MONTREAL, 
 Keceived... .10.01 
 

^ts^ortcaf Zx(xth 
 
 I ^6i- 1800 
 
 COLLECTED AND ANNOTATED BY 
 
 STUART J. REID 
 
 Volume CCCLXin, 
 
 1727 (i) 
 
 THE GIFT OF MRS PETER REDPATH TO THE REDPATH 
 LIBRARY, MoCILL UHIVERSITY, MOHTREAL 
 
 LONDON : printed by the donor 
 
 FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION 
 
 MCMI 
 
The basis of the present collection of His- 
 torical Tracts was a group of State pamphlets 
 in forty volumes, gathered by Sir John 
 Bramston, M.P. (1611-1700), Chairman of 
 Committees in the House of Commons in the 
 early years of Charles II.’s reign. The Auto- 
 biography of Sir John Bramston was printed 
 by the Camden Society in 1845- 
 lection as it now stands is rich in Civil War 
 and Commonwealth Tracts. It represents 
 vividly the conflict of opinion at the Restora- 
 tion and at the Revolution of 1688. The 
 military conflicts, political intrigues, and theo- 
 logical controversies which marked the reigns 
 of William III. and Queen Anne are thrown 
 into relief by many rare and forgotten 
 brochures. The civil and religious struggles 
 for liberty and toleration which took place in 
 the Georgian Era are reflected as in a mirror 
 by many curious manifestoes. The whole 
 collection illustrates the growth of opinion in 
 matters religious, political, literary, and social, 
 from the days of Queen Elizabeth to the dawn 
 of the nineteenth century. 
 
 S. J. R. 
 
 East Gf'iftsteady Sussex. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 REIGN OF GEORGE II 
 
 (1727-1760) 
 
 VOLUME CCCLXIII 
 1727 (I) 
 
 I 5 ’ . Exact and Correct List of the 
 
 Lor^ Spiritual and Temporal, as likewise of 
 the Knights, and Commissioners ... in the 
 ensuing Parliament. 
 
 2. Reasons against a War. In a Letter 
 
 Parliament. By an Old 
 
 Whig. ^ 
 
 3 » A Defence of an Essay on the 
 Pubhck Debts of this Kingdom, &c. In 
 answer to a Pamphlet, entitled, A State of 
 the National Debt &c. By the Author of 
 the Essay. 
 
 4. A Letter to the People of England 
 occasion d by the Falling away of the Clergy 
 from the Doctrines of the Reformation. 
 
 [c. 1727.] 
 
 5. An Answer to IVP Mist’s Journal of 
 
 
No. 93. In a Letter to the 
 
 the 28 of Jany. 
 
 Author. 
 
 The ‘ Weekly Journal ’ or ‘ Saturday’s Post a 
 
 Tory organ published by Nicholas Mist, in which 
 Defoe fhoulh a Whig, wrote for a time anony- 
 mously with Lord Sunderland s approbation. 
 
 6. An Essay upon the Civil Wars of 
 France, and also upon the Epick Poetry o 
 the European Nations. By Voltaire. 
 
 Fran90is Marie Arouet 
 
 French poet, historian, and philosopher. One 01 
 the great masters of French literature, and perhaps 
 the most brilliant iconoclast of the eighteenth 
 century, in whom the revolutionary aspirations of 
 that ^e found their foremost and most Earless 
 exponent. Great force of character, w‘de;;ange °f 
 ability and knowledge, immense 
 and a terrible gift of sarcasm, were united in him 
 with a spirit of -evolt and a moral co“fage which 
 served him well in attack. His works 
 volumes, and his career was as full of dramatic 
 incidents as his character was full of surprises. 
 
 7. Lettre Du P. Le Courayer Chanoine 
 Regulier et Bibliothecaire De Ste. Genevibve 
 De Paris i Mylord Percival. Au sujet de la 
 nouvelle accusation de faux . . . 
 
An ExacSt and Cov^tct 
 
 L 1ST 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 
 
 As Likewife 
 
 Of the Knights and Commifiioners of 
 Shires, Citizens^ and Burgefles, chofe to 
 ferve in the enluing Parliament. 
 
 Being The Firft Parliament of his Majefty 
 KING GEORGE II. and the Seventh of 
 Great Britain fince the Union, 
 
 Wherein every Member is juflly and properly 
 del'crib’d by his Title^ Honour, Dignity, of 
 Public k Employment, 
 
 L 0 D 0 IT: 
 
 Printed for J. Tote at the Golden Door over-agalnft 
 Suffolk-StreeG and N. Blandford at the London-Gaz.ettet 
 near Charing- Crojs j Sold alio by J, Roberts in War- 
 wick- Lane^ W. Meadows at the Royal-Exchange, and 
 A. Dodd without Temple-Bar, ijty, {Tr, i 
 
L 
 
 An Exadl 
 
 I S 
 
 OF T H F 
 
 T 
 
 ■Lords Spiritual and Temporal.’ 
 
 Note m.,Ki ,y, @ ,t, fref„, Kvight, of lit 
 
 (jarter , and thofe with the kiitiuk * ure under Jge. 
 
 ^ M f^ighnefs Frederick Lewis, PrSnet of 
 
 m m Wales, rfwi 0 / Brunfwick Lunenburg £>i/h 
 JL V ^inburg,^ Marquis of the IJle of Ely, Er.rl 
 t n. • , LItham tn the County of Kent, Vlhount- of 
 
 Cornwall, nnd Baron of Inzudon 
 
 * His Bpyal Nighnef WilHam Augufl-us, Duke of Cumberland 
 
 Ken.ngton m Surrey Vifcount e/ Trematon the County If 
 ornwall, B/iro« of the IJle of Alderney, and Knight of the 
 Order of the Bath, fecond Son to his moji facred- 
 
 ^ His Erneft Auguftus, r Prince of BrunAvick- 
 
 Peter King, Dor^ King, Baron of Ockham, Lord High Chancellor 
 
 of the Charter. Houfe. P C. 
 ^ru* of Devonfhhe, Marquis 
 
 c/ Hartington, and Baron Cavendifh of Hardwick, Lord Pre. 
 
 ct”4V De?bT' P. C 
 
 *^W."p'c Brombam, Lord Privy. 
 
 Lionel 
 
 A 
 
Lionel CranHeld Sacicvllle, ^orrct,E^rl <>/^t 
 
 \wMiddlefex, Wilron, 
 
 Cranfield of Cranfield, Lord Snxoard of hts 
 Lord mrden of the Cinriue Ports, Governor of Dwer-Caltle, 
 find Lord High Stevonrd of Stratford upon Avon. 
 m Charles Fitz Roy, Duke of Grafton Earl Arlington 
 find Eufton, Vifcount Thetford and IfM, and Baron of 
 Sudbury, Lord Chamberlain of the Kjng s Houjhold, I{anger of 
 W^^hlttlewood Foreft in the County of Northamptonj and Lor 
 Lieutenant of the County of Suffolk. P. C. 
 
 DUKES qx. 
 
 t Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Arundel, Sur: 
 rey, Norfolk, and Norwich, and Baron Howard Mowbray, 
 Segrave, Brewfe of Gower, Fitz Allen, Warren, Clun, Ui- 
 walftree, Maltravers, Gray (lock, Ferdon, Lovetot, Strange 
 of Blackmere, and Howard of Caftlerlfing , Earl Marfhal, and 
 Hereditary Ma^fhal cf England. r j’ 
 
 Charles Seymour, Duke of Somerftt, Earl of Hertrord, 
 
 " Vifcount and Baron Beauchamp of Hache, Baron of Sudley, 
 and Ba on Seymour of Trowbridge, and Lord of the Honour 
 of Corkermouth and Petwonh, Chancellor of the lyniverfity of 
 Cambridge, aijd one of the Governors of the Charter-Houfe. P. C, 
 
 ^ Charles Firz Roy, Duk? of Cleveland and Southampton, 
 Earl of Chichefter and Southampton ; and Baron of Newbury 
 Nonfuch. 
 
 ^ Charles Lenox, Duke of Richmond and Lenox, Earl of 
 March and Darnley ; Baron o/Setrington a7jd Methuen, Aid de 
 Camp to his MajcJly, and Captain in the Bpyal Regiment of Horfe-^ 
 Guards Blue. 
 
 * Henry Somerfet, Duke of Beaufort, hiarqnis and Earl of 
 Worcefter, Earl of Glamorgan, Vifcount Grefmont, and Baron 
 Herbert of Ragland Chepftow and Gower, and Baron Beau- 
 fort of Caldecot Caftle. 
 
 Charles Beauclalr, Duk^ of St. Albans, Earl of Burford, and 
 Baron of Heddington, Kpight (f the Bath, Lord Lieutenant and 
 Guftos Rotulorum of the County of Bucks, and Begifler of the 
 High Court of Chancery, Mafier of he Hcrfe to the ^een. 
 
 ^ (.harles Powlett, Duke of Bolton, Marquis of H^inchcjler, 
 Earl of Wilt (hire, and Baron Sc. John of Bafing, Colonel of 
 the R^yal ({egiment of Horfe*Guards Blue, Lord Lieutenant and 
 Cudos Rotulorum of the County of Southampton ; Lord Lieu^ 
 tenant and Cuilos Rotulorum of the County of Dorfet, Cuftos 
 R..)rii!arum (f the County of Carmarthen, Bailiff of Burley^ 
 Vf’Wden and Keeper if the Kew Foreft in the County of Soulhamp- 
 
3 y 
 
 ton ; Governor of Milford in the County \of Pembroke, and 
 Governor of the IJle of Wight, and Vice Admiral of South 
 Wales, County of Southampton, and the Jfle of Wight, and 
 Lord High Stexoard of the City of Winchefter. P. C. 
 
 Peregrine Osborne, Duke of l.ecds, Marquis of Carmarthen, 
 Earl of Danby, Vifcount Latimer and Dumbkine, Baron Os- 
 borne of Kiveton, and Baronet, 
 
 * Wriothefly Ruffel, Duke and Earl of Bedford, Marquis of 
 Taviftock, B/jron Ruffel f’/Thornhaugh, B/jrow Howland 
 of Stretham. 
 
 * Edmund Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamfhire, and alfo Duke 
 and Marquis of Normandy, Earl of Mulgrave, and Baron fif 
 Butterwick. 
 
 John Manners, Duke and Earl of Rutland, Marquis of 
 Granby, Baron Roos 0/ Hamlake, Trusbul, /twd Bel voir, and 
 Baron Manners of Haddon, Chancellor of the Diitchy of Lan- 
 cafter, and Lord Lieutenant cf the County of Leicefter. P. C, 
 John Montagu, Duke and Earl of Montagu, Marquis 
 and Vifcount r/ Mounihermer, and Baron Montagu of Bough- 
 ton, Great Mafter of the Order of the Bath, Mafter of the Great 
 Wardrobe^ Mafier Forefter to his Majejly^ I'Varden of )^ocV\wg* 
 ham Bailyvoick^and of Goddington Woods in the Forejl of Rock- 
 ingham m the County 0/ Northampton, and Lord Lieutcnajit 
 of the Counties 0/ Northampton and Warwick. P. C. 
 
 § James Graham, Duke^ Marquis and Earl e?/*Montrofe, Marquis 
 of Graham, and Lord of Eskfdale, Dundaff and Kincairn, 
 Keeper of the Great Seal of Scotland. P. C- 
 
 Charles Douglas, Duke of Dover and Duke of Orieensbury, 
 Marquis of Beverly, and Baron of Rippon, Lord Admiral of 
 Scotland, P. C. 
 
 ^ Henry de Grey, Dul^e^ Marquis and Earl of Kent, Earl of 
 Harold, Vifcount Goodrick tj/Goodrick Caftle, Baron Haftings 
 and Baron Lucas of Crudewcli, Lord Lieutenant of the County 
 cf Bedford. P. C. 
 
 James Hamilton, Duke of Hamilton and Brandon, Marquis of 
 Clydefdale, Earl of Aran, Lanerck and Cambridge, Lord of 
 Avon, Poimont, Markinfbirc, Innerfdale, and Baron Dutton, 
 Knight of the moft anticnt Order cf the Thijlle, 
 
 Robert Bertie, Duke of Ancafter and Kefteven, Marquis and 
 Earl of LAvidSkyy and Baron Willoughby o/Eresby, Lord G> eat 
 Chamberlain of England, Keeper of Waltham Forejl y and Lord 
 Lieutenant of the County of Lincoln. P. C. 
 
 • Evelyn Pierepoint, Duke and Earl of Kingfton, Marquis of 
 Dorchefter, Vifiount Newark, and Baron Pierepoint of Holme- 
 
 Pie repoinU 
 
 A i Thomas 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 ^ Thomas Holies Pelham, Duke of Newcaflle, Mnrtfuh and 
 Earl of v..la e, lifcount and Baron Pelham t)/ Laughton /^wrfBar, 
 Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Weftminfter, and 
 
 Nottingham, Kjrper of his Majefiy^s Foreji of Sherwood, and 
 Park.of Tole vood, one of his Majefly^s Principal Secretaries of 
 State^ ard one of the Governors of the Charter Houfe. P. C. 
 
 * William Bennnck, Duke and Earl of Portland, Marrjuis of 
 Ti»rhfieid, ViJ count \Nooi^oc\ti^ and Baron of Cnencc^tr* 
 t Philip \A barton, Dukf-, hdar/juis and Earl of Wharton, M/ir- 
 quis of Malmshurv’, Vifccunt \A' inchendon, Baron Wharton, 
 and / crd of Heleigh, a!Jo ^Marquis of Cathcrlough, Earl of 
 Rarhfernham, and Laron of Trim in Ireland, extra Bpgnum 
 V illian^ Montague, Duke and Earl of Manchefter, Vifeount 
 Mandeviile, and Baron Montague of Kimbolton, Knight of 
 th-' Rath, Collector of the Cuftomj outvoard in the Port <?/ London, 
 and o d Lieutenant of the County of Huntingdon. 
 
 James Brydges, . ukf ^f Chzndos^ Marquis and Earl of C^xn‘^r\>on^ 
 Chancios of Sudky, and Baronet^ Chancellor of theXJnL 
 verfity of St. Andrews in North Britain, one of the Governors 
 of the Chart r H >u(e, and Lord Lieutenant of the bounties 'of 
 He reford and Radnor. P C. 
 
 ^ J )hn Campbel, Ouk: and Earl of Greens \c\\y Chatham, 
 a. d Duke of Argyll, Majle> General of the Ordnance^ Colonel of 
 her Majepy s omi B^egime^it of Horfe^ Lord High Steward of the 
 Bo-ough of Malmsbury in W'iltftiire, Hereditary Lord Lieutenant 
 of the Shires of Argyll and Dumbarton. P. C. 
 
 Scroop hgerton, Duke and Earl cf Bridgewater, Marquis and 
 Vifeount Brarkley, and Baron Ellefmere, Lord Lieutenant of the 
 County of Bucks. 
 
 MARaUISSES %. 
 
 t William Herbert, Marquis ^nd Earl of Fowls, Vifeount Mentis 
 goniery, Baron Powis cf Powis, and Bart. 
 
 § John Hay, Marquis and Earl Twedale, Vifeount Peebles 
 Lord Lockerrit and Yefter, and Bailiff of Dumfermling. 
 
 E A R L S 8y. 
 
 t George Talbot, Eeir/ ^/Shrewsbury, and Baron atfa 
 
 Earl of Waterford and Wexford in Ireland ’ ^ 
 
 James Stanley F.r/ of Derby, Baron Stanley, Strange ./ 
 Knockyn and Mohun, Lord of Man, and the IJles, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of thi County of Lancafter. P. C. 
 
 Theophllus 
 
I y J 
 
 Thophilus Haftings, Earl of HuntIngrJon, Baron HaftIngsJ 
 Hungerford, Botreux, Molens and Moels. 
 
 ^ Thomas Herbert, Earl of Pembroke atid Montgomery, 
 Baron Herbert of Cardiff, Rofi of Kendal, Parr, Fitzhugh, 
 Marmion, '"t Quintin. and Herbert of Shu'rland, Lord Lieu^ 
 tenant of the County of Wilts, and one of the Governors of the 
 Charter Houfe. P C. ^ 
 
 Henry Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, Baron Clinton and Say, 
 Cofferer of his Majefly^s Houfhold, P. C. 
 
 Edward Howard, Earl of Su^o\k, and Baron Howard 0/ Walden, 
 ^mes Cecil, Earl of Sallsbur}', Vijcount Cranbarn, and Baron 
 Cecil o/Eflingdon, High Stevoard <?/ Hertford. 
 
 Brownlow C ceil, Earl of Exeter, and Baron of Burleigh, 
 corder of the Borough of Stamford in Lincolnlhire. 
 
 John Sydney, Earl o/Leicefter, Vifeount Lifle, and Baron Sydney 
 ^)/Penfllurft, Kjiight of the Bath, Lord Lieutenant of the County 
 o/Kent, and Captain of theTeomen of the Guard, 
 
 James Compton, Earl of Northampton, and Baron Compton of 
 Compton. 
 
 Edward Rich, Earl of Warwick and Holland, Baron Rich of 
 Leighs, and Baron of Kenfington. 
 
 William Fielding, Earl of Denbigh, Vifeount and Fielding 
 of Newnham Padox, and Lord St. Liz, alfo Earl of Defmond, 
 Vifeount Callen, and Baron of Caghe in Ireland 
 Thomas Fane, Earl of Weftmoreland, Baron le Dlfpenfer, and 
 Burgherfh, Fir ft Commiffioner of Trade and Plantations, P. C. 
 Henry Bowes Howard; Earl of Berkfhire, Vifeount Andover ; 
 
 and Baron Howard of Charlton. ^ 
 
 John Savage, Ear! Rivers, Vifeount Colchefler, and Vifeount Sa- 
 vage 0/ Rock Savage, Baron Darcy of Chich; and Baronet, 
 
 ^ Charles Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborough and Monmouth,' 
 Vifeount Avalon, Baron Mordaunt of Turvey, and Baron 
 Mordaunt of Ryegatc, General of all the Ivlarine Forees, 
 
 Harry Grey, Earl of Stamford, Baron Grey of Groby, Bonville 
 and Harrington. 
 
 John Finch, Earl of Winchelfea, Vifeount Maidftone, Baron 
 Fitzherbert o/Eaftwell, and Baronet, 
 
 Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chefterfield, and Baron Stan- 
 hope d/ S helford, one of the Lords of the Bed- Chamber to the 
 Kjng^ and Ambaffador Extraordinary to the States General. 
 Thomas Tufton, Earl of Thanet, Baron Clifford, and Baron 
 Tufron, and Baronet, 
 
 Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, and Baron Spertcer of 
 Wormleighton. 
 
 Nicholas Leak, Earl of Scarfdalc, Baron Deincourt of Sutton, 
 and Baronet^ 
 
 Edward 
 
CO 
 
 Edward Montague, 0/ Sandwich, r/ 7 i^)//«?'Hinchlngbroke^ 
 and Enron Montague of St. Neots. 
 
 Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon and Rochefter, Vifcount Corn- 
 bury, find Vifcount Hyde of Kenelworth : Baron Hyde of 
 Hindon and Wotton Baflet, Lord High Steward of the Vniver^ 
 fity 0/ Oxford. 
 
 William Capcl, Earl of Eflex, Vifcount Malden, and Baron 
 Capel of Hadhara, Kjiight of the mofl antient Order of the 
 Thillle^ Lord of the Bed Chamber to the Kjng^ Chief Banger of 
 St. James’j Park, and Lord Lieutenant of the County of Hertford. 
 
 George Brudenel, Earl of Cardigan, Baron Brudenel <?/Stanton- 
 Wivel, and Baronet. 
 
 Arthur Annefley, E^r/ 0/ Anglefey, F/Tcoww^-Valentia /w Ireland, 
 Baron Annefley of Newporc-Pagnel, Baron Mount Norris, 
 and Baronet ; Lord High Steward of the Vniverfity of Cam* 
 bridge. 
 
 Charles Howard, E/?r/o/Carlifle, Vifcount Vlo'^givd c/ Morpeth, 
 and Baron Dacres of Gilllfland, Conflahle of Windfbr-Caftle, 
 and Lord Lieutenaut of the Counties of Cumberland and Weft- 
 morland. P. C. 
 
 t Thomas Bruce, E^ir/o/ Ailesbury /tWElgin, Vifcount Bruce 0/ 
 Amptlll, and Baron Bruce of Wharlton, Skelton, and King- 
 lofi, extra Begnum. 
 
 Richard Boyle, E^r/ of Burlington, Vifcount Dungarvon, Baron 
 Clifford of Lanesborough, alfo Earl of Cork, Baron Boyle of 
 Youghall in Ireland, Lord of Ireland, and Lord Lieu- 
 
 tenant of Weft- Riding of Yorkfhire, and Vice Admiral of 
 the fame, i 
 
 ^ Anthony- Aihley Cooper, E/rr/ 0/ Shaftsbury, Baron Aflileyo/ 
 Wimborne Sr. Giles, and Baron Cooper o/Paulet, and Baronet. 
 
 George-Henry Lee, Earl 0/ Litchfield, Vifcount Quarrendon ; 
 Baron Spelury, and Baronet \ Mafter of the Cuftos Brevium Of- 
 fice in the Conimon-Pleas. 
 
 John Roberts, E^>'/ 0/ Radnor, Vifcount Bodmin ; Borrow Roberts 
 of Truro, and Baronet, 
 
 William Pafton, Earl of Yarmouth, Vifcount Yarmouth, Baron 
 Pafton of Pafton, and Baronet. 
 
 ^ James Berkeley, Earl of Berkely, Vifcount Durfley, and 
 Baron Berkeley of Berkeley Caftle, Mowbray, Segrave, and 
 Breus of Gower, Vice-Admiral of England, Lord Lieutenant of 
 the County of Gloucefter. P. C. 
 
 Daniel Finch, Earl of Nottingham, Baron Finch of Daventrey, 
 and Baronet. P. C; 
 
 Montague Venables Bertie, Earl of Abingdon, and Baron Nor^ 
 ris o/Rycoc, High Steward of the City of Oxford. P. C. 
 
 f Baptift 
 
C 7 ) 
 
 Baptifl: Noel, Eart of Gainsborough, Vifcount Campden of 
 Campden, Noel c/ Ridlingron, Baron Hicks 0/ liming- 
 ton, and Baronet, 
 
 * Robert D’Arcy, Earl of Holdernefs, Baron D’Arcy Menll and 
 Conyers. 
 
 * Other Wlndfbr Hickman, Earl of Plymouth, and Baron 
 Windfbr of Bradenham. 
 
 t Willlam-StafFord Howard, Earl and Baron of Stsif^ord. 
 
 Richard Lumley, Earl of Scarborough, Vifcuunt Lumley of 
 Lumley-Caftle, and Baron Lumley of Lumley, alfo Vifeount 
 Lumley of Waterford in Ireland, I^lafter of the Horfe to 
 his Mafefty, Colonel of the Sec nd B^giment of Foot-Guards^ 
 Vice Admiral of the County of Durham, and Lord Lieutenant of 
 the County of Northumberland. P. C. 
 
 George Booth, Earl of Warrington, Baron Delamere <?/Dunham- 
 Mafley, and Baronet, 
 
 Henry Newport, Earl of Bradford, Vifeount Newport of Brad- 
 ford ; and Baron Newport of High Ercal, Lord Lieutenant of 
 the County of Salop. 
 
 Frederick Zuleftein de Naffau, Earl t)/Rochford, Vifeount T'un- 
 bridge, and Baron of Enfield. 
 
 William Anne Van Keptll, Earl of Albemarle, Vifeount Bury^ 
 and Baron of Afhford ; F^night of the Bath, Aid de Camp to bis 
 Bdajefly^ Colonel in the Second [{egirnent of Foot-Guar ds^ and one of 
 the Lords of the Bed chamber to the 
 
 William Coventry, Earl of Coventry, Vifeount Deerhurft, and 
 Baron Coventry of Allesborough, Lord Lieutenant of the 
 County c/ Worcefter. P. C. 
 
 Edward Ruflel, Earl of Oxford, FZ/co/mr Barfleur, and Baron of 
 Shingey, his MajeJly'^s Game Keeper at Newmarket, Lord 
 Lieutenant of the County of Cambridge. P. C. 
 
 ^ William Viiliers, £/?r/ o/jcriey, Villiers 0/ Dartford, 
 
 and Baron of Hoo. 
 
 Henry D’ Averqu rque, Earl of Grantham, Vifeount Bofton, 
 and Baron of Alford, Lord Chamberlain to the Queen. P. C. 
 
 ^ John Poulet, Earl, Vifeount and Baron Poulet of Hinton St, 
 George. 
 
 Francis Godolphin, Earl and Baron Godolphin, and Vifeount 
 Rialton, Groom of the Stole to his Majefly, firji Lord of the Bed- 
 chamber^ High Steward of the Corporation 0/ Banbury, and Lord 
 Lieutenant of the County of Oxon. P. C. 
 
 George Cholmondeley, £rtr/(?/CholmondeIey, Vifeount Malpas ; 
 Baron Cholmondeley of Wich-Malbank, and Baron Newburgh 
 in the Jfe of Angleley ; alfo Vifeount Cholmondeley of Kells^ 
 and Bar^n Newburgh in Ireland ; General of the Horfe, GoveZ 
 nor of Kmgfton upon Hull, Captain of the Third Troop of 
 
 Horfe 
 
C » ) 
 
 tlorfe-Gu^rds^ and Lord Lieutenant of the County and City of 
 Chefter ; and a!fo 0/ North Wales. 
 
 § John Sutherland, Earl of Sutherland, and Baron Strathnaver, 
 one of the Commiff oners of Lradu in Scotland, and Lord Lieute^ 
 rant of the Shires of Rofs, C romarty, Nairn, Caithneft and 
 Sutherland, and of the IJles of Orkney Zetland, Kjiight 
 of the moft antient Order of the Thiftle, P. C. 
 
 § John Leflle, Earl of Rothes, Lord Leflie and Bambrugh,' 
 Lieutenant Colonel of Foot^ Lord Lieutenant of the Shire of 
 Aberdeen, and Hereditary Sheriff of the Shire of Fife* 
 
 § David Areskine, Earl of Buchan, and Baron Cardrofs and 
 Auchterhoufe, one of the Commijfioners of Trade in Scotland^ 
 Lord Lieutenant of the Shires of Sterling and Clacmantian. 
 
 § Thomas Hamilton, Earl o/Hadingtown, and Baron o/Binny,' 
 one of the Commijfioners of Trade in ScoxhnA^ Lord Lieutenant of 
 Eaft-Lolhiart. Knight of the mojl antient Order of the Thijile. 
 
 § Hugh Campbel, Earl of Loudoun, Baron of Loudoun, and 
 Lord Machline, and Lord Lieutenant of the Shire of Kir ^ Kpight 
 of the moft antient Order of the Thiftle. P. C. 
 
 § James Ogilvy, Earl of Finlater, Earl and Vifcount o/Seafield, 
 Baron of Deskford, his Majejly^s High Commijftoner to the Church 
 of Scotl and, and Sheriff of the County of BamflF, Knight of the 
 moft antient Order of the Thiftle, P. C. 
 
 § Charles Hamilton, Earl of Selkirk, and Lord DaJr, Lord 
 Lieutenant of the County of Clydefdale, and the Shire of 
 Lanerk. 
 
 § George Hamilton, Earl of Orkney, and Lord Shetland, 
 Colonel of the Bpyal Begiment of Foot, and Governor of Virginia 
 Conftable, Governor and Captain of Edinburgh CalHe, Knizht 
 of the moft antient Order of the Thiftle, ^ 
 
 § John Dalrimple, Earl and Vifcount of Stair, Vifcount Dalrim-' 
 pie, and Baron of Genluce, and of Stranraar, and Baronet, 
 Colonel of Dragoons, and Lord Lieutenant of the Shire of Gallo- 
 way, Knight of the moft antient Order of the Tniftle P C 
 
 § Charles Hope Earl jf Hopton, and Lord Hope^ Hereditary 
 Sheriff of Weft- Lothian, and Lord Lieutenant of the County of 
 Linlithgow. ■' ■* 
 
 § Henry S^t Ej.r/./Deloraine, Vifcount Hermitage, and Baron 
 Scot of Goldylands, of the Bath, Gentleman of the 
 
 Bed-chamber to the King, Major-General of his Majeftfs Forces, 
 and Colonel of a Regiment of Foot, ^ 
 
 § Archibald Campbe^ Earl and Vifcount of Ua, Baron Otnf^r, 
 Danoon awrf /^ofs. Lord Juft tee General, Lord Lieutenant 
 
 Scotland' ./ 
 
 § Alexander 
 
L 9 J 
 
 % Alexander Hume, Earl of MarcHmont, Vlfcount Glaffonbur/J 
 Lord Polwarth of Redbrays and Greenlaw, Lord Polwarth of 
 Polwarth, and Baronet^ Sheriff and Lord Lieutenant of the 
 County of Berwick, Kjiight of the mofi antient Order of the 
 Thijlle. P. C. . 
 
 § John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, Lord Blair and Plncaftle^ 
 Colonel of the Third Regiment of Foot-Guards, 
 
 Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford and Mortimer, and Baron 
 Harley of Wigmore. 
 
 3^ Thomas Wentworth, Earl cf Strafford, Vifcount Wentworth 
 of Wentworth Woodhoufe, Baron of Stainborough, Raby, 
 Newark, Overfley, and Baronet, 
 
 Waftiington Shirley, fiarl Ferrers, Vifcount Tamworth, Baron 
 Ferrers of Charrley, and Baronet^ Lord Lieutenant and Cuftos 
 Rotulorum of the County of Stafford. 
 
 William Legg, Earl of Dartmouth, Vifcount Lewilhartij and 
 Baron of Dartmouth, one of the Goiemors of the Charter- 
 Houfe. 
 
 Henry Paget, Earl of Uxbridge, Baron Paget of Beaudefert, 
 and Baron ©/‘Burton, I{ecorder of the City ©/Litchfield. P. C. 
 Lewis Watlbn, Earl and Baron of Rockingham, Vifcount ^ 
 Sonds, B/rrow ©/Trowley, and Baronet, 
 
 Charles Bennet, Earl of Tankervllle, and, Baron Offulfton of 
 Offulfton, Colonel of the Bed Regiment of MiddlefeX .Militia. 
 
 Hencage Finch, Earl of Aylesford, and Baron Guernfey of 
 Guernfeji)^. 
 
 John Hervey, Earl of Briftol, and Baron Hervey ©/Ickworth. 
 
 George Montague, Earl of Hallifax, Vifcount Sundbury, and 
 Baron Hallifax of Hallifax, Kjiight of the Bath-, Auditor of 
 the Exchequer. P. C. 
 
 Talbot Yelvertoh, Earl of Suflex, Vifcount Longueville, Baron 
 Grey of Ruthen, Flight cf the Bath, and Baronet^ Deputy Earl 
 Marjhal of England. P. C. 
 
 ^ William Cov/per, Earl Cowper, Vifcount Fordwich, Baron 
 Cowper of Wingliam, and Baronets 
 
 * Philip Stanhope, Earl Stanhope, Vifcount Stanhope of Ma^ 
 hone, and Baron cf Elvafton. 
 
 Thomas Coningsby, Earl and Baron Coningsby of Coningsb/ 
 and Baron tf Clanbraxil in Ireland. 
 
 Bennet Sherrard, Earl and Baron of HarboroUgh ; Vifcount Shcr^ 
 rard ©/Staplefqrci, and Baron Le Trim in Ireland, Lord Lieii» 
 tenant of the County of Rutland, Chief Jujlice and JuJlice 
 Eyre, North of Trent. 
 
 Thomas Parker, Earl and Baron of Macclesfield, and Vifcounr 
 Parker of Ewelmc, FJigh Steward of the Town and Coroporation 
 
 B 
 
C lO ) 
 
 of Henley upon Thames, and one of the Governors of the 
 
 Charter-Houfc. r n. j 
 
 Thomas Farmer, Earl of Pomfrct, alias Pontetradt, and Baron 
 Lempfter of Lempfter, Mafter of the Horfe to her hiajefly^ 
 J^night of the Bath^ and Bart. 
 
 David Graham, Earl and Baron Graham of Belfora, {Marrjuis of 
 Graham 0 apparent of the Duke of Montrofe. 
 
 * Robert Ker, Earl and Baron Ker of Wakefield, (Marquis of 
 Beaumont,} Son and Heir apparent of the Duke of Roxburgh. 
 
 VISCOUNTS 1 ^. 
 
 Price Dcvereux, Vifcount Hereford, Baron Devereux, and Bart, 
 
 t Anthony Brown, Vifcount Montacute, and Baron Brown of 
 Cowderfhaw, and Baronet. 
 
 Lawrence Fienes, Vifcount and Baron Say and Sel^. 
 
 * t Thomas Bellaflys, Vifcount Fauconberg of Henknowle, and 
 Baro7t of Ycrham, and: Baronet, 
 
 ^ Charles Townfhend, Vifcount Townlhend of Raynham; 
 and Baron Townfhend of Lyn*Regis, and Baronet^ Lord Lieu^ 
 tenant of the County of Norfolk, enf of his Majefty's Principal 
 Secretaries of State^ and one of the Governors of the Charter- 
 Houfe. P. C. 
 
 Thomas Thynnc, Vifcount Weymouth, Baron Thynne of 
 Warmlnfter, and Baronet., extra Regnum, 
 
 William Hatton, Vifcount Hziion c/Gretton: and Baron Hatton 
 of Kirby. 
 
 Henry Lowther, Vifcount Lonfdale, Baron Lowther of Lowther, 
 and Baronet^ Conflable of the Tower of London. 
 
 Henry Obrian, Tadcafter, F/ir/qf Thomond, and Baron 
 
 of Ibrlcan, in the Kjngdom of Ireland, Lord Lieutenant of the 
 County of Eflex. 
 
 Henry St. John, Vifcount St. John, and Baron of Batterfea, and 
 Baronet, 
 
 Richard Temple, Vifcount and Baron Cobham, and Baronet, Go- 
 vernor of the If and of Jerfey, and Colonel of his Majeflfs own 
 'Bpyal Regiment of Horfe, P. C. 
 
 Hugh Bolcawen, Vifcount Falmouth, and Baron Bojfcawen 
 Rofe, Lord-Warden of the Stannaries, one of the Vice-Treafurers, 
 and Paymaflers General of Ireland, and Recorder of the Borough 
 of Tregony in Cornwall. P. C. 
 
 John Wallop, Vifcount Lymingcon, and Baron WalloD of 
 
 ^ Wallop. . ^ 
 
 f Sinon Harcourt, Vifcount and Baron Harcourt of Stanton- 
 harcourt. 
 
 George 
 
C ” > 
 
 George Byng, infcount Torrington, Baron Byng of SouthHl, 
 Knight of Bath, and Baronet, Kirjl Com, nijf, oner of the Ad- 
 miralty, Admiral of the R^d, Commander in Chief of his Majefiy’t 
 Fleet, and Rear Admiral of England. P. C. 
 
 BARONS 64. 
 
 William Ncvll, Lord Abergaveny . 
 
 James Twchet, Lord Audley o/ Heleigh, and Earl of Cz?t\s- 
 haven in the Kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 Algernoon Seymour {Earl of Hertford) Baron Piercy of Alne- 
 wick, and Baron Lucy of Egremond, Fitzpayne, Poynings, 
 Brian, Latimer, Son and Heir apparent to his Grace the Duke of 
 ^merlet, Bngadter General of his Majejlf s Forces^ Governor of 
 1 inmouth Fort, Captain of the Second Troop of Guards, and 
 Lord Lieutenant of the County of SliffeX. 
 
 John Weft, W De la War, Knight of the Bzth, Lieutenant 
 Colonel of the fi>Ji Troop of Horfe Guards. 
 
 Charles Mildmay, Lord Fitzwalrcr. 
 
 Hugh Fortefcue, Lord Clinton, Knight of the Lord Lieutel 
 nant of the County of Devon, and one of the Lords of the Bed- 
 chamber to the King. 
 
 Edward Ward, Lord Ludley Ward of Birmingham. 
 
 T 1 homas Srourfon, Lord Stourton of Stourton. 
 
 0/ Brook, Dean ofWini- 
 
 lor, and Regtftrary of the Garter. 
 
 * Hugh Willoughby, Lord: Willoughby of Parham. 
 
 + Howard of Effingham, 
 
 t William North Lord North of Kirtling, Modo, 4«d Garth-' 
 
 Rollefton, extra Regnum. 
 
 William Ferdinand Carey, Lord Hunfdon. 
 
 John Sr. John, Lord St. John of Bletflio, and Baronet. 
 r of Writle. 
 
 T ^ilip Gerrard, Lord Gerrard of Gerrards Bromley. 
 
 T Henry Arundel, Lord Arundel of Wardour, Count of the Sa- 
 cred Roman Empire. 
 
 + Edward Blythe, Baron Clifton of Leighton Bromfwold. 
 r Charles Dormer, Lord Dormer of Wenge, and Baronet. 
 
 ^ Henry Roper, Lord Tenham 0/ Tenham. 
 hrancis Greville, Lord Brook of Beauchamp’s Court, 
 
 Nevil Lovelace, Lord Lovelace of Hurley, 
 rlenry Maynard, Lord Maynard of Eftaines parva, Baron May- 
 nard of Wicklow the Kingdom of Ireland, and Baronet. 
 ^-tiarles Bruce, Lord Bruce of Wharton, Son and Heir apparent 
 0/ E/tr/ 0/ Ailesbury. , 
 
 toward Leigh, Lord Leigli of Stonely, and Baronet, 
 
 William 
 
C lO 
 
 William Byron', Lord Byron of Rochedale. 
 f Marrosdukc Langdalc, Lord Langdale of Holme. 
 
 William Berkeley, Lord Berkeley of Stratrorv P. C. 
 
 Charles Cornwallis, Lord Cornwallis of Eye, And Baronet^ and 
 Chief Juftice and JuJlice in Eyre, South of Trent. 
 
 Charles Townfhend, Lord Townftiend of Lynn Regis, Son and 
 Heir apparent to the Bjght Honourable the Lord Vif count 
 Townfhend. 
 
 John Arundel, Lord Arundel of Trerice, 
 
 William Craven, Craven 0/ Ham piled Mar fhal. 
 t Hugh Clifford, Lord Clifford of Chudleigh. ^ 
 
 Peregrine-Hyde Osborne, Lord Osborne of Kiveton, (^hiarqutt 
 of Carmarthen) Son and Heir apparent of the Duke of Leeds. 
 John Carteret, Lord Carteret of Hawns, and Baronet^ Lord 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, and Bailifof the Ifland of Jerfey. P. C. 
 William Stawell, Lord Stawell of Somerton. 
 
 Francis North, Lord Guilford. 
 
 James Waldgrave, Lord Waldgrave of Chewron, and Baronet^ 
 ^mbaffador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Court of 
 Vienna. 
 
 Edward Griffin, Lord Griffin. 
 
 John Afhburnham, Lord Afhburnham of Afhburnham. 
 
 Charles Butler, Lord Butler of Weffon, and Earl of Arran, 
 the Kingdom of Ireland, Chancellor of the Vniverfity of Oxford, 
 and Lord High Stevoard of Weftmi offer* 
 
 Henry Herbert, Lord Herbert of Cherbciry. 
 
 Maurice Thompfon, Lord Havcrfhacn of Haverfham, ani 
 
 Baronet. 
 
 Gilbert Vane, Lord Barnard of Barnard’s Caftle. P. C. 
 
 John Leve(on Gower, Lord Gower of Sittenham, and Baronet, 
 Francis SeymoUr Conway, Lord Conway of Ragley, and Baron 
 of Killutagh in Ireland. 
 
 Charles BoyTe, Lord Boyle of Marflon, Earl of Orrery, and, 
 Baron of Broghil in the Kingdom 0/ Ire^nd, Knight cf the mofl 
 antient Order of the Thi file, P. C. 
 
 Gidorge Hay, Lord Hay of Pedwardin, Earl of Kinoul, and 
 Vifeount Duplin. 
 
 Thomas Wind for. Lord Mountjoy of the Hie of Wight, and 
 yircount' Windfor of the Ktngdor^^ 
 
 ^ Thomas Manfel, Lord Manftl of Margaiti, and Baronet, 
 Thomas Willoughby, Lord Middleton of Middleton, and 
 
 Baronets ' ; . . . ' 
 
 Oeprge Granville, Lord Lanfdown of Biddiford. 
 
 Samuel Mafham, Lord Mafham of Oates, and Baronet^ ^ement^ 
 ^^^nrer of hit Majefiy^s Court of Exchequer. 
 
 Thomas Foley, Lord Foley of Kiddcrminffen 
 
 Allen 
 
1 13 J 
 
 Allen Batliurft, LerJ Bathurfl: of Battlelclen.' 
 
 Robert Benlbn, Lord Bingley. 
 
 Thomas Onflow, Lord Onflow of Onflow and Weft-Clandon' 
 and Baronet ^ Lord Lieutenant of the County of Surrey, and one 
 of the Tellers of the Exchequer. 
 
 Charles Cadogan, Lord Cadogan of Shading. Colonel of a RerL 
 mint of Foot. ■' . 
 
 * Robert Mariham, Lord Romney, and Baronet. 
 
 Matthew Ducie*Moreton, Lord Ducie de Moreton 
 
 Walpole, K»ight of the Bith, Cter^ofthe 
 
 Fclls-Office. 
 
 ARCHBISHOPS and BISHOPS 
 
 Dr. William Wake, Lord Archhi/hop of Canterbury, Prejtdent of 
 the Cor p nation of the Sons of the Clergy, and one of the Governart 
 of the Charter Houfe. P. C. 
 
 Dr, Lancelot Blackburn, Lord Archbijhop of York, and Lord 
 HiVo Almr.ner to the Kjng. P. C. 
 
 Dr. Ldnnmd Gibfon, Lord Bljhop of London, and Dean of the 
 C'JAa, nne of the Governors of the Charter Houft. P. C. 
 
 Dr. W illiam Talbot, Lord Bijhop of Durham, Lord Lieutenant 
 of the laid County, and one of the Governors of the Charter- 
 Hoiife. 
 
 Dr. Richard Willis, Lord Bijhop of Winchefter, Prelate of the 
 Order of the Garter, and Clerks of the Clofet. 
 
 Dr, John Hough, Lord Bijhop of Worcefter, 
 
 Bijhop qj Bath and Wells, and Prebendary 
 
 of W eftminfter. 
 
 Dr. John Potter, Lord Bijhop of Crfwn o/Chrift-Church,’ 
 
 and PJng s Profejfor in Divinity, 
 
 Dr. Benjamin Hoadly, Lord Bijhop of Sarum, Chancellor of the 
 Order cf the Garter, 
 
 T>r, Edward Chandler, Lord Bifbop of Coventry and Litchfield. 
 
 L>r, Samuel Bradford, Lord Bijhop of Rochefter, Dean of Weft- 
 minfter, and the Order of the Bath. 
 
 ^r. White Kennet, Lord Bijhop of Peterborough. 
 
 Dr, Thomas Green, Lord Bijhop of Ely. 
 
 Dr. Richard Reynolds, Lord Bifhop of Lincoln. 
 
 Wilcox, Lord Bifhop of Gloucefter, and Prebendary of 
 Weitminfter. 
 
 Dr. William Baker, Lord Bijhop of Bangor, Lord Almoner to the 
 Kjng, 
 
 John Waugh, Lord Bifhop of Carlifle. 
 
 John Leng, Lord Bijhop of Norwich. 
 
 Pr, Henry Egerton, Lord Bijhop of Hereford^ 
 
 Dr] 
 
( 14 > 
 
 Dr. Richard Smallbroke^ Lord Bijhof of St. Davids, and one of 
 the Canons of Hereford. 
 
 Dr, Edward Waddington, Lord Bijhop of Chichefter. 
 
 Dr. William Bradlhaw, Lord Bijhop of Briftol, and Dean of 
 Chrift-Church. 
 
 Dr. Stephen Wefton, Lord Bifhop of Exeter, and Archdeacon of 
 Cornwall. 
 
 Dri Robert Clavering, Lord Bifhop of Landalf, Dean of Here- 
 ford, his MajeJifs Hebrew Profejfor in the Dniverjity of Ox- 
 ford, and one of the Canons of Chrift-Church. 
 
 JDr. Samuel Peploe, Lord Bifhop of Chefter, andhVarden of Min 
 chefter-College. . 
 
 Dr. Francis Hare, Lord Bijhop of St. Afaph.’ 
 
 U. B. Dele Majier of the Horfe to her Majefly from after the 
 Duke of St. Albans. 
 
C If ) 
 
 An Exaft 
 
 list 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Knighu and Commiffmers of Shirpt 
 Citizens and Burge/a. ’ 
 
 Note, Tbofe Gentlemen with this Mark * before them 
 Members of the lafi Parliament. ’ 
 
 Were 
 
 Bedfordjhire 4 . 
 
 County; Eff, 
 
 c V Honourable the hid mrnm 
 
 Serv d left Parliament for Plymouth Torrmgton. 
 
 s/r Rowland Alfton ./ Wodehull si this County, BarK 
 Town of Bedford. 
 
 John Tlmrloe Brace 0/ Afliwood, in this County Er<f 
 John Orlebar ./ Hennlck. /« 'this County, 7 fr, 
 
 Berks 9. 
 
 «’• John StonAoufs ./ Radley, !. ,u, c,„„ s„, 
 
 Robert Packer ./ ShellingfordCalUe, inS'cSlil;, 3.r,; 
 
 Borough of New Windfor. 
 
 George Lord Vi fount Malpois. Knhht of tl 
 
 City 
 
tity C4t» of Chefter, rldcfl Son Heir nfforent to ^thi 
 Right Honourable the Earl of Cholmondcley ; Serv d loft Par- 
 
 Be&udziT, Cotmander of hisMajeftjfs 
 ^^Ship the Lyme Galley, Brother of his Grace the Duke of 
 St. Albans* 
 
 Borough of Reading. 
 
 * Riciiard Pottcngcif of the faid Borough^ Efq\ and Recorder of 
 the fame. 
 
 * Richard Thompfon if Gpley, in this County, Efq\ 
 Borough of Wallingford. 
 
 • fi^nrce LeWCn of EaVcII, in the County of. Suireyj ^f4'y ^ 
 
 wffiam Bucks If St. Giles’s in ?b' 
 
 ‘ Middlcfex, £/^i direteer to hts MnjeJiy t Houfhold, 
 
 Borough of Abingdon. 
 
 S.cA>ert Hucks, Bff, Son of the abovefaid William Hucks, J5/j; 
 
 Bucks 14. 
 
 Honourable Sir William Stanhope of Ethrup, »» this County, 
 Knizbt of the Bath, firfl Brother of the Right Honourable the 
 Earl of Chefter&eld, chofen alfo for the Borough of Ailesbury ; 
 Serif d laft Parliament for Leftwithiel. 
 
 Richard Hampden of Hampden Magna, in this County, Eff, 
 chofen alfofor ’Wetiioier, for whieh Borough he/erved loft Par- 
 liiimcnPn 
 
 Town of Buckingham. 
 
 Honourable lohn Fane of Merry with, in the County of Kent, Efy; 
 Colonel of the Firji Troop of Grenadier Guards, Brother to the 
 Right Honourable the Earl of Weftmorland. 
 
 Thomas Lewis of Soberton, »» rAe CowMOi 0/ Southampton, Efqj 
 chofen alfofor New Sarum : Serv’d laji Parliament for the Town 
 of Southampton. 
 
 Borough of Chepping- Wycombe. 
 
 Harry Waller 0/ Lincolrts-Inn, Ejy, ^ . , 
 
 * Thomas Lee of the Inner^Tcmple, Eff, one of hit MaJefiyS 
 Council aP Law* 
 
 ioroiigb 
 
C 17) 
 
 Borough of Ailesbury. 
 
 Honourdlt Sir William Stanhope* IQiight of the Bath afore'- 
 f/iid. ^ 
 
 Philip Lloyd 6f Bradwin, in the County of Northampton, 
 Captain in her Majefifs Royal Regiment of Dragoons: Served lafi 
 Parliament for Saltafh. 
 
 Borough of Agmondefiiam. 
 
 MoUntague-Gerrard Drake of Shardeloesj in this County^ 
 Served lajl Parliament for the Cnid County, * 
 
 * Honourable Baptift Levefon Gower, Eff, youngejl Brother of tie 
 Bight Honourable the Lord Gower, chofen alfo for Newcaftle 
 Underline. 
 
 Borough of Wendover. 
 
 * Bight Honourable James Hamilton, Lord Vifeount Limerick in 
 the Kjr^dom of Ireland. 
 
 Richard Hampden of Hampden Magna, £/j; aforefaid. 
 
 Borough of Great Marlow. 
 
 Edmund Waller of Hall-Barn, near Beconsfield, in this Couni 
 ty, Efq- Brother of the aforefaid Harry Waller, Eff, 
 
 John Clavering of Chopwell, in the Bijhoprkk^ of Dur- 
 ham, Eff, X)ncle to the Bight Honourable the Earl Cowper. 
 
 Cambridgeniire 6. 
 
 Samuel Shepherd of Botfham, in this County, Eff, 
 
 Henry Bromley of Horfeheath, in this County^ hLfjj 
 
 JJni^erfty of Cambridge, 
 
 * Honourable Edward Finch, Eff, his Majejlfs Mnlfler Plenipo'- 
 tentiary to the KJng of Poland, fifth Son to the Right Ho?iourab!e 
 the Earl of Nottingham. 
 
 Honourable Thomas Townlhend, Eff, one of the Tellers of the 
 j^chequer, fecond Son to the Bight Honourable the Lord Vifeoune 
 Townihend, chofen alfo for Haftings ; ferv’d laji Parliament for 
 Winchcliea. 
 
 Jo-ivn of Cambridge. 
 
 S»V John Hynde Cotton of Madingley Hall , in this County^ Part, 
 firv d lajl Parliament for the faid County, 
 
 Thomas Sclater Bacon «/ Catley, in this County, Efa- 
 
 ■ C Chejl-Are 
 
Chejhire 4. 
 
 * Sir Robert Salusbury Cotton cf Llewenny, in the County of 
 Denbigh, Bart. 
 
 Charles Cholmondeley of Vale Royal, in this County, Eff, 
 
 City of Chefter. 
 
 Sir Richard Grofvenor of Eaton Hall, in this County, and of the 
 City and Liberty of Weftminfter, Bart. 
 
 * Thorrias Grofvenor of the Inner Temple, Efj-, Brother of the 
 /aid Sir Richard Grofvenor, Bart, 
 
 Cornwall 44. 
 
 Sir William Carew of Eaft-Anthony, in this County, Bart. 
 
 Sir John St. Aubin of Clowance, in this County, Bart, 
 
 Borough of Dunhivid, alias Launcefton. 
 
 * Honourable John King, Efy; Out Banger of Windfor Eoref, 
 eldeft Son and Heir af parent of the Bight Honourable the Lord 
 King, Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain. 
 
 * Arthur Tremain o/ Sydenham, in this County, Eff, 
 
 Borough of Leskard. 
 
 Thomas Clutterbuck of Monkton in the IlJe of Thanet, in 
 the County of Kent, E/f, Secretary to his Excellency the Lord 
 Carteret, as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
 John Cope of Whitacre, near Beccles, in the County of Nor- 
 folk, Efd', Lieutenant Colonel to the Second Troop of Grenadier 
 Guards : Serv'd laft Parliament for Queenborough. 
 
 Borough of Leftwichid. 
 
 * Jrelawney of Southwell, in this County, Efa- Son t, 
 thejfste Dean of Exeter. 
 
 «/Treworgan, in this County, Eff, Lisbon 
 
 Borough of Truro. 
 
 * Bofeawen, F/,j- eldefl Son and Heir apparent 
 
 to theByght Honourable the Lord Vifeount Falmouth 
 
 tl! '/‘/■‘yyrp, ’f Sir Sidney Meadow. ,f White- 
 
 Borough 
 
C 19 ) 
 
 Borough of Bodmyn. 
 
 Combs, near Maldftone, in the County of 
 * w ’ '’•^n Corporals to the Teamen of the Guar/ " 
 
 Honourable Robert Booth of the Inner Ternole FTa- c / w 
 
 lT:t 
 
 the I{,ght Honourable the Ear! of Warrington. 
 
 Borough of Helfton. 
 
 John Harris of Haines, in the County of Devon, Eff, 
 
 Borough e/ Salta Hi. 
 
 ^ight Honourable John Lord Glenorchy, Knieht of the 'Rifh' 
 Den^& / ^ojejlys^ Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of 
 
 , 2fr/it'oS",ibT„l " *’ 
 
 Hertingford-Bury, in the County of Hert- 
 
 Zces ^“jWt 
 
 Borough of Camelford. 
 
 Thomas Hal« of the County of York, Efa- one of the 
 
 Clerks of the Green Cloth, Son of Sir Thomas Hales of B( aksbm.Jn 
 
 John Parliament for Minehead! 
 
 Borough o/Portpigham, a/ias Wedlow. 
 
 John Willes 0/ Lincolns-Inn, E/j; fecond fuJUce of Cheller, and 
 Wefmouth*''^''’^^ ^ Parliament for 
 
 Edward Trelawney, Efq\ one of the Ccmmijftoners for ViHuallinu 
 
 Borough of Grampound. 
 
 Morrice of Clapham, in the County of Northarao- 
 # Pk-i- Bank of England.- ^ 
 
 Middle TempW. ,/ ,fc 
 
 ^ ^ "Borough 
 
C “ ) 
 
 Borough of EaftloW. 
 
 Sir John Trelawney of Trelawney, in this County, Bart, fervid 
 
 laft Parliament for ^ i • 
 
 Charles Longueville of the Middle Temple,. ferv d laft Far* 
 li ament for Great Bed win. 
 
 Borough of Penryn, 
 
 * Sir Cecil Blfhop of Parham in the County of Suffex, Bar^ 
 Son in-Lavo to the Bjght Honotirable the Lord Vifcount Falmouth. 
 
 Edward Vernon of Nadlon, in the County of Suffolk, l^te d 
 Commander in the Boyal Kavy, 
 
 Borough of Tregoney. 
 
 ^ Thomas Smith of St. James’s, in the Liberty of Weftminfl’er, 
 Efj'^ Vice Chamberlain of her Majefty^s Houjhold, Son of the late 
 Bt. Hon, Mr. Speaker Smith, and Brother to Mrs. Smith, 
 Lady Governefs to his f{oyal Highnefs the Duko of Cumberland. 
 
 * John Goddard, £/j; Merchant at Falmouth, in this County. 
 
 Borough of Bofincy, 
 
 John Hedges of Finchley, in the County of Middle(eX, Ffq\ bi^ 
 Majefiy^s Envoy at the Court of Turin. 
 
 Robert Corker, Efq\ Merchant at Falmouth, in this County. 
 
 Borough of Sr. Ives, 
 
 Henry Knollys o/Grove Place, in the ©/Southampton, Efq\ 
 
 Sir Robert Rich ©fStondon Maffey, in the County of Eflex, Bart. 
 Brigadier General of hisMajefty^s Forces, Colonel of a Regiment of 
 Dragoons..^ and Groom of the Bed»Chamber to the KJng ; fervid laft 
 Parliament for Beer- Alfton 
 
 Borough of Fowey, 
 
 Bight Honourable Bj chard Lord Vifcount FitZ Williams of Merioni 
 in the KJngdom uf Ireland. 
 
 * Jonathan Rafhlaigh ©/ Menabilly, in this County, 
 
 Borough of Sr. German. 
 
 Sir Gilbert Heathcote of Low. Layton, in the County of Eflex, Kntl 
 Senior Alderman, and Father of the City of London, one of the Di^ 
 retiors of the Bank, i fervid laft Parliament for Lyimington. 
 
 Sidney 
 
C XI ) 
 
 Sldnlfey Godolphin 0/ Thames- Ditton, in the County of Surrcv' 
 Ejf, ^uditor of the Princifality of Wales, Governor of the IJland 
 of Scilly, and one of the Governors of Greenwich Hofpital • 
 fervid laji Parliament for St. Maws. * 
 
 Borough of St. Michael. 
 
 Henry Kelfall of Colkirk, in the County of Norfolk, Efq- one 
 of the chief Clerl(s of the Treafury : ferv'd loft Parliament for 
 Bofiney. 
 
 Thomas Farrington of Chifldhurft, in the County of Kent, Efq- 
 Brother to her Grace thefirji Dutchefs o/Ancafter ; ferv’d lad Pari 
 liament for Whitchurch. 
 
 Borough of Newport. 
 
 * Sir Will. Morrice of Werrington, in the County of Devon, Bart. 
 Son in-Law to the Bjght Honourable the Earl of Pembroke,* 
 
 Honourable Thomas Herbert, Efq\ fourth Son of the Bight Honoui 
 table the Earl of Pembroke, Captain in the Guards. 
 
 Borough of St. Maws. 
 
 Bight Hon. Henry Vane, E/y; eldeji Son and Heir apparent to the 
 
 I Launcefton. 
 
 Hall, tn the County of Efq- chofen 
 alfo for Sudbury i for which Borough he ferv’d iaji Parliament. 
 
 Borough of Callii’igton. 
 
 * Wr John Coryton 0/ Newton, in this County, Bart. 
 
 Thomas Copplefton of Bowden, in the County of Devon, Efq-, 
 
 Cumberland 6 . 
 
 Gilfred Lawlbn of Brayton, in this County, Efq\ 
 
 James Lowther of Whitehaven, in this County, Efq-, ferv’d lafi 
 
 ‘ Parliament for Apulby. 
 
 City of Carlifle. 
 
 * Honourable Charles Howard, Efq-, Lieutenant Governor of the 
 faid City, and of the Cajile thereof. Colonel in the Second Begi~ 
 meat ^ of Foot-Guards, youngeft Son of the Bp- Hon. the Earl of 
 Carlifle. 
 
 * John Hilton of Hilton Caflle, and of Great Urfworth, in the 
 County of Durham, Efq-, 
 
 Borough of Cockermouth. 
 
 S»V Wilfred Lawlbn of Tfel, in this County^ Bart. 
 
 Hon. William Finch, his 'M/tjefly s Envoy Extraordinary to the 
 States General, fecond Son to the BS • Hon, the E. of Nottingham. 
 
 Derbyfhir 
 
c ) 
 
 Derbyfhire 4 . 
 
 / 
 
 Sir Nathaniel Curron of Whaley, in the Ccunty of Lancafter, 
 Btirt. fetvd lajl P/irliament for Clifhero. 
 
 Godfrey Clark of Chilcote-Hall, in this County^ Efq\ 
 
 Town of Derby. 
 
 E^ght Honourable Lord James Cavendilh of Sutton-Hall, in this 
 County, only Brothe’' to his Grace the Diil^e of Devonihire. 
 
 Bjght Honourable William Stanhope of Elverfton, in this County, 
 Bjq\ Vice Chamberlain of his Majefly’s Houfhold, P. C. 
 
 Devonihire z6. 
 
 Sir William Courtenay c/Powderham Caftle, in this County, Bart, 
 
 John Rolle e/Stevenflone, in this County, Efq-, ferv'd lajl Parlia^ 
 tnent for the City of Exeter. 
 
 City of Exeter. 
 
 Honourable Samuel Molyneux of Kew-Grcen, in the Ccunty of 
 Surrey, Efq-, one of the Commijfwners of the Admiralty: fervd 
 laji PaiUatnent for St. MaWs. 
 
 Francis Drew c/r/ie Grange, in this County, Efq-, 
 
 Borough of Totnefs. 
 
 Bight Honourable Sir Charles Wijls of Windfor, in the County of 
 Berks, Knight of the Bath, Lieutenant General of the Ordnance 
 and Colonel of the Firjl Begiment of Foot Guards. P. C. * 
 
 Ex^on Sayer, L. L. D. Chancellor of Durham, Commijfan of Ef- 
 .tex, and Advocate for the Admiralty in Matters relating to tks 
 Crown : ferv d laJl Parliament for Helfton, 
 
 Borough of Plymouth. 
 
 George Trebyo/ Plympton, in this County, Efq- late otye of the 
 'UUers of the Exchequer; chofen alfo for the faid Borough of 
 Plympton, and for Clifton Dartmouth Hardnefs, in this 
 County * ferv a I/tft P nr 1 1 ament for Plympton 
 
 * Arthur Stert of Membland, in this County, Efq-, Lisbon Mer- 
 
 chant, * 
 
 Town of Okehampton. 
 
 * Thornas Pitt of Stratford, /« the County of Wilts Efa.' 
 
 Grandfonof^ chofen alfo for 0\d^S,TUm. ' 
 
 * W illiam Northmore of the faid Toxen^ Bff^ 
 
 Borough 
 
r 23 ) 
 
 Borough of Barneftabic. 
 
 * Richard Coffin of Portlidge, in this County, Efa- 
 
 * Honourable Theophilus Fortefcue, Eff, only Mother to tho 
 
 Ejght Honourable the Lord Clinton. * ^ ‘ 
 
 Borough of Plympton. 
 
 Richard Edgecumbe 0/ Mount Edgecumbe, in this County, Ffr 
 one of the Vsce Treafurers and Paymajlers General of Irdahd’ 
 and C^os Rorulorum of the County of Cornwall 
 
 flS Exchequer, 4. afore: 
 
 Borough of Honiton. 
 
 *■” bounty, Knight of the 
 
 Borough of Taviftock. 
 
 Borough of A 111 burton. 
 
 Raddon Court, in this County, Ffa- 
 Richard Rcynell of Weft Ogwell, /« this Couniy, Efi 
 
 Borough of Clifton Dartmouth HardneCs. 
 
 honourable Walter Cary of Weft Sheen, the County of SuT- 
 ^ j’ f Commlftoners of Trade and Plantations, 
 
 Gcojge Treby, Eff, late a Teller of the Exchequer, 4. afore. 
 Borough of Beer-Alfton. 
 
 Str Francis Henry Drake of Buckland, £fc. Bart, aforefald. 
 dtr John Hobart of BJlckling, in the County of Noilcik, Bart. 
 
 and 
 
^ ) 
 
 and of the Bath, Treafurer of his "Majefiys Chaniher^ and 
 
 Vice Admiral of the County of Norfolk, chofen alfo for the faid 
 County of Norfolk j fervd lajl Parliament for St. Ives. 
 
 Borough of Tiverton. 
 
 Sir William Yonge, Kn>ght of the Bath, aforefaid^ Recorder of 
 the faid Borough. 
 
 Arthur Arfcott o/Tefcot, in this County^ Eff, Brother-in-Lav to 
 the faid Sir William Yonge. 
 
 Doifetfhire lo. 
 
 * Edmond Moreton Pleydel of St. Andrew- MelbournJ in this 
 County, Eftj; 
 
 George Chaffin of Chettle, in this County, Eff, 
 
 Xo'ivn of Poole. 
 
 Dennis Bond d/Grainge, in this County, Eff, Reorder of thisToxon', 
 and alfo of the Borough of Wareham, Carrier of all his Majefty'i 
 fetters and Diffatches between his Court or Palace of Rejidence, 
 and the firft Poflage or Pofl Office. 
 
 George Trenchartfo/ Litchet Matravers, in this County, Ef^‘, 
 
 Borough of Dorchefter. 
 
 William Chaple of Upway, in this County, Efq', one of his Mrf- 
 fejly’s Serjeants at Law. 
 
 * John Brown of the faid Borough, Efq-, Barrijler at Law. 
 
 Borough of Lyme* Regis. 
 
 * Henry Drax of Ellerton Abbey, in the County of York, Efq; 
 John Biirridge, /«». of the Jaid Borough, Efq-, Merchant in 
 London. 
 
 Borough of Weymouth. 
 
 Edward Tucker of the faid Borough, Efq; 
 
 Thomas Pearfe of Chatham, in the County of Kent, Efq; one of 
 the Commiffioners for ViBualling the Royal Navy. 
 
 Borough of Melcombe-Regis. 
 
 Sir James Thornhill of Thornhill, in this County, Kjit. his MrC 
 jefiy^s Serjeant Painter, 
 
 William Betts of Epfom, in the County of Surrey, TAcr'^ 
 chant in London. 
 
 IBorough 
 
C ) 
 
 Borough of Bridpor.t, 
 
 James Pelham, Ef<i\ KJnfmm to his Grace the Duke ^Jew’C;lftle 
 and Secretary^ to his Grace the Duk^e of Grafton, as Lord C jnrn- 
 bf^lnin of his Majefly*s Houfhold^ chofen alfo for Newark, for 
 ^ which Town he ferv d fajl Parliament, 
 
 'A illlam Bowles, Efq-^ Merchant in London, one of the DircSlors 
 of the South-Sea Company, 
 
 Borough of Sha^'ton, alias Shaftsburv. 
 
 5iV Edward Desboverle of Langford, in the Parijh of Burford, 
 in the County of Wilts, Bart 
 Stephen Fox ^ Cricklade, in the County of Wilts, Efq\ 
 
 Borough of Wareham, 
 
 ^ir Edward Ernie of Charboropgh, in this County and of Mad- 
 dington, in the County of Wilts, B(irt, 
 
 Jofeph Gafcoigne of St. Bennet Gracechurch PflHfh, in tbs City 
 London, and of Wcybridge, in the County of Surrey, 
 
 Borough of Corfe-Cafile. 
 
 John Banks of Kingfton Hall, in this County, Fjij-, 
 
 * John Bond of Graing^, in this Co^nty, Efq, Brother of Dennis 
 
 Bond, Efq, afore] aid. ' ^ ^ 
 
 Durham 
 
 John Hedworth of Chefter Lee Street, in this County, Efy, 
 
 * George Bowes o/Streetland, tn this County, Efj-, 
 
 City of Durham. 
 
 Charles Talbot of Lincolns Inn, RHy. his Majefly's <ion'c!tor. 
 General, eldeji Son of the Et. Eeverend the Bijkop nf Durham. 
 Robert ^haho, Efq. High Sheriff, Son of Sir Robert Shafco of 
 Whitworth, in this County, Kjtt. 
 
 Ejjtx S. 
 
 * Honourable Sir Richard Child of Wanfle37^"” fhi> 
 County, Lord Vifeount Caftlemain, in the Kjngdom or Ireland, 
 and baronet. 
 
 * Sir Robert Abdy of Abyns, in this County, Bart. 
 
 D 
 
 Borough 
 
f^x, Efq\ Turkey Merchant, 
 
 Samupl TufFnell of Langley, inthh County^ Efq\ 
 
 Borough of Malden. 
 
 I 
 
 Thomas Bramfton of Waterhoufe, in this County,^ Efq; 
 
 H^ory Parfbns of Wickham, in this County^ Efq\ one of theComi‘ 
 ynijfoners for ViBuolling the Royal Kavy^ and Purveyor to Chelfea 
 JHofpitaR Brother to Humphrey Parfbns, Efq'^ one of the Alder^ 
 tnertj and Members of the City of London. 
 
 Borough of Harwich. 
 
 ^ Ri^ht Honourable Sir John Percival o/Charleton, in the County of 
 Kent, Lord Vifcount Percival in the Kingdom of Irelarid. 
 
 $ir Philip Parker 0 / Arwerton, in the County of Suffolk, Bart, 
 
 GloncefierjJnre i o . 
 
 * Sir John Dutton of Sherborne, in this County,, Bart. 
 
 Honourable Henry Berkeley, Efq\ Colonel of the fecend 'Troop of 
 Grenadier Guards,, and firfl Equerry to his Majejiy^ [econd Brother 
 of the Right Honourable the Earl of Berkeley, 
 
 City of Gloucefler. 
 
 Honourable Matthew Ducy Moreton, Ejq, Son and Heir apparent to 
 the Right Honourable the Lord Ducy Moreton ; fervd laft Par- 
 liament for Caine. 
 
 Charles Selwyn t?/ Richmond, in the "ounty of Surrey, Efq-^ firfl 
 Equerry to the Queen, Brother to John Selwyn, Efq, Jerv^d lafl 
 Parliament for St Michael, f Double Return, 
 
 Penjafnin Bathurft ^/Lydney, in this County, Ejf^ youn^efl Brother 
 to the Rt, Hon. the Lord Rathurll: • fervd lafl Parliament for 
 Cirencefter. 
 
 ^ Thomas Cheller of Knowle, in this County^ Efq-^ 
 
 a: 
 
 Bnrciigh of Cirencefter. 
 
 Tlv;ma§ Maifters of the Abbey, in the faid Borough, Efq: 
 
 Peter Bathurit 0 / Clarendon Park, in the County of Wilts, H/Sr 
 firfl Brother of the Rt. Hon. the Lord Bathurft. » ^73 
 
 Borough of Tewksbury, 
 
 Kf. llon. Thomas Gage of High McaJow, i» this County, Lord 
 
 Kingdom of Ireland, chefen alfo fors 
 
George Read of Shipton, in the County of Ojtort" sP 
 
 ■ in GnnrJ., ./ J,V Thoilni 
 
 / 2 r;</ County of Oxon^ Bart, ’ namei tfk 
 
 Herefordfhire S. 
 
 Vehus Cornwall of Mockas Court, in this Count), Eft 
 EdwaJd H^r ev 
 
 coward Harley, £/^j o«tf 0/ the Auditors of the imprefl. 
 
 City of Hereford. 
 
 * Carnarvon, only Sonond 
 
 ^ Heir oppurent to his Grace the Dul(e of Chandos. 
 
 1 homas Geers of the Marlh, in this County, Efq-, 
 
 Borough of Leominfter. 
 
 * 0/ Shobdon-Court in this County! 
 
 Surrey, i-orrf Bateman 
 
 tn the Kitngdom of \rz\znd. .u<i*.cuian 
 
 S»r George Cafwall ofthefaid Borough, t(nt, Btinkgr in London. 
 Borough of Weobly. 
 
 % Slrknnln, U«. 
 
 H D k D *« C 6 ««r^, Efy, only Son of th 
 
 Hertfordjlnre d* 
 
 C^far 0/ BennIngron-PIace, in this County, Efd- 
 Sir Thomas Sanders Sebright 0/ Beach wood, in this County, Bart, 
 
 Borough of Sr. Albans. 
 
 * Grimflone of Gorhambury, i„ this County, 
 
 * Grimftone in the KJngdom of Ireland. 
 
 Caleb Lomax, Efq\ Son of ]ofhu^l,omzx of this Borough, 
 
 Borough of Hertford , 
 
 Jj^-Thomas Qerke e/ Brickenden Bury, in this County, r„t. 
 
 K^'^-Green, in the County of Surrey ECd- 
 
 Harrifon of Balls, in thu County, Efr 
 fine of the Pejimnjlers General, 
 
 Hunting- 
 
Huntingdonjlnre 4 - 
 
 Kt. Mon, WnilaTTlCavendifli, 'Mnrtjuls of Captain of 
 
 the Pard of Gcntlernen Pen/jotiers^ eldcf Son and Heir apparent 
 to his Grace the Duke of Devonfhire ; ferv d lajl Parliament for 
 Grampemnd. 
 
 John liigg of Eaton, in the County of Bedford, 
 
 Borough of Huntingdon. 
 
 Hon. Edward Wortlev, alia} Mountague, of Wortley, in the 
 c ounrv of York, /‘/Ty- Son of the Hon. Sidney Wortley, alias 
 Mountague, Pff., 
 
 Roger Handafvde of Great Stoughton, in this County^ 
 Colonel of a [{egiment of Foot, 
 
 Kent 10. 
 
 ^ Siy Roger Men'd'rh of t.eeds- Abbey, in this County^ Bart, 
 K'carder of the Ho.v>. of Maidftone. 
 
 sir Rob-rt F Lirnefe of Walderlbare, in this County^ Bart, fervid 
 Ifijl Ffirliament for New Romney. 
 
 City of Canterbury. 
 
 Sir Th rjmas Hairs nf Reaksbourrte, in this County, Bart, 
 
 * Si'- illiam Hardrefs of Hardrels Court, near the faid Citj, 
 Ba^ t. 
 
 City of Rochefter. 
 
 Sir f.bn Jetiplnps, K»t. Admiral of the M^hite Squadron of Eng- 
 land, Majhr of Greenwich Hofpital, one of the Commijfioners or 
 Gnve>nors the e'f, and Houfekfeper of his Majeji/s Palace of 
 Greenv^'ich Park 
 
 David Polniil e/ ( hipfted, in this County, Efu\ ferv'd lafi Par. 
 hament for Bramber, 
 
 Borough of Maidllone. 
 
 lion J:)bn Finch, Efq, fecond Brother of the Bp. Hon. the Earl of 
 Ailesford. ^ 
 
 ♦ Thomas Hope of the faid Borough^ 
 
 Borough 
 
C ^9 ) 
 
 Borough of Queenborough. 
 
 • Sprig Mancfty, Efq, one of the Commiffioners of the ViHu«lttt>im 
 
 office, and a DireBor of the African Company. 
 
 John Crowley of Greenwich, in this County, Efq\ Merchant in 
 London, and one of the Aldermen of the faid City ; fervd lafl 
 Parliament for Oakhampton. 
 
 Lancafhire 14. 
 
 * Sir Edward Stanley of BIckerftaff, near Qrmskirk, in this 
 County, Bart. Heir apparent to the f{t Hon. the Earl of Derby, 
 
 Richard Shuttleworthy Gawthorp Hall, in this County, Eff, 
 Borough of Prefton in Amoundernefs. 
 
 Sir Henry Houghton of Houghton Tower, in this County, Bart, 
 
 fervd lafl Parliament for Eaftlow, 
 
 Daniel Pulreney of Harefield, near Uxbridge, in the County of 
 Mlddlelex, Ef^', Clerk^of the Privy-Council in \tt\itxd, 
 
 Borough of Lancafter. 
 
 Sir Thomas Lowther of Hooker, in this County, Bart. 
 Chriftopher Towers of Houghron- Regis, in tl>e County of Bed. 
 ford, E/^; eldefl Son of Chriflropher Towers of Huntlhaore, 
 in the County of Bucks, Eff, Peputy ColleBor inwards in the 
 Port of London. 
 
 Borough of Newton. 
 
 William Shippen of the Middle Temple, Efq-, 
 
 • Lee Mailers of Alhton, in this County, Eff, 
 
 Borough of Wigan. 
 
 Sir Roger Bradlhaigh of Haigh, in this County, Bart, 
 
 Peter Bold e/Bold, near Warrington in this County, Ef^>^ 
 
 Borough of Glithero. 
 
 Thomas Lifter of Weftby, in the County of York, Efts-, 
 
 Rt. Hon John Monckton of Serlby, in the County of Nottlng. 
 ham, Lord Vifeount Gallway in the Kingdom of Ireland. * 
 
 Borough of Liverpoyle, 
 
 Thomas Bootle of the Inner Teniple, Efy, one of his MajeJly't 
 Council fit Law. 
 
 Thomas Brereton of the faid Borough, Eff, 
 
 Leieejlor^ 
 
C 30 ) 
 
 Letcefierfltire 4 . 
 
 tton. Lord William Manners, only Brother of his Grace the 
 Duke of Rutland, and one of the Lords of the Bed-chamber to 
 the King. 
 
 ♦ Sir Clobery Noel of Kirkby, in this County^ Bart. 
 
 Toivn of Leicefter. 
 
 Sir George Beaumont of StoughWn-Grange, in this County^ BarL 
 
 * George Wright of Brooksby, in this County^ Ef^-, Grandfon of 
 the late Sir Nathan Wright, Lerd-Kfefer of the Great Seal of 
 England. 
 
 IJncolnjhire 1 1 . 
 
 tim. Sir Thomas Lumley Saunderfbn, Knight of the Bath, 
 firfl Brother to the l{t. Hon. the Earl of Scarborough i ferv’d 
 laft Parliament for Arundel 
 
 Robert Vyner of Tupham, in this County^ Efq\ 
 
 City of Lincoln. 
 
 Sir John Monlbn of Northop, in this County^ Knight of the 
 Bath, and Bart. 
 
 * William Hall of Harrington, in this County y Efq‘y 
 
 Borough of Bofton. 
 
 Sir Richard Ellis, 0/ Notion Hall, in this County^ Bart» 
 Henry Pacey of the Jaid Borough, Eff, 
 
 Borough of Great Grimsby. 
 
 * John Page of the City of Chichefter, in the County o/Su(?ex, Efdi 
 
 * George Monlbn, Efq, Brother of Sir John Monlbn, Bart, afore- 
 faid. 
 
 Borough of Stamford. 
 
 * Hon. Robert Shirley, Efq; Brother of the l^r. Horn the Earl 
 Ferrers. 
 
 William Noel, E-f^', Betorder of the faid Borssigh. Brother of 
 Sir Clobery Noel, Bart, aforefaid- 
 
 Borough 
 
( 3 ^ ) 
 
 Borough of Grantham. 
 
 JRt. Hon. Sir John Brownlow of Belton-Hall, in this County. 
 Lord Vifcount Tyrconnel in the Kjnidom of Ireland. Kni?ht 
 of the and Baronet. » » 
 
 Sir Michael Newton, 'Knight of the Bath, Son of Sir John New- 
 ton of Barrs-Court, in the County of Gloucefter, Bart, ferv’i 
 la[i Fdrliament for Beverly. 
 
 Middlefex 8 . 
 
 Hon. James Bertie of Stanwell, in thu County^ Efq\ firfi Brother 
 to the Bf Hon. the Earl of Abingdon. 
 
 Francis Child of Ofterly-Park, in this County, Efq^^ Deputy Sur^ 
 veyor of the Meltings to his Mnjefly^s Mints, one of the Aldermen 
 of theClity of London, and a DireBor of the Eaft-India Com* 
 pany: fervid lafl Parliament for thefaid City of London. 
 
 City of Weftminfter. 
 
 Hon. Lord James Cavendifh, third Son of his Grace the Dului 
 of Devonfliire; ferv’d lad Parliament for Heitesburf. 
 
 Hon. William Clayton c/Sundon, in the County 0/ Bedford, Efy- 
 one of the Commiffioners of the Treafury ; ferv'd lafl Parliament 
 for St, Albans. 
 
 City of London. 
 
 Bt. Hon. Sh John Eyles, 0/ Giddy- Hall, in the County of Efl< X, 
 Bart. Turkey Merchant, Lord Mayer of the faid City, and Suh- 
 Governor of the South-Sea Company : fetved lafl Parliament for 
 . Chippenham. 
 
 John Barnard, of the faid City, Ey^; Turkey Merchant. 
 
 * MIcajah Perry, of the faid City, Eff, Virginia Merchant. 
 Humphry Parfons, of Rygate, in the Cou/.fy of Surrey, Ef^,\ 
 Brewer at St Catherine’.;, near the Tower, one of the Atdermeri 
 if the faid City fert/ed lafl Parliament for Harwich. 
 
 Cimty 
 
C3» 3 
 
 Cpupty of Monmouth 3. 
 
 Sir William Morgan of Tredegar, in this County^ Knight of the 
 Bath, Lord Lieutenant of the faid County, and of the County of 
 
 John Handbury of Pont Pool, in thU County^ Bff^ one of the Di- 
 
 ^ tenors of South- Sea Cornfanyo 
 
 Borough of Monmouth. 
 
 Edward Keymeys of Bartholey, in this County, Bfq^ 
 
 Norfolk It. 
 
 Sir Thomas Coke of Holkham, in this County, Knight of the 
 
 Sir John Hobart of St. Ives, in the County of Cornwall, and of 
 RWdO.np,, in this County, Knight of the and baronet, Trea- 
 
 fttrer of his Majefty^s Chamber, and Vice Admiral of this County \ 
 
 chofen alfo for Bcer-Alfton. 
 
 City of Norwich* 
 
 Waller Bacon of Earlham, in this County, Efj’, Commiffary of 
 (he \iufiers arid Stores of iVar at Minorca. 
 
 Robert Brittlffe cf Baconsthorp, in this Co'e^yity, Efq:, 
 
 Toiin of Lyn Regis. 
 
 ^ Bt, Hon, Sir Robert Walpole of Houghton, in this County, 
 
 ' jQiight of the moft Noble O der of the Ga ter. Chancellor and 
 Under Treafurer of the Exchequer, fitjl Commijjwner of the Trea^ 
 fury, and one of the Governors of the Charter-Houfe P. C. 
 
 J^on. Sir Charles Turner of Wareham, in this County, Bart, one 
 • of the Commifjioners of the Tt eafury. 
 
 fewn of Great Varmouih* 
 
 Ills Excellency Horatio Walpole, Efj‘ Auditor of the Trade and 
 Plantation Accounts, ( oadjutor Secretary to the Treafury with 
 John Scrope, Eff, Ambaffador Extraordinary at the Court of 
 France, and only Brother of Sir Robert Walpole aforefaid 
 
 lion. William Towndjend, Efq', Aid de Camp to hi: Majefiy, and 
 Captain in the Bpgiment cf Horfe cernmanded by Lieutenant Gene- 
 ral Wade, third Son of the Bjght Honourable the Lord Vif count 
 ToWnfliend. 
 
 Borgugb 
 
( 33 1 
 
 Borouffh of Thetford. 
 
 ^'ir Edmond Bacon oj Gillingfeam tn this County, Bart.' ■ 
 
 Robert Jacombe Deputy Pay-Mafler of the Fihes, 
 
 Borough of Cafticriling. 
 
 ^ight jjon. Algernoott Cbote, Earl of Montratll, in the 
 AinadoM oj Ireland. 
 
 Charles Churchill^ of St. James, Weflminfter, 5/^; Br/^adk^ 
 General f his Ma\efly\ Force ’s^ Governor of the Town of Pli- 
 mouth, and of the Rcj/al Citadel there ^ and oj all Forts^ FoHr^f 
 fesy and Fort if cations thereunto belonging \ Groom of the Bed^ 
 Chamber to his Majejfyy and Colonel of a Regiment of VragooHSo 
 
 Northamptonfllire g. 
 
 Sir Juftinlan Ilham of Lamport in this County y Bar£; 
 
 Thomas Cartwright i)/* Aynhoe, in this County^ 
 
 Oty 6f Peterborough, 
 
 Right HoH, John Flt7.- Williams of Mil toft j in this CotSt)^ 
 Fitz-Wiiliams oj the Kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 Sir Edtvard Obrian oj the Kingdom of Ireland, BMi 
 
 Town of Northaitipton. 
 
 ferf. Edward Mountague, of Chipping Witrderi, tn iSU 
 County Efj\ Colonel oj a Regiment of Foot, only Brother to 
 ^the Right H n, the Earl of Hallifax. 
 
 Hen. George Compton Brother to the Right Hon. ihe 
 Earl oj Northampton, ferv d laji Parliament for Tam- 
 worth. 
 
 Town of Brackley. 
 
 WiilUrri Egerton, Great-Billing in this County} Bfq\ 
 Colonel of a Regiment of Fccty fecond Brother to bis Grate tie 
 puke.of Bridig\\2iteT. 
 
 Right Hon. Sir P^\x\ Methuen <?/ Bilhop’s C^inmngs in the 
 County oj Wilts, Knight of the Bath, Tredfurer oJ his Ma* 
 Wt Houfh Id. P. C. .. _ 
 
 jfe JBohugH 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 Boyo gh of Higham^Fcrrerg. 
 
 Jib-*?. John Finch third Son of the "Right Von. the EurJ 
 
 • ij iNottinghaiiv one of his Ajd]efifs Ccum.l at Law. 
 
 Northumberland 8. 
 
 Sir Willir.m Middleton of FelTey-Caftle in this Guntjj Bait. 
 Ralph Jenil'on of tilwick, in ihiis County^ Eiqj 
 
 Town of New-Caftle ni^on Tyne. 
 
 sir William Blacket, cf the faid Torvn^ Bart. 
 
 * Nicholas Fenwick EJq\ of the faid Tvrvn^ Mercht, 
 
 Borough of Morpeth. 
 
 I’ 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 \ 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 Right Hon. Henry Howard, of Long-Oreton in the Cctmy of 
 JNorthampton, lord J^if count Morpetli, Sen and Heir ap- 
 parent to the Right Hon, the Earl cf Carlille. 
 
 * I houias Robinibn oj Rookby-Park, in the County cf York, 
 Efq\ Cernet in the Regiment of Horfe commanded by Lieute* 
 mnt General V\ ade. 
 
 Town Berwick ufcn Tweed. 
 
 * Jofeph Sabine of Tilings in the County c/* Hertford, Efq\ 
 Lieut emeit General of his A'Jaje/iy's Forces^ G verncr /‘Ber- 
 wick, and of Holy i Hand, and Colonel of the Royal Regiment 
 of Welch Fuziliiers. 
 
 * George Idddell Efq-, Uncle to Sir Henry Liddell, of Ra- 
 venfworth-Callle in the County of Durham, Bart. 
 
 , Nottinghamiliire 8. 
 
 ? 
 
 Right Hon. Em|nuel Scroop How, of T.angor-CalUe in this 
 Ciunty\ lor 4^ yf count How cf the Kingd,m of Ireland. 
 
 Right Hon. 'Robert Sutton cf Broughton in the County of 
 Lincoln, Bart, and Knight of the Bath, Sitb-Govemor of 
 theRoyal African Company. V. C. 
 
 Town of Nottingham. 
 
ir 
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 Eurlace Warren cf Staplefbrd in this Ef^\ 
 
 Borough of Eaft-Retfbrd. ^ 
 
 ^ .9/V Robert Clifton^ h night cf the Path, ehkji Son cf Sir 
 Oervale Clinton r/Clitton, in this' Ou)%tj/y Bajt, 
 
 Thomas White cf VN aliina^ Wells in this C^unth Clerk 
 
 x^f the Ordnance oj Great-Britaln, 
 
 Town of Kewaric upon Trent., 
 
 Hen. Richard Sutton cf Scofton in this County Efq\ Brigadier ^ 
 General cf his Irla]eflys rurces^ Envy extraordinary to the 
 King f Bru lia, and the Land-grave <f HefTe-Cairel. ' 
 
 James J'elhain Secretary^ to his Grace the Ditke oj Graf- 
 ton, as Lord Chamberlain of his Majejiy\' HoujhoJd^ as 
 ajerefaid. ^ 
 
 Oxon 9, 
 
 * Sir WilUam Stapleton of Bray, in the County of Berks, 
 Bart. 
 
 Henry Fprrot of NortlvLeigh in this County y Efy\ 
 
 Univerfity of Oxford. 
 
 William Bromley of Bagington in the County cf Warwick* 
 George Clark, L. L. D. Fellow of All-Souls Cdlegep 
 
 City of Oxon, 
 
 Thomas Rowi^ey of the faid City^ Efi\ 
 
 Lranci? Knollys oj Winchendon in the County Bucks, Efq\ 
 
 Borough of New Woodftock. 
 
 ^ Bight H n, William Marquis e>y^landford, E.ar] Marl- 
 borough, H/fcount Rialton, Baron cj Sandiidge, Heir to 
 the Title of Duke of Marlborough, as alfo to the Manor and 
 park of Woodftock, Blenheim H ufcy and the Hundr ed f 
 Wotton, in this County ^ Grandfn oj the late Duke f Marl- 
 korojigh, and only Son and Heir apparent to the Right H n, 
 the Earl Godolphin. 
 
 E 2 Samuel 
 
(30 
 
 Samuel TroJ;man of Bucknal in this 
 Houfe, in the County of Giouceftcr, 
 
 County, of S^fton. 
 £/fi 
 
 Borough of Banbury. 
 
 * Bott, Fratjcis North iff, on\i Son and Heir apbarent of tht 
 Ri^ht Hon, the Lord Guilford. 
 
 Rutlan 41 hire 2. 
 
 Right Hon, Daniel Lord Finch eldefl Son and Heir apparent 
 to the Right Hon. the Earl of Nottingham, and Comptroller 
 oj his jha}efifs Houjhold. C. i 
 f John Noel of Walcott in the County of Northampton Tff, 
 Son of the Right Hon, the Vifccuntefs Doroaper Irwin, and 
 JSephev) to the Right Hon, the Earl of Harbo'rough. 
 
 Salop 12. 
 
 J William Layconchild, of the Birch in this County, Efr 
 f John Walcot, of Walcot, in the PariJI) of Libbery in this 
 County, Eff, ■ . 
 
 Tovon of Salop. 
 
 t Sir John Aftley of Pateshall in the County of Stafford, 
 hart. j j { 
 
 * Richard Lyfter of Rowton-Caftle in this County, Eff, 
 
 Borough of Bruges, alias Bridgnorth. ■ 
 
 Johp Weaver of Morvill in this County, Eja; 
 
 ^/.John Charlton cj Apley, in this County, Eff, 
 
 Borough of Ludlow. 
 
 ^J^bur Herbert c/ Oakley-Park in this County, Era- 
 ferv d laft Parliament fr Blechingly 
 
 ^*£rtf ^«l^ur Her- 
 
 Borough of Great Wenlock, 
 
 in this County, Eff, Deputy 
 
 John 
 
7 
 
 ( ?7 ) 
 
 |ot»n Samhroke of Gubbins in the County of Hertford, Ufa- 
 Turkey AJenbtmt, and one oj the Centle/nen of Hh Maieflfl 
 Frivy •^chamber, ferv d lafl Parliament for Dunwich. ^ 
 
 Town of Bifhops-Caftle. 
 
 John Plumptree ffjf the Town r/Nottingbairi, Treafurer of 
 Hrs Maj:fiy s Ora„ance, and Uy-mafer oJ the famejervd 
 fajt Parliament jor the Jaid Town e/ Nottingham. 
 
 * Robert Moore^ of Linley-hall in this Coun^, Ejq-, 
 
 Somerletihire i8. 
 
 ^/•rWIlianj Wyndbam f Orchard-Wyndham in \hU County, Part 
 
 * Thonias Horner oj Mells in this County, Ejf, 
 
 City of Briftol. 
 
 John Scrope o/Walmny in the County e/ Oxford, andof Earh^ 
 Court near Kenlington in the County of Middlefex, ECr- 
 pint Secretary to the Freafury roith Horatio Walpole eEm- 
 ch fen alfo for Winebelfea. Served laji Parliament jor Ri’ppon! 
 
 Abraham Elton, Efq\ Son cj Sir Abraham Elton pT thhatv 
 Bart, ferv’d lay Parliament f r Taunton. 
 
 City of Bath. 
 
 City, Efy, Lieutenant General of his 
 Maiejiy s Armies, Commander in ohiof of all and fiJular, 
 Hts A^yefy s Land Porces employed, or to be emptied in 
 North ^itam, and Colonel oj a Regiment oj' Horje. 
 
 TT n “ T Hatton-Ga;den in the ParijJjofst. Andrew- 
 
 R J^iiddlefex, Efy\ Surgeon to St, 
 
 Bartholomew’s Hofpital, F. R. S. ' 
 
 City of Wells. 
 
 Thomas Edwards ja». of the Middle Temple, B/V- 
 Edward Pndeaux Gwynp/ Inner-Temple, Efai Son of 
 Francis Gwyn oj Ford-Abbey in the County of Devon, Efq- 
 
 Borough of Taunton. 
 
 fTWhite-Lackington in this County, Efyjerv'd 
 lajt Parhamerd jor Milbour^-Fort. ^ ^ 
 
 » * Franc^ 
 
( ) 
 
 * Francis Fane of the Middle TempV, F.fq\ one of His Ma- 
 jefijs Council at £arv^ and Jiandin^ Council to the Board of 
 2rade and Plantations, 
 
 Borough of BriJge'^/v'ater. 
 
 Jfcn, George Doddington ej Gunvill in the County of Dorfet, 
 one of the Cemmifftoners oj the Treafury^ Lord Lieute- 
 na.it and Admiral of this County, 
 
 ^ Sir Halfwell T} nte of Hali'weil in this County^ Bart, ^ 
 
 Borough of Minehead. 
 
 * Alexander Luttercll f Dundar-Caftle in this County^ Ffa^ 
 Hon, Francis VN hitworth (j/Levburne in the County of 
 
 Borough of IvelcJiefter, 
 
 * Charles Lockyer of Ealing in the C unty of Middlefex, 
 chief Accemptant to the South Sea Company, 
 
 * Thomas Criljpe of Parhole in the County <;/* Lancafter, andcf 
 Ciiipping-Norton in the County of Oxford^ 
 
 Borough of Milbourn-Port. 
 
 * Thomas Medlycott cf the faid Borcu^hy Ejq\ one of foe 
 
 \ Commifftemrs of the Bevenue in Ireland. 
 
 Michael Flarvey Clifton in thU County y Efq\ S n and Heir 
 cf Edward Haryej^ of Comb in tl^e County of Surrey, Efq-y 
 
 Southampton 26, 
 
 Rl^ht Hon. Lord Henry Powlett, firfl Brother of hh Grac, 
 the Dule cf Bolton. 
 
 Sh John Cope of Briml'e] m this County, Bart, ch fen alfo for 
 laviaock,>r which Borough he ferv’d laji parliament. 
 
 City o/Winchefter. 
 
 Right Hon. Z^r/^ williatn Powlett, Unde to his Grace the DuU 
 cf Bolton, undone cf the Tellers cj the Exchequer. 
 
 ®ep^ Rodney oj Avinjton in this Omp, Bh\ 
 
 Town 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 lontt of Southampton. 
 
 * Ro^e■t Eyre of New-lioufe hi the Courtly r/ Wilts, PSir 
 £anijler at Law, me ij the makers in toe Court of Cim- 
 tnon Pleas for London, Middlefex and Suffolk, Recorder of 
 tbu Town, ande’dejl Son of the R[ght Hn. Sir Robert Evre 
 Knt. Lord Chief jujiice of His Majefly's Court cf Ccnrmn 
 Pleas. 
 
 * Anthony Henley of the Grainge in this County, Efy-, 
 
 Town of Portlinouth. 
 
 Hon. Sir John Norris of Hempfted-place in the County of Kent 
 Jint. Hdrmral of the Blue Squadron of England, of the 
 Comrrrifficners of the Admiralty, and Deputy-Coverrlcr of 
 Dover Caule. ^ 
 
 Hon. Sir Charles W'ager of Parfons-Green in th- County if 
 A.iddlelex Knt. Vue Admiral of the Red Squadun If 
 England, and one oj the Commijfuners of the Admiralty, 
 
 Borough of Yarmouth. 
 
 Paul Burrard of Wall-Hampton in thU County, Efq- r„v'd 
 laft Parliament jor Lymmington, ^Jyjeva 
 
 Maurice Morgan, Efq-, Colonel in the Third Regiment of Foot 
 
 Borough of Petersfield. 
 
 NMrton Powlet cf Rotherfield in this County Efr 
 * Jofeph Taylor e/Staninore in the County of VC.. 
 
 Chjef Clerk of the Hcfpital of BridesWinthl a^^^^^^^ 
 
 Bo-rough e/ Newport alias Medena. 
 
 George Huxley of Stoke in the County ./Bucks, Efa- one i 
 * If f’^'^'^'ffioners for Vidualtng the Rcyal Navy. ^ 
 
 ^^llllam hortelcue./ Buck'and filkigh, near Great Toi 
 rington m the Ounty of Devon, Efq-, Secretary to the Rlgh 
 Hnourahle Sir Rotert W alpolg Chanoeuur, and uide 
 Ireafurer oj the Eoicbequer. 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 Borough of Stockbridge. 
 
 John Chetvvynd, Ef^; Second Brother of the Ri^ht Ho- 
 nourable the Lord J^ifcount Ghtt^yndiy undone of the Com- 
 mijftoners of Trade and Vlahtaticns. 
 
 Martin Bladen <?y' $ unbury /;2 the C unty ^/Middlefex, 
 Ef^y one of the Commifftoners of Trade and flantationu 
 
 Borough o/New Town. 
 
 ^ Janies Worfley c/Pylewell m this County y Ejj\ 
 
 ^ Thomas Holmes of the Ijle of Wight, Efq\ Son of the Uti 
 Major General Holmes. 
 
 Borough of Chrift’s-Chiirch, Twynham. 
 
 * Charles Withers of Hall near Bafingftoke in this County 
 Ef^'y Surveyor General of all Hit Majefty's Woods on the North 
 and South Side of Trent. 
 
 * Jofeph Hinxmari of the New Forrefl in thU County y Eff, Hi* 
 Majefly's Wood-war dy and Keeper of the under Wood andTreei 
 in the faid Forrefl y and in the Forrefl s of Chute-Pambeari 
 Ailfhort, Eaftbear and Weflbear in this County^ 
 
 Borough of Lymington. 
 
 Hm, XsrrfNaffau Powlett, Knight of the Raih^ youngefl. 
 Brother of his Grace the Duke of Bolton, ferv'd lafi Bar- 
 liament jcr this County. 
 
 Anthony Morgan, Deputy Governor of the Jfle of Wight, 
 jervdlajT Barliament jot Yarmouth, in this County, 
 
 Borough of Whitchurch. 
 
 John Conduitt of Cranbury-Lodge, in ihe Patijh of Hurfley> 
 in this County, Efq\ Mafier and Worker ef HU Makfty'i 
 Mints. ■' ' 
 
 * John «elwyn of Matfon in the County of Gloucefter, X/ay 
 late Receiver General and Cajhler of HU Majeflfs Cujioms. 
 
 Borough of Andover; 
 
 Hon. James Brudenel of Stocken-Hall in the County of Lincoln, 
 Mafier or TTeafurer of HU Majefi/s feioels, only Bro~ 
 tber to the Right Honourable the Earl of Cardigan. 
 
 * koifs 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 ^ kon. Charles Collyear, Ef<j\ jeimgeji Son of the Hlghi ffo* 
 Hourabk the Earl of Portmore. 
 
 Stajfordflnre 10 . 
 
 Sir Wjilter WagdafFe Bagot^/ Blythfieldi;^ thU Couhty, 
 fervid lajl Earlian?ent Jli' Newcaftle^ tmder Line. 
 
 William Levefon Gp^ver, Efq\ Second Brctker U thi 
 Ri^ht Honourable the Lord Gower. 
 
 City of Litchfield; 
 
 Richart Plummer of Blakeftvare in the County cf Hertford, 
 Efq; late cne cf the Ccmmijftoners f' Trade and Plantations. 
 
 Weaker Chetwynd r/Grendon in the County ^/Warwick, Epj\ 
 Paymafief cf certain of His Aiaj^jys Annual Penfuns and 
 Bounties. 
 
 Borough ^?/Staftord. 
 
 Rij^ht Hon. Walter Chetwynd of Thgedree in thU Ccuniy^ tefd 
 VifcDunt Chetwynd in the Kingdom of Ireland, Hi^h Stev^^ 
 ard of the faid Borough. 
 
 * Jofeph Gafccigne Nightingale of Enfield in the County of 
 3^-iddIefex, Ejfj Scn^in^law to the Right Honourable the Earl 
 Ferrers. 
 
 Borough of Newcaftle Vnder-Linti, 
 
 ^ "Hon. Baptid Lev^^fbn Gower of the Inner Temple^ Fffy 
 youngefi Brothet cf the Right Honourable the Lord Gower< 
 chefen alfo for Agmondefham. 
 
 ^ John W^ard cj Sedgley-Park in this County ^ E/q^ 
 
 Borough of Tamwoith. 
 
 Right Henourabk \\]\2Lttx Ohn^x\y Earl c?/'Inch^uen, and 
 ren of Barren, in the Kingdom of Ireland, Knight of the 
 Bath, Son-iri’-La'^ to the Rrght Honourable the Earl of Ork- 
 ney^ jerv d lafl Parliament for Windibr. 
 
 1 homas W illoughby, Efq\ fecond Son to tl:t Right 
 Hon. the Lord Middleton, fervd laji Parliament for the U-* 
 niverCty of Cambridge. 
 
 Jf 
 
I 
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 Suffolk 1 6m 
 
 itr William Barker, of Ipfwich, in this County, Bart. 
 
 Sir Jermyn Davers, of Rulhbrook-Hall, and (^'Rougham, in 
 this County^ Bart, fervd lafi Parlian/cnt for St. Hdmund*# 
 Bury. 
 
 Borough 
 
 ifon* Sir William Thomfon, of the Irner-Temple, Knt. Cut- 
 fitor^ Baron of the Exchequer^ and Recorder of the City 
 of London. 
 
 Francis Negus, of Dallingoe, in this County, ^ Efj, Avencr, 
 and Clerk Martial, and Mafter of His Majefy's Buck'houndt, 
 and a Dire dor o the Eaft-India Compaty. 
 
 Borough of Duiiwich. 
 
 ^ William BranthiVayte, of Hethill, in the County of Norfolk, 
 Efq\ Ser\eant at Law. 
 
 Jofeph Banks, of Revesby-Abbey, in the County of Lincoln, 
 Bfjy jery^d lafi Parliamnt for Totnefs. Since dead. 
 
 Borough of Orfovd. 
 
 Dudley North, of Glemham-Hall, in this County, Efy; 
 
 Hon. Price Devereux, of Vaynor, in the County of Montgo** 
 mery, S n and Heir Apparent of the Rij^ht Hon. the 
 JLord Vifeount Hereford, chofen alfo for the County ofyionX,* 
 gomery, ft which he fervid the lafi Tarliarnentm 
 
 Borough of Alborough. 
 
 Samuel Lowe, of the faid Borough, Efq\ Comptroller of the 
 Ordnance in Irchnd ^ t J 
 
 William Wyndham, of Earfham, in this County, Efa\ Lieute* 
 nant Governor of the Royal Hofpital at Chelfea, fefv'd lafi 
 Parliament for Sudbury. 
 
 Borough of Sudbury. 
 
 John Knight, of Gosficld'Hall, in the County of Effex, Efq^ 
 chofen alfo for St. Maws. 
 
 ^ Cartwright Leathes, of Oakley Houfe, mar Harwich, in 
 the Qmnpj of Eflex^ Efqi 
 
( 4J ) 
 
 Borough of Eye. 
 
 * HofU Stephen Cornwallis, Efq\ Lieutenant CoU to the 
 
 Footy CoMwanded by CoU Hayes, andfrfl Brother to 
 theFUmUon* the Cornyvollis. . , , rr 
 
 ^ HPn» John Cornwalli^ F^q\ fecon^ Brother of the Right Hon^ 
 the Lo(0 Cornwallis afucjaid. 
 
 Boroigif of St* Edxnund’s-Bury. 
 
 RJ^M John Lord Heyrey, eldeft Son and Heir apparent to 
 
 Rkbt Hon. the Earl of BriHoU ^ * t?r 
 
 f Thomas Norton, oj Ickwortli-Abjjey, tn tbts Countjy EJqi 
 
 Surry 14; 
 
 Arthur Onflow, cf En?ber-Cou)rt, in this County y Efq^ 
 
 alfo for Guilfprd, for vjhich Borough, befervd the lajt Fa^^ 
 liawent* ^ , 
 
 Thomas Scawen, of Carflialton, in this County^ Efq\ Son of ►w 
 Thomas Scawen, Knt* on^ of the Aldermen cj the City oj 
 London* 
 
 Borough of Southwark. 
 
 Edmund Halfey, Efq\ofthe /aid Borough^ Brewer, one of the 
 DireSters of the Soutb-Sea Company* 
 
 Jofeph «Eyles, of ChigwelJ, in the County ^/Ellex, 
 Turkey-Merchant, Br ether to Sir John Eyles, Baft* ferv a 
 laji Parliament fr the I)evi?.cs. 
 
 Borough e/ Blechingly. 
 
 Hen* Sir Orlando Bridgman, of Great-Lever, in tht 
 
 Lancf^fter, Bart, one of the Commiftoners of Trade Piaiv 
 taiion^i fervid lafi Parliament^ f r Left witbkl* 
 
 Williau^ Clayton, of Harden, ^his Cour^tjy Efq\ 
 
 Borough of Rygatc. 
 
 Right Hon* Sir Jofeph Jekyll, Knt* Mafler of the RclUt P*0 
 James Cocks, of the Middle-Teniiple, 
 
 Borough of Guilford* 
 
 Afthur Anflow, p/'EmherjCourt, in ^hU C^Wdy> 
 fa^ii Recorder of t^efaif l^rought Richard 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 Richard Onflow, cf the J^lherty cj Weflninflcr^ Cch h 
 fbe {irfi Regiment of' Foot Guards^ only Brother of the fa/d 
 Onfijw, Efcjy .r • 
 
 Boromh of Gatton. 
 
 Jion. Paul Dcomini(]ue o/' Chipfted in this Ct>un^, Efq, one af 
 the Co/n^ijfof/tr^ cf Irade and Plantations, 
 
 M iUiain iNewlandr/V/je faid Borough y Efq\ 
 
 Borough of Hallemerc- 
 
 Janies Oglethorp .rf Godaiming in ibis County y Efq\ 
 
 J^eter Barrel Becking ham in the- County cf Kent> Efq\ one 
 of fbe Dirrikers d South Qmpany, 
 
 Suffex 20, 
 
 B^ghtHcn, Sir Spencer Compton, ^/Eaftbourn-place in this Coun^, 
 iyy fCnt, c/fthe Bath, Paytriajier Getural ofH;c Ma)eftfs ForceSy 
 f^^(f^/Cheliea HefpitaL G/U'le to the Rhbt Honourable the Earl- 
 d K'ortlia'mptpr, P. C. ' 
 
 B^ght Hm» Henr; Pdham, Efq) Secretary at Wary one cj the 
 Commiffuners cf' the Tredfury, only Brother cj his Grace the 
 jPtfke of Kewcadle, 1\ C. 
 
 City of Chichefter. 
 
 Bight flon,^ Lexd William Beauclair, eldefl Brother of hU Grace 
 the oj. iS'/. Albans. 
 
 Hon, Charles Lumjey, Efq'^ one of the Groc/ns cf the Bed-^ 
 chamber to Hu ma]ei.yy Second Brother cj the Right Ho* 
 tUQurablc fbe Earl cj Sea v borough, 
 
 ^ Berough of Horfliara. 
 
 Bfq\ Commiffnry cf the Stores of Waryank 
 Frovij'tiias for t hi* Forces at Gibraltar, Brother of the Right 
 
 Honourable the Be r4j^ifc.unt Hviiviy 
 Ci^rles ^v-ersheld cf penn in thu Quntfy Ej^i 
 
 Bor<t;^gk pf Midhurfl*. 
 
 Hn, Brodexfciv Viscount and Barm Broderick of 
 
 y^iddfcton m KinTdkB? of Ireland, 
 
C 45 ) 
 
 Balftrode Peach/ alias Knight, cj Stedhatn in this Cmnt^^ 
 
 • 
 
 Borough of Lewes. 
 
 Hon. Thomas Pelham of tbU Borough^ Efq\ one of the Com- 
 Mijficners of Trade and Plantations^ eldcfi Son of Sir Nicho- 
 las Peiham of Wedling in this Covfnty Knight. 
 
 * Thomas Pelham btanmere m this County y Efj\ 
 
 Borough of Kew-Shoreham^ 
 
 sir Nathaniel Gould of Newington In the County of Middle- 
 feXy Knt. Governor of the Muicovy Company y and one cf the 
 Diredcrs j the Bank of England. 
 
 Francis Chamberlain of 1 horpe in the County cf Warwick, 
 Efq'y Merchant i/; London. 
 
 Borough of Bi’amber. 
 
 Sir Richard Gough of Chelfea in the County of Middlefex^^ 
 and i?/Edgebarton iw the County oj Warwick, Knt, Merchant 
 in London. 
 
 Jofeph Danvers of Swithland, In the County ^Leicefter, Efq\ 
 fervd laji Parliament Jcr Borough-brigg. 
 
 Borough of Steyning. 
 
 Right Hon. William Vane, of Fair-Lawn in the County of 
 Kent, Lcrd Vifcount\s(TiQyin the Kingdom of 
 
 * Thomas Bladen cf St. James's In the Liberty ^/W^minfter, 
 Efq\ Nepherv to Martin Bladen, Ejp 
 
 Borough of Eaft-Grinfted. 
 
 * R:,?bt Hon. Henry Temple of E^ft-Sheen m the County, of 
 
 Surrey, Lord jr'ifcount Palmerftoun in the Kingdom oj Ire- 
 land, chief Remembrancer oj Hu Ma\ejiy s Court oj Exchequer 
 in the faid Kingdom, r i 
 
 Right Hon, Richard Boyle Afhley in the Farijh oj Walton, 
 in the County t?/’ Surrey, LcrdVifcount ShKrmomntbc King- 
 dcm of I reland. Lieutenant General of His Majejty s Forces^ 
 qnd Captain of the Fourth Troop oj^Lij'e Guards. 
 
( 4 « ) 
 
 ' Borough <7/ Arundel. 
 
 Bkht Hon. Thomas Gage cf High-Meadow in the County of 
 Gloucefter, Lord Vtfeount Gage of Caftle-lOand in the 
 Kingdom of Ireland, chofen alfo for Tewkesbury, for vohicb 
 
 • Borough be ferv d the lafl 
 
 * Sir John Shelly of Mitcbel-Grove, in thif C unty^ 
 Brether^h^l^ to bis Grace the Bute ofi^Q\K^?^^c^ 
 
 WanjVicJdhii^ 6. 
 
 William Peytoc .’terton in this Couistjs Bff^ 
 
 Hon. Edward Digby of tbe Right Homurabk 
 
 the Lord Digby. 
 
 City of Coventry. 
 
 Sir Adolphus Ouglrton of Tefeh-Brook in this County^ Knff 
 Bart. Lieutenant Colonel of the Second Regiment ofiFoot 
 Guards. 
 
 John Neale of Allefly in this Coui^y Efy\ Comptroller of the 
 Ho^old to their Royal Highnejfes the' Three eld/efi Trin" 
 aejfes. 
 
 Borough of Warwick. 
 
 Sir Wlllian^ Keyt of Stratford upon Avon in ibis 
 Bart. 
 
 William Bromley jun. only Son of William Bromley of 
 Bagington in tbit County $ firvd laji Vayliament fok 
 
 fowey. 
 
 Weftmorgland 4^ 
 
 Hon. Anthony Lowther, Efy\ one of thf Omm^ofiOKS of the 
 Revenue in Ireland, only Brother of the Right Honourable tha 
 Lord Vifeount Lonfdale. 
 
 2 D^e) W|lfon of Dallam-Caftle in this County^ Ef^\ 
 
 Borough of Apulby. 
 
 Hon. Saclcvile Tufton o/Newbottle in the Otmiy <?/Northamp? 
 ton, Hepbm to jbe Right Honourable the Earl of 
 yUxfU \ ' 
 
 t 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 ^ John Ramfden Son of Sir William Ramfdcn o/Byraih 
 Jn tbc Countj of York, Bart. 
 
 Wiltlhire 34. 
 
 * Sit James Long of Draycot-Ccrne in this County^ Sort* 
 f John Talbot of Lay cock in this County^ Efj\ 
 
 City of New Sanutt. 
 
 Anthony Dilncomb of Barford in this Counp Efij\ 
 
 Thomas Lewis of Soberton in the County ^/Southampton Ef4\ 
 rkofen alfo for Buckingham. Served l<^ parliament for South- 
 ^ amptort* 
 
 Borough Wilton. 
 
 Hon. Robctt SaWyer Hebert of High-Clear in the County 
 of Southampton, Efi[\ one of the Commijfioners of the Re^ 
 venue in Ireland, fecond Son to the Right Hon. the Earl of 
 Pembroke. 
 
 ^ Thomas Martin of Clapham in the County of Surrey, Efift 
 Coldfmith in London. 
 
 Borough of Downeton. 
 
 floH. John Verney Efy\ one of the Welch %^e$y and one of 
 his Alajefly^s Council at Law, youngefl Son of the Right 
 Hen. the Willoughby (/Brook. 
 
 Giles Eyre Brickworth in this County, Eff, Serjeant at 
 Law and Recorder of the City of Bath. 
 
 Borough of Hindon^ 
 
 * George Heathcote cf Earls-Stoke in this County, Efyt 
 
 ^ Townfliend Andrews of Coulftone in this County, Efit, 
 
 Borough of Heitesbury. 
 
 Hon. Edward Alhe of this Borough, Efij\ one of the ComPnljft* 
 oners of Trade and Plantations^ 
 
 ^ Hon. Horatio Townihend Efq\jone of the Gentlemen of his 
 Majefly s Privy Chamber, and o^ of the Dtredors tha 
 Bank of England, only Brother “^io the Right Hn, the Lord 
 Vifeount Townlhendt , 
 
( 4S ) 
 
 Borough of Weftbury. 
 
 Francis Amiefly l«”er-Temple, £/Vi 
 
 * John Gifford ef Bemiller in the County of Dorfet, 
 
 Borough of Caine. 
 
 * William Duckett of Hartham in this County, Efy\ Major 
 
 to tmfecond Troop of Granadier Guards, Brother of George 
 
 Duckett £/Vi one oj the Cotnniifftoners oj the Excije. 
 
 * William W ardour of Whitney tn the County oj Hereford, 
 
 Bft> 
 
 Borough of Devizes. 
 
 Benjamin Haskyn Stiles of Bovvden-Park in this Countf, 
 
 uplands Eyles Efy\ Son a/ J ohn Eyles of the faid Borough, 
 Efq\ and hinfman to Sir John Eyles, Bart. Sub-Goveraor 
 oj the South-Sea-Companv. 
 
 Borough of Chippenham. 
 
 Gabriel Roberts oj Ampthill in the County of Bedford, Efj-, 
 one of the Directors oj the South-Sea Company, ferv' d laji 
 Tarliawent for Marlborough. 
 
 * Rogers Holland of the Middle-Temple, EJy, 
 
 Borough of Malmsbury. 
 
 Giles Erie of Efcot, in thit County, Eff, 
 
 * William Rawlinlbn Erie Ef^\ Son of the faid Giles Erlej 
 
 Efr> 
 
 Borough of Cricklade. 
 
 Sir Thomas Read of Thame in the County of Oxford, Bart, 
 one of the Clerks of the Green-Cloth, and a Gentleman of 
 the Privy Chamber. 
 
 ^ Ghriftopher Tillbn c/ Hampton-Court in Jhe County of 
 Middlelex, Eff, one of the chief Ckrts of the Treajuryi 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 Borov^h of Great BedwiriJ 
 
 ^ Rf^ht tlcn. William Zdrd Vifconnt Lewilham, driA 
 
 William Wilhs^y l:en^Ditton in the County of C^mhvidgc^ 
 Burt, fcrv d Jafi Parliiin7€nt Jor Newport in the County ot 
 Southampton, *' 
 
 BoYough of LudgeriKalL 
 
 Bbriace Richmond Webb of Biddefden in this Oouhiy, £/ 4 \ 
 * ^ -Lieut. General VNebb. 
 
 Charles Boone Rooksneft in the County ofS\xixey,t:f'n 
 late Govern, r oj Bombay in the Eaft-Ihdies. 
 
 Borough of Old Saruitii 
 
 Right tion. Thomas Pitt of W^oodcote in the Ccuniy cfD6f 
 London derry in the Kingdom of Ireland:; Co^ 
 Iflandi Governor cj the Levvard- 
 
 Ihbmas Fitt <?/'CameIfbrd in the County of Cornwall^ and of 
 ^trartord /« this County, Efq-, Nephew tj the f aid Earl of 
 London derry, chofen aljo for Okchampton, 
 
 Bvtough of Wotton BalTefc 
 
 ^ John St, John ijy Lydiard Tregoze in this Ccuntyy Bfqi 
 fcond Sen to the Right Hen. the Lord Vifeount St. John of 
 Batterfea, ^ j 
 
 ^ John Cr^s„ f the City of Weftminftef, Efy\ Son to s^if 
 Thomas Crols oJ the faid City^ Bdrt. 
 
 Borough of Marlborough. 
 
 ^^ty of Lorsdoriy Money Sctlvner* 
 tdward Lille Crooks-fiafton, in the County ^ Southamp* 
 ton, jsy^. / ^ ^ 
 
 Worcefterihire p. 
 
 ^ Hethert Perot FaC dngton of Weftwoo^, iri this Coun^^ 
 
 F tjon 
 
’ ( $0 ) 
 
 Hen. Sh Thomas Littleton cf Hagley-Hall, /» t/jJs Cemty^ 
 Bart, cneofthe Ccnimijftcners ef the Adrnitaltj. 
 
 City of Worcefter. 
 
 * *S"^> Richard Lane, of the faid Oty^ Knt. 
 
 Samuel Sandys of Oiiiberiley-Coart in this County^ 
 
 Borough e?/" Droitwich. 
 
 Richard Foley one cf the JPrethenotaries oj the Ourt cf 
 Common-Pleas, Brother to the Right Hon. the Lord Foley. 
 
 Thomas Winnington of Holme-Caftle, in this County^ Ffq\ Sen 
 to Salway Winnington of Stanford-Court, in this County^ 
 
 Borough of Evefliam. 
 
 John Rudge Mercbt. In London, Deputy-Governor of the 
 S G u tk-Sea- C o mpa ny • 
 
 Sir John Rufliout cj Northick in this County^ Bart. 
 
 Borough of Bewdley. 
 
 Crew Offley of Whichnor, in the County of Stafford, Efa^ 
 one of the Centlemen oj the Privy- Chamber. 
 
 Yorklhire 30, 
 
 Thomas Watfon Wentworth, oJ Wentworth-Wood- 
 Houle, in tais County, Bart, and Knt. cf the Bath, /ert/V lafl 
 Parhament j or Malton. 
 
 Cholmondelcy Turner cf Kirkleatham, m this County, Efr, 
 City of York. 
 
 Williani Milner .f Nun-Appleton, his County, Bart. 
 Ed\vard_Thomplon^Marlden,i»/^« County, Eff. cm of tbs 
 Comtmjftomrs cj tin Raeme in Ireland. ^ ^ 
 
 Town 
 

 ( 51 > 
 
 Towri of Kingfton upon Hull. 
 
 Hcn» Joleph Micklethwaite, of Swine, In this County, 
 Ztrd Vijceunt MickJethwaite in the \sAngdom of Ireland^ 
 ferv d laji Parliament for Arundel. 
 
 George Crowle if the /aid Borough, Ejq\ 
 
 Borough of Knaresborough^ 
 
 Hon, Richard Arundel cf Allertop Maulvelerer, in this Coun^ 
 ty, Surveyor General of his^Majefly^s Works , Uncle to tb^ 
 Right H n. the Cord Arundel of TrcvicQ, 
 
 Sir Henry Siingsby cf Red^Houle in this County^ Bart. 
 
 Borough Scarborough. 
 
 sir William Strickland of Boynton, in this County, Bart, Trea- 
 furer oj h§r Majfiy^s Hqufhcld. 
 
 John Hui3gerfbrd J Lincoln’s-Inn, Efq\Curfitor t?/' Yorkfliire and 
 Weftmorland, and Jianding Council to the: taft-India Com- 
 pany. 
 
 Borough of Rippon. 
 
 John Aiflabie of Studley, in this County, Efq\ late Chancel- 
 ^ lor and under Treafurer of the Exchequer. 
 
 William Aillabie Efq\ Son of the [aid John Aillabie Efq\ 
 
 Borough of Richmond. 
 
 Sir Marmaduke W}’vill of Conflable-Burton in this County^ 
 Bart, 
 
 Charles Bathurft of SculHleskelf in this County, Efq\ Bigb“ 
 Sheriff of YoxkUx^. - 
 
 Borough of Heddon. 
 
 Right Hon* William Pulteney of St, JamesV Weftminfter, 
 Efq\ ,Lord Lieutenant of the Eaft-Riding oj this County m 
 
 P* C. 
 
 ‘ Harry Pulteney of the Meufe, at Charing-Crofs^ Efq\ Colonel 
 of the Foot Guards, and Equery to bis Majejly, Brother oj 
 the Jaid Pulteney Efqi 
 
 2 Porj 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 'Borough cf Boroughbrigg, 
 
 James Tyrrel, cf Shot-over, in the Ccunty of Oxfrd^ Ef^\ 
 
 Ceorge Gregory, cj the Town of Nottingham, Efq\ Stcrc'* 
 keeper f Hi^ AUjef^/s Ordnance^ ferv d lafi Earliament 
 She ffiia Tovpn of Nottingham. 
 
 Borough ^?/MaIton• 
 
 Hetiry Finch, Efjj fourth Son to the Right Hon. the 
 Eurl (/' Nottingham. 
 
 ^ Waidell George Weilby^ r/Revensfield, in this County y Ejf^ 
 
 Borough of Thirsk. 
 
 Sir Thomas Frsnkland, of Thirklebury, in this County y Bart, 
 one of the Ccmmificners oj the Revenue in Ireland. 
 
 f I’homas ivobinlbn, Efy; Secretary to his Excellency Horatio 
 Walpole, Eftjv as Jimbaffadcr Extract dinarj at the Court of 
 Vr^nce^ ycungefi Sin of Sir \\ i\\hm K.ohiniony <?/ Newby, 
 Shis County y Bart, 
 
 Borough of Aldborongh, 
 
 JelTop, cf Broom-hall, in this Ccunty y Eff\ one of the 
 fhief ^ujiices cf Vvales, and one- of the Ccmwijfcnen and Re* 
 cetvers General Alienation. 
 
 Charles Stanhope, of ::>t, James’s af Wedminfter, Ef^\ Bro- 
 Sher to the Right Hen, Mr. Vice Lbamberlairi Stanhope. 
 
 Borough of Beverly. 
 
 Charles Pelham, of Brockelshy, in the County 'df Lincoln, Efj] 
 ferv d lafi Farlianrent for Great Grimsby. ^ 
 
 ^ Lhflia Bradlhaw, Risby, in this County y 
 
 Borough of Norrhallerl'on. 
 
 Leonard Sni^lt, </ Kirby-Fleetbam, in this Countfy Fffy CJerh 
 rjf the pelfvct ies cf his Alfi]efiy y OrdnaneSy and Secretary f$ 
 the Mcifier General thereof 
 
 ppnry Pieres, cf Bedal^ r/y this County^ 
 
Borough of Pontefract^ 
 
 *y/r William Lowther, of Swillington, in this County^ Bsrtk 
 
 John Lowther;, of Ackworth, in this County^ Efyy 
 
 Barons of the Cinque-Ports, i6. 
 
 Port of Haftings, 
 
 fy/V William Aflihurnham, <7/ Guirtling, in the County of Su,^^ 
 lex, r>e oj tt)e ChambeTlains oj the Exchet^uer and one 
 
 of the C:p:n?ijf oners cj Jileniaticn* 
 
 ffon, i hoirias Townfend, ^ne of the Tellers of the Exche-^ 
 ^:ierJecond S:n of the Eight Hon. the UrdVifount Townfend, 
 chofen alj frthc Univerfity f)/ Cambridge^ fervid Votr* 
 liament jor Vv incheifea. 
 
 Port (?/ Dover, 
 
 flon. George Berkeley, Ef^\ Mafler of the HoJpHal of St. Ka- 
 therine near the Twer, ycungejt Brother of the Right Hon. the 
 Earl cj Berkeley. 
 
 Henry Furnefe^ Efy:^ of London Merchant. 
 
 Port of Sandwich. 
 
 Hn. Sir George Oxenden, of Dean-Court, in the Coun^ of 
 Kent, Bart, one of the CommiJfjoners of the Treafury. • 
 
 Jofiah Burchett, Secretary to the Qtnmijftoners of the Adr 
 miralty^ 
 
 Port of Hyeth. 
 
 sir Samuel Lennard, <?/ Weft- Wickham, in the County of Kcnt^ 
 Bart. Lieutenant Col. to the fecondTrocp of Guards. 
 
 Hercules Baker, cj the Tcvon oj Efq\ lately a Commander 
 m the Royal Navy. 
 
 port of Romney, 
 
 Pavid Papillon, Ef^:, Son ^ Philip Papillon, of Auckrldge^ 
 in the County of Kent, E]q\ 
 
 f Tphii Effington,<?/ Point-Ladies, in the Fafifhofyfmdfwoxth 
 fn the County oj Surrey, Efq^ 
 
 Tom 
 
( 54 ) 
 
 Town of Rye. 
 
 pfiiTTips Gibbon, of Rolvendon, in the County of Kent, 
 Surveyor General of the Crown-Landy Revenue • 
 
 * John Norris, Bfq\ only Son f Sir \ohn Norris, Knt. Admi- 
 fal of the Squa^enr of England. 
 
 Town ^/WinchcUea. 
 
 Robert Brlftcw, of the City ^/London, Bfq\ Clerk Comptroller 
 of t^e Green Cloth* r rr • 
 
 John Sprope, of WalmeQy, in the County of O^^otay int 
 
 ' Secretary^ to the Treafury^ with Horatio W alpole, Ef^\ cho» 
 fenalfo 'for Bviiloly fero'd la/i Parliament for Rippon. 
 
 Town of Scafbrd. 
 
 William Cage, of Furle, in the County of Six ffex, Bart, and 
 Knt* of the Bath. 
 
 » hilip York, /Bell-bar, in the County of Hertford, Knt* 
 His Maiejifs Attorney General* 
 
 WALES 24. 
 
 Angleiey. 
 
 f t. - 
 
 Hugh Williams of the City of Cheller, Efy\ 
 
 Bot'omh of Beaumares. 
 
 C> J 
 
 Watkin Williams Wynne of Wynftay in the County of Den- 
 r: bi^, Efy; chofen alfo for the fa: d County oj Denbigh, jot 
 
 vhicb be ferv’d lafi Varliantent. 
 
 Brecon 2. 
 
 ..William Gwjk Vaughan <f Trebaried in this ComtJ} Efli 
 
 Tom. 
 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 Town of Breconv 
 
 Thomas Morgan of Ruperta m the County ^/Glamorganj^y^ 
 only Brother of Sir Morgan (^’ Tred^^gar, Kn.i^ht of 
 
 the Bath. 
 
 Caidigan 2. 
 
 ^ Br^ht Hen, John Vaughan of Trawfeoad in tkU County 
 ^ Lord Vif count Lisburne in the Kingdom of irelandJ'X^rd 
 Lieutenant and Cuftes Rotulcrum oj the faid County* 
 
 Town of Cardigan. 
 
 Francis Cornwallis Albemarles /;? <3/'Cannartheh> 
 
 JEjq\ fervd lafi Parliament for thU County. 
 
 • r 
 
 Carmarthen 2. 
 
 .SVV Nicholas Williams r/Rhyd-0<iin in the faid Ccun^} 
 
 Town 0/ Carmarthen. 
 
 * Arthur Bevan of Laughern in this County^ Efjt 
 
 Carnarvon 2. 
 
 John Griffith of Wyninthis County.^ Ef% '■ 
 
 Town of Carnarvon. 
 
 Thomas Wynn of Bodyan in this Countyi Efj\ Cierk of fk> 
 Creen-Chth to the King, 
 
 Denbigh 2. 
 
 Watkin Williams Wynne of this Coondy, Efq-^ aforefaid. 
 
 Town of Denbigh. 
 
 Robert Middleton of Chirk-Caftle in this Ovnty, Efqi 
 
 FJiot 
 
■( 5 « ) 
 
 Flint 2 i 
 
 Sir Roger Moflyn^^ Moftyn-Hall in thii County^ Bart, Qijlil 
 Rotuhrum of the faid County. 
 
 'town of Flint. 
 
 * George WynnCj Ef]\ 7 
 
 * Salusbury Lloyd, 3 
 
 Double Return.’ 
 
 Glamorgan 2. 
 
 Sir Charles Keymeys ^Keven-Mabley in tbU County, Efq\ 
 
 Town of CardifFe. 
 
 Hoh. BulTy Manfel «/Margam in tbit County, Efq\ Uncle U lit 
 Right Honourable the Ecrd Manl'el. 
 
 Merioneth i.' 
 
 Richard Vaughan of Korfygedol in thU County, Efr, 
 
 Montgomery 2. 
 
 Hon. Price Devereux of Vaynor in thU County, Efq\ Sonanl 
 Heir apparent of the Lord JT’ifcount Hereford, chofen tifi 
 Jor Orford in Suffolk. 
 
 Town of Montgomery. 
 
 * Rol^rt Williams Efy-, Brother to Watkin ? p, , , „ 
 Williams Wynn, Efy-, aforefaid, 3 ‘^o'^^le Retu 
 
 illiam Corbet Ef^\ Son of Sir Robert Corbet of Sto 
 m the Counpy of Salop, Bart, 
 
 Pembroke 3. 
 
 * John Campbell if Stackpole-Court in thU County, £ff. 
 
 Tam 
 

 iHnilRinHs 
 
 Town of Peinbroke* 
 
 William Oweni %; eldefi Son of Sir Arthur Owcii 0/ Oriel, 
 ton, in this Qoimty^ Bdrt, 
 
 Town of Haverford-Weft. 
 
 Erafmus Philips bf Llhcolns-fnn, Ej^\ Sm and tielr of Slf 
 John Philips of Pidon Caftlcj in tbit County^ Bart, 
 
 Radnor i. 
 
 Wr Huml)hrcy Ho^arfh of Maefyllwich, in ibis Cbuntil 
 Baronet. '* 
 
 Town of New Radnor. 
 
 Thomas Lewis of Harpton, in this bounty, 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 Shire of Aberdeen. 
 
 Sir Archibald Grant of iWohymoske, SarH 
 
 Shire of Air* ^ 
 
 ♦ Honourable Jzmes Campbell a/Ro«rdllen, Ef^-, Colonel of iU 
 Bo^iment of Scots Greys, Groom of the Bed chamber to hti 
 Maj^y^ and only Brother to the Bf, Hori. the Earl tf LoudoUh* 
 
 Shirt of Ar^^lf. 
 
 S*r james Campbell of Arklnglafi, Barti 
 
 Shirt of Bamtf. 
 
 William Dutfo/ BraCco, £y^; 
 
 Shire of Berwick. 
 
 Ocorge Bailie of |erwifvfood, ^5 
 
 )t4 ihirit 
 
Shires of Bute and Cathnefs. 
 
 * Peter Dunbar of Wermaden, Efq-, - 
 
 Sh’ifes of i'Nairo <»«^Cromame. 
 
 # Sir Kehnith Mackenite of Granville, 
 
 Shire of Dunbarton. 
 
 Bed chamber to hts Majejty , jerv « j 
 Burghs of Elgin, Cullen, ©o. 
 
 Shire of Dumfries. 
 
 Charle, A-eskme ./ Bur).-g, £/ji «' ^i*’‘ 
 
 nernlfor Scotland, 
 
 Shire of Edinburgh. . 
 
 Robert Dundafs of Arniftoun, Efi, 
 
 Shire of Elgin. 
 
 Alexander Brodic ./Brodle, Lord Dm K^S ■<'<'* S«»- 
 
 Shirt of fife- 
 
 J,VjohnAnftiml.er,/Anfttuther, B«r. MeJIrr ef rt. Ki«S' 
 
 ff'ur/y in Scotland. 
 
 Shire of Forfar. 
 
 James Scot, jun. of Logie, Effy 
 
 5/&ire of Haddingioun. 
 
 Bm John Cokburne of Ormftoun, Efr, o”f «/ Comtnif 
 fioners of ihc Admitalfyi 
 
.CS9d 
 
 Shire of Invernefs. 
 
 James Grant ef Grant, 
 
 Shire of Kincardin. 
 
 James Scot, E/f^ Lieutenant Colonel of the Tioird Regiment of 
 Foot Guards. 
 
 Shires of Kingrofs and Clacmanan. 
 
 The Return not yet made 
 
 Srewariry of Kirkenbright. 
 
 * Patrick Herron of Herron, Efq\ 
 
 Shire of Lanerk. 
 
 Es. Hon. Lord Archibald Hamilton of Motherwell, Brother to 
 the E.t. Hon. the Earls of Selkirk and Orkney, and Uncle to 
 his Grace the Duke of Hamilton and Brandon. 
 
 Shire of Linlithgow. 
 
 * Alexander Hamilton of Inverweek, Eff, 
 
 ‘ Shires of Orkney and Zetland. 
 
 Hon. George Dowglali, only Brother of the Et. Hon. the Earl of 
 Moreton. 
 
 Shire of Peebles. 
 
 Hon. John Dowglafs, Eff., Brother to the Et. Hm?jhe Earl of 
 
 March. 
 
 Shire of Perth. 
 
 Mungo Haldane of Glenagies, Efq;, 
 
 Shire of Renfrew. 
 
 Sir John Shaw of Greenock, Bart, ferv’d lafi Parliament for 
 the Shires of Clacmattan and Kingrofs. 
 
 H X Shire 
 
 \ 
 
 .V 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 Shire of Rofs. 
 
 ♦ Hon- Charles RoHi 0/ Balnagoun, E/<?; only Brother of the. 
 
 ' Hon, the Lord Ro(s, ■ ■ . ■ 
 
 < t « 
 
 ' ’ S/sire fl/ Roxburgh, 
 
 f Dowglafs, jun. of Cavers, Ef^\ 
 
 Sh’tre'of Selkirk. 
 
 John Pringle of Haining, 
 
 Shire of Stirling. 
 
 ficnry Tunningham of Balquhan, Ef^-, Commijfary General of 
 : the Mujlers in Scotland ;■ ckofen alfo.for the Burghs of Inmf 
 Idthen, Dumfermline, 2fc. 
 
 Shire of Sutherland. 
 
 * J{t. Hon. William Sutherland, Lord Strathnaver, Grandfin 
 ‘ find Heir apparent to the Hj, Hon. the fifirl of Sutherland. ■ 
 
 Shire of Wigtoun. 
 
 Hon. William Dalrymple c/Glenmure, fecond Brother to 
 r the l{t. Ron. the Earl of Stair ; chofen alfo for the Burghs if 
 
 jyigtoqn, ISew Galloway,.£?c. • 
 
 pY/ cf Edinburgh. 
 
 John Campbel of Calder, Eff, late Lori Provoji of Edinburg^. 
 Burghs o/Tain, Ki(kwall, Week, Dornock, Dingwall, 
 
 ; , t ■ 
 
 Robert Monroe of Foujis, Eff^ 
 
 Burghs of Forcrole, Invernefs, Nairn, &c. 
 Puncan Forbes, Efq: Lorif A.dvooatefor Scotland. 
 
 . Bprghs 
 
 : U ,fs 
 
Burghs of Elgin, Cullen, Bamff, Inverurie, Kintore. 
 
 Uon. William Stuart, £/^; Stcretary to the Queen's mofl Excel- 
 lent Majejly, chofen alfo for the Burghs of Air, Irwin, (0c, 
 
 Burghs of Aberdeen, Inverbervy, Montrofc, 
 
 John Middleton, Efq:, Colonel of Foot, and Deputy Governor of 
 Tinmouth Fort. 
 
 * < ■ i . 
 
 Burghs o/Forfar, Perth, Dundee, Coupar.St. Andrews, 
 
 * John Drummond of Ealing, in the County of Middle- 
 lex, Ef^-, one of ihe DireBors of the Eaft India Company, 
 
 Burghs 0/ Grain, Killrenny, Anftruther-Eafter, &c, 
 
 Philip Anftruther of Ardric, Eff, Colonel of a Begiment of 
 Foot, now at Gibraltar. 
 
 Burghs of Dyfart, Kirkcaldie, Kinghorne, Burnt Ifland, 
 
 Hon. James Sinclair of Ravenicraigh, Ef^; Major to the Third. 
 Begimont of, Foot-Guards, fecond Son of the Rt. Hon. the Lord 
 Sinclair. 
 
 Burghs of Innerkithen, Dumferline, Queens Ferry, &c. 
 
 Henry Cunningham o/Balquhan, Efq\ Commijfary General of 
 ' the Mujiets'in Scotland, as atorefaid. 
 
 Burghs of Glasgow, Renfrew, Ruglen, Dumbarton. 
 
 t |obn Blackwood, Efi, Merchant in London. 
 
 Burghs o/Haddingtoun, Durnbart, North Berwick, &c. 
 
 * M * • \ 
 
 Stir Jamis Dalrymple of Hailes, Bart. Auditor General of 
 Scotland. • 
 
 Burghs of Selkirk, Peebles, Linlithgow, Lanerk. 
 John Murray of Philllphaugb, Efq\ 
 
 ' ■ - , ‘ \ ' Burghs 
 

 C ) 
 
 Burghs of Dumfries, Sanquar, Annan, &c. 
 William Dowglas, Se». of Cavers, £/^j 
 Burghs «/ Wigtoun, New Galloway, Stranraver, &c. 
 
 tion. William Dalrymple of Glenmure, E/f, fecond Brother t$ 
 the HS- Hon. the Earl of Stair, as aforefaid. 
 
 Burghs of Ah\ Irwin, Rothefay, Campletoun, Inverary, 
 tJon, William Stuart, Eff^ as aforefaid. 
 
 Lords Spiritual and Temporal 
 
 ■ iiz. 
 
 Commons, exclufive of the double Returns — S’^8. 
 
 F 1 M IS. 
 
An Exad and Corre(3: 
 
 LIST 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Lords Spiritual and Temporal, 
 
 As Likcwife 
 
 Of the Knights and ComtnilTioners of 
 Shires, Citizens^ and BurgefTes, chofe to 
 ferve in the enluing Parliament, 
 
 Being The Firft Parliament of his Majefty 
 KING GEORGE IT. and the Seventh of 
 Great Britain fince the Union. 
 
 Wherein every Member is juftly and properly 
 dcfcrib’d by his Title, Honour, Dignity, of 
 Publick Employment, 
 
 L 0 P 0 Nf 
 
 Printed for J. Tote at the Golden Door over-agaitjft 
 Suffolk-Street^ and N. Blandford at the Londvn-Gaz,ept§f 
 near Chmng-Crojs j Sold aUb by J, Roberts in War* 
 mck-Lane^ IV, Meadows at the RoyalrExchange, and 
 4. Dodd without Temple- Bar, 1717. [Pr. t 
 
j 
 
 C 
 
 To’wn of Pembroke^ 
 
 ,\VlllIani Owetii elief Son of Sir Arthur ^wen 0/ Oriel-* 
 ton, in this County^ Bart, 
 
 Town of Haverford-Weft. 
 
 tirafmus Philips of Lincolns-inn, ^on anJ tietf of it/ 
 John Philips of Pifton Caftle, in this Qounty^ Bart, 
 
 Radnor i. 
 
 Sir Humphrey Howarth of Maelyllwich, in this Counij] 
 Baronet. 
 
 Town o/New Radnor. 
 
 Thomas Lewis of Hafpton, in this County^ Ef^\ 
 
 
 
 SCOTLAND 45* 
 
 Shire, of Aberdeeri. 
 
 Ssr Archibald Grant of Moiiymoske, "tarii 
 shire of Air. 
 
 * Honourahte Campbell o/Rowallen, Coionet of thi 
 Begiment of Scots Greys, Groom of the Bed chamber to hii 
 ^ajejiy^ and only Brother to the Bf- Hoh, the Ehrl of LoUdouUi 
 
 Shin of Argylh 
 
 Sir James Campbell of Arkinglafi, Bart; 
 
 Shire of BamfF. 
 
 William DufF (f Bracco, Efq-i 
 
 Shire of Berwlckt 
 
 George Bailie of Jerwifwood, Ey^j 
 
 tl Shires 
 
( fS ) 
 
 Shires of Bute and Cathnefs. 
 
 * Peter Dunbar of Bowermaden, £/<?; 
 
 Shires of Nairn and Cromartie. 
 
 '* Sir Kennith Mackenzie of Granville, Kjit. 
 
 Shire of Dunbarton. 
 
 Hon. John Campbell, jun. of Mamore,'" Eff, Groom of the 
 Bed chamber to his Majefiy ferv'd laji tarliament for the 
 Burghs of Elgin, Cullen, C?c. 
 
 Shire of Dumfries. 
 
 Charles Areskine of Burjarg, E/f., his Majejly’s Sollicitor Ge- 
 neral for Scotland. 
 
 Shire of Edinburgh. 
 
 Robert Dundafs of Arniftoun, Eff, 
 
 Shire of Elgin. 
 
 Alexander Brodie «/Brodie, Lord Lyon King (f Arms in Scot- 
 land. 
 
 Shire of Fife. 
 
 5jVjohn Anftruther o/Anftruther, Bart. Biafter of the Ki”gt 
 fVorkj in Scotland. 
 
 Shire of Forfar. 
 
 James Scot, jun. of Logie, Ef^, 
 
 Shire of Haddingtoun. 
 
 Hen John Cokburne of Ormftoun, one of the Commif- 
 jioners of the Admiralty. 
 
 Shirt 
 
Shire of Invernefs. 
 
 James Grant of Grant, Efq-, 
 
 Shire of Kincardin. 
 
 Janies Scot, Lieutenant Colonel of the Third S^ginwnt of 
 Foot Guards. 
 
 Shires of Kingrofs arsd Clacmanan. 
 
 The Efturn not yet made 
 
 Stewartry of Kirkenbright. 
 
 * Patrick Herron of Herron, Efq, 
 
 Shire of Laneik. 
 
 Ei. Hon. Lord Archibald Hamilton of Motherwell, Brother to 
 the Et. Hon. the Earls of Selkirk and Orkney, and L’ncle to 
 his Grace the Dukg of Hamilton and Brandon. 
 
 Shire of Linlithgow. 
 
 * Alexander Hamilton of Inverweek, Eff^ 
 
 Shires of Orkney and Zetland. 
 
 Hon. George Dowglals, only Brother of the Bt, Hen. the Earl of 
 Moreton. 
 
 Shire of Peebles. 
 
 Hon. John Dowglals, Eff^ Brother to the Bf. Henfjhe Earl of 
 March. 
 
 Shire of Perth. 
 
 Mungo Haldane of Glenagles, Efq-, 
 
 Shire of Renfrew. 
 
 Sir John Shaw of Greenock, Bart, ferv d lajl Parliament for 
 the Shires of Clacmanan and Kingrols. 
 
 H Z Shire 
 
( ) 
 
 Shire of Rofs. 
 
 * }ian. Charles Rofs of Balnagoun, Efq\ only Brother of th% 
 
 Hon. the Lord R,q(s. ^ 
 
 Shite of Roxburgh, 
 
 * \Villiaro t)owglafs, jun. of Cavers, E/^; 
 
 Shire of Selkirk. 
 
 John Pringle of Haining, E/^; 
 
 Shire of Stirling. 
 
 {^enry Cunningham of Balquhan, Eyy; Commiffary General of 
 ' the Mu/lers in Scotland ; ckojen alfo for the Burghs e/ Inner- 
 leithen, Dumfermlltie, &o. 
 
 Shire of Sutherland. 
 
 * Hon. William Sutherland, Lord Strathnaver, Grandfon 
 and Heir apparent to the Bf. Hon. the Earl of Sutherland. 
 
 Shire of Wigtoiin, 
 
 }lon. Wlllian} Dalrymple of tP.enmure, Efjj fecond Brother to 
 ' . the Up. Hod. the Earl of Stair ; chofen atfb for the Burghs of 
 Wigtoun, New Galloway, &c. 
 
 City ef Edinburgh. 
 
 John Campbel of Calder, Efi\ late Lord Provojl of Edinburgh. 
 Burghs o/Tain, Kirkwall, Week, Dornock, Dingwall. 
 
 • ‘ i 
 
 Robert Monroe of FouHs, 
 
 Burirhs of Fortrofe, Invernefs, Nairn, 
 
 Duncan Forbes, Efp Lord Advome for Scotland, 
 
 : ' \ r -1. M- . 
 
( ) 
 
 Burghs <)/■ Elgin, Cullen, BamlF, Inverurie, Kintorc. 
 
 Hon. William Stuart, Eff, Secretary to the Queen’s mofi Excel- 
 lent Majejly j chofen alfofor the Burghs of Air, Irwin, &c. 
 
 Burghs of Aberdeen, Inverbervy, Montrofe, &c. 
 
 John Middleton, Efq-, Colonel of Boot, and Deputy Governor of 
 Tinmouth Fort. 
 
 Burghs o/Forfar, Perth, Dundee, Coupar, St. Andrews. 
 
 * John Drummond of Ealing, in the County of Middle- 
 sex, Efq-^ one of the Dire&ors of the Eaft India Company. 
 
 Burghs c/Craill, Kilkenny, Anftruther-Eafter, &c. 
 
 Philip Anftruther of Ardrie, Colonel <f a Regiment of 
 Foot, now at Gibraltar. 
 
 Burghs of Dyfart, Kirkcaldie, Kinghorne, Burnt Ifland. 
 
 Hon. James Sinclair of Ravenfcraigh, Efq; Major to the Third 
 Regiment of Foot-Guards, fecond Son of the I{t. Hon. the Lord 
 Sinclair. 
 
 Burghs of Innerkithen, Dumferline, Queens Ferry, &c. 
 
 Henry Cunningham o/Balquhan, Efq-, Commijfsry General of 
 the Mufiets in Scotland, as aforefaid. 
 
 Burghs 0/ Glasgow, Renfrew, Ruglen, Dumbarton. 
 
 * John Blackwood, Efq, Merchant in London. 
 
 Burghs o/Haddingtoun, Dumbart, North Berwick, &c. 
 
 James Dalrymple of Hailes, Bart. Auditor General of 
 Scotland. 
 
 Burghs of Selkirk, Peebles, Linlithgow, Lanerk. 
 John Murray of Philliphaugh, EJq-, 
 
 ' ' ' Burghs 
 
Burghs of Dumfries, Sanquar, Annan, &e. ^ 
 
 ■William DoWglas, Sen, tf/Cavcrsj 0^ 
 
 Burghs o/wlgtoun. New Galloway, StranraveCi &e.; l 
 
 Hon. 'William Dalrymple 0/ Glenmufe, %, feconi Brother u t 
 
 the Bt. Hon. the Earl of Stair, as aforefatd, 
 
 Burghs o/Air, Irwin, Rothefay, Campletoun, Jnverary^ 
 
 % 
 
 Hon, William Stuart, Eff, as aforefald, ^ 
 
 ■ J> 
 
 ✓ 'w 
 
 ^ Lords Spiritual and Temporal “ — — — — lii. < 
 
 Cominonsy exclufive of the double R^urns j 
 
 F 1 M j s. 
 
 4 
 
REASONS 
 
 AGAINST A 
 
 In a Letter to a Member of 
 P A R L I A M E l^T. 
 
 By an Old WHIG>. 
 
 LON^DON: 
 
 Printed for T. Warner in ^ater-nofler 
 Row, M. DCC. XXVII. 
 
 (Price 6d.) 
 
 m. 
 

REASONS 
 
 Trade 5 the great fall of the pub- 
 lic Stocks, thro’ the appearance of a War, 
 to the ruin of fome hundreds of Fami- 
 lies, and the univerfal Poverty, which the 
 Nation feems to labour under, through 
 * a vaft Debt of fcveral Millions, renders 
 it entirely neceflary for every thinking 
 Man to confidcr with himfclf, whether 
 we are at prefent in a proper Conditi- 
 on to open a new feenc of War in Eu~ 
 rope, with any probability of Succefs s 
 wherefore, as an old Whig and a lincerc 
 Friend to my King and Country, 1 hum- 
 bly prefume, in the following Lines, to 
 
 AGAINST A 
 
 SIE, 
 
 Sip I H E loud Complaints of the 
 People in general for want of 
 
 A 2 
 
 fend 
 
( 4 ) . 
 
 fend you my honeft Thoughts touching 
 the prefent fituation of Affairs^ in con- 
 fidence, that as you are a Whig in Prin- 
 ciple, and not in Name only, you will 
 duly weigh the confequences of Things 
 in fuch a manner, as not unadvifedly to 
 give your Vote for a War in the enfu- 
 ing Seffion of Parliament , if this evil 
 may be avoided with any profpeft of 
 Safety to your Country. 
 
 In this Letter I propofc , Sir, to 
 fhew, and (I hope) to do it beyond 
 Contradidion , that nothing can be a 
 greater Diflervice to his Ma;efty’s Intereft, 
 more fatal to his Miniftry, or more de- 
 ftrudive to his People, than to engage 
 them in a new War, if there be but a 
 bare poffibility of preventing it, let the • 
 Pretences be what they will. A new 
 Fire feems to be now kindling in 
 rope, which in all likelihood will bear 
 -out far and wide, and without doubt, 
 many Princes will warm their Hands at 
 it, whilft their poor Subjefts will be 
 burnt to Death. But, I hope, we (hall 
 have Wit enough to keep out of its reach, 
 
 and 
 
( T ) 
 
 and not be fcorch’d with its Flames j 
 but like fomc of our wifer Neighbours, 
 fliall lie ftill, and know how to make 
 our Markets of the Follies and Misfor- 
 tunes of others. We have been Heroes 
 long enough for Glory and Reputation, 
 and have paid the price of our Gallan- 
 try and Credulity. We are now got 
 near fixty Millions in Debt, and have 
 nothing for it but Gibraltar and ^ort- 
 Mahon ; and it is faid, that fome of our 
 Allies have had the Prefumption to ex- 
 peft, that we {hould part with thofe two 
 important Places of Strength, either to 
 the King of Spain, or to fomc other 
 of our Rivals in Trade } and I am fure, 
 if they fhou’d be loft, or given away, 
 .we have nothing left wherewith to com- 
 penfate any Power which, we ftiall van- 
 ' quifh hereafter. 
 
 Tis to be hoped, that no Man will 
 ever attempt to make any Propofiti- 
 on to us for entering into a new War; 
 nor can I guefs at any one Argument 
 for it, but what (I hope) will be called 
 Treafon to his Sovereign and his Coun- 
 ( try. 
 
( ^ ) 
 
 try. Old thread-bare Rcafons will hold 
 no longer } for People will not always 
 like Children deceive themfelves, nor 
 be deceiv’d by others. We fhall not 
 bear being told again. That England 
 need but fend a Meffage^ or Bucket full 
 of Water i and the Fire will be foon ex- 
 tinguifhed. That Argument has already 
 coft us the Terror and Expence of pro- 
 viding againft two Invafions, or intend- 
 ed Invalionsj has loft or fpoiled feveral 
 great Fleets, deftroy’d numbers of our 
 Merchant Ships, encreas’d our Natio- 
 nal Debts many Millions, and (perhaps) 
 brought upon us that noble Projed of 
 paying them off, which has ruin’d fo ma- 
 ny Families, and has created a general 
 want of Trade, and I doubt, that gene- 
 ral DifafFedion which is fo often com- 
 plain’d of, and all the Reward we have 
 met with, has been a ftruggle to keep what 
 we were in Poffellion of before, what 
 was yielded to us by Treaties, and what 
 there was no pretence for demanding, 
 if we had thought it our Intereft to have 
 lain ftill. For Spain had then in all like- 
 lihood 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 lihood been very well contented to have 
 left us in the quiet Poflellion oiQibral. 
 tar, to have continued an open Trade 
 with us to old Spain, and to have per 
 formed the Treaties fhe had made and 
 entered into with us, for carryin- on 
 a Trade to the South-Seas. 
 
 But further yet, it is to be hoped we fliall 
 never engage in a new War, before wc 
 have wellconfidered all the Confequen 
 ces which will neceffarily or proEy 
 happen from fuch an Engagement, and 
 have thought how we Ihall get out of it 
 as well as how to get into iti For the’ 
 firft Hep draws in all the reft, and when 
 
 wcarein, we muft go thorough, wemav 
 
 rauft go on 
 
 with Millions, as it happen'd to our great 
 ^ in the late moft neeeffary War againll 
 W. A Meffage will produce a Quar 
 but Fleets aud Armies mull cS it. 
 Wcwcllltuow, and have long linee feen 
 the Moderation of our Allies, when they 
 «n prevail upon usto tfpoufe their Qiiat- 
 rels : For wc canno fooncr engage in 
 then Squabbles, but they immediately 
 
 become 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 become our own 5 and then we muft pay 
 them for doing their own Bufinefs, or elfe 
 they threaten to leave the War upon us: 
 And when it is ended through our Means, 
 they always divide the Spoil among them- 
 felves, and endeavour to make us pay 
 likewife for the Peace. The Pretence 
 for an enfuing Rupture with the Empe- 
 ror is his drawing of the Eajl-lndia Trade 
 into the Auftrian Netherlands thro’ the 
 Canal of Ofiendy contrary to folemn Trea- 
 ties, as affirm’d : But I wou’d be glad to 
 know, how fuch an Infraftion of a fo- 
 Icmn Treaty, if any fuch were ftipulat- 
 cd, can affeft the whole Body of the Bri- 
 tfjh Nation in their Intcreft ? It may pro- 
 bably injure our own Eaji-India Com- 
 pany in their high Prices fet upon Goods 
 at Home, and compel them to lower the 
 Value thereof to the Buyer, whereby 
 their Dividend wou’d probably link to 
 five or fix per Cent, but is the bulk of 
 the Nation concern’d in their Dividend 
 or Trade? what is confirm’d at Home is 
 (perhaps) to the great Detriment of our 
 own manufaftur’d Commodities } and in 
 
 what 
 
( 9 > 
 
 what we re-export to Foreigners of EaJ- 
 India Goods, we may underfel all our 
 Rivals in that Trade by the help of a 
 Draw back on the Cuftoms, if the Com- 
 pany will be iatisfy d with a moderate 
 Profit. But' if it ftiall happen that the 
 Hutch are the greateft Gainers by this 
 Trade, as is moft certainly true, becaufc 
 they confume but few of thefe Com- 
 modities among themlelyes in a luxuri- 
 ous manner, then are they the moft con- 
 cern'd to have the Ofiend Company fup- 
 prefs’d, and ought to be the foremoft in 
 this War: Whereas they have delay'd 
 the Bufinefs of acceding to the Hanover 
 Treaty till very lately j and Peradvcrr* 
 ture, bad not come into our Meafures 
 at all, if they could have fecur'd their 
 Frontier Garrifons without Augmenta- 
 tion of their Forces. But I wou’d be 
 glad to learn, what any of them have 
 ever done for us, or wou’d fuffer us to 
 do for ourfelvcs, in return for all that 
 we have done for them ; or w^at Courtc- 
 fy have they ever Ihewn us Englijhment 
 as Englijhmen ? I hope therefore that 
 B wc 
 
( 10 ) 
 
 wc {hall at laft, in our Turn, confider 
 only out own Intcrell, and think what 
 is beft for our fclves, and not ruin our 
 felvcs yet further, and let others have 
 the whole Advantage,. I will fay no- 
 thing of France as yet, tho’ they have 
 as great a concern as us to put an end to 
 this Ofiend Company i but confider them 
 as Allies hereafter: For our juft Com- 
 
 plaints are againft the T>utch, if we may 
 be allow’d to complain of our own 
 Weaknefs j that they have placed us in 
 the Front of the Battle to fight their 
 Caufc for them , and have kept them- 
 fclves as a Body of referve in cafe of the 
 ptmoft Danger to their Trade. But if 
 wc had no occafion given us for thefc 
 Complaints, we have another and a {hot- 
 ter Anfwer to give our good Allies, 
 namely, that by helping them fo long, 
 wc arc render’d incapable of helping 
 them any longer j and that all Treaties 
 muft ccafe and become void, when it is 
 impoilIble*to perform them without ut- 
 ter ruin to one of the Parties, and dc- 
 ftroying all ends for which thefe Trea- 
 ties were made. 
 
( II ) 
 
 Indeed, it muft be acknowledg’d, that 
 the Emperor, after fo many great Ser- 
 vices done him by us, has a£led a very 
 unworthy Part, in granting his Charter 
 to th.z Oftend Company : But fliall we en- 
 ter into a War to punilh the Ingrati- 
 tude of Princes ? Before we make fuch 
 a Step, let us take a fliort Profpeft of 
 the Journey we arc to go, and of what 
 will be the refult of fuch an Underta- 
 king. All Naval Armaments muft be 
 made at our Charge, and employ’d at a 
 great diftance from Home, to the ruin 
 of our Ships and our Seamen, and the 
 Obftruaion of our Commerce : Armies 
 muft be fent Abroad, or Money in the 
 name of Subfidies found out to pay thofc 
 which arc there already : More Armies 
 
 muft be kept at Home to oppofe Ihva- 
 ftons, and to keep the People quiet: 
 Great Land-Taxes muft be raifed, our 
 publick Funds be every Ygar increas’d, 
 the People frighten’d with.thc perpetu- 
 al Alarms of the Pretender, which will 
 link the Price of the old Stocks, and 
 confequently fet an exorbitant Price up- 
 B 2 oa 
 
'( II ) 
 
 on the raifing of new ones: Wc fliall 
 lofe a beneficial Trade to Spain and the 
 Mediterranean ; and probably Portugal 
 will take that Opportunity to cxccuto 
 what, they lately attempted, being now 
 in clofc Alliance with Spain. The Cza- 
 rina too may think it a favourable one 
 to acknowledge fome part Obligations j 
 and other Nations may judge it a pro- 
 per Time to bite the Stone that was 
 thrown at them, and then we lhall have 
 little or no Trade at all, and all our 
 Commodities and Manufactures will lie 
 upon our Hands, and the People muft 
 be ftarved, or fubfift by ways which no 
 honefi; Man can wilh, and all Men ought 
 to dread. 
 
 But we arc not fully affur’d of the 
 French King’s Alliance, in cafe we Ihou'd 
 think fit to begin a War with the Em- 
 peror, or the King of Spain, notwith- 
 ftanding the. Engagement Of his Friend- 
 fhip to us by the Treaty of Hanover: 
 For wc are informed , that that , Court 
 has lately declar’d to the Emperor’s Mi- 
 niftcr, that the French King does only 
 
 think 
 
( >5 ) 
 
 think himfelf oblig'd by that Treaty to 
 ftwnilh his §iuotA thus ftipulated, if the 
 King of Great Britain (hall begin the 
 Attack, and not the Emperor or King 
 of Sfain j fo that the whole burden of 
 the War will in a great Meafute reft 
 upon us, if we ihou’d on our fide make 
 fuch a Rupture. Therefore, if France 
 Ihou’d think it her Intereft to lie ftill in 
 all other Refpefis, than what has been 
 ftipulated between the two Nations of 
 Great- Britain and Frances (he, who is 
 next Neighbour ;o the Emperor, and is 
 vaftly more concern’d in the Event of 
 the Eajl-India Trade to the Aujlrian Ne^ 
 therlands than we are j I fay, what have 
 we to flo with the OJiend-Company , 
 whether it finks or fubfifts ? We have an 
 Eaft-lndia Company of our own, if that 
 be a valuable Branch of Commerce to 
 us, which may at any Time undcrfcl 
 them, or the by the great quan- 
 tity of Goods brought Home inourown 
 Bottoms : But if our Company fliall cxpcdl: 
 fuch unreafonable Gains by their Trade, 
 as to keep up the Price of their Goods 
 
 to 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 to an exorbitant height , we have then 
 more Shops than one to apply to ; which 
 ought to be the cafe of all free Traders. 
 But what if France fiiould entirely drop 
 us in a War upon our Hands, and engage 
 • in a different Side, as it may be the cafe 
 of two rival Nations contending in Trade 
 and Riches ; we may then probably have 
 her too for our Enemy, which may be 
 more than an equal Match for us and 
 the Dutch, if they fliall think fit to join 
 with us in the War againft the Emperor 
 for fupprelling the OJtend-Company. In- 
 deed, there have been fome Bickerings 
 of late between the two Courts oi France 
 and Spain, the Ehiperor’s new Ally, a- 
 bout the return of the Infanta to Spain, 
 which may poffibly incenfc the King of 
 Spain to feek Revenge for fuch an high 
 Affront put upon the Honour of his Na- 
 tion : But what lhall we get by embroil- 
 ing our fclves in the Quarrels of other 
 Nations? Will fuch feats of Knight-Er- 
 rantry be of any Glory or Advantage to 
 us? We may, ’tistrue, acquire the Cha- 
 rad:cr of pious Chrillians, in treating 
 
 thofc 
 
( «r ) 
 
 thofe kindly, who have not long ftncc 
 defpitcfully ufed us ; but we (hall pay 
 dearly for this Chriftian Temper. 
 
 I do not apprehend , that we have 
 any thing to fear from the King of 
 if we do not give him Provocation : For 
 a Secretary of State but a few Years ago 
 alTur’d the then Lord Mayor, in a Letter 
 fmee printed, that no foreign Potentate 
 did abet, or give any countenance to 
 the laft intended Infurredion 5 and if he 
 wou’d not alTift a Confpiracy.thenaftual- 
 ly, and as we have been told, very deep- 
 ly laid, there can be no Reafon to be- 
 lieve, that he will form a new one a- 
 gainft a State that intends hhn no Harm, 
 and can do him a great deal of Good. 
 And furely it is not our intereft at this 
 time of Day to provoke him to do it 
 in his own Defence. He may draw his 
 Forces into Andalujia to defend his 
 own Dominions againft Foreign Inva- 
 (ions dreaded , if we fend great Fleets, 
 and Land-Forces aboard them, into the 
 Mediterranean ; for he can have no Pre- 
 tenfions unto Gibraltar , or to befiegc 
 
 the 
 
( ) 
 
 the fame, he having parted with it to us 
 by a folemn Treaty : And, I hope, it 
 
 ■will be made High-Treafon in any Mi- 
 nifter of State to give Advice about quit- 
 ting it cither to the King of S/a/n, or 
 any other Power, even though it Ihou’d 
 not be annex’d to the Crown of Greaf 
 Britain by ACt of Parliament ; for ta- 
 ken from us it cannot be, unleft we arc 
 confenting thereunto, which is abfurd 
 for any one to imagine. For if it coft 
 the Spaniard feven or eight Months 
 Siege, and more than the lofs of r 5000 
 Men, as we are inform’d it did in a 
 late War, without the lead Succeft, what 
 Probability is there, that the Spaniard 
 Ihou’d be fo mad as to make the like 
 Attack again, when it has been lince lb 
 well fortify’d by Land, as to render the 
 fame impregnable in cafe of a new War 
 with Spain^ cfpecially lince we have the 
 fuperiority of the Sea by our great Fleet > 
 But if fuch a War was ever fo nccef- 
 fary, how lhall it be fupported ? We find 
 by woful Experience, that two Shillings 
 in the Pound, together with the Malt- 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 Tax have not maintain’d the Current 
 yearly Expence of the Government, but 
 we have ftill run in Debt. The Money 
 given for the Civil Lift has not defray’d 
 that charge, but new and large Sums 
 have been given to pay off the Arrears, 
 which it is faid arc not yet paid off- 
 New Salaries and newPenfions have been 
 found neceflary to fatisfy the Clamours 
 of thofe who will never be fatisfy’dj 
 and the greater Occafions the Courtiers 
 have, and the greater Neceflities they arc 
 in, more will be found neceflary ftill i 
 For it is no new Thing for artful Men 
 to engage their Superiors in Difficulties, 
 and then to be largely paid for helping 
 them out of them again. War has here- 
 tofore been the Harveft of the wicked 
 Miniftry, wherein they have , involved 
 their Sovereign with a delign of grow- 
 ing rich thereby themfelves: But this 
 
 cannot be laid to the Charge of the pre- 
 fent Men in Power, fince it is well 
 known, that they arc againft a new War, 
 if it may be prevented s and they arc 
 already become fo rich by the favours of 
 C, a 
 
( i8 ) 
 
 a bountiful Matter, that they do not ttand 
 in need of the mean Arts of every hun- 
 gfy Courtier. They confult more the 
 Good of their Country, than the Intereft 
 of thcmfclves; and had rather facrificc 
 their cafe and quiet to new Troubles than 
 fuffer their Prince to be infultcd by any 
 Potentate whatfoever. They know very 
 well, that the Cuttoms and Excife arc 
 already anticipated and mortgag’d be- 
 yond Redemption : The Salt, Leather, 
 Windows, and almott every thing elfe 
 that can can be tax’d , is already bur- 
 then’d with heavy Duties, and fomc of 
 them fo high as to leflen the Produce, 
 and are appropriated to pay off Debts 
 due to private Men ; And therefore, it 
 cannot be imagin’d, that thefe Men Ihou’d 
 be fond of a new War. For, 
 
 What new Sources can they find out 
 to maintain a foreign War, and a much 
 larger Expence in our own Country, 
 which will be nccelfary to defend us a- 
 gainft Enemies Abroad whom we fhall 
 provoke, and againtt difeontented Peo- 
 ple at Home, who, it is to be feared, 
 
 may 
 
( Ip ) 
 
 may fay that they are opprefs'd and 
 ftarv’d? one Additional Shilling in the 
 Pound upon Land , if the Parliament 
 can be perfuaded to grant it, and the 
 People be eafy in paying it, will be but 
 as a drop of Water thrown into the 
 Ocean, whatever may be pretended at 
 firfti and then for all the Remainder 
 we muft run further in Debt, if we can 
 get any one to truft us 5 and, where 
 lhall we raife new Funds? Here I doubt 
 our Publicans and Inventors of new 
 Grievances will be at their Wits end. It 
 is certain the greater the Difficulty is in 
 railing, the greater muft be the Price for 
 railing them, and the prefent Stocks will 
 be lefs valuable in Proportion , as new 
 Demands make them more ncccflary, 
 1 know of none that will be Gainers 
 hereby, belidcs fome rich overgrown Ci- 
 tizcns,thathave already devour’d the Land- 
 ed intcreft, and fwallow’d down almoft 
 all the little Fry of Stock-jobbers. They 
 have had the given them to fell 
 out their Stocks at high Prices, and to 
 lie ready with their Money to lend it 
 C 2 to 
 
( io ■) 
 
 to the Government at high Intcreft upon 
 fuch an Emergency. And can it be to 
 the Safety of any People> that is a free 
 and trading Nation, to have the whole 
 Wealth of the Kingdom brought into 
 fo few Hands ? I hope the Wifdom of 
 this Parliament is fuch, that we fliall fee 
 the Projefts of thefc Muck- worms baf- 
 fled and difappointed. Befides, all our 
 ancient Gentry are grown miferably poor 
 by the Burthens of the two laft great 
 Wars} and are in no Condition to bear 
 one Shilling in the Pound more upon 
 their Land without an abfolute neceffity. 
 
 But fuppofe, to the infinite Diffatis- 
 faftion of the People, and to> the utter 
 Ruin and Deftrudlion of Trade, the little 
 which is not already taxed, cou’d be 
 taxed and turn d into Funds to create new 
 Markets for Stock-jobbers, and enough 
 cou'd be rais’d to maintain a War for 
 two or three Years} what fhall we do 
 next ? It is a certain Truth, that the Dif- 
 ficulty of obtaining a Peace w’ill grow 
 in exaa Proportion, as we become Icfs 
 capable to carry on the War i and what 
 
 5 Affift- 
 
( lO 
 
 Afliftancc do you think fliall we have 
 from our good Allies to procure a Peace ? 
 Without doubt wc (hall pay the Piper at 
 laft, as we have hitherto done, and they 
 will parcel out the contended Advantages 
 among themfclves, and attempt to make 
 us deliver up Gibraltar and Tort-Mahon 
 to bind the Bargain i and to pay befides 
 a large Sum of Money for the Ships wc 
 fliall have deftroy’d, and for the other 
 Mifehiefs wc have done, and need not 
 do. I hope it will never be our lot to 
 aflift fome of our Neighbours at a vaft 
 Expence, and then reward them at a.fur- 
 thcr Expence for accepting our Afllft- 
 ance j and to beat other of our Neigh- 
 bours to our own lofs as well as theirs, 
 and to pay them afterwards for having 
 beat them. What wou’d the World 
 think of us in this cafe, but that as 
 France had lately got the Plague among 
 them. Great Britain has now got the 
 Frenzy, and that we were weakening our 
 fclvcs as faft with our own Hands, as 
 the divine Hand had weaken’d that un- 
 happy People > Which God grant may 
 never come to pafs ! ‘ ^ But 
 
( ) 
 
 But if after all wc fliou'd not be able to 
 procure a Peace, or fhall think fit not to 
 fubmit to the honourable Conditions, 
 which our honeft faithful Allies or Con- 
 federates (hall judge good enough for Hc- 
 reticks, what fhall we do then ? They will 
 have no Motives to fervc us when they 
 have done their own Bufinefs, or rather 
 when we have done it for them j and they 
 have fufficicntly fliewn already what Incli- 
 nation they have to ferve us ; and if ever 
 they have done it, they have been well 
 paid for their Pains ; what Condition 
 lhall we then be in to oppofe one or more 
 powerful Neighbours, and perhaps vic- 
 torious ones too, when we arc enervated 
 and exhauftcd of all our Strength, when 
 our People arc difeontented at Home, 
 and we have no regular Means to main- 
 tain large Fleets and Armies, who muft be 
 forced to maintain thcmftlvcs if we can- 
 not maintain them? Thcfe Mifehiefs (and 
 terrible ones they arc) may be cafily forc- 
 feen, and ought to be prevented by a wife 
 Parliament, if wc wou’d prevent abfolute 
 and conclufive Ruin. What do you 
 
 think 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 think muft become of the Funds in fuch 
 a Circumftance of Affairs ? If we lie ftill, 
 they arc loft of Courfc, and if we apply 
 them to our neceffary Defence, thoufands 
 and ten thoufands of innocent Perfons 
 muft be entirely undone and become deC- 
 perate, and infinitely inflame the popular 
 Difeontents j and ftill make more Taxes, 
 and more Opprellions neceffary : And 
 yet who will be found fo hard-hearted as 
 not to facrificethe Interefts of Thoufands 
 to the Safety of Millions, when no other 
 Refource is left > Thefc arc Things that 
 ought to awaken a Britijb Parliament. 
 And, 
 
 Therefore, Sir, beware of the firft Step 
 you take, and know the whole Journey 
 you are to go, before you move one Foot ; 
 when you are up to the Ears in Mire and 
 Dirt, it will then be too late to look back 
 and repent. At firft we may be told by 
 our Confederates and their Creatures, 
 peradventure, that we need only bounce a 
 little and make a Shew of Force, and every 
 Thing will happen to ourMind,but a burnt 
 Child will dr^ad the Fire : when we arc * 
 
 cn- 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 engaged in a War, we cannot well re- 
 treat ; one Step will draw on another^ 
 it will not depend upon ourlelves whe- 
 ther we fhall go on or not } the Game will 
 be then in other Hands, who will play 
 it to their own Advantage, without flicw- 
 ing the leaft Regard to ours 5 and what we 
 begin in Wantonnefs, will probably end 
 in our Confufion. What then muft we 
 think of any Men amongft us, who wou'd 
 draw all thefc Mifehiefs, thefc inevitable 
 Mifehiefs upon theirCountry ? They muft 
 certainly be egregioufly foolifli, or clfe 
 we muft conclude thena to be confum- 
 mately wicked. I hope and believe there 
 are no fuch Perfons j but if there are, 
 without Doubt they have taken their Mea- 
 furcs before this Time, and have thought 
 howto favc themfelves, whatever becomes 
 of their Country, but in that to they may 
 happen to be niiftakcn. In the Reign 
 of King Charles the fccond, we had a Set 
 of Men among us, who advifed that in- 
 dolent Prince to declare War againft the 
 ^ ‘Dutch in Conjundtion with his good 
 Priend the French King j but the Parlia- 
 ment 
 
( ) 
 
 ment then in being made a brave and reJ 
 folute Stand in the next Seflion , and 
 wou’d give no more Money till fuch 
 Time as the King (hon’d make an End of 
 the War, which he had fo weakly andim- 
 politickly entred into ; and if that Prince 
 himfelf had not skreen’d his evil Coun- 
 fellors from the Juftice and Vengeance of 
 his faithful Commons by his frequent dif- 
 folving of Parliaments, and at laft by 
 wholly laying them afidc, the Authors of 
 that deftrudHve Advice had furely felt the 
 Wrath of an offended People. 
 
 But God be thanked, we have a Prince 
 now on the Throne of great Wifdom and 
 Goodnefs, tender of the Liberties and 
 Properties of his Subjeds at Home, and 
 reverenced abroad for his Juftice and 
 Magnanimity to foreign States. He has 
 a Miniftry no lefs vigilant and careful 
 of the publick Intereft, than they are of 
 their own, and therefore, we can fear no 
 Dangers of this Kind from them : But 
 yet notwithftanding, it is not good Poli- 
 cy to be too fecure, or to rely too much 
 On the Abilities of any Set of Men, fince 
 
 D they 
 
( ) 
 
 they may be deceiv’d themfelvcs in all the 
 Good they de%n us } and, therefore, the 
 Advice of Parliament has been always 
 thought neceflary among good Princes, 
 before they engage in any War. It has 
 been faid among fome People, with how 
 much Truth I will not take upon me to 
 aver, that thefe Menaces of a War might 
 have been prevented, if fome Men had 
 been as truly watchful of the Meafures 
 concerted and taken between the Em- 
 peror and King of Spain at Cambray, as 
 they ought to have been : But if this be 
 true, furcly fome Enquiry ought to be 
 made into the Management of that Trea- 
 ty before we begin a War, that we may 
 reflify the Miftakes then committed with- 
 out any EfFufion of Blood, if fuch Errors 
 arc not above Corredion and Amend- 
 ment. 
 
 But we arc told, that we can by our 
 Fleets and Armies compel the Emperor 
 and King of Spain both to hear Keafon, 
 if they have outwitted us at this Congrefs ; 
 that the Emperor is poor and indigent in 
 his Finances j and that the King oi Spain 
 
 w'ants 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 wants both Men and Money to carrjr on 
 or begin a War. But is this a juft and 
 fufficicnt Rcafon for one Prince to fall 
 upon another, though it be often true in 
 Fad ? Princes have heretofore fent raw 
 and unskilful Men on their Errands, and 
 have afterwards been contented to abide 
 by the confequences of theirNegotiations, 
 if they have been circumvented in the Bu- 
 linefs they were employ’d in j for it is, or 
 (at leaft) ought to be with publick States, 
 as with private Men, for the Good and 
 Peace of Mankind, that if they are over- 
 reached or forefeen in their Politicks, 
 they ought to acqulefce and fubmir, left a 
 worfe Thing comes of it. For War is 
 like a long and expcnfive Law-fuit, which 
 whoever gets the better in, muft at laft 
 be fatisfy’d to fit down a great Lofer by 
 it, thro’ the immenfe Charge he has been 
 at in fubduing the adverfe Party. 
 
 If it has been thought a neceflary 
 point of Wifdom to the publick Safety 
 to keep eight or ten Camps in a Readi'- 
 nefs for Adion in Times of full Peace, 
 
 and when there was no outward Ap- 
 D 2 pcarance 
 
( i8 ) 
 
 pcarancc of publick Difturbanccs in the 
 Kingdom, and when there was no fo- 
 reign 'Power to promote or abet any 
 fuch : How many Camps will be judg- 
 ed neceffary when we have Enemies A- 
 broad to aflault us, combining and in- 
 triguing with our own Native Traitors 
 at Home ; efpecially if the People fliou’d 
 be ftill made more uneafy by laying hea- 
 vier Burthens upon them than they are 
 able to bear or ftand under ? For my 
 own Part, I can fee no fteady Source 
 or continuing Caufe for the prefent Dif- 
 afFedtion to the Government, fo much 
 complain’d of, but the great and heavy 
 Variety of publick Taxes, of which our 
 Anceftors knew nothing, and which it 
 is now a fort of Science to know in 
 thefe Times j and I doubt that DifafFcdi- 
 on will not be cur’d or remov’d by ad- 
 ding to the Number, 
 
 If a War be abfolutely neceflary for 
 our own Safety, or for the Prefervati- 
 on of our Allies, is there a Man of Ho- 
 nour or Honefty that will not give his 
 Suffrage to enter into it forthwith? 
 
 Wc 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 Wc may be divided in other Matters, 
 but fare we (hall be united in this Point, 
 andnotfufFcr our Trade or our Domini- 
 ons to be given up to foreign Powers. 
 
 I may go yet further and fay, that he 
 does not deferve the Name of an Eng- 
 UJhman who is not defirous to obviate 
 remoter Fears, and who is not willing 
 to fpill his laft drop of Blood, rather 
 than fee the King of Spain infult us in 
 pur Commerce. Popular Affemblies are 
 generally moft captivated with thofe 
 Councils that have the Appearance of 
 being generous and martial, fuch AfTem- 
 blies efpecially as reprefent a Warlike 
 People ; and I do not remember above 
 oneinftance in aliour Records ofHiftory, 
 where the Parliament declin'd engaging 
 in a War when it was thought neceflary, 
 which was in the Time of Henry the 
 Third, who had the Misfortune to have 
 a conftant Succeffion of ill Minifters 
 during his whole Reign : And it was 
 
 out of hatred to this fort of Men, that 
 the Barons and great Men of that Time 
 refus'd to join in the Expedition Henry 
 
 made 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 made againft France. If any among us 
 fccm at prefcnt willing to embrace peace, 
 fill Councils, and to decline entring up. 
 on immediate Adion, 'tis not that they 
 dread the adverfe Strength, or that they 
 have any Affedion for the Spanijh In. 
 tereft, or Refped for theEmperor’s Friend* 
 fhip, who has treated us with great Con- 
 tempt after fo many paft Services done 
 him : But if any appear lefs forward 
 
 than the reft to engage in a new War, 
 'tis upon Confiderations of another kind j 
 which as I have already obferved to you, 
 I will not here repeat. Shew ns that a 
 War is neceffary, and who will not found 
 the Trumpet unto Battle? But 
 They who have any Tendernefs or 
 Compaflion fortheir Fcllow-Subjeds will 
 never be able to behold the Calamities 
 which a newW^ar muft bring upon their 
 Country) plunged already into fuch im- 
 ^ menfe Debts, if a War be not entirely 
 Neceffary: Their Ears can never en- 
 
 dure the Cries of the Poor for want of 
 Trade and Work: They will not eafi- 
 ly be brought to load the Kingdom with 
 
 any 
 
( 3 * ) 
 
 any more remote Funds, for the Profit 
 of Foreigners and our Ruin: They will 
 
 tremble to askforj and be alhamed to 
 confent to Sums which others may think 
 abfolutely needful for themfelves, and 
 to enrich their Friends. And therefore. 
 Sir, you can never behave your felf with 
 more true Duty to his Majefty, give better 
 Advice and Afliftance to his Miniftry, or 
 acquit your felf withmoreFidelity to your 
 Country, than by oppofing, in the moft 
 vigorous Manner, fuch Meafures as threa- 
 ten them all with Ruin; and by fhewing 
 the utmoft Rcfentmcnt againft any ill 
 dcfigning Perfons, who wou’d wickedly 
 and traiteroufly facrifice a great , free, 
 and trading Kingdom to their mad 
 Whimfics of living by the Spoil of it. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 erratum. 
 
 ‘Pige 4. line 21. the laft Word, for btar read brt*k. 
 
ESSAY 
 
 O N T H E 
 
 PUBLICK DEBTS 
 of this Kingdom, 
 
 In Anfwec to a Pamphlet, entitled, 
 
 State of the National Tiebt, See, 
 
 By the Author of the ESSAY. 
 
 Et Patria mum & ‘fe fermbimus Hanno. 
 
 Sil. leal. 
 
 L O NTf O N: 
 
 Printed for J. Peele, at Lockers Head 
 in ^atef'-Nofen-Ro'W. 17 ^ 7 * 
 
 (Price One Shilling.) 
 
^Defence of an Essay 
 on the Publiek Debts, if 
 
 T is altnoft Tea 
 Months ftnce I pub- 
 liihe4 a Pamphlet, en- 
 titled,, An Ejfay on the 
 Tublick Eiebts of this 
 Kingdom ; a Subject* 
 that notvvithftanding th? 
 Importance of it, leemed ,to me to be 
 generally but little underftood ; and a 
 Subject which farther recommended it- 
 felf to me upon this Account, That 
 whatever I had to advance about iR 
 as Matter of Fa6t, might be dated, or 
 corrected, with as much Exaednefs as I 
 pretended to, from our A<ds of Parlia'i 
 ment, and with the Evidence of thole 
 publiek Records; or whatever Inferen- 
 A X ces 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 ,ces I had to make from FacSls of this 
 Nature, were generally to be lupported 
 by the Certainty of Demonuration. 
 From the lame Confinement, on Account 
 of my Health, that was the Occafion 
 of my writing that Eflay, I was for 
 feme time hindred from knowing the 
 Senfe of the Town about it, farther 
 than I could colledi it from obferving 
 that the Letter-Writer in the London 
 Journal had taken me into his Protec- 
 tion, and by his Civilities, as I fiippo- 
 fed, expofed me to the Relentments of 
 a Correlpondent of Mr. Mijl, who in 
 great Heat tells his Reader, that he had 
 not^ . and would not read me ; and that 
 what the London Journal had refre- 
 fented me to Jay^ was falfe^ if that was 
 true which an hone ft Gentleman., a Neigh- 
 bour of his in the Country^ told him. I did 
 bot from this contemptible Attack upon 
 me, conjecture at any general Senfe about 
 Iby Performance, or yet in the leaft fu- 
 fped: that my Book was to become the 
 Subjedt of a Party Dilpute amongft us. 
 What 1 had any where afierted in it, 
 I knew to be true, and, as T thought, 
 had made appear to be ib ; and what* 
 ever I have any where perfiiaded to, I 
 Was induced to it from no Motive in 
 Namre, but that I thought it reafbnable. 
 
 As 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 As far therefore as I could prefume that 
 any thing which 1 had advanced was 
 new, or Matter of Information to any 
 Reader, I concluded it would be agree- 
 able to him, whatever Party he was of; 
 with an Exception only to fuch Perfons 
 amongft us, as are too apt, on fome Qc- 
 cafions, to betray real Impatience at 
 the Welfare and Profperity of their own 
 Country ; and from whofe Diflike of 
 me, as far as I may at any time be 
 known to them, I find no Inclination 
 to withdraw myfelf. 
 
 My Subjed, where it led me to fpeafc 
 ofourMiniftry, furnillied me with no juft 
 Occafion for complaining of them. But 
 from hence I could not imagine it would 
 be inferred that I wrote to flatter them, 
 or to recommend what might be thought 
 to be their Sentiments in particular, on- 
 ly becaufe they were theirs ; and this too 
 againft the Evidence of thofe Proofs to 
 the contrary that might be produced 
 from the Book itfelf, nay, that in Fad 
 have been produced by the Writers a- 
 gainftme themfelves, tho’not, as far as I 
 can judge, admitted by them to clear 
 me from this groundiefs Imputation, 
 
 I have carefully reviewed every thing 
 in my Treatife that I have heard ob- 
 jeded to, and can’t find the Icaft Foun- 
 dation 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 dation for that ridiailous Charge upon 
 me, of propofmg or recommending the 
 Increale of our Publick Debts. I can 
 defy my Adverfaries to produce one 
 fingle Sentence truly quoted from me, 
 where I have mentioned it as upon any 
 account eligible, but as the Means of 
 effecting the fpeedier Reduction of them^ 
 and confequcntly as the leaft expenfive 
 Method to the Publick of fupplying their 
 own Neceilities. 
 
 Let me ask the warmefl Patriot, what 
 more could be faid about the Inconve- 
 nience of mifapplying the Sinking Fund, 
 upon the Suppofition that it was pro- 
 bable that it would be milapplied, than 
 what might be produced for the fame 
 Purpole, in proving that the Mifappli- 
 cation of it was improbable, under the 
 Direction of the prefent Miniftry ? 
 
 Was it poflible for me lb long to 
 furvey the Burthen of our prefent Debts 
 without Emotion ? Is it true, that I have 
 not frequently exprefled my Concern up* 
 on this Subjed ? But yet I mull profefs my- 
 felf to believe, and would have the Ene- 
 mies of hear it, that her 
 
 “ Lands, Eftates, Expcnce and Commerce 
 “will yet eafily admit of farther Duties, 
 lufficient to furnifl'i new Funds to an-* 
 fvver theintereft of whatever Sums may 
 
 “ be 
 
“be for the future neceffary for herDf- 
 f ‘ fence and Safety.” And it is with Plea- 
 fure that I reflea: upon it, that they 
 niufl loon hear that her Quarrels will 
 be fupported without fulpending the Pro- 
 vifions made for the Payment of her 
 Debts, or even, as I hope, without any 
 Addition made to them. 
 
 Is it to be doubted for the future if 
 the Lands, Eftates, Expence and Com- 
 merce of Great-Britain could yet fur- 
 nifli the Intereft of a new Debt upon 
 Emergencies, after the Refolution of her 
 Parliament lately taken to lupply the 
 principal Sum that is this Year wanted, 
 beyond our ordinary Supplies, by a fur- 
 ther Tax upon Land only, and from 
 one only ot thole Funds to which I 
 have referred mylclf ? 
 
 This is, I think, as much as need to 
 be faid in anfwer to any Exceptions 
 that I have yet leen in print to my 
 Performance, till the Publication of a 
 late Pamphlet, entitled, ^ State of the 
 National T)ehty &c. containing, be- 
 fides the fame general Reflexions upon 
 ine, which I have hitherto propoled to 
 obviate, a laboured Reprelentation of the 
 State of our Debts at prefent ; by which 
 he would have it underllood, at leall, by 
 his Readers, That in my Eflay upon 
 
this Subjc<a, I have greatly mifrepre- 
 fented it. As this Author agrees with 
 me that it very much concerns the Pub- 
 lick to be truly informed in this Parti- 
 cular^ he muft excule me^ if I take all 
 the Freedom upon this Occafion, that I 
 think is any ways necelTary for determin- 
 ing the Queftion, Whether he or I have 
 deceived, or endeavoured to deceive, the 
 Publick in what either of us have print- 
 ed upon this Subje<3:. 
 
 The moft important Debate between 
 the Author and myfelf, is, Whether our 
 Debts have increafed or decreafed fmcf 
 the Provifions made for the Redu<flion 
 of them from the Sinking Fund ? Thofe 
 Provifions I have reprelented to have 
 been made after the X5'th of ^ecember^ 
 ijx6. and to have been the Appro- 
 priation of what ihould from thence- 
 forth arile as the SurplulTes of feveral 
 Funds to that Purpole ; and I have 
 proceeded to ftate the Amount of the 
 Publick Debts at Chrifimas^ I7i7- (be- 
 fore which Time, no Payment of any 
 Part of them was in Fad:, or perhaps 
 could be made in Coniequence of thefe 
 Provifions) and then to ftate (what was 
 then only in my Power) the Amount 
 of our publick Debts at Chrifimas^ 17^4* 
 and propofcdthat thefe different Amounts 
 
 fhould 
 
( 9 X 
 
 flaould be compared together, and their 
 DifTerence be determined to be the In- 
 creaie ot.Decrcafe oi the Publick Debts 
 between thoft two Periods ot Xime. 
 
 The Author oi the Siate of ourT>ebtt 
 begins firft to differ with me about the 
 Time of the Sinking Fund’s Commence- 
 ment, for a Realoii which I could not 
 difeover till I read on to the Place where 
 he charges me with ‘■joant of Truth and 
 Candor, in attempting a fy Compliment, 
 ?nade at the Expence of the Honour and 
 Memory of the T)ead, to thofe whoje 
 Merits do not fland in Heed of fuch 
 loisj Artifices to .gild them. And to 
 lupport this Charge, .he takes Notice, . 
 That I have Ihid, that the firft material 
 Erovifion that was made for dijeharg- 
 i-ng the Tub lick Etebts, was" by 'fever al 
 ABs pajfed^° Georgit; whereas he fays. 
 That the Aggregate Fund (one lof thole 
 Funds whole SurpJulfek arc appropriated 
 to the Payment of' the, Publick Debts) : 
 was eftablijhed by an ■ AB puffed 
 Georgii.:' And this Aggregate Fund, he. 
 lays, is the firft great Branch and Fo.vfi~ 
 dation, of the Sinking. Fund. From 
 whence it is, as I liippole, that he 
 the Commencement of the Sinking Fund 
 
 from 
 
 ♦ Sage 21 . 
 
 B 
 
item Michaelmas 1715', the Commence- 
 ment of the Aggregate Fund, as efta- 
 btifhed by that A< 5 t of Parliament, imo 
 Georgii. 
 
 I profefs fincerely, that I did not know, 
 nor do yet know, that the Ad: of Parlia- 
 ment and thofe which I have 
 
 referred to as palled 3 “ Georgii, w ere palTed 
 under the Diredrion of different Perlbns 
 at thofe different Times in the Manage- 
 ment of our Finances. But what Temp, 
 tation does my Subjed: offer me to en- 
 quire into this Particular ? For though 
 the aforelaid Ad:, i®<> Georgii, efta- 
 bliflies the Aggregate Fund for the Pur- 
 poles therein mentioned, it does not 
 eftablifh it for the Purpole of reducing 
 the Publick Debts, nor contain the lealt 
 Provifion, that I know of, for appro- 
 priating the Surplufs of it to this Pur- 
 pole in particular. This Appropriation 
 was firll made in the Ad: which I have 
 cited 3° Georgii, and was therefore the 
 firll Provifion for Dilcharging the Pub- 
 lick Debts, and the firll Foundation of 
 what has been fince called the Sinking 
 Fund ; and from thence therefore, and 
 no: ixom Michaelmas 1715, (as thisGen- 
 n^an would have it) is the Progrels or 
 
 Effed of the Sinking Fund to be com- 
 puted. 
 
 To 
 
( II ) 
 
 To the Method which I have above- 
 mention’d, for determining whether our 
 Debts are indeed diminilh’d from Chriji- 
 mas 171 j (the true Time from whence 
 the Progrefs of the Sinking Fund is to 
 be computed) to Chrijimas 17%^, viz. of 
 comparing the Amount of our Publick 
 Debts as they really were at thofe Two 
 different Times together, and flaring the 
 Difference to be the real Decreafe of our 
 Publick Debts, I have yet added another, 
 viz. of comparing the Amount of the 
 feveral Articles of Addition to our Pub- 
 lick Debts from one Time to the other, 
 with the Amount of all fuch Payments! 
 as have within the fame Time been made,' 
 in Difcharge of any Principal Sums of 
 which thofe Debts confifled j and have 
 flared the Difference of thofe Amounts 
 to be the real Decreafe of our Publick 
 Debts from GhvijiiTKis I7i7» to the fame 
 Time in the Year 17x4. I then thought, 
 and yet think, that thefe Methods in the 
 propofed Enquiry, were each of them fe, 
 parately the plainefl and mofl intelligible 
 that could be for this Purpofc thought of, 
 and true with all the Evidence of a De- 
 monflration. But I have for the Reader’s 
 farther Satisfadion, if it could be poflibly 
 wanted, by the Ufe of both thefe Me- 
 thods, added a farther Proof of them 
 
 B X from 
 
(■ li ) 
 
 frciTi thctr Agre'eriient ca^li other. 
 
 I rtiutt leave 4t therefore to the Rea- 
 der to jtrdge this Writer, after pro- 
 fefling the latne' Enquiry with inine, and 
 contradicting me lo materially, in hisRe-^ 
 TiOrt Ubont thc'Matter, upon the Credit of 
 another Method of ftating, this Account, 
 is plealed to take iio other Notice of my 
 ■Methdasbf accounting, than to Call them 
 * coftfufed, and dij^utjed 'with little Shifts 
 and ^ifinSlions made nfe of fer fuch a 
 '^utfofe ; or has fatis/ied himlelt in de- 
 claring me to be fo widely and gtofly mi- 
 ftaken, as the Ballance of his ^Accounts 
 have f cprdented, ine, without ‘acfcin|iting 
 to point out the /EalfliOoci Of 'ahy Fads 
 advanced by tph hi hiy Accounts, or any 
 -of -uhe -Slnftjs h‘e^' mentions to:'|difguile 
 ' th'^7 , that' wiirdny way account for the 
 prodf^.ous DifFebencd between us, ^After 
 he' h^d found but 'the Truth, he might 
 •have found ' djit foOi where I haef been 
 -rniftakeh, or; '^‘as he charges itie', had en- 
 •deavotired to 'miHcad my Readers; and 
 by thele Meattis, ' to/the' ReadCt’S Satif- 
 'fadtioil and m)t‘ Eafe, put aii' End to this 
 pd^tcat once* or '"brought it at leaft to 
 its proper Iflue,' lipoxt the Foot of tlibfe Ac- 
 counts which 1 ,had prOpofed ' fbf tjie' Pur- 
 
( IT) _ 
 
 pofe of this Enquiry..' I pefJ^^s*Teafon^ 
 to expcd that my Accounts or t adS Ihould 
 be examined before they wer? contradic- 
 ted; but that herftibuld leave the- Rea- 
 der to chufe his Opinion inp a • Ci^tro- 
 verfy of this ImportanceT'by ' fuffering 
 the Evidence of; my Accounts to reiuam 
 in full Force a^airift the Truth 6f his, 
 
 will, I hope, be a Prefumpfiou. in Fa- 
 vour ^ of my- Accounts, and lead the 
 Reader to infer, that he’ could n'pt dilco- 
 ver 'thc Shifts' vt-hiefr lie bas accufed me 
 of, and that he expreffes; his owp Convi- 
 aion, and not mine, Svhen W 
 Fa5fs and Fip\fes are ty-moJ^:Fu&- 
 born E'videiiteSf " ' : , . - * c 
 
 But when T fe^rd the Impprrance of 
 this Subjed, ,T think ray felf obliged, 
 however unrealbhabfe it ihay be fn hiin 
 to expedit of me,;,to attend.; th.i§ Author 
 through his own-Accoiintsf'’f ‘aitid‘ eudea-- 
 
 vbut to explain tp’ ^hc Reader th^ various 
 Miflakes comrditted in thein, as far as 
 fuch a Tas^c.is; pradicable, ■ i-n'-e^amining 
 Accounts tnadb lip of Affertions ^na 
 States, which ap ' neither true nor falle 
 and where, T begiUto percetye,-'my greatelt 
 Difficulty Will’ be- to find his Meaning. 
 
 ' The Reader ■d'ill,* I believe,' mod ea- 
 ftly -.judge of the Plainnelsr Truth M 
 
 Evidence of the manner in which thele 
 I AC- 
 
 
Accounts are carried on, after he has at- 
 tended to theDefIgn of them, or cheEn- 
 quiry which he propofes to fatisfy from 
 of them ; and this I believe he 
 would have us underftand to be,ifourDebts 
 have ^en increaled homChriJimasiyi^ 
 to Michaelmas in 1725”, and what has 
 been within that Time the real lucreafe 
 of them ; and he explains himfelf in one 
 Pkce* by the increaled Debt within that 
 Time, to mean the Sum more than the 
 National Debt would have been at Mi- 
 chaelmas 17x5”, in cafe no Additions had 
 been made to it fnce the ITeariy 16. 
 
 The Sum more than the National Debt 
 would have been at Michaelmas 17x5, 
 in cafe no Additions had been made to 
 It lince the Year 1716, is plainly the 
 lame and no other than the Sum or A- 
 mo^t of the Additions that have been 
 made to it from the Year .1716, to Mi- 
 chaelmas ; and I could wiHi that 
 this had been indeed his Meaning, or 
 that he would have confined himfelf to 
 it. If this had been what he propofed 
 to reprefent or ftate to us, he m&. I 
 think, have feen immediately that the 
 Ihorteft and plaineft Way to do fo, was 
 to give us an Account of thole particu- 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 lar Sums that, within this Interval of 
 Time, have been added to the Publick 
 Debts, and a Computation of the total 
 Amount of thofe Additions ; nor had a- 
 ny thing that I had advanced been con- 
 tradicted by his producing 7,754,037/. 
 or any greater Sum to be the Amount 
 of thofe Additions. I havelufficiently de- 
 fcribed and explained my Enquiry to be 
 after the neat Decreafe of the Publick 
 Debts, or the Sum by which the Pay- 
 ments within the Interval of Time which 
 my Accounts refer to, exceed the Addi- 
 tions within the laid Time made to them; 
 which might well enough be what I da- 
 ted it to be, though the Additions were 
 as great as, or greater than he has here 
 delcribed them ; nay, the Truth of what 
 I have advanced, if this was all his Mean’- 
 ing, would be, in a great meafurc, con- 
 firmed by his own Accounts ; in the 
 firftof which he reckons up 6,081,188/. 
 as the Amount of feveral Dilcharges of 
 the Publick Debt from 17 16 to Michael- 
 t’j'i.') ; to which in his Iccond Ac- 
 count he adds, as further, within the lame 
 Period of Time, dilcharged of the Publick 
 Debt, the Sum of 3 >069,3 53 /. is. The 
 Amount of which together to 9,i5'o,5'4i 
 compared with 7, 764,037 /. will give a 
 confiderable Sura for the neat Decreale 
 
 of 
 
of the PublicK Debts, within the Time 
 which Jiis. Accounts refer to, and a great- 
 er than. I Ihould ask for,, if 3,i55-,if8/. 
 the Increafe; of our Debts in the publick 
 Accounts, ifrom the. Subfeription of the 
 Irredeemabics, were allowed me to be no 
 leal iherede of the true Quantity of 
 our Incumbrances. 
 
 Butthis Teftimony of his about his own 
 Meaning, is too much in my Favour to be 
 depended on from this Author, who has 
 taken fo much Pains to prove the Falfe- 
 hood of what I have advanced about the 
 .Publick Debts ; and who, referring him- 
 felf to what he calls the increaled Debts, 
 as he has ftated it from his own Accounts, 
 jtells his Reader, * ‘That ter JJjould differ 
 by upwaf'ds. of the Sum of fix Millions^ 
 tho' he Jhould allow .me what I have 
 asked from the Subfeription of the Irre- 
 deemables. 
 
 From hence therefore I have been dri- 
 ven from the Body of his Trcatife to 
 -the Accounts that he refers to in his Af 
 pendix, to find what other Meaning he 
 might poflibly have in what he calls the 
 Increafe of our Tublick Hebts. And 
 here I find, the aforefaid Sum of 7, 764, 037- 
 the Ballance ; of , his lecond Account, 
 
'( 17 ) 
 
 and there defcribed to be the *Debt tn^ 
 creafed Jince T)ecember^ iyj6. over and 
 above all Payments out of the Sinking 
 Fund, &c. 
 
 Here I mull: confefs myfelf more at a 
 Lofs than ever for the Author’s Meaning. 
 The Words in which he has chofen to 
 expreis himfelf about the aforefaid Bal- 
 lance, that it was the lucre a fe of our 
 F>ebts, over and above all ‘Payments 
 from the Sinking Fund^ led me to fop- 
 pofe he meant, that all Payments out of 
 the Sinking Fund were a ftill farther 
 Increale of our Publick Debts, beyond 
 that Ballance. But this Conjed’ure about 
 his Meaning the Abfitrdity of it fbon 
 removed, and put me upon fuppofing 
 that he would have laid, That this Bal- 
 lance was the neat Increafe of our Pub- 
 lick Debts, or the Difference or Excels 
 of the Additions made to them, within 
 the Time that thole Accounts refer to, 
 above the Payments in the lame Time 
 from the Sinking Fund, But that 
 
 this Ihould be his Meaning, it was as 
 difficult for me to believe, from the liir- 
 prifing Fallhood of it. 
 
 In this Perplexity about what this 
 Writer underllands himfelf, or would 
 have us underltand by this Ballance of 
 his Accounts, I mull: propofe it to the 
 C Reader 
 
( i8 ) 
 
 Reader to look into the Accounts them- 
 fclves; from which, if we do not find 
 out what he means himlclf, I am in 
 hopes however we luay make out the 
 only Inference that can be truly made 
 from them, and confcquently what he 
 only lliould have meant and recommend- 
 ed to the Belief of his Readers upon the 
 •Evidence of thde Accounts. And that 
 we may make all the ule that can be 
 of this necellary Labour of attending to 
 the various Confufion of what he has 
 here put together for the Purpofe of con- 
 futing me, I lhall endeavour to prove, 
 from the Authority of his own Papers, 
 the Truth of that Particular which I 
 have advanced relating to the Decreafe 
 of our Publick Debts, and about which 
 he has taken lb much leafonable Pains 
 to contradidt me. I lhall beg Leave to 
 repeat what I have Hated to be the Fa(H, 
 which he propoles to prove the Falfe- 
 hood of. 
 
 Ihavefaid, ixom Cbrijimas iji 6 , 
 to the lame Time in 17x4, (beyond which 
 Time I had no Materials to carry for- 
 ward this Account) our Publick Debts 
 were diminilhed by about the Sum of 
 a, IDO, 000/. about which I have both in 
 Hating the Defign of my Enquiry, and 
 in the manner of proving what I have 
 
 re- 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 reported from it, fully explained myfelf 
 to mean the neat Dccreaie of our Pub- 
 lick Debts, or the Excels of thofe Pay^ 
 ments by which our Debts had been di- 
 miniflied, beyond thofe Additions by 
 which they had been within the fame 
 Time encreafed ; and I can hardly be- 
 lieve that my Meaning can have been 
 miftaken, but by Perlous, who, like this 
 Gentleman, leem not to underftand their 
 own. To bring this State of the De- 
 creaie of our Debts within the Reach 
 of all the Evidence that can pollibly a- 
 rife from my Anfwerer’s Computation,- I 
 lliall carry it forward to Chrijifnns ^ 
 to be nearer the Time that his Accounts 
 refer to : And here I have the Plealure of 
 informing the Reader, that from Chriji~ 
 mas 17^4- to Chrijimas ^7 fcve- 
 
 ral Payments made, confilling principal- 
 ly of Exchequer Notes from the In- 
 come of the Sinking Fund, the neat De- 
 creafe of our Debts, clear of a trifling 
 Addition in the ^me Time made to them 
 upon the Fund for building Churches, 
 was i,a47,i5"i /. and which, in order to 
 ftate the neat Decreafe of our Debts 
 from Chri/tmas iyi7 t.o Chrijimas 17%$, 
 mult be added to the fame Decreale of 
 a, 100,000/. at Chrijimas 'i- 7 '^^i and will 
 make it about 3>347.i5'2'^* t u it 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 I fliall proceed to find how this State 
 of the neatDecreafe of our Publick Debts 
 is contradided by the Accounts before us. 
 
 In the fiift Account referred to in his 
 Appendix, (ftated by way of ‘Debtor- and 
 Creditor^ as he exprefies himfelf, * and 
 calls it the mojl flain and intelligible 
 •manner of drawing up Aceounts') in that 
 Coiumn which he entitles Debtor, he 
 gives us his State of the Pubiick Debts, 
 as they flood in December 1716. and 
 makes the Amount of them to be 
 51,640,934 /. 17 s. The Author, by 
 miftaking almoft equally on both Sides 
 of the (^eflion in Debate between us in 
 the particular Articles of the Publick 
 Debt, has produced a Total, to which I 
 have little or no other Exception, but 
 his rcfufing to allow my Addition to it 
 of the Increafe of our Debts in the Ex- 
 chequer Accounts from the Subfcription 
 of the Irredeemables; but this, toge- 
 ther with my Exceptions to particular 
 Articles in this Account, I fliali referve 
 for future Notice. 
 
 In the Column which he entitles Cre- 
 ditor, he has placed leveral Payments of 
 our Publick Debts, from 1716 to Michael- 
 mas and which, \ he lays, are aid 
 
 tM 
 
 ) 
 
 * Page 5 
 
 i Ibid, 
 
the Payments,, 'which Jince that Time 
 have been made at the Exchequer, out 
 o f the Troduce of any of the Taxes and 
 f)uties appropriated to the Tayment of 
 any Tart of thefe Tiebts, and then fuch 
 farther Sums as have been applied to- 
 wards the T)ifcharge of them out of the 
 Money of the Sinking Fund^ from Mi- 
 chaelmas i7\s,the Time of its Commence- 
 ment, to Michaelmas 
 
 The Ballance of this Account, thus 
 fated, he fays, (andimuft here parricu- 
 Jarly defire the Reader’s Attention} will 
 be well underflood, and undeniably grant- 
 ed to be the Total National Debt which 
 would have been owing at this Time, 
 viz. <2^ Michaelmas 172. in cafe no Ad- 
 dition had been made to it Jince the %^th 
 December, 1716. And this Sum, he 
 lays, appears to be 45 '» 5 ’ 5 ' 9 ’ 74 ^ 
 
 The Ballance of this Account, thus 
 ftated, the Reader will obferve to be the 
 Remainder of 51,640,934/. 17 J. ftated 
 by him to be the. Amount of our Pub- 
 lick Debts at Chriflmas 1717, after a 
 Dedudion of the Amount of fuch Pay- 
 ments made from that Time to Michael- 
 mas 1715. in Difcharge thereof, as he 
 has Ipecified on the Credit-fide of his 
 Account, and computes to amount to a- 
 bout 6,081,188 i 
 
 But 
 
7 
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 But what he expe< 3 ;s here fliould be 
 undeniably granted him, viz,. That this 
 Ballance or Remainder is the Total Na- 
 tional Debt, which would have been 
 owing at this Time, in cafe no Additi- 
 ons had been made to it fmee T)ecember, 
 1716, it is moft unreafonable to ask, for 
 a plain Reafbn that coiild not but lay 
 before him ; I mean, that thofe Pay- 
 ments by the Amount of which he re- 
 duces the Publick Debt in 1716. to 45:, 
 55'9,467 1 . were in a great Part made by 
 Money raifed, from equal Additions to 
 our Debt made at the lame Time, and for 
 the Purpole of making thofe Payments,' 
 and which could not have been made, if 
 thole Additions had not been made like- 
 wile, Moft certainly the Debt reduced by 
 Payments made from equal Additions to it 
 at the fame Time, Payments which could 
 not have been made but by thofe Addi- 
 tions, mull never be called what that 
 Debt would have been if thole Addi- 
 tions had not been made to it ; nor could 
 it, I believe, have been called fo, even 
 by this Author, till he had confounded 
 himlelf with thofe Formalities, which he 
 depends upon as the plaineft Method of 
 drawing up Accounts. 
 
 But I have it in view to help this Wri- 
 ter to a Meaning, if I can poftibly, and 
 
 would 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 would not have it my Fault, if afcer all 
 rhc Reader Ihould not uuderftand him. 
 
 I lhall therefore admit, that if he had con- 
 fined himlelf to the Dedudion of fuch 
 Payments only as were made without the 
 Afliftance of Additions, from the Amount 
 of thePublick Debt, as it Rood in 
 the Remainder would have been, I was 
 going to fay, the Remainder ; (for I can 
 make nothing more of it,) but to oblige 
 the Author, I am content to® call it the 
 Total National ‘Debt^ which would have 
 been owing, in cafe no Additions bad 
 been made to it fince 1716. Audi hear- 
 tily congratulate him upon his Succefs 
 in the Ule of this plain and eafy Method 
 of difeovering it. 
 
 But the moft notable Ufe of this DiF 
 covery is made in his Account, N° II . Here 
 the Author leems to me almoft to have 
 found out (for I can’t admit him to be 
 fully fatisfied about the Matter) That if 
 our Debts, as they Rood in 1716, would 
 have been by Payments Rnce made rci- 
 duced to about 45 Millions ; the diffe- 
 rence between that Sum and the Amount 
 of them at Michaelmas 17x5", muR con- 
 fiR of Additions made to them within 
 that Interval of Time. 
 
 If I allow him to make this Inference 
 
 ftom a true State of the Amount of our 
 
 Pub- 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 Publick Debts in the Years 1716 and 
 I7X5”, it muft be upon thefe exprefs Con- 
 ditions, I. That he confines himfelf in 
 reducing the Debt as it flood in iyi 6 . 
 by fiich Payments only as have been 
 made without the help of any Additions 
 made to it : And, x. That he contents 
 himfelf with calling what he finds to be 
 the Difference, on a Computation of this 
 Nature, the Sum of the Additions made 
 to our pubfick Debts from 1716. to 17x5: 
 For I can be upon no Terms with him, 
 if he perfifls in calling any Ballancc, he 
 may draw from an Account of this kind, 
 t/je ’Debt increas'd fince 17 id, over 
 and above all Payments made from the 
 Sinking Fund, &c. or pretends that the 
 increafe of our Debt, this way flated, 
 is in the leafl a Contradi< 5 lion to what I 
 have advanced about it. 
 
 Nor can I by any Means allow him, 
 that this is either a plain or eafy Way of 
 flating the Additions to the Publick Debt, 
 by inferring and computing it from the 
 Payments in Difcharge of it. The Ad- 
 ditions of the Publick Debt, whatever 
 they are, muft necefTarily have been made 
 publickly, and the Quantity of thofe Ad- 
 ditions determined by fuch Adis of Par- 
 liament as thofe additional Debts have 
 been contraidled by ; from whence the 
 
 Par- 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 Particulars of thofe Additions might have 
 been at once dated with thegreateft Evi-- 
 dencc and Propriety, and would have 
 required no further Computation, than 
 that of the Amount of them, for his 
 Reader’s Satisfadion ; and if he really 
 intended to date the Additions to the 
 Publick Debt only from i/K) to 172-5'. 
 
 I fliould be concerned to find him, for 
 want of thinking of this eafier and more 
 obvious Method of doing fb, obliged to 
 infer and compute them from Pay- 
 ments at the Exchequer in difeharge ot 
 them; his Account of which, he lays. 
 * is ruther Guejs thdu Certainty ; nay 
 which for many Reajbns he fifpofes to 
 be not true. But for which.^ after con^ 
 demning his Friend’s Friend as guilty of 
 Ignorance or Negligence., in making the 
 necejfary Enquiry on this Occafion, he 
 makes this Apology for himlelf, “That 
 the only Fafference will be, viz. from 
 his Midakes about it, that in Cafe the 
 Sums which he has fet down on thefe 
 Heads as paid off, are not fo, the T>ebt 
 is the greater. 
 
 I have hitherto been induced to ac- 
 count for mod of this Author’s Midakes 
 from his Ignorance of the Subjedl only. 
 
 and 
 
 "-A 
 
 * Page j 5. 
 
 D 
 
and his want of all Conception of the 
 Matters which he has engaged himfelf 
 in a Dilpute about : But I willi here he 
 don’t defign to impofe upon us. The 
 only Miftake which he would have us 
 fuppofe the Ignorance and Negligence of 
 the Perfon employed could lead him in- 
 to here is, of letting down a greater 
 Sum as paid off^ than really nseas fo\^ 
 and if this Ihould be the Caie, he tells 
 us, the ^ebt will be the greater : A- 
 bout which I would defire the Reader 
 to determine, if he does not mean that 
 
 our prefent Tiebt will be the greater, 
 and the Increafe of our Debts greater 
 than he has reprefented it. But can it 
 be allowed the Author to be lb ignorant of 
 his own Accounts, as not to know that 
 the Increafe of our Debts from 1716 to 
 t7’i'j, as he has inferred and Bated it 
 from the Payments made in difeharge of 
 them within the lame Time, will be 
 greater in proportion as thofe Payments 
 ^e Bated to be greater, and greater than 
 It really is, as thole Payments are Bated 
 to be greater than they really are; and 
 that that Ballance which he calls the In- 
 creafed Debt, &c. as it is form’d from 
 '^c^eafes by all the Sums 
 in dilcharge of 
 
 the Pubhek Debts. 
 
 Imufl 
 
I mufl: confefs myfelf to have been 
 for this Realbii greatly at a Lofs to ac- 
 count for it, why this Author has not 
 placed all the Sums which he ftates to 
 have been paid off from 1716 to lyxy, 
 on the Credit Side of his firft Account, 
 He produces us in his two Accounts to- 
 gether, le veral Particulars of Money paid 
 in difcharge of our Debts from 1716 to 
 17x5', amounting to 9, ifo, 541 /. the 
 whole of which the Reader will, I be- 
 lieve, perceive Ihould be placed on the 
 Credit Side of his firft Account, and de- 
 dudted from the Amount of our Debts 
 in 1716. for the fame Reafon that any 
 Part of it is fb. But inftead of this the 
 Author has chofe to pick out of it b.oSi, 
 188 1 . to place on the Credit Side of his 
 firft Account, where it ferves to aggra- 
 vate the Increafe of our Publick Debts ; 
 and has referved 3 f 3 to 
 
 place on the Credit Side of his fecond 
 Account, where it ferves a quite con- 
 trary Purpofe, and is a Deduiftion from 
 what would otherwife come out as the 
 Ballance of his fecond Account for the 
 Debt increafed, And for this Di* 
 
 ftindion between the fame kind of Pay- 
 ments, and within the fame Time made, I 
 do not find that he any where affigns the 
 true Reafon. But having, as I believe, at 
 D a laft 
 
(28 ) 
 
 lafl found out what really induced him 
 to it, I think myl'elf obliged to let the 
 Reader into it. I take it, that the Au- 
 thor having let down as many particular 
 Payments as amounted to upwards of fix 
 Millions, began to confider that he had 
 fufficiently, and ftilly to his Satisfadion, 
 provided for the increafe of the National 
 Debt to 17x5' ; and wifely recolledcd, 
 that, if he went on to place the whole 
 there, he fhould have nothing left to 
 place on the Credit Side of his lecond 
 Account, but that finglc Article which 
 be calls the BalJancc of his firfl: Account. 
 This, the Reader will obferve, would 
 have looked but awkardly, to be placed 
 by it lelf in a whole Column provided 
 for it, and that too under the Title Cre- 
 ditor , when it was neccflary to deferibe 
 it not to be Credit, in any Senle that is 
 familiar amongfl Accountants, but the 
 Reverie of it, a Debt, and a Debt unpaid 
 too. 
 
 ' But I can’t but obferve, that this Mo- 
 tive, trifling as it may appear, has been 
 of no little Service to the Publick ; for 
 had the Author went on as he had be- 
 gun to the End of his firfl Account, and 
 placed the Whole 9, 15-0, 5-41 1 . on the 
 Credit Side of it, and the Ballance of it 
 by this Means,' the only Article of Cre- 
 
dit in the next Account, had been rcdu-, 
 ced to 41,490,393 1 . the fatal Confe- 
 quence'sof it are too obvious to want ex- 
 plaining. Oar Debt had been increafed 
 by thole Means by almoft fourteen Mil- 
 lions, inftead of 7,764,037 1 . to which 
 in his great Moderation he has thought 
 proper to confine it. 
 
 I have pointed out in general the Ab- 
 furdity of this Attempt, to infer and 
 compute a Ballance at the Foot of thefe 
 Accounts, as an Addition and Increalc 
 of the Debt from 1716 to 1715', from 
 Payments within that Time made, with- 
 out diftingui filing between fuch Payments 
 as have been without Additions to it, and 
 fuch Payments as have been made by 
 and from Additions to it, and could not 
 have been made otherwife. But from 
 the Idea I have collected of this Au- 
 thor’s Capacity as an Accountant, I be- 
 lieve it will be further neceflary foi: his 
 Convidlion, to explain my felf upon fbme 
 one particular Inftance of this kind in 
 his own Accounts. 
 
 For this Purpofe I would defire him to 
 obferve, Thar amongft the Articles on the 
 Credit Side of his firft Account, by the 
 Amount of which he reduces the Pub- 
 lick Debts as they ftood in 1716 to 45", 
 ^^9,746 /. he mentions by the Name of 
 
 i Lot- 
 
( 3 °) 
 
 Lottery«Annuities unfablcribed to the 
 South-Sea Company, paid out of the Sink- 
 ing Fund, an Article of 1 . 3 j-. 
 
 ^d. He knows very well, that the Money 
 for making this Payment was raifed partly 
 by a new Loan upon Exchequer Bills, 
 and partly by Money then remaining in 
 the Sinking Fund, viz. by i,ooo,ooq /. 
 borrowed upon Exchequer Bills, and 
 zo4,786 1 . remaining in the Sinking Fund ; 
 and accordingly in his State of the Debt 
 at Michaelmas I7^5', on the Debtor Side 
 of his fecond Account, he mentions this 
 Million of Exchequer Bills as a Debt 
 created 9® Georgii to redeem Annuities. 
 Ido not enough underftand his Accounts, 
 to determine for him, whether he liippo- 
 les this Million to be or not to be Part 
 of our Debts at Chrijimas 17x5" ; bur let 
 him fuppofe which he pleales, this Sum 
 amongft others is manifeftly to be de- 
 du(fted from that 7,764,037 /. theBallance 
 of his fecond Account, which he calls 
 the Debt increafed lince 1716. If this 
 Sum was paid on the X4th of E>ecember 
 17x5', he ought not to have Bated it as 
 part of our Debts at that Time, and 
 then it is to be deduced from that 56, 
 393,137 I- which he reprefenrs on the 
 Debtor Side of his lecond Account to 
 be at that Time the Total of them. If 
 
 it 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 it was not paid, it ought not to have 
 been deduced by him from the 5'i,640, 
 934 /. which he deferibes to be the A- 
 mount of our Debts in 1716. And ei- 
 ther his Total of our Debts in 17x5- 
 fliould be made by one Million lefs, or 
 the Ballance of his firft Account placed 
 in his fecond, as the firft Article on the 
 Credit Side of it, fliould be one Million 
 more ; in either of which Cafes, the 
 Ballance of his fecond Account, whate- 
 ver he means by it, would be by one 
 Million lefs. 
 
 But, upon a Prefiimption that he may 
 ftill perfift in his good Opinion of that 
 plain Method which he has fallen into 
 of drawing up Accounts, I can’t forbear 
 the Vanity of fliowing him how far I 
 could exceed him in the Ufe of it, for 
 this ufeful Purpofe of increafing our Pub- 
 lick Debts. 
 
 After I had ftated with him in his 
 firft Account the Amount of our Debts 
 in 1716 to be ji, 640,934 /. I could for 
 the fame Reafbn that he deduefts from it 
 any Part of thofe Payments amounting 
 to 6,081,188 /. which were made with 
 Money railed upon new created Debts, 
 proceed further to deduct in his Man- 
 ner, 
 
 By 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 By Exchequer Bills paid''i 
 off and cancelled by the Bank j 
 »/ England fincc ‘Dec. 1716, (.^ ooo.ooo 
 in Conuderation of a redeem- 
 able Debt added to their Stock, 
 and Funds, 
 
 By feveral Debts at G j^er 
 ,Cent. Intereft fince the fame 
 Time difcharged by Annuities 
 at 5 per Cent, commonly call- 
 ed Lottery Annuities and re- 
 deemable by Parliament, 
 
 b9.5'34’3^7 
 
 From hence I might, with as much 
 Reafbn, advance to the Difcharge of va- 
 rious Incumbrances by their Subfcription 
 into the South-Sea Company, to the 
 Payment of 4,000,000 1 . to that Compa- 
 ny, by the Addition of an equal Debt 
 to the Bank of England-., from whence, 
 together with feveral other Items form- 
 ed from Variations in the Form of our 
 prefent Debts, without any Variation in 
 their real Quantity, I fliould not doubt 
 my Abilities to prove, in the Author’s 
 Manner, that the Whole of our Debt 
 in 1716, has been fince paid off; and 
 with the fame Evidence that | he pra- 
 duces, proceed to infer from it, that 
 
 the 
 
the whole, or even more than the A- 
 mount of our Debt at prefent, is the 
 Debt incrcafed, or an Addition made to 
 it from 1716 to i7X5r-. 
 
 I have, I fear, trelpafTed upon the Rea- 
 der’s Patience, in remarking upon Ac- 
 counts formed, as it feems to me, by the 
 Author, upon no one intelligible Defign, 
 unlels it be that of making them unintel- 
 ligible , and lecuring himfelf from any 
 Reply to his Pretences of having contra- 
 didied me, by drawing Conclufions from 
 them without any diftindt, arid, as I think, 
 without any kind of Meaning in them, 
 which he has not himfelf fbmewhere 
 or other in the Body of his Book, or in 
 fbme Part or other of his Accounts, ex-^ 
 prefly contradidted. If there is indeed any 
 Inference to be truly made from thole 
 Accounts, or either of them, that is any 
 way inconfiftent with what I have ad- 
 vanced about the Dccreafe of our Pub- 
 lick Debts, 1 muft defirc he w'ould ex- 
 plain himfelf upon it ; and in the mean 
 time I muft fubmit it to the Reader how 
 far the Account that I have given of the 
 neat Decreafe of our Debts from 1717 
 to 17x4, by the Sum of x, 100,000 L or 
 thereabouts, and from the lame time tp 
 17x5, by about the Sum of 3, 347i 
 is contradidted by the States this Author 
 
 E has 
 
has produced of the Amount of our Debt 
 in 1716, and in 172. 
 
 In 17K}, he fays, our Debts amount- 
 ed to 5:1,640,934/. to which, if he will 
 allow me, for theprefent only, to add the 
 Increale of our Debts in the Exchequer 
 Accounts from the Subfcriptioii of the 
 Irredeemables, as I have computed it to 
 be, 3 ,i 5'5',85'8 /. the total Amount of our 
 Debts will be in 1716, 5-4,796,792/. and 
 by about 327,172 /. more than 5-4,469, 
 620/. which I have ftated it to be in 
 1717. The general Reafous of this Dif- 
 ference between us are, that he has rec- 
 koned amongft our Publick Debts, as well 
 in 1716 as in 1725, 248,5-5-0/. the Equi- 
 valent due to Scotland, which not being 
 in my Account, was left out by me both 
 in 1717 and 1724. He has likewilc rec- 
 koned as Part of the Debt in 1716, a 
 Debt to the Navy of 334,139 /. \^?hich 
 if he will look again into that A6t 3 ° Geor- 
 gli, which he quotes as a Proof of this 
 Arrear, and of the Satisfadtion of it by 
 Annuities at 4 per Cent, he will find to 
 be included in what he has charged in 
 another Article of the lame Account, and 
 calls Deficiency of Grants, 1716, Thefe 
 two Sums together llioul^ make his State 
 of the Debts in 1716, exceed mine in 
 
 1717. 
 
x’j'i-’j, by the Sura offSi, 789 /. orthere- 
 abouts ; but he has omitted in his Ac- 
 count of the Debt in 1716, to charge, as 
 any Part of it, 110,3 iz/. Navy Annui- 
 ties, and reprefents the Amount of the 
 Debt on the Four Clafs Lotteries and 
 Bankers Annuities together, to be 
 9,4 z(), 888 /. only; which, however it 
 may be charged in the Papers he made 
 ufe of, was then, and is frequently re- 
 cited in feveral Atfts of Parliament to 
 have been 9,5 34,3 5'7 /. and by 107, 469/. 
 more than he has Bated it to be. He 
 has therefore charged as due in 1716 
 5'8 z, 789/. which I have omitted, and 
 omitted what I have charged to have 
 been due about the fame Time 1 . 
 
 The difference of which two Sums is fb 
 nearly equal to the Sura, by which his 
 State of the Debt in 171b, .-w'ith the Ad- 
 dition of what I hav.e asked with regard 
 to the Irredeemables, exceeds my State 
 of the Debt in 1717 ; that if, with re- 
 gard to thefe Oblervations, the Reader 
 will corredt his State of the Debts and 
 mine, he will find them, though com- 
 puted for different Times, agree nearly 
 enough for our proceeding together in 
 our Enquiry after the Decreafe of them 
 to Cbrijimas 17x5'. The Difference of 
 what he has overcharged in I7id, •vizi. 
 
 E ^ 334 ,z 39 /. 
 
3 34>2-39 ^- omitted to 
 
 char£^e xiy^y^t/. is 116,45^^- which I 
 propole fliould be dedudred from 5'4,796, 
 79x/. and the Remainder will be 5'4, 
 680,334/. 
 
 To my State for Chrijimas 1717, of 
 54,469,6x0 /. I mull add, to bring my 
 Accounts as near to his as may be, the 
 Equivalent Debt of x 48 , 55 C)/. and then 
 niy State will be 54,718,170/. and the 
 DilTercnce between us will be little more 
 than 38000/. which, W'hcther it be from 
 my Miftake or his, the Reader will I 
 believe excule me from contending with 
 him, when he confiders our Accounts 
 arc taken from dilFerent Papers, and re- 
 fer to different Points of Time. 
 
 The Equivalent Debt was not in my 
 Accounts, either of the Debt in 1717 
 or 17x4, about which likewile no Di- 
 fpuire that is material to the prefent Que- 
 ftion can be ftarted ; fince if it be con- 
 ffdercd and accounted for as a Publick 
 Debt both in 1717 and 17x5, it can oc- 
 cafjon no Variation in the Sum that lhall 
 be from thence computed to be within 
 that Time the Decreale of our Publick 
 Debts. 
 
 The Author, in his Second Account, 
 which he' calls a State of the National 
 Debt, as it flood in 17^5, has 
 
 not 
 
not, as I think, ftated any Sum at all to 
 be then, or at any crther Time, the A- 
 mount of our Publick Debt. does 
 indeed cuft up the fcveral Articles on the 
 Debtor Side of his Account, and makes 
 them amount to 56,393,137 /. but this 
 I think he does not give us for the A- 
 mount of our Debts at Chriftmas 17x5 ; 
 for the Creditor Side of his Account ad- 
 mits that feveral Articles on the Debtor 
 Side were not due at Chriftmas 17x5, 
 but before that Time paid off and latif- 
 fy’d. The Amount of thefe Articles taken 
 from the Creditor Side of this Account is 
 3,069,353 /. which I lliould prefume 
 upon his Leave to dedud from 56,393, 
 137/. and to take the Remainder 5 3, 32.3 » 
 784/. for what he would give us for the 
 Debt in 17x5, if it was not for the con- 
 trary Uie which he makc.^ of Payments 
 in the fame manner, and under the fame 
 Title enter’d in his firft Account of In- 
 creafing the Publick Debt by them : How- 
 ever, fince he admits himlelf to be un- 
 certain about his Payments, he will give 
 me leave to fettle them from my Pa- 
 pers. 
 
 The whole Remainder of what was 
 due at Chriftmas 17x5 for the Exche- 
 quer Bills, or any other Exchequer Bills 
 (exclufively of what had been then lately 
 
 made 
 
made out to liipply his Majefty’s Civil 
 Lift Expences, and which have been 
 fince dilcharged from the Contributions 
 on the laft Lottery) was 560,3 12/. 10 j. 
 The Author therefore in charging 3,000, 
 000/. under this Head, charges 1,439, 
 687/. 10 j. more than was really due. 
 
 The whole Remainder of what was un- 
 paid at Chriftmas 1725 of Money at any 
 Time advanced for building Churches, 
 was 68,665 L This Debt the Author in 
 charging at 380,787/. charges it at too 
 much by .312,122 /. 
 
 Of the Debt on the fecond Lottery 
 1719, all that was not lublcribed to the 
 South-Sea Company was paid off before 
 Tiecember The Author therefore 
 
 Wrongly charges, under this Article, 
 
 Helhould not have reckoned amongft 
 our Debts 101725, 2,510/. Navy Annui- 
 ties, for that Sum was before paid oft! 
 
 And from the Sum of 192,152/. 6 j-. 
 3 d. placed againft the Item of Annuities 
 for two and three Lives, the Sum of 
 4,102/. is to be dedudled on account of 
 iuch Annuities as before Chrijimasi’]%s 
 were reverted to the Crown. 
 
 If the Amount of thefe Sums with 
 which he has overcharged the Publick, and 
 which as I compute it, is 2,823,816 /. 
 
10 J-. be deducted from 5-6,393,137 /. 10 j. 
 the Remainder is 53,569,3x1/. to which 
 is to be added, what he has omitted, a 
 Debt on the Lottery 1713, at Chriftmas 
 17x5, of 3 x,x 6 o/. This added to the 
 laft Remainder of 53,569,3x1 /. will 
 make it 53,601,581 /. and will be his 
 State of the Publick Debt at Chriftmas 
 17x5, if he will admit of my Affiftance 
 in corredting thofe Particulars in his Ac- 
 counts where he llippofes himfelf mi- 
 ftaken. 
 
 But to bring his Accounts and mine 
 together, I muft further dedudb from his, 
 which were not charged as Publick Debts 
 in the Papers which I made ule of, 
 1,000,000/. charged by him for the Ci- 
 vilLiftDebt, and i,x55,49i /. 9 j. which 
 he calls the Debt of the Navy ; and then 
 his State of the Debts at Ojriftmas 
 will be reduced to 51,346,089/. ii j". 
 And this Sum I would propofe fliould be 
 compared with the abovementioned Sum 
 of 54,718,170/. the Amount of the Debt 
 in 1717, and the Amount in 172-5 thus 
 reduced to 5 1 , 3 46,08 9 /. deduced from it, 
 in which Cafe the Remainder 3 , 3 7x,o8 1 /. 
 thus produced as the Neat Decreale of 
 our Debts at Chriftmas 17x5, and com- 
 pared with 3,347 ,i5x /. which I have 
 from my Papers ddcribed to be the 
 
 Decreafe 
 
( 4° ) 
 
 Decreafe of them in the fame Time, will 
 Ihowwhat Shifts or Dilguifes 1 have any 
 where made ufe of, to impofe upon my 
 Readers a falle Account of the Dccreale 
 of our Publick Debts. 
 
 I followed indeed the Accounts as 
 made up at the Exchequer^ in not charg- 
 ing the Sum of One Million borrowed 
 to liipply the Deficiencies of the Civil 
 Lift, and charged in a particular Man- 
 ner upon the Payments from that Re- 
 venue, amongft our Publick Debts, But 
 I was fo far from attempting to conceal 
 it, that I have, in my Effay u^on the 
 publick E>cbts, produced and mention- 
 ed it, and by no means oppofed the De- 
 dudion of it from w hat I then juft be- 
 fore ftatcd to be the Decreafe of our 
 Debts, within the Time referred to. 
 
 No Body, I believe, will wonder that 
 I did not, in a State of our Debts at 
 Chrifimas 17x4, mention a Debt to the 
 Navy, ftated, as he fays, to Chrifimas 
 lyxy. The Truth is, I had no Ac- 
 count of any Debt upon the Navy at 
 the Time of publifliing that Efiay; but 
 if I had, I fliould, perhaps, have thought 
 it improper to call it a Publick Debt, or 
 ftated it amongft Debts provided for by 
 Parliament, till the Legiflature had made 
 it fo. And if I could take this Gentle- 
 man’s 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 man’s Word for the Quantity of it at 
 Chrijimas i/xf, I fliould be at a Lofs 
 in what manner to ftate it for the Pur- 
 pofe of my Enquiry, unlcfs he had in- 
 formed me what Part of it was incurred 
 before 1717, and what Part of it fmce 
 that Time. But what I have a little 
 Realbn to be furprifed at, is, that this 
 Gentleman, who informs us he has been 
 employed in providing Necejfaries for 
 the Navy^ ihould leem to be no more 
 apprized of the necelTary Uncertainty of 
 the precil^ State of the Debt upon this 
 Score, to the very Time of making-up 
 any Account of it that may be enquired 
 for. I know not from what Papers he 
 may have taken the Sum, which he lays 
 is the State of this Debt to Chrijimai 
 ; but I could almoft venture to re- 
 fer my lelf to his own Papers for the 
 Proof of it, that he has taken this Sum 
 not from a State, but from an Eftimate 
 of the Navy Debt. 
 
 The Author * has refuled me a Place for 
 iio,3iz /. Navy Annuities, in the Ac- 
 count of our Debts before i7i<5 ; for he 
 lays, whoever reads the A£t 4° Georgii, or 
 JoGeorgii, referred to in his Margin, will 
 fee no Reafon to believe that the Arrear 
 
 * Page i5. 
 
 F 
 
 of 
 
of Iniereji, which this T^eht was created 
 to fatisfy^ was grown due before the 
 Teat- 1716 ; but for this^ he fays, he has 
 made amends in allowing a like Arrear 
 to the Eaft-India Company^ to be due before 
 that Time^ though above ix7,5'co 1. of it 
 has been contrasted fince. Here this 
 Gentleman feems to me determined to 
 proceed in his own Way ; he will not 
 allow me one Debt to be due before 
 1716, for he does not know whether it 
 was lb or no ; but another greater Debt 
 he will allow me to be lb, though he 
 pretends to know the contrary. In the 
 next Page he asks Leave to fct me right 
 in onb Thing, and tells me, that y44, 
 I4X 1 . advanced by the South-Sea Com- 
 pany, was not employed in Aid of the 
 Sinking Fund^ becaufe i88,x96 1 . was 
 allowed out of it to the Company^ to 
 make good an Arrear of Intereft incur- 
 red in 1719, and 17x0, about which he 
 adds, that when Intereft is turned into 
 Principal, he fuppofes it may be called 
 a Tlebt. I can’t fee that what he fup- 
 poles done in the Cafe before us, viz. 
 the difcharging an Arrear of Intereft in 
 making up an Account between the Go- 
 vernment and this Company, is turning 
 Intereft into Principal, and therefore I 
 do not know what he aims at here ; but 
 
 if 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 if this was the Cafe, I agree with him, 
 that when Inter.eft is turned into Prin- 
 cipal, that Principal may be called a 
 Debt; and in return for this Concellion, 
 
 I hope, he will allow me, that the In- 
 tereft was a Debt likewife before the 
 turning it into Principal : And then 
 with regard to this Arrear, the Arrear 
 difcharged by Navy Annuities, and 
 the Deficiency in the Payment of the 
 Eaji-India Company’s Annuity, if the 
 Time when thele Debts were contracted 
 becomes the Queftion ; the Anlwer, I 
 think, muft be the Time when the Con- 
 tract was made to pay them, which was 
 then only, when the Government con- 
 tracted with thefe Companies to pay 
 them Interell, and which I fuppolc is 
 well enough known to have been before 
 1716. And if the Author will not take 
 my Senfe about this Matter, I mull re- 
 fer him to that of the Legiflature, as it 
 is expreffed upon the SubjeCt of the 
 Eaft-India Company’s Deficiency, now in 
 Queftion before us, in the ACt 7*^ 
 
 Pag. 498. But what can be the Mean- 
 ing of any Dilpute about this Particular ; 
 or who ever expeCted more from the Sur- 
 plufies called the Sinking Fund, to the 
 Dilcharge of our principal Debts, than 
 
 F z what 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 what was more than liifficient to pay 
 their Intereft? 
 
 As to the Author’s Obje<9:ions, or ra- 
 ther unmeaning Oppofition, to what I 
 have advanced relating to the Sublcrip- 
 tion of the Redeemables, I mull leave 
 the Difference between us to the Rea- 
 der’s Judgment, upon the Evidence of 
 what I have already reprelcnted upon 
 this Subjed:. I have faid, that the Sums 
 originally contributed for the Purchafe 
 of thele Annuities, and by which they 
 were delcribed in the Exchequer Accounts, 
 before their Sublcription into the South- 
 Sea Company, did not truly defcribe 
 the Quantity of thefe Incumbrances up- 
 on the Government ; that they were be- 
 fore that Sublcription an Incumbrance at 
 leall, to the full Value or Price of them 
 at Market, which was, before that Sub- 
 lcription, greater than the redeemable 
 Debt for which they were exchang’d ; 
 and conlequently that our Debts, when 
 the Quantity of our Incumbrances is to 
 be attended to in the Delcription of 
 them, were not increaled by that Sub- 
 lcription. Is there any-body, but this 
 Author, who does not affent to this, as 
 foon as it is propoled to him? Or is 
 this Ids true, bccaufe the South-Sea, 
 
 Scheme 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 Scheme was an ill-contrived, or an ilU 
 executed one upon any other Accounts ? 
 
 This Author asks a great many Que- 
 ftions foreign to the Subjed: I have trea- 
 ted of, and which, weary of the Diffi- 
 culty of finding out his Meaning, I mufl: 
 excufe mylelf at once from anfvvering, as 
 by no Means contradidring me, or as Ha- 
 ted from Papers that I know nothing 
 of; but there is one of them, which 
 though not objeded to me, relates to 
 the Account of our Debts in Difpute be- 
 tween us, and as it leems, has been one 
 great Occafion of this Gentleman’s Per- 
 plexity in Hating of it. 
 
 He has propofed it in different Pla- 
 ces in his Performance, but has at lafl: 
 placed it at the Head of a long Com- 
 plaint, and formal Reafoning about the 
 Inconvenience of MiHakes in our Nati- 
 onal Accounts; * Ip is fiain, he lays, 
 that there is an OmiJJionof i,5'oo,ooo 1 . 
 in the Account of the Sinking Fund, 
 there being no Notice taken of the ^oo, 
 ooo 1 . raifed of the Lottery 1719, for 
 faying of Exchequer Bills, nor of i, 
 000,000 1 . Exchequer Bills made out 
 for the Navy Debt ; and without fuf- 
 f lying thefe Defers, every~body who 
 
 * Page 74. 
 
 tries. 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 tries^ 'Will find (as I did) that neither 
 the Aeeount ofi the Tublick ’Debt, nor 
 the Produce of the Sinking Fund^ can 
 be truly fated. 
 
 I fliould fooner have underftood the 
 Grievance he here complains of, if in- 
 ftead of faying, that every-body who 
 tries, will find (as I did)., he had ex- 
 preis’d it by faying, every one who tries 
 (as I did) will find, &c. and I could 
 almoft leave him in his Perplexity upon 
 this Account, but that I find he thinks 
 he has got over it, and throws the Blame 
 of it upon other People. He does not 
 find this i,5'oo,ooo I in the Account of 
 the Sinking Fund; Why docs he want 
 to find it there? Was it the Produce of 
 the Sinking Fund ; or was it, as he lays, 
 railed upon the Lottery 1719, and in 
 i/xx, upon th(i Credit of Exchequer 
 Bills ? I who know his Accounts, know 
 it would anlwer his Purpole, to have it 
 (though fallly) reprelented, to be the 
 Produce of the Sinking Fund ; and he 
 has in his firft Account accordingly iup- 
 pofed it to be fo, and from that very 
 Circumllance inferred thele, amongft o- 
 ther Articles, to be an Increale of our 
 Publick Debts. 
 
 * Ano- 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 * Another Thing which he complains 
 of as a Trdpals upon the great and ef- 
 jential Tart of our Confitution, is, that 
 laft Year a Million was railed to pay- 
 off the Civil Lift Debt, contraded the 
 Year before upon the Credit of Exche- 
 quer Bills, of which 990,000 /. he lays, 
 was all that then remained unpaid ; and 
 from hence he infers, that a new Debt 
 of 10 ,000 /. for the Service of the Civil , 
 Lift, was at this Time contracted, with- 
 out any Meffage from the Crown, 8 cc. 
 This is likewile a Complaint that I ain 
 not concerned in, and Ihould not there- 
 fore anlwer, but that it is in my Power 
 to do lb, by appealing to the Ad: of 
 Parliament by which he fuppofes this 
 Debt to be contracted. 
 
 I muft propofe it to him, to turn o- 
 ver the ACt of Parliament, for railing 
 this Million upon the laft Lottery ; he 
 will find there, that the Commiflioners 
 of the Treafury are empowered to re- 
 ward the Managers, and to make Al- 
 lowances for prompt Payment, out of 
 the Monies contributed upon that ACt. 
 One Million of Money was all that was 
 to be raifed in Purluance of it, and 990, 
 000 /, to be paid out of it, and the 
 
 * Page 54. 
 
 Reinain- 
 

 ( 48 ) 
 
 Remainder, 10,000 /. all that would be 
 left, for the Charges of the Lottery, 
 and Allowances for prompt Payment. 
 Let him adjuft by himfelf, what he 
 pleales to allow for thefe Purpoles, and 
 then confider what Part of this 10, 
 000 /. he is fo much in hafte for an Ac* 
 count of. 
 
 It may be expe^ed from me poffibly, 
 that I lliould take fbme Notice of this 
 Author’s third Account, after he has 
 been at fo much Pains about it ; but he 
 muft excufo me in making what hafte I 
 can from it, when he reflects on the 
 Pains I have been at already, to make 
 any Thing of his two firft Accounts. 
 He calls it a View of that Tart of the 
 ^ebt called Redeemable, with the Sums 
 which might have been applied towards 
 the Rayment of it^ &c. by Michaelmas 
 1716, in Cafe no Alteration had been 
 made in it by the. South-Sea Scheme. 
 
 I expeded from this Title, to find 
 the Sums that might have been applied 
 towards the Rayrnent of it.^ accounted 
 for as the Produce of the Sinking Fund, 
 in which the Amount of the Surpluftes 
 of almoft: every particular Fund was 
 brought together; but inftead of this, 
 the Author gives an Account of feveral 
 Surpluftes and Sayings, varioufty mifta- 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 ken in the Particulars, both previoufly 
 too, and as the confequence of that Pro- 
 vifion, and produces an Account of them 
 greatly exceeding the Produce of the 
 Sinking Fund within the Time that he 
 refers too. This Circumftance, I think, 
 fufficiently proves the Fallhood of his 
 Account in general > unleis he would re- 
 prelent to us, that the aggregating parti- 
 cular Surpluses in the Provifions of the 
 Sinking Fund has diminifhed the- Total 
 Quantity of them ; which, it is impoffi- 
 ble, I Ihould think, he can fuppole, after 
 declaring with liich an Appearance of be- 
 ing in earneft. That he has f hithetto 
 looked ufon the EJiabliJhmeHt and Ap“ 
 frofriation of the Sinking Fund to the 
 Tayment of our National T)ebts, as the 
 wifeji and mof beneficial Trdvifion, 
 which in our Circumfiances could have 
 been thought of 
 
 This Author * has charged me with 
 prcl'uming upon my Skill in Figures, to 
 impole upon my Readers at Pleafure, 
 and proceeds to lay. That I have told 
 them that the Benefit of reducing the 
 Interejl of the frefent 'Debt from ^ to 
 3 per Cent, would only be to difcharge 
 the T)ebt in about four Tears and a half 
 
 t Pag« 25. 
 
 * Page 38. 
 
 G 
 
 fomer : 
 
( 5° ) 
 
 fomter : And this I am reprefented to fay 
 would be the Benefit of this Reducti- 
 on, for no other Reafon that I can think 
 ofi butbecaufe it juft then occurred to the 
 Author, that I had iikewife ftated theBe- 
 nefit of this Reduction with regard to the 
 Publick Expence of coming at it in ano* 
 ther Manner ; which, as he immediately 
 reports himfelf, I have faid, would be 
 3 xz,ooo l.per Annum for about 13 Years. 
 I can’t enter into his Reafons for rebu- 
 king me t for not having uied my Arith- 
 metick for alcertaiuing the Total of this 
 Expence in Z3 Y ears. But from his ftrange 
 Report about this Matter, that it would 
 amount to upwards of 30 Millions, I 
 have been induced to multiply this an- 
 nual Sum by ^3, and find the Produce to 
 be 7,406,000 /. the Amount of this An- 
 nuity, and 4,765", 600/. to be about the 
 prefent Value of it at 4 per Cent. Com- 
 pound Intereft. What this Gentleman 
 means therefore, by his 30 Millions, I 
 can’t imagine, unlcfs he has computed 
 the Amount of this Annuity at Com- 
 pound Intereft, and wifely fuppofed, that 
 if the Government raifed this Sum an- 
 nually, the Confequence would be (what 
 can’t poftibly be luppolcd, but as the 
 
 Con* 
 
 t Page 3p. 
 
(51 ) 
 
 Confequence of their not raifing it,) I 
 mean, that they muft pay Tntcrcft upon 
 Intereft, to be computed upon this An- 
 nuity. From whence he muft, as I con- 
 ceive, have proceeded to this further Mi- 
 ftake of fiippofing, that becaule the Bene- 
 fit of ^00,000 1 . fer Ann. gained to the 
 Publick, by reducing Intereft, was equal 
 to the Benefit of 3ix,ooo/. per Ann. 
 without reducing if, it was therefore c- 
 qual to the Amount of both together, 
 and has upon this Foundation added to 
 the Amount of the firft Annuity, the 
 Amount of this laft too, computed in 
 the fame manner. What a Misfortune 
 is it, to underftand Arithmetick with no 
 better luck in the Application of it ! 
 
 But what Reafbn has this Gentleman 
 (unlefs from the Authority of another 
 Pamphlet publilhed againft me) for. iup- 
 pofing, that I propole this Addition pre- 
 cifely to be really made to the Annual 
 Expence of the Publick for the Redudlion 
 of our Debts ? I have mentioned it only 
 as a different Method of ftating the Ad- 
 vantage to the Publick, from the Re- 
 dudlion of Intereft from 4 to 3 per Cent. 
 upon Fifty Millions, I'uppofed to be the 
 Amount of our prefent Debts, and which 
 I had juft before ftated in another man-< 
 ncr. 
 
 G % 
 
 It 
 

 ( 52 ) 
 
 It can’t, I think, be expeded that I 
 fhould take particular Notice of ieveral 
 other Inftances, where this Author has 
 feemed to me to mifrepreient purpofely 
 luy Meaning, for his own or his Readers 
 
 they have entertained his Readers, but 
 I can’t apprehend they have impolcd up- 
 on them. 
 
 jed of our Publick Debts, and therefore 
 wifti this Author had gravely endeavoured 
 to fliow me where I have my felf objeded 
 to the Payment of them ; or if I any where 
 appear to admit or foreice an Objedion 
 to it, which I have not endeavoured to 
 remove and anlwer. I never thought, 
 nor have I any where fuppofed, that the 
 Money due to Foreigners from the Pub- 
 lick was an Obiedion to it : or that wp 
 
 
 
 Diverfion or Amufement only. I hope 
 
 I can’t but be ierious upon this Sub- 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 tie regard to the plainer Truths that offer 
 themlelves in the uliial Scenes of Bufinefe. 
 What other garter Infinuations of this 
 kind arife from, I am at a Lofs to know, 
 unlefs I could fee any Defigns going for- 
 ward, that thefc Opinions would have any 
 Tendency to promote amongft us. 
 
 Nor have I ufed this, or indeed any 
 other Argument againft the Reduction of 
 Inter eft, as far as it is reafbnable to ex- 
 pe<ft it may be fupported amongft us af- 
 terwards ; but ftiould, on the contrary, 
 for this Reafon amongft others, while 
 we remain indebted to Foreigners, wifli 
 for it as much as this Author can do, I 
 have no where oppofed the Redudfion 
 of Intereft, but where I have explained 
 my felf to mean the hidden Appearance 
 only of reduced Intereft amongft us, 
 produced byfiich Views and Adventures 
 as I have deferibed to be not long likely 
 to be continued, or to fupport any Re- 
 dudtion of Intereft that may feem for a 
 Time to be effedted by them: From 
 which the only Inconvenience that I 
 have hinted at, with regard to our Debt 
 to Foreigners, I have luppofed to arile 
 from our being, upon fuch an Occafton, 
 induced to purchale of Foreigners their 
 Intereft in our Funds, upon liich Terms 
 as may foon afterwards oblige us to of- 
 
( 54 ) 
 
 fer it to them again at much lower Pri- 
 ces. 
 
 This Author, who, I luppofe, thinks 
 it below him to receive any Information 
 from the '^Principles and Practices of 
 Stock-jobbing, however material it may 
 be, in judging of the Realbnablenels of 
 reducing lutereft for the Publick Service, 
 has found out another way of determin- 
 ing, that it will be moji agreeable to Ju- 
 Jiice and Policy, to keep even the lute- 
 reji of the Funds near what Mr. Locke 
 calls the Natural Interefl of Money. 
 
 Jullice and Policy, I think, join in di- 
 recting us to keep the Intereft of the 
 Funds, at that Rate which the Govern- 
 ment has contrad:ed to pay the Publick 
 Creditors, till a reafonable Method or 
 Occafion fliall be found out or offer it 
 felf, of obtaining their deliberate Con- 
 fent to the Reduction of it. Such a Re- 
 ducffion would certainly be a Convenience 
 to the Publick; And for this Realbn, 
 Policy direcSts us to every reafonable Ex- 
 pedient for reducing the Natural Rate of 
 InterefV. And if I do not think this likely 
 to be effecfled by Schemes formed from a 
 confined Attention to our Funds and Mo- 
 ney only ; we may, however, in my Opi- 
 nion, moft reafonably exped it from fuch 
 Policies, as fliall prelerve our Tranquili- 
 ty 
 
( ) 
 
 ty, fecure our Commerce, alTure our Pro- 
 perties inviolably, liipport the Credit of 
 our Government, and enforce the Punc- 
 tuality of private Perfons in their Con- 
 tracts with one another. From fiich 
 Caules as thefe, the Author very much 
 miftakes me, if he thinks I fear a Re- 
 duction of the Rate of Intereft, But 
 when he gives us his Advice upon this 
 Subject, does he conceive that the Com- 
 mon Rate of Intereft is to be determined 
 abfolutely by the Choice of our Superi- 
 ours ? I always took it for granted, that 
 when we confidered the Provifton of the 
 Sinking Fund, and the Reduction of In- 
 tereft from 6 to y per Cent, together, we 
 regarded that Provifion as the EfFeCt of 
 Intereft reduced amongft us, and not the 
 Caufc of it : Whoever thinks other- 
 
 wife, differs from what appears to have 
 been at that Time, the Senfe of the Le- 
 giflature, which the Reader will find by 
 turning to thofe ACts of Parliament, 
 which I have referred to as the firft Pro- 
 vifion of the Sinking Fund; There he 
 will obferve, the Common Intereft of 
 Money being "very much lejfen'd under 
 his Majeftfs moft aufpicious Govern- 
 ment^ recited as the Foundation of the 
 Provifions made by thofe ACts of Par- 
 liament. And of this Reduction of In- 
 tereft, 
 
( ) 
 
 tereft, as far as our Debts were then re- 
 deemable, the proper Advantage for the 
 Publick Service was then reafonably and 
 wifely taken, and will, I hope, be al- 
 ways for the future taken, of every far- 
 ther Reduction of the Common Rate of 
 In tereft. 
 
 This Author has, I think, unjuftly 
 charged me, in leveral Places, with Inti- 
 mations and Infinuatioiis which I never 
 thought of. All that I have meant 
 any where, I have endeavoured to ex- 
 plain as exprefly as I could. But in re- 
 turn for it, I think, I meet with feveral 
 intire Pages in this Author, which are 
 only Intimations. I can’t (iippofe, that 
 they relate to me ; but, if they Ihould 
 do lb, till I am let into the Drift of them, 
 they muft remain unanfwercd. 
 
 As to what I have advanced, that it 
 is more eligible to raife what Money 
 may be farther wanted, by increafing 
 the Tub lick T)ebts with farther Loans 
 upon Intereji, provided for by New 2)«- 
 ties, than to fupply the fame Sums from 
 the Sinking Fund ; It is true, it is a 
 Truth of Publick Confequence to be at- 
 tended to, and what I have therefore ex- 
 plained and proved to be a Truth ; and 
 it muft therefore out-live all the Pleafan- 
 tries that have been excited by it. Not 
 
 can 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 can I think that there can be any great 
 Difficulty in underftanding it, by any 
 Perfon who will attend to the Difference 
 of the Increale of the fame Sum at the 
 lame Rate of Simple and Compound In- 
 tereft. If the Government, by the Ad- 
 dition of a new Debt for the _ Publick 
 Service, pay Simple Intereft for it only, 
 and by fupplying it from the Sinking Fund, 
 lole the Benefit , of Compound Intereft for 
 the lame Sum, can it be long doubted, 
 which of thele Methods of fupplying 
 our Neceffities are leaft expenfive to the 
 Publick, or will longeft delay the Total 
 Payment of our Debts ? I have not in 
 any Part of my EJfay recommended an 
 Addition to our Debts, but upon an 
 Occafion when it would be abfblutely 
 neceffary, to prevent the Milapplication 
 of the Sinking Fund : And if the In- 
 tereft of this Kingdom in thele different 
 Meafures, upon any fuch Occafion, was 
 not before generally attended to, or un- 
 derftood, I have lb much the greater 
 Reafon to be latisfied in having recom- 
 mended it to the Publick Notice. 
 
 I can hardly believe, that any of my 
 Countrymen are more lenfible than I am 
 of the Burthen of our prelent Debts, or 
 wilh more fincerely for the Redutftion 
 of them. Such Thoughts as thele were 
 
 H in 
 
( 58 ) 
 
 in reality my greaceft Inducements to 
 the Publication of my Effay ; in which, 
 if I have (as this Author fays) dilcover- 
 ed an extraordinary Zeal for the Preler- 
 vation of the Sinking Fund, I have gi- 
 ven, in my Opinion, a lufficient Proof 
 of my Averfion to the Increafe of our 
 Debts, whenever it can by any reafona- 
 ble Expedient be avoided. 
 
 If it is indeed for me (as this Author 
 is pleafed to lay it is) that he has given 
 us his fourth View, or Abftratif of the 
 prelent Taxes, I can alTure him he ne- 
 ver more milapplied his Time. I have 
 often attended to them with as much 
 Concern as he can have upon this Ac- 
 count, aiKl almoft as often, in the moll 
 comprehenfive Views I have been capa- 
 ble of, confidered the Manner and De- 
 gree, in which the Ellates of Gentle- 
 men, and the Rewards of Indullry a- 
 mongft us, are alTedlcd by them. But 
 I know no Foundation for an Outcry 
 upon this. Subjedr,. or any Meafiires go- 
 ing forwards, but what are confillent 
 with the fame Sentiments in the Gentle- 
 men in the Adminiftration, and their 
 really dcfiring the Redu(3;ion of our 
 Debts as loon as polTiblc. If this was 
 otherwile, or ever lliould be fo; Ihould 
 I eve? fee any Mealurcs remarkably ne- 
 
 gleded, 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 gleded, that would contribute to this 
 Purpofe, or any Mcalures enter’d upon 
 that had a Tendency to obftrudt or de- 
 lay the Payment of our Publick Debts, 
 this Author could not, I believe, be 
 readier than I lliould be to advertife the 
 Publick of it. 
 
 I account for it from this Author’s 
 Miftake about me, that he chufes for his 
 Diverfion to reprefent me, as obje<3:ing 
 the Intereft of the Miniftry to the Pay- 
 ment of the Publick Debts. I have 
 mention’d it as an Objedlion I had heard 
 made to the Probability of their being 
 paid ; anObjediion that I have not made ; 
 that I have ftated only with a Defign to 
 anfwer it : And in this I would willing- 
 ly be thought to have liicceedcd. Cut 
 this Author, I hope, reafons in a Man- 
 ner peculiar to himfelf, when from hence 
 he infers, that I have a Share in any Ad- 
 vantage that may arife from thole NeceC- 
 fities of the Publick, or fuppoles that, if 
 I had lb, I Ihould chufe unnecelTarily to 
 excite a general Attention to it. 
 
 I have taken Notice of as much of 
 this Author’s Performance, as I have hi- 
 therto thought material, or, at leall as 
 much, as amidll the nccelTary Avoca- 
 tions of a particular Employment, my 
 I.eilurc would by any Means admit of, 
 H z confill- 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 confiftently with that difpatch with which 
 I judged it realonablc, that lb great a 
 Mifreprefentation of the Incrcale of our 
 Debts under the prefent Reign ought at 
 this Time to be publickly coutradided. 
 This I thought it my Duty in particular 
 to attempt, as my Treatile had been the 
 Occahon of it. And if I lliould, from 
 the Diverfion given me from my ordi- 
 nary Bufinefs, and in a Matter which re- 
 quires lb much difVind: and deliberate 
 Attention, have any where committed a 
 Millake in it, I hope the Reader will 
 regard it with all reafonable Indulgence. 
 
 I could not polTibly find out the Means 
 of accommodating to an Enquiry after 
 the Diminution of our Debts from any 
 one Time to another, the Method which 
 this Gentleman calls the ])latnefi Man- 
 ner of drawing up Accounts by way of 
 debtor and Creditor. Nor do I know 
 any Ufe of Forms in the drawing up Ac- 
 counts, which the Defign of our Enqui- 
 ries from them does not point out to us. 
 In the Computations I have made of the 
 Frogrefs of the Sinking Fund, I mull 
 appear, to Perfons verled in Affairs of 
 this Nature, to have taken more Pains, 
 for the Purpofe of being generally un- 
 derftood, than was neceflary for my own 
 Satisfatilion, as to the Truth of what I 
 
 have 
 
' ( 6i ) 
 
 have advanced about it ; and this too, 
 at the Expence of appearing left skilful 
 in Numbers than I Ihould do othervvife. 
 Nor would I have avoided the Pains or 
 at lead: the Pomp of a long Account, if 
 I thought it could be of the leaft Ufe to 
 explain, that the Difference of the A- 
 mount of our Debts in 1716, and the 
 Amount of them in 1714, rightly com- 
 puted, was a true State of the real or 
 neat Increafe or Decreafe of them, with- 
 in thofe two Periods of Time. 
 
 I find, by the Conclufion of this Au- 
 thor’s Treatife, he expedlsto be rail’d at 
 for it, and calls this, Ufage the ufual 
 Treatment of Mercenary Malice tifon 
 thefe Occajions. If this Defeription is 
 intended as a Compliment to me, I am 
 pleafed to think that he will find him- 
 lelf difappointed. I have met, through- 
 out the whole Book, with fo much Rea- 
 fon for believing, that this Gentleman 
 was in reality himfelf miflaken, or im- 
 pofed upon, oefore this Attempt to mis- 
 lead his Readers, that I can’t prevail 
 upon myfelf, to difpute with him the 
 Account he gives of his Views in the Pub- 
 lication of it. If he indeed thought I 
 had lb grofly abuled the Publick, in my 
 Account of their Debts, as he fays I 
 have done, let it be Love and T^uty to 
 
 his 
 
( 62 ) 
 
 his Country (if he pJ cafes) that prompt- 
 ed him in this manner to oppofe me iu 
 it ; but let me aflure him, the fame lau- 
 dable Inclination, the fame Senfeof Duty 
 to my Country, led me to the Publication 
 of the Treatife which he is fb angry with. 
 I know what little Credit is to be given 
 to an Author upon his own Word as to 
 this Particular ; nor can I expedt to be 
 fboner believed than other People in thefc 
 Pretenfions, after fb much Pains taken 
 to reprefent me differently to the Pub- 
 lick ; But true it is, that a real and fui- 
 cere Regard to the Publick Intereft was 
 > my Inducement to the writing the Ejfay 
 upon our E)ebts ; and from the fame Mo- 
 tive I would, as far as poffible, fupport 
 the Credit of it againft this prevailing 
 Method of interpreting a Book wrote 
 upon any Publick Subjedt, not from the 
 plaineft Expreffions in it, but an idle 
 Conjedture about the Author’s Defign in 
 the Publication of it. 1 muff: declare 
 therefore, that as I intended only the 
 Publick Service in writing it, without any 
 regard to the Sentiments or Convenience 
 .of any particular Pcrfbns or Party what* 
 Ibever, fb I never produced myfelf as 
 the Author of it, with a View to any 
 Advantage of my own from any Perfon, 
 or on any one Account foever. I had, I 
 
 hayc 
 
have no Engagements or Dependance that 
 ftiould prejudice me on any Side of a 
 Queftion of general Importance in this 
 Country. A difinterefted Regard to onf 
 common Safety and Happinefs has in^ 
 deed long lince attached me to the Pro- 
 teftant Succeffion, as eftabliflied amongft 
 us in his Majefty and his Royal Family, 
 and made me a determined Enerpy, as 
 far as my Condition of Life would to 
 any purpole admit of it, to thole who 
 would difturb us in it : Whatever Partia- 
 lity therefore againft the Intereft of my 
 Country, any Party Engagements might 
 render me lufpedfed of, I have no other 
 but this, and from this I have no Ap- 
 prehenfions that it can millead me. 
 
 I fome Years fince publilhed a Pam- 
 phlet, recommending to the Proprie- 
 tors of the South Sea Company the Pro- 
 pofals made them for an Engraftment; 
 and though I have fince obferved fome 
 Miftakes in it, owing to my then want- 
 ing liifficient Information upon thofe Sub- 
 jeds, I have had however an Opportu- 
 nity of oblerving, that my Sentiments 
 were agreeable to the Sentiments of the 
 Legiflature, as appears by two Ads of 
 Parliament made afterwards, which proved 
 to be of the gteateft Service to the Ge- 
 neral Credit of the Publick ; one of them 
 
 for 
 
( 64 ) 
 
 for transferring four Millions of the Souths 
 . Sea Company’s Funds to the Bank of 
 England^ to raife Money for the Dif- 
 charge of the South-Sea Company’s In- 
 cumbrances ; and the other of them for 
 feparating from their Stock one Moiety 
 of their Annuities. 
 
 The Succefs of my Effay upon our 
 ’Eublkk E)ebts, - with the more reafbna- 
 ble and unprejudiced Part of my Fellow- 
 Subjedts ; the Satisfa<Stion of hearing from 
 the Throne, that what this Author calls 
 my extraordinary Zeal for the Preferva- 
 tion of the Sinking Fund, cannot have 
 been difagreeable to his Majefty, give 
 me a Plealure that certainly thofe Gen- 
 tlemen never knew, who will not allow 
 me that this alone is a fiifficient Induce- 
 ment to it, an ample Reward for an At- 
 tempt to lerve their Country. 
 
 I know nothing of what this Author 
 means * by Secret Motives, or pretend- 
 ed Confidences. Standing Armies, and 
 Badges of Slavery, have been fb often 
 repeated lately without a Meaning to 
 them, that I have almoft forgot to re- 
 • ceive the lead Impreflion from them. 
 But let this Author explain himlelf, from 
 whence he thinks the Liberties, the Eafe 
 
 w 
 
 * Pag. 58. 
 
 the 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 the Honouf of his Country, to be in- 
 deed in Danger. I cannot be afraid, I 
 hope I fliouldnot be ajhamed, to appear 
 early in the defence of them, in this 
 way at lead, in this, in which only I am 
 in Circumf antes to ferve the Publick. 
 
 This Author and I have differed about 
 a Reprclentation of our Circumftances, 
 in which I thought the Honour of our 
 Country concerned. But had I at any 
 Time the fame Occafion, I fee no reafon 
 for his inferring from hence, thatllhould 
 appear more indifferent about her Liber- 
 ties, her Eafe or Safety. To preferve 
 thefe, I entirely agree with him, That it 
 requires our utmoft Care to prevent the 
 unnecelTary Increafe of our Debts, and to 
 promote, as much as pofTible, the Redu- 
 ction of them ; a Matter of that Confe- 
 quence to this Kingdom, that if I fhould 
 ever fee it negleCted, no Confiderations in 
 Nature, could reflrain me from expofing it ; 
 upon fuch an Occafion I lliould think 
 
 Fas ntihi Gyaiovuni facfuta refolvers jw> a, 
 
 Fas odijfe viros, atque omnia ferre Jub auras. 
 
 1 have added, to relieve the Reader 
 from the Perplexity which the Dilpute 
 between this Author and my felf inay 
 have given him upon the Face of his A^ 
 counts, a new% and, I think, an exa 
 ^ I State 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 State of our Debts in 1717, with the 
 Increale from the Subfcription of the Ir- 
 redeemables added to it ; and on the 0- 
 ther Side, a State likewife of our Debts 
 at Chrijimas 17x5- : And the Difference 
 of their Amounts, I have added to the 
 Debt in 17x5", as the Ballance of an Ac- 
 count, and dated to be the neat Decrcafe 
 of our Publick Debts within that Time. 
 This Ballance, the Reader will undenia- 
 bly grant me to be the real Decreale of 
 them, with a Referve to his own Opini- 
 on about the Navy Debt at that Time, 
 or the Million borrowed for the Service 
 of the Civil Lid ; and excufe me for the 
 Future from taking Notice of any Objc- 
 <dions to me, but what lliall be made up- 
 on the Face of this Account, and by Ex- 
 ceptions either to fitch Articles in parti- 
 cular, as are contained or omitted in it, 
 or to the Computation made by me of 
 the Amount of them. As I have taken 
 all poffible care about the Truth of what 
 I have now dated to be the Quantity of 
 the Debts mentioned in it, at the two 
 different Times referred to, 1 hope the 
 Reader will be able from it to corred 
 filch IVIidakes, as either my Adverfary 
 or I may have before committed, and ren- 
 d^ it unneceflary for me to point out the 
 lels material Particulars, in which niy for- 
 mer 
 
mer Account of the Debt in 1717 may differ 
 from this, either from any Miftake made in it, 
 or fuch Variations in the Account of our Debts 
 from Chrifimas 1724, to 1715, as make this 
 Difference at prefent neceffary. I fhall therefore 
 mention the chief Occafion only of the Diffe- 
 rence of what I have before ftated, and what I 
 now ftate to be the Debt in 1717. 
 
 I have before ftated the Debt in 1717 to be 
 54 , 4 ^ 9,(520 /. and by the Addition of the E- 
 quivalent Debt to be 54,718,170 /. I now ftate 
 it to have been only 5 4,(53 ( 5 , 9 1 2 /. lyr. 4 d. | 
 and from this different Amount of our Debts 
 in 1717, a different Sum comes out for the neat 
 Dccreafe of them at Chrifimas I'ji'). 
 
 This Difference arifes principally from my 
 having ftated 100,000 t. raifed for immediate 
 Service upon the Credit of Exchequer Bills, tho* 
 at the fame Time the early Difcharge of it was 
 provided for by a Tax on Roman Catholicks, to 
 be a Debt at Chrifimas 1717. I found it in 
 the Account of our Publick Debts j but as it 
 was no real Increafe of them, or at leaft was to 
 remain fo only till that Tax could be colle(ffed 
 in, or the Deficiency of it, when afeertain’d, be 
 made good by Parliament, I therefore carry’d 
 it to the Account of our Debts in 1717, by 
 which the fame Purpofe, only in the Enquiry I 
 propofed, was anfwered, as if I had (which I 
 muft have done otherwife) dedu(ffed it from the 
 Amount of our Debts, amongft which it then 
 ftood in 1724. 
 
 This indeed was a Shift, as the Author of 
 the State calls it ; but I hope he will fee it W’as 
 neceffary to me, in order to avoid w'hat I find 
 him full as angry with, difiinguifljing about this 
 
 I 1 Article. 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 Article. This for the Reader’s Eafe only, and 
 to prevent Perplexity, in the Way to ivhat I 
 had more generally in View to reprefent to 
 him, 1 chofe to avoid in this Place, by a Me- 
 thod that could occafion no Difterence in the 
 Sum v hich I was to produce, as the Decreafe of 
 our Debts to Chriftmas 1724, but in carrying this 
 Account forwards, to Chriftmas 172.5, I think 
 it neceflary for the Reader’s Satisfaction to ftate 
 this particular Article by it felf diftinCtly. 
 
 I found this Sum in the Account of our Pub- 
 lick Debts, but could upon the Whole have 
 vvifhed that this, any more than the Loans up- 
 on any other of the Annual Grants, had not 
 been there. It was a Sum voted for the Service 
 of the Year 1723, and a Provifion was made for 
 railing it by a Tax for that Year upon the E- 
 ftates of Roman Catholicks, and the further ufu- 
 al provifion made about it, that the Defici- 
 ency of that Tax Ihould befupplied out of fuch 
 Aids as fhould be granted by Parliament next 
 after that Deficiency fhould be afcertained. But 
 it was further provided, for the immediate Ser- 
 vice of the Government, that it might be rai- 
 led upon the Credit of Exchequer Bills, payable 
 from the Sinking Fund. And in Confluence of 
 this, what Ihould be collefted from this Tax, or 
 granted afterwards by Parliament to fupply the 
 Deficiency of it, would belong to the Sinking 
 Fund, to replace the Sum that fhould be in this 
 Manner taken from it. With regard to this Pro- 
 vifion for it, the fame in reality as is annually 
 made for the Loans on the Land or Malt Tax, I 
 could not confider this Sum amongft the Amount 
 of our Public k Debts at Chriftmas 1724, when 
 it was not probable that any Part of it wasdilj 
 
 charged 
 
( ) 
 
 charged from the particular Tax provided for it. 
 But at Chrijimas 1725, it is to be prefumed that 
 the greateft Part of what could be colleded from 
 the Tax on Catholicks was brought to the Exche- 
 queYy placed intheSinting Fund, and from thence 
 reiiTued in Difcharge of fuch Exchequer Notes as 
 were uncancelled at Chrijimas 1724, and of which 
 this Article in particular was then a Part. 
 
 It appears from the A6t for laying a Duty on 
 Viftuallers, Page 3 18. that the Sum of 44,621 /. 
 IS. 4 d. was fupplied out of the Aids for the 
 Year 1726, to make good the Deficiency of this 
 Tax on Papijls i from whence it is to be inferred, 
 that 55,378 /. 17 j. 8 d. was collected from that 
 Tax, and, together with the Produce of the 
 Sinking Fund, applied to the cancelling of Ex- 
 chequer Notes before Chriftmas 1725. As much 
 therefore of this Sum as at Chrijimas 1725, is fta- 
 ted to have been difcharged from the general Pro- 
 vifion for the Reduftion of our Publick Debts, 
 muft be allowed to have been before a Part of 
 them. But the Remainder 44,621 /. 2 s. is^ d. 
 part of 560,312 /. Exchequer Bills ftated in the 
 Schedule annexed to be unfatisfied at Chrijimas- 
 I'jiiyt is ftill to be objeded to as no part of 
 thofe Debts which our Enquiry here relates to, 
 and may be added to the Bailaiice there pro- 
 duced, to form the exad State of the Decreafe 
 of our Publick Debts at Chrijimas 1725. 
 
 I endeavour to be as intelligible as I can upon 
 this Subjeff, and hope the Reader will make all 
 reafonable Allowances for the real Difficulty of 
 fettling fo long and various an Account of our 
 Incumbrances, in one View, with great Exard:-^ 
 nefs, for the Purpofe of an Enquiry that appears 
 hitherto to have been fo much neglefted by us. 
 
( 7 ° ) 
 
 A State of our Puhlick Debts at Chriftmas 1717, (with the 
 . Xncreafe of them from the Subfcription of the Irredeemables, 
 
 V^Riginally contributed for fun- 
 
 1. 
 
 S. 
 
 d. 
 
 dry Annuities for long Texms 
 
 
 
 
 of Years 
 
 9,859,617 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 Ditto for Annuities of Survivorfiiip 
 
 108,100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Ditto on Annuities on 2 and 3 Lives 
 
 192,152 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 Ditto for the 9 per Cent, Annuities 
 
 900,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Ditto for the commonly call’d Lot- 
 
 
 
 
 tery 1710 Annuities 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Annuities at 5 per Cent, commonly 
 
 
 
 
 call’d Lottery Annuities 
 
 9 , 554,357 
 
 13 
 
 
 The fame commonly called Bank 
 
 
 
 
 Annuities 
 
 1,079,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 The fame commonly called Navy 
 
 
 
 
 Annuities 
 
 110,312, 
 
 17 
 
 4 i 
 
 Annuities at 4 per Cent, on Tallies 
 
 
 
 
 of Sol. 
 
 947,514 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 The fame for Army Debentures 
 
 2,152,927 
 
 0 
 
 7 1 
 
 Debentures to the Sufferers at Nevis 
 
 
 
 
 and Si, Chrijiopher s 
 
 141,093 
 
 15 
 
 I 1 
 
 The Ecpiivalent Debt 
 
 248,550 
 
 0 
 
 9 
 
 A Deficiency on the Duty of Hops 
 
 12,480 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 The fame on the Eafi-India Compa- 
 
 
 
 
 ny’s Fund 
 
 191,028 
 
 16 
 
 6 f 
 
 Debt on the Lottery 1713 
 
 588,120 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 The fame on the Lottery 1714 
 
 ljll 9 y 02 O 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 "Exchequer Bills 
 
 2,561,025 
 
 0 
 
 Q. 
 
 Debt to the Bank of England 
 
 5,575,027 
 
 17 
 
 10 1 
 
 The fame to the South-Sea Cgm- 
 
 
 
 
 pany 
 
 The fame to the Bafi-India Com- 
 pany 
 
 An Arrear to the Navy fince paid 
 from the Sinking Fund 
 Increale of the Debt in the Pub- 
 lick Accounts, from the Sub- 
 Icription of the Irredeemables 
 which I have fince with more 
 Exaftnefs computed to amount 
 . to 
 
 10 , 000,000 
 
 3 , 200,000 
 
 1 , 000,000 
 
 o o 
 o o 
 o 0 
 
 3,156,5^ 5 5 o ^ 
 Tptal ^ 17 4 ? 
 
 A 
 
 / 
 
(71 ) 
 
 A State cf car Vablick Debts at Chriftmas 1725. 
 
 D Ue to the South-Sea Company 
 and their Annuitants 
 The fame to the Bank of England 
 The fame to the Eaft-india Com- 
 pany 
 
 Debts remaining unfuhfcrib'd into the 
 South-Sea Company in 1 720, and 
 unfatisfy dat Chriftmas 1 72 5, viz* 
 
 Annuities on Tallies of Sol. 
 
 Army Debentures 
 Debt remaining on the Lottery 1715 
 The fame on the firft Lottery 1719 
 Exchequer Bills 
 
 Annuities on the Duties onwroueht 
 Plate ^ 
 
 yievis and St, Chrijlopher s Debentures 
 Loans on Coals for Building Chur- 
 ches 
 
 Originally contributed for the Pur- 
 chafe of 131,458/. I2r Sd.per 
 Ann. Annuities, for long Terms 
 remaining unfubfcrib’d into the 
 South-Sea Company 
 The fame for 29,925 /. i j. i d. An. 
 
 nuities for Ihort Terms 
 The fame for Annuities on Snrvi- 
 vorlhip 
 
 The fame for Annuities for Lives 
 fubfifting at Chrifimas 1725 
 Equivalent Debt 
 
 /• s. d. 
 35,802,483 14 o 
 
 17 10 
 
 3,200,000 o © 
 
 198,958 
 
 8 
 
 •* 
 
 3 
 
 942 ii 34 
 
 6n 1 
 
 32, 2(^0 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 58,300 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 5 <Jo, 3 I 2 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 312,000 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 141,093 
 
 15 
 
 I 1 
 
 68,66^ o o 
 
 i>837,533 o 9 
 
 272,(^20 II 1 
 
 108,100 o b 
 
 188,050 6 j 
 248,550 o 9 
 
 Total 
 
 Ballance the neat Decreafe of our 
 Publick Debts from Chrifimas 
 iliJt ^0 Chrifimas 1725 
 
 5i,34^>oS 9 II o 
 3 >290,82 3 6 3 
 
 17 4 
 
 P* s. 
 
 I iHM I 
 
( 72 ) 
 
 P S Amolieft the various Exceptions taken to 
 
 Sd that repeated by two Writers agauift nre 
 that have induced me to propofe an Amendment 
 toit. ThisisinP^^e lod, where 1 do not teow 
 how it happen’d that I have, Lme i j , faid, That 
 the Danger feems to me, by no means inconfidera- 
 ble. Whoever confults general Intention ot 
 diat Paragraph, will find I fhould have faid, the 
 Danger may feem to themby no me^s inconfider- 
 able. Inthismanner, I hope the Reader wiU be 
 fo good as to correft my mfifting 
 
 that I fhould charge that as a Miftake upon the 
 Printer, which 1 indeed fufpeft I was guilty of 
 mV felf There are fo many other Inltances, m 
 which iriy Senfe has been mifreprefented, by Me- 
 thods that I believe yet want a Defcription in the 
 Art of Criticifm, that it would be an endlels La- • 
 
 bour, (atleaft, it is what my Employment will 
 
 not admit of) to attempt to explain upon them. 
 Mv Senfe is open to every reafonable and unpre- 
 iudiced Reader, and as far as it is of any Conler 
 quence either to him or me to know, whether l 
 have been fairly quoted or not, I doubt not but 
 he will attend to it ; but I am forry that I have 
 Reafon to advertife him, that I have feen my leili 
 quoted even with Words foifted in upon me, and 
 which I have not ufed in the Pafl^ges quoted 
 from my EJfay, and this very Forgery after- 
 wards uled as the only Caufe of railing at me. 
 
 
 F I N I S. 
 
 
A 
 
 letter 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND; 
 
 Occafion’d by the Falling away of this 
 Clergy, from the Doftrines of the 
 Reformation. 
 
 That ye Jhould earneflly contend for the 
 FaitK ‘Which was once delivered unto the 
 Saint St Jude ver. 3. 
 
 The Third Edition. 
 
 LONDON. 
 
 Printed for Alexander Crudeh, Bookfeller to her 
 Majesty, under the R<yal Exchange-, And alio 
 by the Bookfellers of London and Wefiminfter.j^ 
 
 '(Price 6d,J 
 
A 
 
 LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 People oi England, SCc. 
 
[ 4 ] . 
 
 prefent State of do<9:rinal preach- 
 ing in the Church. Thefe Things 
 have been well conlider d. 
 
 Since the Rights, or rather the 
 Neceffities of Mankind, in the Af- 
 fair of Salvation, do call for fome 
 Remark on this head 5 and nothing 
 ought to deter either 71)u or 
 from entertaining and advancing 
 Truth ; I ftiall endeavour to exe- 
 cute what I have judg’d neceflary 
 on the prefent Occalion, with the 
 ftrideft Impartiality and Juftice. 
 
 That the caufe of Religion has 
 declined for many Years, every 
 Perlon appears fenfible. Amongft 
 the various Realon aflign d for it, 
 I happen to think, many falfe Ones 
 have been ftarted? but the princl- 
 
fd Reafon not yet hit upon. In 
 my Apprehenfion, the eftabllfh’d 
 Minifters have fuffer’d the caufe 
 to die in their o^n Hands : By de- 
 parting from the Old Method of 
 Preaching, for the fake of a dange- 
 rous Politenefs ; and further, by 
 departing from their firft and ori- 
 ginal Tenets ; which has given 
 Countenance to what is called Na- 
 tural Religion, in fuch a Meafure, 
 as to Ihut out Reveal’d Religion, 
 and JuperJede the Gospel. 
 
 It will be found, by a diligent 
 Obferver, that there are not only 
 Fajhions of the World, but it may 
 be feen there have been Fajhions of 
 Religion, unhappily led up by 
 thofe Perfons, who fhould be fup- 
 pofs’d in this Point, never to vary. 
 
 Reli- 
 
^ 
 
 Religion, from leveral Incidents 
 which I fliall touch upon in thefe 
 Papers, is become a Thing. 
 It is in vain to cry out againft De- 
 lfts and Infidels when the Prote- 
 ftant Watchmen have deferted their 
 Poft, and themlelves have open’d 
 the Gap to the Enemy. 
 
 This Conlequence could not but 
 follow, and, I dare fay, was dif_ 
 cern’d by ferious Perfbns a Cen- 
 tury ago, when Minifters taken up- 
 on them to leave the Bible, and, 
 rather than with that, are delight- 
 ed in the curious Fields of Learn- 
 ing, Oratory, Pomp, and Power. 
 Learning and Oratory, it muft be 
 own’d, are arriv’d at great Per- 
 fe£Hon j but our true Old Divinity 
 is gone. Amidft thefe Iplendid 
 
 Trifles, 
 
C 7 ] 
 
 Trifles, the Gospel is really lofl:. 
 I fhall fet this Matter in a full 
 Light, by opening P-joo material 
 Articles. 
 
 Firfly The Method of obtaining 
 Heaven. And, 
 
 Secondly, Man’s Power in him- 
 felf, or not Power, to be virtuous. 
 
 It w^as an unive rial Belief among 
 Proteftants at the Reformation, 
 and the Pulpit knew no other 
 Language, that Faith only is the 
 genuine Method of Salvation : Not 
 Faith and hf^orks together, or Works 
 more proper^’, as hath been held 
 forth within leventy or eighty 
 Years laft paft. This latter Way, 
 indeed, is no Way at all * rightly 
 
 con- 
 
coniidered, it carries with it a Con- 
 tradiction to itfelf. For if Works 
 are join’d to Faith, not as Proofs 
 of Faith, but as Means together, 
 or rather the principal Means of 
 Salvation, as now our Pulpits do 
 almoft univerfally reprefent ; the 
 Matter is refolv’d finally into 
 W^orks merely t and^o^ Faith. This 
 Notion, inEffea, excludes Chrift. 
 There cannot be a mix’d Way to 
 Acceptance : It muft be by Chrift 
 (wholly y or our fel ves ^wholly , not our 
 felves in Part, and Chrift in Part, 
 with a View to make up our De- 
 fedfs. Indeed, fuch a Notion car- 
 lies a plaufible Appearance at firft 
 View ; but the Truth is a ftranger 
 to it : The Reformation difcern’d 
 better 5 and the Scripture, where 
 it principally treats this Subjedf, 1 
 
 mean 
 
[p] 
 
 mean St. PauPs Eplftles, declares 
 othervvile. If hj Grace (that is, 
 by God’s free Favour through 
 Chrift, Eledlion to Life ariles) 
 then is it no more of IForks ; other- 
 wife Grace is no more Grace. But if 
 it be of I forks then is it no more 
 Grace 5 other^ife Ifork is no more 
 IVork. 
 
 The Place of Works in a Chri- 
 ftian Man’s Salvation, is, that 
 they are Marks and Proofs of Faith. 
 They are Signs of Juftification * 
 not the Caufe or of Juftifica- 
 
 tion, in any Meafure. Chrift’s 
 Works, which alone were perfect 
 in their Kind, are, with God, that 
 Motive entirely. Morality, and 
 Piety of converfation, may, and 
 ought to be recommended in Ser- 
 
 B mons, 
 
[ lO ] 
 
 mons, as whereby a Chriftian 
 fhould demonftrate his Faith ; but> 
 at prefent, they are generally re- 
 commended upon a different Foot. 
 Mankind are led to underftand, 
 and apprehend, that they are prin- 
 cipally to be fav’d by repentance 
 and other moral Endeavours. 
 Thefe Things are good ; but in a 
 wrong View they are ruinous. A 
 View undefign’d by the new Dif- 
 penfation. This is not to preach 
 the Gospel. It is ffill, the 
 Rod of the moral Law, ftill held 
 over Man j which, in the End 
 can do on other than condemn. 
 This may be called a bringing 
 back the old Difpenfation, a revi- 
 ving Sin and mifery, provided 
 Perfbns go t6 the Ifliie of the Ar- 
 gument. Whereas, Chrtjl fwas the 
 
 End 
 
[ II ] 
 
 End of the LaWy the complete Ful- 
 filler of It, for Rlghteoufnefs to them 
 who believe. No man contributes 
 properly the leaf Grain to his own 
 Salvation, 
 
 If we read Luth'ers Sermons, 
 Calvins Inftitutions, or any of the 
 old Do(9:ors of the Reformation^ 
 we find fetch their invariable Lan- 
 guage. This Language yielded 
 real Incouragement to an Audi- 
 ence. It convey’d no confus’d, but 
 a diftin6I: Idea. In brief j this ren- 
 ders Salvation a practicable mat- 
 ter, which modern Preaching 
 makes a Thing impra<9:icable. The 
 Nature of our Cafe calls for fe 
 much, we owe fo much to the Glo- 
 ry of the Gospel. 
 
 B 2. 
 
 I 
 
[ IZ ] 
 
 I know the Precaution of the 
 Pulpit ralfes many ObjeSiions a- 
 gainft fuch a Language : But it is 
 not for man to form Schemes of 
 Salvation. Scripture certainly is 
 and generally Antiquity is 
 fwtjer than modern Times, in thefe 
 matters. 
 
 There appear to me many Rea- 
 fons why Faith only can obtain Sal- 
 vation. Some I will mention. 
 God is pure beyond all Imagination 
 or Thought. The beft Livers are 
 imperjebi in their bejl Performan- 
 ces.' The Mefliah, by his perlo- 
 nal Virtue, fulJjlledthtmoreXF^w 
 perfeBJy, infteadof fallen, and ftill 
 corrupted Man. By a Cloathing 
 formd out of his Righteoufhels, 
 
 Man 
 
[ 15 ] 
 
 Man may be faved indeed. Now 
 upon this Profpedt, human Nature 
 receives proper Incouragement, and 
 exerts readily its moral Endea- 
 vours upon a Foot of Gratitude, 
 upon a Foot of Thankfulnefs, up- 
 on a Foot of glorifying God before 
 Men. The Salvation of a Chri- 
 ftian is already effedfed, is already 
 finifh’d, if at all, by Jefus Chrid, 
 even before Mens Works were 
 wrought, or themfelves born into 
 the World. 
 
 This Aflertion may found oddly 
 at prelent ^there having been a 
 Bijufe of fuch Dodfrines, and con- 
 trary Notions, now introduced 
 for many Years) but the Church 
 Articles hold out this Senle : And, 
 perhaps, in fome future Time, i^ 
 
 may 
 
C »4 ] 
 
 may become cuftomary, and ac- 
 ceptable again. 
 
 Who would Imagine, if he only 
 hears Difcourfes in the Church of 
 England, and takes the Matter 
 implicitly, that there is fome 
 tide conftantly in the Common 
 Prayer Book, expyejly contyary to 
 what engages the Perfon in the 
 Pulpit ? Who would imagine (I 
 am lorry to lay thele Things) that 
 many Clergymen Juhjcyibe to the 
 ^Thiyty Nine Articles, and profefs 
 to believe them before the People? 
 at Admiflion into a Living, yet 
 fecyetly disbelieve the very chief 
 of them, and Preach againfi them 
 all their Lives ? I call that disbe- 
 lieving, when Perfons deny a ge- 
 nuine and obvious Senle A Cafe 
 
 which 
 
[ I? ] 
 
 which affords no large Proof of 
 that/ Integrity and Honefy, which 
 ought to be expedted at Jach Hands. 
 A Cafe which merits to be confi- 
 der’d, and which may juftly teach 
 the Laity Precaution and Care, in 
 a View which fo highly concerns 
 them. 
 
 The eleventh Article of the Church 
 o/" England 
 
 Of the Juftificatlon of Man. 
 
 IPe are accounted righteous before 
 God, only for the Merit of our Lord 
 and Saviour JeJiis Chrif, by Faith, 
 and not for our ovon IJ^orks or De~ 
 Jervings, H^herefore, that voe are 
 \ufiifed by Faith only, is a mojl 
 naholfome Doctrine, and very full of 
 
 Com^ 
 
[ I6] 
 
 Comfort, as more largely is exprefed 
 in the Homily of Jufllf cation. 
 
 It appears hence that Faith and 
 Works together, and with fome 
 Preachers Works only ; as now 
 a-days generally urged, is a re- 
 markable Variation from the fup- 
 pofed Standard of Do61;rine. The 
 Method of urging Salvation upon 
 the modern Foot, is vain and de- 
 luhve. The other will bear the 
 Teft, and yields SatisfacHon to 
 the intelligent and ferious Chri- 
 ftian. 
 
 It is obfervable, in the Jame 
 Senle with this eleventh Article^ 
 are moft of the old Books which 
 filled the Prefs an hundred and 
 
 fifty Years after the Reformation. 
 
 Of 
 
C n ] 
 
 Of this Kind are fcvcral large 
 Folios (though defaced and neg- 
 leded) ftill appearing in our Faridi 
 Churches. Thefe Monuments of 
 Truth, and Antiquity, for the 
 moft Part are Fsx’s Martyrology^ in. 
 threeVolumes, Bifhop JecdoeF s u^po- 
 logy, Erafmus's Paraphrafe on the 
 ‘New Tejlament : Thefe with the 
 Book of Homilies ( which, by the 
 Way, are excellent Compofitions) 
 are all upon the Plan, and in the 
 Senle I am here realoning for the 
 Revival of. In my humble Opi- 
 nion, till the Ule, at lead: the 
 Senfcof thefe Writings is reftor’d 
 therp will be no fuhflantial Preach- 
 ing, nor real Morality, cither a- 
 mongft Clergy or Laity, 
 
 C 
 
 The 
 
[ i8 ] 
 
 The Second m2itcn.2\ Point Iftiall 
 inftance, wherein the Clergy have 
 fallen away, both from the Doftors 
 of the Reformation, and their omon 
 Articles, is, the afcribing to Man 
 a Power of being virtuous, by the 
 Strength of his own Reafon and 
 Free-f^f^ilL 
 
 Luther, Calvin, and moft Part of 
 the Do 6 iors, who had the Pro- 
 vince of Writing and Preaching, at, 
 and prefently after, the Reforma- 
 tion, declared entirely againft fuch 
 
 Power ; So does the Article I fliall 
 now fubjoin. 
 
[ Ip ) 
 
 The tenth Article of Church 
 of England. 
 
 Of Free-Will. 
 
 The Condition of Man after the 
 Fall of Adam, is fuch, that he can- 
 not turn and prepare himfelf by his 
 oimnaturalStrength^andgoodTFbrks") 
 toFaith and calling uponGod: If^ere- 
 fore fjjoe have no Power to do good 
 Works ^ pie af ant and acceptable toQod 
 without the Grace of God by Chriji 
 preventing us^ that we may have a 
 good Will^ and working with us when 
 we have that good wilL 
 
 Itisobfervable,{ince the Time of 
 Archbijhop Laud^ the Clergy have 
 taken up a different Language. 
 From their manner of Ipeaking 
 C a on 
 
[ zo ] 
 
 On this Subje6t (I always mean as 
 to the Main, and Drift of it) an 
 Audience is led to apprehend, that 
 every Perfon fn(iy be converted, 
 and come into Belief, and into Vir- 
 tue, by the Ufe of his Faculties 
 and Reafon : By which Reprefenta- 
 tmi, the Do£lrine of fupernatural 
 Ajjifiance has been exploded, and 
 is look’d upon as little better than 
 Cant and Enthuliafin. Indeed, 
 under this artful Term, moft of 
 the old dodlrines have fuffer’d, 
 and been obliged to betake them- 
 felves into Corners and Objcurity : 
 Yet, in my humble Opinion, there 
 can be no other real Foundation 
 of true Religion. For if human 
 Nature, by virtue of Free-Will 
 (which no Proteftant ever deny’d, 
 lb far as it can go) has an Ability, 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 or Poffihllttyy of believing, and of 
 being virtuous, let the Upholders 
 of the new Syftem render a Rea- 
 fon why Mankind is not more be- 
 lieving, and more virtuous, than in 
 Fa£l: fnd them to be. In Cafe 
 
 it be here laid, lome Perfons will 
 not ufe Reafon, I ask again, muft 
 there not be a Caule of this un- 
 happy Turn in the Mind ? Muft 
 not the Caufe be fome fecret Cor- 
 ruptlo?2 in the Condition of Na- 
 ture ? 
 
 Moft Perfons do think, indeed^ 
 that they have Strength to Know- 
 ledge, and to Practice, when they 
 pkafe to exert it : Alas! a Piece of 
 Self-Flattery, which proceeds from 
 this very Corruption, and is a Part 
 of it. I apprehend, according to 
 
 the 
 
[ 2 . 2 . ] 
 
 the prelent Condition of Nature, 
 we map affirm, that it hath Free- 
 dom to fome Degree, but not to 
 Jmh a Degree as to reach real Vir- 
 tue, and true Light, without a 
 
 T?ew and extraordinary Affiftance. It 
 has Freedom enough to condemn 
 it, for folly and Immorality ; 
 but not fo much as whereby to 
 render it felf acceptable to the fu- 
 preine Being. We have all a Will 
 that IS free, but not a Will that is 
 good, 
 
 A Negle<9: of this Conlideration 
 has render’d modern Sermons of a , 
 Kind with the Le^pres of Seneca^ 
 or Epibletus. They are moral 
 Eflays, and that without real 
 Foundation. Here we may juftly 
 date that Pallion for ISlatural Reli- 
 gion 
 
[ 2-5 ] 
 
 gion which has amus’d the World 
 oflate Years. ’Tis true, the Cler- 
 gy, though they allow and hold 
 this Notion, yet they join Reveal’d 
 Religion with it. Herein, as feems 
 to me lies a gnat Error ^ juft the 
 Error which I before mention’d? 
 of holding Faith and Works toge- 
 ther. If natural Religion exifts, 
 which the Clergy do evidently al- 
 low, will it not follow, according 
 to the Deifts, that Reveal’d Reli- 
 gion is 2iy[2ittQv mnece[faty ? If Re- 
 veal’d Religion is tmnecejjary, as it 
 muft be, if the other is pofjtbly fiiffi- 
 cient, I own, I cannot well fee how 
 the all- wile Being, who does nothing 
 in vain, can be fuppofed to have 
 made it. So that in Cale Deilm is 
 the Crime oithe, Age, it involves not 
 the C—^ns^Sy the T - ' Is only, but 
 
 the 
 
the Confequence unexpeftedly rea- 
 ches much farther ; Nay, the Former 
 are more coiififtent iin their Pre- 
 tenlions, then fome other Perfons. 
 In my humble Opininon, the Cler- 
 gy are palpably in the wrong, in 
 holding two Pretenlions, which 
 mutually overthrow one another. 
 I cannot but think, that Natural 
 Religion ought abfolutely to be 
 deny’d. Yet, far be it from us to 
 cramp the divine Mercy, or Fa- 
 vour. In Heathen Countries, and 
 under States where the Gospel 
 never reached, the fiipreme Being 
 can communicate the fupernatural 
 Affiftance, of vvhich I am fpeak- 
 ing, if he pleafes, to particular 
 Men, 
 
 Againft 
 
( 2-0 
 
 Againft any Power of this Kind 
 in Nature, the Scripture, as weU 
 as the Article I have quoted, ap- 
 pears exprefs. The natural Man 
 difcerneth not the Things xuhlch he of 
 God. Except a Man be born again i 
 he cannot Jee the Kingdom of God ; 
 that is, he cannot be a real Mem- 
 ber of the Church of Christ 
 here, nor an inheritor of that 
 Happinels which will be hereafter. 
 No Man can come to me except the 
 Father who hath fent me draw 
 
 him. 
 
 Towards making and forming a 
 Chrlftlan, if Jupernatural Ajfjlance 
 of the divine Spirit was necellary 
 at the Beginning of the Gospel, 
 I do not lee what Ihould render it 
 lefs necelTary at any Time fincc.; 
 
 D nor 
 
nor why it may not be expeBed 
 but that Perfons want Faith, 
 Human Learning, and human 
 Wifdom, have ralhly and vainly 
 ufurped the Place of it. 
 
 It is oblervable, thele Old Prin- 
 ciples are ftill to be found amongft 
 Dillenters, in good Meafure j 
 which, I fear, may be Part of the 
 Reafon why the Cler^ have dropt 
 the Ule of them. 
 
 In regard thele Do6frines were 
 the Principles and Language of the 
 Olfsenters, and others, who fol- 
 low’d the Standard of the Parlia- 
 ment againft King Charles the 
 Fir ft ; though they were not the 
 particular Motives of the War, 
 nor could contra^: any juft Blame 
 
 from 
 
[ ^7 ] 
 
 Tom the unhappy llTue of that 
 War ; yet, at the Rejioration of 
 King Charles the Second, the 
 Refentment which took Place a- 
 gainft the Perlons of the DtJJcnterSy 
 and ran high, I apprehend, led the 
 Church Clergy not only to be 
 angry with the Meji^ but to for- 
 fake their Principles too, though 
 right and innocent in themfelves, 
 and afore-time held in common 
 amongft all Proteftants. This ap- 
 pears, in my Opinion, the Begin- 
 ning of Natural Religion, and Mo- 
 ral Preaching. Every Thing be- 
 fides began to be branded with the 
 odious Term of Enth^JlaJm, and 
 Hypocrijy^ Hence Mankind loft 
 Sight of former Principles ; and a 
 new Plan of Preaching found Ap- 
 plaule, from that Time to the 
 D 2 prelent 
 
[ 18 ] 
 
 prefent. This total Change in the 
 Language of Preaching, no Doubt, 
 cannot bear a juft Vindication. It 
 was a running into Extremes, which 
 ’tis high Time to redfify and adjuft. 
 I am not here infinuating any Apo- 
 logy for Principles which tend to 
 Refiftance of the fupreme Power 5 
 only for the Revival of fuch Prin- 
 ciples which are ellentially Pro* 
 teftant, and unconteftable. 
 
 The unhappy Miftake, which 
 Naturalijls fell into, has, by De- 
 grees, alfedfed the Tafte of Man- 
 kind. All Manner of old Writings 
 are nov) difdain’d. The Sermons 
 of Luther, the Sermons of Latimer 
 and Ridley, would, at prefent, find 
 little quarter amongft us. Yet 
 fuch Difcourfes have the only real 
 
 Re- 
 
Recommendations to Efteem • they 
 are founded in Truth, and have 
 good Senfe at the Bottom. 
 
 Perhaps nothing but Ufe and 
 Cuftom renders the various Man- 
 ner of Perfons Writings either diH 
 plealing to us, or pleafing. In any 
 Kind of Philo fophy give me a new 
 Writer, in Religion give me an 
 Old Writer. In this Cafe, no Man 
 having drank old hf^me,jlraightway 
 defireth new • for he faith, the old is 
 better. Experience declares agaifift 
 modern Divinity: That is, it has 
 no proper Suhfance in it, to inf u~ 
 ence the A61:ions [of Mankind. ’Tis 
 impoflible It fhould. It wants Pow- 
 er, it wants the indilpenlable Affi- 
 ftance and Strength of the Holy 
 Scripture, If am not miftaken, Lu- 
 ther 
 
[ ?o ] 
 
 ther was wont to wifti there was 
 no Book in the World befides the 
 Bihk. Perhaps many Perfons be- 
 gin to be the fame Opinion. 
 
 Happy would it be for the Pro- 
 teftant World, Avould all Men 
 hold their grand Principles conf-. 
 flently. The Reformers declar’d 
 the Scriptures a juffcietit Rule of 
 Faith, and Manners; and yet^ 
 how largely have after Times taken 
 upon them to add! how unaccount- 
 ably, if we obferve lerioufly the 
 Bulk of fome national Eftablifti- 
 ments / But be this as it may be : 
 Doubtlefs the Minjlers of our Efta- 
 blilhment ought not to hold the 
 Parts of that Eftablilhment fajl and 
 loofe, This will admit no Apology. 
 If the Church he a Congregation 
 
 of 
 
C 31 ] 
 
 of faithful Men) as our Eftablifti- 
 ment affirms) zvhere the pure fVord 
 of God is preach' dy &c. Let the 
 pure Word be preach’d : Other- 
 wife, according to Acknowledg- 
 ment, it is not a Church. 
 
 I do not fay the Clergy have ad- 
 vanced any Branches of Fopijh 
 Corruption. Popery feems not now 
 the Danger, let Reverend Politi- 
 cians give themfelves what Airs 
 they pleale, our Danger is, no real 
 Religion at all. 
 
 In the mean Time, lince a Fa^ 
 mine of the hFord, as the Prophet 
 exprefles it, prevails in the Land, 
 e very private Chriftian has a Right 
 and, I am lorry to fay io, has a 
 NecelTity, in my Apprehenfion, to 
 
[ 32 - ] 
 
 feek his Bread in defolate Places. 
 The Laity has a Right to hear thg 
 Truth, and, inftead of vain and 
 barren Amufement, to reap true 
 Edification and Knowledge, 
 jyherever the^ can find it. 
 
 % 
 
 The fame Rule will hold in 
 any future Time, fhould Corrup- 
 tion, as to Fundamentals, ever hap- 
 pen again. Suffer in your felves 
 no ridiculous Terrors, or falle No- 
 tions about Church Communion. All 
 real Chriftians go where they 
 will, are of one Communion. 
 
 The Chrifian Church does not 
 properly confift of perfbns, form’d 
 under this or that Model of Wor- 
 Ihip ; but of particular perfons, 
 out of infinite Churches. If the 
 
 Poc- 
 
C 33 ] 
 
 Do6l:rines of the Reformation had 
 been follow’d in all their juft Con- 
 fequences, there would have been 
 no Term of Commimion except the 
 Scripture. But be this at^ it may 
 be. 
 
 In cafe you have no Opportu- 
 nity of hearing the genuine Gos- 
 pel, ’tis my lincerc Opinion, you 
 had better tarry at home, and read 
 a Chapter in the Ttble^- than be 
 beguiled with tinkling Sounds, and 
 plaufible Abfurdities. /That is the 
 Chaff to the f-rheat ? It avails not to 
 be fed with ChalT,even out of a 
 Difti of Gold. 
 
 I would not here infinuate, or 
 mean, that every Lay-man ought 
 to leave his Church, direh^ly or a h- 
 
 Jolutely 
 
folutely, hut that it may be expedient 
 for him to leave it in V^rt^orfor an 
 Hour, ft may be, with a View to 
 neceflary Edification. If Christ 
 be preach’dj it matters not where. 
 If in the Church, ’tis well ; if in 
 the Meetings, ’tis well ; but that 
 he he Preach’d and fully known, 
 feems, in my Opinion, the great 
 Point needful. Ever y Perfon is to 
 do as he is perfuaded in his own 
 Mind. 
 
 I generally think moft Men too 
 much attached to a fingle Com- 
 munion, through the Force of 
 Edncation"ftnd Cuftom. If every 
 Party would relax Ibmewhat in 
 this Point, perhaps it would be 
 letter. 
 
 With 
 
[ K ] 
 
 With Regard to the Affair of 
 Communion, I fhall relate a Par- 
 ticular of Grotius. When that wife 
 and judicious Perfon lay upon his 
 Death-Bed, a Crowd of Company 
 who ftood by, was felicitous to 
 know, from his own Mouth, what 
 Commumon he might be faid to die 
 in: Each of them fecretly hoping 
 feme fignal Advantage to their 
 Party, from the Credit of fe emi- 
 nent a Member, on whofe fide fe- 
 ever he fhould happen to declare. 
 All the Anfvver Qrotms thought fit 
 to return, was, that he JJoould die tn 
 the Co mm » mo n ^ J E s u s Ch R i s T , 
 Ecclefiaftical Perfens may multi- 
 ply the heads of Chriflrian Belief 
 in Church Creeds (for there is 
 fcarcely any end of enumerating 
 
 . Golpei 
 
- i 
 
 
 
 
 Gofpel Truths) to as great Num- 
 ber as they pleafe, ftill the princi- 
 pal Point will be, to believe hi 
 Ch ri ST for ujl tfic lit ion > Neep this 
 in Sight. The Gofpel does not 
 appear to me, lo much a Myftery 
 in any refpea, as that it may be 
 juftly cftcemed a Myftery of Com- 
 pajfion and Benefcence in the World’s 
 
 Sovereign Creator. 
 
 lnCsi{& SiChriJlians Faith be the 
 
 Effba of divine Afliftance, and not 
 
 the Effea of human Art, or of 
 
 Education, orCuftom, it will have 
 
 a Fruit attending it, of Piety ^ and 
 
 Sobriety in Life. No Chriflian can 
 
 have a Licenfe to fin. ’Tis a fuf- 
 
 ficient Happinefs to him, that 
 
 Faith fully underftood, gives his 
 
 religious Performances a comfort- 
 able 
 
able Foundation to go upon ; and 
 that fuch a Perfon s Duties in Life 
 proceed henceforward, not with 
 Uncertainty and Doubt , but with 
 Chearfulnefs and Satisfaction, 
 
 In order to fo clear a Dilcern- 
 ment of Things, it feems necefla- 
 ry, that all perfons amongft us, 
 as well Laymen as Minifters, 
 ftiould be converfant in the Scrip- 
 ture, and Jearch evey Page with 
 their o^n Eyes. Few Perfons 
 come to real Religion by Hcar- 
 
 Ib'’’ 
 
 ’Tis high Time you enquire 
 after the Old Way. Hav'e Re- 
 courfe to Old Books in all religious 
 Matters, and efpecially to the 
 Holy Scriptures. 
 
 I 
 
[ 38 ] 
 
 I hope I have at leaft open’d a 
 Door this Way. Experience de~ 
 dares againft every other Scheme. 
 ^hat have they brought forth ? A 
 falfe Tafte in the prefent Age, 
 with refpe<9: to Wit or Learning, 
 may be tolerably conniv’d at ; a 
 falfe Tafte in Religion muftnot be 
 conniv’d at, it requires to be reme- 
 died by having Recourfe to frjl 
 Principles. This hath feem’d to 
 me the Method o( rejioring 
 
 Religion. 
 
 I cannot conclude better than 
 w'ith the Words of the Apoftle 
 ]ude, It <voas fjeedful for me to ^write 
 U72to foUj and exhort jou, that ye 
 fjould earnefly contend for the Faith 
 (which '‘was once deliver d unto the 
 Saijits : That ' is to fay, in the 
 
 Time, 
 
C 3P ] 
 
 Time, and at the forming of the 
 firft Churches j and, give me leave 
 to immindyoxx^ was deliver’d 
 to the Proteftant World, at the 
 important Time of the Refor- 
 mation. 
 
 I anty 
 
 Gentlemen nnd Brethren j 
 Tour Faithful 
 Humble Servant y 
 
 PAULINUS. 
 
A N 
 
 A N S W E R 
 
 T O 
 
 Mr, MIST^s Journal 
 
 O F T H fi 
 
 Twenty^Eight of January^ N°. 93, 
 
 In a L E T T E R to the Author of it. 
 
 L O N T> O Ni 
 
 Printed for N. Blandfordy at the London^ 
 ♦ Gazette^ Charing-Crofs j and fold by 
 J. Beele at Locke %-Head in ^ater-i 
 nojier-Row, 172-7* 6 
 
The CoPY<5faLETTER fuhUJh'd 
 m M I s t’j Journal^/ Jan. 
 a8. 1726-7. 
 
 reading the Memorials, An- 
 fwers, d^c. which have been 
 given in at the fevcral Courts 
 of Europe^ fince the prefent Mif- 
 underftandings have been work- 
 ‘ ing up to a War, a Man may conceive a 
 
 * pretty juft Idea of Minifters of State j and 
 
 * the Arts which upon fuch Occafions are 
 
 * made ufe of to put Things into a cer- 
 
 * tain Light, is a Matter worthy of Ob- 
 
 * fervation j nay, we find, that Memoria- 
 
 * lifts fometimes, as well as Pamphleteers, 
 
 * will not ftick much upon advancing Things 
 
 * not religioufly true j nay, tho’ they are 
 
 * known to be fo by the Courts to whom 
 
 * they are addrcfs’d^ provided they will 
 
 * but pafs upon their own People at Home, 
 
 * for deceiving whom thefe Things feem to 
 
 ‘ be calculated, As if the Vanity of fet- 
 
 * ting off his own Actions was the chief 
 
 * Bulinefs of a Minifter, and the publick 
 
 * Good was no Way concern’d in the Af- 
 J fair. 
 
 A ‘ A 
 
 A 
 
CO 
 
 ‘ A Writer in great Efteem amongft the 
 ‘ IVhigs, 1 mean the Lord Shaftsbury, fpeak- 
 ‘ ing of Minifters of State, fays, That it 
 ‘ would he firange if a whole Nation jitoald im- 
 ‘ pUcitly refofe their Wit and Judgment on th$ 
 
 ‘ Report of Men who are obliged to colour over 
 
 * Things^ not only to keep off Contempt, hut to 
 ‘ avoid Punifiiment. — For as no M^’sWor4 
 ‘ is of any Weight where either his Intereft 
 ‘ or his Reputation is concern’d, the noble 
 
 * Author, for that Reafon, is of Opinion, 
 
 ‘ that Minifters of State ftiould produce clear 
 
 * and demonftrable Proofs, that their Pro- 
 
 * ceedings were not only intended for the 
 
 * publick Good, but were alfo grounded 
 
 * upon the beft Principles of true Policy 
 ‘ and good Senfe, efpccially in Countries 
 
 * where the People have a Right to demand 
 
 * and receive Satisfaftion for ail the Proceed- 
 ‘ ings of thofe in the Adminiftration of pub* 
 
 * lick A flairs. 
 
 ‘ Indeed in Countries where the Peopl? 
 
 * have no Share in the Government, if Mi- 
 
 * nifters fliould make falfe Steps, they have 
 
 * nothing to do but to flatter, cajol, an^ 
 ‘ fome way or other blind the Eyes of thp 
 
 * Prince, and then all is fafe. But even 
 
 * here, tho’ the People neither have it in 
 ‘ their Power to reward or puniftr, you will 
 ‘ find thefe Gentlemen pufliing a falfe Idea 
 ‘ of their Capacities upon the World, by all 
 ‘ the little Artifices their inferior Tools can 
 ‘ think of for them. Every Man woul^ 
 ‘ fain pafs iox Machiavel in his Way j and 
 ‘ as Governments were inftituted for the 
 
 » Peace 
 
 4 
 
( t ) 
 
 ‘ Peace of the World, and for rendering 
 
 * Mankind happy j and as he who difcovers 
 ‘ great Abilities for fo glorious a Task, will 
 ‘ find his Merit known and acknowledged 
 ‘ by the World, Bunglers will for this Rea- 
 ‘ Ion put in for the Bays without any De- 
 ‘ gree of Merit,-— for Vanity is always 
 
 * ftrongeft in the weakeft Minds. 
 
 ‘ Reafon is the great Prerogative of Man 
 ‘ above the Brute Creation j but it is a Gift 
 ‘ which Nature is pleas’d to difpenfe by 
 ‘ very unequal Portions, amongft her Chil- 
 ‘ dren, yet fuch is the Pride fcated in the 
 ‘ Heart of Man, or elfe fuch the peculiar 
 ‘ Happinefs which attends Ignorance, that 
 ‘ no Man ever complained of a Want of 
 ‘ Senfe in himfelfj nay, there are a thou- 
 ‘ fand Inftances of Perfons who have not 
 
 * only own’d, but even boafted of their 
 ‘ Rogueries, when there has been any Thing 
 ‘ either bold or ingenious in the Contrivance 
 ‘ or Execution of them j but I believe from 
 
 * the Beginning of the World to this Day 
 ‘ there is not an Example of one who ever 
 ‘ confefs’d himfelf a Blockhead. 
 
 ‘ We will fuppofe then, that in the pre- 
 ‘ fent Crifis of political Affairs, it may be 
 ‘ as much againft the true Intereft of Spam 
 ‘ to come to a Rupture with Great- Brit ainy 
 ‘ as it can be oppolite to that of Great-Bri- 
 ‘ tain to quarrel with Spnin^ and that the 
 ‘ Marquis De las Vaz, prefuming upon his 
 ‘ own Sufficiency and great Genius, fhould 
 ‘ promife the King his Mafter to take fuch 
 
 * Mcafur^s as Jhould elFeftuai difperfe thcfe 
 
 A z Clouds, 
 
C 4 ) 
 
 * Clouds, and filencc the Murmurs of his 
 ‘ Neighbours. — To this Purpofe he augments 
 ‘ the Troops, puts the Armies in Motion, 
 
 * and brings a great Expence upon his Coun- 
 ‘ tiyj however, he aniwers it very well, by 
 ‘ faying, that it is an Expence, which is to 
 ‘ fave a much greater Expence, viz,, that of 
 ‘ a War ; wherefore he fuppofes that every 
 ‘ Man will chearfully fubmit to it j yet if 
 ‘ the whole World fhould afterwards be 
 ‘ convinced that thefe Meafures had intan- 
 ‘ gled his Mailer’s Affairs, and the Infults he 
 V had offer’d his Neighbours, were the only 
 ‘ Caufe of rendering a friendly Accommo- 
 ‘ dation impollible, we mull not expert that 
 ' he fhould frankly own, that it was his 
 ‘ Ignorance, and Want of Underftanding 
 ‘ which had brought all thefe Troubles up- 
 ‘ on his CoLintty j that he meant well in- 
 ‘ ^eed, but it was his Misfortune to meddle 
 ‘ in Affairs for which he had no Capacity.— 
 ‘ No, on the contrary, he will have Re- 
 ‘ courfe to fome Subterfuges, cover himlelf 
 ‘ with a Thoufand palliating Excufes, and 
 ‘ pretend to maintain that he had a6led wife-- 
 ‘ ly, but that the Nature of thofe Things 
 ‘ will not fuffer his declaring his true Rea- 
 ‘ fons. — An Anfwer fit it be allow'ed to 
 * be good ) that will ferve for excufingall the 
 ‘ Blunders that ever were committed from 
 ‘ the Beginning of the World. 
 
 ‘ On the other Side, we fhall fometimes 
 ‘ fee the Condudl of Men in Power raifre- 
 ‘ prefented by Inlinuations and Innuendo’s, 
 ‘ even where they have aSled with great 
 
 ‘ Pru- 
 
C?) 
 
 * Prudence and Forcfight j but of all Ways 
 ‘ of traducing, the moft artful and cun- 
 ‘ ning feems to be by vile Encomium and 
 ‘ wretched Panegyrick j for what can be 
 
 * a greater Abufe or more fevere Satyr than 
 
 * a bad Defence ? Therefore he that has a 
 ‘ Mind effe6lually to ruin the Reputation of 
 
 ‘ another, muft feem to take his Part. It 
 
 ‘ is like a treacherous Ally, who under Pre- 
 ‘ tence of defending you, marches with you 
 ‘ into the Field, difarms you by Stealth, and 
 ‘ delivers you into the Hands of the Enemy. 
 
 ‘ The Reader no doubt will guefs, by this 
 ‘ Comparifon, that I have my Eyes upon a 
 ‘ late Pamphlet,whofe Author very officioufly 
 ‘ (for I dare believe he had no Call for it) 
 
 * prefents himfelf as the Champion of cer- 
 ‘ tain Perfons, who want no Seconds. The 
 
 * Arms Ire is pleafed to make ufe of, are a 
 ‘ Heap of Fidions back’d with no Proofs, 
 
 ‘ nor fo much as fupported by Appear- 
 ‘ ances j but indeed, in the Beginning of 
 
 * his Fable, when he fpeaks of the ftrange 
 ‘ Alteration lately happened in the Face of 
 
 * publick Affairs, he tells us, that every Man 
 
 * will expedl or fomeAccountof fo fur- 
 ‘ prizing a Scene ; fo that, if you often find 
 ‘ him advancing Things that never were, or 
 ‘ never will be, you are to confider them 
 ‘ only as the Sallies of a quick Imagination, 
 ‘ and a peculiar Happinels at Invention. 
 
 ‘ But we every now and then find him 
 
 * taking off a little of his Difguife, and dif- 
 ‘ covering the Enemy under the Mask of 
 \ Friendfliip, as where he is inculcating a 
 
 ‘ Notion 
 
( 
 
 < Notion which he often repeats.— —That 
 
 * whenever the Pretences made for fuch 
 
 * Aftions appear upon Examination to be 
 
 * groundkfs, we are to fuppofe, there moft 
 
 * be fome fecret unjuftifiablc Reafon behind, 
 
 * not fit to be declared , immediately after 
 
 * which, he begins to advance fome ftrange 
 
 * improbable Caufes, for fending Fleets to 
 ‘ the Baltkk, and elfewhere.^ 
 
 * No Doubt this is a cunning Way of at- 
 ‘ tacking Peoples Reputations, but I cannot 
 
 * hold it either generous or fair, where he 
 ‘ fays, that fomebody jhould report that the 
 ‘ Duke of Ripperda flwuld fay juch and fuch 
 ^ Things j Nobody will fuppofe that the Bn- 
 ‘ tiih Nation fhould engage in a War upon 
 
 * Account of the Duke of Ripperda' s Table- 
 
 * Talk, tho’ it were true, that he faid what 
 
 ‘ is reported. But tho’ I do not believe 
 
 ‘ this, I am not therefore to conclude, that 
 ‘ the true Reafons of the War are fuch as 
 ‘ cannot be jufiified 3 for I confider, that 
 ‘ w'hen a Writer of this kind aims at ex- 
 
 * pofing the Reputation of Men in Power, 
 ‘ by a counterfeit Defence, the word: Argu- 
 ‘ ments his Invention can furnifh him with, 
 
 * are the beft for that Purpofe. 
 
 ‘ Alexander the Great gave Orders, that 
 ‘ none but Lyfippus fliould make his Statue, 
 ‘ and no Man befides Apelles fliould prefume 
 ‘ to draw his PisSlure 3 our Minifters cannot 
 ‘ pretend to ilfue out fuch arbitrary Com- 
 ‘ mands 3 it is therefore no Wonder that 
 ‘ Bunglers and faU’e Friends fliould fome- 
 ‘ times intrude themfelves. upon this Task, 
 
(7 ) 
 
 and fupply the Places of honeft and inge- 
 nious Artifis i however, this can do them 
 no great Harm, for good Condu6l will 
 prove itfelf by good Effeflsj and the great 
 Cardinal Ricblieu faid, that all Deligns 
 were fuccefsful or otherwife, juft as they 
 were managed with Prudence or with 
 Folly. 
 
 
A N 
 
 ANSWER 
 
 T o 
 
 Mr. / 5’ T. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I M O N G the many Truths 
 in facred Writ, the follow- 
 ing is demonflrably cer- 
 tain, That althd Light is 
 tome into the World, there are many 
 who love T)arknefs, rather than Light, 
 becaufe their Deeds are Evil, This, 
 notwithftanding it originally alluded 
 to the Light of the Gofpel by our 
 Saviour, and the Lovers of Darknel's 
 to his Enemies; yet that pathetic 
 Saying is often verified in other Af- 
 fairs of Life : Of which I obferved 
 a very pregnant Inftance in your 
 B Journal 
 
{ 10 ) 
 
 Journal of the x8th of January, N®. 
 93. which fecms to have been pub- 
 lilh’d with Defign to infufe addi- 
 tional Poifon into the Minds of fo 
 many difaffei^ed People in our Ifland, 
 who on every Occafion appear not 
 only to be at Enmity with the pre- 
 fent Government, and Adminiftra- 
 tion ; but at Variance with our Re- 
 ligion, Liberties, and every Thing 
 valuable among us. The chief Scope 
 of your above-mentioned Libel, fa- 
 vour’d as if intended to expofe and 
 vilify the late Pamphlet publifli’d in 
 Vindication of the prefent Miniftry’s 
 Procedure in this critical and allarm- 
 ing Conjundure of a thr<?atning War. 
 In order to which, you flruggle to 
 make appear, that what is aflerted 
 in it as Fad, are only political In- 
 ventions, Fable, and Fallbood. And 
 in order to fereen your felf from a 
 Punilhment which you have Reafon 
 to dread from thofe who hitherto 
 have let fuch Invedives pafs with 
 too great Impunity, in one Part of 
 your Journal you pretend (with 
 what Art you can) to lay the Scene 
 in Spain, W'hile in the mean-time, 
 ’tis plain, you defign it Ihould be 
 
 under- 
 
( <« ; 
 
 underftood London^ and make the 
 Marquis de las Tas feem to adfc 
 what you infmuate, is perform’d by 
 our prefent Britijh Adminiftrators. 
 Among your Obfervations , you 
 quote Ibme of my Lord Shaft sburys 
 political Maxims, viz. “ That Mi~ 
 “ nifters of State Jhotdd produce clear 
 “ and demonftrable ‘Proofs^ that their 
 “ Proceedings were not only intended 
 “ for the Ptiblick good, but were alfo 
 “ grounded upon the be(i Principles of 
 true Policy and good Senfe, efpecial~ 
 ly in Countries where People have 
 a right to demand, and receive 
 “ Satis faSHon, for all the Proceedings 
 “ of thofe in the Adminiflration of pub- 
 “ lick Affairs’. I am amazed, that 
 you fhould have been fo imprudent 
 as to fingle out that particular Quo- 
 tation, and thereby to furnilli Wea- 
 pons for effedually difarming, if 
 notdeftroying, your felf ; fince it ap- 
 pears evident, that as we do live 
 in a free Country, where Satisfaction 
 is demanded of the Proceedings of 
 thofe in the Adminftration of pub- 
 lick Affairs ; by the Publication of 
 the late Pamphlet, entitled, An En- 
 quiry into the Rea fans of the Con- 
 13 z duel 
 
 
( II ; 
 
 duU: of Great-Bricain, •with Relation 
 to the prefent State of Jffairs in 
 Europe^ againfl; which you fhooc 
 your Bolt ; by it, I fay, the Publick 
 lias obtained that Satisfadion you 
 mention, yea, in the moft ample 
 Manner that could be defired ; the 
 whole in it fupported with Truths 
 denionllrable, and irrefragable. I 
 confefs if our prefent Miniftry was 
 fo corrupt and bafe as to permit 
 and countenance the publifliing of 
 what was falfe and fpurious, the very 
 free People you mention could not 
 refent it with fufficient Indignation ; 
 But why don’t you, with your Art 
 of fly Innuendo’s, point out one 
 fingle Fallliood in all that’s aflerted? 
 For my Share, I have fuch Charity 
 for that Spirit with which you W'rite, 
 that did you know any one Untruth 
 in the Whole, you v?ould not feru- 
 ple to expofe it to the Publick 
 totidem Verbis^ and well you might 
 in this free Country, W'cre not your 
 Infinuations malicious and ill- ground- 
 ed ; for if, I lay, one fingle Falfhood 
 could be produced, it would not be 
 like a lighted Candle hid under a 
 BuOiel, feeing Care \yould be taken 
 
( "' 9 ) 
 
 by Incendiaries to make it blaze 
 forth even to a Conflagration. But 
 thefe Things called Fads, are hard 
 Morfels for the Enemies of our Go- 
 vernmenr to digeft, except by fome 
 of our own home bred Oflriches^ 
 who have Gullets capable to fwal- 
 low, and Stomachs apt to digeft 
 the hardeft Metal. It would be 
 furely ftrange (even according to 
 my Lord Shaftsburys own AlTertion) 
 to imagine that a whole Nation, 
 cfpecially Britain^ would mplicttly 
 repofe their Wit and Judgment on 
 the Report of Men^ who were obli- 
 ged to colour over Things to keep 
 off' Comtempt and avoid Tunifment. 
 If this was the Cale of our pre- 
 fent Miniflry, as indeed it is nor, 
 they muft be the moft artful Co- 
 lourifts that ever were heard of, 
 erpccially when all that they aficrc 
 is back’d with fuch diflind Cir- 
 cumflances of the precife Time and 
 Place, and the very Day in which 
 they were tranfaded. It is alfo un- 
 accountable that other Countries, 
 independent of our Minifters, fliouid 
 tacitly fuffer themfelves to have 
 been impos’d upon by them ; but fo 
 
 far 
 
( «4 ) 
 
 far it is from this, that before the 
 Publication of the Pamphlet, call’d 
 the Enquiry^ others Abroad had de- 
 clared the fame Fadfs to the World 
 which we afterwards found there- 
 in confirm’d : And ftill more ftrange 
 would it have been, if the oppofite 
 Powers did not detedf any fuch 
 Falllioods in their Gazettes ; and 
 yet no Denials of thefe Fadls have 
 ever appeared to the World except 
 in your Journal ; Never, I fay, by 
 any, even the greatefl: Enemies to 
 the Hanover Alliance. But to come 
 to Particulars ; if the Infults and In- 
 fradions of folemn Treaties receiv’d 
 from the Emperour and Court of 
 Spa/n are not Fadfs ; it is wonder- 
 ful that the mod Chriftian King 
 fliould particularize fo many, in his 
 Anfwcr to the Complaints of Spam, 
 delivered him by the Pope’s Nuncio ; 
 namely, that the King of Spain, in 
 his Condudb with Great-Britain, was 
 manifeftly the firft Aggreflbr and In- 
 fringer of the Treaties which fub- 
 fifled between Britain and him ; by 
 the Confilcation of a great Number 
 of EngliJloS>\xvps, and many other Oc- 
 cafions of Complaints given, and In- 
 juries 
 
( '5 ) 
 
 juries receiv’d, for many Years from 
 Spain. All which were laid open by 
 Mr. Stanhope in his Memorial to the 
 Spanijh Minifters ; and that Spain., in- 
 (lead of redreffing thefe Grievances, 
 on the contrary did encreafe and aug- 
 ment them daily. If thefe I fay are 
 not Fa<5Is and Truths, ’tis amafing 
 that the French Ihould as well as we 
 publickly aflert them as fuch. But 
 being fo glaring in themfelves, and un- 
 contefledly true, they had the Power 
 effc(Slually to filence the Nuncio, and 
 even thole who were confeious of 
 the Veracity of them and their own 
 Guilt : Thofe I mean, who had em- 
 ploy’d the Nuncio to addrefs the 
 French. But fince you arc contending 
 for Fadts, let me but ask you in few 
 Words, if the Emperor’s fetting up 
 a Company at OJiend, to trade to the 
 Eajl-rlndies, is a Violation of a fo- 
 Icmn Treaty to the contrary, or not > 
 And if the Aflillance given him there- 
 in by tlie King of Spain, is not in 
 like Manner a Breach of publick 
 Faith, and a contradidring the very 
 Sentiments which he had given out 
 to the World before on that Subjedf ? 
 I think the denying of this, would 
 be as ridiculous, as to allerc that the 
 
 Spaniards 
 
( i6 ) 
 
 Spaniards are not this Moment iii 
 an hoflile Manner before Gibraltar'^ 
 which Place, with all imaginable So- 
 lemnity, they freely gave to Englavd 
 for ever. Thele and many other Fadls 
 contain’d in the Enquiry^ are among 
 thofe, which will, I dare fay, pu2zle 
 you and your Party to deny ; tho’ it 
 will clearly fliow to the World, that 
 the only Motive you have in difpu- 
 ting demonftrable Truths, is, be- 
 caufe you unqueftionably have 
 fame fecret and unjuJHfiahle Rea- 
 fans behind not -fit to be nanid. But 
 this peculiar Method you’ve got in 
 denying Fadfs, is fomethiiig like the 
 ftupid Philofopher, who would not 
 believe that there was any Motion, 
 until he found himfelf in an Er- 
 ror, by another’s giving him a Blow 
 on the Face j and indeed I think 
 there is a Sort of Neceflity to cud- 
 gel fome People into good Manners 
 when too infolent. But, pray Sir, with 
 what Confidence can you thus fpread 
 abroad your ill-grounded Innuendo’s, 
 as if our Miniftry had not produced 
 clear and demonftrative Proofs, that 
 their Proceedings were intended for 
 the publick Good, or grounded up- 
 on the befi Principles of Policy and 
 
( >7 ) 
 
 go&dSenfe? Ot how can your Con- 
 fcience permit you to infinuate, that 
 they have been in any Refpea: want- 
 ing to give the free People of Bri^ 
 tain the Satisfaction which was re- 
 quihte or could be defired ? Befides, 
 what may we realbnably fuppofc 
 would have been the Confequences^ 
 had our Miniflry aCted in another 
 Manner than what they did ? Sup- 
 pofe we had not fent a Fleet to 
 the Weft-Indies to hinder the Arri- 
 val of the Galleons; had their Trea- 
 sure been brought into Spain\ their 
 Money, which is the Nerves and 
 Sinews of War ; what might we rea- 
 sonably cxped would the Confc- 
 quences have been then ? Why, evi- 
 dently certain it is, that they, the 
 Enemies of Great-Britain,won\A have 
 been put in a Capacity before now 
 to have aCfed with proportionable 
 more Vigour againft the true Tnte- 
 reft of Great-Britain, and more a- 
 blc to put in Execution their deep 
 DefigJis againft our Nation ; deep, I 
 fay, like Hell, and cruel like the 
 Grave, to the total Subvcrfion of our 
 Government, Laws, Religion, and 
 Liberties, DeftruCtion of our Com- 
 
 C nierce. 
 
( ■« ; 
 
 merce, and what fums up the wholly 
 and would be the Complication of all 
 our Woes, to force a Popifli Preten- 
 der upon the Free Proteftant People 
 of Great-Britam. I now appeal to 
 your own Breaft j have not then our 
 Miniftry, by warding off thefe fa- 
 tal Blows, in every Refpe<5t fulfill'd 
 Cardinal Rkhlteus Maxim concern- 
 ing Defigns, which prove themfelves 
 to have been well-condudfed, feeing 
 hitherto (by the fpecial Blelling of 
 Providence } ours have been ma- 
 naged with fuch Prudence as have 
 made them fuccefsful, and our Con- 
 dud prov’d good, by the good Effeds 
 they have already produced. Where 
 then does it appear that our Mini- 
 flcrs have been pujhing falfe Ideas of 
 their own Capacities upon the Worlds 
 IVhat are the little Artifices vou men- 
 tion ? who are thofe inferior Tools ? 
 the pretended Machiavels in their 
 JVay ? as you unjullly infinuatc. For 
 if according to your own Words, Go^ 
 merriment was injlituted for the Beace 
 of the Worlds and r endring Mankind 
 happy : Is it not clear that our pre- 
 fent Adminiftracors have, and are 
 ilruggling for nothing elfc but to pre- 
 
 ferve 
 
(> 9 ) 
 
 ferve and maintain that Peace and 
 Happinefs which others are unjuftly 
 endeavouring to difturb and ufurp ; 
 contrary to all right and the mod fo- 
 lemn Engagements of publick Faith, 
 having laid Schemes for difturbing 
 nor only Britain^ but the Tranqui- 
 lity of all Europe? But to proceed ; 
 among the many fly and unjuft Innu- 
 endo’s fcatter’d every where througli 
 your Journal, there is one hinted 
 at, and couch’d with more Guile, 
 but argued with greater Sophiftry 
 than any of the others, namely, 
 as if the Britifi Nation was fo im-^ 
 prudent to commence a War upon 
 Account of the Duke of Ripperdds. 
 Table-Talk. Sir, give me Leave to 
 alTure you, this Innuendo is the very 
 cunning Way, which you your fclf 
 mention that Ibme have in attacking 
 People’sRcputations ; this is the very 
 Artifice named by you of blaming 
 Men in Bewer by MifreprefentationSy 
 Injinuations, and Innuendo’s^ even 
 when they are known to have a<fted 
 with Prudence and Forefight. Are 
 you not aware, Sir, that by fuch 
 falfe Afperfions, you offer an Indig- 
 nity and Affront to the whole Nati- 
 C X on 
 
r ao ) 
 
 on of Britain ? As if her People and 
 Legiflatures were fo foolilh as to e- 
 flablifli on fo fmall a Foundation the 
 Superftru(5fure of a dangerous and 
 cxpenfive War. I confefs you have 
 Cunning enough to hide your felf 
 from their immediate Relentments, 
 by faying no Body will fuppofe they 
 would engage in it for fo trivial a 
 Rcafon : Ac the fame Time I appeal 
 to your own Heart, if you do not 
 infmuace, as if that was one of 
 the principal Reafons for Britain's 
 commencing a War i But if it be 
 FadF ; as indeed the confequent 
 Actions prove it to have been fo, that 
 the Duke deRipperda did exprefs him- 
 felf in an open Manner about the 
 Spanijh Defigns againfl: Britain^ al- 
 though we never made that the 
 foie Reafons for commencing a War j 
 yet if Prime Minifters are but the 
 Ecchoes of their refpedfive Courts; 
 had we not then Rcafon to take due 
 Umbrage at fuch pubJick Declara- 
 tions, and accordingly prepare for 
 our Defence ? Were we to luffer our 
 felves and Allies to be infulccd with 
 the impertinent Names of Tetite 
 MeffieurSj and not vindicate our Ho- 
 nour 
 
( II ) 
 
 nouc by bur Power? Were we to 
 permit Gibraltar ^ the chief Support 
 of our Trade, founded upon Right 
 as our Property ; were we, I Ihy, 
 from the Effed of the Emperor’s 
 SecretTreaty with the King of Spatriy 
 to fu^r it to be unjutUy demanded 
 by, and aseafily granted to, the very 
 Nation, who was once glad of the 
 Articles to give it to Britain for 
 ever > More thao that, were we to 
 fuffer any Potentate in Europe open- 
 ly to threaten the forcing a Popilh 
 Pretender upon us ? Thofe, I fay, 
 who in the Face of the Sun have 
 dat’d to cherifti his Adherents, Ai- 
 ders and Abettors. How could we 
 poflibly continue Fricndlhip with 
 thofe, who notwithllanding they 
 were fmiling in our Faces, were 
 however privily fmiting us under 
 the Fifth Rib > Or were we tamely to 
 fee another ungraceful Prince, who, to 
 the Blood and Treafure of Britain^ 
 owes his Hereditary Dominions and 
 Imperial Diadem ; were we to fee him 
 forming offenfivc Alliances againft 
 us, we, the very Nation that from his 
 Infancy nurfed, and proteded him 
 from the Jaws of Perdition ? Were 
 
 we 
 
. ( ) 
 
 we tamely to fee a Serpent bred in 
 our own Bofom fling us, and we 
 not feel and refent it ? Or could we, 
 or can w'e, cancel out of our Me- 
 mories the late Services done him at 
 Cape Tajfaro by our Fleet, in fecuring 
 to him all he has in Italy^ and the 
 additional Donative of a new Crown 
 to him, Sicily^ for a New Years Gift; 
 are we calmly to fuccumb, and be 
 obedient to his Imperial Nod, in let- 
 ting him rifle us of our Property, 
 flrip us and our faithful and inle- 
 parabJe Allies the T^iitch, of the 
 moft valuable Jewel we have, out 
 Commerce, and in Time, if not pre- 
 vented, rival us in Trade and Ship- 
 ping, even within our own Seas in the 
 very Face of Great Britain^ notv/ith- 
 llanding the Honour and Faith of 
 himfelf and Family, have been 
 pledg’d to the contrary, and determi- 
 iiately fixt by the mofl facred Tye of 
 the Iblemneft: Treaties? Or can we 
 pretend to have the lead Bowels of 
 Compaflion for our diflrefled Bro- 
 ieflant Brethren Abroad, who, in the 
 Face of Heaven, have been lately 
 led out like Sheep to the Slaughter 
 by their inhumane Butchers, and 
 
 w§ 
 
) 
 
 we not fympathize with their hard 
 Fate, and fetch one Sigh for their 
 Calamities, and even exped: the fame 
 Deftrudion out felves from the diabo^ 
 lical Principles of Topijh Perfecution ; 
 did we not take Cate (by the Blef- 
 fing of God) to prevent it? Say 
 then Journalift? Are thefe or are 
 they not Fads, moft of which are 
 fo recent as we cannot cancel tlte 
 Horror of them yet out of our 
 Minds, and many others befides 
 thefe, fully illuftrated in the a- 
 bovementioned Pamphlet, which you 
 challenge ? If fo,which the World can- 
 not without downright Perjury deny ; 
 arc they not juft Motives for Refenc- 
 ment ? Can we fee a Dagger at our 
 Breaft and not endeavour to hold 
 the Hand of our Murderer? For 
 according to what you your felf 
 have a&rred , if Reafon be the 
 Prerogative of Man above the 
 Brute Creation", could we have 
 any Pretence to it ,* lliould we wil- 
 lingly forfake the natural Princi- 
 ples of Self-Prefervation, and fuf- 
 fer ourfelves to be bereaved of 
 what is ncareft and deareft to us ? 
 Let me then, Mr, Journalift, tender 
 
 you 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 you this wholefotne Advice ; Search 
 your own Heart, and root out that 
 'Pride feated there, and not indulge 
 yourfelf in the Happinefs whidi you 
 fay attends Ignorance, for at the Bot- 
 tom it will favour of a want of Senfe, 
 to afperfe ocher People by furnilhing 
 them with Chara<Sters drawn from 
 your own Breafi: : For your Innuen- 
 does, fly Hints, unfathomable Infinu- 
 acions, if you’ll pardon the Simile, is 
 like a common Courcefane’s infuit- 
 ing an honcft Woman ; for the former 
 is fure to upbraid die Woman of 
 Virtue with her own Charader. 
 As for thofe Rules laid down by 
 you for carrying on Deceit, viz. 
 of flattering and cajoling, and blind- 
 ing the Eyes of a Prince, or I may 
 fay a Party, and making then all 
 fafe, as you exprefs it ; why, all 
 this Ihows you are a compleat Ma- 
 iler of the Subjedl, and that you 
 may indeed put in for the Bays', 
 nay, I can’t help thinking, but your 
 Party efteem you a Machiavel in 
 your Way ; but if you yourfelf fan- 
 cy lb, depend on’r, you’ll make good 
 your own Aflercion, viz. That Va- 
 nity is always the flrongeft in weak 
 
 Minds. 
 
V 
 
 ( 55 ; 
 
 'Minds, For I apprehend the great A- 
 bilitiesyou fpeak of, will not be ac- 
 knowledg’d by the World in you. 
 It would likewife feem you do 
 not keep the very bell of Com- 
 pany, fince it appears, that a- 
 mong them you know a Thoufand 
 Injlances of Terfens, you fay, 
 have not only evened^ but even boafied 
 of their ovon Rogueries : Nor do I 
 think, that the Boldnefs or Con- 
 trivance of the Execution of them, 
 can palliate their Deformity. I 
 lhall lofe no more Time in re- 
 fuming the Candour of feme other 
 of your ingenuous and well-concer- 
 ted Hints of the admirable Max- 
 ims of traducing in the mojl art- 
 ful and cunning Ways, by vile En~ 
 comium and wretched Tanegyrick : For 
 as they feem didiated out of the 
 abundance of your Heart, by them 
 it appears your Mouth fpeaketh i 
 Among the Number of which, you 
 do the Hanover Alliance the Ho- 
 nour of faying you are not to 
 conclude, that the true Reafons of the 
 War are fuch as cannot be jujiifed. 
 If this be the counterfeit f)efence 
 you mention, I know not ; and if 
 D you 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 you are not confcious that all you 
 have faid, are indeed the worft Ar- 
 guments you could ftirnijh your felf 
 'with. However, give me Leave to 
 put you in Mind, that one very 
 unfair Way you have taken in re- 
 prefenting Things, by making ap- 
 pear an exad Parallel, drawn out 
 of the P^eafons and Interefts of 
 Britain and Spain^ and their com- 
 ing to a Rupture with one another, 
 infinuating thereby, as if Britain 
 had given the fame Grounds for 
 quarrelling with SpaiUy as Spain haS: 
 given Britain : Whereas I defy you 
 and your Party to inftance one Pro- 
 vocation given by Britain to Spain,^ 
 but where we were forced to it by 
 their Injuftice and the Honour and 
 Ingagements we lay under : Nor can 
 you inflance oneTreaty between Spain, 
 and Us that we have infring’d,, or 
 one fingle Cafe in which we have 
 been the firil Aggreflbrs. I owji, 
 nor will any Mortal deny, but it 
 is our Incercft to have the Fricnd- 
 fliip of SpaiUy by Rcafon of the, 
 Trade we have had with that King- 
 dom. But are we to buy thefe Ad- 
 vantages at the Price of giving up 
 ** thefe 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 thefe very (Irong Holds which will 
 fecure our Trade to us in Spighc 
 of their Schemes to the contrary > 
 Are we always to lay ourfelves 
 open to the Mercy of Sp^iUy either 
 to .receive, or not receive, Injuries 
 and Incroachments, when we can 
 keep a Rod of Iron in our Hands 
 to force them to do us Judicc ? 
 Arc We to trade to their South-Seas, 
 and yet not be fure that the very 
 Ships and Cargoes we fend, will 
 ever be fuller’d to return to hritatn^ 
 without being feized and maoe Prize 
 of, under Colour of a Thoufand falfe 
 Pretences? Are We to purchafe tne 
 Trade of Spain at the Expence of 
 feeing rhem fiipport a Confederate. 
 Prince of their’s in an unjuft 1 raf- 
 fick, navigated in our own Seas ? 
 Or arc We to court the Fricnd- 
 ihip of a Nation, which we on all 
 Occafions find that, in their Hearts', 
 they will never be at eafe, ’till they 
 place on ourThrone a King, forfocth, 
 of their giving, a Man according to 
 their own Heart, a Worfliipper of 
 graven Images? VVhat a Sight wou.d 
 it be to a True Britons Eye, to fee 
 Jefuits and Capiichines in their Ha-^ 
 bits, walking freely in the Streets of 
 
 LdOTldOKl^ 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 London], damning the whole Race 
 cf Mankind, who would not adore 
 the God of Nature in the Shape of a 
 Pancake of their own confecrating > 
 Why, really Sir, if you are an Ad- 
 vocate for j'uch a Caufe, unveil your 
 Difguife fiiirly, and no more difeo. 
 •ver the Enemy under the Mask of 
 Friendjhip, as you exptefs it ; de- 
 clare openly for the Triple Crown, 
 preacii up Tranfubjiantiation to be 
 the mofl: rational Do<5trine upon 
 Earth, and that both Realbn and 
 cur Senfes confpire to prove the 
 Wafer a God. For if you continue 
 under the ProteRant Veil, with which 
 at prdent you cover yourfelf, you’ll 
 need no Lyjtppus to make a Statue 
 of you, nor an Mpelles to draw your 
 Pidure ; for you’ll fpread abroad to 
 the World fo perfedfan Idea of your 
 Perfbn and Infidc, as will make you 
 ss well known in BrUa/n, as a Hack- 
 ney Coach is dillinguifli’d by its 
 Mark and Number. Now I have 
 mention’d a Hackney Coach, I 
 cannot but fay that it and a 
 Hackney Writer are much of a- 
 Kin ; they arc both adapted for the 
 ^?rvice of any Kind of Species that 
 
 are 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 are defirous to employ, or be driven 
 in them. What will not the quoti- 
 dian ftipendiary Hireling do for dif- 
 contented Courtiers and abortive Po- 
 liticians who employ him > What will 
 not a Papift or a Favourer of them 
 give to any who will exalt the 
 Dodrineofindefeafible Right, paffivc 
 Obedience, and Non-Refiftance, the 
 Power of the Keys, or a Drun- 
 kard the Power of the Bottle. 
 
 Difcarded Courtiers put me always 
 in Mind of the fallen Angels ; they 
 cannot help being inraged at thole 
 whopoflefstheParadife, from which, 
 for their Pride and ill-Condu<^, they 
 were banilhed : Whatever Hackney 
 Scribler they can get, he’ll be fure of 
 a Reward, if he Rick at nothing that 
 will flatter their fliatter’d Party, and 
 propogate their Revenge, being keen 
 to mufter up their broken Legions,, 
 in order to battle it with Liberty, 
 Goodnefs, or Heaven itfelf, provided 
 they have it in their View to deftroy 
 the Reputation very often of the 
 wifeft Legiflatures, that by traducing 
 and undermining them, they may 
 the eafier make way for being rein- 
 ftated in their former Places and 
 
 Pen- 
 
( 3 ° ) 
 
 Pefifions, being envious of tbofe, vpho 
 by^ their Merit and Honefty do juftly 
 enjoy the Rewards of their Fidelity 
 and true Patriotifm. 
 
 I fliall only add, that as what I 
 have writteli on this Subjedl, arc the 
 difinrerefted and pure Didates of my 
 Mind, being willing to throw in my 
 Mite for Liberty, and fliow my good 
 Will for fupporting a Caufe which 
 I think has the Regard of Heaven 
 attending it j fo I have the Charity 
 to add my hearty Wilhes for you and 
 your Party’s Converfions. And 
 
 BRITANNUS. 
 
 P. S. Since the printing of moH of the 
 Foregoing Pages, I am glad to acquaint you, 
 that r had the Sarisfa£lIon or (eelng a 
 Pamphlet jqfl: now publirti’d, entitled, Lefc 
 ters and Memorials xvhich have pajl between the 
 'Miniflers of Grent-Britain, France^ and Spain ; 
 in which is contained, not only an ample 
 Confirmation of the Fa(^is aflerted in the En» 
 ^uiry^ 8cc. which you challenge, but alfb 
 corroborates what at prefent I have aflerted 
 in Its Defence •, the Particulars of which I re. 
 fer to Page 29 to 40, In the above-mention- 
 ed Pamphlet, of Letters and Memorials^ 6CC* 
 
 F I N I s. 
 
 1* 
 
 V 
 
ESSAY 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 CIVIL WARS 
 
 FRANCE, 
 
 Extracted from curious Manuscripts. 
 And also upon the 
 
 Epick poetry 
 
 OF THE' 
 
 EUROPEAN NATIONS 
 
 from HO ME R dowfi to MIL'itON. 
 
 a 
 
 By Mr. VOLTAIRE. , 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed by Samuel Jallasso‘5^ 
 in Prujean’s Court Old Baily^ and fold 
 by the Bookfellers of London 
 minjier, M dcc xxvii, 
 

 t. 
 

 advertisement 
 
 TO THE 
 
 reader. 
 
 I T has the Appearance of too great a Pre- 
 fatnption in a Traveller, who hath been 
 hut eighteen Months in England, to attempt 
 to write in a Language, which he cannot 
 pronounce at all, and which he hardly un~ 
 derftands in Converfation. But I have 
 done what we do every Day at School, where 
 we write Latin and Greeks thd j^urely we 
 pronounce them both very pitifully , and 
 hould underftand neither of them if they 
 nsoere uttered to us with the right R(xnan, 
 or Greek Pronunciation. 
 
 I look upon the Englilh Language as a 
 learned one, which deferves to be the Object 
 of our Application m France, as the French 
 Tongue is thought a kind of Accomplifhment 
 
 in England. ^ r 
 
 Bepdes, I did not learn Enghlb for rny 
 Private SatisfaAion and Improvement only, 
 but out of a kind of Duty. - 
 
 / am or daed to give an Account of my 
 Journey intoEnglMid. Such an y>td^Jl' 
 
 king can no more he attempted without 
 3> St 
 
ierftmdingtle Language ^ thak a Scheme df 
 Aftronomy could he laid ^without the help of 
 Mctthematichs. And / have not a Mind to 
 
 imitate the late Mr. Sorbieres, ’who having 
 jiaid three Months in this Country ’without 
 kno wing any 'J’hingj either of its Manners or 
 of its Language^ thought fit to print a Rela- 
 tion ’which proved but a dull fcurrillous Satyr 
 upon a Nation he kne’w nothing of 
 
 Our European travellers for the moft 
 Part are fatyrical upon their neighbouring 
 Countries, and beftow large Praifes upon the 
 Perfians and Chinefes, it being too natural 
 to r evile thofe ’who ftand in Competition ’with 
 ns, and to extol thofe ’who being far remote 
 from us, are out of the reach of En'uy. 
 
 the true Aim of a Relation is to injirud 
 Men, not to gratify their Malice. JVe jhould 
 be bufied chiefly in giving faithful Accounts 
 of all the ufeful things and of the extraordi- 
 nary Perfons, ’whom to kno’W, and to imitate 
 •would be a Benefit to our Countrymen. A 
 traveller •who •writes in that Spirit is a Mer- 
 chant of a nobler Kind, •who imports into 
 his native Country the Arts and Virtues of 
 other Nations. 
 
 I •will leave to others the Care of defcribing 
 •with Accuracy, PaulV Church, the Monu- 
 ment , Weftminfter , Stonehenge, ^c. 
 I confider England in another Vie’w ; it 
 fir ikes my Eyes as it is the Land •which hath 
 produced a Newton, a Lock, a Tillot- 
 
(bn, a Milton, a Boyle, and many great 
 Men either dead or alive, vohoje Glory in 
 War, in State-Affairs, or in Letters, mil 
 not he confined to the Bounds of this Ifland. 
 
 Whofoever had the Honour and the 
 Happinefs to be acquainted mth any of them, 
 and mil do me the Favour to let me know 
 feme notable ( thd perhaps not enough 
 known ) Paffages of their Lives, will confer 
 an Obligation, not only upon me, but upon 
 thepublick. 
 
 Likewife if there are any new Inventions 
 or Undertakings, which have obtained or de- 
 ferved Succefs, I fsall be obliged to thofe 
 who will be fo kind as to give me an Informa- 
 tions of that Nature. And fhall either quote 
 my Authors, or obferve a religious Silence, 
 according as they think it proper. 
 
 As to this prejent Effay, it is intended as a, 
 kind of Preface or IntroduAion to the Hen- 
 riade, which is almoji entirely printed, no- 
 thing being wanting but the printing of the 
 Cuts which I mufi recommend here as parti- 
 cular : Mafter-Picces of Art in their Kind 
 ’tis the only Beauty in the Book, that I can 
 anfwer for. 
 
 ER- 
 
errata. 
 
 PT.i 
 
 7 Line Annarchy read Anarchy. f». 21. 1 . ult. 
 ah hi5 and his. P. 23* L 20. to Httle read too lit 
 tie. Pag. 28. lin. 9. kge re’od Village. Pag. 30. lin 21. 
 her Grandeur read its Grandeur. rag. 31. lin. 24 Elife. 
 bctk read Elizabeth. Pag. 3a. lin. i, IW on read f^^on. 
 Pag. 3f. lin 4. Mimick of a King read Mock-King. Pag. 
 46. lin. laft but one, railing read rifmg. Paf- 51. bn. i. 
 Toufeher rouf^r it. Pag. ^3. iin. Mw^s read Mihd. 
 Pag 6c lin. 24. Northen read Northern. Ibid. hn. . were 
 was. Pag. 66. lin. 2. Italian read Italians.. Pag. 68. 
 lin. 24. put on read puts on. Ibid. lin. 2f. ehlimerationt 
 Onumeration. Pag. 7f. lin. 9. to the C/>r/y? read to 
 'Vhrifi Pag. 83. lin. 2. Olinda read Olindo, Pag. 79. lin. 6. 
 ^ihake of, read Shake off. Pag. 99. lin. 9. ^rirous read 
 SFirithouf. Pag. 103. lin. 24. the laft redd the firft. P^. 
 124. lin. 10. are infinite Things read is an infinite Num- 
 ber of Things. Ibid. lin. 12. Paraphafe read Penphra!^ 
 Ibid. lin. 26. Skin read Chin. 
 
 THE 
 
( 1 > 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 CIVIL WARS 
 
 O F 
 
 FRANCE, 
 
 Upon which the HENRIADE 
 is grounded. 
 
 H ENRYiht Great Ring of France^ 
 was born in the Year 1553. in 
 Pau^ a fmall Town, the capital 
 of Beam ; his Father, Anthony of Bour- 
 Ion Duke of Vendome^ was of the Royal 
 Blood, and the Head of that Branch 
 call’d Bourbon^ which formerly fignified 
 Muddy from a Place fo call’d, which fell 
 to their Family by a Marriage with an 
 
 Heirefs of that Name. 
 
 A Th« 
 
The Houfe of Bourhon^ from Le’iioh the 
 Ninth down to Henry the Fourth^ had 
 been almoft always neglected, and redu- 
 ced to fuch a degree of Poverty, that the 
 famous Prince of Conde^ Brother to An* 
 thony of Navarre^ and Uncle to Henry the 
 Great, had not Six hundred Pounds a 
 Year of his own. 
 
 The Mother of Henry was Jeame 
 d'Albret Daughter to Henry d' Albret Ring 
 ol Navarre^ a good Man and a worthlefs 
 Prince, rather flothful than peaceable ; 
 who bore with too much refignation the 
 privation of his Kingdom, which had 
 been taken from his Father, by the Pope’s 
 Bull fupported by the arms of Spain. 
 
 Jeanne., Daughter to fo weak a Prince, 
 had yet a weaker Hufband, to whom Ihe 
 brought for a Portion, her little Prin- 
 cipality of Bearn., and the empty Title 
 of King of Navarre. 
 
 This Prince, who liv’d in a time of 
 Faftions and Civil Wars, which requir- 
 ed a fteady Mind, was always fickle and 
 wavering in his Condudt ; he never knew 
 of what Party he was, nor of what Re- 
 ligion ; neither fit for a Court, nor qua- 
 lified to be a General ; He fpent all his 
 Life in courting his Enemies, and in un- 
 doing his Servants ; deceived by Catha- 
 rine of Medicis, baffled and opprefled by 
 the Guifes, nay, cheated always by him- 
 
( 3 ) 
 
 felf. He was mortally wounded at the 
 Siege of Kouen^ where he was fighting 
 the Caufe of his Enemies againft the lm 
 tereft of his own Houfe ; and he diedj 
 as he had liv’d uncertain and anxious. 
 
 Jeanne d’Albret was quite of an oppo- 
 fite Temper^ full of Courage and Refo- 
 lution, feared by the Court of France^ 
 beloved by the Proteftants, efteemed by 
 both. She knew all thefuperior parts 
 of Policy, but never the mean craft of 
 Intrigue. It is very remarkable, that Ihe 
 turned Proteftant at the very time her 
 Hulband turned Catholick; but from 
 that Day (he was as firmly attached to her 
 new Religion, as Anthony was wavering 
 in his. By thefe means Ihe became the 
 Head of one Party, whilft her Hulband 
 was the Slave and Bubble of the other. 
 She took the Education of her Son en- 
 tirely in to her own Hands. Henry was 
 born with alt the Endowments of hisMo- 
 ther, and he improved ’em eminently af» 
 terwards. He had nothing of his F ather, 
 except that Eafinefs of Temper, which 
 in Anthony was Uncertainty and Weak- 
 nefs, but proved in Henry Benevolence 
 and good Nature. _ , 
 
 He was not brought up like a Prince, 
 in that effeminate Pride, which enervates 
 the Body, weakens the Under ftanding, 
 and hardens the Heart. His Food was 
 A s courle, 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 courfe, his Cloaths plain; hewentalway? 
 bareheaded, was fent to School with the 
 young Companions of his Age, climbed 
 up with them among Rocks and Woods 
 to the Tops of the neighbouring Moun- 
 tains, according to the Cuftom of that 
 Country, and of thofe Times. 
 
 "While he was thus bred up with his 
 Subje6ls in a fort of Equality, without 
 which a Prince is too apt to forget he is 
 born a Man ; Fortune opened in France 
 a bloody Scene, and through the ruins 
 of that Kingdom almoft overturned, and 
 over the Graves of many Princes un- 
 timely cut off, prepared him a way to a 
 Throne, which he was in time to con- 
 quer, and to reftore to its Grandeur. 
 
 Henry the Second Ring of France^ the 
 Head of the Branch of Valois^ was kil- 
 led at Parts^ in a Turnament, which 
 was the laft in Europe of thefe roman- 
 tick and dangerous Sports. 
 
 He left four Sons, Francis the Second, 
 Charles the Niiith, Henry the Third, and 
 the Duke cFAlenqon^ all the unworthyPof- 
 terity of the great Francis the Firft, all 
 (except Alenqon') afcended the Throne 
 •one after another ; all lived lhamefully, 
 died untimely, and without Iffue. 
 
 The Reign of Francis the Second was 
 fhort, but made famous by the firft brea- 
 king out of thofe Factions, and by the 
 
 be- 
 
( ;) 
 
 beginning of thofe Calamities , which 
 laid wafte the Kingdom of France Thir- 
 ty Years fucceflively. 
 
 He was married to that famous and 
 unfortunate Mary Stuart Queen of Scot- 
 land^ whom her Beauty and Weaknefs 
 led afterwards into great Faults, greater 
 Miferies, and at laft to a dreadful Death. 
 She governed entirely her young Huf- 
 band Francis^ a Boy of Eighteen, with- 
 out Vice, and without Virtue, bora 
 with an infirm Body and a weak Mind. 
 
 Incapable of Governing by her felf, 
 Ihe was totally direfted by the Duke of 
 Guife her Mother’s Brother ; he influ- 
 enced the King by her means, and laid 
 deep the Foundations of the Grandeur 
 of his own Houfe. Catherine de Medicis, 
 the late King’s Widow, and the prefent 
 Ring’s Mother, began now to fhew the 
 firft fparks of her Ambition, which had 
 been ftifled during the Life of her Huf- 
 band ; But being unable to prevail with 
 her Son againft a young Wife, _ whom 
 he loved paflionately, and againft the 
 powerful Credit of the Houfe of Gutfe^ 
 Ihe thought fit rather to be their Tool for 
 a Time, and to eftablifh her own Au- 
 thority by the help of their Power, than 
 to contend in vain againft it. 
 
 Thus the Guifes domineered over the 
 Ring, and the two Queens ; and being 
 As Ma* 
 
( o 
 
 Mafters of the Court, were by courfe 
 Mafters of the Kingdom, the one in 
 France being generally a neceffary Con. 
 fequence of the other. 
 
 The Houfe of Bourbon was groaning 
 under the Oppreffion of the Houfe of 
 Lorrain ; Anthony of Navarre bore pati- 
 ently many fcandalous Affronts ; the 
 Prince of Conde^ his Brother, ftill more 
 bitterly abufed, endeavoured to fhake off 
 the- Yoke, He united in his great De- 
 figns with the Admiral Coligny, the Head 
 of the Houfe of Chatillon : Thefe two 
 
 Men were the moft terrible Enemies that 
 the Court had to fear ; Conde more am- 
 bitious, more forward, more reftlefs; 
 Coligny of a more fedate Temper, ft rid- 
 er in his Behaviour, fitter to be the Head 
 of a Party, indeed as unfuccefsful in War 
 as Conde ^ but repairing often by his Wif 
 dom what feemed irrepairable, more dan. 
 gerous after a Defeat, than his Enemies 
 after a Viftory ; endowed befides with as 
 great a fhare of Virtue as thofe Times 
 could permit, and as the Spirit of Fadi- 
 on could allow. 
 
 The Proteftants began then to grow 
 numerous, and to b? confcious of their 
 Strength. 
 
 The Superftition, the dull ignorant 
 Knavery of the Monks, the overgrown 
 
 Power of Rome^ Mens Paffion for No- 
 
 ■ ■ » ^ 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 velty, the Ambition of Luther and Cal- 
 the Policy of many Princes, all thefe 
 had given Rife and Countenance to this 
 Se6t, free indeed from Superftition, but 
 tunning as headlong towards Annarchy 
 as the Church of Rome towards Tyranny. 
 The Proteftants had been urimercifully 
 perfecuted in France , but it is the 
 nary effea of Perfecution to make Pro- 
 felytes ; their Se6t increafed every Day 
 amidft the Scaffolds and Tortures. Con- 
 de, Coligny^ the two Brothers of Colignyy 
 all their Adherents, all who were oppref- 
 fed by the Guifes^ turned Proteftants at 
 once ; they united their Griefs, their 
 Vengeance, and their Interefts together, 
 fo that a Revolution both in th^ State 
 and in Religion was at hand. 
 
 The firft Enterprise was a Plot to leize 
 the Gui/es at Ambotfe, and to get the Fer- 
 fon of the King into their Hands ; 1 ne 
 Plot boldly contrived, fecretly earned on 
 was difeovered juft as it was ready 
 put in Execution *, the Guifes punimed 
 the Confpirators in the moft cruel Man- 
 ner, in order to terrify their Enemies 
 from the like Attempts hereafter ; more 
 than Seven hundred Proteftants were ex- 
 ecuted. Conde was made Prifoner, ini- 
 peached of High Treafon, tried and len- 
 tenced to Death. 
 
 A 4 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 During his Trial, King Anthony of 
 Navarre his Brother, ftirred up by his 
 Wife, and by the CoUgny’s, raifed in Gui- 
 enne z powerful Number of Gentlemen, 
 as well Proteftants as Catholicks, attach- 
 ed to his Houfe ; he went with this Ar- 
 my ihrou^ Gafcogne ; but upon a fingle 
 Melfage that he received in his way from 
 the Court, he dimilfed ’em all with 
 Tears ; I muft fubmit^ fays he, but I will 
 obtain your Pardon from the King. Goy 
 and a/k Pardon for your felf anfwered an 
 old Officer, our Security is in the Point of our 
 Swords. Whereupon the Nobility, who 
 followed him, returned home with Scorn 
 and Indignation ; Anthony purfued his 
 Journey to the Court, there he follicited 
 for the Life of his Brother, being not 
 fecure of his own ; and he intreated eve- 
 ry Day the Duke and the Cardinal of 
 Guifey who received him fitting with 
 their Caps on, whilft he was bareheaded 
 and ftanding. 
 
 Every Thing was now ready for the 
 Death of the Prince of Condey when on 
 a fudden the Ring fell fick and died. 
 The Circumftances, the Suddennefs of 
 this Accident, the Propenfity of Man- 
 kind to believe that the untimely Deaths 
 of Princes are never natural, gave courfe 
 to the general Opinion, that Francis the 
 second had been poifoned. 
 
 His 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 His Death gave a new turn to Af- 
 fairs ; the Prince of Gonde was fet at Li- 
 berty, his Party began to breath, his Re- 
 ligion was propagated more and more, 
 the Authority of the Gmfes declined, 
 tho’not pulled down ; Anthony of Na- 
 varre recovered a fhadow of Authority, 
 which was enough for him ; Mary Stuart 
 was fent away into Scotland ; and Catherine 
 de Medici Sy who now began to a6l the 
 firft part on the Stage, was declared Re- 
 gent of the Kingdom during the Mino- 
 rity of Charles the Ninth her fecond Son. 
 
 She found her felf intangled in a laby- 
 rinth of inextricable Difficulties, be- 
 tween two Religions and feveral Fa6lions 
 itruggling with each other, and contend- 
 ing for the Power. 
 
 She refolved to deftroy them all, if 
 fhe could, by their own Arms ; fhe cul- 
 tivated the Hatred of the Condes^ againft 
 UrstGuijes ; Ihe promoted the Civil Wars, 
 indifferent and impartial between the 
 Church of Rome and that of GenevUy jea- 
 lous only of her own Authority; 
 
 The GuifeSy who were zealous Catho- 
 licks, becaufe Gonde and CoJigny were 
 Proteftants, were a long while at the 
 head of the Catholick Troops : Many 
 Battles w'ere fought, the Kingdom was 
 laid wafte by three or four Armies at a 
 
( lO ) 
 
 The Conftable, Jme de Montmorency^ 
 was killed at the Battle of St. Denis in 
 the Eightieth Year of his Age. Francis 
 Duke de Guife was aflalTinated by Poltrot 
 at the Siege of Orleans ; Henry the Third, 
 then Duke of Anjou, a great Prince in 
 his Youth, tho’ a mean Ring in his Ma- 
 turity ; gained the Vi6lories of Jarnac 
 ^ainft Conde, and of Moncontour, againft 
 Coligny. 
 
 The Behaviour of Conde, and his Death 
 in the Battle of Jarnac, are too remarka- 
 ble not to be mentioned : He had been 
 wounded in his Arm two Days before, 
 and when he was juft upon the point of 
 engaging the Enemy, had the Misfor- 
 tune to receive a Kick from a vicious 
 Horfe of one of his Officers ; his Leg 
 was broken by the blow : the Prince, 
 Without expreffing the leaft concern, faid 
 to thofe who were about him, Gentlemen, 
 learn by this Accident, that prancing Horfes 
 are more dangerous than ufeful in a Day of 
 Battle ; let us go on, purfued he, the 
 Prince of Conde, thd with a broken Leg, 
 and an Ann wound up, will engage with’ 
 out Fear, when followed by you. His Cou- 
 rage was not attended with Succefs, he 
 loft the Battle, all his Army run away ; 
 his Horfe being killed under him, he 
 ftood upright as well as he could, againft 
 a Tree, alone, fainting with the fmart 
 
( lO 
 
 of his Pain, but ftill undaunted , and 
 his Face turned towards the Ennemy : 
 Montefquiou, Captain of the Guards to 
 the Duke of Anjou^ paffed by the Place 
 where the unfortunate Prince was ftand^ 
 ing-, he afked, Who he was; and being 
 told, ’Twas the Prince of Condey Ihot 
 him dead in cold Blood. 
 
 After the Dead of Condcy Cohgny 
 had upon him all the burthen of the Par- 
 ty. Jeanne Albret^ then a Widow, 
 committed her Son to his Care ; the 
 young Henry at Fourteen years of Age, 
 went with him through all the Toils of 
 War, and Hardlhip and Adverfity were 
 
 his Tutors. . , . j 
 
 His Mother and the Admiral had no 
 other view, than to fettle their 
 in France independant from the Church 
 of Rome, and to fecure their own Au- 
 thority from the Power of Catherine de 
 
 Medicis. \ _ 
 
 Catherine had got rid already of 
 of her Rivals ; Francis Duke of Gatje, 
 who was the more dangerous and ob- 
 noxious to her, as he was of the lam^ 
 Party had been alfalTinated beiore 
 Orleans. His Son, Henry de Cuipy 
 who made afterwards fo great a fi- 
 gure in the W^orld, was but young; 
 the Prince of Conde was dead , Char' 
 ]es th? Ninth her Son, was broken 
 
( ) 
 
 to her Hani^ and fubmifiive to her Will ; 
 the Duke d'/bijou^ afterwards Henry the 
 Third, was intirely in her Intereft. She 
 feared no other Enemies but Jeanne cP Al- 
 Irety Coligny^ and the Proteftants: She 
 tliou^ht one Blow could deftroy them all 
 and fix her own Power for eVer. 
 
 She worked up the Ring, and even the 
 Duke d’ Anjou to her Delign ; all Things 
 were agreed on, and the Snares prepared ; 
 an advantageous Peace was propofed to 
 the Proteftants; CoUgny iirQd with the 
 Civil War accepted of it eagerly y Charlesy 
 in order to leave no room for any Sufj)i- 
 cion, gave his own Sifter in Marriage to 
 young Henry of Navarre, Jeanne d'Al- 
 Iret allured by thofe deceitful Appearan- 
 ces, went with her Son, with CoUgny 
 and with all the chief Proteftants to 
 Court. The Marriage was celebrated 
 With Pomp, all the Endearments, all the 
 affurances of Friendlhip, all the Oaths 
 which are facred among Men, were pro- 
 fufedly bellowed by Catherine^ and by 
 the King ; the reft of the Court thought 
 of nothing but Feafts, Plays, and Maf- 
 querades : At laft, one Night (which 
 was the Eve of St. BartholomeniOy in the 
 Month of Auguji i yji.j at Twelve a 
 Clock, the Signal is given, all the Hou- 
 les of the Proteftants are forced open at 
 once ; the Admiral CoUgny^ alarmed by 
 ' the 
 
< ) 
 
 rile uproar, rifes out of Bedj a Troop 
 of AfTaflines rufli into his Chamber; 
 one Befme, a Lorra 'tmr^ bred up a Ser- 
 vant in the Family of Guife^ was at 
 their Head ; he thrufts his Sword into 
 the Admirals Breaft, and gives him a 
 back ftroke on the Face. 
 
 Henry, the young Duke of Gu'tfe, the 
 fame who framed afterwards the Catho- 
 lick League, and who was murdered at 
 Blots, was at the Door of Colignfs Houfe, 
 waiting for the AflalTmation ; and cried 
 aloud, Befnte, is tt done ? Immediately the 
 AfTaflines threw the Body out of the 
 Window. Coligny fell and expired at the 
 Feet of Guife ; the young Man trampled 
 upon him, not that he was drunk with 
 the furious Catholick Zeal of Perfecution, 
 which at that time intoxicated half Frai?- 
 ce, but he was prompted by the fpirit of 
 Revenge, which, tho’ not generally fo 
 unmerciful as the fury of Religion, yet 
 leads often to more bafe Adions. 
 
 Mean while all the Friends of Cohgiry 
 are aflaulted throughout Baris ; Men, 
 Women, and children are promifcuoufly 
 llaughtered ; every Street was ftrowii 
 with expiring bodies \ Some Priefts hold- 
 ing up a Crucifix in one Hand, and a 
 Sword in the other, ran at the head of 
 the Murderers, and encouraged them m 
 
 the 
 

 '( 14 ) 
 
 the Name of God, to fpare neither Re* 
 lations nor Friends. 
 
 •i'^avames, Mareflial of Fraiw, an ig- 
 norant and fuperflitious Soldier, who 
 joined the fury of Religion to the rage 
 of Party, rid a Horfeback through Pat- 
 tis. crying to his Soldiers, Lst 3lood^ ht 
 Blood, bleeding is wbolefome in the Month 
 tf Augtlft as ’well as in May. 
 
 The Ring’s Palace was one of the 
 chief Theatres of Murder, for the Prince 
 Henry of Navarre had his Lodgings in 
 the Louvre, and all his Domefticks were 
 Proteftants ; many of them were killed 
 in their Beds with their Wives ; others 
 were flying naked, and purfued by the 
 Soldiers on the Stair Cafes ; through all 
 the Rooms of the Palace, nay even to 
 the Ring’s Antichamber. The young 
 Wife of Henry of Navarre awakened by 
 the dreadful Uproar, fearing for her Huf 
 band, and for herfelf, ftruek with Hor- 
 ror, and half dead, runs from her Bed 
 in order to throw herfelf at the feet of 
 the Ring her Brother ; flie fcarce had 0 - 
 pened the door of her Chamber, when 
 fome of her Proteftant Servants rulh into 
 it for refuge ; the Soldiers enter after 
 them ; they purfue them in the fight of 
 the Princefs, one who crept under her 
 Bed was killed there two others pierced 
 
( *; ) 
 
 Avkh Halleberts fell at her Feet, and Ihe 
 was all covered with their Blood. 
 
 There was a young Nobleman, very 
 much in the Ring’sFavour for his comely 
 air, his Honefty, and a certain peculiar 
 Happinefs in the turn of his Converfation 
 ’Twas the Earl of la Rochefoucault^ 
 Great-grandfather to the prefent Marquis 
 of Montendre, who came over into Eng* 
 W during another Perfecution , lefs 
 cruel but not lefs unjuft. La Kochefou* 
 cault had fpent the Evening till Eleven 
 a Clock with the Ring in a pleafant Fa* 
 miliarity, and had given a Eoofe to the 
 fallies of his Imagination with the ut- 
 moft Mirth and Alacrity. 
 
 The Ring felt a Remorfe, and was 
 ftruck with a ftart of Compaffion towards 
 him ; he bid him two or three Times not 
 to go home, but to lie in his Chamber^ 
 La Kochefomault anfwered he ftiould go 
 to his Wife. The Ring preffed him no 
 further and faid. Let him go ^ I fee God 
 has decreed his Death. The young Man 
 was maffacred two Hours after. 
 
 Few efcaped in the general Slaughter j 
 among thefe, the Deliverance of the 
 young la ForcCy is a ftrange Inftance of 
 what Men call deftiny. He was a boy ol 
 Ten years old. His Father, his Elder 
 Brother, and he were feized together 
 the Soldiers of the Duke d' Anjou. Theie 
 
 Itlur- 
 
( i6) 
 
 Murderers fell upon all three promifcu* 
 oufly^ and ftruck them at random, the 
 Father and the Sons covered with Blood 
 fell and lay upon one another4 fhe 
 Youngeft received not one Blow, coun* 
 terfeited to be dead, and made his elcape 
 the next Day ; his Life fo wonderfully 
 preferved lafted Fourfcore and Five 
 years. He was the fame famous IVIarC" 
 lhal de la Font, Uncle to the Dutchefs 
 of la Force, who is now in England. 
 
 Mean while many of thofe miferabic 
 Viaimes fled to the River Side ; fome were 
 fwimming over to the Fauxbourg S. Ger- 
 main. The Ring faw them from his Win- 
 dow, which look’d upon the River, and 
 (what is almoft incredible but too true) he 
 fired upon them with aCarabine. Catherine 
 de Medicis, undiflurbed and ferene in 
 the midft of the Slaughter, look’d down 
 from a Balcony fituated towards the City, 
 encouraged the Aflaflins, and laugh’d at 
 the dying Groans of the murdered j her 
 Maids of Honour and fome Ladies of 
 the Court went down into the Street, and 
 with an impudent Curiofity tallying 
 with the Abominations of that Age, ob- 
 ferved the naked Body of one Soubife, 
 who had been fufpe6fed of Impotency, 
 and was juft then killed under the 
 (Queen’s Windows. 
 
 The 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 The Court reeking with the Blood of 
 
 the Nation tryed fome Days after to pal- 
 liate fuch a Crime with Farms of 
 Law. They juftified the Maffacres 
 with a Calumny^ they imputed to the 
 Admiral, a Confpiracy which no Body 
 believed. The Parliament was ordered 
 to proceed againft the Memory of Colig- 
 Kv, his dead Body was hanged in Chains 
 at the Gallows of Montfauconi The Rmg 
 himfelf went to fee that lothfome Spefta- 
 cle, and as one of his Courtiers adviled 
 him to retire, and complain d ot the 
 ftench of the Corps, the Ring anfwered, 
 
 A dead Enemy fmelh f’wecU _ 
 
 That the Head of ^he Admira^ was 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
( i8 ) 
 
 perfiaps her Death was natural, *twas not 
 a rath Opinion to believe her to have been 
 poifon’d. 
 
 However the Execution was not con-- 
 fin’d alone to the City of Paris^ the fame 
 Orders were fent from the Court to the 
 Governors of all the Provinces of Pram ; 
 fo that in a Week’s time, more than a 
 hundred thoufand Proteftants were mafia* 
 cred all over the Kingdom. 
 
 Two or three Governors only refus’d 
 to comply with the Ring’s Orders; one 
 among others, call’d Mowtworn;? Gover- 
 nor of Auvergne wrote to the Ring the 
 following Letter, which deferves to be 
 tranfmitted to Pofterity ; 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I have received an Order under your 
 “ Majefties Seal to put to Death all 
 “ the Proteftants in my Province. I 
 “ have too muchRefpeft for your Majef- 
 “ ty not to believe the Letter is counter- 
 “ feited ; but, if (what God forbid) the 
 “ Order is truly yours, I have too much 
 “ Refpe6l for your Majefty to obey it. 
 
 'Phofe Maflacres, wrought in the Pro- 
 teftants who efcaped. Rage inftead of 
 Terror; their irreconciliable Hatred a- 
 gainft the Court feem’d to fupply them 
 with new Vigour, and the Spirit of Re- 
 irenge increas’d their Strength. 
 
 Not 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 Not long after the King was taken 
 <vith a ftrange Sicknefs which carried 
 him off in two Years. His Blood was 
 daily ftealing out, and gulhing through 
 the Pores of his Skin, fuch an unaccoun- 
 table Diftempcr, which was fo much a- 
 hove the Knowledge and the Skill of Phy* 
 ficians, was look’d upon as a Divine Vem 
 geance, as if the Blood of a Prince could 
 attone for the Blood of fo many thoufand 
 innocent Men. • ^ 
 
 During the Sicknefs of Charles^ his 
 Brother Jnjou had been defied King of 
 Poland^ on account of the great Reputa- 
 tion which he had happily obtain’d 
 when he was a General, and which he 
 loft. When a King. 
 
 As foon as he knew of his Brother’s 
 t)eath, he ftole away from Poland and 
 ran into France to enjoy the dangerous 
 inheritance of a Kingdom lhattered by 
 Faflions, fatal to its Soveraigns, and 
 ftained with the Blood of its Inhabitants. 
 He found at his Arrival nothing but Par- 
 ties and Calamities, which he increas’d 
 to the laft Degree. 
 
 Henry^ then King of Navarre,h.eadea the 
 Proteftants, and gave new Life to theii* 
 Party. On the other Side the young Duke 
 of Gujfe began to dazzle the Eyes of the 
 World with his great and dangerous 
 Qualities, he had a Genius more enter* 
 B a prizing 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 pmine then his Father. He feem’d te- 
 lldes to have a fair toortunity of aim- 
 ing at thatpiteh of Grandeur to which 
 his Father had opened the Way. 
 
 Anjou, now the third, was re- 
 
 puted unable to get Children, becaufe 
 of the Infirmities, which the debauches 
 of his Youth had brought upon him. 
 Hcyiyy of the lawful Heir of 
 
 the Crown. <?«?> try’d to fecure it to 
 himfelf, (at leaft after the Death of Hen- 
 ry the Third) and to wreft it irom the 
 Houfe of Capets, as formerly the Capets 
 had ufurped it from the Defcendants of 
 Charlemagne , and as the Father of 
 Charlemagne from his law'ful Sovereign. 
 
 Never did fo bold an Undertaking fecm 
 fo well and fo happily laid. Henry of 
 J^avarre, and all the Houfe of Bourbon 
 were Proteftants. Gutfe began to ingra- 
 tiate himfelf with the Nation by the 
 outward Shew of a Catholick Zeal. His 
 liberality fecured to him the common 
 People, he had all the Clergy at his devo- 
 tion. Friends in the Parliament, fpies 
 at Court , Servants throughout all 
 the Kingdom. His firft politick Step 
 was to make an Affociation under the 
 Name of the Holy League, againft the 
 Proteftants for the Security of the Catho- 
 lick Religion, half the Ri^dom came 
 with Eagernefs into that ne\v Projeft. 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 Pope Sixtus ^intus bleffed the League, 
 and fupported it as a new Komifh Militia. 
 Philip the Second Ring of Spain^ accord- 
 ing to the Policy of all Sovereigns, Vho 
 always help on the Ruin of their Neigh- 
 bours, gave all forts of Encouragement 
 to the League, in order to rent France to 
 pieces, and inrich himfelf with its Spoils. 
 
 Thus Henry being ftill an Enemy to 
 the Proteftants, found himfelf* betray’d 
 by the Catholicks, furrounded with le- 
 cret andopenFoes, andovereower d by a 
 Subie£l, who, tho’ fubmiifive in Abea- 
 rance, was really more Ring than him- 
 felf. , f 
 
 The only Way perhaps to emerge from 
 
 thefe Difficulties, was to join with Hen- 
 ry oi Navarre^ whofe Fidelity, Courage, 
 and indefatigable Spirit, was the only 
 Match for Guife, and who could fecure to 
 the Ring all the Proteftant Party, which 
 would have thrown much Weight into 
 
 theBallance. , ^ -r ^ i ^ 
 
 The Ring overrul’d by Gutfe (whom 
 he diftrufted, but durft not provoke ) ter- 
 rified by the Pope, betray’d by his Coun- 
 fellors, and by his wrong 
 
 contrary Way. He put himfelf at the Head 
 
 of the Holy League, in hopes to malteyt , 
 he united with Gutfe his rebell Subjeaa- 
 gainfl his Succeffor an his Brother-in-ww, 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 whom Nature and true Policy pointed 
 for his Ally. 
 
 ^ Henry of Navarre was now in Gafeogne 
 
 at the head of a little Army, while a 
 ftrong body of Troops was coming to 
 his Relief from the Proteftant Princes of 
 Germany^ through the Borders of Lorraine. 
 
 The Ring imagined that he could at 
 once reduce the Navarrois., and fink (Jai/f; 
 in order to that he fent the latter with a 
 fmall inconfiderable Army againft the 
 Germans^ by whom he had like to have 
 been overcome. 
 
 At the fame Time he caus’d his Favou- 
 rite Joyeufe to march againft the Navar- 
 rois, with the Flower of the French No- 
 bility, and with one of the ftrongeft Ar- 
 mies that had appear’d in the Field fmee 
 Francis the Fii ft. He was difappointed in 
 all his Hopes, Henry of defeated 
 
 intirely at Contras his powerful Army, 
 and Guife got the better of the Germans. 
 
 The only Ufe the Navarrois made of 
 his Vi6lory, was to offer a fure Peace to 
 the Kingdom, and his Afliftance to the 
 Ring ; but he was refus’d, tho’ Conque- 
 ror, becaufe the King was ftill more a- 
 fraidof his Subjefts than of him. , 
 
 Guife return’d vidlorious to Paris, he 
 was receiv’d like the Saviour of the Na- 
 tion, his Party grew more audacious, 
 the King more defpis’d, in fo much that 
 
 Guife 
 
( ^ 3 ) 
 
 Guife feem’d to have triumph’d over him 
 more than over the Germans, 
 
 The Ringprefs’d on every Side, awak’d 
 from his Lethargy, but too late ; he try’d 
 to humble the League, he defign’d to 
 feize fome of the moft feditious Ci- 
 tizens , he had the Courage to forbid 
 Gutfe to come to Paris ; but he felt at 
 hisownExpenfe whatit is to command 
 without Power. Gutfe came to Pans 
 in defiance of his Orders, the Citi- 
 zens rofe up in Arms, the Ring’s Guards 
 were taken Prifoners, and himfelf inver- 
 ted in his Palace. Men are feldom good 
 or bad enough. Had Guije attempted 
 that Day againft the Liberty or the Life 
 of the Ring, he had been in all Likely- 
 hood Mafter of France : but he let hirn 
 efcape after having befieg’d him ; and 
 thus he did too much and to little. 
 
 Henry the Third fled to Blois where he 
 held the general States of the Ringdom. 
 
 Thefe States refemble the Parliarnent 
 of Great Britain in their Convocation, 
 but are very different from it in their O- 
 perations j as they are very feldom call d, 
 they have no Rules to guide them, they 
 are generally made up of Men who ne- 
 ver having been in any reguto Meeting, 
 know not how to behave themfelves, 
 
 ’tis rather a Confufion than an Aflembly. 
 
( 24 ) . 
 
 - Guife did not ftick at going to Blots to 
 defie his Soveraign tefore the reprefent^, 
 lives of the Nation, after having expeh 
 Jed him from his Capital, 
 
 < Hem and he made a folemn Reconciba- 
 "^ion They went together to the fame Al- 
 tar they receiv’d the Communion toge- 
 ther the one fwore to forget all the paft 
 Iniuries, the other to be for ever true and 
 obedient ; And at that very time the Ring 
 intended to put Guife to Death, andG’a//? 
 
 to dethrone the Ring. 
 
 Gtttfe was fufficiently warn d to beware 
 of Henry, ^ut he defpis’d him fo much 
 as not to think him bold enough, even 
 to attempt an Affaflination. This Rafh- 
 nefs betray’d him. The Ring was re- 
 folv’d to be revenged on him, and upon 
 his Brother the Cardinal of Guife, the. 
 Partner of his ambitious Defigns, and 
 the moft ardent Promoter of the League, 
 he provided Daggers himfelf, and diftn- 
 buted them to fome Gcif coons ^ who onered 
 to be theMinifters of his Vengeance. They 
 murdered Guife in the Ring’s Clofet ; but 
 thefe very Men who ponyarded him re- 
 fufed to embrue their Hands in the Blood 
 of his Brother, becaufe he was a Prieft 
 and a Cardinal ; as if the Life of one 
 who wears a Band and a Calfock were 
 piore facred, than that of one who wears 
 a ihort Veft and a Sword. . 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 The Ring met with four common S^- 
 diers who, as the Jefuit Maimbourg fays, 
 havine not fo much Honour as the afore- 
 faid Gentlemen, killed the Cardinal for^ 
 an Hundred Crowns a piece. X 
 
 The two Brothers were put to Deatn 
 under Catherine of Medietas Apartrrwnt ; 
 tut Ihe was totally ignorant of her bon s 
 Defign, teing at that Time diftrufted by 
 all lartys, and forfaken even by the 
 
 *^^^ad fuch a Vengeance been perpetra- 
 ted with the Formalities of the Law, 
 which are the natural 
 the Tuftice of Rings, or the natmajVeil 
 
 to their Iniquity, it 
 League ; but as it wanted that folemn 
 For^, it was look’d upon % villanous 
 
 Murder, and did but exafperate the Party. 
 The Blood of the Gutfes i^ivigomted the 
 Strength of the League, as the Death 
 Coligny had given a new Life to the Pro- 
 teftants. Many Towns in decla- 
 
 red openly againft the Rmg, he went im- 
 mediately to but he found the 
 
 Gates ftiut againft him, and all the City 
 
 T^h? famous Duke of 
 Brother to the iaK Duke ^ 
 then mPms. He was eci psa y 
 
 Glory of Guije during his Lite 
 
 ter h^is Death he . prov’d asrdangerous^a 
 
 Tv'.; 
 
 
 ■X- 
 
 ■W. 
 
 ' vv] 
 
 
 i'; 
 
 Ar -a 
 

 ( S6) 
 
 Foe as his Brother ; for all his Qualities 
 were as great tho’ not fo fhining. 
 
 The Houfe of Lorraine ^ was very nur 
 merous in Parts. The mighty Name of 
 Gutfe^ their Magnificence, their Libera- 
 lity, their apparent Zeal for the Catho- 
 lick Religion, had made them the Dar- 
 lings of the City. Priefts, Burgeffes, 
 "Women, Magiftrates, Soldiers, all united 
 vigoroiifly with Mayenne in the purfuit 
 of a Vengeance that vgas thought very 
 juft. 
 
 The Duke’s Widow prefented a Peti- 
 tion to the Parliament againft Henry as a 
 Murderer. The Tryal begun according 
 to the common form of Law, two Coun- 
 fellprs were appointed to draw up the 
 Articles of Impeachement againft the 
 King ; but the Parliament did not pro- 
 ceed further, the Heads of that Affembly 
 being firmly attached to the Royal Caufe. 
 
 TheDo6lors oiSorbonne'werc not fo cau- 
 tious, feventy of that Society ifTued forth 
 a Writ, by which Henry de Valois was 
 deprived of bis Right to the Crown, 
 and the Oaths of Allegiance were dif- 
 folv’d. 
 
 But the moft dangerous Enemies to the 
 Royal Authority, w'^ere fome privateBur- 
 gelTes of Paris^ called the Sixteen., not be- 
 caufe of their Number, for they were for- 
 ty j but from the Sixteen Wards of Pam 
 
 which 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 which they had divided among them- 
 felves to rule over. The moft conliderable 
 of thefe Citizens, was one le Clerc, who 
 had affumed the great Name of Bujft. He 
 was a bold Burgefs and a bad Soldier like 
 his AlTociates. Thefe Sixteen had got 
 an abfolute Power, and grew at laft as 
 infupportable to the Duke of Mayetme 
 himfelf, as terrible to the Ring. 
 
 Moreover, the Priefts, who have ever 
 been the^^rumpeters of all the Revolu- 
 tions in the World, thundered in the 
 Pulpit, and affured in the Name of God, 
 that whofoever fhould attempt to kill the 
 Tyrant, fhould go infallibly to Heaven. 
 The facred and dangerous Names of E- 
 hudo{ Judith, and all the Alfaffmations 
 which the Holy Scripture hath confecrat- 
 ed, were then cryed out every where 
 into the Ears of the Nation. 
 
 The Ring in fuch an Extremity was 
 forced at laft to call to his Aid the fame 
 Navarrois, whofe Help he had refufed 
 before. This Prince was better pleafed 
 to fupport his Brother and his Ring than 
 to have vanquilh’d him. 
 
 He brought his Army over to the 
 Ring, but before his Troops were ar- 
 riv’d, he went forward to him, foHow’d 
 by a fingle Page. The Ring was amazed 
 at fuch a piece of Generofity, which he 
 had himfelf been uncapable of. 
 
 How- 
 
( ) 
 
 Jfowever the two Kings marched to Pa- 
 rh at the Head of a powerful Army. 
 The Town was not in a condition to refift. 
 The League was upon the brink of 
 Ruin, when a young Fryar of the or- 
 der of St. Dominic chang’d the whole 
 face of Affairs. 
 
 His Name was James Clement^ born in a 
 bge of Burgundy call’d Sorbonne, and 
 then Four aud Twenty years of Age. 
 His furly piety and melanchfily Mind 
 had been work’d up to Enthufiafm by the 
 common cry of the Priefts: He took up- 
 on him to be the Deliverer and the Mar- 
 tyr of the holy League. He difcovered 
 his Defign to his Friends and to his Su- 
 periors, all encouraged him and made 
 a Saint of him beforehand. Clement pre- 
 par’d himfelf for his Undertaking, he 
 faffed, fpent whole Nights in Prayer, 
 confefs’d h^s SinSj receiv’d the Sacrament, 
 bought a good Dagger and went away to 
 S. Cloudy where the King had hisQparters. 
 He afked for Admittance to the King un- 
 derpretence of revealing an important Se- 
 cret, which could allow of no Delay. Be- 
 ing brought before his Majefty, he kneel- 
 . cd down, and with a blufhing Modefty 
 delivered into hisHands aLetter which he 
 pretended was writ by the firft Prefident 
 jickilles de Bar lay. As the King was per- 
 ufing the Letter, the Fryar ftabb’d him 
 
 in 
 
( 29 
 
 In the Belly, and left the Dagger 
 in the Wound, then with an unconcerw- 
 ed Look crofled his Hands over hi« 
 Breaft, and lifted up his Eyes to Hea- 
 ven, waiting for the Event without fiir- 
 ring. 
 
 The King cries out, rifes up, fnat- 
 ches the Dagger from his ow>n Belly, 
 and thrufts it into the Forehead, of tlic 
 Murderer. 
 
 Many Courtiers rulh in at the Noife: 
 It had been their Duty to fecure the 
 Fryar, and referve him for Examination 
 and Torture, in order to a Difcovery of 
 his Accomplices. But they kiifd him 
 on the fpot with a Precipitation that laid 
 them under the fufpicion of having 
 known too much of his Defign. 
 
 BeMry of Navarre was now King of 
 Trance by his Birth-right, Part of the 
 Army acknowledged him, and Part for- 
 fook him. 
 
 Duke cTEpermn and fome others retired, 
 alledging they were too good Catholicks, 
 to fight for a King who did not go t» 
 Mafs. They fecredy hoped that a total 
 Subverfion of the Kingdom (which they 
 wilh’d for, and relyed on,) tvould give 
 them an opportunity of making theni- 
 felves Soveraigns in their relpeSilve Man-* 
 nors. 
 
 Mean 
 
X ZO*) 
 
 Mean while the Deed of CUmerit 
 was approved at Rome ; and himfelf wor* 
 Ihippeciin Paris. The holy League ac- 
 knowledged for their King the Cardinal 
 of an old Prieft, Uncle to iif«ry 
 
 the Fourth in order to Ihow the World 
 that it was the Hereticks and not the 
 Houfe of Bourbon^ which their Hatred 
 purfued. 
 
 Thus the Duke of Mayenne was wife 
 enough not to alfume the Title of Ring, 
 yet to get all the Royal Power in his 
 Hands, while the miferable Cardinal of 
 Bourbon.^ whom the League call’d Ring, 
 was kept Prifoner by Henry the Fourth 
 during the remainder of his Life, which 
 lafted but two Years. 
 
 The League more fupported than ever 
 by the Pope, aflifted by the Spaniards^ 
 and extreamly powerful by itfelf, was 
 at the hight of her Grandeur, and look’d 
 down upon Henry the Fourth with that 
 Hatred which Religion infpires, and 
 with a Contempt begot by their Sue- 
 ceffes. 
 
 Henry had few Friends, few great 
 Towns, no Money, a fmall Army; but 
 his Courage, his A6livity, his Policy 
 fupplied all thofe Wants. He gained fe- 
 veral Vidlories, efpecially that of Ivry 
 againft Mayenne. This Battle was one 
 of the moft remarkable that ever was 
 
 fought. 
 
fougl^. The two Generals exerted on 
 that Day all their Art, the Soldiers all 
 their Courage, few Faults were com- 
 mitted on either Side. Hemy ow’d at 
 laft the Viaory to the Supriority of his 
 Knowledge and Valour ; but he confefs’d 
 that Mayetwe had fulfill’d all the Duties 
 of a great General. He was, faid the 
 Ki^, deficient only in his Caufe. 
 
 He prov d as clement in the Viaory as 
 he was terrible in the Battle. He knew be- 
 fides, that Power is often lelTened by the 
 full ufeof it, and extended by Moderation. 
 He flopp’d the Fury of the Soldiers who 
 were purfuing theEnnemy, he took care 
 of the wounded , fet at Liberty many 
 Prifoners. Yet fo much Valour, and fo 
 much Generofity did not mollify the 
 Heart of the League. 
 
 The Civil Wars of France were now 
 become the Quarrel of Europe. King 
 Philip the Second was eagerly engaged 
 in the defence of the League : Queen 
 EUfabeth gave all forts of Affiftance to 
 Henry, not becaufe he was a Proteftant ; 
 but becaufe he was an Ennemy to Philip 
 the Second, whofe incroaching Power 
 Was dangerous to herfelf : She fent him 
 Five Thoufand Men under the command 
 of the Earl of Efjex her Favourite, the 
 lame whom Ihe caufed afterwards to be 
 beheaded. 
 
 The 
 

 ( 32 > 
 
 The Ring continued the War with w 
 rious Succefs ; In one Day he gok by 
 Storm all the Suburbs of He had 
 
 taken the Town perhaps hkewife, had 
 he had no other View but to conquer. 
 But he was afraid of giving up his Ca- 
 as a prey to the Soldiery, and of de^ 
 Eroyiiig the City which he had a 
 to lave. He befieged Pans, he raifed 
 the Siege, he begun it again, at laft 
 be block’d it up, and cut off all the 
 Communications to the Town, hopittff 
 that the Scarcity of Provifions would 
 force the Panfiem to furrender without 
 
 ^^But^y^KW^, the Priefts, and the Six- 
 teen Burgeffes -rnanaged fo 
 Spirits of the People, work d up their 
 Hatred againft the Hereticks to fuch a 
 Degree, and fool’d their Imagination to 
 fuch an Enthufiafm, that they chofe ra-* 
 ther to dye by Hunger, than to fubmit. 
 
 The Fryars and the Monks made a 
 Show, which, as ridiculous as it vvas in 
 itfelf, was yet of great ufe to animate 
 the People. They made a kind of mili- 
 tary Mufter , marching m Rank and 
 Files, wearing rufty Armours over theif 
 Cowles, having at their Head 
 Rure of the Virgin Mary, wedding 
 Swords in their Hands, and crying, t ey, 
 
c 33 ; 
 
 were all ready to fight and to dye In the. 
 Defence of Faith. So that the Citi- 
 zens who faw their Confeflbrs in Arms, 
 thought really that they fought the Caufe 
 of God. 
 
 However Scarcity occafioned foon an 
 univerfal Famine. That prodigious mul- 
 titude of Citizens had no other Support 
 but the Sermons of their Priefts, and the 
 fiftitious Miracles of Fryars, who, by the 
 way had all Things in Plenty in their 
 Convents, while all the Town was re- 
 duced to ftarve. The miferable Parifiens 
 lull’d at firft by the hopes of being foon 
 reliev’d, were finging Ballads in the 
 Streets, and Lampoons againft Henry^ 
 a Fa6l not to be related with Probality of 
 any other Nation, but fuitable enough tu 
 the Genius of the French even in fo delolate 
 a Condition. That Ihort-liv’d wretched 
 Mirth was ftopp’d quickly by the molt 
 ferious and the moft inexprelTible Mife- 
 ry. Thirty thoufand Men dyed of Hun- 
 ger in a Month’s Time^ The poor 
 ftarv’d Citizens tryed to make a fort of 
 Bread with the Bones of the Dead, which 
 being bruifed and boil’d, were reduc’d 
 to a kind of Geliy. But fuch an unna- 
 tural* Food afforded them no other man- 
 ner of Benefit than to kill them the fooner* 
 It is recorded and confirmed by all the 
 Teftimonies which can be credible, that 
 C a Wo- 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 a Woman kill’d and fed on her own 
 Child. Moreover the ftubborn Obftina- 
 cy of the Parifietis was equal to their Ca- 
 lamities. Henry pityed their Condition 
 more than they did themfelves ; his good 
 Nature prevail’d over his Intereft. 
 
 He fuffered his Soldiers to fell private- 
 ly all forts of Provifions to the Town; 
 thus it happened, what was never feen 
 before, that the Befiegers fed the Befieged. 
 ’Twas a fingular Speaacle to fee the Soldi- 
 ers from the bottom of theirTrenches fend 
 up Viftuals to the Citizens, who were 
 throwing down Money to them from the 
 Ramparts. ManyOfficers prompted by the 
 Licentioufnefs common to a military life, 
 bartered a Sirloin of Beef for a Wench, 
 fothat one might have feen Women get- 
 ting down in Bafquets , and the Bafquets 
 hoifted up again full of Provifions. By 
 thefe Means the Officers were taken up 
 with an unfeafonable Licentioufnefs, the 
 Soldiers got too much Money^ the Be- 
 iieged were reliev’d, and Henry loft the 
 Town. For in the mean time an Army 
 of Spaniards came from the low Coun- 
 tries j the King was obliged to raife the 
 Siege, and run again through all the 
 Toils and Viciffitudes of War, till 
 at laft the Spaniards being driven out of 
 the Kingdom, he came a third Time be- 
 
( 3 ; ) 
 
 fore Parts j that was ftill more ftrongly 
 bent againft receiving him. 
 
 Now the Cardinal of Bourbon that 
 Mimick of a King was dead : An Af- 
 fembly was held in Paris under the Name 
 of the General States of the Kingdom to 
 proceed to the Eledtion of a new King. 
 Spain influenced powerfully thofe States. 
 Mayenne had a ftrong Party, who would 
 have plac’d the Grown on his Head. At 
 iaft Henry tired with the cruel Neceflity 
 of waging art eternal War againft his Sub- 
 jedts, knowing befides they hated his Re- 
 ligion, not him, refolved to turn Roman 
 Catholick ; for the Priefts were the only 
 Enemies he was afraid of. Few Weeks 
 after Paris opened its Gates to hirri, and 
 what his Valour and his Magnanimity 
 could never bring about, was eafily ob- 
 tain’d by going to Mafs, and by receiving 
 Abfolution from the Pope. 
 
< 37 ) 
 
 
 A N 
 
 E S S A Y. 
 
 <0 N 
 
 Epick poetry. 
 
 W E have in every Art more 
 Rules than Examples, for 
 Men are more fond of teach- 
 ing, than able to perform ; fo there are 
 more Commentators than Poets, and ma- 
 ny Writers who could not make two 
 Verfes, have over-charg’d us with volu- 
 minous Treatifes of Poetry. All thofe 
 Teachers feem to have much labour’d by 
 their Definitions, Diftinftions, @r. to 
 fpread a profound Obfcurity over Things 
 in their own Nature clear and perfpicu- 
 x)us; and’tis no wonder if fuch Lawgi- 
 vers, unequal to the Burthen which they 
 took upon themfclves, have embroil’d the 
 States which they intended to regulate. 
 
 ..P 3 The 
 
( 3S) 
 
 The greateft Part of the Criticks have 
 fetch’d the Rules of Epick Poetry from 
 the Books of Horner^ according to thp 
 Cuftom, or rather, to the Weaknefs of 
 Men, who miftake commonly the Begin- 
 ning of an Art, for the Principles of the 
 Art itfelf, and are apt to believe, that 
 every Thing muft be by its own Namre, 
 what it wasi when contriv’d at firft. 
 But as Homer wrote two Poems of a 
 quite different Nature, and as the Eneid 
 of Virgil partakes of the Iliad^ and of 
 the Odi(fey, the Commentators were forc’d 
 to eftablifh different Rules to reconcile 
 Homer with himfelf, and other new 
 Rules again to make Virgil agree with 
 Homer : Juft as the Aftronomers labour’d 
 under the Neceffity of adding to, or ta- 
 king from their Syftems, and of bring- 
 ing in concentric, and excentric Circles, 
 as. they difcover’d new Motions in the 
 Heavens. 
 
 The Ignorance of the Aftronomers 
 was excufabie, and their Search after 
 the unfathomable Syftem of Nature, was 
 to be commended ; becaufe it is certain, 
 that Nature hath its own Principles um 
 variable, unerring, and as worthy of our 
 Search, as remote from our Conceptions. 
 
 But it is not with the Inventions of 
 Art, as with the Works of Nature. The 
 fame Fancy which hath invented Poe- 
 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 try, changes every Day all its Proda* 
 clions, becaufe it is liable itlelf to eter- 
 nal Viciffitudes. The Poetry and Mufick 
 of the Perfiam, differ as much from ours, 
 as their Language. Even a Nation differs 
 from itfelf, in lefs than a Century. There 
 are not more Revolutions in Governments, 
 than in Arts. They are lhifting,and gliding 
 away from our Purfuit, when we en- 
 deavour to fix them by our Rules and 
 Definitions. 
 
 If I am to give a Definition of a Suit 
 of Cloaths, I ought not to defer ibe any 
 particular one. Neither the Roman nor 
 the Greeks nor the French ought to be let 
 up for a Pattern. A Suit of Cloaths in, 
 itfelf, is the covering of the Body, that 
 as all that is effential to it. The reft is 
 but acceffary Ornament, which Fancy 
 and Cuftom create, preferve, and de- 
 ftroy at their Will j and if we like one 
 Falhion befi, we are not to exclude eve- 
 ry other, T- ■ t 
 
 So ’tis perhaps with Eptek Foetry. 
 The Word Eptek comes from Epos, which 
 fignifies Difeourfe. An Eptek Poem is a 
 Difeourfe in Verfe. Ufe alone has pre- 
 fix’d the Name of Eptek, particularly to 
 thofe Poems which relate fome great 
 Aaion. Let the Aaion be fingle or 
 cpmplex, let if lie in nne fingle Place, 
 
 C 4 ^ ^ 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 the Iliad, or let the Hero wander all the 
 World over, as in the Odijfey, let 
 there be one fingle Hero, or a great 
 many ; happy, or unfortunate ; furi- 
 ous as Achilles, or pious as Mneas-, let 
 them be Kings, or Generals, or neither 
 of them ; let the Scene lie upon the Indi- 
 an Ocean, as in the Lafiada of Camouens', 
 in the Weft-Indies, as in the Araueana of 
 Alonzo of Ereilla ; in Hell, in Heaven, 
 out of the Limits of our Nature, as in 
 Milton ', the Poem will equally deferve 
 the Name of Epick, unlefs you have a 
 Mind to honour it with another Title 
 proportionable to its Merit. 
 
 In fo boundlefs a Career, the Point of 
 the Queftion, and of the Difficulty, is to 
 know what all polite Nations agree up- 
 on, and in what they differ. 
 
 An Epick Poem ought to be grounded 
 upon Judgment, and embellifh’d by Ima- 
 gination; what belongs to good Senfe, 
 belongs to all the Nations of the World. 
 The Greeks, the Romans, the Italians, 
 French, Englifh and Spaniards, tell us in 
 all their Works, that they chiefly like 
 Unity of Adlion, becaufe the Unden 
 ftanding is better fatisfy’d when it repo- 
 fes upon a fingle Objeft, adequate to our 
 View, and which we may take in eafily, 
 than when it is loft in the Hurry of 
 Gonfufion. 
 
 They 
 
( 4 > ) 
 
 They tell us, that fuch aft Untt^ 
 ought to be attended with Variety, as a 
 Body is made up of Members, all differ 
 rent, and all conducive to the fame End ; 
 That the Action lliould be great^ to 
 ftrike us with Awe, mterefiing^ becaufe 
 we delight in being mov’d, entire^ that 
 our Minds may be wholly latisfy’d. 
 
 Thefe, and the like, are a Rind of 
 eternal Laws, fubmitted to by all Nati- 
 ons, becaufe ena6led by Nature. But 
 the Machinery^ the Ep'tfodes^ the Stile 
 itfelf, and all that depends upon that im 
 ftin6t call’d ^ajie^ ana upon the Tyranny 
 of Cuftom, that is the Point in which 
 there are too many Opinions and no 
 Rules. 
 
 It is true, there are Beauties which 
 the Tafte of every Nation equally relilh. 
 Since all Europe hath fet up the Greeks 
 and Roman Authors for Models of Wri- 
 ting, Homer and DemoftheneSy Virgil and 
 have in fome Meafure united um 
 der their Laws our European Nations, 
 and made of fo many and different Counr 
 tries, a fingle Commonwealth of Letters, 
 But ftill our particular Cuftoms have in- 
 troduc’d among them all, a new Sort of 
 Tafte, peculiar to each Nation. 
 
 The beft modern Writers have mix’d 
 the Tafte of their Country, with that of 
 the Ancients, Their Flowers, and their 
 
 Fruits, 
 
( 42 ) 
 
 Fruits, warm’d and matur’d by the fame 
 Sun, yet draw from the Soil they grow 
 upon, their different Colours, their Fla- 
 vours and their Size. It is as eafy to di- 
 ftinguifh a Spanifh^ an Italiun^ or an En- 
 glifh Author, by their Stile, as to know 
 by their Gate, their Speech, and their 
 Features, in what Country they were 
 born. 
 
 The Italian Softnefs, their Witticifm, 
 fo often degenerating into Conceit, the 
 pompous and metaphorical Stile of the 
 Spaniard, the Exaftnefs and Perfpicuity 
 of the French, the Strength peculiar to 
 the EnglHh, their Fondnefs of Allego- 
 ries, their running into Similes, are fo 
 many diftinguifbable Marks, which do 
 not efcape the Obfervation of proper 
 Judges. 
 
 From their different Charafters flows 
 that dillike that every Nation fhows for 
 the Tafte of its Neighbour. Hence it is 
 that the Battle of the Angels in Milton, 
 would not fucceed among the French. 
 Hence it is that the long, but noble 
 Speeches of Cinna, and Augujius, in Cor- 
 neille, could not be tolerated upon the 
 Englijh Stage. 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 Thefe following Lines of are 
 
 admired in /ra/y, learnt by Heart, and in 
 every Body’s Mouth, 
 
 Colei Sophronia, Olindo egli S’apella, 
 D'una cittade entramhi^ e cCuna fede. 
 
 che modefto e fi com’ effa e bellUj 
 Brama ajjliiy poco Spera^ e nulla chtedcy 
 Ne fa Scoprirfiy o non ardifce ; e elluy 
 0 lo SprezzUy o no’ I vede^ o non s’avede ; 
 
 Cofi fin hora il mifero ha fervitOy 
 0 non viftoy 0 mol notOy o mol gradito. 
 
 There is nothing in thefe Lines, that 
 offends againft good Senfe y but fuch a 
 gingling of Words, that overnice Sym- 
 metry of ExprefTion, that curl’d Thought 
 revolving on iifelf, won’t methinks be 
 applauded by a Frenchy or an EngUfh 
 Reader, who require a more ferious and 
 more majeftick Simplicity in Heroic Po- 
 etry. 
 
 Among many Paffages of Miltony which 
 every French Reader would ftartle at, I 
 beg leave to quote one, which has here 
 more Partifans than Criticks ; ’tis in the 
 firft Canto, 
 
 At once as far as Angels Keny he views 
 ^he difmal Situationy wafte and wildy 
 
 A 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 A Dungeon horrible^ on all Sides rounds 
 As one great Furnace flarrCd j yet from thofe 
 
 \Flama 
 
 No Lights but rather a Darknefs vijiUe^ 
 Serv’d only to dif cover Sights of Woe. 
 
 Antonio de Solis, in his excellent Hifto.- 
 ry of Mexico, hath ventur’d on the fame 
 Thought, when fpeaking of the Place 
 wherein Montezuma was wont to confult 
 his Deities; “ ’Twas a large dark fub- 
 “ terraneous Vault, fays he, where fome 
 difmal Tapers afforded juft Light e- 
 nough to fee the Obfcurity. ” 
 
 Such daring Thoughts would he look’d 
 upon as Nonfenfe, by a French Critick, 
 whofe Exaftnefs is often call’d in Eng- 
 land Timidity. And fince the greateft 
 Foet among the Englijh, and the beft 
 Writer among the Spaniards, have not 
 fcrupl’d to indulge now and then fuch 
 Flights bordering on Bombaft, that proves 
 at leaft, that in their Countries, 
 Authors have a more free Scope than in 
 France. 
 
 I need no more Examples to demon- 
 ftrate, that there is fuch a Thing as a 
 National Tafte. 
 
 This once granted, if we have a Mind 
 to get a true Knowledge of Epick Poetry, 
 it would be worth our while to take a 
 Stjrvey of all the different Poems of that 
 
 kh 
 
( 4J ) 
 
 Kind, which have fucceeded in different 
 Ages, and in different Countries. 
 
 Tis not enough to be acquainted with 
 Virgily and Homer. As in regard to Tra- 
 gedy, a Man who has only perus’d So- 
 phocles and Euripides^ could not have an 
 entire Notion of the Stage. We fliould 
 be their Admirers, not their Slaves. We 
 do not fpeak the fame Language. 'Our 
 Religion (the great Bafis of Epkk Poe- 
 try) is the very Reverfe of their My- 
 thology : Our Battles, our Sieges, our 
 Fleets, are more different from theirs, 
 than our Manners from thofe of America^ 
 The Invention of Gun-Powder, that 
 of the Compafs, that of Printing, fo 
 many Arts befides newly emerg’d into 
 the World, have alter’d the Face of the 
 Lniverfe; and an Epick Poet, being fur- 
 rounded with fo many Novelties, muft 
 have but a fmall Share of Genius, if he 
 durft not be new himfelf. 
 
 We fend our Children to travel into 
 neighbouring Countries, after they have 
 read Virgil and Homer at School. Should 
 their Time be ill employ’d in getting a 
 thorough Knowledge of Milton in Eng- 
 land.^ or of ^ajfo in Italy? Where are 
 Monuments to be found, which better 
 deferve the Obfervation of a Traveller ? 
 
 Our 
 
( 4 « > 
 
 Our juft Refpe6l for the Ancientsj 
 proves a meer Superftition, if it betrays 
 iis into a raih Contempt of our Neigh- 
 bours and Countrymen. We ought not 
 to do fuch an Injury to Nature, as to 
 Ihut our Eyes to all the Bepties that 
 her Hands pour around us, in order to 
 look back fixedly on her former Produ^ 
 6lions. 
 
 ’Tis a Pleafure, no doubt, and a great 
 Improvement of our Mind, to furvey all 
 the Epick Writers in their refpe^live Coun^ 
 tries, from Homer down to Milton, and 
 to obferve the different Features, and 
 the various Dreffes of thofe great Men. 
 
 ’Tis a Task beyond the Reach of my 
 Capacity, to give a full Profpeft of them. 
 I mail but faintly touch the firft Lines 
 of their Piftures. Some abler Hand will 
 add the finifhing Strokes to this impcr- 
 fedt Dfavving. 
 
 The judicious Reader will fupply the 
 Defers, and inforce the feeble Hints 
 he will find in this Effay. My Part is to 
 propofe, his to judge; and his Judg- 
 tnent will be right, if he attends with- 
 out Partiality, laying afide the Prejudices 
 of the School, or the over-bearing Love 
 of the Produdtions of his own Country. 
 
 He will mark the Progreffes,- the Sink* 
 ing of the Art, its raifmg again, and 
 purfue it through its various Changes. 
 
/ 
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 He will diftinguilh the Beauties, and the 
 Faults which are fuch, every where, and 
 in all Ages, from thofe doubtful Things 
 which are call’d Blemilhes by one Na- 
 tion, and ftil’d Perfedlions by another. 
 
 He will not be tyranniz’d by Arijiotle^ 
 Caftehetroy Dacier^ Le Boffu ; but he will 
 extrafl his own Rules from the various 
 Examples he lhall have before his Eyes, 
 and govern’d by his good Senfe alone, 
 be a Judge between the Gods of Hvmer^ 
 and the God of Milton^ and between Ca~ 
 lipfo^ Dtdo^ Armida^ and Eve. 
 
 But if the Reader be fo juft, as to 
 make Allowances for the Time, in which 
 thofe different Authors have writ, it is 
 to be hoped, he will look with fome In- 
 dulgence on the Di61ion of this Effay, 
 and pardon the Failings of one who 
 has learn’d Evglijh but this Year, of 
 one vvho has drawn moft of his Ob- 
 fervations from Books written in Eng- 
 land., and who pays to this Country but 
 Part of what he Owes to her. A Nurfe 
 is not difpleafed with the ftammering 
 Articulations of a Child, who delivers 
 to her with much ado his firft undigeli- 
 cd Thoughts, 
 
 HO- 
 
V 
 
 o 
 
 (4S) 
 
 HO M E 
 
 if T would fcem too affuniing) and prove 
 1 veryufelefs, to expatiate upon fcr 
 and VirgiL efpecially in England^ where 
 there is fc^rce a Gentlern3.n unacquainted 
 
 with Latin and Greek. 
 
 As to Llon'ier^ thofe who cannot read 
 him in the Original, have Mr. Poph 
 TTranflation, they may difcern the Fire 
 ■of that Father of Poetry, -i^fleaed from 
 fuch a polilh’d and faithful Glals. I 
 will neither point out his Beauties, lince 
 none of them are loft in the Tranflation, 
 nor cavil at his Faults, which are for 
 the moft Part leflen’d or embellilh d. 
 
 Let every Reader confult himfelf, when 
 he reads Homer, and reflea how that Poem 
 works upon his Mind j then he will judte 
 if Homer hath reach’d to the utmoft Pitch 
 of the Art, in any Thing elfe but m 
 that predominant Force of Painting which 
 makes his peculiar Charaaer. ^ 
 
 Motwithftanding the Veneration due, 
 and paid to Homer, it is very ftrange, 
 yet true, that among the moft learn d, 
 and the greateft Admirers of Anti- 
 quity, there is fcarce one to be found, 
 who ever read the Iliad, w'ith that 
 Eagernefs and Rapture, which a Wo^ 
 man feels when fhe reads the Novel 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 »f Z.dida ; and as to the common Mafs 
 of Bfeaders, lefs converfant with Let- 
 ters, but not perhaps endow’d with a 
 lefs Share of Judgment and Wit, few 
 have been able to go through the whole 
 Iliad, without ftrugling againft a fecret 
 Diflike, and fome have thrown it afide 
 after the fourth or the fifth Book. How 
 does it come to pafs, that Homer hath fo 
 many Admirers, and fo few Readers ? 
 And is at the fame Time worlhipp’d and 
 negledled ? 
 
 I’ll endeavour to give fome Reafons 
 for this Paradox. The common Part of 
 Mankind is aw’d with the Fame of Ho- 
 mer, rather than ftruck with his Beau- 
 ties. The judicious Reader is pleas’d no 
 doubt with the noble Imagination of 
 that great Author, but very few have 
 command enough , over their own Preju- 
 dices, and can tranfport themfelves far 
 enough into fuch a remote Antiquity, as 
 to become the Contemporaries of Homer 
 when they read him : Good Senfe bids 
 them to make Allowances for the Man- 
 ners of his Time, but ’tis almoft impof- 
 fible to bring themfelves to a quick Re- 
 lilh of them. The Rays of his Light 
 tranfmitted to their Eyes through fo 
 long a Way, afford them but a feeble 
 glimmering Twilight, and no Warmth. 
 They are like the old Counfellors of 
 D Priam, 
 
( 
 
 Priam, who confefs’d without any Emo* 
 tion of Heart, that Helena was a Beauty. 
 
 A fccond Reafon of their Diflike, is 
 that Uniformity which feems diffufed 
 through all the Work. The Battles take 
 up three Parts of the whole Iliad. The 
 Reader is more likely to be difgufted by 
 the continual Glare of that predominant 
 Colour which is fpread over the Poem, 
 than to be pleafed with the Variety of 
 Teints, and Shades, which require a re* 
 fin’d Sight to perceive them. 
 
 Thirdly, tne Poem is certainly too 
 long, and ’tis an Exception, that all the 
 Epick Poets are liable to ; for there is no 
 Epick Poetry without a powerful Imagh 
 nation, and no great Imagination with- 
 out over-flowing. 
 
 I wave here all the Quarrels rais’d by 
 the Enemies of Homer, to fuch Parts of 
 his Poems, as may be the Objedls of our 
 Criticifm, but never the Caufe of our 
 Sleep. 
 
 His Gods are perhaps at once abfurd 
 and entertaining, as the Madnefs of Ari- 
 ofto amufes us with a bewitching De- 
 light. And for his other Faults, the 
 Majefty, and the Fire of his Stile, fogh- 
 tens them often into Beauties. 
 
 But in my Opinion, the beft Reafon 
 for that languour which creeps upon the 
 Mind of fo many Readers, in Spight of 
 
 the 
 
C ) 
 
 the Flalhes which roufe her now and 
 then, is, that Homer intereflTes us for 
 none of his Heroes. Jchtlles is too boi* 
 fterous to infpire us with a tender Con- 
 cern for him. And fuppofe his very 
 Fiercenefs could extort from us that fa- 
 vourable Difpofition which the over- 
 powering Idea of Valour generally for- 
 ces us into, his long Idlenels wears a- 
 way the Thought of him, and as the 
 Poet lays him alide, fo does the Reader. 
 
 Menelans^ who is the only Occafion of 
 the War, and in whom of Courfe our 
 AfFedlions ought to center, is very far 
 from being a Ihining Charailer. Parts^ 
 his Rival, excites our Contempt. Me- 
 tielaus is in the Poem, but the Brother 
 of Agamemnon^ and Paris the Brother of 
 Helfor. Agamemnon^ Ring of Rings, 
 fhocks us with his Pride, without gi- 
 ving us any great Idea of his Condu6I. 
 I do not know how it comes to pafs, 
 but every Reader bears fecretly an ill 
 Will to the wife Ulyjfes. The fair Hele- 
 tia^ the Caufe of fo great Mifchiefs, is 
 infignificant enough. No-body cares 
 whofe Share fhe will fall to, fince Ihe 
 feems herfelf indifferent between her two 
 Hufbands. 
 
 When two Warriors fight in the Iliad^ 
 we are aw’d indeed with the Defcrip- 
 Cion, nay often tranfported with their 
 D 2 Fury, 
 
( ya > 
 
 Fury, but we feel neither Hope tioi* 
 Fear for any of theni. 
 
 We are like Juno in the M.ncid^ 
 
 ^ros rululus w fuat^ nullo dijcrimim la.- 
 
 \hcho. 
 
 We pity indeed the Misfortunes of 
 Priam, nor will I quarrel with the Tears 
 that we give to his Affli6lions._ I wilh 
 only that Homer would have interefted 
 us for the Greeks, throughout all the 
 Poem, fince he intends to praife them, 
 and fince they are the Heroes of the Poem ; 
 but I’ll go no further than to obferve, 
 that if we are mov’d with the Sorrow 
 of Priamj at the very End of the Poem, 
 we are indifferent towards him in the 
 Courfe of the A6lion. 
 
 Of all the Warriors, the couragious, 
 the tender, and the pious Hellor, de- 
 ferves moft our Affections. He hath the 
 beft Character, though he defends the 
 wrong Caufe ; and he is betray’d by the 
 Gods, though he hath fo much Virtue. 
 
 But our Concern for him is loft, in 
 the Crowd of fo many Heroes. Our At- 
 tention is divided, and leffen’d, like a 
 Stream cut into many Rivulets. 
 
 Thus the Reader’s Imagination is of- 
 ten fill’d with great and noble Ideas, 
 while the Affections of the Soul ftag- 
 
 natej 
 
( ^3 ) 
 
 nate’ and if in any long Work whate* 
 V£r, the Motions of the Heart do not 
 keep Pace with the Pleafures of the Fan- 
 cy, ’tis no Wonder if we may at once 
 admire and be tir’d. 
 
 If all thefe Reafons are contefted (for 
 what Aflertion of our Minds is undif- 
 putable?) I muftadda further Obferva- 
 tion, which is a Matter of Fa6l out of 
 the Reach of Difpute. Many of the 
 Books of the Iliad are independent from 
 one another ; they might be tranfpos’d 
 without any great Alteration in the 
 Aftion ; And perhaps, for that Reafon, 
 they were call’d Rapfodies. I leave to 
 the Judgment of the Reader, if fuch a 
 Work, let it be never fo well written, 
 never fo teeming with Beauties (can bp 
 interefting) and win our Attention. 
 
 VIRGIL 
 
 M r. Addifon was the firft who con- 
 fidered in their proper View the 
 Materials which compos’d the Stru61ure 
 of the Mneid. 
 
 It is certain Virgil fram’d his Poem 
 out of many Fables concerning the Set- 
 tlement of ^neas in Italy, handed down 
 to his Time, which were credited by 
 the People, with a Kind of fuperftiti- 
 ous Belief. 
 
 D 3 
 
 In 
 
( ; 4 ) 
 
 In the like Manner, it is probable, 
 Homer founded his lluid^ upon the Tra- 
 dition of the T'rojan War. 
 
 For to believe Homer and Virgil fub- 
 mitted before-hand, to the Rules laid 
 down by Le Boffu^ who bids an Epick 
 Poet invent, and difpofe the Conftitution 
 of his Fable, before he thinks of the 
 Name of his Heroes, is not indeed 
 natural : In all likelihood they did 
 not cut the Coat, without knowing 
 whofe fliape it could fit. Such a Rule 
 may be obferv’d in Comedy, which 
 deals chiefly in the Expofition of the 
 Manners, and of the Ridicule of the 
 Age; or Delights in a Plot, made up of 
 furprifing, but little Incidents, which 
 never require the Teftimony of Hiftory, 
 or the Weight of any celebrated Namp 
 
 But the Epick., as well as the Tragick 
 Poets, generally pitch upon a Subjeft, 
 and a Hero well known, whofe Angle 
 Name muft ftrike the Reader with Awe, 
 and command his Attention. They a- 
 dapt their Invention to the Hiftory, for 
 if one Ihould begin by laying down a 
 Fable intirely of his own Imagination, 
 all the Records in the Univerfe could 
 not afford him an Event, adequate to 
 his Plan ; he muft needs alter it. And 
 t cannot apprehend why Mr. Le Bofu, 
 
 advifes 
 
( 5 ) ) 
 
 advifes to build what muft neceflarily be 
 deftroy’d. 
 
 Whatever it be, Part of the Events 
 included in the ^neid^ are to be found 
 in Dionyfius Halicarnajfus. He mentions 
 with Accuracy, the Courfe of the Navi- 
 gation of jEneas. He does not omit the 
 Fable of the Harpies^ the Predidlions ut- 
 tered by CeUno^ the eating up of the 
 Cakes, 
 
 As to the Metamorphofe of the Ships 
 into Nymphs, if Dionyfius does not men- 
 tion it, Virgil himfelf takes care to juftir 
 fy fuch an Abfurdity, by telling us, that 
 it was an ancient Triiition ; 
 
 Prifca fides fa^o^ fed fama perenms. 
 
 It feems that Virgil afham’d of fuch a 
 fairy Tale, hath a Mind to excufe it by 
 the common Belief. 
 
 Many Palfages of Virgil confidered in 
 this View, are intirely vindicated againft 
 his Criticks, whofe good Senfe was mif- 
 led in that Particular by their Inatten- 
 tion. 
 
 If an Author among the Frenchy at- 
 tempts a Poem on Clovis, he is allow’d 
 to fpeak of the Holy Vial, brought down 
 from Heaven, in the Bill of a Dove, in- 
 to the Church of Rheims, for the Cor<> 
 nation of the K-ing. If an Englifb Wri- 
 D 4 ter 
 
( iO 
 
 ter takes King Arthur for his Subje6l, he 
 may without Cenfure bring in the In- 
 cantations of Merlin^ it being the Fate 
 of all thofe antient Fables, which the 
 Beginning of every Nation is involv’d in, 
 to be rever’d for their Antiquity, when 
 they are laugh’d at for their Abfurdity ; 
 but upon the Whole, it would be better 
 to omit them, though we are allow’d to 
 mention them; for a fingle Reader of 
 Senfe, who will be ftiock’d at fuch Sto- 
 ries, deferves more Refpedt, than the 
 Crowd which gives them Credit. 
 
 As to the Conftrudlion of his Fable, 
 he is accus’d by fome, and commended 
 by others, for having follow’d Homer 
 clofely ; but if I dare fpeak my Opinion, 
 he deferves neither fuch an Injury, nor 
 fuch a Compliment. He could not a- 
 void introducing the Gods of Horner^ 
 ■who were the Roman Gods too, nor talk- 
 ing of the Siege of Tt'oj, fince AEneas 
 was a trojan Hero. 
 
 Thofe Things were common to the 
 Creek Author, and to him. He draws 
 his Richeffes from the fame Source, 
 but not at the Expence of his Prede- 
 ceffor. 
 
 Virgil, ’tis true, hath tranflated fome 
 Paffages of the Iliad, and of the Odijfey ; 
 he hath borrow’d fome little Defcrip- 
 cions, fome obvious Similes, which fure- 
 
 ly 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 ly his great Genius did not want, by 
 which but a little Glory could acrue to 
 him, and which are rather an Honour 
 paid by him to Horner^ than a Proof of 
 nis ftanding in Need of Help. 
 
 ’Tis pleaiant to fee how fome Criticks 
 have triumph’d, in the Difeovery of thofe 
 Trifles. Thofe who take up Arms for Ho- 
 mer, againft Virgil, and who facrifice the 
 Pleafure of being pleas’d with both, to 
 the chimerical Fancy of railing the Glo- 
 ry of the one, at the Expence of the o- 
 ther, pretend that Dido is the Copy of 
 Calipfo. That yEneas is fent to the Shades 
 after Ulyffes, and the like. Let the Ri- 
 ders compare thofe pretended Copies with 
 the fuppos’d Original, they will find a 
 wonderful Difference. 
 
 The Palfion of Dido, her Misfortune, 
 her Death, brought in as the Caufe of 
 that everlafting Hatred between Carthage 
 and Rome ; and Anchifes calling forth from 
 the Womb of Time, the Fate of the 
 Roman Empire, all thefe Beauties are 
 not certainly owing to Homer. 
 
 It is not in the Nature of a Genius, 
 to be a Copift. Wherever Virgil is great, 
 he is himlelf ; but in thofe little Paflages 
 borrow’d from Homer, he commonly 
 falls fhort of the Original; and ’tis a 
 juft Punilhment for having clogg’d the 
 
 Liberty 
 
 I 
 
( J8 ) 
 
 Liberty of his Genius, with the Fetters 
 of Imitation. 
 
 Some Criticks proceed further, they = 
 tell us, Virgil has copied his fecond Book 
 from Pifunder^ and the fourth after Apol- 
 lonius. 
 
 If he has ftolen from them, then he 
 hath not robb’d Homer. But all that ought 
 to be flatly deny’d ; and the only Anfwer 
 which is to be made to fuch Difcove- 
 ries, is, that the fecond and fourth Book 
 of Virgil., are too great MafterrPieces of 
 Art to be but Copies. 
 
 ’Tis juft as fome People fay Milton 
 hath ftolen his Poem from an Italian 
 Stroller call’d Andreino. 
 
 And after all, what avails fuch a tri- 
 fling Enquiry ? ’Tis not the Perfon of 
 Virgil, ’tis the which we admire ; 
 
 let the fecond and the fourth Book be- 
 long to Pifander, to Apollonius, or to 
 Virgil, or to any-body elle, the Name of 
 the Author does not alter the Beauties of 
 the Book. Let Macrohius and other Cri- 
 ticks, detra6t from the fix Letters which 
 make up the Name of Virgil, his Works 
 will neverthelefs be the Delight of all 
 Ages, and the Pattern of all Poets. 
 
 Another Objeftion againft him, is, 
 that he hath not crowded in his Poems 
 fo many Heroes as Homer hath done, 
 That Ajany Diomede Sy Idcmeneus, &c. 
 
 are 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 are all fhining Chara6ters ; whereas the 
 faithful Achates, the ftrong Gias^ and the 
 magnanimous Cloanthus^ are of no Man- 
 ner of life, and ferve only but to fill 
 now and then the Gap of a Verfe or 
 two. 
 
 I am apt to think, that fuch an Obje- 
 6tion turns a great deal to the Advantage 
 of the Mneld. Virgil fung the Adions 
 of Aineas^ and Homer the Idlenefs of 
 Achilles. 
 
 The Greek Poet lay under the Necefli- 
 ty of fupplying the Abfence of his firft 
 Hero, with fome other Warriors; but 
 what was judicious in Homer, would 
 have been prepofterous in Virgil: He 
 knew too much of his Art, to drown 
 his principal Charafter in the Crowd of 
 many other Heroes, indifferent to the 
 main Action. 
 
 Thus he found the Way to center our 
 Concern in jEneas ; he interefles us for 
 him, by never lofing Sight of him, while 
 Homer prefenting us with the fhifting 
 Scene of fo many Ihining Charadters, in- 
 tereffes us for none. 
 
 Mr. De St. Evremont fays, /Eneas is 
 fitter to be the Founder of an Order of 
 Monks, than of an Empire. ’Tis true, 
 /Eneas hath the Misfortune to pafs ge- 
 nerally under the Notion of a pious 
 Man, and not a great Warrior ; the 
 ’ Fault 
 
(6o) 
 
 Fault is not in Virgil , it lies in the 
 wrong Notions which the Generality 
 of Mankind entertains of 'Courage. 
 Our Eyes are datzl’d with theboifte. 
 rous Fury of a wild Hero. Had Vir- 
 gil been lefs wife, had the Courage of 
 yEneas been a barbarous Ralhnels, inftead 
 of a fedate, and calmly-daring Valour, 
 perhaps he might pleafe better, but fure- 
 ly he would deferve it lefs. 
 
 It is a juft Criticifm on Virgil^ that the 
 latter part of his Poem is lefs animated 
 than the firft, not that the fix laft Books 
 are intirely languifhing, but their milder 
 Eight is overpowered by the Luftre of 
 the others. 
 
 That great Defe6l is owing to the Dif- 
 pofition of the Poem, and to the Nature 
 of the Things. The Defign of a Match 
 between Mneas and Lavinia unknown 
 and indifferent to each other, and a War 
 rais’d about a Stag wounded by a young 
 Boy, could not indeed command our 
 Concern as well as the burning of 
 *ltroy^ and the Love of Dida^ 
 
 ’Tis a great Miftake to believe an Au- 
 thor can foar, when the Subje6l finks, 
 All the Art he employs, fhows only that 
 he till’d with Labour and Skill an un- 
 grateful Soil. If the natural Chain of 
 Events in the M.neid could have allow’d 
 Virgil to rife by Degrees in point of Sen- 
 timents 
 
( ) 
 
 tiiiients and Grandeur ; his Poem had 
 been as unexceptionable as the Bounds of 
 human Talent will permitt. In Ihort his 
 Fault lies in having reach’d to the utmoft 
 pitch of theArt in the middle of hisCourfe. 
 
 LUCAN. 
 
 f A Fter we have lifted up our Eyes to- 
 jTY. wards Virgil^ and Horner^ we need 
 not look down on the other Roman Au- 
 thors who have been humbling in the 
 fame Carrier. Let us lay afide their 
 mean and monftrous Mimicks, StatiuSy 
 and Silias Italicas j but we ought not to 
 overlook Lucan^ who took entirely a new 
 Courfe, and whofe free Genius borrow’d 
 neither its Beauties nor its Faults. 
 
 He was of an ancient equeftrian Fami- 
 ly, born at Cordova in Spain under CaVf 
 gidai he was brought to Rome whea 
 Eight Month’s old, and educated there, 
 under the Influence of his Uncle Seneca^ 
 with the nice Care that his Birth, his 
 opulent Fortune, and efpecially the Preg- 
 nancy of his early Genius deferved. I 
 mention this, only to filence, thofe Cri- 
 ticks who have call’d in queftion the Pu- 
 rity of his Language ; they took him for 
 a Spaniard., who wrote Roman Verfes ; 
 and prepoffefs’d with that Notion, they 
 fancied they difeover’d in his Language 
 
 fome 
 

 7 ' ; 
 
 ' i' I 
 
 "i^i. ii 
 
 ( 62 ) 
 
 fome Faults which do not really exift ; 
 and which if they did exift, could not 
 be perceiv’d by any Modern. 
 
 He was at firft a Favourite to N<;ro^ 
 till he had the noble Imprudence to con* 
 tend with him for the prize of Poe- 
 try, and the dangerous Honour of car- 
 tying it. 
 
 He praifed that Emperor in his Phar- 
 faint, while Nero was yet the Delight of 
 the Empire ; he confpir’d againft him 
 when the Emperor became aTyrant. All 
 the World knows he was fentencedto 
 die ; and the Choice of the manner of 
 his Death being left to him, he chofe to 
 have the Veins of his Arms and Legs 
 open’d in a hot Bath ; and dy’d with that 
 Tranquillity, which in thofe Moments 
 is the true greatnefs of Soul. 
 
 He was not the firft who thought a re- 
 cent Hiftory the proper fubjeft of an 
 Mpiek Poem, for Varius had ventur’d be- 
 before him (and with Succefs) on fuch 
 a dangerous Undertaking. 
 
 The Proximity of the Times and the 
 Notoriety of the Events which he took 
 for his Theme, were certainly a great 
 Clog to his Poetical Invention, (if he 
 had any.) 
 
 The greater his Subjedi: was, the grea- 
 ter the Difficulty. Cefar and Pompey 
 were no doubt Men of higher Impor- 
 tance 
 
(«3) 
 
 lance than Agamemnon, or JFneat' nnA 
 
 the War wag’d before the 
 
 and before Lat'mm^ were but Frays of 
 
 Children dn comparifon of the Roman 
 
 Civil War in which the greateft Men of 
 
 Rome fought for the Empire of the 
 
 World. 
 
 Lucan could hardly give any Scope 
 to his Imagination on a Subjedl fo well 
 known, and with more Difficulty come 
 up to its Grandeur. On thefe Accounts 
 the frame of his Poem is dry and tedi- 
 ous, becaufe he dares not deviate from the 
 Hiftory ; and his Stile fwells too often 
 in to Fuftian^ when he endeavours to 
 raife it to the Actions of his Heroes. 
 
 So ALneas and Achilles who were in- 
 confiderable in themfelves, are for ever 
 great in Homer and Virgil. V/hile Cefar^nh. 
 Pompey, fmk under the Bombaft of Z,«- 
 can.^ ’Tis a great Pity that thePidures 
 of hisHeroes being drawn with fuch maf- 
 terly Strokes, their Aftions are fo littk 
 affedling. 
 
 Nothing is more beautiful than the 
 Chara61er of Cato^ of Cefarj and of Pom- 
 pey, but nothing more languilhing than 
 the part which they a61. Lucan with 
 all the force of his Painting, with his 
 Grandeur, with his W it, with his political 
 Notions is but a declamatory Gaze- 
 
 teer : 
 
( 64 ) 
 
 feer i Sublime here and there y faulty 
 through all the Work. . 
 
 He is to be commended tor having 
 laid the Gods afide, as much as Homer 
 and Virgil for having made ufe 01 that 
 Machinery. Thofe Fables were adapted 
 to the dark fabulous Ages in which 
 Priam and Latinus liv’d, but no Way 
 fui table to the Wars of Rome. What 
 brightens the Chara 6 ler of /t,neasy and 
 confers a Majefty on the inconfiderable 
 Beginnings ot Rome, would have de- 
 bas’d the Charaaer of Cefar^ and drawn 
 a Ridicule upon him. What a poor Fi* 
 
 f ure would that Conqueror make in the 
 ^ield of PharfaliUy Ihould he be aflifted 
 by Iris or by Mercury ? 
 
 Methinks that Ihows evidently that 
 the Intervention of the Gods is not ab- 
 folutely requir’d in an Epick? o&m. They 
 are fo far from being neceffary, that the 
 beft Paflage of Lucan (and perhaps of all 
 the Poets) is the Speech of Cato in the 
 Ninth Book, when he fcorns to confult 
 Jupiter. ’Tis not for want of Gods, but 
 for want of managing with Art the Af- 
 fairs of Men, that Lucan is inferior to 
 
 The Judgment of the World is juftly 
 palfed upon him. He is look’d upon as 
 a ftrong Genius, tho’ not as a good Poet; 
 and the precious Stones which mine in the 
 
( ) 
 
 Pharfaliay (tho’ ill fet,) yet daMle and 
 Ihine in our Eyes. Monfieur de Corneille 
 was us’d to fay, that he was more indebted 
 to Lucan than to Virgil. Not that he was 
 fo unjuft, and of fo injudicious a Tafte 
 as to prefer the Pharfaiia to the /Eneid. 
 But an Author who brings real Heroes 
 upon the Stage, has but little to d® with 
 Poetical Fiftions, and will be better 
 help’d by the vigorous Thoughts of Lu- 
 can^ than by the elegant Narration of 
 Vtrgil. Mr. Adijfon borrowed from the 
 Pharfaiia fome Strokes, in the drawing 
 of hxs Cato. That Ancient Poet never re- 
 ceived a greater Honour then when he 
 was imitated by Mr. de Corneille and by 
 Mr. Adiffon., two Men every way fuperi- 
 or to him. 
 
 R I S S I N 0. 
 
 A Fter the Fall of the Roman Empire 
 in the Weji ; feverai Kingdoms 
 rofe out of its Ruins, and many Lan- 
 guages were form’d out of the remains 
 of the Latin Tongue. The Northen Inva- 
 ders brought every where their Rough- 
 nefs and their Ignorance. Their Lan- 
 guage made up at firft of a corrupted 
 Latin., and of irregular Gotick, were as 
 uncouth as their Manners, and as defti- 
 tute of W^ords as their Minds of Ideas, 
 E In 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 In the Courfe of a thoufand Years the 
 Italian y \ht French^ i\\& Spaniards 
 their Manners and their Idioms. And 
 learning fpreading itfelf by Degrees al- 
 moft over all Europe^ enlarg’d the Sphere 
 of every Language. 
 
 Many Writers complain now-a-days, 
 that the Latin is us’d only in the Schools, 
 and in the Romijh Churches ; they upbraid 
 the Infufficiency of modern Languages \ 
 they fay that their own Idioms fmk un- 
 der their Imagination. But they would 
 have more to complain of, if according 
 to their Defires the Latin was ftill the 
 Language of Europe \ for in that Cafe, 
 very little Room would be left for their 
 Labours. A Multitude of ancient Au- 
 thors more generally read and better un- 
 derftood would fhut up all the Avenues 
 to the Ambition of the Modern. To imi- 
 tate Virgil or would be a Plagiarifm, 
 to deviate from them, an AfFeftation , 
 The World overftock’d with Models of 
 Writing would difcountenance any new 
 Endeavour , and the greateft Genius 
 would be difcouraged. 
 
 On the contrary, he who writes in a 
 modern Language, hath the Ancients 
 for his Guides, not for his Rivals ; when 
 he imitates them, he enriches his own 
 Country ; the particular Caft of his 
 Mother-tongue awakens his Imaginati- 
 on 
 
( «7 ) 
 
 cn into new Turns, and beftows an air 
 of Novelty on fome Conceptions which 
 otherwife would have appear’d too com- 
 mon. In fhort every new Language oc- 
 cafions fome new Produftions. 
 
 The Italian Tongue was at the end 
 of the fifteenth Century brought to the 
 Perfe6lion, in which it continues now, 
 and in which it will remain as long as 
 , ^affo in Poetry, and Machiavd in Profe 
 fhall be the Standart of the Stile. 
 
 'J^affb was in his Childhood, when 
 ^rifino (the Author of the firft Tragedy 
 written in a modern Language) lanch’d 
 out into the attempt of an Epkk Poem. 
 His Subje(ft was Italy deliver’d from the 
 Goths by Belixarius under Juftinian, The 
 Subjeft was noble, the Performance was 
 mean, but ftill fucceeded, and this Daw- 
 ning fhone a little in a time of Darknefs, 
 till It was abforb’d in the broad Day of 
 ^aflo. 
 
 ^rtjfino was a Man of great Parts, and 
 of extenfive Learning, he was employ’d 
 by Leo the Tenth in many great Affairs, 
 and had fucceded very well in his Em- 
 baffy to the Emperor Charles the Fifth. 
 But at laft he lacrificed his Ambition, 
 and worldly Affairs to his Paffion for 
 Letters, which at that Time were re- 
 puted honourable, becaufe they were 
 newly reviv’d in Europe^ and in the Glo- 
 E 2 ry 
 
 f 
 
( 68 > 
 
 ry of their Prime. He was juftly fond 
 of Homer, and yet his great Fault is to 
 have imitated him ; for Imitation requi- 
 res more Art than is generally believed. 
 The Flowers of the ancient appear 
 but wither’d, when gather’d by unlkil- 
 ful Hands. This I infift upon, be- 
 caufe nothing is more common than Au- 
 thors who mangle Homer and Virgil in 
 their own Produflions, and fcreen them- 
 felves under thofe great Names, with- 
 out fufpeaing that the very Things, 
 which are to be admired in Virgtl, may 
 be ridiculous in them. 
 
 Thus ^rijjino, for Example, endea- 
 vours to imitate that beautiful paffage of 
 Homer, where Jum having fummon’d all 
 her Charms, and adorn’d with the Gir- 
 dle of Venus, deludes her Hufband into 
 an unufual Fondnefs. 
 
 The Wife of Juftinian hath the fame 
 Defign upon her Hufband. Firft Ihe 
 wafhes herfelf in her fine Clofet, file 
 put on a clean Shift, and after the long 
 enumeraiions of all the Trinkets of her 
 Toilette, Ihe comes alone into a little 
 Garden where the Emperor was fitting 
 down : She coins a Lie, fhe allures him 
 by fome Coquettries, and at laft the Em- 
 peror — 
 
 Le Diede un Bacio 
 Suave', f, legetto lelraceciaall collo. 
 
 E ella 
 
( 5 '9 ) 
 
 JE dla fiette e forridendo dijfe. 
 
 Signor mto doles hor che volete fare ? 
 
 Che fe venijj'e algimo in quejio luogo 
 E ct vedejje^ havrei tanta vergogna 
 Che piu non ardirei levar la fronts : 
 Entriamo nelle noftre ufqte Jianze, 
 Chtudamo li ufei^ e fopra il vojiroletto 
 Ponianciy e fate poi, quel che vi piace. 
 Vimperador rifpofe ; edma mia vita^ 
 
 Non diiVitate dela vijta altriii : 
 
 Che qui non puo venir perfona humana^ ^ 
 Senon per la mia Stanza. E io la chiufi 
 Come qui venni^y e ho la chiave a canto y 
 E penfo che ancor vi chiudefte Vufcio 
 Che vien in effo dele Stanze yoftre \ 
 
 Perche giamai non lo lafciajie aperto : 
 
 E detto queftOy fuhito ahbraciolla ; 
 
 Poi fe colcar ne la minuta herbettay 
 La quale allegra Hi fioriva d'intornoy &c. 
 
 The Emperor gave her a Kifs, and 
 folded her tenderly in his Arms. She 
 paufed a little, and faid, O my Sweet 
 Lord, what will you do ! fhould any 
 “ body come hither and fpye us, I could 
 never fhow my Face, tor Shame; Let 
 us ftep into our Bed-Chamber , let 
 us lock up all the Doors, and whert 
 we are together upon our Bed, you 
 may do with me what you pleafe. The 
 E 3 “ Em- 
 
i 70 ) 
 
 “ Emperor anfwered, My Dear, my Soul ! 
 “ do not lie under any fear of being 
 difcovered *. For not one living Soul 
 “ can arrive at us but through my 
 “ Chamber ; I took care to Ihut the Door 
 “ as I came hither, and I have the Key 
 “ in my Pocket; I fuppofe too you have 
 “ the Key of the Back-Door which o- 
 “ pens from your Apartment into mine, 
 “ for you never leave it open : he faid, 
 “ and hugged her. The tender Grafs 
 “ on which they dallied, rejoiced at their 
 Pleafures, and fhot forth into tender 
 “ Flowers. 
 
 Thus what is beautiful and noble be- 
 tween Jove and Junoy becomes as low 
 and as diftaftefuf between the old Juft i- 
 nian and Theodora ; as when among us, 
 a Man and Wife carefs one another be- 
 fore Company. 
 
 ^r 'tjfim hath efpecially endeavour’d to 
 follow Homer in the Detail of the De- 
 feriptions ; but he is very accurate in de- 
 feribing the Furniture of the Houfes of 
 his Heroes *. He does not omit a Button j 
 or a Garter in their Drefles; and does 
 not fay a W^ord of their Chara6ters. 
 
 However, I do not mention him only 
 to point out his Faults, but to give him 
 the juft Praifes he deferves; for having 
 been the firft in Europe who attempted 
 
 an 
 
( 71 ) 
 
 an Epick Poem, in a vulgar Tongue, and 
 in blank Verfe ; for not having been 
 Guilty of a fmgle Quibble in his Works, 
 though he was an Italian -y and for ha- 
 ving introduc’d lefs Magicians, and fewer 
 inchanted Heroes, than any Author of 
 his Nation. 
 
 C A MOU E N S, 
 
 W HILE 1‘riffmo was clearing away 
 the Rubbilb in Italy^ which Barba- 
 rity and Ignorance had heap’d up for ten 
 Centuries, in the Way oi the Arts and 
 Sciences, Camouens in Portugal it-eerg a 
 new Courfe, and acquir’d a Reputation 
 which lafts ftill among his Countrymen, 
 who pay as much Refpedt to his Memo- 
 ry, as the Englifh to Milton, 
 
 He was a ftrong Inftance of the irre- 
 fiftible Impulfe of Nature, which deter- 
 mines a true Genius to follow the Bent 
 of his Talents, in Spight of the Ob- 
 ftacles which could check his Com ie. 
 
 His Infancy loft amidft the Idlenefs and 
 Ignorance of the Court of Ujhon\ his 
 Youth fpeni in romantick LoVes, or in 
 the War againft the Moors •, his long 
 Voyages at Sea^ in his riperjears; his 
 Mikortunes at Court, Revolutions 
 of his Country, none of all thefe could 
 
 fupprefs his Genius. e n ^ i 
 
 Emanuel the fecond Ring of Portugaly 
 
 E 4 i^aving 
 
( 72 > 
 
 having a Mind to find a new Way to the 
 EaJi-lndjes by the Ocean, fent V elafco de 
 Gama with a Fleet in the Year 1497 , to 
 that Undertaking, which being new, was 
 accounted rafh and imprafticable, and 
 which of Courfe gain’d him a great Re- 
 putation when it fucceeded. 
 
 Camouens follow’d V elafco de Gama in 
 that dangerous Voyage, led by his 
 Friendlhip to him, and by a noble Cu- 
 riofity, which feldom fails to be the Cha- 
 ra61er of Men born with a great Imagi- 
 nation. 
 
 He took his Voyage for the Subject of 
 his Poem ; he enjoy’d the fenfible Plea- 
 fure, which no-body had known before 
 him, to celebrate his Friend, and the 
 Things which he was an Eye-Witnefs 
 of. He wrote his Poem, Part on the 
 Atlantic Sea., and Part on the Indian 
 Shore-, I ought not to omit, that in a 
 Shipwrack on the Coafts of Malabar, he 
 fwam a Shore, holding-up his Poem in 
 one Hand, which otherwife had been 
 perhaps loft for ever. 
 
 Such a new Subje61:, manag’d by an 
 uncommon Genius, could not but pro- 
 duce a Sort of Epick Poetry unheard of 
 before. 
 
 There no bloody Wars are fought, no 
 Heroes wounded in a thoufand different 
 Ways; no Woman enticed away, and 
 
 the 
 
( 73 ) 
 
 the World over-turn’d for her Caufe; 
 no Empire founded ; in fhort nothing of 
 what was deem’d before, the only Sub- 
 je6l of Poetry. 
 
 The Poet conduas the Portuguefe Fleet 
 to the Mouth of the Ganges^ round the 
 Coafts of Jfrick. He takes Notice in 
 the Way, of many Nations who live up- 
 on the African Shore. He interweaves 
 artfully the Hiftoiy of Portugal. The 
 Simplicity of his Subjea, is rais’d by 
 fome Fiaions of different Rinds, which 
 I think not improper to acquaint the 
 
 Reader with. . , ^ 
 
 When the Fleet is failing m the Sight 
 of the Cap^ oj Good-Hope^ call’d then the 
 Cape of the Storms, a formidable Shape 
 appears to them, walking in the Depth 
 of the Sea; his Head reaches to the 
 Clouds, the Storms, the Winds, the 
 Thunders, and the Lightnings hang a- 
 bout him ; his Arms are extended over 
 the Waves. ’Tis the Guardian ot thatlo- 
 reisn Ocean unplough’d before by any 
 Ship. He complains of his being oblig d 
 to fubmit to Fate, and to the audacious 
 Undertaking of the Portuguefe, and tore- 
 tels them all the Misfortunes which they 
 muft undergo in the Indies. 
 
 I believe, that fuch a Fi6lion would 
 be thought noble and proper, in all A- 
 ges, and in all Nations. 
 
 There 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 There is another, which perhaps 
 would have pleas’d the Italians as well as 
 the Portuguefe^ but no other Nation be- 
 lides: It is an inchanted Ifland, call’d 
 the.Ifland of Blifs, which the Fleet finds 
 in her Way home, juft rifing from the 
 Sea, for their Comfort and for their Re- 
 ward ; Camoucns defcribes that Place,asTi^ 
 fo did fome Years after, his Ifland of Armi- 
 da. Therea fupernatural Power, brings in 
 all the Beauties, and prefents all the Plea- 
 iures which Nature can afford, and which 
 the Heart may wifh for ; a Goddefs ena- 
 mour’d with Velafco de Gama., carries 
 him to the Top of an high Mountain, 
 from whence fhe fhows him all the King- 
 doms of the Earth, and foretells the Fate 
 of Portugal. 
 
 After Camouens hath given loofe to his 
 Fancy, in the lafcivious Defcription of 
 the Pleafures which Gama and his Crew 
 enjoy’d in the Ifland, he takes care to int 
 form the Reader, that he ought to un- 
 derftand by this Fiftion, nothing but 
 the Satisfadlion which the virtuous Man 
 feels, and the Glory which accrues to 
 him by the Praftice of Virtue ; but the 
 beft Excufe for fuch an Invention, is, 
 the charming Stile in which it is deliver’d 
 (if we believe the Portuguefe) for the 
 Beauty of the Elocution makes fome- 
 times amends for the Faults of the Poets, 
 
 as 
 
.( 75 ) 
 
 as the colouring of Rubens make fome 
 Defers in his Figures pafs unreguarded. 
 
 There is another Rind of Machinery 
 continued throughout all the Poem, which 
 nothing can excufe, in any Country 
 whatever j ’tis an unjudicious Mixture 
 of the Heathen Gods with our Religion. 
 Gama in a Storm addrelfes his Prayers 
 to the Chriji^ but ’tis Venus who comes 
 to his Relief; the Heroes are Chri- 
 ftians, and the Poet Heathen. The main 
 Defign which the Portugiiefe are fup- 
 pos’d to have (next to the promoting 
 of their Trade) is to propagate Chri- 
 ftiantty'y yet Jupiter., Bacchus, znd VeniiSy 
 have in their Hands, all the Manage- 
 ment of the Voyage. So incongruous 
 a Machinery, cafts a Blemifli upon the 
 whole Poem; yet fliows at the fame 
 Time, how prevailing are its Beauties, 
 fince the Portugueje like it with all its 
 Faults. 
 
 Camouens hath a great deal of true 
 Wit, and not a little Share of falfe ; his 
 Imagination hurries him into great Ab- 
 furdities. 
 
 I remember, that after V nafco de Ga- 
 ma, hath related his Adventures to the 
 Ring of Melinda, now fays he, 0 King, 
 judge if Ulylfes, and ^neas, have tra- 
 
 velN to far, and undergone fo many Hard- 
 
 fitps, 
 
( 7 ^ ) 
 
 pips. As if that barbarous African, was 
 acquainted with Homer and Virgil. 
 
 His Poem, in my Opinion, is full of 
 number lefs Faults and Beauties, thick 
 fown near one another and almoft in 
 every Page, there is what to Iqugh at, 
 and what to be delighted with. Among 
 his moft lucky Thoughts, I muft take 
 Notice of two for the Likenefs, which 
 they bear to two moft celebrated PalTages 
 of Waller and Sir John Denham. 
 
 Waller fays, in his Epiftle to Zelinda\ 
 
 ^hy mat chiefs Form ‘will Credit bring, 
 
 ^0 all the Wonders / can fwg. 
 
 Camouens fays, in fpeaking of the Voy- 
 ages of the Argonautes, and of Ulyffes, 
 that the Undertaking of the Portuguefe 
 ihall give Credit to all thofe Fables, in 
 furpaifing them. 
 
 Sir John Denham, in his Poem on CoO' 
 psrs-Htll, fays to the A’hames ; 
 
 O could I flow like thee, and make thy Stream, 
 My great Eieample, as it is my F’heme ; 
 
 deep, yet clear, thd gentle, yet not dull, 
 Strong •without Rage, without o’er flawing full. 
 
 Camouens addreffes the Nymphs of A’a- 
 gus in the like Manner ; “ O Nymphs, 
 
 if ever I fung of you, infpire me now 
 
 “ with 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 ” ’with new and ftrong Lays ; let my 
 “ Stile flow like your Waves ; let it be 
 deep and clear, as your Waters, ” • 
 It IS not to be inferr’d from thence, 
 that Waller and Sir John Denham have 
 imitated Camouens^ we muft only con- 
 clude, that Wit is of the Growth of eve- 
 ry Country. It is very unjuft, and very 
 common, to call Plagiarifm what is but 
 Refemblanee. 
 
 ^ A S SO. 
 
 *~^OR^U A'f O ’fajfo began Yas jeru- 
 X falem., when Canmuens was finiihing 
 his Lufiada. He us’d to fay, that the 
 only Rival he fear’d in Europe was Ca- 
 tnouens. His Fear (if fmcere) was very 
 ill-grounded ; for he was as far fuperior 
 to him, as that Portuguefe excell’d the 
 Poets of his own Country. 
 
 No Man in the World was ever born 
 with a greater Genius, and more quali- 
 fy’d for Eptck Poetry. His Talents which 
 gain’d him fo great a Reputation, were 
 the Caufe of his Misfortunes. His Life 
 prov’d a Chain of Miferies and Woes. 
 Banilh’d from his own Country, he was 
 reduc’d to the grievous NecelTity of ha- 
 ving a Patron. He fuffer’d Want, Exile, 
 and Prifon ", and which is more intolera- 
 ble, he was opprefs’d by Calumny. 
 
( 78 ) 
 
 Even his j)oetical Glory, that chimeri- 
 cal Comfort in real Calamities, was con- 
 tefted. The Number of his Enemies e- 
 clips'd for a long while his Reputa- 
 tion : And at laft when his Merit began 
 to overcome Envy, when he was ready 
 to receive the Honour of Triumph in 
 Romcy which Petrarch had formerly en- 
 joy’d (though with lefs Merit) and which 
 was at that Time as glorious as it is now 
 ridiculous ; he dy’d the very Day before 
 the defign’d Solemnity. 
 
 Nothing difcovers more plainly the 
 high Senfe which Rome entertain’d of 
 his Merit, than the Infcription on his 
 Tomb. 
 
 The Pope^ who order’d him a magni- 
 ficent Funeral, as if it were to attone 
 for the Misfortunes of his Life, pro- 
 pos’d a Reward for the heft Epitaph 
 which Ihould be written in his Honour. 
 
 Many were brought to him, all full 
 cf the juft Praifes of ‘T’ajfo. The Judges 
 appointed to chufe the Epitaph, were 
 divided in their Opinions, when a young 
 Man came to them with this Infcription, 
 
 ^orquati ^ajfi offix. 
 
 _ The Judges immediately agreed in gi- 
 ving the Preference to it, being perfua- 
 
 ded. 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 ded, that the Name of ‘J’ajfo was his 
 greateft Encomium. 
 
 Time, which undermines the Reputa- 
 tion of indifferent Authors, hath ftamp’d 
 the Charafter of Immortality upon his 
 Works. His Poem is fung now-a-days in 
 many Parts of Italy, as the Poems of Homer 
 were in Greece', and if the Poets, his 
 Succeffors, have degenerated from him, 
 if Italy is now over-grown with pitiful 
 Sonnets and Conceits ; ftill the T afte of the 
 Nation form’d after his Poems remains in 
 its full Force : He is admir’d by the Rea- 
 ders, though not imitated by the Writers. 
 Thus in France, Corneille, Racine, Boylaii^ 
 la Fontaine, Moliere, will claim forever 
 the publick Admiration, in Defiance to 
 a fucceeding Set of Writers, who have 
 introduc’d a new fangl’d Stile, kept up 
 and cherifh’d among therafelves, but de- 
 fpis’d by the Nation. 
 
 The Jenifalem liber at a, is in fome Parts 
 an Imitation of the Iliad. The SubjeSl 
 of ^ajfo, is nobler than that of Homer, 
 in as much, as all Europe, rifing-up in 
 Arms for the Recovery of the Land 
 which is confecrated by the Birth and 
 Blood of their God, ftrikes the Mind 
 with a more awful Idea, than Greece 
 fighting againft 'Froy, for Helena, 
 
( So T 
 
 As to the Djfpofition of fo great a 1 
 •Work, the impartial Reader may judge i 
 if Tafo is above, or under his Mafter, i 
 in what he copies from him. - . 
 
 Goffredo ads methinks the Part of Aga- 
 fncynnoHy with as much Grandeur, left 
 Pride, and more Wifdom. ' 
 
 The Hermit P'tero is the Calcas ; and 
 if I dare fpeak my Opinion, I find no- 
 thing very Ihining nor defective in either. 
 
 Rinaldoy is among the ChrifUan Prin- 
 ces, what Achilles is among the Grecian 
 Heroes. His Courage is full as boifte- 
 rous, but his Chara6ter more amiable. 
 The Fall of Jerufalem is referv’d to his 
 Sword, as that of P'roy to the Arms of 
 Achilles. The Abfence of the one from 
 the Camp, is borrow’d from the Inaftion 
 of the other ; but certainly Kinaldo em- 
 ploys his Leifure more to the Satisfaftion 
 of the Reader, than the Heroe of Eomet 
 
 does. . . 
 
 Aladinoy Sultan of Jerufalem., is in no- 
 thing like Priam, but in his being the 
 King of the Town befieg’d ; and Argante 
 bears no other Refemblance to Hedor, 
 but in his being the firmeft Bulwark of 
 the City. 
 
 Certainly the Chara6ter of HeAor is eve- 
 ry way above that of Argante, and the gran- 
 deur of Priammore majeftick, and hisMis- 
 fortunes more touching than thofe oiA- 
 
 laaino,. 
 
( 8i > 
 
 tadln. I will not decide, if tlomer llatft 
 done right or wrong, in gaining upon 
 our Affe^ions towards Heitor^ And iri 
 moving our Pity for Priam ^ but fure it 
 is, that if ^ajjb had not reprefented 
 din and Argante rough and unamiablCj 
 if he hAd not fkilfully created an Aver* 
 lion to them, in the Mind of the Rea- 
 der, he had defeated his own Intention ; 
 for in that Cafe, inftead of being con- 
 cern’d for the Caufe of the Chriftian 
 Princes, we Ihould look upon them as 
 Plunderers, united together to lay wafte 
 a foreign Country, and to maffacre in 
 cold Blood, an old venerable Eajiern 
 Monarch, together with his innocent 
 Subje6ls. 
 
 ^affd hath learn’d from Hoim\ the 
 Art of markirig the different Shades of 
 the fame Colour^ I mean the diffeient 
 Kinds of the fame Virtue, of diftm* 
 guifhing the V Aiant from the Valiant, 
 and the Prudent from the Prudent, &c* 
 Thus Goffredo is fedate and wife, Ala- 
 dm anxious and cruel. _ The g^crous 
 Valour of 'J'anerede, Ihines in Oppoli* 
 lion to the brutal Impetuofity of A'gante^ 
 Love in Armlda is a Mixture of Co^et- 
 try and Rage, in Herminia a gentle Ten- 
 dernefs. Every one of dis Aftors is to 
 be known by fome diftinguilhabk Mark, 
 
( > 
 
 as in the lltad^ and every one of them a6is 
 always fuitable to his Charafterj which 
 is not always to be found in Homer \ and 
 in that refpeft methinks he hath improv’d 
 the Art which Homer taught him ; but 
 an Art which he learn’d from no body. 
 *Tis that inchanting Way of interrefting 
 us for his Heroes, ’tis that unexprelTible 
 Addrefs in interweaving the different Ad- 
 ventures of the Poem, in leading us 
 from the Alarms of Wars to the Allure- 
 ments of Love, and from Love to War 
 again ; in working up our Concern by 
 ^Degrees, and in rifing above himfelf 
 from Book to Book. 
 
 As to his Style, it is perfpicuous and 
 elegant through all the Poem ; and when 
 he enters into Defcriptions which require 
 Strength and Majeity, it is wonderful 
 how the natural Effeminacy of the It all- 
 m Language foars up into Sublimity and 
 Grandeur, and affumes a new Chara61er 
 in his Hands, if we except about an 
 hundred Lines in which he flattens into 
 pitiful Conceits, but I look on thefe 
 Errors as a kind of Tribute, which his 
 Genius condefcended to pay to the Italmi 
 Tafte. 
 
 If his Excellencies challenge the unani- 
 mous Admiration of Europe, there are 
 Eauits in hina which methinks are cen- 
 
 fur’d 
 
( 83 ) 
 
 furd every where. The Epifode of O- 
 Itnda and Sophronia in the beginning of 
 the Action feems defedlive itt all re* 
 fpe<51s. 
 
 The Poet introduces a Mahometan Ma* 
 gician call’d Ifmenoy who againft the ftrift 
 and never violated Laws of the Maho- 
 metan Religion, carries an Image of the 
 Virgin Mary into ^ the principal Mo/quee^ 
 in order to make it by the Force of his 
 Enchantments the Pledge and Security 
 of the Town, as formerly the Fate of 
 ^roy depended upon the Palladium. It 
 happens one Night that the Image is 
 ftol’n away, the Chriftians of Jerufalem 
 being fufpefted of the Theft, the Sultan 
 incens’d, fentences them all to Death, 
 that he might be fure to punifti the guil- 
 ty in the common Slaughter. _ Meaa 
 while Sophronia a pious Chriftian Vir* 
 gin, comes before the Sultan^ She 
 faves her Countrymen by a generous 
 Lie, (he declares that Ihe hath ftol’n the 
 Image. The Ring condems her to be 
 burnt. Olindo her Lover endeavours to 
 fave her Life by another noble Lie, he 
 takes the Guilt upon himfelf, and clain^ 
 the Pile prepar’d for her. At lalc 
 both are fentenced to die, both are ty d 
 to the fame ftake, when of a fudden ar- 
 rives Clorinda from Perfia, She moy d 
 
 a with 
 
(84) 
 
 with Pity towards them, and lookin’^' 
 with Scorn upon the Sorcery of Ifmem, 
 aiks and obtains their Pardon. Ol'mdo 
 and Sophronici go from the Pile to their 
 Church, Marry, and are no more heard 
 
 of in the Poem. t- ./• 
 
 ’J'ajfo adorn’d that ufelefs Epifode 
 With all the Pomp of Poetry, nay he is 
 not fparing of Italian Conceits in it. He 
 dwells with fo much Complacency 
 upon the Defcription of Sophronia^ he 
 fpeaks of the Love of Olindo with fo 
 much Warmth, he excites fo much Pity 
 for them both, that every Reader cannot 
 but believe that both are principal Cha- 
 rafters in the Poem. He is amais’d and 
 angry afterwards to fee them as ufelefs 
 to the Affairs of the Chriftians, as the 
 Image of Virgin Mary to the Infideh. 
 All the Embellilhments which T'ap la- 
 vilhes upon fuch a needlefs piece of En- 
 chantment, and upon fo prepofterous an 
 Epifode ferve but to render the Fault 
 more confpicuous. 
 
 All the World owns with the ItaU" 
 ms^ that nothing is fo artfully defcrib’d 
 as the Coquettry of Armida^ nothing fo 
 lender as her Love, nothing fo animated 
 and fo moving as her Complaints. The 
 '^'afte of the Englifh and of the French^ 
 Sho” averfe to any Machinery grounded 
 
 upon 
 
( ) 
 
 \upon Enchantment, muft forgive, nay 
 commend that of Armida^ fince it is the 
 Source of fo many Beauties. Befides 
 ihe is a Mahometan, and the Chriftian 
 Religion alio A^s us to believe that thofe 
 Infidels are under the immediate Influ- 
 ence of the Devil. 
 
 But indeed no body but an Italian can 
 bear with the wild Excefs, to which 
 ^ajfo hath carried that Machinery. Ten 
 Chriftian Princes turn’d into Filh m 
 the ?ondsoi A) mida, ^nd a Parrot fmging 
 amorous Songs of his own making, are 
 very ftrange Things in the Eyes of a le- 
 rious Reader, tho’ one is precedented by 
 the Story of Cine in Homer ; and tho 
 the Parrots are thought among us to mi- 
 mick now and then human Voices. 
 
 Still we fhould eafily forgive fuch p(^-r 
 tical Extravagancies for the fake ot the . 
 Beauties which are mingled with them. 
 Let the Devils (fince they are admitted) 
 have a free Scope to play their wild 
 Pranks, efpecially in Italy, whem the 
 Superftition of the People brings Credit 
 to no lefs ftrange Tales. 
 
 But it is unaccountable how Men ot 
 Senfe can approve of the Chriftian Magi- 
 cians, who help Kinaldo out of the Hands 
 of the Mahometan ’Wizards. It ^sfingula 
 to fee ixi^ajfo Lewdnefs, Mafs^Co 
 
 E j on, 
 
( 86 ) 
 
 on, the Litanies of the Saints, and pieces 
 of Witchcraft heap’d together. 
 
 JVhat ftrange Taney ! to fend Uhaldo and 
 his Companion to art old holy Conjurer^ 
 who carries i\\cvn. juft into thu Centex of the 
 Earth. The two Knights walk there on the 
 Banks of a Rivulet cover’d with precious 
 Stones of all Rinds. From that Place 
 they are fent to Jfcalon to an old Woman 
 who carries them fwiftly in a little Ship to 
 the Canary Iflands. Thither they arrivein 
 the Name of God , holding in their 
 Hands a magick Wand, they perform 
 their Ambaffy, they carry Rinaldo 
 with them to the Camp of the Chriftians; 
 for the Army was in need of him. But 
 what was the great Exploit which muft 
 necelfarily be perform’d by Rinaldoy and 
 by him only ? 
 
 He was deftin’d by Providence, and 
 brought by Enchantment from the pic 
 oCEeneriff to Jerufalem, in order to cut 
 down fome Trees in a For^ft inhabited by 
 Elves and Hoggoblings. That Foreft is the 
 great Machinery of dajfo. It is remarkable 
 that in the former Books God almighty 
 orders his Archangel Michael to drive 
 down into Hell the Devils who were let 
 loofe in the Air, raifing Storms, and’ma- 
 naging his Thunders againft the Chril- 
 tians in Favour of the Mohometans. 
 Michael forbids thent I'tridly to meddle 
 

 ( 87 ) 
 
 any more in thofe Atfairs. They obey 
 and plundge into Hell immediately ; but 
 foon after the Enchanter IJmeno recalls 
 them out, they find Means to elude the 
 Orders of God, and under the pretence 
 of fome Jejintical Diftinffions,. they take 
 Poffeffion of the Foreft, wherein the 
 Chriftians intended to provide the Tim- 
 ber neceffary to build a wooden Tower. 
 
 ’ There they affume innumerable Sha- 
 pes to frighten away tlmle who come to 
 cut the Trees. There ThmW finds his 
 Clorinda after her Death fhut ^p ^ 
 Pine, and bleeding for the Blow which he 
 ftrikes at the Root. There Armda peeps 
 outof aMirtle, while ihe is fonae Mi les 
 off, in the Mgy^tian Army, and totally 
 unappris’d of her being in two Places at 
 once, tho’ fhe is the beft Sorcerefs in the 
 World. At laft the Prayers of the Her- 
 mit and the Merit of Kwaldos Contri- 
 tion after his Confeffion, break the En- 
 chantment. . , 
 
 Methinks it is not very foreign to the 
 Puroofe to fee how differently 
 hath handled in his Pharfaha a Topick 
 
 when C4ir orders his Troths 
 fome Tres in the facred Jor^ft of ^ 
 fellies, to have them made into wail ike 
 Eifiruments. TheJ’afiage defeives 
 
( 88 ) 
 
 fet in its full Length, as it is tranflated 
 by the late Mr. Rme. 
 
 Not far away f for Ages paft hadftooi 
 cAn old inviolated facred JVood ; 
 
 Whofe gloomy Boughs, thick interwoven, made 
 cA chilly chearlefs ever la fling Shade, 
 
 There, nor the ruflick Gods, nor SatyrV Sport, 
 
 Nor Fauns and Syluans with the Nymphs re fort: 
 
 ^ut harb'rous ' Priefls fome dreadful PowW adore ^ 
 cAnd luflrate evry Tree with human Gore. 
 
 If Myfleries in times of old receiv'd, 
 cAnd pious Ancientry he yet believ'd. 
 
 There nor the feather'd Songfler builds her Nefl, 
 
 Nor lonely dens conceal the favage Beafl : 
 
 Ihere no tempefltuous Winds prefume to fly, 
 
 Tvn Lightnings Glance aloof, and fhoot obliquely by^ 
 No wanton Breezes tofs's the dancing Leaves, ' 
 fhiv'ring Horror in the Branches heaves. 
 iBlack Springs with pitchy Streams divide the Ground 
 cAnd bubbling tumble with a fullen Sound, 
 
 Old Images of Forms miffhapenfland, 
 
 ^ude and unknowing of the Artifl's Hand ; 
 
 With hoary Filth begrim'd each ghaflly Head 
 Strikes the afloni/h'd Gazer's Soul with Dread. 
 
 No Gods, who long in common Shapes appear'd^ 
 
 Were e'er with fuch Religious Awe rever'd : 
 zealous Crouds in Ignorance adore ; 
 cAnd^ ftill the lefs they know, they fear the more^ 
 
 The pious Worfhippers approach not near, 
 
 ^ut fhun their Gods, and kneel with diflant Fear: 
 The Friefl himfelf, when, or the Day, or Night, 
 fowling have reach'd their f ull meridian Height^ 
 Refrains the gloomy Paths with wary Feet, 
 
 ^reading tb( Dgemon of the Grove to meet | 
 
 ‘ f mi, 
 
 1 - ■ >\ 
 
 
 
 
 
( 89 ) 
 
 JVhOy terrible to Sight, at that fix'd Hour, 
 
 Still treads the ground about his dr eery Bow'r, 
 
 This Wood near neighboring to tF encompafs'd Town, 
 Vntouch'd by former Wars remain'd alone i 
 c4nd ftnce the Country round it naked ftands, 
 
 From hence the Latian chief Supplies demands. 
 
 ^ut lo I the bolder Hands, that fhould haveftKUck, 
 
 With ftlent Dread and Rev rence they furvey d. 
 The Gloom Majeftick of the facred Shade : 
 
 None dares with impious Steel the Bark to rend, 
 Leaft on himfelf the defin'd fir oke defcend. 
 
 Caefar perceiv'd the fpreading Fear to grow. 
 Then Eager, caught an Ax, and aim'd a Blow : 
 ^eep funk within a violated Oak 
 The wounding Edge, and thus the Warrior [poke. 
 Now, let no doubting Hand the Tajk decline : 
 Cut you the Wood, and let the Guilt be mine. 
 
 Two various Ills were in the Ballance laid, 
 
 ^nd CsefarV Wrath againft the Gods was weigh'd. 
 
 I confefs that the whole Pharfalia is 
 pot to be compar’d to the Jerufakm of 
 fajfo. But at leaft that particular Paf- 
 fage Ihows how the true Grandeur of a 
 real Hero is above the Komantick, and 
 how folid and ftrong Thoughts excell 
 thofe Inventions, which the Crcjwd calls 
 poetical Beauties, and on which wile 
 Men look down as Tales fit for ChiWren. 
 
 The Virtuofi in Italy have difputed tor 
 o inno while and ftill conteft which of 
 
 With fome unufual Horror treipibling Shook ; 
 
 The trembling Bands unwillingly obey'd ; 
 
( 9 ° ) 
 
 eft Exception that Men of Underftanding 
 take to faffo, is that of having too much 
 of Anofto 'm him. fTalJo feems to have 
 been confcious of this F ault. He could 
 not be unfenfible that fuch wild fairy 
 Tales at that Time fo much m Falhion 
 not in Italy only but in all Europe^ were 
 altogether inconfiftent with the Gravity 
 of Epick Poetry ; In order to cover this 
 Defea he printed a Preface, in which he 
 pretends that all his Poem is but a fha- 
 
 dow and a Type. ^ . 
 
 The Army of the Chriftian Princes, 
 fays he, reprefents the Body and the 
 Soul. Jenifahm the figure of true Happi- 
 nefs, which cannot be obtain’d but by La- 
 bour and Difficulties. Gojfredo is the 
 Mind, 'E'ancredo^ Raimondo., &c. are the 
 faculties of the Mind. The common 
 Soldiers make up the Limbs of the Body. 
 The Devils are at once figur’d, and figures, 
 {figura e figurato.) Armida and Ijmeno are 
 the Temptations which befiege our Souls. 
 The Spells and the Illufions of the m- 
 chanted Foreft lhadow out the falfe Rea- 
 foning, (falft fillogifm't) into which our 
 Paffions are apt to mifle^ us. 
 
 Such is the Key that Taffo thinks fit to 
 give us of his Works. Me deals with 
 himfelf as the Commentators have done 
 with Homer and Virgil. Thofe Gentle- 
 men are like fpeculative and dully v^fc 
 
( 91 ) 
 
 Politicians, who conftrue the moft infigni- 
 ficant Actions of great Men, into Defigns 
 of the greateft Depth and Importance. 
 But Tad'o was like that Ambaffador, 
 who having fpent all the Time of his 
 Ambaffy in Debauchery and Riot, wrote 
 to his Mafter that he was vvhoring and 
 drinking for the Service of his Majefty. 
 
 However the ridiculous Explanation, 
 which gives with fo much Gravi’ 
 
 ty of his Extravagancies, cannot impofe 
 upon Mankind •, for we no more allow 
 an Author to coment upon himfelf, than 
 a Prieft to prophecy of himfelf. 
 
 If the Devils aft in Tajjo, the infipid 
 part of defpifable Jugglers, on the other 
 Hand what is relating to Religion, is 
 writ with Majefty, and Idare fay in the 
 Spirit of Religion itfelf. Nay ProcelTi- 
 onsand Litanies, and all the Parts of 1 o- 
 ■pilJj Religion, which are accounted co- 
 mical and mean in Englcind^ appear in. 
 a reverend Awfulnefs in that Poem. 
 So prevalent is the Art of Poetry whtm 
 it exerts itlelf iti its full Force, and lo 
 peculiar to it is the Power of raifing what 
 is low, and of enlarging the Sphere of 
 all Things, 
 
 He is guilty of indulging the inaccu- 
 rate Cuftom of calling the evil Spirits 
 by the Names of PlutOy Au’cto^ and 
 
( 9 ^ ) 
 
 f)f mingling often Pa^^an Ideas with Chri- 
 fiian My ihology . ’Tis ftrange that none 
 of the modern Toets are free from that 
 Fault. It feems that our Devils and our 
 Chriftian Hell have fomething in them 
 low and mean, and muft be rais’d by the 
 Hell of the Pagans^ which owes its Digni- 
 ty to its Antiquity. Certain it is that 
 the Hell of the Gofpel is not fo fitted 
 for Poetry as that of Homer and Vtrgil. 
 The Name of 'P‘iftphone founds better 
 than that of Beelzebub ] but with all 
 that, it is as prepofterous in a Poet to 
 bring Miebael and Jle^o together, as in 
 fom.e Italian and Flemifh Painters to have 
 reprefented the Virgin Mary with a Cha- 
 pelet of Beads hanging at her Girdle, to 
 have plac’d fome Swifs Guards at the 
 Door of the Apartment of Pbarao, and 
 to have mix’d Cannons and Carabines, 
 with the ancient Arrows in the Battle of 
 Jofuah. 
 
 Don Alonzo AEreilla y Cuniga. 
 
 A t the End of the fixteenth Century, 
 Spciin produc’d an Bpick Poem, fa- 
 mous for fome peculiar Beauties that 
 fhine in it, as well as for the Singularity 
 of its Subjea, but ftill more illuftriousi 
 by the Charaaer of the Author. 
 
 Aloira 
 
'O 
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 j^lomo of Ereillci. y Cumga^ Gentle* 
 man of the Bed-Chamber to the Empe- 
 ror May.mil'tan^ was bred up in the Houfe 
 of Philip the iecond, and fought under 
 his Orders, at the Rattle of St. ^lentiriy 
 where the French were utterly defeated. 
 
 Philips after fuch a Succefs, being lefs 
 defirous to augment his Glory abroad, 
 than to fettle his Affairs at home, went 
 back to Spain. The young Alomo of £- 
 led by an infatiable Avidity of 
 true Learning, I mean of knowing Men, 
 and of feeing the World, travell’d through 
 all France., faw Italy, Germany, and ftay’d 
 a long while in England. Whilft he 
 was in London, he heard fome Provinces 
 bf Peru, and Chily, had taken Arms a- 
 gainft the Spaniard.'!, their Conquerors; 
 which ftruggle for their Liberty, is by 
 the by, ftil’d Rebellion by the Spamfh 
 Authors. His Thirft of Glory, and his 
 eager Defire of feeing, and doing new 
 and fmgular Things, carry’d him with- 
 out any Hefitation, or Delay, into thofe 
 Countries. He went to Chily, at the 
 Head of few Troops, and he ftay’d 
 in thefe Parts all the Time of the War. 
 
 Near the Borders of Chily, towards the 
 South, lies a fmall mountainous Country, 
 call’d Araucana, inhabited by a Race of 
 Men, ftronger and more fierce, than aU 
 the Nations of that new World. They 
 
 fought 
 
( 94 > 
 
 fought .for their Liberty, longer than tJlS 
 other ylm^rtcanSy and were the lalt who 
 were fubdu’d. Jlomo waged againft 
 them a toilfome and dangerous War, 
 underwent inexpreffible hardmips, law 
 and atchiev’d the moft furprifing Deeds, 
 whereof was only the Honour 
 of reducing fome Rocks 3-tid barren 
 Countries^ in another Hemifphere, to 
 the Crown of Spain. 
 
 JlotTLo., in the Courfe of that War, 
 conceiv’d the Idea to immortalize his E- 
 nemies and himfelf, he was at once the 
 
 Conqueror and the Poet. Hemadeufcof 
 
 the Intervals of the War to fing it, and as 
 lie wanted Paper, he wrote the firft Part of 
 his Poem upon little Pieces of Leather, 
 which afterwards he had much ado to 
 fet right, and to bring together. The 
 Poem is call’d the Araucaria.^ from the 
 Name of the Country. 
 
 It begins with a geographical Account 
 of Chily., and with a Defcription of the 
 Manners and Cuftoms of the People \ 
 fuch a Beginning, which would be quite 
 flat and intolerable in any other Poem, 
 is neceffary, and not unpleafant in a 
 Subjea where the Scene lies under the 
 other Tropick, and where the Heroes 
 he writes of, are barbarous 
 who muft have been for ever unknown, 
 
 n 
 
( 9 ; > 
 
 if he had not conquer’d and celebrated 
 them. 
 
 As the Subject was quite new, fo it 
 gave Birth to new Thoughts. There ia 
 one which I prefent to the Readers, 
 both as. an Exainple of Novelty, and as 
 a Spark of the Fire which animated 
 fometimes the Author. 
 
 “ The Araucam^ jays were furpris’d 
 at firft, to fee Creatures like Men, with 
 “ Fire in their Flands, and dreadful Mon- 
 fters fighting under them. They thought 
 “ they were the immortal Gods, defcend- 
 • ‘ ing from above, with Thunder and De* 
 “ ftru6lion. They fubmitted, though with 
 Reluftance ; but afterwards being more 
 “ acquainted with their Conquerors, they 
 faw their Vices, and judg’d they were 
 “ Men \ then on a fudden, afham’d of be- 
 “ ing opprefs’d by their fellow Mortals, 
 “ they fwore by their Shame, to waih off 
 their Error with the Blood of the Decei- 
 “ vers, and to execute a Vengeance exem- 
 “ plary, dreadful, and irrevocable. ” 
 
 It will be ufefull perhaps, to take No- 
 tice of a Paffage in the fecond Book, 
 which bears a near Refemblance to the 
 Beginning of the Iltad^ and which being 
 handled quite differently, deferves to be 
 prefented to the little Number of impar- 
 tial Readers, that they may judge be- 
 tween Homer and Alonzo in diat particu- 
 
( 96 ) 
 
 lar The firft A6lion of the Araiicand'^ 
 is a Quarrel which happen’d between all 
 the barbarous Chiefs, as m 
 tween Jchilles and Agamemnon. The Dil- 
 pute Was riot about a Woman, but about 
 the Right of commanding the Army, 
 Every one of thofe favage Warriors af- 
 fumes an uncontroul’d Behaviour upon 
 the Confeioufnefs of his own Worth, 
 and at laft the Difpute grew fo high 
 that they were ready to fight one againlt 
 Another, when one of the Cafiques call d 
 Colocolo, as old as lAeftor., and lefs boaft- 
 ing of himfelf^ than the Grecian., made 
 the following Speech. 
 
 “ Cafiques, ye illuftriou^s Defenders 
 “ of our Country, the vain Defire of 
 Empire does not move nie to fpeak 
 to you. I do not complain that you 
 “ all contend fo eagerly for an Honour 
 “ which perhaps is due to rriy old Age, 
 “ and fhould adorn my Decline. ’Tis 
 “ my Love to you, ’tis the Duty that I 
 “ owe to my Country, which forces me 
 to intreat you to attend to my feeble 
 “ Voice. Alas ! How can we be fo af* 
 “ fuming, as to pretend to any Gran- 
 “ deur whatever, and to claim honoura- 
 “ ble Titles, we, who have been Sub- 
 “ jefts, hay, miferable Slaves, to the 
 “ Spaniards. Your ^ Anger, Cafiques, 
 
 
( 97 ) 
 
 V 
 
 
 ** againft our Tyrants ; why do you turn 
 “ againft your Breafts, thofe Arms which 
 “ might exterminate your Enemies, and 
 « revenge our World? Ah! If Death 
 “ he your Defire, feek a Death that is 
 “ honourable ! Shake of the lhameful 
 “ Yoke with one Hand, affault the Spa- 
 “ niards with the other, and ftied not 
 “ in an unprofitable Quarrel, thofe laft 
 Drops of Blood of this State, which 
 the Gods have left in it for its Re- 
 venge. I am not difpleas d, I confefs, 
 “ to fee the undaunted Haughtinefs of 
 “ your Courages. This very Fiercenefs 
 « which 1 blame, heightens the Hopes 
 I conceive of our Defigns ; but let not 
 * your ill-govern’d Valour prey upon 
 « itfelf, and deftroy with its own Force, 
 “ the Country you rife to defend. It 
 ** you perfift in your Quarrels, let your 
 « Swords firft be imbru’d in my Blood, 
 “ already frozen with old Age. I have 
 « liv’d too long. Happy is he who dies 
 “ before his Countrymen are unfortu- 
 “ nate, and unfortunate by their own 
 « Fault. Attend then to what I dare 
 « propofe for your Welfare. Your Va- 
 “ lour, O Cafiques, is equal, you are 
 “ all equally illuftrious by the Honours 
 « of the War, by your Birth, by your 
 “ Power and Riches, your Souls are 
 « noble in an equal Degree, all worthy 
 G 
 

 ( 98 ) 
 
 ‘‘ to command, and able to fubdue otif 
 « World. Thofe heavenly Gifts are 
 “ the prefent Subject of your great Con-* 
 “ tefts, you want a Chief, and every 
 “ one of you is equal to that noble 
 “ Charge ; then fince there is no Dif- 
 
 ference between your Courages, let 
 “ the Strength of the Body decide what 
 “ the Equality of your Virtues would 
 “ keep undecided forever, ” 
 
 Then that old Man propofes a Game, 
 fit only for a barbarous Nation, and con* 
 fequently very proper. It was to carry 
 U ponderous Beam, and he who could 
 fuftain the Weight longeft, was to be 
 the Chief. 
 
 Now lince the beft Way of improving 
 our Tafte, is that of comparing together 
 Things of the fame Nature, let us bring 
 in the Difcourfe of Neftor^ in Opppfition 
 to this of Colocoloy and laying afide that 
 Worlhip, which our Minds juftly pre- 
 judiced pay to the great Name of Homery 
 let the Reader weigh the two Speeches 
 in the Ballance of Equity a:nd Realbn. 
 
 As foon as Achilles warn’d and in- 
 fpir’d by Minerva^ the Goddefs of Wif- 
 dom, has call’d Agamemnon Drunkard,' 
 Dog, and Stag, the wife Nejior arofe to 
 calm the ruffled Minds of thofe Heroes, 
 and among other Things which I 
 wave, to come clofely to the Point of 
 
 Comparifon, 
 
( 99 ) 
 
 Comparlfon, thus he faid, « What a Sa^ 
 “ tisfaflion will it he to the trojans 
 “ when they hear of your Diflentions^ 
 “ Young Men, you muft refpea my 
 “ Years, and fubmit to my Wifdom, I 
 have liv’d in my Youth with Heroes, 
 “ by far fuperior to you, no, my Eyes 
 “ will never fee fuch Men as the un- 
 “ daunted PinVeJw, the bold CeneuSy the 
 divine Thefeus^ &c. I went to war 
 “ with them, and though younger, I 
 “ fway’d their Strength by my perfua- 
 “ five Eloquence ; they liftn’d to, they 
 “ obey’d Nejior. If in my early Years 
 “ they deem’d me fo wife; you, young 
 “ Warriors, attend to the Advice of 
 “ my old Age. Atrtdesy do not feize on 
 “ the Slave of Achilles^ you Son of 'The- 
 “ tisy do not treat our Prince with 
 “ Pride. Achilles is the greateft, the 
 “ moft couragious of the Warriors, A- 
 “ gamemnon is the greateft of Rings, 
 “ '^c. ” Thus fpoke the wife Neftor^ 
 and his Speech prov’d entirely ineffe- 
 ctual, for Agamemmn commended his E- 
 loquence, and negledted the Advice. 
 
 Let the Readers confider on one Part, 
 the Endearments by which the barba- 
 rous Colocolo ingratiates himfdf into the 
 Favour of the Cafiques, the awful Ma- 
 jefty with which he checks their Animo- 
 fity, the Tendernefs with which he Ibf- 
 G 2 tens 
 

 ( 100 ) 
 
 tens their Boifteroufnefs, how the LovJ 
 of his Country animates him, how the 
 true Senfe of Glory enlivens his Speech^ 
 in what a prudent Manner he praifes 
 their Valour, when he curbs their Fu- 
 ry, with what Art, he gives Superiority 
 to none, and is at the fame Time an in- 
 ofFenfive Cenfor, and a noble Panegyrift: 
 So that all fubmit to his Reafon, and 
 comply with his Advice, confeffing the 
 Force of his Eloquence, not by empty 
 Commendations, but by a fudden Obe- 
 dience. 
 
 On the other Side, one may judge, if 
 Nfftor is fo wife in talking fo much of 
 his Wifdom, if it is a good Way to re- 
 concile the Attention of the Greek Prin- 
 ces, by telling them that they are by far 
 inferior to their Fore-fathers j if to fay 
 to Agamemnon., that Achilles is the moft 
 valorous of the prefent Chiefs, ought to 
 be very acceptable to Agamemnon ; and 
 after having compar’d the haughty Talk- 
 ativenefs of Nejior, with the modeft E- 
 loquence of Colocolo ; the Injury offered 
 by one to all the Greeks.,, by the offenfive 
 Superiority aferib’d to their Predecef- 
 fors, with the engaging Praifes beftiow’d 
 upon the Cafiques then prefent : The o- 
 dious Comparifon beiwen the Power of 
 Agamemnon, and the Valour of Achilles’, 
 with that equal Share of Grandeur and 
 
 Courage 
 
( lOI ) 
 
 Courage artfully extoll’d in-all the Cafi- 
 ques ; Then let the Reader pronounce. 
 And if there is a General in the World, 
 who would hear his inferior preferr’d to 
 him in Point of Courage, if there is any 
 Afferribly who would bear without Re- 
 fentment a Speaker talking to them with 
 Contempt, and villifying them, by ex- 
 tolling at their Expence their Predecef- 
 fors, let then Homer be preferr’d to Alon- 
 zo in that Particular. 
 
 it is true, that if Alonzo is above Homer 
 in this Point, he is in all the reft inferior to 
 the meaneft of the Poets. It is wonderful, 
 how he falls fo low from fo high a Flight. 
 There is undoubtedly a great deal of Fire 
 in his Battles, but no Defign, no Invention, 
 no Variety in the Defcnptions, no Uni- 
 ty in the whole Frame ; the Poem is 
 more wild, then the Nations who are 
 the Subjefl of it. In the latter End of 
 the Work, Alonzjo^ who is one of the 
 chief Adlors in the Poem, makes a long 
 and tedious March with fome Soldiers 
 by Night ; and to divert the Time, he 
 raifes a Difpute between them about Vir- 
 grl.y and chiefly on the Epifode of Dido ; 
 Aioni.o tzkes his Opportunity, in the 
 Converfation of relating the Hiftory of 
 Dido^ as it is reported by fqme antient 
 Authors, and in order to give the Lie 
 to Virgil^ and to reftore Dido to her forr 
 G 3 nier 
 

 ( 102 ) 
 
 mer Glory, he fpends two long Canto’s 
 in defcanting upon her. 
 
 One of the greateft Exceptions hefides, 
 which may be taken againft it, is that 
 the Book confifts of thirty fix long Can- 
 tos. The Reader will think it probable, 
 that a Man who does not know how to 
 ftop, is not qualified to run fuch a Car- 
 
 rier. 
 
 So many Defedls have not deterred the 
 celebrated Michel Cervantes from writing, 
 that the Araucana may cope with the beft 
 Authors of Italy. 
 
 The Judgment of Cervantes was mif- 
 led in that Point by an overweaning In- 
 clination towards his Countrymen. The 
 true Love of our Country is to do good 
 to it, to contribute to its Liberty, as far 
 it lies in our Power ; but to contend on- 
 ly for the Superiority of our Authors, to 
 boaft of having among us better Poets 
 than our Neighbours, is rather Self-love 
 than Patriotifm. 
 
 MILTON. 
 
 M lUfON is the laft in Europe who 
 wrote an Epick Poem, for I wave 
 all thofe whofe Attempts have been un- 
 fuccefsful, my Intention being not to def- 
 cant on the many who have contended 
 for the Prize, but to fpeak only of the 
 
( 103 ) 
 
 very few who have gain’d it in their re- 
 fpe6live Countries. 
 
 Milton^ as he was travelling through 
 Italy in his Youth, faw at Florence a Co- 
 medy call’d Adamo^ writ by one Andremo a 
 Player, and dedicated to Mary de Medicis 
 Queen of France. The Subjeil of the 
 Play was the Fall of Man ; the ASors, 
 God, the Devils, the Angels, Adanu Eve, 
 the Serpent, Death, and the Seven mortal 
 Sins. That Topick fo improper for a Dra- 
 ma, but fo fuitable to the abfurd Genius of 
 the Italian Stage, (as it was at that Time) 
 was handled in a Manner intirely con- 
 formable to the Extravagance of the De- 
 fign. The Scene opens with a Chorus 
 of Angels, and a Cherubim thus fpeaks 
 for the Reft. “ Let the Rainbow be 
 the Fiddleftick of the Fiddle of the 
 “ Heavens, let the Planets be the Notes 
 “ of our Mufick, let Time beat careful- 
 “ ly the Meafure, and the Winds make 
 the Sharps, ^c. ” Thus the Play be- 
 gins, and every Scene rifes above the laft 
 in Profufion of Impertinence. 
 
 Milton pierc’d through the Abfurd ity 
 of that Performance to the hidden Majef- 
 ty of the Subje6l, which being altogether 
 unfit for the Stage, yet might be (for the 
 Genius of Milton, and for his only) the 
 Foundation of an Epick Poem. 
 
 G 4 
 
 He 
 
( 104 ) 
 
 He took from that ridiculous Trifle 
 the fir ft Hint of the nobleft Work, which 
 human Imagination hath ever attempted, 
 and which he executed more than twen- 
 ty Years after. 
 
 In the like Manner Pythagoras ow dthe 
 Invention of Mufik to' the Noife of the 
 Hammer of a Blackfmith. And thus in our 
 Days Sir Ifaak Newton walking in his 
 Gardens had the firft Thought of his 
 Syftem of Gravitation, upon feeing an 
 Apple falling from a Tree. 
 
 If the Difference of Genius between 
 Nation and Nation, ever appear’d in its 
 full Light, ’tis in Milton's Paradife loft. 
 
 The French anfwer with a fcornful 
 Smile, when they are told there is in 
 England an Epick Poem , the Subjeft 
 whereof is the Devil fighting againft 
 God, and Adam and Eve eating an Ap- 
 ple at the Perfuafion of a Snake. As 
 that Topick hath afforded nothing among 
 them, put fome lively Lampoons, for 
 which that Nation is fo famous ; 
 they cannot imagine it poffible to build 
 Epick Poem upon the Subje6l of their 
 Ballads. And indeed fuch an Error 
 ought to be exciifed ; for if we confider 
 with what Freedom the politeft Part of 
 Mankind throughout all Europe , both 
 Catholicks and Proteftants, are wont to 
 ridicule in, Converfation thofe confecrated 
 
 • ' ■ Hifto- 
 
( 105 ) 
 
 Hiftories ; nay if thofe who have the 
 higheft Refpeft for the Myfteries of the 
 Chriftian Religion, and who are ftruck 
 with Awe at fome Parts of it, yet cannot 
 forbear now and then making free with 
 the Devil ^ the Serpent^ the Frailty of 
 our firft Parents, the Rib which Adam 
 was robb’d of, and the like ; it feems a 
 very hard Tafk for a profane Poet to en- 
 deavour to remove thofe Shadows of R i- ^ 
 dicule, to reconcile together what is Di- 
 vine and what looks abfurd, and to com- 
 mand a Refpeft that the facred Writers 
 could hardly obtain from our frivolous 
 Minds. 
 
 What Milton fo. boldly undertook, 
 he t)erform’d with a fuperior Strength 
 of Judgment, and with an Imagination 
 produ6live of Beauties not dream’d of 
 before him. The Meanefs (if there is 
 any) of fome Parts of the Subje6t is loft 
 in the Immenfity of the Poetical Inven- 
 tion. There is fomething above the reach 
 of human Forces to have attempted the 
 Creation without Bombaft, to have de- 
 fcrib’d the Gluttony and Curiofity of a 
 Woman without Flatnefs, to have 
 brought Probability and Reafon amidft 
 the Hurry of imaginary Things belong- 
 ing to another World, and as far remote 
 from the Lunits of our Notions as they 
 
( io5) 
 
 are from our Earth ; in Ihort to force tha 
 Reader to fay, “ If God, if the Angels, 
 “ if^ Satan would fpeak, I believe they 
 “ would fpeak as they do in Milton. 
 
 I have often admir’d how barren the 
 Subject appears, and how fruitful it 
 grows under his Hands. 
 
 The Paradife Loft is the only Poem 
 wherein are to be found in a perfe6l De- 
 gree that Uniformity which fatisfies the 
 Mind and that Variety which pleafes the 
 Imagination. All its Epifodes being ne- 
 felTary Lines which aim at the Centre of 
 a perfect Circle. Where is the Nation 
 who would not be pleas’d with the Inter- 
 view of Adam and the Angd ? With the 
 Mountain of Vifion, with the bold Stro- 
 kes which make up the Relentlefs, un- 
 daunted and fly Chara6ter of Satan ? 
 But above all with that fublime Wifdom 
 which Milton exerts, whenever he dares 
 to defcribe God, and to make him fpeak ? 
 He feems indeed to draw the Pi6ture of 
 the Almighty, as like as human Nature 
 can reach to, through the mortal Duft in 
 which we are clouded. 
 
 The Heathens always, the Jews often, 
 and our Chriftian Priefts fometimes, re- 
 prefent God as a Tyrant infinitely power- 
 ful. But the God of Milton is always a 
 Creator, a Father, and a Judge, nor is 
 his Vengeance jarring with his Mercy, 
 
( *07 ) 
 
 nor his Predeterminations repugnant to 
 the Liberty of Man. Thefe are the 
 Piftures which lift up indeed the Soul of 
 the Reader. Milton in that Point as well 
 as in many others is as far above the an- 
 cient Poets as the Chriftian Religion is 
 above the Heatlnan Fables. 
 
 But he hath efpecially an undifputable 
 Claim to the unanimous Admiration of 
 Mankind, when he defcends from thofe 
 high Flights to the natural Defcription 
 pf human Things. It is obfervable that 
 in all other Poems Love is reprefent- 
 ed as a Vice, in Milton only ’tis a Virtue, 
 The Pi6lures he draws of it, are naked 
 as the Perfons he fpeaks of, and as vene- 
 rable. He removes with a chafte Hand 
 the Veil which covers every where elfe 
 the enjoyments of that Paffion. There 
 is Softnefs, Tendernefs and Warmth 
 without Lafcivioufnefs ; the Poet tranf- 
 ports himfelf and us, into that State of 
 innocent Happinefs in which Jdam and 
 Eve continued for a fhort Time : He 
 foars not above human, but above cor- 
 rupt Nature, and as there is no Inftance 
 of fuch Love, there is none of fuch 
 
 Poetry. 
 
 How then it came to pafs that the ra- 
 radife Loft had been lb long negle61ed, 
 (nay almoft unknown) . in England^ (till 
 the Lord Sommers in fomeMeafuretaw^^r 
 
 Man- 
 
( loS ) 
 
 Mankind to admire rf,) is a Thing which 
 I cannot reconcile, neither with the Tem- 
 per, nor with the Genius of the Englifh 
 Nation. 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham in his Art 
 ©f Poetry gives the Preference to Spencer.' 
 It is reported in the Life of the Lord Ro- 
 ehe/ter, that he had no Notion of a better 
 Poet than Cowley. : 
 
 Mr. Dry den’s Judgment on Milton is 
 ftill more unaccountable. He hath be- 
 ftow’d fome Verfes upon him, in which 
 he puts him upon a Level with, nay above 
 Virgil and Homer', 
 
 ^he Force of Nature could not further go, 
 ^ ? make a third jbe joined the former tm.^ 
 
 The fame Mr. Dryden in his Preface 
 upon his Tranflation of the ALneid^ ranks 
 Mtlton with Chapellain and Lemoine the 
 moft impertinent Poets who ever fcrib- 
 bled. How be could extol him fo much 
 in his Verfes, and debafe him fo low in 
 his Profe is a Riddle which, being a Fo- 
 reigner, I cannot underhand. 
 
 in fhort one would be apt to think that 
 Milton has not obtained his true Reputa- 
 tion till Mr. Adiffon the beft critick as 
 well as the beft Writer of his Age, 
 pointed out the moft hidden Beauties 
 of the Paradife Lofl, and fettled for ever 
 its Reputation. 
 
( JC9 ) 
 
 It is an eafy and a pleafant Tafk ta 
 take Notice of the many Beauties of Miltoa 
 which I call univerfal ; But ’tis a ticklilh 
 Undertaking to point out what would 
 be reputed a Fault in any other Gouniry. 
 
 i am very far from thinking that one 
 Nation ought to judge of its Produdli- 
 ons by the Standard of another, nor do 
 I prefume that the Freud (for Example) 
 who have no Epkk Poets, have any Right 
 to give Laws on Epkk Poetry^ 
 
 But I fancy many Englijh Readers, who 
 are acquainted with the French Language, 
 will not be difpleas’d to have fome Noti- 
 on of the Tafte of that Country : And I 
 hope they are too juft either to fubmit to 
 at, or defpife it barely upon the Score of 
 Its being foreign to them. 
 
 Would each Nation attend a little 
 more than they do, to the Tafte and the 
 Manners of their refpedfive Neighbours, 
 perhaps a general good Tafte might di^ 
 fufe itfelf through all Europe from fuefa 
 an intercourfe of Learning, and from 
 that ufeful Exchange of Obfervations. 
 The Engltj}} Stage, for Example, might 
 be clear’d of mangled Carcafles and the 
 Style of their tragick Authors , come 
 down from their forced Metaphorical 
 Bombaft to a nearer Imitation of Nature 
 The French would learn from tl^ E-nglijb 
 to animate their Tragedies with more 
 
( 110 ) 
 
 A6Honj and would contrail noW and 
 then their long Speeches into fhorter and 
 warmer Sentiments. 
 
 The SpantarJs would introduce in 
 their Plays more Piaures of human Life, 
 more Charaaers and Manners, and not 
 puzzle themfelves always in the Entan- 
 glements of confus’d Adventures, more 
 romantick than natural. The Italian in 
 Point of Tragedy would catch the Flame 
 from the Englifb, and all the Reft from 
 the French. In Point of Comedy, they 
 would learn from Mr. Congreve and fome 
 other Authors, to prefer Wit and Hu- 
 mour to Buffoonery. 
 
 To proceed in that View, I’ill venture 
 to fay that none of the French Criticks 
 could like the Excurfions which Milton 
 makes fometimes beyond the ftria Li- 
 mits of his Subjea. They lay down for 
 a Rule that an Author himfelf ought 
 never to appear in his Poem; and his own 
 Thoughts, his own Sentiments muft be 
 fpoken by the Aaors he introduces. Ma- 
 ny judicious Men in England comply 
 with that Opinion, and Mr. Adiffon fa- 
 vours it. I beg Leave in this Place to 
 hazard a Reflexion of my own, which 
 I fubmit to the Reader’s Judgment. 
 
 Milton breaks the Thread of his Nar- 
 ration in two Manners. The firft con- 
 fifts of two or three kinds of Prologues, 
 
 which 
 
( ill ) 
 
 nvliich he premifes at the Beginning of 
 fome Books. In one Place he expatiates 
 upon his own Blindnefs ; in another he 
 compares his Subjeft and prefers it to 
 that of the Iliads and to the common To* 
 picks of War, which were thought be- 
 fore him the only Subje6l fit for Epick 
 Poetry ; and he adds that he hopes to foar 
 as high as all his Predeceffors, unlefs the 
 cold Climate of England damps bis Wings. 
 
 His other Way of interrupting his 
 Narration , is by fome Obfervations 
 which he interfperfes now and then upon 
 fome great Incident, or fome interefting 
 Circumftance. Of that Rind is his Di- 
 greffion on Love in the fourth Book ; 
 
 Whatever Hippocrites auflerely talk 
 Defaming as impure^ vohat God declares 
 Pur e^and commands to fome^ leaves free to all. 
 Our Maker bids increafe^ nsoho bids abftain 
 But our Defiroyer foe to God and Men ? 
 Hail wedded Love, &c. 
 
 As to the firft of thefe two Heads, I 
 cannot but own that an Author is gene- 
 rally guilty of an impardonable Self-love, 
 When he lays afide his Subje6I to defcant 
 on his own Perfon j but that human 
 Frailty is to be forgiven in Milton \ nay 
 I am pleas’d with it. He gratifies the 
 Curiofity, it raifes in me about his Per- 
 fon, when I admire the Author, Ideflrs 
 
( 112 ) 
 
 Id know fomething of the Man, and^ 
 whom all Readers would be glad ^know, 
 is allow’d to fpeak of himfelf. But this 
 however is a very dangerous Example for 
 Sus of an inferior Order, and .s on- 
 Iv to bejultifiedby Sviecefs. 
 
 ^ As to the fecond Point I am fo far 
 from looking on that Liberty as a Paul , 
 that 1 think it to be a great Beauty. For 
 if Morality is the aini A 
 
 not apprehend why the Poet Ihould be 
 forbiclden to interfperfe his Defcrip- 
 tions with moral Sentences and ufeful 
 Reflexions, provided he fcatters them 
 with a fparing Hand, and in proper 
 Places either when he wants Perfonages 
 to utter thofe Thoughts, or when their 
 Character does not permit them to fpeak 
 
 in the Behalf of Virtue. _ 
 
 ’Tis ftrange that Homer is commendea 
 bv the Criticks for his comparing Am 
 to an Afs pelted away with Stones by 
 fome Children, to a Pudding, the 
 
 Council-board of Prtam 
 »Tis ftrange, I fay, that they defend lo 
 damouroudy thofe Similes tho’ never fo 
 foreign to the P^rpofe, and will not^al- 
 low the natural Reflexions, the nobl 
 Digreflions of Milton tho’ never fo clole- 
 
 ly link’d to the Subjea. . uVr 
 
 I will not dwell upon fome fmall c-r- 
 rors of Miltony which are obvious to eve- 
 
( ”3 ) 
 
 ry Reader, I mean feme few Contradic- 
 tions, and thofe frequent Glances at the 
 ikeath^n Mythology, which Fault by the 
 by is fo much the more unexcufable in 
 him, by his having premis’d in his fir ft 
 Book that thofe Divinities were but De- 
 vils worfhipp’d under different Names, 
 which ought to have been a fufficient 
 Caution to him not to fpeak of the Rape 
 of Projnpm, of the Wedding of Jum 
 and Jupiter^ &c. as Matters of Fa6f, 
 
 I lay afide likewife hisprepofterousand 
 aukward Jefts, his Puns, his too familiar 
 Expreffions fo inconfiftent with the Eleva- 
 tion of his Genius, and of his Subjea. 
 
 To come to more effential Points and 
 more liable to be debated. I dare affirm 
 that the Contrivance of the Pand^tnonium 
 would have been entirely difapprov’d of 
 by Criticks like Boyleau^ Racine^ &c. 
 
 That Seat built for the Parliament of 
 the Devils, feems very prepofterous : 
 Since Satan hath fummon’d them altoge- 
 ther, and harangu’d them juft before m 
 an ample Field. The Council was ne- 
 celfary ; but where it was to be held, 
 Ywar very indifferent. The Poet feems 
 to delight in building his Pand^monum 
 in Doric Order with Freeze and Cornice, 
 and a Roof of Gold. Such a Contri- 
 vance favours more of the wild Fancy 
 of our Father k Moke then of the feri- 
 
( 114 ) 
 
 6US Spirit of Milton. But when after^ 
 -wards the Devils turn dwarfs to fill their 
 Places in the Houfe, as if it was imprac- 
 ticable to build a Room large enough to 
 contain them in their natural Size ; it 
 is an idle Story which would match the 
 moft extravagant Tales. And to crown 
 all, Satan and the chief Lords preferving 
 their own monftrous Forms, while the 
 Rabble of the Devils ihrink into Pig- 
 tnees , heightens the Ridicule of the 
 whole Contrivance to an unexpreffible 
 Degree. Methinks the true Criterion 
 for difcerning what is really ridiculous 
 in an Efick Poem, is to examine if the 
 fame Thing would not fit exaaiy the 
 Mock heroick. Then I dare fay that no- 
 thing is fo adapted to that ludicrous way 
 of Writing, as the Metamorphofis of the 
 Devils into Dwarfs. 
 
 The Fiaion of Death and Sin feems 
 to have in it fomegreat Beauties and ma- 
 ny grofs Defeas. In order to canvafs this 
 Matter with Order. W e muft firft lay 
 down that fuch fhadowy Beings, as 
 Death.^ Sin^ Chaos., are intolerable when 
 they are not allegorical. For Fiaion is 
 nothing but Truth in Difguife. It muft 
 be granted too, that an Allegory muft be 
 ihort, decent, and noble. For an Allego- 
 ry carried too far or too low, is like a 
 beautiful Woman who wears always a 
 
V 
 
 C Hi ) 
 
 Made. An Allegory is a long Metaphor ; 
 and to fpeak too long in Metaphor’s muft 
 be tirefom, becaufe unnatural. This being 
 premis’d, I muft fay that in general 
 thofe Fictions, thofe iniaginary Beings, 
 are more agreable to the Nature of Mil- 
 ton’s Poem, than to any other ; becaufe 
 he hath but two natural Perfons for 
 his A<Stors, I mean Adam and Eve. A 
 great Part of the A61ion lies in imagi- 
 nary Worlds, and muft of courfe admit of 
 imaginary Beings. 
 
 Then Sm fpringing out of the Head 
 of Satan, feems a beautiful Allegory of 
 Pride, which is look’d upon as the firft 
 Offence committed againft God. But I 
 queftion if Satan^ getting his Daughter 
 with Child, is an Invention to be ap- 
 prov’d off. I am afraid that Fiftion is 
 but a meer Quibble ; for if Sin was of a 
 mafeuline Gender in Engliflf^ as it is in all 
 the other Languages., that whole Affair 
 Drops, and the Fiftion vanifhes away. 
 But fuppofe we are not fo nice, and we al- 
 low Satan to be in Love with Sin^ becaufe 
 this Word is made feminine in Englifh (as 
 Death paffes alfo for mafeuline ) what a 
 horrid and loathfome Idea does Milton pre- 
 fent to the Mind, in this Fi6tion ? Sin 
 brings forth Death, this Monfter inflam’d 
 with Luft and Rage, lies with his Mother, 
 as fhe had done with her Father. From 
 H 2 that 
 
(•I«^ 
 
 (W new Commerce, fprings a Swarm of 
 Serpents, which creep in and out of their 
 and gnaw and tear the 
 
 ■Rowels they born from. 
 
 Let fuch a Piaure be never fo beauti- 
 fullv drawn, let the Allegory be 
 fo oCm, and fo clear, ftiU it wdl te 
 intXrable, on the Account of its Fouh 
 nefs! That Complication of Horrors 
 that Mixture of Inceft, 
 
 Monfters, that Loathfomenefs fo far 
 fetch’d, cannot but fhock a Reader of de- 
 
 '"‘"bu Jwhat is more intolerable, there 
 are Parts in that Fiftion, which bearing 
 no Allegory at all, have no Manner of 
 Exculca There is no Meaning in the 
 Communication between Death and Sin, 
 ’tis diftafteful without any Purpofe ; or 
 if any Allegory lies undp h, the filthy 
 Abomination of the Thing is certainly 
 more obvious than the Allegory. 
 
 I fee with Admiration, .SVff, tbe Pw* 
 trefs of Hell, opening the Gates of the 
 Abifs, but unable to (but them again, 
 that is really beautiful, became tis tru . 
 But what fignifies Satan and Death quar- 
 relling together, grinning at one another, 
 
 and ready to fight ? , j n r 
 
 The Fiftion of Chaosy Ntght^ and DiJ' 
 cord, is rather a Piaure, than an Alle- 
 gory 3 and for ought 1 know, defer ves 
 
( 1-7 ) 
 
 to be approv’d, becaufe it ftrikes the Rea- 
 der with Awe, not with Horror. 
 
 I know the Bridge built by Death and 
 Sin, would be diflik’d in France. The 
 nice Criticks of that Country would urge 
 againft that Fidlion, that it feems too com- 
 mon, and that it is ufelefs j for Men s 
 Souls want no paved Way, to be thrown 
 into Hell, after their Separation from 
 
 the Body. , ^ _ 
 
 They would laugh juftly at the Para- 
 dife of Fools, at the Hermits, Fryars, 
 Cowles, Beads, Indulgences, Bulls, Re- 
 liques, tofs’d by the Winds, at St. r^-- 
 teFs waiting with his Keys at the_^i(> 
 ket of Heaven. And furely themoft paf- 
 fionate Admirers of Afdtony could not 
 vindicate thofe low comical Imaginations, 
 which belong by Rifiht to 
 
 Now the fubiimeft of all the Fifitions 
 calls me to examine it. the War 
 
 in Heaven. The Earl of Rofcommony and 
 Mr. Add'tfon (whofe Judgment fcems ei- 
 ther to guide, or to juftify the Opinion 
 of his Countrymen) admire chiefly that 
 Part of the Poem. They beftow all the 
 Skill of their Criticifm, and the Strengt 
 of their -Eloquence, to fet off that far ou- 
 rite Part. 1 may affirm, that the 
 Things they admire, would h® tole, 
 rated by the French Criticks. The Rea 
 der will perhaps fee with 
 
 id 3 ^ 
 
(ii8) 
 
 woT}iit coKfifis fo jirange a Difference^ and 
 what may be the Ground of it. 
 
 Firft, they would aflert, that a War 
 in Heaven being an imaginary Thing, 
 which lies out of the Reach of our Na- 
 ture, Ihould be contraded in two or 
 three Pages, rather than lengthen’d out in- 
 to two Books ; becaufe we are naturally 
 impatient of removing from us the Ob- 
 jedls which are not adapted to our Senfes. 
 
 According to that Rule, they would 
 maintain, that ’tis an idle Task to give 
 the Reader the full Charafter of the Lea- 
 ders of that War, and to defcribe Aj- 
 fhael^ Michael^ Abdiel^ Moloch^ and Nif 
 roth^ as Homer paints Jjax^ Diomede and 
 HeUor. 
 
 For what avails it to draw at length 
 the Pidlure of thefe Beings, fo utterly 
 Strangers to the Reader, that he cannot 
 be affedted any Way towards them j by 
 the fame Reafon, the long Speeches of 
 thefe imaginary Warriors, either before 
 the Battle, or in the Middle of the Adi- 
 on, their mutual Infults, feem an unju* 
 dicious Imitation of Homer. 
 
 The aforefaid Criticks would not bear 
 with the Angels plucking up the Moun? 
 tains, with their Woods, their Waters, 
 and their Rocks, and flinging them on 
 the Heads of their Enemies. Such a 
 Contrivance (they would fay) is the 
 
 pior§ 
 

 ( ”9 ) 
 
 more puerile, the more it aims at Great- 
 nefs. Angels arm’d with Mountains in 
 “Heaven, refcmble too much the Dipfodes 
 in Rabelais^ who wore an Armour of 
 Portland Stone fix Foot thick. 
 
 The Artillery feems of the fame Rind, 
 yet more trifling, becaufe more ufeleft. 
 
 To what Purpofe are thefe Engines 
 brought in ? Since they cannot wound 
 the Ensnaies, but only remove them from 
 their Places, and make them tumble 
 down: Indeed (if the Expreflion may be 
 forgiven) ’tis to play at Nine-Pms. And 
 the very Thing which is fo dreadfully 
 great on Earth, becomes very low and 
 ridiculous in Heaven. 
 
 I cannot omit here, the vifible Lon- 
 tradiftion which reigns in that Epifode. 
 God fends his faithful Angels to 
 to conquer and to punilh the Rebels. 
 Go (fays he, to Michael and Gabriel) 
 
 And to the Brm of Heaven 
 
 Purfitin?, drive them out from God and bills ^ 
 Into their Place of Pumjhmenty the Gulph 
 Of Tartarus, which ready opens wide 
 His fiery Chaos to receive their tall. 
 
 How does it come to pafs, after fuch 
 a pofitive Order, that the Battle^hang 
 doubtful? And why did God the Fa- 
 ther command Gabriel and Rapha , 
 
 H 4 
 
( 120 3 
 
 do what he executes afterwards by his 
 Son only. 
 
 I leave it to the Readers, to pronounce, 
 if thefe Obfervations are right, or ill- 
 grounded, and if they are carried to far. 
 But in cafe thefe Exceptions are juft, the 
 fevereft Critick muft however confefs 
 there are Perfeftions enough in Milton, 
 to attone for all his Defedls. 
 
 I muft beg leave to conclude this Ar- 
 ticle on Milton, with two Obfervations. 
 
 His Hero (I mean Adam, his firft Per- 
 fonage) is unh^py. That demonftrates 
 againft all the Cfnticks, that a very good 
 Poem may end unfortunately, in Spight 
 of all their pretended Rules. Secondly, 
 The Paradife-Loft ends compleatly. The 
 Thread of the Fable is fpun out to the 
 laft. Milton and ^ajfo have been careful 
 of not flopping fhort and abruptly. The 
 one does not abandon Adam and Eve, 
 till they are driven out of Eden. The 
 other docs not conclude, before Jerufa- 
 lem is taken. Homer and Virgil took a 
 contrary Way, the Iliad ends with the 
 Death of Heitor, the ALneid with that of 
 ^urnus : The Tribe of Commentators 
 have upon that enafled a Law, that 
 a Houfe ought never to be finilh’d, be- 
 Homer and Virgil did not compleat 
 their own ; but if Homer had taken ^ 'oj, 
 and Virgil married Lavinia to Mneas, 
 
 the 
 
( I2I ) 
 
 the Criticks would have laid down a 
 Rule juft the contrary. 
 
 - Was I fway’d by the common Affe- 
 6lation of commending our native Coun- 
 try abroad, I would endeavour in this 
 Place, to fet off to the beft Advantage, 
 fome of our Epick Poems j but I mufc 
 frankly own, among more than fifty 
 which I have read, there is not one to- 
 lerable. Then inftead of throwing a- 
 way an unavailable Criticifm upon fome 
 wretched French Poem, I am reduced to 
 inquire, why we have not a good one ; 
 for it feems a little firange, that a Na- 
 tion who boafts of having fuceeeded fo 
 well in all the other Parts of Poetry, falls 
 fo fhort of herfelf in that Particular. 
 
 I have heard the French Tongue arraign- 
 ed in England of Infufficiency, as being 
 neither ftrong nor lofty enough to reach 
 the Sublimity of Epick Poetry. 
 
 I am apt to think, that every Lan- 
 guage has its own particular Genius, 
 flowing chiefly from the Genius of the 
 Nation, and partly from its own Na- 
 ture. 
 
 On the one Side, more or lefs Liberty 
 in the Government, and in Religion, a 
 more or lefs free Converfation between 
 the two Sexes, the Influence of the firfc 
 Authors, who have written with Suc- 
 
 cefs. 
 
( ) 
 
 cefs, and whofe Stile is become the gene- 
 ral Standard, all thefe Means have a 
 great Share in determining the Nature 
 of a Language, in making it extenfive or 
 ftinted, ftrong or weak, fublime or low. 
 
 On the other Side, the Roughnefs of 
 too many Confonants, the Softnefs of 
 predominant Vowels, the Length, or 
 the Shortnefs of the Words, more or lefs 
 Articles, and the like, give a ftrong Bi- 
 afs to an Idiom, and render it more or 
 lefs fufceptible of fome particular Ways 
 of Writing. 
 
 Thus if we confider the Softnefs and 
 Effeminacy into which the Luxuriancy 
 of Vowels emafculates the Tongue, 
 
 and the Idlenefs in which the Italians 
 fpend all their Life, bufy only in the 
 purfuit of thofe Arts which foften the 
 Mind ; we muft not wonder if that Lan- 
 guage paffes (as it were) for the Lan- 
 guage of Love. 
 
 The Freedom of Society in France^ and 
 the Turn of the Phrafes, which, as they 
 admit of no Tranfpofition, are the 
 more perfpicuous, qualify exceedingly the 
 French Tongue for Converfation. The 
 former Roughnefs of the Englijh Lan- 
 guage, now improv’d into Strength and 
 Energy, its Copioufnefs, its admitting 
 of many Inverfions, fit it for more fub- 
 lime Performances. Befides, the Force 
 
( 123 ) 
 
 of that Idiom is wonderfully heighten’d, 
 by the Nature of the Government, which 
 allows the EngUfh to fpeak in P^blick, 
 and by the Liberty of Confcience, which 
 makes them more converfant in the Scrip- 
 ture, and hath rendered the Language 
 of the Prophets fo familiar to them, that 
 their Poetry favours very much of that 
 Eaftern out of the way Sublimity ; nay, 
 fixty or eighty Years ago, all the Spee- 
 ches in Parliament were cramm’d with 
 ExprelTions taken from the Jmtfh Wri- 
 tings. But fuch predominant Qualifica- 
 tions of a Language, do not imply an 
 Exclufion of any other Aptitude in it. 
 Lofty Performances have been made in 
 Italian. Some EngUfh Poets have writ- 
 ten gracefully upon Love, and it is not 
 impoffible for the French to have an £- 
 fick Poem. 
 
 The French Tongue has Strength and 
 Majefty enough in Corneilles Tragedies. 
 Nay, now and then it foars up in his 
 Plays, beyond the true Meafure of Sub- 
 lime. Far from wanting Force or Gran- 
 deur, I dare affirm it labours under a 
 contrary Defeft. And this is a Secret 
 which I unfold willingly. We can hard- 
 ly exprefs common Things with Felicity 
 in our Heroick Poetry. The Genius of 
 the Nation, and consequently the Turn 
 pf the Language, does not allow us to 
 
 come 
 

 ( 124 ) 
 
 come down to the Defcription of the 
 Trappings of a Horfe, of the Wheels, 
 of a Chariot, &ir. We can commend 
 rural Life in General, hut not fpecify, 
 with Dignity, the little Particularities 
 belonging to it. This Talk, is avoided 
 by all our fldlful Writers, who are con- 
 fcious of the Defe6livenefs of the Lan- 
 guage in that refped. In fhort, fuch is 
 our Difadvantage, that there are infinite 
 Things, which we dare neither call by 
 their Names, nor exprefs by a Paraphrafe. 
 Mr. in his Tranflation of 
 
 may without any Rifque, wound a He- 
 ro ‘whsYS the (xvid the ^luddeT 
 
 vmty or pierce him through the right 
 Shoulder. He may fay after his Ori- 
 ginal : 
 
 the Dart- — -fierced a vital Part, 
 
 Full in his Face it entered^ and betwixt 
 ‘The Nofe, and the Eye-Ball^ the proud Li- 
 
 [cian fixty 
 
 CrafFd all his Jaws, and cleft the Tongue 
 
 \within. 
 
 Till the bright Point look’d out beneath the 
 
 {Skin. 
 
 The like Attempt in French, would be 
 thought Burlefque. The Fields of 
 ture lie wide and open for the Englifh 
 to range through at Pleafure, whilft we 
 
 sre 
 
( 125 ) 
 
 are ftlnted and oblig’d to walk with too 
 much Circumfpeftion. 
 
 To this happy Freedom, that the Bri- 
 t'lfh Nation enjoys in every Thing, are 
 owing many excellent poetical Verfions 
 of the ancient Poets ; whereas the French 
 are reduced to tranflate Virgil^ >Homery 
 Lucretius and Ovid in Profe. 
 
 Mr. de la Moite, a Member of the 
 French Academy, is the only Man of 
 fome Reputation, who attempted the Iliad 
 in Verfe ; but he was forced to contraSl 
 the four and twenty Books of Horner^ 
 into twelve, yet thofe twelve do not 
 contain fo many Verfes, as four Books 
 of Homer do. His Iliad is a fhort Abridg- 
 ment of the Greeks and yet is judg’d to 
 be exceedingly too long. 
 
 After all, if that Slavery, if that Coy- 
 nefs of the French Language, makes it 
 unfit for tranflating Homer, and Virgil, 
 yet I do not perceive how that fliould 
 hinder the Nation from having an Epkk 
 iPoem of her own Growth ? 
 
 A Poem, methinks, might fubfi ft ve- 
 ry well, without the Help of mechanick, 
 or anatomical Defcriptions. We 
 TCQuire of an Author, to excite our Pai- 
 fions, to unfold the moft intricate Re- 
 cefles of the Soul, to defcribe the Cu- 
 ftoms of the Nations, to mark Dii- 
 ferenccs which arife in the Characters oi 
 
 Men, 
 
( J2<5 > 
 
 Men, from the different Governments 
 they are born under, in fhort to fpeak 
 the Language of the polite World ; than 
 to play the Surgeon, the Carpenter, or 
 the Joiner, though never fo elegantly. 
 
 Cardinal of Rets^ and the Earl of Cla- 
 rendon^ in their Memoirs, unravel all 
 the Springs of the Civil Wars, and draw 
 at full Length, the Figures of thofe 
 whofe Ambition Ihook the Foundation 
 of their refpedfive Countries. But nei- 
 ther of thele two great Writers, makes 
 it his particular Care to defcribe with 
 Accuracy, how fuch a Colonel was 
 wounded through the Bladder, and fuch 
 a Captain in the Kidneys. Nor do they 
 throw away their Time in defcribing e- 
 legantly of what Wood the Benches of 
 the Houfe of Parliament were made. 
 Why then fliould an Epick Poet, lie un- 
 der the Necelfity of elaborating thofe 
 little Defcriptions, which every notle 
 Hiftorian avoids with Care ? 
 
 Some impute our Want of an Epick 
 Poem, to the Shackles of Rhime. They 
 fay, that the gingling Return of the 
 fame Sounds, which are chiming on, in 
 the fame Stops, Meafures, Paufes, with- 
 out any Variety, or any Relief to the 
 Ear, muft needs Occafion an infupport- 
 able Uniformity throughout all the Work. 
 They urge, that Slavery cramps the no- 
 
 bleft 
 
< 1^7 ) 
 
 l)Ieft Genius, and a Poet, inftead of u- 
 fing Rhime, as an Ornament ferviceable 
 / to his Senfe, makes his own Thoughts 
 fubfervient to Rhime. ° 
 
 They add, Rhime is a barbarous Co- 
 Invention, owing to the dullSpright- 
 linefs of the Monks, and contend that 
 nothing Good can be built with fo bad a 
 Material. 
 
 Firft, I muft confefs we are Slaves to 
 Rhime in France^ and our Slavery is al- 
 together irretrievable. Nay, all our Tra- 
 gedies ought to be rhimed. For our Po- 
 etry being fetter’d by too ftridl Rules, 
 admitting of no Inverfions, nor of Ver- 
 fes incroaching upon one another, would 
 hpe nothing but Loftinefs of Stile, to 
 diftinguilh it from Profe, if it were not 
 for Rhime. We have no Manner of 
 Pretence to blank Verfe, we muft keep 
 to Rhime neceflarily, and w'hofoever 
 would attempt to throw off a Burthen 
 which Mr. Boyleau^ Racine, and Corneille^ 
 have fo glorioufly fuftained, would 1^ 
 thought rather weak than bold, and cer- 
 tainly would meet with a very unkind 
 Reception. 
 
 As to that pretended Uniformity, and 
 Tedioufnefs objefled againft Verfes in 
 Rhime, it is not to be found in Authors 
 truly good, of whatfoever Country. T’af- 
 (o is read with Pleafure, though all his 
 
 Verfes, 
 

 ( ) 
 
 Verfes, nay, allmoft all his Syllables, 
 end in a. c. i. o. And fay 
 
 Rhime is an Invention of the Monks of 
 the feventh Century, are utterly m the 
 Wrong. All the Nations whole Lan- 
 guages are known to us, have Verfes m 
 Rhime, except the Greeks and the ao* 
 
 7/uiru, n J • 
 
 The Return of the fame Sounds, is a 
 Rind of natural Mufick, more obvious 
 to the Ear, and more eafily reduc d into 
 an Art, than the ^tantity of Syllables. 
 It is true, that Diftinflion between long 
 and fliort Syllables afforded to the Ro- 
 mans and Greeks an harmoniom Va- 
 riety of Sounds, which by their Quick- 
 nefs, or Gravity, were wonderfully ex- 
 prelTive of the impetuous, or flow Mo- 
 tions of the Soul. But we ought not 
 (becaufe we want fo great an Advan- 
 tage) to neglea the only one we are m 
 Pofleflion of, and in Room of vvhich, 
 we have nothing to fet up. Shou’d we 
 not manure our own Soil, becaufe lome 
 others are more fruitful ? 
 
 After thefe little Hints upon our Lan- 
 guage, and our Verfification, I will own, 
 that an Ep'tck Poem is a harder Task m 
 France^ than in any other Country what- 
 ever ; not purely becaufe we Rhime., but 
 becaufe our Rhimes, as well the other 
 Parts of our Verfification, are ty’d down 
 
 * 
 
 A 
 
( 129 ) 
 
 to moft infupportable and iiifignificant 
 j^jes ; not becaufe our Langua,ge wants 
 Jfcftinefs, but becaufe it wants Freedom 
 Tbr it is with our Heroick Poetry, as 
 ft^ith our Trade, we come up to the £«- 
 gltfh in neither, for want of being a free 
 Nation. 
 
 Slavery is generally an Obftacle to A- 
 bundance. Our coy Language is not as co- 
 pious as it Ihould be. We have difcarded 
 a Multitude of old energic ExprelTions, 
 the Lofs of which has weakened the Stock 
 of the French Tongue, as the compelling 
 our Proteftants away hath thinned 
 the Nation. The EngUfly have natura- 
 lized many of our antiquated Words, as 
 they have done our Countrymen, and 
 fo they have increafed their Language, 
 as well as their People, at our Expence. 
 
 But the greateft Enemy to Epick Poe- 
 try in France^ is the Turn of the Ge- 
 nius of our Nation. It is almoft impof- 
 fible for us to venture on any Machi- 
 nery. The antient Gods are exploded 
 out of the World. The prefent Reli- 
 gion cannot fucceed them among us. 
 The Cherub, and the Seraph, which a£l 
 fo noble a Part in Milton^ would find it 
 very hard to work their Way into a 
 French Poem. The very Words of Ga- 
 briel^ Michael^ Raphael^ would run a great 
 Hazard of being made a left off. Our 
 I Saints 
 
! i 
 
 ■ j 
 
 ill 
 
 pili 
 
 ii;i 
 
 ( 13® ) 
 
 Saints who make fo good a Figure in oitf ^ t 
 Churches, make a very forry one 
 Epick Poems. St. Denis, St. ChEftof ^^^ '* 
 St. Rock, and St. Gen'evieve, ouAt 
 pear in Print nowhere, but in 
 er-Books, and in the Hiftory- . 
 Saints; a noble Volume, which contain*; • 
 more Wonders than any Machinerv 
 could afford. 
 
 To conclude, the beft Reafon I can of- 
 fer for our ill Succefs in Epick Poetry, 
 is the Infufficiency of all who have at- 
 tempted it. I can add nothing further, 
 after this ingenuous Confeffion. 
 
 I N I S'. 
 
LETTRE 
 
 DU P LE COURAYER 
 
 CHANOINE REGULIER 
 
 E T 
 
 BIBLIOTHECAIRE DE S". GENEVIEVE 
 
 D E PARIS 
 
 A 
 
 MYLORD T^FRCIVAL» 
 
 Au fujet de la mnvtUe accufation defaux, quilui 
 tfiinttntSe parle P. Hardoutn dans le journal 
 dt Trtvoux da vmu dt May 
 
 \ 
 
 
 A LONDRES, 
 
 X747. 
 
 

 le Public efluyeencorefetcaprices, ftmoifamMi 
 
 ^“Vctoirru campagne> Myiord , 
 
 le Tomnal, oii je dcvois ctre declare fauiaiie,& 
 
 _ ’ vVon publia avee oftenta ion deux txemplts de$ 
 
 V faMcJon^ remarquhs le P. H^rdeum ^efutf 
 ?» 7 , ^ ^duns luDefe fe dn T. It Courayer Chumttx Pegu. 
 
 CdelJteGer^ttvt. Deux «reuxs fetoicrtpctt 
 iTchofe pour un Ouvrage auffi coufaderab e oue 
 «lui de laD^fenfe, mais ce n^ft qu>un cflaydes 
 fa'ftfications & allegattom fauffej 
 mi^e, que dune we raf<de. dit If P. Hardouin , 
 * Vui upf^fu en fimlletunt ce Itvrt . & )t ^ 
 
 comment ellet donnererd par awim xuPub^ I tdet 
 en tartie , qu'il doit avoir de I Ouvrage de Jon 
 
 AMheur. Cette idee ne doit fas m’ctic ttop favo. 
 table ft I’on s’en rapporte a ce Perc 5 mais heu* 
 reufetnent le Public ne forme guetes fesdcciCons 
 fur celles de ce Critique} & je 
 flu'on juge du drfeernement du P Hardomn&iie 
 L fidelue pat fon accufation & ma Defcnfe. 
 
 Ouoique rkn ne me furprenne plus dc la part de 
 cet Auteur , je ne pus imaginer d’abord fur ouoi 
 pouvoient £tre fondles les deux falfifications , dont 
 I’on me mandoit qu’il m’accufoit; inoiqui^voiS 
 que i’avois copie mot pout motle paflage de Cuja* 
 ?urlWionde 1617. notre Bib.iqthe- 
 
 que & qui avois en main 1 Oiigina. Anglois de 
 la Letrre qu’il pretend avoir etc fabtiquce a Pans. 
 II fallut done attendre a mon retour de la Cam- 
 paene a m’eclaircit destaifons dece Pere j& je me 
 doutai bieq qu’il alloit nous donner quelque nou- 
 yelle feene du moins auffi plaifante que celie de 
 » ,v 8 . 1 a pretendue faUification des Adtes Royaux.dont 
 il s’applaudit encore malgfd le ridicule, dont elle 
 I'a couvert. Mais ce Pere fe foucie peu du juge- 
 merit du Public , & fa propre appr»bau«n le de- 
 doramage afl'ea de nos injuilices. •' 
 
Quamvis f!t fahuU vuhi: 
 impmumts ndtfl ; reatat ,fibi plmdn , anuttqut 
 Mtijarum conjux , doBus , leptdufqHe videri, 
 
 Vo/ons ceptndant deqiioi il eft <|utftion, fan* 
 
 «ous lailiet pievenit par le dccri de cct Auteur. Si 
 
 )e gardois lcfilence.il prendroit encore nAtremtpris P. 7»*« 
 
 pout d^emportemens, & lous pretextc.cjueje me laflc 
 ce le fuivrcdar.s (es ecarts il me jiigeroit peut ctrc 
 fort intrigue de fcs accufations. La i legarde la 
 falfification dc Cu;as , & c’tft par die qu'il faut com. 
 mcnccr. 
 
 Pour prouver qu’ayant Pan itfof. il y avoir et» 
 une edition du LivieOe antiqwtMe Ecclefu Britan- 
 mcA, j’avois rapport^ cn preuve un temoignage de 
 Cujas , qui etant^ mol t en i r 90^n*auroic pucitcr 
 cc Livre , s il n cut cce impiim^ avant cctteannce. 
 
 La confccjucnce eft dccilive , & il n’y avoir que le 
 
 P. Hardouin au mondc qui put la contefter. Cepen- 
 
 dant comment s ’y prendie ? U i autre y eur etc em* 
 
 baralic, mais ce Pete nc s’c tonne pas defi peu de 
 
 ciiole : & un homme cafl<z clairvoyant pom trouvtr oVob/* 
 
 dans line infeription Payenne tout le Myftcie de i7i6.*p, 
 
 la PaflTion de J. C. & reconroitre J. C. 
 
 fbus les noms de Stxvir Augufia is 8c L, ABm- 
 
 bus Carpus peut bicn voil dans Cujas dts interpola- 1847. 8 c 
 
 tions,qu*im autre que Ini n’y c»at jamais decouvertes. 
 
 Il foutient done i®. que le paflageque j'ai ran. Mayp. 
 porte dc Cujas a) n’tft point dc lui, mais de Fa- 
 bior Ton editeur : 2° Que ce pallage n’etant que 
 de 16$^. 8c par confequenc beaucoup poftcriciir a 
 Pedidon des Antiquitez faire aHan.iw en i 6 of il 
 lie prouve point qu’avanc cette edition il y cn cue 
 
 (i) Void le padagQ en queftioii. Er h§c RichardiFd* 
 ntitium referr • actor ht(l0rts Archieftifc»pcrum CAntuxTHn^^' ***• 
 fum , in mtlium addu£Ia ijto c. Sunt mult a in e§ 
 auGore prsiLtra FJomtn ejus ignoratur y ti er tAPiium 
 ext At in Anglia unde acce/fitur ,<£y accerfitus eft ( £d*de 
 Fabiot k me) magtja frerie* 
 
 A iij 
 
Ibid.p 
 
 | 0 |« 
 
 tntre deux P^.renthejes , qut marquent que c ejt um 
 Vote aiouue A Cuias C’cft <io ic A diic appal em- 
 inent qu’au compte de cc Peie tout ce qui dans 
 cette edition fc trouve en Parenthefe n clt point 
 de Oijas, mais de fon E-litcur. Nouvdk Regie 
 de Critique que nous ignorerions encore , fi It l^a- 
 vant P. Hardouin ne nousen cut fait part. Qu’on 
 eft heureux quand on trouve des Cenfeurs dv I’ha- 
 biletc de ce Pere. Ce n’eft jamais a pure perte 
 qu’un Auteur (e voit Critiquer , & les inftrudions 
 qu’il rccoit le dedommagem amplement de I'amer, 
 tume de la Ccnlure. Mais cepctidant fur ce pied 
 voila bien des Rctranchemcns a faire dans I’cdi- 
 tion de Cujas , qui nous etoient inconnus. Car tout 
 eft pleinde Parenthefes, qui jufqu’ici n’ont jamais 
 dte mifes fur le compte de Fabrot. Cet Editeur 
 jn£me,qui dans fa Preface nous avertit decequ’il 
 a (ait dans fon edition , ne nous dit pas un mot , qui 
 nous oblige de lui revendiquet ce qui fe trouve 
 icnferme cn Parenthefe. 11 faut done que le P. 
 Hardouin ait appri* cette anecdote d’ailleurs ,& 
 

 7 
 
 ^ Tit «0U5 faifoirjl Iagra«e<Ienouseninftr«;r«* 
 
 ki "7" ^<^«ner , auffi 
 
 kien la chofe n «ft elle pas tirop facile. 
 
 Cat enfin f, ces Patenthefes , & cdle entr’autrcs 
 OM II s agit <lu Livre des Antiquitez font de Fabrot 
 comment fe peut-il faire qu’clles fe trouvent dans 
 toutes les editions antcrieuresa la fienne? Lc coft- 
 joive qui le poutra, Mais toujours eft il certain, 
 que le pallage en oueftion , tel que je I'ai cM. 
 cit dans toutes ks editions qui ont precede celles 
 de Fabrot ,& dont quelques unes ont cte publie'es 
 Jotique cet £dueur n’etoit qu’un enfant. Car en 
 If 94 . cjui eft Tannce oii cet Ouvrage Cujas a 
 paru pour la premiere fois , Fabrot n'avoit enc^c 
 ^ que 14 ans. Le pallage n^eft done point de lui» 
 
 . tnais de Cujas, & rien n^eft plus ridicule que' He 
 faire Fabrot Aureur d’une phrafe , qui a paru plus 
 
 dc 60, ans, avantqu'il publiatrOiiViape.ouron 
 
 pretend qu’il I’a inlerce, 
 
 cette premiere vifion 
 qu il plait ail P. Hardouin defbucenirquece pallage 
 de Cujas n*a paru qu*en 1 U eft de Charles 
 
 uiumbal Fabrot y dit-il, /’«>? des plus celebres^^UTfS» 
 tonfultes du dernier fiede pajfe’. qni recueiUit toutes 
 /« oeuvres de Cujas . les publm , les ehrichit 
 «« dtverjes Notes .-mats quand . En i6s8. foixaitte* 
 hutt ans apris la mart de Cujas. L’cpoquc decettC 
 edition eft jullc, mais fi ce palfage fe trouve dans les 
 editions anteneures, comment fepeutii faire qu’il 
 foie de Fabrot, dont Tcdition n’aparuqu’en i6fi ? 
 C’eft une difficultc a cclaiicit , car il n’y a aucunc 
 des editions du Cqmmentairc de Cuja$ fur les De- 
 cretales , oil ce paflage ne ft rencontrei J’en con* 
 nois trois anterieures a celle de Fabrot. Scavoir 
 ccllcs de I j 94. de i6iy . Sc dc 16 } 7, Sc dans routes 
 les trois le pallage fe trouve tel que je I’ai cite, 
 Toutes ces editions font elles (uppoftes ■ Le P. 
 Hardouin pourroit bien ic aoirc. M.iis a qui le 
 
 A iii; 
 
•t lji> \ ceux peat-fitre qui ni 
 
 irlu on™ point vues. Mih je doute qu’ils ofent 
 i^nflui^eiett^ 
 
 rjfeTe LWre des Antiquitez. En tout cas le i^me. 
 S’ Tf fiile Onelqucs-uns out vu ces editions pour 
 
 Btocutet aux autresla m«me fatisfadion. 
 
 1 . Si I’ouvrage dcs Antiquitez a ete cirf des 
 , ,i/ & achct6 auparavant , c’eft done 1 edition 
 
 .Lit 1- Auteur , puifque cclle-ci n^a pam quen 
 D ailleurs^fi c’^toit Pedit’on d'HaDaw que 
 1-Au curefitachet^e, pourquol raller cherchet en 
 Aneleteire plfitot qu'en Allemagne ? Comment fe 
 peulil faire aufliquece Livre nc fe trouvat quen 
 Aneletertc , Liber tantum extat puifque 
 
 dais la fuppofition du P.' Hardouin redmon ne s en 
 eft faitc qu’en Allemagne & nonpoint aLondres. 
 Pourquol enfin acheter fi cher une edition auffi 
 commune que celle d’Hanaw ? Accerfuus efl rn^no 
 pretio. C'eft dit le P. Hardouin , que cette editm 
 i'toit rare , quandF.tb. ot I’acheta , & q» elk eft dit-on 
 alTex commune aujourifhui. Remarque heureufe& 
 bin digne d’un aufll grand Critique que notre 
 Auteur Et qui peutdonc avoir fait qu une edition 
 de i6ot. non reimprimde foit rare en iCyS. & 
 commune en 1717 ? 
 
 le. contraire. Plus une Edition s epuife , & moins 
 
 ■ elle eft commune; & on a toutdrqit de fuppoler, 
 
 - qu’une edition eft plus 6puifce apres fix-vingt ans 
 
 ■ qu-aprds yo. Ccftainfidu moins que penfe le com. 
 
 - mun des hommes, mais e'eft peut etrcallez pour 
 ' quele P. Hardouin penfe autrernent. 
 
 ^ 4 «. Quoiqu’i! en toit,voila done le Livre des 
 Antiqui^ exiftant avant i6of. & cite en if 94* 
 plus de 60. ans avant I’ddition de Fabrot , qui ne 
 peut pat confequent iuc I’Auteut du pallagc en 
 
iueftion , & oui en laifl'e a Cujas I’emifre pro. 
 pncte. Mais du molns , dita-t’on , pourquoi nc pa* 
 
 faire mention dcs Crochets entte lefquels ,fc trouvC 
 
 fe paflage . & fuppiimer Ics mots 4 qui Ic 
 Lu^enr dans redrcion de Fabtot > On ne peut 
 juftifici cctte alteration , & feulc dk eft capab. 
 tendre fufpcdes tbutes vos autres Citations. Mais 
 fi c’eft la le fcul teproche qu’on alt a me iaice, 
 
 AmLitez avan[ I60f. il falloit choilu qudqu^ 
 cditiL de cet Auteur, qui fut antcrieute acettc 
 ^poquc. Or danslVdition de ij:;4 ** 
 
 miele & la feule du ^^“4; 
 
 tales, quiaitparu avant itfof. le pafta;, 
 
 cifcment , tel que je I’ai cue , fans les mo s ^ we , 
 
 & carLcon\4 fuiviedans les /e 
 
 tai -7 &dei^?7 II n’y a en done nulle fdUifica 
 
 Sa. ™ p» i cUL P..ir.6« d=C«i.»f.ni» 
 
 fuffifent pas pour juftifier ma fidcl.tc, q«‘ 
 
 S peul^etre a l4ri de la calomn.edl eft vrai 
 
 que Fabtot dans fon (fdition a 
 L , apparemment fur I’autoiite de quelque Mf. fur 
 kqud a revu cet Ouvrage Ma.sn’ayant ni Je 
 i Dortee . ni iuge necellaire de confulter foncdi- 
 tio^n qui nkft point dans notre Bibliqthequc , ) ai 
 “u ^ouvok me repofer fur les anciennes , q«c 
 i’eufFe m^me preferees a celle de Fabrot , a caiifc 
 de leut Antiquity. Et d'ailleurs en citant comme 
 Fabrot, quel?e difference «ta^produit.il dans k 
 
 fr/Kfqi^iruire'av^^^^^^ Pf Cujas& 1 . 
 & ft nous ne trouvons plus cette edition, cene 
 
 
 
V ^ 
 
 nne pretivfi nc I’aJf point euS. Tom 
 Livres (jui ont appartenu a ce f^avant Homme 
 pnt ils ere confervez; Sc le P. Hardouin voudroitw 
 il bien s’enga^er a faire reprefenter rousceuxqui 
 ont etc dans fa Bibliotheque ? Ccs conjed jres poiur 
 ancantir 1 ’exigence d’un Livre nc font que depu- 
 res reveries , & des qu’il eft cite en i S9^- il exiftoit 
 done avant i<>of. 
 
 A regard de I’omiflion de la Parenthefe, ma 
 fidelitc n'eft pas plus fufpe<fte. Quand on cite une 
 periode , dans laqudle fe trouve une Parenthefe., 
 il faut bien marquer cette Parenthefe pour ne point 
 Cinbarafler le fens de la phrafe dans laquelle ellc 
 eft renfermce- Mais lorfque Ton cite fimplemenr 
 ce qni eft en Parenthefe , & que cette Parenthefe 
 n‘elt lice neceifairement nia cc qui precede, ni a 
 ce qui fuit , alors jamais on nc s^eft avife de la 
 marquer, & je ferois le premier qui Teuc fait, 
 parce que hors dela phrafe ou elle eft renfermec, 
 die eft inutile. C’eft la au/Ii prccifcment ce qui 
 me Pa faitomettre. Et dequoien elFet cut ellc fovij 
 A faire connoitre, dit le P. Hardouin, que cc 
 jp. 8o4.texten*eftpointdeCiijas, mais de Fabrot. Enhom- 
 me uChomeur ^ de probite, dit ce Pere , Fabrot a 
 f(u difitnguer he qui etoit de lui , d'avec ce qui efi 
 de Cujas Cela dt vrai , mais ce n"eft pas par des 
 Parenthefes, qu*il I’a fait connoitre. Ceft oupar 
 des^ Notes ou par des Explications qui font indi- 
 quees dans les Pidaces, & tout a fait diftinguees 
 du texte. Greet Auteur qui difiingue Ci bien cequt 
 eft de lui ef avec ce qui eft de Cujas , a-t’il donne 
 ici le moindre indice, que ce paflage n’cft pas dc 
 Cujas ? L"a t’il fait imprimer d’un caraftcre diffe- 
 rent Y a t’il quclque Note qui Pattribue a PEdi- 
 teur? A-t’il marque que ce qui doit en Parenthefe 
 etoit de lui-mcme, & non pas de Cujas? En un 
 mot voit-on aucune preuve d’interpolation ? Le 
 Pere Hardouin n’oferoit le dire j & s’il Pofoit, 
 
Wnfpcftlon feulc du texte fuffirolt four le rcfu ter. 
 Mais d’aillcurs j.comme on I’a deja remarquc, 
 comment attiibucr a Fabrot un pafl^ge imprim^ 
 plus de yo. ans avant qu’il fongcat a reditiondc 
 Cujas, & lorfquM n’croit encore qii’m enfant? 
 
 Tour prouve done que le paH.ige cii de Cujas 
 it non de Fabrot. L'omiffion dcs mors a me 
 change nen au lens du paffage , & la Paienthcfc 
 n*i’^diquc point un autre Auteur. Mais poiir faiiC 
 plaifir au P. Hardouin fuppofonscontrerevidence 
 mcme que lepaflage n*cft pas de Cujas. Peut-ctre 
 jious tierdra-t’il compte de notre complarfance, 
 & nous ne f^aurions du moins rien ^erdre a la 
 deference que nous voulon? bien avoir pour lul, 
 quoiqu'il ne la merite gucres. Dans cetre luppo- 
 (ition mcme Pcxiftence du Livre des Antiqultez> 
 dont il eft ici propiemcnt quellion , cn eic-elle 
 moins certaine? Car que k paflage foit de Cujas 
 ou qu’il nkn foit pas , e’eft ce qui importe peu. 
 Maistoujours eft il evident que voiU Pouvrage 
 des Antiqnitez Britanniques cite dcs 594. c’dt- 
 a-dire , plus de lo. ans avant Pan 160s. ou Ic 
 P. Hardouin pretend que cc Livre a etc imprime 
 pour la premiere fois. 11 y avoit done de a avant 
 I f unc autre edition de cct Ouvrage , & qucile 
 peut-dre li ce n’eft celle de ce dons 
 
 on ne peut dourer , a moins que le P. Hardoum 
 ne foutienne aulTi que redition de Cujas deif 94 . 
 eft fupporee aulTi bien que ks temoignages de 
 Camden & de Thynne. Mais fi e’eft la route la 
 leirource , k Public me difpenfe d’y r^pondre. 
 
 C>idk methode en effet que celle de ce I ere ? 
 Ckn eft fait de la vcricc li on authorife de tels 
 cxccs , & chacun efl interdie a ne plus etie la duppe 
 dc la folk temeiite dun homme , qu i fous la taulle 
 parade d’une erudition conompue par une inhnitc 
 de caprices liazarde fans relpea pour k Public, & 
 fans equite £Our pafonne tout ce qu'une imagt;' 
 

 mation cchanfee !ui prcfente , & s*en fair aufanf fy 
 •principes pour decider du faux ou du vrai. Lci 
 conjeftures les moins (enfccs deviennent dcs faiti 
 (Title fes mains. Nulle precaution pour s*alfuref 
 de la verit^. II fe jouc des Md. il contellc les 
 imprimez fur les plus frivoks pictexres. L’inteicc 
 icul du parti qu*il defend eft la Regie de fes juge^ 
 mens, & loifque fon chcrche chez lui quciques 
 preuves , on n*cntrcvoit que dcs fonges , qui ne font 
 pas mcme colorez de quelque dehors de vraifem. 
 blance. Ou en fommes-nous li on n'arrere unc 
 ttlle licence , 8c li fon permec a dcs gens de cc 
 cara<flcTe de jetrer une confufion pareille dans U 
 Techcrche de la Verite ? Et le moyen, 6 on les ccoute, 
 d’eviter le Pyrronil’me • Excufez , Mylord , ma viva, 
 cite a la vue de Procedez fi peu raifonnablcs. Mais 
 comment I'e cortenir quand on voit un Ciiriquc 
 fe joiicr ainfi de la verite , & ralomnier un homme 
 de bien fur de telles chimeres Jc m’anececepen. 
 dant, & il eft temps de pafl'era la feconde Falfi. 
 fication dont il m’accufe. Elle eft, dit leP Har. 
 P- 8ot. douin^ plus import iznt e \ &ilaiaifon. Quand 
 elle nc feiviroit qu'a nous faire connoitiede plus 
 en plus Ton caradcre, cc feroit un avantage aflex 
 grand pour le Public. 
 
 Tom. 1 / J*ai fait imprimer dans ma D.^enfe I’extrait 
 part 1. J»une Icttie que j*avois rejuc d’Angleterie , & 
 dont heurciifement jc conk ive Poriginal. Le P. 
 Hardouin fourient que cette Lettre a etefabrique'e 
 a Paris. C'eft une queftion facile a decider. M cc 
 Pere efi: curieux de la voir qu*il fe donne la peine 
 de venir a (ainte Genevieve. Il f^air qu*il y atou- 
 jours etc reju avec bonte, & il n*a pointacrain- 
 dre que je change de conduite a fon egard. Notre 
 comcftation ne me fait point repentir demapolk 
 tefle , & les excez de cc Pere excitent moins mon 
 * rdlentiment que ma compaflion, Mais voyons 
 CHcoic ce qui rend cette Lectre fafpedlc au P. Har- 
 
 \ 
 
Jeuin Trois ehofes felon tui- La Premiere, pare# rtet. ^ 
 auc jc n'en nomine point I'Autcur. La i». parce « . o. «t 
 cue Vai donn^ deux Editions dilFerentes de cctte 
 Lttie. La enfin parce qu’il n*cft pas poffible 
 flue Parker ait laiflc un blanc dans fa Procuration 
 pout le remplit du nom d’un de fes Chapelains, 
 
 Siril devoir connoinc. Examinons c^s 
 
 tiles font dignes du P. Hardoum & de Ion dlfcer. 
 
 cement en matiere de Critique. . - ^ 
 
 !• Qnant au premier fcrupule> li cit Facile de 
 le leven Puifqu’il n'eft fond^ que fur ce que e 
 n*ai point nommd l Auteur de la Lettre , en Ic 
 JomLnt die ne doit plus «tre fufpc<ae a none 
 Critique, le veux done bicn lui apprendte qu e.le 
 Bie wnt de Mylotd Archev6que de Ca-itoi^c-ry , 
 ouei’avois pris la liberte de confultet fur 1 ufage 
 3e /on Eglifc i I’dgard dcs Procurations. Si jc ne 
 
 Jai point noinm^ fee nVft pas que fapprehendafle 
 d-e^Le dementi , comme I'a rev^ le P. Hardouin ; 
 mais cela n'etoit pas neccflaire , 1 ay ant eja nomme 
 plufieurs fois. Sice Pete veut bien 
 « Ptelat, il verra fi e’eft a faux que l.e ‘ 
 
 Te n’ai non plus lieu d’approhendcr , ^u il me defa- 
 ioue oue de croii e qu’il fe foit ttompe. 
 
 La double edition pretend^ue de cette Lettr* 
 
 eft a'pcu prdsauifi tddle que fa fabrication a Pans. 
 
 C’cft au P. Hardoiiin a nous apprendte ou cette 
 
 Lt“ • ' dans I’Ouvrace- En ettet 1 Au- 
 
 leutT qui je communiquai la traduAion que j’avois j.^j 
 
 feite de fa Lettre m’ayant fait rematquet dans une po.igm. 
 
 &fe[etnequ’enqLlquesen^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 pas ou pris ou rendu ' h • f nn nfu 
 
 S^terminai 4 les reformer & 4 ‘!“bft^tuet un no.^- 
 V«au fcuillet a la place de cclm qui «oit d ] 
 
imprim^. Voi!^ l*on’gInc des chatigemefts dorjfllS 
 P. Haidouin forme line fnfpicio-^ de faux conrrd 
 la Lttrie. Jamais Critique fut clle plus chimerf* 
 que I En tout cas I’original de ces Lcttics fubiiftc; 
 &c*tftce qiii doit decider dc ma fidelite. 
 
 5". II TiMl: done plus qiuftion que du blanc 
 laifle dans I'Adc de Proa lation , & que Ic Per6 
 Hardouin ran e"coic com me nne dtr*iierfc 
 f 809 niarque de faux C efi un b anc ^ diuil , a rempltr 
 du mm meme de celut que Parker dit hre le Jeani 
 de Jes Pro(urcnrs ^ le nom ma ^tfue ici, i^'at-je 
 pas eu droit d'etre jurprts , que Pl ker ne J^ut pas 
 te nom du Jecond de jes Chapelains ? Pt que Le nom 
 ne je treuve pas meme d/^ ns le RegfJ.re /pres laprife 
 de poffefpon faite p.r le Jecend Ch pelaimneme , c,td 
 par CABc cn eji charge comme le premier , ^ n'eji* 
 ce pas Lk une marque de faux ^ je ne dis hi la jeule 
 ni la plus forte . , . mats w e preuve ajpz evident^ 
 de juppojitton dans ce Rcgifire , duquel d pendneati^ 
 ‘ moms la certitude de I Ordination de Parker a 
 Lambeth } 
 
 A cetie declamation il ne faut d’autre reponfe qut 
 dcrenvoyercc Perea la Lcrtrc qu’il travaillcf forta 
 f S08. J^endre lufpcdlc. Cai puirque c*efi par tout Pujage 
 felon ItP.Hardoui’ lui-rr.tt\\Qjde ^aiffcr w bianc dans 
 une minute pour y metire dans la juite td nom que 
 Von ^ cut ,Mn pareil blanc dans la Procuration dc 
 Parker r/cn pioiive done point la fuppofition. II 
 eft vrai que le blanc n'a point etc rempli dans Ic 
 Regiftre , mais comme le marque Myk rd Arche- 
 Tom. i.vcque dc Cantorbery , feuvent detemplir 
 
 pa It i,le blanc dans la minute rejtee dans les Regijtres ^ 
 p. 20}. cette negligerce na jamais fait regarder ces Acles 
 comme 'vicieux. Sur quoi done pent rdlci li fuf- 
 picion c.e faux? Sur ce que c’doitun des ChapC* 
 Jains de Parker qui devoir etie charge d^ cet tc 
 Preenration , & qu eta^t connua ce Prclat ,on ne 
 dttoit pas laillcr Ion nomen blanc / Mais quelqtic 
 
connu gue fur a Parker fon Chapelain , ftc p6uvoit-i| 
 pas arriver par quel(juc cmpcchement Jegitimc , 
 ^ue cet hommc nc put fe fcrvir de cctte iWura! 
 uon,& ne falloit-il pas en cc cas ladrei un blanc 
 poury en fubftituer qud(^uc autre ? E n’eft-il pas - 
 Im^me d*un uf^gc ordinaire paimi nous quand nous 
 cnvoyons une Procuration a que’queami de laiiler 
 fon nom en blanc afin que s*il ne peut s’cn fei vir 
 ^i-m^me , il fubfticue qui il jugera a propos* 
 Ce n*eft pas pourtant ^ue I’on ignore fon nom . 
 mais I’incertitude des evenemens exige cctte pre- 
 caution. Tel etoit lecas dela Procuration de Par- 
 ker , & oil dhci le moindre indice de fuppobtion ? 
 
 Voila pourtant > MyIord> les beaux prctextes, 
 fur lefquels cet Auteur me traitc de Fauilairc. 
 •Heureufement je puis me tranquilifer fur le cara- 
 >^^ere & la reputation de I’accufateur : 
 
 Tanti non efl Philodemus , ut altum 
 
 'Eripiat mihi fomnum^ ^ didcia tempera per dam, 
 
 Un Auteur de Romans a droit de tout feindrej 
 [maisii devroitdu moins dudierles vraifemblances. 
 
 & il femble qu’il prenne plaifir a n'en garder au- 
 cune. Il fait Auteur d"un paflagcun Editeur,donf 
 P^dition eft pofterieure de ^o. ans auLivieoiicc 
 paftage fe trouve ; & il foutient qu*on a fabriqu6 
 |a Paris une Lettre, dont PAureur eft encore rivant 
 ' cn Angleterrc , & dont I’Original fe conferve. 
 :Laiirons ce Pere s’applaudir de telles vifions auffi- 
 bien que de fon jlile Jnccint ^ preeis. Pour en- P 
 ‘ taller ficlion fur heftion , il ne faut point furchar-' 
 
 ^ ger un Ouvrage de preuves \ & avec du front & 
 peu d’amour .pour la Verite, on peut plus en im- 
 pofer cn quclqucs lignes a fon Adverfaire , qu’il 
 ' ne peut en detruirecn plufieurs pages. 
 
 ^ Ceft par cet art que le P. Hardouin a trouve 
 le fecrct d’etre fuccint ^ precis. Pour dcbitei dcs 
 ' fauildez avec hardidle , il nc faut ni Regiftres ,ni 
 Monuniens. A un td bomme la confknce tkm 
 
 
o' 
 
 \6 
 
 lieu it preiwes ,& route fon attention , eommej* , 
 I’ai remarqud dans ma Dcfenfe . eft de cherchu dan, 
 
 cs fames deslmpiitneu.soudcs Copiilcs dc ^uo, 
 
 flite dourer des Ades qui l^neommodent , & qui 
 choquent fcs id«s ou k parti ou’il defend. Pour _ 
 moi , Mylord , ma methode eft route fomrmtc. , 
 Ouclque foit rintcrct du parti ou le fuis.je le facnfie , 
 helui de trouvcr la Vetw ]e n'ai rien eparpe 
 pour m’aaurer de la certitude des fans & dc lau-, 
 ihenticite des Ades que j;avo.s a Vous 
 
 fcaviz fur cela jufqu'ou ] ai poufle la delicatefleSc > 
 le fcrupule; & ma juttification fur ce premier re-, 
 proche du Jeluite me laiflcra plus de libettc pout 
 racver ou m^prifer ceux qui pourroient fuivre. 
 peut-ctre que pour m’cpargncr le dclagrcment dc 
 n’avoir que des chimeres a detruire , leplus coutt i 
 & le plus Tape fcroic de profiter de I cxemplc d un, 
 
 tciivain A plois,qui n\ayant comme rpci qu im 
 ^ .X - vnnliit Que la 
 
 fcciivain A - . ‘ ^ 
 
 Auteur Romancfque a combattre , voulut que fa I 
 r^ponfeaux premieres difficultez fervu en meme.j 
 Kmps a refoudre celles qui dcwient luivre. K^-fonfe, 1 
 
 dit-rl,^«a; d>fficultez. qut le Cenjeur m'<* frofojks 
 ^ d toute celles qu’H me feopojera. 
 
 Le P Haidouin meriteioit bien une pareille re. 
 ponfcde mapatt. Mais fans prcndie encore aucun 
 Mtti , ie me referve la libcite oude me wire , ou 
 de reiouir le Public a fes depens , quand il youdra j 
 nous en donner de nouvelk maticrc. Je crois , que , 
 pour peu qu’il eciivc, il ne tardera i>asdenousla ■ 
 
 (omnir^ beaucoup dc refpeft 
 
 MVLORD, de V. G. 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 Le trds humble & tres-obeiflant '?cryiteut,| 
 
 Pier. Fran^. le Couk-^^**‘ >, 
 
 A tmt te tf. 
 
 h 
 
' A ;iWU