour. They had gone on ahead of me on horses. I took a back track, and found another road which led to Mount Vernon, which I did not reach until daybreak, although he said ’twas only five miles. I hastened on very quick through town, and so got off the track again : but I found a colored friend who harbored me three days, and fulfilled the Scriptures in one sense to perfection. I was hungry, and he fed me ; thirsty, and he gave me drink ; weary, and he min- istered to my necessities ; sick, and he cared for me till I got relieved : he took me on his own beast, and car- ried me ten miles, and his wife gave me food for four days’ travel. His name was Y . I travelled on three nights, and every morning found myself close to a town. One was a large one. I got into it early, — I 319 % NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. was scared, for people was stirring, — but I got through it by turning to my right, which led me thirty miles out of my way. I was trying to get to Springfield. Then I went on to Taylorvillc. I lay out all day, two miles out, and while there, a man came riding on horseback within two feet of me. I thought he would see me, but he wheeled his horse, and away he went. At dark I got up and started on. It rained heavily. I went on to the town. I could discover nothing — the ground was black, the sky was cloudy. I travelled a while by the lights in the windows ; at last ventured to ask the way, and got a direction for Springfield. After the rain the wind blew cold ; I was chilled : I went into a calf- lot, and scared up the calves, and lay where they had been lying, to warm myself. It was dark yet. I stayed there half an hour, trying to get warm, then got up, and travelled on till daybreak. It being in a prairie, I had to travel very fast to get a place to hide myself. I came to a drain between two plantations, and got into it to hide. At sundown I went on, and reached Spring- field, as near as I could guess, at 3 o’clock. I got into a stable, and lay on some boards in the loft. When I awoke, the sun was up, and people were feeding horses in the stable. I found there was no chance to get out, without being discovered, and I went down and told them that I was a stranger, knowing no one there ; that I was out until late, and so went into the stable. I asked them if there was any harm. They said “ No.” I thanked them and pursued my way. I walked out a little and found a friend who gave me breakfast. Then I was taken sick, and could not get a step from there for ten days : then I could walk a little, and had to start. I took directions for Bloomington, — but the direc- 320 NORTH-SIDE \t:ew of slavery. tions were wrong, and I got thirty miles out of my way again : so that when I reached Bloomington, I was too tired to go another step. I begged for a carriage, and if they had not got one, the Lord only knows what would have happened. I was conveyed to Ottawa, where I found an abolitionist who helped me to Chi- cago. From about the middle of August to the mid- dle of November, I dwelt in no house except in Spring- field, sick, — had no bed till I got to Bloomington. In February, I cut wood in Indiana, — I went to Wiscon- sin, and staid till harvest was over ; then came to a particular friend, who offered me books. I had no money for books : he gave me a Testament, and gave me good instruction. I had worn out two Testaments in slavery, carrying them with me trying to get some instruction to carry me through life. “ Now,” said he, “ square up your business, and go to the lake, for there are men here now, even here where you are living, who would betray you for half a dollar if they knew where your master is. Cross the lake : get into Canada.” I thanked him for the* book, which I have now; settled up and came to Canada. I like Canada. If the United States were as free as Canada, I would still prefer to live here. I can do as much toward a living here in three days, as there in SIX. Windsor, at the terminus of the Great Western Rail- way, is in the township of Sandwich. It was incorpo- rated January 1, 1854, with a population of 1000 souls. It is now estimated to contain one thousand four hun- dred inhabitants. There are settled in various parts of the village fifty families of colored people, some of whom entertain as boarders a number of fugitives from bondage. Assuming an average of five in a family, the colored population may be set down at two hundred and fifty. The general appearance of these is very much in their favor. There are many good mechanics among them : nearly all have comfortable homes, and some occupy very neat and handsome houses of their own. Appearances indicate that the inhabitants of Wind- sor will unite in supporting good schools for the rising generation, without distinction of color. Where sepa- rate schools exist, the advantage in respect to buildings and teachers is for tlie most part on the side of the whites; and unless the separate schools are abolished, there is reason to fear that the progress of the colored people in education will be very much retarded in the greater part of the province. Mrs. Mary E. Bibb, ( 321 ) 322 THE refugee; or a widow of the late lamented Henry Bibb, Esq., has de- voted herself to teaching a private school in Windsor, and with good success. During the last spring term, she had an attendance of forty-six pupils, seven of whom were white children. A gentleman of Windsor who has long taken a deep interest in the welfare of the African race, is of opinion that immigrants who have been engaged in agricultural pursuits in Pennsylvania and other free States are more industrious and “more to be depended upon than those who come into Canada directly from a state of slavery.” The same gentleman assured me that the best and most dexterous blacksmith he had ever known was a refugee : he had not such tools as he wanted, nor would take good ones on credit, for fear he might not be able to pay : yet he would make or mend various utensils, while other smiths could not. He is now at Buxton. While in Windsor, I was repeatedly informed by those who have the best means of knowing, that “ there is no need of raising money to aid the colored people here, unless for a day or two when a fugitive family first comes in. Women get half a dollar for washing, and it is difficult to hire them at that.” A circumstance which fell under my notice in this township of Sandwich,* reminds me of what I might with propriety have said in referring to other parts of the province, that it is fortunate for some conscience- stricken slaveholders, that Canada affords a refuge for a certain class of their household victims — their slave- wives, or slave-children, or both. If it be a crime to assist slaves in reaching a land of freedom, it is not a crime of which those terrible fellows, the northern abo- * See the narrative of J. C. Brown, Chatham. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 323 litionists, alone are guilty. Slaveholders may pour contempt on the names and the deeds of northern phi- lanthropists : but these have no slanderous epithets to hurl back upon the southerner, who snatches his chil- dren and the mother of his children from the threaten- ing hammer of the auctioneer, and hurriedly and tear- fully starts them for the North with the parting injunc- tion, “Stop not short of Canada!” We rejoice with him that England offers a place of refuge where his wife and his offspring may be free. Yet, of any head of such a family, a northern fanatic might be prompted to ask, Is this course honorable and manly ? Do not these children need both parents to look after their in- terests? and does not this slave-wife, ignorant and among strangers in a strange land, need your presence, your counsel, your direction ? He that provideth not for his own household is worse than an infidel, and al- most as bad as an abolitionist : but your family are in arrears for board, and arc quartered upon the charity of persons who are themselves poor refugees. Mr. David Cooper, who lives on the lands of the In- dustrial Institution, has furnished a statement which will be found below, showing the position of affairs where he resides. refugees’ home. At about nine miles from Windsor, in the townships of Sandwich and Madison, the Refugees; Home Soci- ety have made a purchase of nearly two thousand acres of land, on which reside some twenty families, each on a farm of twenty-five acres. Forty 25 acre lots have been taken up. A school is maintained there three fourths of the year. 324 THE refugee; or a Mr. Henry Bibb, who was himself a fugitive from the house of bondage, originated the idea of establishing a society which should “ aim to purchase thirty thousand acres of government land somewhere in the most suit- able sections of Canada where it can be obtained for the homeless refugees from American slavery to settle upon.” This was soon after the passage of the fugitive slave bill. The society was organized and a constitution adopt- ed in August, 1852. The object of the society is de- clared to be “ to assist the refugees from American slavery to obtain permanent homes, and to promote their social, moral, physical, and intellectual elevation*” The society propose to purchase of the Canadian gov- ernment, fifty thousand acres of land, at a cost of one hundred thousand dollars. Money for the purchase is obtained in part by contributions; and one half the moneys received for the sale of lands is devoted to the purchase of other lands. The other moiety of moneys received is to be devoted to the support of schools. By the constitution adopted in 1852, it appears that each family of actual settlers receives twen^-five acres of land, five of which they receive free of cost, provided they shall, within three years from the time of occu- pancy, clear and cultivate the same. “ For the remain- ing twenty acres, they shall pay the primary cost in nine equal annual payments, free of use, for which they shall receive deeds.” This article may be varied to favor the aged, etc. “ This Society shall give deeds to none but landless refugees from American slavery.” “ No person receiving land by gift or purchase from the Society shall have power to transfer the same under fifteen years from the time of the purchase or gift.” All lands becoming vacated by the removal or extinc- NORTn-SIBE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 325 tion of families, shall revert to the Executive Commit- tee.” Here, too, as in Buxton, the claims of temperance are kept fully in view. A by-law provides that “ No house shall be used for manufacturing or vending intox- icating liquors on any lot received from this Society.” The Refugees’ Home Society, its officers and agents, possess the entire confidence of the American public : at least of that portion which sympathizes with the wandering outcasts from the United States. It will be seen by some of the testimonials which follow, that some dissatisfaction exists among the settlers: having its origin doubtless, in some misapprehension or mis- take. Still, I have not felt at liberty to depart from my original plan — that so far as the limits of a single volume may extend, the colored people of Canada might express their own opinions, and tell their own story of their slavery in the past, their present condi- tion, and their future prospects. The second report of the Canada Anti-Slavery So- ciety (for 1853), remarks : There is doubtless a better state of things amongst the fugitives, than existed at the time when such a plan was proposed. The panic produced by the fugitive law, having subsided, the poor refugees have had more time allowed them to pre- pare for the change, and in consequence, their wants have been diminished. The true principle is now to assume that every man, unless disabled by sickness, can support himself and his family after he has qbtained steady employment. All that able-bodied men and women require, is a fair chance, friendly advice, and a little encouragement, perhaps a little assistance at first. Those who are really willing to work, can procure em- ployment in a short time after their arrival, so that 28 326 THE refugee; or a what is specially needed, is such associations of friends at the dift'ercnt places where fugitives land, as will in- terest themselves in the colored man, put him in the way of finding employment, and extend to him such encouragement in the way of grants of land or other- wise, as his altered circumstances may require. In some places, fully to accomplish this, aid from abroad nay be necessary, though in most places local charity will, we think, prove sufficient.” A True Band has been organized by the residents of the Home, and other persons in the vicinity. THOMAS JONES. I was a slave in Kentucky, and made my escape five years ago, at the age of thirty. The usage in Ken- tucky on the front part of the State is pretty good,— • back, it is rather tight. I came here without any thing. I had no money or aid of any kind. I went right into the bush chopping wood. I brought my lady with me, and we were mar- ried on the way at Bloomingsburg in Fayette Co. I have one child. "V\ ith what I earned by hard licks, I bought land and have built me a frame-house. I now ollow plastering and any thing I can find to do. I am vorth three or four thousand dollars, and pay about thirty dollars a year tax. If a man have aid furnished him, he does not have so much satisfaction in what he has, — he feels depend- ent and beholden, and does not make out so well. I liave seen this, ever since I have been here, — the bad effects of this giving. I have seen men waiting, doing NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 3:27 nothing, expecting something to come over to them. Besides, it makes a division among the colored people. The industrious are against it, the other class favor it ; and so they fall out. My opinion is, that the fugitive on the road, should be assisted, but not after he gets here. If people have money to give, they had better give it to those who suffer in trying to help them here. For those who come sick, or actually stand in need, there is a society here among ourselves to take care of them. In regard to aid from societies on the other side, there are many who know that money is raised for the poor travelling fugitive, and they take advantage of it: free people of color from the States come over pretending to be fugitives, who never were fugitives. They come in a miserable condition, often drinking men, worthless, to get the money that is raised. I have known six or seven such cases. The colored people are doing very well. They are poor, some of them, but are all able to have enough to eat and wear, and they have comfortable homes, with few exceptions, — and some of these are in a way to have them. Some few do n’t seem to care whether they have good houses or not, as is the case among all people. In the Refugees’ Home they are not doing very well. Land was to be sold to the refugees at cost, giving them five acres, and they to buy twenty. Some dis- satisfaction exists because there has been an advance made of four shillings an acre for surveying, although the land had been surveyed once. The refugees all re- fused to pay it. They were to clear up the five acres in three years. They have altered the constitution bringing it down to two years. Some had not been on 328 THE refugee; or a three years, but went with that understanding. Alter- ations were made, too, enlarging the size of the houses. One of them has left the lands in consequence, and more talk of doing so. They doubt about getting deeds, and they begin to think T is a humbug. The restrictions in regard to liquor, and not selling under so many years, nor the power to will his property to his friends, only to his children, if he have any, make them dissatisfied. They want to do as they please. If they want to exchange and get a bigger place, they want to do it without being cramped. In addition, the men who have settled there, have been a bother to the society. As they were dependent, smart men would not go, and it has been occupied by men who expected aid from the other side. The colored men must rely on their own two hands, or they ’ll never be any thing. The colored people are temperate and moral. WILLIAAl S. EDWARDS. I was born in Springfield, Ohio. My mother was, to the best of my belief, a frec-woman. While I was a little child, a man claimed my mother as a slave woman whom he had lost seven years before, and took both her and me into Kentucky, — as I have been told to Bur- lington. He took us to Louisville to sell us, and there ’t was proved that she w’as not his, but another man’s slave ; that other man took us back to Biirlino^ton. Here was another dispute, and another man examined, and found more marks than the other, and proved that she belonged to him. After passing through several i 1 a I : : ; It ' It NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 329 hands she was sold, and I liave not soon her since, nor do I know where she is. I have heard that when she was sold, it was left her, to take me with her into slavery, or remain there and be free. She chose to let me remain. I stayed with the family until, at thirteen, I was put to the trade of a tobacconist : remained until twenty-one. Then I did not dare to talk about free- dom. I dared not name it, — I still stayed working at the business. After a while, hearing some talking about my rights, I questioned as closely as I could, but not to awaken distrust. When I was about twenty-five, we had a dispute about a holiday, and then I first claimed my rights to his teeth, telling him that I was free. lie said I must stay two years more. A man offered to lend me two hundred dollars, to buy my time : he refused. I then hired to another man, paying my claimant twenty dol- lars a month, for a year and five months. I kept on inquiring, until I found the man who first carried me into Kentucky. He told me a very straight story, — that he had found the woman whom he had lost in New Orleans — she having been absent from him fifteen years and six months, having been in New Orleans all that time. I searched the records at the Recorder’s office, but there was nothing on the books, — the whole being a rascally scheme, therefore they took no account of it on the books. The clerk said there surely was no trial or transaction in the court; if there had been, it would have been on record. But the man who brought me said there was a trial; he ac- knowledged that neither me nor my mother ever be- longed to him ; that it was a mistake. Another man went with me to search, but found no scratch of a pen from ten years back to forty. I then 28 * 330 THE refugee; or a got a white man to go to tlic persons who pretended to own me, and he told me, in their presence, that if a man were half white and born free, he ought to be Iree ; and you are all of that. My boss said that I would be free after a time — that he never meant to keep me over time. He probably meant my time as long as I lived, — as a master told his slave once, “ When you die, 1 41 give you your papers.” He said I could n’t pass with- out papers : he went with me, saying to get papers, and then he would not, but said I must stay a while longer before I could get them ; that he could not give them to me just yet. Things went on in this way two or three months, until I was nearly twenty-seven years old. At length my mistress’s son, by her consent, gave me free papers. I went to Ohio ; then came into Can- ada, and settled down in Chatham. 1 have five children. One goes to school ; we are not able to send all on account of the price partly, as we have to pay fifty cents a quarter for each child, at the public school. I went into Chatham with nothing, and I want the children some in the family. I have seen many things practised in slavery which are too horrible to name. MRS. COLMAN FREEMAN. I am a native of North Carolina. 1 was born free, and lived with my father and mother. My father was a quadroon — my mother a mulatto. My father fought the British in the Revolution. His brother was drafted, but being sick, my father volunteered to take his place, NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 331 and was in the army seven years. When he returned liis brother was dead. He did not get a pension until three years before he died, not knowing that he was entitled to one, until, on some abuse from white men, he went into court, and the lawyer said, “ Will you suflbr injustice to be done to this white-headed old man, who has faced the cannon’s mouth, lighting for our lib- erties ; who has maintained himself and family without drawing a penny from the government?” When colored persons had their meetings in the groves, white men would stand with their whips where they were coming out, to examine for passes, and those who had passes would go free, — the others would break and run, like cattle with hornets after them. I have seen them run into the river. I remember one time, I was going with my brother, and saw them at the meeting, trying to get away from the patrollers. I could not help shedding tears to see the distress they were in. They ran into the river, and tried to get away. Said I to my brother, “ What are they running so into the river for ? ” He hunched me, and said, “ Do n’t you see the patrollers ? ” This was because they wanted to hear preaching, and learn a little about Almighty God that made them. They were not allowed to meet with- out patrollers. I knew a slave named Adam who experienced relig- ion, and wanted to be baptized. Saturday night the overseer told him he should not be baptized. He went to his mistress, and she gave him a pass for the purpose. Next day, I went down to the shore of the mill-pond to see the baptizing. Just as Adam was ready to go into the water, the overseer rode up, and cried out, “ Adam ! Adam ! if you get baptized, I will give you a hundred lashes to-morrow morning ! ” Adam said, “ I 1 : j .* 332 THE refugee; or a have but two masters to serve, my earthly and my heavenly master, and I can mind nobody else.” I know that overseer very well ; his name was ; I was standing right by him. Then he forbade Mr. L from baptizing him. Mr. L. : “ If there is a God I will baptize Adam; if not, I will not baptize him.” The overseer stood up in his stirrups, and cursed so that he frightened all the people on the beach : his eyes glowed like two lighted candles. As soon as Adam came out of the water, he ran for home to get j)rotec- tion from his mistress. She prevented the overseer from punishing him. I came away from North Carolina in consequenee of persecution. There was a rebellion among the slaves in Virginia, under Nat Turner, near where I was. A doctor near me had his mother and brothers and sisters, except two, killed in that rebellion. The white people that had no slaves would have killed the colored, but their masters put them in jail to protect them from the white people, and from fears they had themselves of being killed. They came to my mother’s, and threat- ened us — they searched for guns and ammunition: • that was the first time I was ever silenced by a white [ man. One of them put his pistol to my breast, and " said, “ If you open your head. I’ll kill you in a min / 1 ute ! ” I had told my mother to hush, as she was in , k quiring what their conduct meant. We were as igno* • 1 rant of the rebellion as they had been. Then I made up fr my mind not to remain in that country. We had to stay a while to sell our crop ; but I would not go to . k church there any more. I lived in Ohio ten years, as I was married there, — - but I would about as lief live in the slave States as in Ohio. In the slave States I had protection sometimes, | NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 3.33 from people that knew me — none in Ohio. I under- stand the laws are better in Ohio now than they were then. In the slave States I had no part in the laws : the laws were all against the colored men : they allowed us no schools nor learning. It we got learning, we stole it. We live here honestly and comfortably. We enter- tain many poor strangers. BEN BLACKBURN. I was born in Maysville, Ky. I got here last Tuesday evening, and spent the Fourth of July in Canada. I felt as big and free as any man could feel, and I worked part of the day for my own benefit : I guess my mas- ter’s time is out. Seventeen came away in the same gang that I did. AVILLIAM L. HUMBERT. I am from the city of Charleston, S. C., and have been in various parts of South Carolina and Georgia. I used to run in a steamboat from Savannah to Charleston. I left Charleston in September, 1853. I lived in the free States some months, but finally left on account of the Fugitive Slave Bill. This was a law of tyranny, and I had to come to Canada to avoid the ten dollar commissioner. 1 would rather die than go back, — that ’s a settled point with me — not on account of ill- 334 TUE refugee; or a treatment of the person ; but I could not stand the idea of being held by anotlier man as a chattel. Slavery itself is cruel enough, without regard to the hardships which slaves in general have to undergo. I do not believe that any slaveholder under the can- opy of heaven can see God’s face ; that is, if I read the Bible right. Slaveholding is against all reason. All men are from the same mother dust, and one can have no right to hold another as a chattel. 1 know three or four preachers of the gospel who hold slaves. As the minister goes, the congregation goes. The ministers preach to please the people, and not in the fear of God. I never knew but one exception there. I have seen a minister hand the sacrament to the deacons to give the slaves, and, before the slaves had time to get home, living a great distance from church, have seen one of the same deacons, acting as patrol, flog one of the brother members within two hours of his administering the sacrament to him, because he met the slave in the road without a passport, beyond the time allowed him to go home. My opinion of slavery is not a bit differ- ent now from what it was tlien : I always hated it from childhood. I looked on the conduct of the deacon with a feeling of revenge. 1 thought that a man who would administer the sacrament to a brother church-member, and Hog him before he got home, ought not to live. DAVID COOPER. There was an institution started here in Sandwich about six years ago, called the Industrial Institution. f "N NOIlTII-SII)K VIEW OF SLAVERY. 335 The land was bought by Rev. Mr. Willis, colored Meth- odist preacher, with money raised in the United States. It comprised two hundred acres, and was divided into ten-acre lots, and sold to any colored men who were disposed to buy, at three dollars on taking possession, and then six dollars the two subsequent years — then they were to have a deed. The land has never been wholly occupied. Some bought the land, but never went on it. There arc now eight families on this land, who have forty acres cleared. A part of them can prin- cipally support themselves on what they have cleared, but they have to work out to keep their families sup- plied.* The roads there are very bad, — being wet and muddy. We have had a school there, but it is not kept up. We attend here at church — [at the Refugees’ Home.] I was from Virginia originally, but was brought up in Pennsylvania. My wife was a slave. JOHN IMAIITIN. I was born in Virginia, raised up in Tennessee, ran into Ohio, and emigrated to Canada, in order to avoid the oppressive laws of the States. * The same evil hinders to some extent the advance of the Elgin Settlement at Buxton : the Directors of which, in 1854, report as follows : — “ Could it be so arranged that all the settlers could work on their own farms during the whole year, the improvement in clearing and cropping would be very easily doubled. We do hope, before another year, that some arrangement will be made by wliich the settlers will be enabled to spend more time on their own farms, and with their families.” 336 THE refugee; or a The Refugees’ Home in Sandwich was commenced in 1851. It comprises between sixteen and seventeen hundred acres of land, — I do not know how many families reside on it. I commenced here in the bush three years ago, and have gone over about eight acres — I think the biggest clearing there is. Those near round me are well satisfied with their homes, excepting the oppression they have tried to raise on us as to the price. They were to have it at the original price, but they bought more land at a higher rate, and wanted tc average it on all alike. The old settlers are dissatisfied and will probably leave, if this is enforced. We have a school here. I cannot tell whether it is good or not, as it has just commenced under a new teacher : the former one did well. The prospect is, that if the new arrangements about the price are given up, the settlers will go on clearing, and progress in the best way we can : I believe the lands will be taken up, and that the colored people will have good farms here. Slavery is a dreadful thing. Slaveholders — I know not what will become of them. Some of them I love, — but 1 know they deserve punishment, and leave them in the hands of God. The people have been told absolute falsehoods about our freezing and suffering, and money has been raised which does no good. It has been reported to us, that thousands of dollars have been raised for our benefit, of which we have never received the first red cent. I say so — I am fifty-five years old, and have ever tried to keep the truth on my side. I was not sent to school in slave States, but have since learned to write, as witness my hand, (Signed) John Martin. north-side view op slavery. 337 DANIEL HALL. I escaped from the neighborhood of New Orleans, seventeen years ago ; had some difficulty about getting through Illinois — there were many slaveholders in heart in Illinois — but I got through. I settled in Mal- den at Amherstburg. It was then a dense woods — with but little cleared land. There were very few qoI- ored people when I got there. If a man had half or three quarters of an acre of corn, he thought he had a large patch : now they have twenty-five or thirty acre lots. The clearing has been done by colored and white, mostly by colored men, as I know, for I cleared •up a great deal myself. On the Lake Erie shore, the colored people have raised in past years, a great deal of tobacco, but now they raise corn, wheat, potatoes, and buckwheat. I look at slavery as being heinous in the sight of God. And as for slaveholders, what is to become of people who take the husband from his wife, and the infant from its mother, and sell them where they can never see each other again ? What the colored people want is, land and education. With these, they will do well here. By the blessing of God, I have been enabled to be- come possessor of fifty acres in Colchester, of which six or seven acres are cleared. 29 338 THE refugee; or a \ LYDIA ADAMS. [Mrs. A. lives in a very comfortable log-bouse on the road from Windsor to the Refugees’ Home.] I am seventy or eighty years old. I was from Fair- fax county, old Virginia. I was married and had three children when I left there for Wood county, where I lived twenty years ; thence to Missouri, removing with my master’s family. One by one they sent four of my children away from me, and sent them to the South: and four of my grandchildren all to the South but one. My oldest son, Daniel — then Sarah — all gone. “ It’s no use to cry about it,’’ said one of the young women, “ she ’s got to go.” That ’s what she said when Esther went away. Esther’s husband is here now, almost crazy about her : they took her and sold her away from him. They were all Methodist people — great Metho- dists — ail belonged to the church. My master died — he left no testimony whether he was willing to go or not. ... I have been in Canada about one year, and like it as far as I have seen. I’ve been wanting to be free ever since I was a little child. I said to them I did n’t believe God ever meant me to be a slave, if my skin was black — at any rate not all my lifetime : why not have it as in old times, seven years’ servants ? Master would say, “ No, you were made to wait on white people : what was niggers made for? — why, just to wait on us all.” I am afraid the slaveholders will go to a bad place — I am really afraid they will. I do n’t think any slave- holder can get to the kingdom. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 339 J. F. WHITE. I have served twenty-five years as a slave ; born in Virginia, and brought up, or rather whipped up, in Kentucky. I have lived in Canada two years — I have bought one hundred acres of land in Sandwich, suitable to raise any kind of grain. ' I want you to tell the people of the United States, that as far as begging for fugitives is concerned, that we are amply able to take care of ourselves : we have done it, and can do it. We want none to beg for us ; let them give to the fugitive on his way, and to those who are assisting him on his way. Money has been raised — an immense quantity of it too, but we do n’t get it — indeed, we don’t want it. We have a society here to take care of our brothers when they get here, and we can do it without assistance. If people send things through pure motives to the suffering, we thank them for their intentions, — still, there is no need of their doing even that. LEONARD HARROD. I was born and bred in Georgetown, D. C., where I had a wife and two children. About six o’clock one morning, I was taken suddenly from my wife; she knew no more where I had gone than the hen knows where the hawk carries her chicken. Fifteen hundred miles I wore iron on my wrist, chained in a gang from 340 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. Georgetown to Port Gibson. There I was sold and put to receive and pack cotton, etc., for six years. Then I was sold to Nashville, Tenn., one year ; then to New Orleans fifteen years ; then I took up^ny bed and walked for Canada. I have been in Canada nearly two years. I was poor — as low down as a man could be who is not underground. It was in winter, — my wife was in a delicate situation, — and we had nothing for bedclothes at night but what we had worn through the day. We suffered all the winter for things we left on the way, which were never sent us. My wife is now under the doctor’s care in consequence. I have hired a place to work on, and have bought two acres of land. A man can get more information in Canada about slavery, than he can. in the South. There I would have told vou to ask master, because I would have been afraid to trust a white man : I would have been afraid that you would tell my master. Many a time my master has told me things to try me. Among others, he said he thought of moving up to Cincinnati, and asked me if 1 did not want to go. 1 would tell him, “ No ! I do n’t want to go to none of your free countries!” Then he’d laugh, — but I did want to come — surely I did. A colored man tells the truth here, — there he is afraid to. SANDWICH. Tins beautiful and quiet town, two miles from Wind- sor, has a population of about fifteen hundred, includ- ing twenty-one colored families, which number, perhaps, one hundred persons. The colored population have the right to send their children when qualified, into the grammar school. None have hitherto availed themselves of this right. Here, as in many other parts of the province, the col- ored people by accepting of that provision of law, which allovjs them separate schools, fail of securing the best education for their children. The colored teachers who present themselves are examined with a great deal of “lenity,” — and some who cannot even spell, are placed in charge of the young. The prejudice against the African race is here very strongly marked. It had not been customary to levy school taxes on the colored people. Some three ,or four years since, a trustee assessed a school tax on some of the wealthier citizens of that class. They sent their children at once into the public school. As these sat down, the white children near them deserted the benches: and in a day or two, the white children were wholly withdrawn, leaving the school-house to the teacher and his colored pupils. The matter was at last — “ compro- 29 • ( 241 ) ^TrniiEnnniJ'nnniin-iirit't’ 342 THE refugee; or a mised : ” a notice — “ Select School ” — was put up on the school-house : the white children were selected and the black were selected out Still, the prejudice here is not deeply seated : it is only skin-deep. Some slight affairs on the border prove that if a slaveholder were to set his foot in the town- « ship with any sinister intention, the true sentiments ^ and feelings of the people would manifest themselves , ! in the most decided and unmistakable manner. The / people of Sandwich, as one of them jocosely remarked to me, are “ awful independent : ” and such is their strong old-fashioned English hatred of oppression, that the population would rally, almost to a man, to defend the rights of the humblest negro in their midst, — even of crazy Jack,” the butt of the village boys. | It is to be observed, moreover, that the law allows ; tc separate schools not only to colored people, but to Catholic and Protestant sects, when these are in a | » minority. i d The colored people have also their separate churches | n here. The Methodists contemplate erecting a building | n for public worship, and a member of that society re- 4 fc marked to me that he for one, would like to have aid i i: for that purpose, as he did not see how it could be 1 done without; but that the sentiment of his brethren | generally was against begging. I asked him why they | ^ did not attend the churches of the whites of the same | denomination. His reply indicated that they thought | ^ they would not be welcomed there wdth a single excep- | tion : ‘‘ One church,” said he, “ has thrown open its doors | ^ to us ; and that is the English Church — Mr. Dewey’s J ^ — they have invited lis all in, and they say if it is j not big enough, they will make it bigger.” Whether ^ . I advised him to comply with an invitation so truly J ^ NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 343 Christian in character, the reader, if he is a Yankee, and cares to take the trouble, can readily guess. There is a school now open here registering thirty colored children, and having an average attendance of twenty-four. It is under the charge of an able and ac- complished lady teacher — Miss Gifford — who inform- ed me that the school was established by the Refugees’ Home Society. GEORGE WILLmiS. 1 was from Maysville, Ky., but belonged in Fairfax county at first. Left Virginia at fourteen years old, — am now fifty-three ; have lived in Sandwich about fourteen years. When we removed from Virginia, my mother left her husband and two sisters behind. She was much grieved at leaving her husband : the children were taken from her before. This separation of fami- lies is an awful thing. At ten or twelve years old, the thought grew in me, that slavery was wrong. I felt mad every day when I thought of being kept a slave. I calculated on buying myself, and offered my master two hundred and fifty dollars. He wanted me to work a year first, going with me to another town. I did not want to go, and came off peaceably. I remained about six years in the free States. In some respects, I suffered in them on account of my color. Many looked on me with contempt because I was a colored man. My oath was not taken as a white man’s. I had a farm in Ohio, and was doing well, but a law was then passed requiring security for good be- I , i 344 THE refugee; or a havior. A white man represented it worse than it was, so as to take advantage, as myself and two others had a heavy crop standing. I lost by coming off before harvest : all I got was a few bushels of wheat. It was a great damage breaking us up at that time. I work at whitewashing, etc. I rent a house and own a small piece of land. The colored men here get a living. The greater part of them have no learning, — almost all of them have been slaves. Some of them have homes of their own ; but most of them hire. Most of them send their children to school. But we have to rent a house, and although the rent is low, yet we get behind on the rent, till some of us make a sacrifice and pay up. The school is not kept up through the year. We have not had regular schooling, — we do not send to the same school as the whites. There were too few of us to raise money for a separate school. We re- ceived X18 from government, but could not carry it on, and gave it up. There is one school now supported by abolitionists in the United States. I do not go so strong as some against receiving as- sistance. I have seen many cases of destitute suffering people, who needed aid, and our people could scarcely help them. But the best way would be to manage by means of societies corresponding with those of the States. In some places, the colored people can man- age without aid, — but here not. 1 \ i,' I ^ P / c 'i SI ;f I T le k k Ic % HENRY BRANT. ft I was from Millwood, Frederic Co., Virginia. I was brought up by Col. N ’s widow. I remained in NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 345 bondage until twenty-three, hired out at different places. I had very little chance to get money, — perhaps two or three dollars a year. Usage was, compared with farming usage, good, as when I was hired out, there were restrictions, that I should be well used. It always appeared to me that I wanted to be free, and could be free. No person ever taught me so, — it came naturally in my mind. Finally I saw that my case was pretty bad, if I was to live all #iy lifetime subject to be driven about at the will of another. When 1 thought of it, I felt wrathy at the white men. At length, I said — this will not do — if I stay here I shall kill somebody — I ’d better go. In 1834, rny mistress being old, I feared that in event of her death, I might be placed on some farm, and be cruelly used. I sought out a chance to get off. I found friends among those who were in the interests of the slaveholders, and by their instructions reached Canada without trouble, and had the satisfaction of having a friend come too by my persuasion. He is in Canada, but 1 have not seen him since. I settled in Sandwich. I received on coming into the country neither vict- uals, clothes, nor money, — I received only a welcome, — that was all I wanted, and I was thankful to get it. I did just what work I could find to be done. I man- aged to save up what little I got pretty well. I in- vested in a home. I got me a house and lot. I own ten acres in the bush. Comparing the condition of the colored population here with an equal number of families of white labor- ers, I think they are about equal in means. Slavery is abominable, — I think slaveholders know it is wrong : they are an intelligent peo[4e and they know it. They ought to have done their duty, — given 346 THE REFUGEE ; OR A \ / me my freedom and something to live on for what my- self and forefathers had earned. I do n’t see how a man can obtain heaven, and continue to do as the slaveholders do. A man may do wrong a long time and repent, — but if he continues it, as they do, I think it a hard case for him. MRS. HENRY BRANT. I am from Maryland. I suffered the worst kind of usage : that of being held as a slave. I was fortunately among those who did not beat and bruise me. I was gambled off to a trader by my owner. I made such a fuss, (and the people told him ’t was a shame to let me go to a trader, — that I was too good a girl for that, having taken care of him in sickness, — that 1 ought to have had a chance to find some one to buy me,) that he felt ashamed of what he had done, and bought me back. Then he gave me a chance to buy myself, — gave me one year to pay ^270: before the year was out, I offered him $150 in part payment, — he wouldn’t take that unless I’d pay all. I then asked him, would he take that, and security for $120, payable six months after, and give me my papers down. He refused. Then I said to myself, “ If you won’t take that, you shan’t take any.” I started for Canada, and travelled in style, — he could n’t take me. My sister was a free-woman. She was to buy me, and pay $270, and I was to be the security. But he overreached himself : for he drew the paper in such a way, that he could not get the money of my sister. Had I overstayed the year, I would never have seen NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 347 Canada ; for then I would have been carried back to the eastern shore. One thing which makes it bad about getting our chil- dren into school here is, we are so near Detroit. The people here would feel ashamed to have the Detroit people know that they sent the white into the same school with the colored. I have heard this from a white woman. AMHERSTBURG. Contains a population of more than two thousand. The colored portion is variously estimated at from four hundred to five hundred, — the latter number probably being nearer exactness. Some of these, who had resid- ed in the free States, before emigrating to Canada, assured me that here the colored people are “doing rather better than the same class in the United States.” A separate school has been established here, at their own request : their request was given them, but lean- ness went with it. I visited the school. There was an attendance of twenty-four, — number on the list, thirty. The school-house is a small, low building, and contains neither blackboard nor chair. Long benches extend on the sides of the room, close to the walls, with desks of corresponding length in front of them. The whole in- terior is comfortless and repulsive. The teacher, a col- ored lady, is much troubled by the frequent absences of the pupils, and the miserably tattered and worn-out condition of the books. Two inkstands were in use, which, on being nearly inverted, yielded a very little bad ink. The teacher appeared to be one of the work- ing sort, disposed to bear up as well as she could under her many discouragements : but the whole school adds one more dreary chapter to “ the pursuit of knowledge under difficulties.” But there is a better time coming. ( 348 ) NORTII-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 349 Malden (Amherstburg) is one of the stations at which the Colonial Church and School Society propose to establish schools, “ expressly for the benefit of the col- ored race, but open to all.” The colored j^eople are engaged in the various me- chanic arts, and as shopkeepers, etc. One of the best hotels is kept by a very intelligent colored man. In an evening walk about the town, his was the only house from which I heard the cheerful sound of vocal and in- strumental music : and this was occasionally interrupted by some “ saucy ” white boy shouting, as he passed, a stave of our national, Union-saving air; the same which was played in State street, Boston, by a full band, when Massachusetts swallowed so bitter a dose, that the whole world made up faces : when, with all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, it sent one poor “ fugitive black man ”• “ to old Virginia’s shore.” It was all right, no doubt, — for on examining the Scriptures, a “passage” from the Constitution, “No person held to service or labor,” etc., was found so snugly pasted over Deut. 23 : 15, that if it were possible, it might deceive the very elect. Therefore, said the people. Burns must be sent back : and the poor fellow was marched off, surrounded by beings who differed mainly from Southern “ negro dogs,” in not being worth, morally speaking, the remotest approximation to “ §100 apiece.” It is said that pepper was thrown at them: this was in bad taste, — it had been better to offer them salt — Turks Island — as a very useful anti- septic for men who could scarcely boast soul enough to prevent the action of decomposing chemical forces. The reader is requested to pardon this digression, the only one we have made hitherto. It is difficult to speak with calmness when reminded of so disgraceful 30 350 THE refugee; or a an action as the surrender of Anthony Bums. The i time has come for Americans to adopt the motto of De l Witt Clinton — “ Patria cara, carior libertas.” [Dear k is my country, liberty is dearer.^ b ii K - CIIAKLES BROWN. ^ a I was born in Virginia, and was raised a slave. My “ grandmother was a free-woinan in Maryland. One day, as she was washing by a river, a kidnapper came up, gagged and bound her, carried her into Virginia, and there sold her into bondage. She there bad four chil- dren, my mother, my mother’s sister, and my mother’s two brothers. After about twenty or twenty-five years, I when I was a very small boy, a man from Maryland, named Hanks, came through Virginia. He saw my grandmother, and knew her. “What!” said he, “are a you here?” She told him how she had been kidnap- ii ped. He said, “ You are free, and I ’ll get you your iii freedom.” Her oath was good for nothing, but by k Hanks’s oath, she would get free. At night she was ® jerked up and carried to Orleans, and sold on a cotton h‘ plantation. She wrote on, a good while after, that she ' would get free, and come back and free her children. It; She got free herself, as I have heard, but ’t was when she got too old to do any more work. My mother and jg all the folks there in Virginia knew about her being stolen, and about Hanks’s coming there. t i~ I was used kindly, as I always did my work faith- . fully. But I knew I ought to be free. I told my Vnas- Oi ter one day — said I, “ You white folks set the bad i Ij example of stealing — you stole us from Africa, and NORTU-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 351 not content with that, if any got free here, you stole them afterward, and so we are made slaves.” I told him, I would not stay. He shed tears, and said he thought I would be the last one to leave him. A year after, I left for the North. I have been cook for large hotels. My health is now very poor, — I have had a bad cough for two or three years, from overwork — cooking sometimes for three hundred persons in a hotel. I have always supported myself, and have some money by me yet. I reside in Chatham, and came here to see a physician. JAMES SMITH. I was raised on the head waters of the south branch of the Potomac, in Pendleton Co., Va. The treatment there is mild, if there can be any mildness in it. I re- mained there until my escape in 1847. My father was a white man, and was my master too. My mother’s father was also a white man. My master was an Eng- lishman, born in the city of London. When I was five years old, he gave me to his son, who was my half- brother, and he raised nie. This son had then children about my age. These children were sent to school, but I was not. These children talked about learning me, but they said, “we inus n’t — father says he ’ll write a pass and run ofl‘.” I have learned to read since I came away. I was ordered about like the other slaves. 1 ate in the kitchen while they, (my brother’s family,) ate at a table by themselves. I was stuck off one side. Other people mentioned my relation to my master, but I never mentioned it to him, nor he to me. His sons had it thrown at them that we favored one another : it PM I II II I Ill 352 THE refugee; or a was looked on as a stigma. My mother often told me how it was, but told me not to mention it as it would make it worse for her. She died before her master. My old master was a very wicked man and died a miserable death. My brother was present. My master always had a custom of cursing and swearing, and he died in the same state. Nothing was said about giving me my freedom. I used to drive to Richmond, and stop at a tavern with white wagoners. I would notice the landlord’s countenance, viewing me very much to see if I had colored blood : the wagoners would look at me and wink. They got me in on purpose to joke and bother him. I ate with the other wagoners, excepting a single time. He followed me out into the kitchen where I was eat- ing, and asked me if I was a slave or not. I told him I was. He said I was too white to be a slave. It is often the case that these rascals feel for their own blood — they will say to a man of my color, “It’s a pity you ’re a slave — you ’re too white to be a slave.” My half-brother got involved^ and sold me for four hundred dollars to a person in the same neighborhood. I lived with him about two years and six months, clear- ing up farm six months, balance of the time at grist- mill. His treatment I count well for being a slave. His name was N E . After my father’s death, my brothers and sisters, (also my father’s children,) four in number, were hired out at auction to the highest bidder. E came home and told me all about it. I then thought, “ I’m doing well enough now, but I do n’t know how long it will last, — I’ll try next fall to get my liberty.” The next fall, I made arrangements and walked away. This was in the fall of ’47. After travelling IT lii i b L i f t i I I ij; It in tr NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 353 fifty miles, I came right along in the road, and nobody asked me any questions, except one man who knew me, and who proved to be my friend. I stayed up- wards of three years in the free States, married there a few days before I left in 1850, and came to Canada. I left the United States, in consequence of the Fugitive Slave Bill it’s only a Bill, It vexed me as I was leav- ing in the boat, to hear the Germans, whom I could un- derstand, laughing about the “ niggers ” having to leave, and come to Canada. One man was taken away from his wife and three children and carried back before I left. I am doing tolerably well in Canada, and am getting a very comfortable living. I own a lot of land worth about two hundred dollars, and have other property. I keep a grocery, and sell to all who will buy, without distinction of color. REV. WILLIAM TROY. From Essex county, Va. My father was a slave of j Senator of the United States. My mother was a free-woman. I lived there until twenty-one. I left there II th March, 1848. I saw scenes there that made my heart bleed. I can particularize the breaking up of R P. W ’s farm, some five hundred slaves, many of whom were my associates, with whom I had often been to meeting, belonging to the same church. We had many meet- ings together, sometimes broken up by patrols. When we had meetings, it was at late hours, to avoid the 30 ^ 354 THE REFUGEE ; OR A patrols — yet sometimes they would run us away, and sometimes we would get our meetings through. "Ihey were sold to diftcirent persons — Judge and others. About the time a part of them were leaving, I went to bid them farewell. Many had their hearts so full of grief that they could not speak — they could only give me their hands. Another lot who belonged to the same man, aroused me by singing about nine at night, passing my father’s residence, singing, bidding farewell to all their friends ; many left father, mother, and children behind them. I may mention here that one of these slaves, a woman named Martha Fields, who was hired out at the time, was taken early one morning, without time to get her clothes, hurried oft to Richmond, and sold to the high- est bidder. From Richmond she went on to New Or- leans, put into a slave-pen, and bought by Mr. A , a celebrated negro trader, and put on his farm, where she married A.’s slave. A. gave them free papers, and they now reside in Cincinnati. She says she has suf- fered enough herself, and seen so much suftering, that she believes that all those who hold slaves, and those who uphold slavery will, if there is any such place as one of torment, will be sure to go there. I was aroused at Loretto, Va., by the sale of a slave named William, who was sold by his master. I heard the boy hollowing in the swamp; from hearing his shrieks, I made towards the boy, — when I went there, I found him in the act of catching the boy to have him sold. His mother, who grieved much at the sight, was told if she did not hush, her back would be cow-hided. This same man, soon after that, took her into the stable to whip her, and finding some difficulty about getting off her clothes, took his knife and cut them from her, NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 355 and whipped her until she bled. Before I came away, he had sold the last one of her children. This man was N S . These are facts which cannot be denied by the per- sons wliom I have named, and I intend to be a terror to the system while I live. Personally, I have suffered on account of my color in regard to education. I was not allowed to go to school publicly, — had to learn privately. The reason of my coming away was, I knew that I was open to the as- saults of any rulffan, if he were a white man, and if I made any reply, I was liable to nine and thirty before what they call a justice of the peace. Further, I could not educate my children there, and make them feel as women and men ought — for, under those oppressive laws, they would feel a degradation not intended by Him who made of one blood all the people of the earth. I have been here a few weeks only — am settled as pastor over the First Baptist Church ; about one hun- dred usually attend divine service here, most of whom have been slaves. They seem to enjoy religion and freedom very much indeed. None are desirous to re- turn to the corn-cobs of Egypt. At Enorn Church, Essex county, Va., colored and white meet together. On the first Sabbath in the month the colored assemble with the white pastor to attend to their church business after sermon. Some- times a few whites are present on this Sabbath. I used to go to church regularly, but never heard them preach from, ‘‘ Masters, render unto your servants that which is just and equal : ” but I will write down as near as I can, (and I recollect all his points^) a sermon preached by Rev. Mr. , on the first Sabbath in the month, and the church proceedings. 356 THE refugee; or a SERMON PREACHED AT THE BAPTIST CHURCH CALLED ENORN, BY THE REV. MR. . Eph. 6 : 5. Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart as unto Christ. — Let me state relative to the different posi- tions we occupy in life : I am not a lawyer, neither am I a senator, nor a judge of any court, — still I am con- tented, because Providence has placed me so, and I am willing to submit to his Divine will ; and the Apostle tells us, that godliness with contentment is great gain. Secondly, — Now you brethren that suffer afhiction, should endure it as good soldiers, enduring all hardness. Paul says to his son Timothy, “ Let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed.” And they that have believing mas- ters, let them not despise them. These are holy in- junctions, and must be adhered to. Be contented un- der all circumstances with singleness of heart to God, not giving railing for railing, but with fear do the will of your master. Count not your slight aflliction dear, for God your Father hath so decreed from all eternity that you should suffer, and if you despise the imposi- tion of God, you cannot enjoy his spiritual benefits. Again, — we will have to take into consideration the base action of one of our brethren who ran away from his master. When we go into this work, you must consider the obligation that the servant is under to his master; then examine the text, and you will know that we shall be compelled to excommunicate brother NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 357 Roiibcii Smith for running CLwciy from his master Mr. . Now the Deacons (colored) who are present will state the case^ and we will take action on it. Deacon R > you will state what you know about Reuben’s running away. Deacon li. Yes, Sir ; I know that he ran away from his master, and so far as I know about such conduct, I believe it wrong, and can’t be tolerated by us. Minister. Will Deacon Edmund , come for- ward ? State what you know about the case. Deacon E. It is true. Sir, that Reuben ran away, and we must exclude him for it. Minister. Now, brethren, you hear the statements of your deacons, what will you do with the case? Deacon R. I move that we exclude brother Reuben, for running away from master. Deacon E. I second that. Minister. All that are in favor of that motion will hold up your right hand. It is unanimous. Well, brethren, we have done God’s will, let us sing and con- clude our meeting. Billy, will you sing? “ Jerusalem, my happy home I Oh, how I long for thee ! When will my soriX)ws have an end, My joys when shall I see ? ” Receive the benediction. — May the God of peace crown our efforts with success, and save us all in the end, for the Redeemer’s sake. Amen. Reuben Smith was a preacher, and an intelligent man: that’s the reason he ran away. He was caught in the city of Washington, and sold into Louisiana. 358 THE REFUGEE ; OR A WILLIAM LYONS. I have worked in Amherstburg at joining — have worked here two years. I get 155. York, a day. My family are in Detroit. I was free-born in Virginia, and have been ill-treated in tin? free States, on account of my color. I went into Columbus, Ohio, to work at my trade ; I was employed in a shop. The journeymen all left the shop — wouldn’t work in the shop with a col- ored man — would n’t think of it. I persevered, and got employment from one who defied the prejudice of the city, — Mr. Robert Reardon. After that I found no difficulty at all, and was treated like a gentleman. The people there who had employed me wished me to re- main. I own property there now. The colored people here are industrious and doing well. They are doing as well as those in the States. There is less whiskey drinking by colored people here, than in any place I know of. They use less, in my opinion, than the whites in general. JOSEPH SANFORD. At 10 years old I was moved to Kentucky, from Madison Co., Va. I remained in Kentucky till about 50 My father always advised me to be tractable, and get along with the white people in the best manner I could, and not be saucy. My mother always taught me to serve the Lord — which has ever been my aim ; NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 359 111 which I Qm not the Icsst tiredj cind cirri more siixious to go forward than ever. I could almost lay down my life for an abolitionist, for had it not been for them I should have been in slavery still. I believe the Lord will bless them. They have done every thing for me, and it makes my soul melt towards them. I recollect that my master in Virginia was a monstrous bad man, but not half so bad as some others. I recol- lect that my mother wanted some salt to put into bread. My mistress, wlienever we came down stairs, would search our pockets, to see if we had taken any thing. I went up to get some salt for my mother, and put half a pint in my pocket. My mistress said, “ Let me feel your pocket!” I was afraid and ran. She called her son to catch me, as I had got something. He caught me and punished me very heavily with a cowhide — be beat me till I was out of breath. In Kentucky, after a few years, the old man died, — I fell to one of his daughters — she hired me out to a brother-in-law. She was very good to me. I was hired out eight years to different persons. My mistress then died. She wanted me to be set free. Some of her kins- folks said no, — that her brother had had bad luck, and she had better will me to him. She, being bad off, being sick, and not knowing how to carry her mind, — she did so: she willed me to her brother. He kept me seven years working on the farm. He was going to move into Campbell Co. I had a wife and four children. To leave me, he swapped me for another man. I lived with him about thirteen years. He was a very clever man. He was pretty rich — a sportsman, gambler, horse-racer, etc. He came to get broke. Then we were seized and sold. J G bought me. My master was now a most cruel man. There was a 360 THE refugee; or a great many who had a high regard for me. I was re- spected by everybody — could be trusted, no matter with what. 1 used to do his marketing, going to Cincin- nati, sell his butter, flax-seed, potatoes, apples, peaches, yarn — every thing — and took every copper home. I wanted to be free, but was afraid to undertake it; for I thought if I were taken and carried back, it would be a great disgrace to me, as 1 was always trusted. They thought no more of trusting me with fifty or sixty dol- lars in their stores than with half a dollar. I made enough raising tobacco nights and Sundays to come to more than seventy or eighty dollars a year. I had always been trusty, and had been foreman on the farm. My master concluded that he must get an overseer. The overseer made the bargain, that he was not to interfere with the hands at all — what he wanted, he was to go to the overseer, who was to order the hands. The overseer carried on very well. He kept us moving from Monday morning until noon, Saturday — then we left work until Monday. This did not suit mas- ter nor mistress — it was a little too much privilege. If the fourth of July or a holiday was a Friday we had it, and Saturday afternoon as before. This troubled my master more than ever. He began to get very uneasy. I had not had a whipping for twenty years, and I said if they would put a hand on me, that I would nT stop any longer. The overseer observed, that he had made a rule that three boys were to make a turn about, one one Sunday, and another the next, to see things correct on the place. I had a wife at home, and was there more or less every Sunday. I always wanted to go to meeting: sometimes I would stop after meeting, but was always at home early to do the business. 361 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. The next Sunday after, the overseer was not satisfied, because none of us had stayed at home. He called me down to the barn, — he had a cow-hide under his coat. He said, why did n’t you stay at home yester- day ? I told him I wanted to go to church, and came home in the afternoon, after the church was out. “ I told you to stay at home,” said he, “ and whatever I tell you to do, you ’ve got to do it.” The whipping he gave me did not hurt me so much as the scandal of it, to whip so old a man as I was, and who had been so faithful a servant as I had been : I thought it un- sufferable. This was about the time the year rolled round. The overseer’s time was out, and the master took his place. I do n’t suppose I could tell in two hours what I went through In the spring about the 1st of May, he had the corn ground broken up com- pletely. Planted the corn, three of us, fifty acres. After it came up we ploughed in it before holiday. I worked hard to try to please my master. He came home and asked me, “ Where have you been ploughing ? ” “ Such and such a piece.” “ Is that alt you ’ve ploughed ? ” I told him it was. “ Well,” says he, “ I could plough more land in one day, than you and Dave both have ploughed.” It was as big a lie as ever was told, but I did not dare contradict him. The same day, he started away to buy up cattle. “ Now,” says he, “ I ’ll tell you what you’ve got to do: you’ve got all this field to weed out, replant, chop all the big briers out, then go to the high-tower place, weed out that, chop out all the big briers and replant it : then go down to old Archy Rendle, and do the same there.” “ I can’t do that,” says 1, “ to-day and to-morrow.” “ I do n’t tell yon to do it to-day and to-morrow,” said he, “ you ’ve to do it against I come back, if you do n’t I ’ll thump you.” He 31 362 the refugee; or a told Ben and Dave to plough the same fields over with two furrows in a row. Monday was holiday ; but he said, “you must go into Monday too:” taking away our holidays, which was never done to me before. Finding that he was going to take away our holi- dayp,_we all resolved to break and run away, hit or miss, live or die. There were thirteen of us started away in company, — not all from his place. One of the boys went down to Covington and made the ar- rangements. On a Sunday night we made our break, and when we got to Covington, it was daybreak ; the garrison were up, beating their drums. God was on our side, or we should have been gone. We divided at the last toll-gate. Some going through the gate and myself and little Henry going round. We then found a skiff and oars, got in the skiff and crossed the Ohio into Cincinnati. I was so afraid I ’d see somebody that knew me, I knew not what to do. When I got up on Main St., I saw a great black smoke coming out of the chimney of a steamboat as if she was coming right across,— I was certain she was coming after me. I met draymen who said, “ Arc you travelling ? ” “ No, I ’m going up on the hill, to see my brother.” My wife was nearly about to give out. “ Joe,” said she, “ do p^ay stop a few minutes and let us rest. Said I, I cannot stop, — if you want to stop you can, but I must go on. I caught her by the arm, and helped her on to the top of the hill. There I met a friend [Mr. Sandford’s narrative was here interrupted. The concluding portion of his fortunes is luckily supplied, however, in the narrative which follows.] NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 363 JOHN HATFIELD. I am a native of Pennsylvania ; and a mulatto. I was employed as a barber on a steamboat plying from New Orleans to Cincinnati. At one time, while in New Orleans, I was afraid they would take me under the law, and put me in jail. I would not conceal my- self on board the boat, but went up and stayed with a friend, until I thought it time for the boat to start. But I was too soon, and came back to the boat the day be- fore she sailed. I was arrested, ironed in the street to degrade me, and put in the jail, where I remained twenty-three hours. I found in the jail men from Bos- ton, New York, Baltimore, and other places. There was a chain-gang in there rattling, one crazy fellow shouting — it was awful ! It reminded me of the place of torment more than any thing else. In the morning the whip was cracking, starting out the chain-gang, just as one would start up horses. They measured me, and recorded my name. I had committed no crime. I never felt so degraded in my life. If I had murdered a man or stolen a horse, I could not have been treated with more contempt. A friend of mine sent a bed to the jail for me to sleep on — they would not take it in, — said I had a good bed — it was a plank and a blanket. They fed me on baked beans and pork, and charged me eleven dollars. It was a complete system of robbery. They make thousands of dollars so, out of the poor colored people. Still New Orleans used to be the best place in the Union for colored people, after tliey got the right of citizenship : but I am told it is getting to be harder on them now. I was in Cincinnati when thirteen slaves reached 364 THE kefugee; or a there, running from Kentucky. They got there at seven br eight in the morning. They were questioned very closely by slave-catchers. One, pretending to be their friend, put them in a cellar, and was guarding them very closely, in order to get the reward. Among the slaves were Joseph Sanford and his \^dfe. A few of us hearing of it, went there as quick as possible, and found the man stopping up the holes in the cellar to keep people from seeing them. I went in and asked Mrs. Sanford if she knew that man. She said, ‘‘ No — never saw him before.” I said, “ You must get out of this.” I put a comrade to watch the man, and we took them out two at a time, and hid them in various parts of the city. Their pursuers were there in less than an hour. They oflered large rewards to any one who would just tell what square they were in. But the rewards would not fetch them : a million of dollars would not take a slave in Cincinnati out of some people’s hands. They stayed concealed a fortnight, and then myself and others guided them on the way to Michigan, which they reached in safety. However, they were afterwards all captured in Michigan : but they got off before a judge, and were then sent over the line into Canada. I came into this country on account of the oppressive laws of the United States. I have as good friends in the United States, colored and white, as ever a man had, — I never expect to get so good friends again — but the lav:s were against me. I never felt better pleased with any thing I ever did in my life, than in getting a slave woman clear, when her master was taking her from Virginia. She came on board a steamboat to Cincinnati. She had got to a fnend’s house in the city. Word came to my ear that too many knew where she was. I went tliere and told NORTU-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 365 the friend ; he thought she was safe. Then I went home about sundown from there, and about dark he came to me — he told me they had been there, — they came to the back door, — he wrapped her in a blanket, took her out of a front window, and tool^her across the street. A man asked him what he had there. « A sick man.’^ He took her to another friend^s house across the street : that house was next surrounded. I took a young man’s clothes (he lived at my house) and dressed her in them, — we came out at a gate near by, we crossed over the street ; — there were five or six persons then coming tow'ards us — all I could say was, “walk heavy ! ” for they came right upon us. They walked with us lialf a square — I was scared only for her. They stopped a little — we got fifty yards ahead of them. I then told her, “ they are coming again, — hold your head up, and walk straight and heavy ! ” By this time they were up with us again : they walked with us a whole square, looking right in her face, trying to rec- ognize her. We came to where there was a light opposite, — I did not want to have her come to the light, — I turned the corner and said, “ Come this way, Jim.” She understood, and followed me. Upon this, they turned and walked away as fast as they could walk. What I said had the effect I put her in a safe place, and took a turn back again : I wanted to have some fun. There were about a dozen standing at the corner, near the house where they supposed she was, talking about it. I went into a corner house, — there were several of us in there, and we went to laughing and talking about it : we did this on purpose to make fun of them. They went away to a house, and said they had seen the “ nigger ” dressed in men’s clothes, but that they were afraid to take her, there were so 31 * 366 NOKTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVEEY. many niggers ” round. There was no one with her but me, but they did not want to have it appear they were beaten so badly. We had a good deal of sport out of it, — the woman we called ‘‘ Jim,” as long as she stayed there. She came to the North at last. I have had fifteen runaways harbored in my house at one time — in one year, twenty-seven. COLCHESTER Tins beautiful farming town, on the northern shore of Lake Erie, contains a population not far from 1,500, of whom about 450 are colored persons. The reeve of the town, Peter Wright, Esq., informed me that much of the land which has been opened to cultivation was cleared by fugitive slaves. They leased portions of wild land for a term of years, and by the time they had made a good clearing, they were obliged to go somewhere else. The amount of crime among tliem was no more than might have been expected from so ignorant and unenlightened a people. But as a whole, there is a manifest improvement in respect to honesty, and in their general deportment. They have the same opportunity to instruct their children as is enjoyed by the whites,, — that is, they draw their share of the school funds, and the trustees are bound to employ competent teachers. It would be convenient sometimes to employ teachers from the United States, but in that case they cannot draw gov- ernment money. The fugitive slave bill drove into Canada a great many who had resided in the free States : these brought some means with them, and their efforts and good example have improved the condition of the older settlers. ( 867 ) 368 THE refugee; or a The town clerk of Colchester coincided in the main with Mr. Wright, but expressed himself in more positive terms on the general improvement of the colored race. They have, however, I fear, but few friends among the white settlers. “ They ought to be by themselves ; ” “ if we try to encourage them, we shall have to mix with them,” — these and similar expressions are very com- mon. There are not many who wish to see the colored people come up to an equal rank with themselves, polit- ically or otherwise. The True Bands even begin to form an object of groundless distrust. Mr. Benj. Knapp, a native of the town, an intelligent farmer, and who is one of the assessors, gave me some information, which, with a few items from other sources, and the statements of the colored people themselves, will show the state of things in Colchester. The school system is not so well organized as in some of the States, sectarianism and prejudice interfere too much : the law allows too many separate schools paid for out of the public funds. The front part of the township along Lake Erie is well cleared up. The farms in this part belong to white settlers, native Canadians. In the interior there is yet a great deal of wild lands : to clear these up must be a work of time. Back of the cleared farms on the Lake shore, are farms owned mostly by whites, as far back as the fourth concession, with here and there a farm owned by a colored man. These farms are not generally so thoroughly nor so neatly cultivated as those of the whites ; though there are some white men’s farms no better than theirs. In regard to fugitives, there is not one who cannot find work within a few hours after he gets here. There is no trouble about that : “ we can’t get men enough to do our work.” NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 369 Beyond the fourth concession, “farms belonging to white and colored are mixed in.” This is a newly set- tled part ; it is within a few years that farmers have begun to settle there. Colored people have penetrated further into the woods than any of the whites : they are scattered all through the township up to the sixth con- cession. They are settled both north and south of the old Malden road : none would have ventured there but them : they are all anxious to own land : they go in anywhere they can make a claim, and clear up a patch. But their ignorance stands most wofully, and in some cases insurmountably, in their way. Instances of this sort are said to have occurred : a settler for instance takes a farm of 100 acres, appraised value ^200, with ten years to pay for it in. He pays $12 a year interest for ten years, supposing meanwhile that he is paying up the principal. He do nH understaiul it^ — and when the ten years have come round, he has not got the $200, and must leave his clearing. The colored people send their children to school, when they have schools, and seem anxious to send their chil- dren to school. The “ Colonial Church and School Society ” have noted this town as a school station. The settlement spoken of above where the colored people have “ penetrated into the woods,” is known as New Canaan. It is a prosperous settlement, in which the element of progress is strikingly manifest. ROBERT NELSON. I was born in Orange county, Va. My mother was sold away from me before I can remember. 1 was 370 THE refugee; or a taken from Virginia at seven, and remained there in Kentucky, in Boone county, until forty-seven. While I was in slavery, I belonged to a man who used me as he did his children, except that he gave me no educa- cation. I cannot wite or read. My master got involved, and I was mortgaged. The mortgage was out and closed, — the sheriff got aftei me, and I ran to Canada. I was to have been taken to a cotton farm in Louisiana. This was in April, 1845. I left without money. I had heard about the abolition- ists, but was afraid of them : I thought no white men would do what they said the abolitionists would do. I had been told that they would sell us. So I was afraid to trust them. The abolitionists wanted to have a meeting to raise money for me, but I slipped out of their hands. After I got here, I found they were all true. Some persons who wanted to betray me, told me I could not live in Canada. I came in without a shilling. I now own a house and one hundred and one acres of land. I have averaged about fifteen acres of land a year that I cultivated, having myself two thirds of the crop. This enabled me to support myself and family, and buy land. My wife belonged to another man. I sent on and bought her for $400. It is reported throughout the world, that colored peo- ple cannot live here : I have been here ten years, and have seen no one starving yet. Any man that will work can get $10 or $12 a month, cash, and more if he takes it in trade. I can raise corn sixty or seventy bushels to the acre, as good corn as ever was raised in the South. It has been stated that the colored popula- tion are lazy, and won’t work. The principal part all work. This report has been got out by begging agents, to fill their own pockets by raising money. NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 371 The prejudice is higher here in this place than in any part of Canada. It arises from a wish to keep the col- ored people so that they can get their labor. They used to work for the whites, but they only received half price, and cases have been known where, for ten pounds of pork, the laborer received five. The fugitive, as ig- norant of figures as a hog is of holiday, had cunning enough to go to another place and get it weighed. By these means, the colored people became unwilling to work for the whites, and tried to make themselves inde- pendent. They began to take up land and work for themselves : of course the whites could not hire them. They have consequently become freeholders, and are of some consequence at the polls. The colored people have cleared up two thirds of what has been cleared in this township. Those who came first, bought lands of individuals and lost them again : but when they began to buy of the government, they began to have good claims on the land. Some, when they first came, would take a lease of a few acres of wild land, for six or seven years. By the time they had got it cleared, and removed some of the stumps, the lease was out. Then the white man said, “ you can’t have that piece any more, — you must go back in the bush.” They found they must do different from this. They began to work on the land for them- selves, and to get farms of their own. Now because the white men cannot hire them, they say the colored people won’t work. They say, too, that the colored people steal. It may be that a few are a little light-fingered, they take, per- haps, a few small articles, and the greatest mischief is, it scandalizes us. What two or three bad fellows do, prejudice lays to the whole of us. But some white 372 THE refugee; or a men have stolen on the credit of the colored. It is very easy to say when a thing is missed, — “ O, ’tis some colored man stole it,” — although, it has, to my knowl- edge, been proved, that when theft was charged on a colored man, it turned out that a white man did it. There is a settlement here called New Canaan, where was a large body of wild land. Colored people went in and took it up at one hundred acres apiece. I guess there may be now forty families. [In 1852, there were twenty families.] They paid the first instalment, and had ten years to pay in. But three quarters of them have already paid the whole price, and got the deeds, and are making good improvements on their lands, making enough to support their families. The preach- ing of the gospel is regularly kept up. My wish to the people of the States is, to give no more money to the begging agencies. If they wish to give money to the fugitives and the sick, it should be given to the True Band societies, who can disburse it as it is wanted. The Band will attend to the fugitives. DAVID GRIER. I was born free in Maryland, — was stolen and sold in Kentucky, when between eight and nine years old. In Kentucky I was set free by will, and as they were trying to break the will up, some of my claimant’s friends persuaded me to come off to Ohio. From Ohio, I came here on account of the oppressive laws demand- ing security for good behavior, — I was a stranger and could not give it. I had to leave my family in Ken- NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 373 I came in 1831. I have cleared land on lease for five or six years, then have to leave it, and go into the bush again. I worked so about thirteen years. I could do no better, and the white people, I believe, took advan- tage of it to get the land cleared. This has kept me poor. I guess I have cleared not short of seventy or eighty acres, and got no benefit, I have now six acres cleared. EPHRAIM WATERFORD. I was born free ; was bound until twenty-one, in Vir- ginia. The man I was bound out to, was to teach me to read and write, but did not — never gave me any education at all. I came into Indiana in the spring that James K. Polk was made President. I stayed there till about two years ago. I left on account of oppression in Indiana. I had a farm there of forty acres paid for, and I had the deed. A law was passed that a colored man could not devise real estate to his wife and children, and there were other equally unjust laws enacted. I told them “ if that was a republican government, I would try a monarchical one.” Between thirty and forty of us, little and big, came over at the same time. I have a farm here of two hundred acres wild land : I have five acres under fence in corn now. E. Casey and S. Casey came over at the same time. They are doing first-rate. Both have farms on the 1st concession — I think be- tween twenty-five and thirty acres under fence together. There is prejudice right smart in some places in this town. We try to live as upright as we can, get a little 32 374 THE refugee; or a stock, etc. The whites can easily hire any colored man who has no work to do for himself. A great many are doing hired work about the town to-day hired more by white men than by colored, the white being more able. I intend to give my child as good an education as l ean. ELI ARTIS. I have twenty-five acres of land, bought and paid for, about eight acres cleared. I am often hired out, and never refuse to work where I can get my pay, and have often worked when I got no pay. The colored peo- ple are industrious, and if any say they are not willing to work, it is a lie, and I ’ll say so, and sign my name to it. I suffered from mean, oppressive laws in my native State, Ohio, or I would not have been in this country. I have lived here fourteen years. EPIIR^UM CASEY. I am from the State of Georgia, where I was born free. But the laws w;ere no better about learning for a free man than for a slave. I was never sent to a school in my life. My opportunities for religious information were poor. I am now a member of the Methodist Church. At about twenty -three, I emigrated to Indiana, NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 375 carrying no property. In Indiana, I attended to farm- ing. I had a farm there, and when I left, owned one hundred and eighteen acres. I left on principle — on account of the laws. I liked tlie countiy very welL The laws bore hard on me before I came away I had a case in law, and could not prove my side good by the evidence of colored men, which caused me a loss of filty or sixty dollars. I did not feel disposed to stand this, and emigrated into Canada. I settled in Colchester, where I bought out a white settler, land and stock, for seven Imndred and fifty dol- lars. The farm was sixty acres, one half improved : seventeen head of hogs, and five head of cattle. There was no good water there. He had dug in .a few places, but got no supply. I sunk a well twenty-eight feet, and the water now rises and runs over the surface, a stream eighteen inches deep j enough to supply water for a steam saw-mill, I have growing eight or ten acres of corn, five or six in wlieat, two or three in oats, some potatoes, and other vegetables. The land is bet- ter than where I was in Indiana. I moved in, two years ago last May. I have hired colored men to work for me whenever I wanted their help, and have seen them hired by others : but they prefer, so far as I know, to work for themselves, and to get an independent living. REV. WILLIAM RUTH. I am a native of Bourbon county, Ky., left there at twenty-seven, and have resided i>rincipally in Colches- ter since 1825. 376 THE refugee; or a I never met with any rough usage in slavery. It was expected that I would be set at liberty at thirty-one, by the will of my former master ; but as there was sup- posed to be a disposition not to give me a fair chance, I was assisted off by a man who was a slaveholder himself. There are a great many such movements there. I was young when I left there, but often saw separa- tions of families by sales and by hiring. I happened to fall to an Irishman, who was a good sort of a man — an extraordinary man for a slaveholder — in advance of all the county for kindness to his slaves. I have fifty acres of land under fence, and had it all cleared and improved years ago. It is well supplied with water. I have an orchard with a good assortment of fruits — apples, pears, and peaches. It is one of the best farms in Colchester. I own seventy acres besides in New Canaan. New Canaan is going to be one of the finest and most beautiful places. It has every advantage neces- sary to make it a fine settlement. It is covered with heavy timber, and has a first-rate soil. The settlers are doing extraordinarily for the time they have been there. The colored people have their inferior class as well as other people ; I mean a careless, loafing, negligent, vicious class — and they have their turn in prison, like other persons of that sort. We do n’t claim to be bet- ter than other people, but we claim to be as good. In regard to education, we are destitute of it, as a general thing. But the prospect is advancing. The government schools are kept up. The rising genera- tion are improving. My candid opinion in regard to raising money in the NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 377 United States for fugitives is, that they should have an agent here whom they can place confidence in, and have him expend it under the direction of a committee of white men belonging to the province. I would have the board white, in order to bring the races more to an understanding and better feeling towards each other ; another reason is, that the colored population have not generally had the opportunity to learn how to transact business. They might, as they improve, be placed on the board. The society over which I am placed, is connected with the Wesley or New Connexion in Canada. I preach every Sabbath, generally two or three times a day. They pay good attention to religion, and as a general thing are a moral people. The laws of chastity are well observed : in this they excel the whites. 32 * GOSFIELD. Numbers nearly 2,600 inhabitants. The whole col- ored population, by actual count, is 78. Of the heads of families, all but two or three are freeholders, and some of them have very good farms. James King, Esq., Clerk of the Courts for the County of Essex, C. W., thus characterized the colored people of Gosfield : They arc good, loyal subjects, and good, honest people. They are as moral as any people. There is no fault to be found with them at all.’’ JOHN CHAPMAN. I was originally from Kentucky, but removed into Indiana at fourteen. I did not feel safe in Indiana, and removed with my family into Canada at Gosfield. Then it was pretty much all bush. The farmers raised but little more than they wanted themselves. One raises as much now as twenty did then. It was hard to get a start when I came to this country. There are now seventy-eight men, women, and chil- dren : when I came there were but three colored. We ( 378 ) O NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 379 liv6 like rich folksj but when we Ccirne I wrs ulrnost discouraged. They are generally getting along as well as could be expected. All make a good living. Most of them own houses and land. They generally attend divine service, and send their children to school when it is open. It is not kept up in the summer. THOMAS JOHNSON. I was raised in Virginia, which I left with my master for Kentucky, at the age of twenty-one. Twenty years after we moved, my master died, and 1 remained with my mistress taking care of the farm. I used to take a great deal of care of the place, seeing to the farming operations, and have been to Cincinnati to sell produce. The people all considered me trustworthy and honora- ble, and some of the white people said I could make greater crops than they could. I had a wife and several children on a neighboring farm. She wished to leave for Canada, with the three youngest children. I gave her money and she got away into Canada safe enough. As soon as she was gone, I was seized and put in jail — her owners said, if they shut up the hen they could soon find the chickens. They asked me in the jail, “if I knew she was going?” I asked them “ if they knew the height and size of my wife?” They said they did. “Well,” I told them, “that is my life — and if your wife has done as many pretty things for you, as mine has for me, would n’t you be willing to give her a little money to help her?” In a few days, I was let out. I still continued on the 380 THE refugee; or a farm attending faithfully to my work — but my mistress’ friends, suspecting that when she died, I would run off to rejoin my wife, persuaded her to sell me. One day, eighteen months after my wife left, I was sent for to the house. I went in, and asked my mistress what was wanting. “ Oh, dear ! ” said she, “ I don’t know, Thomas.” But I know what ’twas for. Said I, “ When our Saviour was on earth, they could make out nothing against him, till they got false witnesses, — and there are false witnesses against me.” I was kept at the house that night, in charge of three men, but was not put into strict confinement. The next morning, one of them produced a pair of handcuffs connected with a long chain, and said, “ we must put these on, Thomas.” I said, “ You will hot put them on to me, — I have done nothing for which I should wear such things as them.” “ I ’ll tell you the truth, Thomas,” said he, “ we are going to send you down the river.” I was sitting at the grunsel, and as I sat, I carefully slipped oft’ my boots, then jumped up and ran for the woods. They ran after me a short distance. I had thirty-five dollars in my coat pocket, which came in the way, running. I held it up in my hand, and as I did so, turned to look behind me. My mistress’ son was at a fence, and he called out, “ Thomas ! o-o-h, Tho-o-mas ! ” pitifully. No one was now following me. I hid in the woods. I could not Realize it — I sat down on a stump, and said to myself, “ is n’t this a dream ? ” I could not realize that I had done such a thing as to run away — it seemed so loio. I — that had always been trusted, and had served faithfully — to be a rnnor way at last. That night, I crossed the river to Cincinnati. From this place I sent a letter to a man in Kentucky, that if NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 381 he would buy me, I would return and live with him. He showed the letter to my folks, and they VTote me to come back, promising a great many things. My letter was dated Cleveland, but I was in Cincinnati. I thought as I was now away from them, I might as well go on to Canada. I aimed for Toronto, but on my way fell in with a man on board the boat, who knew where my wife and children lived in Malden. I went there and joined them : and since that time, three others of my children have made their escape and are here. I hired a piece of land in Malden for three years. It was not cleared, — I cleared it : then my lease was up, and I rented a farm fifty dollars a year for five years. When I took it, the fence was down. I fixed it up, and cleared more. Then I told my folks that T would have, a piece of land of my own. They thought I could not pay for it. I told them if they put a piece of ice on a log in the sun, they would see the ice melt away, — so, said I, our strength is melting away. I took a piece of fifty acres, six acres cleared, at five dol- lars an acre, and I have got the clear deed of it. Oth- ers have done the same, and are doing it now. I don’t want anybody to beg for me in the United States. ELI JOHNSON. In slavery, we are goods and chattels, and have no surname : but slaves generally take their master’s name. I was born and raised in old Virginia, Orange Co., till I was thirty. My treatment there was only mid- dling. After thirty, I was sold to a trader, and carried m i ' "t . i 382 THE refugee; or a to Natchez. I was then sold at auction for $1,200, — put on a cotton farm, and allowed a peck of corn a week and three pounds meat, — was called sometimes an hour to day, sometimes less, — must be on hand else got the whip. If there was deemed sufficient cause, if there was any word, or the least thing they did not like, the man was staked down for four hundred lashes. I saw a man staked down and whipped one Sunday, un- til the blood lay in a pool on each side of him. It was through the fear of the Lord, that I endured the perse- cution put upon me, — I suffered a great deal there, — and but for the fear of the Lord and the worth of my own soul, I should have murdered the overseer. When I first went it was a warm climate : I had to drink the muddy water of the river, which made me sick and weakened me down. Every day I was threatened with seven hundred and fifty lashes, if I complained of being sick. I had to keep on : being of strong constitution I began to mend, and endured all they put on me for six f i| : years. My wife was with me, and was made to suffer worse than I. I was in constant fear of the lash, but made out to plead off, although the whipping seemed to be sometimes, just to keep their hand in. Many men and women were punished with a paddle and whip. I had to make paddles with twelve holes in them. A block lay in the cotton yard over which they were placed to be paddled. I saw them take one man and paddle him, tlien they struck him with a handsaw, then with a bull whip: then they ordered me to lock the biggest log chain I could Und on the place around his neck with the biggest lock, and keep him at my house until next morning. I went out in the field leaving him at the house, not believing him able to get out. The overseer p in cli V sc a n a O’ i ; ' fc 4^ tl I : S' t la Ci . ii I t ■« r a c I NORTII'-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 383 gave me so many minutes to go and get him. I went back for him, and met him hobbling along with the chain. He had to work at chopping wood. Three weeks he wore the chain : then myself and another bailed him, and the chain was taken off : if he had run away, we were to wear the chain. Three days after the whipping, he was allowed no food. We gave him some of ours, but did not dare let it be known. The whipping was because he ran away. He ran away, because the overseer appropriated his wife. The man threatened to do something about it, — the over- seer threatened him with a .whipping, — then he ran away. I know all this, — I saw the treatment with my own eyes. E was the overseer’s name, — he stayed there three years. While under E , I was put on short allowance of food and made to work on the Sabbath, etc. I was then a professor and used to hold prayer-meetings Sat- urday night. One Saturday night, during meeting, E sent for me. I went to him. He told me to stay until he had eaten breakfast next morning, then he would stake me down and give me five hundred lashes ; for he would n’t have such things as meetings carried on. I managed to slip off, and went to the cab- ins. I went back to him next morning while he was at breakfast : his wife was facing me, he was back to me. She pointed at me, and said, there he is.” I clapped my hands together and said, “ In the name of God why is it, that I can’t after working hard all the week, have a meeting on Saturday evening ? I am sent for to re- ceive five hundred lashes for trying to serve God. I ’ll suffer the flesh to be dragged off my bones, until my bones stare my enemy in the face, for the sake of my • I' ' ! j 384 THE refugee; or a ' blessed Redeemer.” He did not come to me, — he ap- I peared startled at my appearance. He went into the ! house from the porch, got his gun and walked away. After he had gone I walked away. I think the reason he did not punish me was, that i once when it got to me that he said he would whip me, and his wife wished he would, 1 had said, — “If he whips me. I’ll put him and his wife in hot water.” I knew that he had been intimate with some of the slave women. He told me at one time to leave my cabin door, so he could get in, in the night, on account of one of two girls that were there. I left the door on the latch, and warned the girl. He came — but she strug- ' gled against him, got away, and came to the bed where were I and my wife. His wife heard what I said about “ hot water,” and sent for me, making an excuse about a partition. She placed a chair near me, “ Well, Eli,” she i say?, “ what ’s that you was going to put me and my ; husband in hot water for ? ” I tried to turn it off. She insisted, and at last got mad because I would n’t tell her, and said she ’d make him make me tell. He made her believe, that he would make me tell, and he told me that he would n’t for his right arm have his wife j know. So I knew what grounds I stood on, and kept I clear of the lash. ' The next overseer was S . He kicked a woman’s ' eye out, the first day he came there. He asked her a question in the gin-house, which she did not under- I stand. She said “ No, Sir,” at a venture. The an- I swer was wrong — she was stooping down, and he ; kicked her face. It put her ^ye out. He went to the house for something to put on it. She cried out aloud. I Said he, “ Shut up ! I ’ve killed a great many better NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 385 looking niggers th'an yon, and thrown ’em in the bayou.” Tins I heard him say myself. Nothing was done about the loss of the eye: the woman’s husband dared say nothing about it In three weeks’ time, . whipped three women and nine men. The talk m the quarters was among some to put him to death ; others were afraid to try it He left before the month was up; another named W was then overseer. He went on rather roughly. There had been an un- derhanded business done in selling cattle and wood off the place, from which master had no benefit, in conse- quence of which, I was privately made a sort of watch- man over the place. After W , the next overseer, was my master’s brother. At the end of two years, they fell out about settling — the master said he was broke: they drew knives, threatening each other, but did not use them. Master said he would take the best slaves off the place, and then sell the place, with the sorriest ones on it! Then he said he could n’t pay his brother in money, but his brother might take it in slaves. The brother picked out myself, wife, and two children and two others, which was too many. Master objected — then they drew the knives. Master gave him me, wife, and children. At night, fearing he might take the others, he took them himself, to his upper place, where he lived above Natchez. My new master removed us to Kentucky. We were all the slaves he had. We raised tobacco, oats, etc. I considered my treatment worse than at any other place. They gave me great encouragement to come with them, promising me well. Among other things, he promised to pay me $10.25, earned by me at overwork chopping. After I got to Kentucky, I want- 33 386 THE kefugee; or a ed a hat. I went and picked one ont, and told the shopman I’d get the money of my master. I sent his son in to ask for it. He sent me word that if I men- tioned money again, or told any person that he owed it, he would give me five hundred lashes ! A while after, I asked him to give me a little money. “ What do you want of money ? ” “ To buy me a hat.” “ Is n’t that hat good enough ? ” “ It don’t turn the water, and I see the colored people wearing respectable hats, and I want one to wear to meeting.” He said “ go to such a place, get a wool hat, and have it charged to me.” I went and got it, — it was a poor thing, and cost one dollar. I did what he wanted as well as I could, to avoid punishment. I staid with him three years. One day he had ordered me to draw some water on a sled : then he called me into the field. I stooped down to unloose a chain, — he hurried up to me with an axe in his hand. He says, “ When I want you for one thing, you are sure to do another.” I answered, ‘‘ I ’ve got to work till I die, and had as lief work at one thing as another.” He threatened me with the axe — I did n’t dodge. Then he threatened me that he would give me the five hundred lashes before many days. I thought he might finally undertake it, and that I’d bet- ter be off. I received assistance from kind friends, and reached Canada without difficulty about five years ago. I have had a serious time in my fife. I felt so thankful on reaching a land of freedom, that I could n’t express myself. When I look back at what I endured, it seems as if I had entered a Paradise. I ' can here sing and pray with none to molest me. I am a member of the Baptist Church, and endeavor to live a Christian fife. I rent a piece of land, and make out to five. My NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 387 fEmily Ere sickly, so thEt I huve not been Eble to pur- chEse IehcI. But I Em not discouraged, and intend to work on while I have health and strength, and to live such a life as I should wish when I come to die. VALUABLE BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY *9 THE WRITINGS 0 F THE REV. JOHN GUMMING, D. D. ©? IL®1?3©©RJ. price 75 eta. 76 u u 75 u 75 f «« 76 ** 75 «< 75 « ** 75 *• 75 i$ 75 u « 75 '* 75 44 75 44 1.00 OH- THE BENEDICTIONS, OB THE BLESSED LIFE, 1 Tol., Umo, THE CHUKCU BEFORE THE FLOOD, THE TENT AND THE ALTAR. THE VOICES OP THE DAY, THE VOICES OP THE NIGHT, THE VOICES OP THE DEAD, THE CHRISTIAN’S DAILY LIPB, MORNING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON GENESIS. MORNING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON EXODUS, MORNING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON LEVITICUS, evening SCRIPTURE READINGS ON MATTHEW, ' EVENING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON MARK, EVENING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON LUKE, LECTURES ON ROMANISM, [very thick volume,] ‘ The ^mirable writings of this distinguished preacher are so well known in this country that it is not necessary to publish many testi- monials in their favor. We give a few from leading religious papers. P'-bUc a ** CnmmlBg.” (iiaclnatlng, while to .pint they are d«ply “0 .tlmelattag, pregeaet ^ thought, and so pervaded with genial Christian feeling, as those of Dr. CummIng.”-fA« I^esbyteHan, FhOadefyJkU^ 2 \ JEWETT A CX)MPANY BOSTON, AND CLEVELAND, OHIO, « • WRITINGS OF REV. JOSEPH P. THOMPSON, EGYPT, PAST AND PRESEN T- tbstxd^ foU-page |llttstraftons, ^^ngrabtb jcvprtssln for foork. This is by far the cheapest, and as finely-written and reliable a work as has ever appeared on Egypt. *• A more Interesting, spicy book of travels we have not seen In a long time.’* — Battem Argus. ** Here la a good book, which we have read with pleasure and — JEvening Mirror, New York. **An extremely entertaining and instructive volume." — Daily News, rhilu. "This is a volume Aill of interest, and Illustrated with numerous engravings of the highest excellence." — Dventny Transcript, Boston. " The author of this book of Travels will be recognized as one of the editors of the New York Independent, who went abroad for his health. Mr. Thompson Is a man of fine habits of observation, possesses a lively mind, and is a graphic writer. Besides, he Is a man who knows whereof he w’rltes, and one who writes from a Christian stand-point. From the amount of ancient, profane and sacred history with which he brings his observations into association, his work is as instructive as it is interesting." — Springfield Bepublican. " This Is decidedly the most instructive and satisfactory book, respecting Eg 3 rpt and everything appertaining to that old and Interesting country, that we have ever met with." — Lutheran Observer, Btdtimore. OT MEW Y®KK. In one elegant 12mo volume, with Price $1.00. NOTICES OF THE PRESS. ^>a 7 VALUABLE BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY THE MOTHERS OF THE BIBLE. B Y MRS. S. G. ASHTON. WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY REV. A. L. STONE. This volume commends Itself to our favor when we notice the name of the writer of the introduction. We entertain for Mr. Slone the most profound respect. As a writer, he has peculiar merit •, and in all respects he Is a man. His com- mendation would give us confidence to endorse any work he had examined. The * Mothers ’ are described with a good deal of feeling, and with power, and perhaps we might say, with genius ; for the author Is quick In detecting character trom Irlttlng Incidents. The book will interest every lover of the Bible. In the execu- tion of the work, the publishers deserve all praise. Mr. Jewett has here given us the handsomest volume, for the price, we have ever seen."— PIouoA, Loom AnvU, N. r. "A valuable as well as a beautiAil book. It contains accounts of the women of the scripture who brought up children, and Its object Is to show what are the best and most scriptural modes of educating the young. It will please our religious readers, and suggest many useful Ideas to mothers."— Do«y Courant, Hartford. ** Here is a charming book which every Christian mother should possess.” — Ind. DemocrcU, Concord, " An invaluable volume, a precious offering, which we trust will find its way to many a youthful hand, to many a maternal bosom." — American Cboricr. "The author has a noble theme, and faithAilly has it been unfolded and en- forced."— C/irwitan Ckronide, Philadelphia, " It Is such a book that no one but a lady could have written, and such an one as no lady can fall to epjoy in reading."- L’yeninj; Traveller, Boston, "It is the product of a beautiful mind, evidently under the guidance of a truly Christian and devout spirit." — Puritan Recorder, " It is a good book, and will repay more than one reading by all upon wh