•-^ % « « ^J-o> ■'^^o'^ - --^^0^ ^^ox %^^ J--^^ =. -^--0^ '"^^0^ '"^^o^ %^S °%.'" o\-">% / % / -^ '^ < <^ "' .. -' ^ o^ N^ *V "■' •■' d>^ .■ %. *^; So ' ' o • - ' \ V %.^^' c^ -f^^ ^^ "v^-y^"'^'/ "#^r/^ '^ •'%.**■ X.** '=\^ " ,N^^ ^- ..-^^ u THE HISTORY OF THE CIA^IL "W^^R IN THE UNITED STATES: ITS CAUSE, ORIGIN, PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION. CONTAINING FULL, IMPARTIAL AND GRAPHIC DESCRIPTIONS OF THE VARIOUS MILITARY AND NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS, WITH THE HEROIC DEEDS ACHIEVED BY ARMIES AND INDIVIDUALS, TOUCHING SCENES AND INCIDENTS IN THE CAMP, THE CABIN, THE FIELD AND THE HOSPITAL. AND BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF ITS HEEOES. r, BY i SAMUEL M., SCHMUCKER, LL.D. AUTHOR OF "LIVES OP THE FOUR GEORGES, KINGS OF ENGLAND," "HISTORY OF NAPOLEOH III.," "ARCTIC EXPLOR.\TIONS AND DISCOVERIES," "LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON," "HISTORY OF NICHOLAS I.," "THE CRIMEAN WAR," ETC. i REVISED AND COMPLETED BY DR. L. P. B R O C K E T T, AUTHOR OF "OUR GREAT CAPTAINS," "PHILANTHROPIC RESULTS OF THE WAR," "THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, ETC., ETC. Illustrated with over One Hundreil and Fifty Fine Portraits of Generals, Battle Scenes, Maps and Diagrams. PHILADELPHIA, CINCINNATI AND BOSTON: JONES BROTHERS & CO. CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS- Z EI GLEE, McCURDY & C 0. 1 1^(1 r jW i 1s,...b^/ ' Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 18(>5, by BRADLEY & CO., In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, iu and for the Eastern District of Peimsvlvania. S, A. GEORGE. ffTEUEOTVPSK SLKCHtuTt / stt A.VU FttiyrSJC Ut N. St;V£NT(l tlTRKLT. I'DILAIIKLI'UIA. '0 i\. ui ci <^ V^«r /-V This work will be beautifully illustrated with groups of the follomng Naval ' and Military Heroes, distinguished civilians, prominent Rebels, military and civil; and will contain elegant full-page portraits of President Lincoln and Lieutenant>General Grant, besides numerous fine steel engravings of battle-scenes, etc. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. S" O E, T E. -A. I T S . 1. PRESIDENT LINCOLN, FRONTISPIECE. 32. GENERAL SIGEL. ^'' 2. LIEDTENANT-GENERAL GRANT. 33. " FREMONT. 3. GENERAL MEADE. 34. " ORD. 4. " nANCOCK. 35. " HUNTER. .5. " WARREN 36. " SHERIDAN. 6. " WRIGHT. 37. " KILPATRICK. 7. " "BALDY" SMITH 38. " CUSTER. 8. " SICKLES. 39. " MERRITT. " 9. " HEI-NTZELMAN. 40. " AVERILL. 10. " SHERMAN. 41. " BUFORD. 11. " ROSECRANS. 42. " TORBERT. 12. " LOGAN. 43. " THOMAS. 13. " HOWARD. 44. " JEFF. C. DAVIS. 14. " SLOCUM. 48. " CURTIS. 15. " ROBERT McCOOK. 46. " COX. 16. " McCLERNAND. 47. " GORDON GRANGER. 17. LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTX. 48. " PALMER. 18. GENERAL McCLELLAN. 49. " WALLACE. 19. " HALLECK. 60. " GARFIELD. 20. " CASEY. 51. " CANBY. 21. " DIX. 62. " SCHOFIELD. 22. " BUELL. 53. " NEGLEY. 23. " SYKES. 54. " FOSTER. 24. " SHIELDS. 55. " SEDGWICK. 25. " I'EANKLIN. 56. " Mcpherson. 26. " GILLMORE. 57. " REYNOLDS. 27. " TERRY. 68. " WADSWORTH. 28. " BURNSIDE. 59. " SUMNER. 29. " HOOKER. 60. " KEARNEY. 30. " BCTLER. 61. " LYON. 31. " BANKS. 62. " BIRNEY. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 93. OEMKRAI. MITCHELL. 64. " RENO. 65. " QRIERSON. 66. " ROUSSEAU. 67. " WILSON. 68. " KAUTZ. 69. " STONEMAN. 70. " PLEASONTON. 71. " CiREGO. 72. TOE ADMIRAL FARKAOCT. 73. REAR PORTER. 74. " FOOTK. 75. " DU PONT. 76. " " DAHIXiREN. 77. " GOLDPBOROUOH. 78. COMMOnORK WIN.SLOW. 79. LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER CUSUINQ 80. GENERAL R. E. LEE. 81. ■' "STONEWALL" JACKSON. 82. " EWELL. 83. " BEAUREGARD. 84. " LONG.STREET. 85. " BRECKINRIDGE. 86. GENERAL A. P. HILL. 87. " FITZHUGH LEE. 88. COLONEL MOSEBY. 89. GENERAL .lOSEPU E. JOHNSTON. 90. " HOOD. 91. " BRAGG. 92. LIEUTENANT-OeSeRAL KIRHY SMITH. 93. M.WOR-liENKFtAL BJIICE. 94. " A. S. JOHNSON. 95. " HARDEE. 96. " FORREST. 97. " JOHN MORGAN. 98. ANDREW JOHNSON. 99. WILLIAM II. SEWAKD. 100. SALMON P. CHASE. 101. E. M. STANTON. 102. GIDEON WELLES 103. JEFF. DAVIS. 104. A. H. STEPHENS. 105. J. P. BENJAMIN. 106. JAMES M. MASON. 107. JOHN SLIDELL. 108. BOMBARDMENT OF FORT SUJITER ^ 109. DEATH OF GENERAL LYON. " 110. THE "CARONDELET' RUNNING THE GAUNT- LET AT ISLAND NO. 10. 111. BOMBARDMENT OF FORT JACKSON. Ill DEMAND FOR THE SURRENDER OF NEW ORLEANS. 113. THE STORMING OF FORT DONELSON. 114. SIEGE OF VORKTOWN. lis. LOSS OF THE MONITOR. 116. BATTLE OF ANTIETAM. 117. BURNING OF UNITED STATES MERCHANT- MEN BY REBEL PIRATES. lis. THE ATTACK ON FRKDERIOKSIIUKG. 110. ATT.\CK OF THE KKHKLS ON UNITED ST.ATES fiUXllOATS IN GALVESTON IIAIUiOU. l;f>. VIEW OF THE UNION VOLUNTEER REFRESH- MENT SALOON AT PHILADELPHIA, PA. 12'.. ATTACK ON THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT IN BALTIMORE. SCEIsTES, ETC. 122. BOMHARD.MENT OF PORT ROYAL. 123. VIEW OF HARPER'S FERRY AFTER THE DE- STRUCTION OP GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS. 124. DASHING CHARGE OF GENERAL FREMONT'S BODY-GUARD, UNDER MA.IOR ZAGONYI. 125. GENERAL BURNSIDE'S EXPEDITION ENCOUN- TERING THE TERRIFIC GALES OFF HAT- TERAS. 1'26. CONTRABANDS COMING IN TO FORTRESS MONROE. vn. BArrLE of malvern hill. 128. BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. 129. CAPTURE OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN. 130. BATTLE OF CHAPIN'S FARM. 131. PRISONERS' CAMP AT ANDERSONVILLE, OA. 132. ENTRANCE OF THE ARMY OF TIIF, POTOMAC INTO RICHMOND. l.'l.'!. SURRENDER OF GENERAL LEE. 134. INTERVIEW BETWEEN GENERALS ''HERMAN AND JOHNSTON. It will also be illustrated with twenty-four maps, and diagrams of battle scenes. PREFACE] No event has occurred on the American continent since the glorious Revohition of 1776, equal in magnitude and interest to the contest which has taken place between opposite and hostile portions of the Federal Union ; and which all true patriots stigmatize by the unequivocal and significant epithet of the Southern Rebellion. So important was this struggle, that it not only enlisted the most vigorous energies of the National Government, and summoned its armies into the fipld, but it became the paramount topic in every mind. All classes and professions regarded it with intense interest, and watched the progress of events with profound anxiety. For this purpose, scholars suspended their studies in recondite and learned subjects of inquiry ; synods and general assemblies discussed the issues involved with solemn earnestness ; the ordinary pursuits of the community seemed in a great measure to be modified and controlled by the novel and startling aspect of the times. This universally prevalent feeling was amply justified by the immense interests and the vital prin- ciples which were to be disposed of by the conflict. Nor is it singular that the war should ultimately engage the attention of mankind in all civilized countries, and that it should be regarded as the event of chief importance then transpiring on the globe. There can be little doubt that a reliable history of the incidents con- nected with this memorable drama, and even more than one such history, would be acceptable to the public. In the following work, therefore, the writer has undertaken to describe its thrilling and marvellous scenes. He has set forth, at some length, the most potent of the causes which gave it birth. He has introduced, from time to time, biographical sketches of those soldiers and statesmen who distinguished themselves by their hero- ism, or by their patriotism, during its progress. He has followed the march of the Federal armies, as they achieved one victory, or suffered one temporary reverse after another ; and the narrative will be continued, Deo volenie, until the record is complete, and he has described how the Eepublic was conducted, by firm and skilful hands, through all the storms which have assailed it, to the attainment of a permanent and honorable peace. The general rule, according to which the following work has been written, was to describe events with more or less minuteness of detail, according to the proportion of their historical importance. Many incidents 5 6 PRKFACE. necessarily happen in such a struggle — spreading, as it does, over so vast an area — which may possess an intense, though momentary interest, and greatly excite the public mind at the period of their occurrence, which are, nevertheless, insignificant in their essential nature, and trivial in their ultimate consequences. As it was the design of the present writer to prepare a history of the war within a convenient and moderate compass, it became necessary to omit all, or, at least, any extended allusion to such events, so that the necessary space might remain in which to dwell, with appropriate fulness, upon the really decisive incidents of the contest. For the same reason, no reference is made, in the biographical sketches which are introduced, to those ephemeral and factitious reputations, which were created from time to time; which, going up suddenly, and glaring porten- tously, like rockets, descended again as quickly, and relapsed into their legitimate oblivion. An eflbrt has thus been made throughout the work to do justice to those events and persons to whom a genuine and per- manent immortality appertains ; at the same time to realize and exemplify the excellent maxim, Parva sed apta, not voluminous, but condensed and comprehensive. The author has been assiduous and careful in regard to the materials from which the contents of the work have been derived. He has applied to his use every attainable source of information which was worthy of confidence and attention. Official reports of eminent commanders, and the narratives of intelligent and truthful eye-witnesses of the scenes described, together with various other depositories of facts, have been thoroughly examined, compared, and appropriated. The author has not the presump- tion to imagine that he has in all cases attained perfect accuracy ; but he does not hesitate to assert, that he has left no eflbrt or expedient unem- ployed to avoid error and misstatement in every part of the work. An historical narrative of events of recent date labors under some disadvan- tages, while, at the same time, it may possess facilities and merits of which the record of more remote and unfamiliar transactions will be destitute. It has been affirmed that a correct history of a war like that against Secession could not be written until after the lapse of many years. We believe this statement to be erroneous. If the writer be impartial, labori- ous, and possessed of the necessary literary skill, he will have all the qualities essential to the elaboration of a satisfactory history of such a series of events ; and these qualities he may possess immediately after their occurrence, as well as at a more distant period. At the same time, he will enjoy a superior advantage in the vividness and strength of the impression which the events have made, both upon his own mind, and upon the minds of those whose productions he consults in the preparation of his work. S. M. S. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. Origin of the Southern Rebellion — Classification of its several causes — The Act of 1816 respecting a tariff — Agency of Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams^ Position of John C. Calhoun — He first conceives his project of Nullification^ His memorial to Governor Hamilton — The operation of a High Tariff — The Legislature of South Carolina — Outbreak of the Nullification movement — Vigorous measures of President Jackson — Mr. Calhoun in the United States Senate — A memorable debate — Final settlement of the difficulty — American slavery — Its origin — The proposition of Thomas Jefferson — Slavery in the Territories — The Compact of 1787 — Compromise of Henry Clay — Annexation of Texas — The Wilmot proviso — Compromise of 1850 — Slavery in Kansas — Rise of the Republican Party — Its principles and policy — Administration of James Buchanan — Treason in the Federal Cabinet — Preliminary operations of the Conspirators — Policy of Mr. Buchanan respecting Secession — Presidential Campaign of 1860 — Election of Mr. Lincoln — The doctrine of State Sovereignty as opposed to Federal centralization — Discussion of the subject 33 CHAPTER I. Effect of Mr. Lincoln's election in the South — Political movements in South Carolina and Georgia — Excitement in Charleston — Preliminary acts and events ■ — Resignation of Federal officers — Election of members to the State Conven- tion — Opponents of Secession — Alexander H. Stephens — Federal property seized in Charleston — Conventions summoned in Georgia and Alabama — As- sembling of the Convention of South Carolina — The first act of Secession from the Union passed — A pathetic statement of grievances — Secession logic — Re- flections on the result — Popular feelings at this time in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida — Levity and recklessness of the Secession leaders ^"3 CHAPTER IL Treasonable Proclamation of Governor Pickens — Resignation of the Representa- tives of South Carolina in Congress — The Crittenden propositions of Com- promise — Their provisions — Scramble for Federal property — Commissioners of South Carolina to the Federal Government — Major Anderson — The removal of his command to Fort Sumter — Mr. Secretary Floyd — His resignation — De- meanor of the Rebel Commissioners at Washington — The Convention of the Slaveholding States — Important events at Savannah — Secession of Mississippi — -Pernicious influence of Jefferson Davis — Resignation of his seat in the United States Senate — The secession of Alabama — Of Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas 68 a) CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. Various efforts made for compromise and settlement — Conciliatory meetings held in the Northern States — Their ultimate failure — Apostacy of Alexander H. Stephens — Resignation of the Southern Representatives in the Federal Con- gress — The Rebel Congress convened at Montgomery — Its organization — Adoption of a Provisional Constitution — The organization of the Southern Confederacy — Jefferson Davis elected President — A. H. Stephens chosen Vice President — Prophecies of Senator Wigfall — Biographical sketches of Jefferson Davis, of Stephens, of the Cabinet Ministers of the Southern Confederacy, Memminger, Toombs, Mallory. Walker, Benjamin — The personal qualities and characteristics of these officers 75 CHAPTER IV. Assembling of the Peace Congress at Washington — Their proposals of com- promise — Their rejection and failure — Attitude of President Buchanan — Public sentiment respecting Fort Sumter — Mi.ssion of the " Star of the West" — Final establishiitent of the Confederate Government at Montgomery — Inaugu- ration of Jefferson Davis as President— His address — Inauguration of President Lincoln — His address — His Cabinet Officers — The famous oration of A. H. Stephens at Savannah — Its historical importance — His first position — He refutes •Tefferson, Hamiltop, and Madison — His second position — The foundation stone of the Southern Confederacy— Absurdity and fallacy of that foundation- — The future condition and destiny of the negro race 83 CHAPTER V. The mission of Mr. Yancey and his associates to Europe — Their representations to the French and English people — Events at Charleston — The Rebel Commis- sioners at Washington — Their absurd deportment — General Beauregard de- mands the surrender of Fort Sumter — Major Anderson respectfully declines — Preparations for the bombardment of the fort — .Size and strength of the works — Sketch of Major Anderson— .Sketch of General Beauregard — Commencement of the bombardment — Heroism of the garrison — Incidents of the first day's attack — Events of the ensuing night — The continuance of the bombardment during the next day — Sufferings of the garrison — Kx-Scnator Wigfall — A deputation from General Beauregard — Propositions of surrender — They are accepted by Major Anderson — Exultation of the Rebels — Why the garrison was not reinforced — Proclamation of Governor Letcher — Proclamation of President Lincoln 89 CHAPTER VI. Enthusiasm of the Rebel States — Projected conquest of Washington — Proofs that it was contemplated — Why it was not accompli.shcd — Seventy-five thousand Federal troops ordered out — Davis issues letters of marque and reprisal— Pro- clamation of Governor Letcher— Secession of Virginia — Blockade of the Southern ports — Aspect of the loyal States — First in the field — The attack on Federal troops in Baltimore — Fury of the Rebel mob — Results of the attack — CONTENTS. !) Its infamy — The Federal Forts are garrisoned — Secession of Missouri — Rapid inarch of Federal troops to Washington— The Chicago Zouaves— The gallant ' Ellsworth— Origin of the term Zouave— History of the French Zouaves in Algeria, in the Crimea, in Italy — Their peculiar characteristics — American Zouaves 98 CHAPTER VII. The Secession of Tennessee — Parson Brownlow — Declaration of War by the Confederate Congress— Skirmish near St. Louis — Secession element in Balti- more — .Fort McHenry — Secession of North Carolina — Adjournment of the Rebel Congress to convene at Richmond — Assembly of Federal troops at AVashington — The occupation of Alexandria — Assassination of Colonel Ells- worth — Sketch of his career — His life in Chicago— Famous tour of the Chicago Zouaves — Ellsworth's military tastes and talents — His personal appearance and characteristics — His peculiarities as a speaker — He organizes the New York Fire Zouaves — His death a loss to the cause of the Union — General Robert Patterson's campaign m Virginia — Crossing the Potomac at Williains- port — Battle of Falling Waters — Pursuit of the enemy to Hainsville — To Martinsburg — The march to Bunker Hill — To Charlestown — Occupation of Harper's Ferry — Results of the Campaign '. 106 CHAPTER VIII. The encounters with the Rebel troops at Fairfax Court House, at Aquia Creek, at Romney, at Phillippi — Gallantry of Colonel Kelley — Battle of Great Bethel — Causes of the disaster — General Pierce — Death of Lieutenant Greble — Sketch of his career — Union sentiment in W^estern Virginia — The new State of West Virginia — Harper's Ferry devastated by the Rebels — The Ohio troops fired on near Vienna — Results of the attack — Operations of General McClellan in Western Virginia — His admirable plans — The Battle of Rich Mountain — General Garnett — Colonel Rosecrans — Results of the engagement — Sketch of General McClellan — His conduct during the Mexican War — His reconnoissance of the Cascade Mouiitnins — His secret mission to the West Indies — His journey to the Crimea — His olficial report as commissioner — His subsequent move- ments — He becom^es Commander of the Department of Ohio 115 CHAPTER IX. The extraordinary Session of Congress in July, 1861 — Message of President Lincoln — Its characteristics — Its demands — Sketch of Thaddeus Stevens — His political career — His personal qualities — His action as chairman of the Com- mittee of Ways and Means — Important bills passed by Congress — Opposition of Messrs Vallandigham and Burnett to the policy of the Administration — The civil war in Missouri — The Grand Army equipped at Washington — Com- plaints of its prolonged inactivity — Order given to General McDowell to advance toward Manassas — Arrangement of the Army — The advance reach Bull Run — The preliminary conflict at that place — Repulse of General Tyler's division — Position of the Rebel Army at Manassas — General Beauregard — The impending contest — Temper of the Rebel tronjis — The arts employed to inflame them 123 10 CONTENTS CHAPTER X. The Federal Army at Centreville — General McDowell's plan of attack — The Divisions of Generals Tyler, Hunter and Heintzelman — Their several duties — The March from Centreville — Interesting spectacle — General Tyler first reaches the Battlc-Beld — He commences the engagement Movements of Generals Hunter and Heintzelman — The gallant Sixty-ninth New York — The engage- ment becomes general — Vigorous cannonading — The Rebels gradually over- powered — The Federals victorious at mid-day — Rebel admissions to that effect — General Johnston's troops from Winchester arrive on the battle-field — They reverse the tide of victory — Sudden panic in the Federal Army — A general retreat ensues — Incidents of the flight — Individual instances of heroism — Results of the battle — Failure of the Rebel commanders to improve their victory — Ultimate consequences 131 CHAPTER XL The impression produced on the public by the Battle of Manassas — Various causes of the Federal defeat — The preceding march — Inferiority of numbers — Effect of masked batteries — Incompetent or inexperienced officers — Remote position of the Reserves — Pernicious presence of spectators — The coup-de- grace — Arrival of General Johnston's troops on the field — Immense losses of the Rebel Army — Was the defeat in reality a misfortune to the Union — Its immediate effects — Its influence on the Army — Its influence on the Adminis- tration — It became the means of averting greater calamities — It was the cause of subsequent successes to the Federal forces 140 CHAPTER XII Increased energy of the Federal Government — Events in Missouri — Important battle at Carthage — Retrograde movement of General Lyon to Springfield — Pursuit of the Rebels under Generals McCullough and Price — Condition of their Army — Reasons why General Lyon engaged the enemy^The great Battle of Wilson's Creek — Disposition of the Federal forces — Temporary suc- cess of the Rebels — Incidents of the contest— Heroism of General Lyon — His last effort against the enemy — Its success — General Lyon's death — Discomfiture of Colonel Sigel — Results of the Battle — Sketch of General Lyon— His rare merits — General Fremont made Commandant of the Department of Missouri — His policy and measures — His Anti-Slavery Proclamation — It is modified by President Lincoln — The war against Secession not a war against Slavery 147 CHAPTER XIIL The Federal expeditions against the Rebel forts at Hatteras — The forces appro- priated to this enterprise — Importance of Hatteras and its possession — Sailing of the expedition — The bombardment — The surrender of the forts— Commo- dore Barron — Commodore Stringhnm — Sketch of his career — Results of the victory at Hatteras — Operations of Rosecrans in Western Virginia — Battle at Carnifex Ferry — Defeat and flight of Floyd — Results of the victory — Events in Missouri — Colonel Mulligan's forces at Lexington— lie is attacked by General CONTENTS. U Price — Incidents of the Battle of Lexington — Surrender of Colonel Mulligan — Sketch of his career — Battle on Bolivar Heights — Sketch of its hero, Colonel Geary — The Battle of Ball's Bluff— General Stone— Apprehensions of Colonel Baker — Incidents of the engagement — Defeat and rout of the Federal troops — Death of Colonel Baker — National sorrow at his fate — Sketch of his remarkable career — Results of the disaster at Ball's Bluff ISo CHAPTER XIV. Peculiarities of the war against Secession — Federal expedition under Commodore Dupont and General Sherman — Its departure from Annapolis — Its destination ^Terrible storm near Cape Hatteras — The expedition reaches Port Royal — Rebel forts on Bay Point and Hilton Head — Their bombardment — Their strength — Incidents of the attack — Surrender of the forts — Results of the en- gagement — Sketch of its hero, Commodore Dupont — Naval disaster below New Orleans — Captain John Pope — Events in Missouri — Bold achievement of Col- onel Zagonyi near Springfield — The battle of Belmont — General U. S. Grant — Incidents of the engagement at Belmont — Its results — Dismissal of General Fremont from his Department of the West — Causes of his removal — His admirable demeanor on this occasion — His subsequent appointment as com- mander of the Mountain Department of Virginia and Tennessee 165 CHAPTER XV. European recognition of the Southern Confederacy — Efforts made to obtain it — Mission of Messrs. Mason and Slidell — Their arrest on board the Trent — Legality of that arrest — The British Government demand them — They are surrendered — Reasons of their surrender — Diplomatic note of Mr. Seward on the subject — Argument of Mr. Sumner in the Senate — The battle of Dranesville — Incidents of the engagement — Its results — General McCall — Sketch of his career — Dis- missal of Mr. Cameron from the Federal Cabinet — The war in Kentucky — The batile of Mill Springs — Incidents of the conflict — Bayonet charge of the ninth Ohio regiment — Defeat of the Rebels — Death of General Feliz Zollicoffer — His character — Results of the battle of Mill Springs — Subsequent flight and dis- persion of the Rebel troops 173 CHAPTER XVI. The Burnside expedition — Its strength and secret destination — Its departure from Annapolis — It reaches Fortress Monroe — Another gale off Cape Hatteras — Its resiilts — Loss of the steamer City of New York — Heroism of General Burn- side — The expedition enters Pamlico Sound — It steers for Roanoke Island — Rebel works erected on that Island — The Federal troops disembark — Plan of the attack — Incidents of the engagement — The final charge — Defeat and flight of the Rebels — Capture of their forts — Their strength — Results of the victory — Death of Colonel De Montreuil — Sketch of General Burnside — Attack on Fort Henry — Strength of the fort — Number of the Federal gunboats — Incidents of the bombardment — Surrender of the Rebel works — Trophies of the victory — Loss on both sides — Skill and heroi.sm of Commodore Foote — Sketch of his. career — Further operations of the Burnside expedition 181 12 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVIT. Position and strength of Foit Donelson — General Grant and Flanr-Officcr Foote prepare to attack it — Commenpcment of their operations — Repulse of the gun- boats — The assaiilt from the iand side — Incidents of tlie bomliardmeiit — Propo- sition of General Buckner to surrender — Tlie flight of (ienerals Floyd and Pil- low — The capitulation of the fort — Results and trophies of the conquest — Sketch of Ulysses S. Grant- — Sketch of General Charles Ferguson Smith — General Lander's attack on the Rebels at Bloomery Gap — Its results — Sketch of General Lander — Re-election of Jefferson I>avis as President of the Soutliern Confederacy — His Inaugural Address — Occupation of Columbus, Kentucky, by Federal troops — Desertion of Nashville by the Rebel forces — Unexpected attack and success of the Rebel battering ram Merrimac — Inci- dents of the engagement — Opportune arrival of the Monitor in Hampton Roads — Battle between the Monitor and the Merrimac 190 CHAPTER XVIII. Battle of Pea Ridge in Arkansas — General Curtis — Attack of the Rebels on the rear of the Federal Army — Gallantry of General Sigel — Continuance of the battle on the second day — Incidents of the contest — It is renewed upon the third day — Complete rout of the Rebels — Results of the victory — Sketches of Generals Curtis and Sigcl — President Lincoln's orders to the Federal Armies to move on the twenty-second of February— General McClellan's address to the Army of the Potomac — Sudden evacuation of Manassas by the Rebels — Move- ment of Federal troops — Bombardment of Island Number Ten — Incidents of the contest — Reduction of the Rebel works — Oi)crations of General Pope- — Ar- tificial channel cut through .James Bayou — (General Pope attacks the Rebels at Tiptonville — Consequences of the capture of Island Nunil)er Ten — Sketcli of General Pope — General Burn.side attacks Newborn — Tlie Rebels surrender — Consequences of this victory 201 CHAPTER XIX. Movements of the Army of the Potomac^Its subdivisions — The battle of Win- chester — Incidents of the battle — Its results — The killed and wounded — Sketch of General Shields — Concentration of tlie Rebel troops nearCorinth — Approach of the Federal Army under General (irant — Disposition of the Rebel Army — Commencement of the battle of Pittsburg Lauding or Shiloh — Attack and capture of General Prentiss's troops — Kti'orts of (jeuerals Sherman and Mc- Clcrnand — The engagement becomes general — Desperate fighting on both sides — Gradual repulse and retreat of the Federal Army — Terrific scenes — In- terposition of the Federal gunboats — End of the first day's battle — Arrival of General Buell — Disposition of troops during the ensuing night — The second day's conflict — Incidents of this day — Skill and energy of General Buell — The tide of victory is gradually reversed — Ultimate defeat of the Rebels — Tlieir re- treat to Corinth— Sketch of General Buell— Results of the battle of Shiloh..., 212 CONTENTS. 13 CHAPTER XX. The Federal Army under General McClellan approach Yorktown — Collision on Howard Creek — Attack on detached Rebel intrenchments — Establishment of the Federal camp, and erection of Federal batteries — Preparations for a great conflict at Yorktown — Brilliant operations of General Mitchell in Alabama — Results of his rapid movements — Sketch of General Mitchell — Events in Georgia — Capture of Fort Pulaski — Strength of the Rebel works — Incidents of the bombardment of that Fort — Results of the capture — The conquest of New Orleans— Federal armament under Commodore Farragut — Bombardment of Forts Jackson and St. Philip— An engagement of six days — Reduction of these Forts — Impression produced by it in New Orleans — The Federal fleet approach that city — The Rebel troops evacuate it — The summons to surrender — Imper- tinence of Mayor Monroe — New Orleans occupied by Federal troops — Sketch of Commodore Farragut — The bombardment of Fort Macon — -Incidents of the assault — Strength of that Fort — Results of its capture by the Federal troops. . 223 CHAPTER XXI. Operations of General McClellan at Yorktown— Battle of Lee's Mill — Disaster and retreat of the Federal troops — Evacuation of Yorktown by the Rebels — Motives of that movement — Pursuit by the Federals — Engagement between cavalry near Williamsburg — Second conflict near Williamsburg — Incidents of the battle — General Hooker's division — Brilliant charge of General Hancock — Federal victory — Sketch of General Hancock — Battle at West Point — Incidents of the contest — ESiciency of the Federal artillery — Rout of the Rebels — Bombardment of Sewell's Point — Its results — Expedition of General Wool against Norfolk — Its surrender — Operations of General Fremont in the Mountain Department — McDowell's division at Fredericksburg — Rout of Colonel Morgan in Tennessee — Incidents of the chase — Bombardment of Fort Wright commenced — Engage- ment of the Federal gunboats at Fort Darling, on James River — Its Incidents and results — Steady advance of McClellan's Army toward Richmond — It crosses the Chickahominy — Various skirmishes — Decisive engagement anticipated — General Hunter's Abolition Proclamation — President Lincoln's policy respect- ing it 233 CHAPTER XXII. The Corps d'Armee of General Banks — Imprudent reduction of its numbers — The Rebels imder Jackson attack the advance at Front Royal — Design of the Rebels to overpower Bank's division — The latter orders a general retreat toward Win- chester — Various engagements on the route — Battle of Middletown — Action on the march to Winchester— Battle at Newtown— The battle of Winchester- Its results — Continuance of the retreat to WiUiamsport — Adventures of the Zouave d'Afrique — Federal losses during the retreat — Sketch of General Banks — Attitude of the Federal and Rebel Armies at Corinth — A great battle antici- pated — Commencement of the attack by General Halleck — Its results — Evacua- tion of Corinth by the Rebels — Causes of this event — An extraordinary spec- tacle — Pursuit of the retreating foe — A reconnoissance on the Chickahominy — Skirmish at the Pines — The Battle of Hanover Court House — Destruction of the Richmond and Fredericksbui-g Railroad — Gallant exploit of Lieutenant Davis 244 14 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIII. Approach of the Fedeial Army to Richmond — The corps of General Keyes cross the Chickahominy — Their exposed position — Hostile purpose of the Rebel leaders — The battle of Seven Pines — Position of the Federal troops — Com- mencement of the attack — Disposition of troops made by General Casey — Incidents of the battle — Roxit of Casey's division — General Couch's troops become engaged — Desperate fighting — Victory of the Rebels — The Federals reinforced — The engagement of June 1st, General Heintzelman in chief com- mand — Incidents of this battle — Heroism of the Irish regiments and of Sickles' Excelsior Brigade — The victory of Fair Oaks — Its results — Popular impatience for the occupation of Richmond — Rebel forces in the Valley of the Shenandoah — Their brief occupation of it — General Fremont ordered to expel them — They abandon 'Winchester — Their retreat through Strusburgand Woodstock — Battle of Cross Keys — Gallantry of theBucktails — Results of the engagement — Battle of Port Republic — Incidents of this engagement — Its results — Retreat of Gen- eral Jackson toward Richmond — Appointment of General Pope as Commander of the Department — Withdrawal of General Fremont — His military achieve- ments — His true renown 256 CHAPTER XXIV. Prominence of the Mississippi River in the events of the war — Fleet of gunboats commanded by Commodore Davis — Evacuation of Fort Pillow — The naval battle before Memphis — Relative strength of the combatants — Incidents of the engage- ment — Defeat of the Rebel Fleet — Colonel Ellet — Results of the victory — Gen- oral Neglcy's expedition against Chattanooga — Colonel Hambright — Incidents of the expedition — Its results — General Morgan expels the Rebels from Cmn- berland Gap — Disaster to the Federal Arms at James Island — Description of the Rebel works — Arrangements for the attack — Incidents of the engagement — Ultimate defeat of the Federal troops — Their retreat — Federal loss — Gallantry of the Rebel Commander Lamar — Expedition of Colonel Fitch up the White River— The engagement at St. Charles — Horrible accident to the Mound City — • Execrable cruelty of Captain Fry — Capture of the Rebel Forts — Final success of the expedition — Excursion of Colonel Howard from Newborn to Swift Creek — Its results — Bombardment of Vicksburg commenced — Perilous passage of Commodore Farragut's fleet — New Channel of the Mississippi 268 CHAPTER XXV. The intrenchments of the Federal Army before Richmond — Their extent — Inac- tivity of the Federal forces — Concentration of Rebel troops in Richmond — Glowing expectations of the loyal community — Their Disappointment — The transfer of McClellan's base of supplies and operations to Harrison's Landing — First attack of the Rebels on his troops at Mechanicsville — Incidents of the battle — Comraencemcntof the march toward the James River — Battle of Gaines' Mills — Desperate Fighting — Heroism and valor on both sides — Vicissitudes of the struggle — The retreat continued toward James River — Disposal of the sick and woimded — Pertinacious pursuit by the Rebels — Singular caravan of wagons, cattle, and fugitives— Battle of Peach Orchard — Its results — Battle at Savage's Station — Resolute assaults of Ihc enemy — Appalling scenes — Important results — ^The race to White Oak Swamp — The Federal troops win the race 280 CONTENTS. 15 CHAPTER XXVI. The Battle of White Oak Swamp — Position and order of the Federal troops — Tem- porary panic — Desperate fighting — Fortunate assistance of the gunboats on the James River — Heroism and skill of General Heintzelman — A general bayonet charge on the Rebels — Its result — First engagement at Malvern Hills — Incidents of the fight — The Irish Brigade — Complete defeat of the Rebels — The Federal Army removes to Harrison's Landing — Results of the several Battles before Richmond — ^ Artillery duel on the James River — General Hooker sent to reconnoitre and occupy Malvern Hill — The march thither — Engagement with the enemy — Their defeat — Immense reinforcements ordered from Rich- mond — Return of the Federal troops to Harrison's Landing — Final evacuation of their camp by the Federal Army — Its future destination — Federal losses during the Peninsula Campaign 291 CHAPTER XXVII. Return of the Army of the Potomac from the Peninsula — Spirit and purpose of the Federal Government — Appointment of General Halleck as Commander-in- Chief of land forces — Operations of General Pope — Messages of President Lin- coln in favor of emancipation of the slaves and confiscation of the property of Rebels — Reconnoissance of General King to Beaver Dam — Battle of Bayou Cache, in Arkansas — Engagement on the Mississippi with the ram Arkansas — Boldness and determination of the Rebels — Engagement near Memphis, Missis- sippi — Operations of the Rebel John Morgan in Kentucky — Contest at Cynthiana — Morgan abandons Kentucky — Additional Anti-Slavery Message of Mr. Lin- coln—Expeditions sent from Newbern to Trenton and Pollocksville — Their results — Attack made on the Arkansas by Colonel Ellet — Incidents of the engagement — Defeat of the Queen of the West — Causes of the disaster — Crea- tion of new grades in the Federal Navy — President Lincoln orders a draft of three hundred thousand men 299 CHAPTER XXVIII. Designs of the Rebel Generals in Virginia — Measures taken to counteract them — The Armies of Banks and Jackson approach each other — Battle of Cedar or Slaughter Mountain — Position of the combatants — Commencement of the en- gagement — Incidents of its progress — Its termination and results — Loss on both sides— Heroism of General Banks— Subsequent movements of the Rebels — Skirmishes along the line of the Rappahannock — Designs of the Rebel Generals — Arrangements of General Pope — Engagement at Catlett's Station — Federal loss of baggage and stores — The Rebels cross the Rappahannock — Battle with the troops of General Sigel — Approach of Rebels toward Manassas — Conflict at Kettle Run — At Bristow's Station — The great Battle at Manassas on August 29th — Incidents of the struggle — Engagement renewed on the 30th — Its inci- dents and results— Retreat of the Federal Army- Battle of Chantilly— Death of Generals Kearney and Stevens— Return of the Federal Army to Washington — Losses during the campaign of General Pope in Virginia— Sketches of Gen- erals Kearny and Stevens— A Court-Martial summoned at Washington to in- vestigate charges against General Porter — Its verdict 312 16 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIX. Battle of Baton Rouge — Situation of the place — Federal troops posted there — Movements of General Breckinridge — Incidents of the engagement — Death of General Williams — Assistance of the Federal gunboats — Final defeat and repulse of the Rebels — The Rebel ram Arkansas — Its destruction — Indian mur- ders and devastations in Minnesota — Causes which led to them — Incidents coiipccted with them — Their suppression and punishment — General Sibley — Battle fought near Richmond, Kentucky — Federal troops engaged — Federal advantage — Federal repulse — Union troops are re-formed in line of battle three times — General Nelson — Federal losses — Battle at Tazewell — Expedition of Colonel EUet on the Mississippi and up the Yazoo — Capture of the transport Pair Play — Results of the expedition — Battle near Denmark, Tennessee — Inci- dents of the engagement — Heroism of Captain Frisbic — Federal victory — Apprehensions of an invasion of Ohio by the Rebels — Proclamation of (Governor Tod — Preparations made to receive the enemy — General Lewis AVallace — Re- treat of the Rebels — Termination of the popular excitement — Summary of un- important events in August, 1862 325 CHAPTER XXX. The Battle of Sovith Jlountain — Position of the combatants — Troops of General Reno— Incidents of the engagement — Heroism of General Hooker — Victory of the Federal Army — Retreat of the Rebels — Death of General Reno— Sketch of his career — Attack of the Rebels on Harper's Ferry — Forces commanded by Colonel Miles — Incidents of the bombardment — Surrender of llie works to the enemy — Death of Colonel Miles — Retreat of the Rebels toward the Potomac — The great Battle of Antietam — Positions assigned the Federal forces — Desperate fighting of Hooker's division — Incidents of the battle on the riglit wing — Opera- tions of Burnside on the left — Events in the Federal centre — Conclusion of the engagement — Retreat of the Rebel Army across the Potomac — Sketches of Gen- erals Hooker and Sumner — Battle at Mumfordville, Kentucky — Its results — Federal troops engaged — Battle at "Washington, North Carolina — The Rel)els defeated — Explosion of the gunboat Picket — Civil aspects of the war — President Lincoln's Proclamation of September 22d, 1862 — Its contents — Its influence upon Slavery and upon the Rebel Government — Mr. Lincoln suspends the Habeas Corpus Act, on September 24th, 1862 338 CHAPTER XXXI. The battle at Inka — Dispositions made by General Grant — Incidents of the en- gagement — "Victory of the Federal troops — Rebels repulsed at Boonsborouph — Convention of the Governors of Loyal States at Altoona. Pennsylvania — Their address to President Lincoln — His reply — Proposal of Peace discussed in the Confederate Congress — Argument of Mr. Foote — Fate of the proposition — Battle of Augusta, Kentuck-y — Engagement at Corinth, Mississippi — Position of the Rebels — First day's fighting — Incidents of the second day — Desperate charges made by the Rebels — Their final defeat and flight — Sketch of Major- General Rosecrans — Invasion of Pennsylvania by the Rebel General Stuart — His route — Incidents which occurred at ("hambersburg — Stuart's safe return to Virginia — Skirmishes on the Potomac — Results of his raid 353 CONTENTS. n CHAPTER XXXII. The Federal victory at Lavergne, Tennessee — General Negley — Battle on the Hatchie River — Expedition of General Brannan up the St. John's River — Its results — The Battle of Perry ville — Heroism of General Rousseau — Incidents of this engagement — Its consequences — Final escape of General Bragg and his Army from Kentucky — Inefficiency of General Buell — His removal from the command of the Army of the Ohio — Appointment of General Rosecrans as his successor — Fruits of General Bragg's invasion of Kentucky — Summary view of minor events which occurred in September and October, 1862 361 CHAPTER XXXTII. Exploits of the Confederate cruiser, the Alabama — Her peculiar structure — Efforts made to capture her — Their failure — The expedition sent by General Mitchel against the Charleston and Savannah Railroad — Incidents of the undertaking — Battles — Their results — Return of the expedition — Various recon- noissances made by the Army of the Potomac — Important results accomplished by them — Occupation of Snicker's, Ashby's and Thoroughfare Gaps by the Federal troops — Brilliant engagement near Maysville, Arkansas — Flight of the Rebels — Successful reconnoissance of Captain Dahlgren to Fredericksburg, Virginia — Skirmishes at Philomel and New Creek, Virginia, and at Williams- ton, North Carolina — -Abortive attempt of the Rebels under Morgan and Forrest to capture Nashville, Tennessee — Federal expedition to Thibodeausville, Louis- iana — Reconnoissance of General M'Pherson toward HoUy Springs, Mississippi — Approach of the Federal Army under Burnside to Fredericksburg — The city Bummoned to surrender — The refusal — Embarrassing delay of Burnside's operations 370 CHAPTER XXXTV. Assembling of the Federal Congress, December 1st, 1862 — Annual Message of President Lincoln — Its Characteristics — Its discussion of the National Finances — Of the Emancipation of the Slaves — Plan proposed by the President — Official Report of the Secretary of the Treasury — Its leading features — Financial details — Skirmish at Franklin, on the Blackwater, Virginia — Capture of Union troops at Hartsville, Kentucky — General Geary's Reconnoissance to Charlestown and Winchester — Surrender of Winchester — Stuart's raid on the towns of Dumfries and Occoquan — Expedition of General Washburne from Helena to Coflfeeville, Mississippi — Its results, and return — The capture of the Steamship Ariel by the pirate Alabama — Incidents connected with it — Her final release — Departure of the Banks expedition from New York — Infamous frauds perpetrated upon the Government — Arrival of the expedition at New Orleans — General Banks suc- ceeds General Butler — Effect of Butler's Administration — Results of the Blockade of the Southern Purts 2 382 18 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXV. The Battle of Fredericksburg — Tlie laying of the Pontoon Bridges — The Pontoniera driven away — Renewal of the attempt — Its second and third failure — Bombard- ment of Fredericksburg — The bridges are constructed — 'Die Federal troops cross the Rappahannock — Preparations for the conflict — Strength of the works of the Rebels — Superior advantages of their position and numbers — Commence- ment of the engagement by General Franklin — -Incidents of the Battle on the left wing— Tlie results — The contest on the right and the centre — Movements of Generals Meade and Gibbon — Heroism of Sumner — Impregnable position of the enemy — A gallant charge — Heavy losses of the Rebels — Operations in the centre imder General Hooker — Plan of Wilcox and Burns — General results of the engagement — Federal and Rebel losses — Sketch of General Franklin — Of Generals Jackson and Bayard — Events subsequent to the Battle — Resignation of Mr. vSeward — Popular Censure — General Burnside assumes the responsibility — The Cabinet remains unchanged — Battle at Cave Hill, Arkansas — Federal victory 393 CHAPTER XXXVI. The expedition of General Foster from Newbern to Kingston and Goldsboro — Commencement of the march — Skirmish at Southeast Creek — Its results — The Federals continue their march to Kinston — Battle at that place — Incidents of this engagement — Its results — Operations of the Federal Fleet which accompa- nied the expedition— ^Skirmish at Whitehall— Battle at Goldsboro — The return of the expedition — Skirmishing with the enemy — Exploits of Major Garrard and Fitzsimmons — Arrival of the expedition at Newbern — Its results — Federal losses — Sketch of General Foster — Capture of Holly Springs — Battle of Davis's Mills in Mississippi- — Heroism of Colonel Morgan — Defeat at Van Dorn — Posi- tion of affairs toward the close of the year 1862 — President Lincoln's Emanci- pation Proclamation — Its provisions — Feelings with which it was regarded by different classes of the Community — Its influence upon the future events of the war 404 CHAPTER XXXVn. Conclusion of the year 1862— The armies of Rosecrans and Bragg approach each other at Murfreesboro, Tennessee — Position of their respective forces — Number of troops engaged — Beginning of the Battle — Incidents of the first day — The Federal right wing driven back — Pursuit by the Confederates — The retreat stopped — End of the first day's combat — The engagement resumed — Artillery duel — Furious charge by the Rebels^-Heroism of Generals Negley and Davis — The Rebels finally overpowered — A general charge on their lines — Its result — Complete defeat of the Rebel .Vrray — Revolt of the Anderson Cavalry — It.'j alleged causes — The Loyal Three Hundred — Federal loss in the Battle at Mur- freesboro — Losses of the- Confederates — Field Order of General Rosecrans re- epectiog the Anderson Cavalry 41S CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXVIII. 19 The loss of the Federal Iron-clad Monitor at sea — Her peculiar structure — Her de- parture from Hampton Eoads — A rising storm — The Monitor becomes disabled — Cause of the misfortune — Her situation becomes desperate — Removal of her crew to the Rhode Island — Her final disappearance — The Federal Army under General Sherman attack Vicksburg, Mississippi — Landing of the troops at John- son's Ferry, on the Yazoo — The attack commenced on the 27th of December — Partial success of the Federal forces — The assault resumed on the 28th — Des- perate fighting — The first line of works carried — Sherman orders a general charge — The Federals repulsed and defeated — Terrible slaughter-^-The Union Army withdrawn — General Sherman superseded by M'Clernand — Federal losses — Causes of their defeat — Minor engagements at Springfield and Harts- ville, Missouri 424 CHAPTER XXXIX. A peculiar feature of the History of this Civil War — The Battle of Hunt's Cross- Eoads in Tennessee — Gallantry of General Sullivan and the Indiana troops — Defeat of Forrest — His flight to the Tennessee River — The expedition of Gen- eral Carter into East Tennessee- — Its objects — Its success — Difiiculties and merit of the undertaking — Skirmish near Moorefield, Virginia — Attack of the Rebels on Galveston — Their success — Capture of the Harriet Lane — Explosion of the Westfield — Federal losses on this occasion — Address of the Workingmen of Manchester, England, to President Lincoln — His reply — The bombardment of Arkansas Post — Land and naval forces detailed to this service — The location and importance of Arkansas Post — Commencement of the assault by Admiral Porter — Co-operation of the land troops under General M'Clernand — Incidents of the conflict — Surrender of the fort and of the Rebel troops — Losses on both tides — Value of the conquest — Sketches of Admiral Porter and General M'Clernand 432 CHAPTER XL. General Bumside resigns the command of the Army of the Potomac — He is suc- ceeded by General Hooker — The Army in winter quarters — Importance of the question of negro troops in the Army — Policy of different parties respecting it — Exploits of the Rebel Steamer Oreto — Destruction of the Steamboat Hat- teras — Expedition of General Weitzel up the Bayou Teche — Death of Commo- dore Buchanan — Skirmish at Woodbury, Tennessee — Second siege of Fort Don- elson — Its result — Federal victory over General Pryor on the Blackwater, Virginia^Triumph of Confederate Rams in the Harbor of Charleston, South Carolina— Sketch of Commodore Ingraham— The passage of the National Currency Bill— The Conscription Law— Loss of the Federal Steamer Queen of the West — Capture of the Federal Iron-clad Indianola — Destruction of the Rebel Steamer Nashville — Attack on Fort M'Allister — Resolutions of Congress Denouncing Foreign Intervention — Remaining Military Events of February and March, 1863 — Engagements at Strasburg, Virginia — At Hartwood Church, Virginia — At Bradyville, Tennessee — At Thompson's Station, Tennessee 443 20 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XLI. Minor Military Operations during March, 1863 — Expedition from Murfreesboro under Colonel Ilall — He engages and defeats the Rebels at Milton, Tennessee — Expedition of General Prince from Newbern — Its results — Attack by (he Rebels on Union troops at Deep Gully — Their repulse — Desperate cavalry fight near tlie Rappahannock between Generals Averell, 8tuart, and Lee — Its result — 'J'Iil' passage of the Federal Fleet past the Rebel batteries at Port Hudson — Co- operative movements of General Banks — Incidents of the engagement at Port Hudson — Death of Commander Boyd Cummings-^IIis heroism — Loss of the Steamer Mississippi — Success of the Hartford and Albatross — Conflagration of Jacksonville, Florida — Victory of General Gillmore at Somerset, Kentucky — Report of the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War — Its pecu- liarities and contents — Its exposition on the conduct of Generals McClcUan, Patterson, and Stone— Impression produced by it on the Public mind — End of the winter campaign of 18G2-3 — Skirmishes in Carroll County, Arkansas — At Woodbury, Tennessee — Abortive expedition of General Sherman up the Black Bayou in Mississippi 457 CHAPTER XLII. Preliminary Reflections — Rise of the Anti-War Democrats, or the Peace Party — Its avowed opinions and opposition to the National Administration — Suspense of the Writ of Habeas Corpus — The course of President Lincoln sustained by Congress and the Loyal portion of the Nation as Constitutional, Wise, and Patriotic — Precedent of the British Parliament — Factious opposition of the Peace Party to the Conscription Act and to the Prosecution of the AVar — Their proflcred friendship spurned even by the Confederates themselves — Their alleged but groundless fears of designed Centralization by the National Admin- istration — Their hostility to the President's Emancipation Proclamation — The existence of Negro Slavery and determination to perpetuate it the source of our greatest National difficulties, and the ultimate cause of the present Rebellion — 'ITie judicious, gradual, and progressive course of the Government on this sub- ject vindicated — Objections of the Peace Party to the Financial Measures of the Government — Their vindictive but futile attempts to detract from the personal character of tlie President 470 CHAPTER XLIII. The preparations for another attack on Charleston — Formidable character of the fortifications — The crossing of the bar — Order of Battle prescribed by Admiral Du Pont— The attack — Obstructions in the harbor — I'he terrible storm of fire — The New Ironsides unmanageable — Gallantry of the Commander of the Keokuk, and of the Commanders of the Monitors — The Keokuk riddled and sinking — Three of the Monitors disabled — Withdrawal of the Fleet — Return to Port Royal — Admiral Du Font's action justifiable — Other naval actions on the Atlan- tic Coast, and in the Gulf and Mississippi River — Battles and skirmishes on land — In the Department of the Cumberland, at various points in Tennessee and Kentucky ; in the Department of Missouri, the attack on the Sam Gaty ; in the Department of the Frontier, at Fayetteville, Arkansas, and its vicinity, and in the Department of the Gulf— ^Expedition to Pascagoula — The Battles on the Teche — Destruction of three Rebel Iron-clads, and capture or destruction of eleven transports, and two thousand prisoners — Complete rout of the liebels... 482 CONTENTS. 31 CHAPTER XLIV. Raids in both Armies — Marmaduke's expedition for the capture of Cape Girardeau — Colonel Carter's demand for the surrender of the town — General M'Neil's reply — Marmaduke's demand — The result — Flight of Marmaduke, and pursuit by Vandever and M'Neil — Colonel Streight's raid — Difficulties and disasters — Penetrates nearly to Rome — Is compelled to surrender — Rebel treatment of the Officers of the expedition — Colonel Grierson's raid — Its continued and wonder- ful success — His Brigade reaches Baton Rouge — Results accomplished by the expedition — Colonel Clayton's raid — Meets Marmaduke — Clayton with two hundred and thirty men fights and repels Marmaduke's Division — Lieutenant- Colonel Jenkins's fight with Carter's Texas Brigade— The expedition reaches Helena in safety — Skirmishes in Western Virginia — The afi'air at Greenland Gap— Capture of Alexandria, Mississippi — Skirmish at Monticello, Kentucky. . 498 CHAPTER XLV. The siege of Washington, North Carolina — Attempts to raise it — The Steamer Escort runs past the Batteries with reinforcements and supplies — General Fos- ter escapes in her and prepares to raise the siege — The Rebels abandon it — Siege of Sufiblk, Virginia — Longstreet abandons it to reinforce Lee — Hooker's management of the Army of the Potomac — His plans for attacking Lee — Move- ments of his troops — Ruse below Fredericksburg — The concentration of six Corps in the vicinity of Chancellorsville — The counterplot of Lee — Jackson's attack on the right wing — Panic in the Eleventh Corps — ^Their flight — The ad- vance of the Rebels checked by Berry's Division — Battle of the Wilderness — Jackson mortally wounded — Hooker re-forms his lines^Battle of Chancellors- ville, on Sunday morning — Hooker again changes his lines — Movements of Sedgwick's Corps — Battle of Marye's Hill — Battle of Salem Heights — The Rebels recapture Fredericksburg— Battle of Banks' Ford— Sedgwick's Corps cross the Ford — General Hooker calls a Council of War — Recrosses the Rap- pahannock at United States Ford — Review of the Campaign 515 CHAPTER XL VI. Stoneman's expedition — The plan of it substantially that of General Burnside — Biographical sketch of General Stoneman — Starting of the expedition — Its adventures — Detachments sent in difl^erent directions from Thompson's Cross Roads — Colonel Wyndham's raid to Columbia — Colonel Kilpatrick's adventures — Lieutenant-Colonel Davis's expedition to cut the two railroads— Results of ■ the expedition — The Army of the Potomac after the Battel — Lee's determina- tion to invade Pennsylvania — Pleasonton sent to attack Stuart's Cavalry — Biographical sketch of General Pleasonton — Success of his attack — His subse- quent skirmishes and fights with Stuart's Cavalry — Lee's positions discovered — Movement of Hooker's Army — The Rebel Army cross the Potomac — Hooker's follow — Hooker relieved of the command of the Army — Meade appointed his successor — Position of the two Armies — Only two Union Corps near Gettys- burg — A Battle impending 532 22 CONTENTS. CHAPTEE XLVII. Sketch of General Meade — Topography of the Battle-field — The beginning of the Battle — Death of General Reynolds— Sketch of his life — Coming xip of the Eleventh Corps — The position on Cemetery Hill procured — Retreat of the First and Eleventh Corps to Cemetery Hill — Great loss of prisoners— The state of feeling in the two Annies — Depression of the Citizens of Gettysbnrg — Rein- forcements of the Union Army — Position of the two Armies on the morning of July 2 — Opening of the second day's Battle — The attack on Sickles' Corps — 'J'he Ninth Massachusetts Battery — The charge of the Pennsylvania Reserves — The enemy beaten back — Ewell's attack on the Eleventh Corps and on Green's Brigade — He penetrates to Spangler's Spring — The Tliird Day's Battle — Attack on the Union right — The repulse — Terrible artillery duel on the Left Centre — Assault by Pickett's Division — Terrible slaughter — Longstreet's attack on Round Top — This too repulsed — The Battle over — Retreat of the Rebels — Crossing of the Potomac — General Meade's error — The losses on both sides — General orders of the two Commanders — Beneficial result of the invasion to the Union cause 550 CHAPTER XLVIII. General Grant takes command in person of the Army for the reduction of Vicks- burg — His Canal projects — The Canal across the Peninsula — Route by Round- away Bayou — Lake Providence Canal — Yazoo Pass— Steele's Bayou — Succes- sive failures — He resolves to attack from below — The running of the Batteries — Excitement among t:;e spectators — March of the Army to Hard Times, Louisiana — Attack on Grand Gulf — Repulse of the Gunboats — They nm past the Batteries — Landing at Bruinsburg — Battles of Shaiffer's Plantation and Port Gibson — Evacuation of (Jrand Gulf — Skirmish at Fourteen Mile Creek — Battle at Raymond — Capture of Jackson, Mississippi, and destruction of Rebel property tliere — March of the Army Westward — Battle of Champion Hill — Battle of Black River Bridge — Vicksburg invested — Assaults of the ninetcentli and twenty-second of May — Siege of the City — Its capitulation on the Fourth of July — Terms of the surrender — The results of the Campaign — Rebel and Union losses — Sherman's pursuit of Johnston — Capture of Jackson and defeat of the Rebels — General Ransom's expedition to Natchez — General Herron's capture of Yazoo City — Operations of the Gunboats on the tributaries of the Mississippi — The Battle of Milliken's Bend — Bravery of the Colored Troops — Attack on Lake Providence 566 CHAPTER XLIX. 'I'he investment of Port Hudson — Battle fought by General Auger — The arrival of additional forces — The assault of the twenty-seventh of May — The brilliant attack of General Weitzel's Division — Partial success of the assault — Tlie assault of the fourteenth of June — Its failure — The closeness of the siege — Suffering of the garrison — Tlieir surrender — Tlie Rebel attacks on Brashear City and Tcrribonne — Inhuman massacre of infirm Contrabands and women and children— The murder of negroes at St. Martinsville— The attack of the Rebels on Helena, Arkansas— Their signal defeat — Review of the progress of the War during the last eleven months — Tlie begiiming of the end 583 CONTENTS. 33 CHAPTER L. The Army of the Pbtomac at rest— The overthrow of the Rebel power in Arkan- sas—The Guerrillas and Bushwhackers of Arkansas and the Indian Territory — Quantrel and his band— The sacking of Lawrence— Attempt to murder Gen- eral Blunt^Cabell, Marmaduke, Shelby, and Coffey, make a raid into Missouri, and are defeated and routed — Morgan's raid into Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio — His capture and imprisonment — His escape — Sketch of his life — His death — The riots of the summer of 1863 — The great riot in New York— Its causes and objects— The reign of terror— The mob subdued— The loss of life and property by it 597 CHAPTER LI. Department of the South — Capture of the Atlantar— General Gillmore succeeds Hunter, and Dahlgren, Du Pont — Gillmore's strategic plan — Reasons for be- lieving it an error — Folly Island — Gillmore's Batteries there — Capture of the southern portion of Morris Island^Peints in other directions — The first as- sault on Wagner — Repulse — Erection of Batteries — Bombardment and second assault — A costly failure — The siege pressed — Other Batteries erected — The " Swamp Angel" located — Bombardment of Port Sumter — Its substantial re- duction — Gillmore demands the surrender of Fort Sumter and the Forts on Morris Island, and threatens to bombard Charleston in case of refusal — Beau- regard replies haughtily and insolently — KSillmore's rejoinder — The approaches to Fort Wagner completed — The garrisons of Fort Wagner and Battery Gregg evacuate those Works — Gillmore's despatch announcing the capture — Other events in the Department — Sketch of General Gillmore — Sketch of Admiral Dahlgren 611 CHAPTER LIL The Department of the Cumberland — Army of the Cumberland in motion — The strength and position of the two Armies — ^Topography of the country of Middle Tennessee — General Rosecrans' tactics — The movement by the left flank — Its complete success — Manchester, Decherd, Cowan, Shelbyville, and Tullahoma taken — Bragg's Army driven eastward to University and Sweden's Cove, and thence to Chattanooga — The movement of the Union Army toward Chatta- nooga — Rosecrans determines to outflank Bragg's position — Route of the several Corps — Peril of McCook's Corps — The concentration of troops at McLamore's Cove — Preparations for Battle — The first day of the Battle of Chickamauga— The second day — The line broken and seven Brigades cut off — General Rosecrans at Chattanooga — General Thomas fights till sunset and repulses the enemy — Sketch of General Thomas — Results of the Battle — McCook and Crittenden relieved, and their Corps consolidated — General Thomas succeeds General Rosecrans — Perilous condition of the Army — General Grant put in command of the Grand Military Division of the Mississippi — Reinforce- ments ordered up - 628 34 CONTENTS. CHAPTER LIII. Sketch of General Grant — He is appointed to the command of the Military Pirision of the Mississippi, and arrives at Chattanooga — The capture of Brown's Ferrj' — Movements of Hooker's command — Battle of Wauhatcliic — The results gained — Attempts of the Rebels to break Grant's communications — Bragg sends Long- street's Corps to besiege Knoxville — General Grant's instructions to General Burnside — Fighting and retreating — Longstreet arrives before Knoxville and invests it — Topography of the Chattanooga Valley and its surroundings — Bragg's Message — Grant's plan for the defeat of his Army — The capture of the Rebel Batteries on Bald Knobs — Sherman's movements — The pontoon hrulges — The Bastion taken — Hooker's attack on the Rebel left wing on Lookout Mountain — The surprise — The " Battle above the Clouds" — The fighting on the east side of Lookout — Evacuation of their positions by the Rebels — Hooker follows them to Mission Ridge — Sherman's persist(int and repeated attacks upon Fort Buckner — Repulse of his attacking columns — Their object gained, in drawing the Rebel troops from Fort Bragg — The assault on the centre by the Fourth Corps — Difficulties of the attack — Capture of the Crest and Fort Bragg — Flight of the enemy — Pursuit to Ringgold — Fight at Ringgold (jap — Sherman marches to Knoxville and raises the siege — Battle of Bean's Station — Results of the Chattanooga Campaign — General Grant's congratulatory order — General Halleck's estimate of the Campaign 644 CHAP'TER LIV. Department of the Northwest — Indian troubles in Minnesota — Death of Little Crow — General Sibley's expedition against the Indians^He defeats, pursues, and routs them— General Sully's Battle at Whitestone Hill — Escape of the Indians — General Conner's Battle with the Indians^ — Department of West Vir- ginia — General Averell's raid into Southwestern Virginia — His capture at Salem and destruction of Cwnmissary and Quartermasters' stores— His escape from the six Generals — Sketch of General Averell — Other operations in West Vir- ginia — Army of the Potomac — Lee's flanking movement — Its extent — General Meade's excessive caution — The Cavalry Battle at Brandy Station — General Warren's Battle with Hill's Corps at Bristow Station — Hill repulsed — Custer's attack on Stuart's Cavalry^ — Lee's return to the Rapidan — Imboden's attack on Charlestown, Virginia — Lee removes to the Rappahannock and fortifies his po- sition — Meade drives him back, taking over two thousand prisoners — Sedgwick's assault at Rappahannock Station — Its success — The left wing at Kelly's Ford and Brandy Station — Meade's coup-de-main — His plans unmasked — His with- drawal across the Rapidan — Results 660 CHAPTER LV. The "Anaconda" Policy^ — Reasons why it could not succeed in crushing the Rebel- lion — Department of the Gulf — The occupation of Texas determined upon — The reasons assigned for it — General Franklin ordered to Louisiana — Expedi- tion of (ienerals Banks and Franklin to Texas — The great preparations made for it^The broops and their commanders — The disastrous attack on Sabine Pass and City — Advance of the Army to Vermillionville — The coast expedition to CONTENTS. 25 Texas — Reconstruction in Louisiana — The starting of the advance of the Grand Army- — Capture of Simmsport, Bayou Glace, and Fort de Eussy — Alexandria captured and occupied — Battles of Teachoes and Cane River — The Array too much scattered — Arrival at Grand Ecore — The advance toward Mansfield — The Battle of Mansfield — Rout and panic — Battle of Pleasant Hill — The rrtreat down the Red River — Grand Ecore — Jumping the sand-bars — Alexandria — The Rapids — Colonel Bailey's Dams — Escape of the Gunboats — Rear-Admiral Por- ter's Report — The retreat to Simmsport and Morganzia — General Steele's re- treat to Little Rock — General Canby in command of the Trans-Mississippi Division — Department of the South — Political aspirations of Florida Unionists ■ — Their pleas for an expedition into Northern Florida — The expedition ordered —The plan — General Seymour at its head — Delays and disasters — Battle of Olustee — Retreat of the Union forces — Losses — End of the "Anaconda" PoUcy 672 CHAPTER LVI. Sherman's Meridian expedition — The co-operative movements and their failure — The movable column — Advance into the enemy's country — Return — General Grant promoted to the Lieutenant-Generalship, and Sherman appointed to com- mand the Military Division of the Mississippi — Sketch of Sherman — Other changes in commands — Reorganization of the Eastern and Western Armies — Improvement in discipline and morale — Forrest and Chalmers set out on an ex- pedition for plunder and murder — Attack on Union City — On Paducah — The massacre at Port Pillow — Atrocity of the conduct of the Rebels — The Rebel Government promote Forrest and Chalmers for it — Buford's demand for the surrender of Columbus, Kentucky — Forrest's retreat 689 CHAPTER LVII. Preparations for the advance — General Grant's strategy — Simultaneous movement • — The numbers in the opposing Armies — Situation of the subordinate Armies of the Union and their numbers — General Butler's advance — The feint on York River— Ascent of the James to City Point and Bermuda Hundred — The advance on Fort Dai-ling — The troops driven back — Attack of the Rebels on Bermuda Hundred — They are repulsed — Departure of the Eighteenth Corps — The attack on Petersburg — Its partial failure — Army of the Potomac- crossing the Rapi- dan — The Battles of May 5th and 6th — Lee's change of position — Death of Wadsworth — Sketch of Wadsworth — Fighting of May 7th and 8th — Partial lull on the 9th — Death of General Sedgwick — Desperate fighting on the 10th — The results still indecisive — Quiet on the next day — General Grant's despatch — " Fighting it out on that line" — The terrible Battle of the 12th — The charge of the Second Corps — Desperate fighting — Wilcox's Division forced back — Success turning to the Union side — Losses of the eight days on the Union side — Losses on the Rebel side — Impossibility of movements during the storm — Sketch of General Sedgwick 70-^ CHAPTER LVIIL Continuation of Grant's campaign — Battles near Spottsylvania — Reinforcements — The Battle of the 18th of May — The repulse — Another flank movement to the North Anna, and beyond — Ewell's raid upon the Union rear — He is repulsed 26 CONTENTS. with loss — Fighting near the North Anna — Strength of the Rebel position — Another flank movement — Recrossing the North Anna — March to Ilanover- towu — Cavalry engagement on Tolopatomoy Creek — Battle of Tolopatomoy Creek, or Shady Grove Church — Topography of the country north of the Chick- ahominy — Position of Lee's Army — Cavalry Battle for the possession of Cold Harbor — The Battle of Cold Harbor — ^Desperate lighting of the Sixth and Eigh- teenth Corps — Fighting on other parts of the line — The Battle of the Chicka- hominy— Indecisive results of the gallant and desperate fighting — TJie opposing lines very near each other — Losses of both sides since the Battles of the Wil- derness — Sketch of General Hancock — Sheridan's first raid — Richmond threat- ened — His force surrounded at the Chickahominy — Rebuilding Meadow Bridge — Gallant charge on the enemy — His escape — His second raid — The Battles of- Treviliau Station — Sheridan withdraws, after punishing the enemy severely, ond rejoins the Army of the Potomac south of the James River 720 CHAPTER LIX. The troops in West Virginia — Crook and Averell defeat the Rebels on New River — The Battle of New Market — Sigel defeated — He is relieved of command, and sent to Martinsburg as post commandant — General Hunter succeeds him — Battle near Mount Crawford — ITie Rebels defeated, and their general killed — Hunter captures Staunton and Lexington, and burns the Lexington Military Institute, and Governor Letcher's honse, but fails to join Sheridan, and is com- pelled by Early to fall back from Lynchburg into the Kanawha Valley, after a losing fight — Early takes advantage of this to descend the Shenandoah Valley to the Potomac — Hunter's efforts to retrieve his blunder — Army of the Poto- mac — Crossing the James — .Cavalry reconnoissance to Malvern Hill — The at- tack on Petersburg — Partial success — Butler cuts the railroad — The assaults of the Second and Ninth Corps on the defences of Petersburg — Incomplete success — The Rebels retire to their inner line of defences — Failure of the attempt to carry these — The attacks on the Weldon Railroad — The disastrous repulse of June 22d — The position nearly regained, but no advance made — Wilson's and Kautz's raid on the Weldon and Southside Railroads — Great destruction of rail- road tracks and property — Heavy losses of the expedition in its return march — Early's foray into Maryland and Pennsylvania — Terror of the inliabitants — The Battle of Monocacy — Wallace defeated — The Sixth and Nineteenth Corps ordered into Maryland — General Ord succeeds General Wallace — Railroads broken up and trains captured by the Rebels — Washington threatened — Rebels defeated by General Augur — Their retreat across the Potomac — Fighting at Snicker's and Ashby's Gaps — Averell's Battle near Winchester — Defeat of the Rebels — Battle of Winchester, July 24th — Crook defeated, and Mulligan killed — Sketch of Mulligan — The panic in Maryland and Pennsylvania renewed — Absurd reports — Burning of Chambersburg — Mosby's little raid — Governor Curtin calls a special session of the Legislature — Tliirty tliousand militia called out — Early's retreat — Fighting near Cumberland, Maryland — Rebels defeated by Averell at Moorefield, Virginia — The mine at Petersburg — Demonstration on the enemy's left — Fight at Deep Bottom — Explosion of the mine — Fatal blundering — Repulse and heavy loss 735 CHAPTER LX. Sherman's Atlanta campaign — Sherman's preparations — The force under his com- mand, and the several Armies composing it — The Army of the enemy — Its CONTENTS. 2^ position and commander — Sketch of Johnston — The demonstration on Eocky Faced Ridge, and Battles there — Flanking movement through Snake Creek Gap on Eesaca — Battles at Resaca — Flanking movement toward Kingston — Capture of Rome — Crossing the Etowah — Movement toward Dallas — Battles of New Hope Church and Dallas— Sherman moves to the left — Occupation of Allatoona Pass, and Big Shanty — The Pass made a secondary base of supplies — The enemy driven from Pine and Lost Mountains — The aifair of " the Kulp House" — Assault on the enemy on Kenesaw Mountain — Repulse — Flanking again — The Rebels compelled to fall back to the Chattahoochie — Occupation of Marietta — The Union Army cross the Chattahoochie — Burning of Roswell factories 752 CHAPTER LXI. Rousseau's expedition to Opelika, and the West Point and Mongomery Railroad — The position of the Union Army — First Battle of Peach Tree Creek, July 20th— Second Battle of Peach Tree Creek, July 22d— Death of McPherson— Biographical sketch of General McPherson — Garrard's expedition to Covington — Stoneman and McCook undertake cavalry expeditions — Failure of Stoneman — Partial success of McCook — Battle of July 28th before Atlanta — Siege of Atlanta — Its strength — Tenacity of Hood in holding the railroad lines — Sher- man extends his hne to the right, but Hood holds the railroad — Bombardment of Atlanta — Wheeler's raid to cut Sherman's communication — Sherman sends Kilpatrick to cut the railroad below Atlanta — Partial success — Sherman raises the siege, and sends Williams back to the Chattahoochie, while the main Army moves toward Jonesboro — Battles near Jonesboro — Hardee defeated and driven southward — Hood evacuates Atlanta — The Union Army take possession of the city — Removal of the citizens from the city — Results of the campaign 764 CHAPTER LXII. The Department of North Carolina and Southeast Virginia — Capture of the Under- writer — Attack on Newbern — Attack on Plymouth, North Carolina — Desperate fighting by the garrison of the Fort — Capture of Plymouth — The Albemarle's first appearance — She drives the Union Gunboats from the river — The Battle between the Albemarle and the Sassacus — Daring conduct of Commander Roe — The Albemarle crippled — Explosion of the boiler of the Sassacus — The hero- ism of the crew — The Sassacus disabled — Retreat of the Albemarle — Her subse- quent fate — Daring exploit of Lieutenant Gushing — Morgan's last raid into Kentucky — Capture of Cynthiana, and surrender of General Hobson's troops — Defeat of Morgan by General Burbridge — The gunboat disaster — The Rebel trap • — Retreat of Sturgis — The train in a slough — Complete rout and disorder, and loss of train and guns — Bravery of the Tj\^-ro troops — Forrest's raid on Mem- phis — The Forts at the entrance of Mobile Bay — Farragut's anxiety for their capture — The attack on the Forts — The Battle with the ram Tennessee — Her surrender — Results of the Ba: lie — Surrender of the Forts — Sketch of Comman- der Craven — Sketch of Farragut 781 CHAPTER LXIIL The Middle Military Division organized, and General Sheridan appointed its com- mander — Organization of the new Army of the Slienandoah — Sheridan concen- trates his troops on the line of the Potomac — Advancing and retreating — 28 CONTENTS. " Harper's Weekly" — Early's misconception of Sheridan's character — His move- ment to Berryville — The cavalry fight at Darkesville — The Battle of Opequan Creek, or Winchester — Early " sent whirling" up the Valley — Battle of Fisher's Hill — Early again defeated and routed — "Settling a new Cavalry General" — Rosser's defeat — Early defeated again at Little North Mountain, on the 12th of October — Sheridan visits Washington— Early creeps up on the left flank of the Union Army — The Union troops defeated badly, and driven to Middletown — Sheridan comes up, makes the fugitives " face the other way," reorganizes the Army, attacks, defeats, and routs Early, and sends him once more " whirling" up the Valley, with the loss of his artillery, wagons, etc. — Subsequent opera- tions in the Valley, in the Autumn — Desolating the .Valley to repress the guerrillas — Early sends a part of his force to Lee, and Sheridan returns the Sixth Corps to the Army of the Potomac — Biographical sketch of Sheridan. . . 795 CHAPTER LXIV. Political parties, and their influence during the War — " The era of good feeling" —Its speedy termination — Fernando Wood's somersaults — The professions of the Pro-Slavery Democratic leaders— Their desire for a " more vigorous prosecution of the War" — " The great unready" — Opposition to emancipation nominally re- linquished — The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and arbitrary arrests — The conscription — Their objections to it — Their hostility to the Financial Policy of the Government — Secret organizations opposed to the Government — The Peace Party and its leader — Sketch of Vallandigham — His treasonable address and his arrest — Judge Leavitt's refusal to grant a Writ of Habeas Corpus, and his opinion of treasonable utterances — Vallandighara's trial and sentence — The President commutes it to transportation beyond the Union lines — Protest of the Albany Committee — The President's reply — Protest of the Columbus Committee — The President's propositions — The object of these demonstrations — Vallandigham nominated for Governor and defeated — His escape to Canada and return to Ohio — Character and conduct of his associates in Canada — He attends the Chicago Convention — The proceedings of this Convention — Its platform — Its nominees — General McClellan's letter of acceptance — He accepts the nomination, but repudiates the platform, while Mr. Pendleton accepts both — Utter defeat of the Peace Party at the November election — Efforts at Nego- tiations for Peace — The Jacques and Gilmore mission — A. H. Stephens' appli- cation to go to Washington in a Rebel War Steamer — The Greeley and Sanders correspondence— -"To whom it may concern" — The pretended indignation of Clay and Holcombe — Subsequent revelations of their character and purposes — Lee's announcement to Jeff. Davis — P. P.Blair's mission — Rebel Commissioners appointed — Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln meet them — The conference at Hamp- ton Roads — The demands of Davis— Impossibility of conceding them — Failure of the conference 809 CHAPTER LXV. The Navy of the United States at the commencement of the War — Its inadequacy for the work to be done — The duty required of the Navy — The purchase and construction of vessels for the Navy — The number, character, and armament of the vessels of the Navy during the War and at its close — The Iron-clads — Preference of the Government for the Monitors — Their efficiency in Naval Bat- tles — The River Iron-clads, Turtle-backs and Tin-clads — What was accomplished CONTENTS. 29 by the River Squadrons — The work of the Blockaders of the Atlantic Coast — The Rebel Navy — Stolen vessels — Their Privateers — Their Iron-clads — Fate of their vessels — The Anglo-Rebel Privateers — Their names and character — The attempts to build armored ships for the Rebels in England and France — Their failure — The history of the Alabama — Her perfidious attack on the Hatteras — She enters the Port of Cherbourg, and finding escape without a fight impossi- ble, her commander challenges the Kearsarge to a Battle — The comparative size, armament, and crews of the two vessels, and their means of resistance — • Captain Semmes's " preparations" — The Deerhound — The Battle — Despicable conduct of the owner of the Deerhound — Semmes receives ovations — Rage of the English at the sinking of the Alabama— Causes of it — The capture of the Georgia — History of the Florida — Her capture — Commander Collins censurable for seizing her in a Neutral Port — Action of the United States Government — Brazil satisfied — Lieutenant Reed's adventures as a Pirate — Capturing fishing smacks and coasters — Cutting out the Cushing — Capture of the Lieutenant and his crew — The seizure of the Chesapeake — Her recapture — Career of the Talla- hassee, the Olustee, and the Chickamauga — The Shenandoah and her piracies — She comes to Liverpool and delivers herself up to the British Government — Course adopted by that Government — The career of the Stonewall or Olinde— Her surrender to the Spanish Government, and final transfer to the United States — Losses of the Mercantile Marine by the Rebel cruisers 825 CHAPTER LXVl. Disturbances in Missouri — The small number of troops in the Department — Gen- eral Rosecrans in command there — Price thinks the opportunity favorable for another invasion of Missouri — Marmaduke sent to test its feasibility — He is repulsed and driven back toward Arkansas — Price's expedition in September — The number of his troops— The Union force collected to oppose him — The Battle of Pilot Knob — Fight at Harrison's Station — Skilful management of General Ewing — Rolla securely garrisoned — General Pleasonton takes command of the cavalry — Condition of St. Louis and Jefi'erson City — Price makes a fatal delay — He threatens Jefferson City, but finding it too strongly defended turns aside to Booneville — Sanborn follows and harasses him — Pleasonton joins in the pur- suit — The Battles of the BigBlue^Little Osage Crossing, and Marais des Cygnes — Price completely routed — He is defeated once more at Newtonia — Results — Indian troubles on the Frontier — The league among the tribes of the Sioux Nation — General Pope's ideas of the best method of breaking their power — General Sully sent with a large cavalry force to attack them, and Posts estab- lished along the Frontier— His campaign— The Battle near the Little Missouri — The defeat and flight of the Indians— Sully falls back to his trains and pursues them to the "Bad Lands" — Description of the "Bad Lands" — He attacks and defeats the Indians again — They are completely scattered and broken — General Pope's plans for Peace with them in future — The massacre of the Cheyennes by Colonel Chivington— Details of the surprise and slaughter— Investigation by the Committee on the Conduct of the War— Chivington ordered arrested — Rebel Plots against the citizens of the Northern States— The scheme for the release of the Johnson's Island prisoners, and the burning of Buffalo, Cleve- land, etc. — How baffled — Blackburn's plan for disseminating Yellow Fever and Small Pox — John T. Beall's raid upon Lake Steamers — His capture, trial, and execution — The raid on St. Albans — Arrest and discharge of the robbers — The Plot for releasing the prisoners and destroying Chicago — How discovered ID CONTENTS. — Attempt to bum the Hotels in New York — Arrest, trial, and execution of Kennedy 841 CHAPTER LXVII. Hood attempts to cut Sherman's Line of Communication, and, movinj^from Macon, first goes to Dallas, and then falls back upon the railroad at Big Shanty — Sherman follows, and witnesses, and directs the Battle at AUatoona Pass, wliere the Rebel troops are defeated by General Corse — Description of Battle of AUatoona — Hood captures Dalton, but is compelled to abandon it, and retreats before Sherman to Gadsden, Alabama — Sherman pursues to Gaylesyille, and then detaching Thomas to Nashville, and sending him two Corps, returns to Kingston — Destruction of the railroad — Return to Atlanta — Its destruction — Sherman's Telegraphic Despatch — His general orders to his Army — The march — The enemy deceived and confused— The reorganization of his Army — Sketches of the leaders of the two wings, Generals Howard and Slocum — Disposition of the troops — Foraging — The route of the troops veiled by the Cavalry — Union of the columns at Milledgeville — Rest and collection of supplies — Skirmishing and fighting at Buckliead Creek and Waynesboro — The attempt to rescue the Union prisoners at Millcn — It is foiled by their removal — Approach to Savannah — The position of the troops — Assault and capture of Fort McAllister by Hazen's Division^Communication opened with the Fleet — Sherman summons Hardee to surrender, but he declines — Preparations for a siege of the City — Hardee evacuates it and escapes to Charleston — Savannah occupied and governed by General Geary — The quiet and good order of the City — Sherman's Christmas Present to the President — Sherman's encomiums on his generals and troops — The results of the capture of Savannah, and of the campaign — Sherman's Gen- eral Orders — Ilis interview with the leading men of the colored people — The assignment of the Sea Islands to the negroes during the War 854 CHAPTER LXVIII. The Nashville Campaign — Sherman's resolve — Davis's boast — Hood tries to fulfil it — The offer to give Hood his rations — Movements of General Thomas's com- mand — The Fourth and Twenty-third Corps assigned to General Thomas — Sherman's order — His instructions — A part of Hood's force crosses the Tennes- see — The number of Hood's troops — Effective force of Thomas — Cheatham's Corps crosses the Tennessee — Forrest's raid on Johnsonville — Schoficld passes through Johnsonville to Pulaski — Hood advances on Pulaski — Schoficld's and Thomas's measures — Falling back to Columbia — Calling in the garrisons — The crossing of Duck River— Hood attempts to flank Schoficld at Spring Hill, but fails to do so — Causes of the failure — The race for Franklin — Schofield wins— The importance of the stake — Schofield keeps the Rebels at bay till his men have thrown up temporary defences — Hood's address to his troops — His plan — Its partial success — Heroism of General Stanley — Resultsof the Battle— Sketch of (teneral Stanley — Schofield falls back to Nashville, and Milroy to Murfrces- boro — Thomas's reinforcements come up — Position of the two Armies — Hood's blunder — The expedition against Murfreesboro — Its failure — Thomas prepares to attack Hood's left, at the same time demonstrating upon his right — The Battle of Nashville — First day — Hosidts — Hood's condition and hopes — Second day — Disposition of tha troops — Cavalry attack on the rear — The general advance — The assault — Repulse — Advancing again — The enemy's lines broken, and he CONTENTS. 81 compelled to fly in the utmost disorder — The retreat — The pursuit — Its relent- less character — Results — Gallant conduct of Colonel Palmer — The campaign in Bast Tennessee and Western Virginia — Battles of Eangsport, Abington and Marion — Capture of Wytheville and Saltville — Burbridge's return to Kentucky. 871 CHAPTER LXIX. The Army of the Potomac and the Army of the James — Grant strikes the Weldon Railroad — Sharp fighting — After a desperate engagement Reams's Station falls into the hands of the enemy — Fort, or Battery Harrison capt\ired — Battle of ChiifBn's Farm — Capture of Fort McRae — Battle of Peebles' Farm — Kautz's Cavalry defeated — Attempt to turn the right flank of the Union Army — It fails — Repulse of the Union troops — The Battle of Hatcher's Rim — Mahone inter- poses between the Second and Fifth Corps — Failure of the entire movement — The first expedition against Fort Fisher — General Butler's management — The powder-boat — General Butler's debarkation, reconnoissance, and re-embarkation — He is relieved of his command — The second expedition, under command of General Terry — Furious bombardment — The Fort carried — Sketch of General Terry— Sketch of Admiral Porter 893 CHAPTER LXX. The Goldsboro campaign — Sherman determines to march through the Carolinas • — Movement of the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Corps to Hilton Head — Capture of Pocotaligo Bridge — Movement of the left wing — Delayed by floods — Grover's Division garrisons Savannah — Savannah and its defences transferred to Major- General Foster — The Rebels adopt the Salkahatchie as their defensive line — Movements of the Army of the Tennessee — Slow progress of the left wing — — The advance upon Orangeburg — Evacuation of Charleston — The approach to Oolimibia — Surrender of the City — Destructive fire — The advance to Winns- boro — Balpatrick's movements — The speculations of the Rebels as to Sherman's objective — They compel Davis to give Johnston the command of their Armies in North and South Carolina — Crossing the Wateree — The approach to, and capture of, Cheraw.— Advance on Fayetteville, N. C. — Hardee abandons it^— The Battle of Solomon's Grove — Kilpatrick surprised, but rallies and defeats the enemy — Sherman's letter to the Lieutenant-General — His correspondence with Wheeler and Wade Hampton — Pusillanimity and cowardice of South Carolina — The horrors of War dealt out to her in full measure — North Carolina spared — The last stage of the campaign — Hardee's attack on the left wing at Averys- boro — The Battle of Bentonville — The advance to Goldsboro — Mowers' daring flank movement — Goldsboro reached, and the Army resting and receiving sup- plies—General Sherman's summing up of results 913 CHAPTER LXXI. Surrender of Rebel Fortifications at the entrance to Wilmington Harbor — Gen- eral Schofield put in command of the Department of North Carolina — The advance upon Fort Anderson — The Rebels abandon the Port — The operations of the Fleet — General Cox crosses Town Creek, bombards Eagle Island — Crosses Brunswick River, and drives the enemy out of Wilmington — Results — The movement on Kinston and Goldsboro — Battle at Southwest Creek — Capture of Union troops — Kinston evacuated, and occupied by Schofield— General Terry moves from Wilmington to Goldsboro — General Grant determines to cut Lee's communications on the Northwest — Sheridan's raid on Lynch- burg — General Grant's instructions to Generals Meade, Ord, and Sheridan — Gordon's attack upon Fort Stedman — He captures the Fort, but it is retaken Si CONTENTS. — General Meade's Congratulatory Order — The general advance upon Lee's lines — General Grant's instructions to General Sheridan- — General Warren's repulse — His Corps put under Sheridan's command — Sheridan's Battle at Dinwiddie Court House — The Battle of Five Forks — Attack on the Fortifications of Petersburg — Petersburg and Richmond evacuated — Pursuit of Lee — Battles of Jetersville, Farmville, High Bridge, DeatonsviUe, and Appomatos Station — Correspondence between Grant and Lee — Surrender of Lee — Sketch of Gen- eral Lee 985 CHAPTER LXXIL The Assassination of the President — The circumstances — Attempt to murder other High Officers of the Government — Arrest and punishment of the Assas- sins — Sketch of Lincoln — The stability of the Government demonstrated — The advance of Sherman to Smithfield and Raleigh — Dispositions made to compel Johnston's surrender — Johnston asks an interview — The "memoran- dum drawn up and sent to Washington — Its terms — Its rejection by the Cabinet — General Grant bears the news, and is authorized to take command — Sherman's prompt action — Johnston surrenders on the same terms as Lee — Sherman marches his Army to Richmond and Washington — Disbanding of the forces — Stoneman's expedition — Canby's siege and capture of Mobile — Surrender of the Rebel Fleet — General Dick Taylor's surrender — Wilson's Cavalry expedition— Capture of Montevallo and Randolph — Croxton's separate expedition — The Battle and capture of Selma — Capture of Montgomery, Wetumpka, Ala., and Columbus, Ga. — Battle at West Point, Ga. — Its capture — La Grange, Griffin, and Forsyth captured— Sherman's Armistice — Capture of Macon — Detention at Macon — Croxton's return to the Main Army — His achievements — The surrender of all the Rebel troops East of the Chatta- hoochie — Distribution of troops — Pursuit and capture of Jefferson Davis — " The poor old mother" and her boots — Disposition made of the prisoner— Re- sults of Wilson's campaign — Kirby Smith's surrender — Sheridan on the Rio Grande 958 CHAPTER LXXIIL Finances of the War — Unpromising state of affairs when Mr. Chase became Secre- tary of the Treasury — His measures — The confidence of capitalists and the people secured — The first Seven-thirties — I'he Five-twenty bonds — Bonds of 1881 — Compound Interest notes — Ten-forties — The Seven-thirties of 1864, and 1865 — Their immense sale — The early Gold Demand Notes — The Legal Tender Notes — Fractional Currency — Certificates of Indebtedness — Statistical table of the debt — Taxation — Customs — Internal Revenue — Income Tax — Amount of Revenue collected — The National Banking System — Suspension of Specie Payment and rise of Gold — Comparison of our National Debt and that of Great Britain in 1815 — Probable time of payment of the Debt — Rebel losses of Slave Property — Losses by Cavalry expeditions and raids — Union losses by raids and by Rebel Privateers — Grants made for Bounties and aid of Soldiers' families — The contributions for the Sick and Wounded — The United States Sanitary Commission — The Western Sanitary Commission — The Christian Commission — The Freedmen's Aid Commission — The'Union Commission — Other donations — The effect of this liberality on the Nation 989 CHAPTER LXXrV. Review of the War 1002 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. INTROD[JCTION, ORIGIN OF THE SOnTHEEN REBELLION — CLASSIFICATION OP ITS SEVERAL CAUSES — THE ACT OP 1816 RESPBCTINQ A TARIFF — AGENCY OP HENRY CLAY AND JOHN QUINCT ADAMS — POSITION OF JOHN C. CALHOUN — HE FIRST CONCEIVES HIS PROJECT OF NULLIFICATION — HIS MEMORIAL TO GOVERNOR HAMILTON — THE OPERATION OP A HIGH TARIFF — THE LEGIS- LATURE OF SOUTH CAROLINA — OUTBREAK OF THE NULLIFICATION MOVEMENT — VIGOROUS MEASURES OP PRESIDENT JACKSON — MR. CALHOUN IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE — A MEMORABLE DEBATE — FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE DIFFICULTY — AMERICAN SLAVERY — ITS ORIGIN — THE PROPOSITION OP THOMAS JEFFERSON — SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES^ — THE COMPACT OP 1787 — COMPROMISE OF HENRY CLAY — ANNEXATION OF TEXAS — THE WILMOT PROVISO — COMPROMISE OP 1850 — SLAVERY IN KANSAS — RISE OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY — ITS PRINCIPLES AND POLICY — ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN — TREASON IN THE FEDERAL CABINET — PRELIMINARY OPERATIONS OF THE CONSPIRATORS — POLICY OF MR. BUCHANAN RESPECTING SECESSION — PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OP 1860 — ELECTION OP MR. LINCOLN — THE DOCTRINE OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY AS OPPOSED TO FEDERAL CENTRALI- ZATION — DISCUSSION OF THE SUBJECT. From the period of the establishment of the Federal Government, the people of South Carolina have been remarkable for their restive and trouble- some temper. They were among the most tardy and reluctant of the States in announcing their approval and acceptance of the Federal Con- stitution. They have always entertained a false and exaggerated estimate of their own importance in the Union ; and in all the troubles which have disturbed and alienated the opposite portions of the country, in all the conflicts in the National Legislature which have endangered the per- petuity of the Union, they and their leading statesmen have had an un- enviable prominence. Their pernicious influence has been extended on various occasions to the communities immediately around them ; and in some instances their disloyal example has been followed by not a few of the Southern States. Thus it was that they were gradually instrumental in fomenting a feeling extremely hostile to the Federal Government, which at length culminated in the outbreak of the Southern Rebellion. Although the censure due to the originators and chief perpetrators of that great crime does not belong exclusively to the people of South Carolina, it is but justice to ascribe to their agency a predominating (3) (33) 3i THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. sliare of it. We may arrange all the controversies which contributed to the birth of this Rebellion, under the three following general heads : I. The Free Trade Policy, which, under the influence of Mr. Calhoun, led to the experiment of Nullification. TI. The Advocacy of Slavery, both as already existing in the Southern States, and as proposed in the new territories of the Federal Union. III. The Doctrine of State Sovereignty and Supremacy, in opposition to the policy of Federal Centralization and Power. In discussing the various causes which led to the Southern Rebellion, we will treat of them as comprised under these three general topics, and in the order of their historical sequence. I. In the year 1816 an act was passed by the Federal Congress, by which a reduction of five per cent, was made on imported woolen and cotton goods. The people and the statesmen of the country who were in favor of the policy of protection, were opposed to this reduction, and determined as soon as possible to secure the adoption of a higher tariff. Accordingly, in 1824, Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams suc- ceeded in obtaining the passage of a law, by which the profits of certain kinds of manufactures were greatly increased. It was soon discovered that the manufacturers of the Eastern States, those engaged in the iron trade in Pennsylvania, and the producers of wool and hemp in the Northern and Western States, who constituted the most important por- tions of the mercantile community in the nation, were not sufficiently protected by this tariff. Accordingly, in the session of Congress of 1827-8, after a long and desperate conflict with the advocates of the interests of the single staple of the South — cotton — a bill was passed imposing a tariff of duties, the average rate of which was nearly fifty per cent, on imports. This act received the votes of all the Representatives of the nation except those of the more prominent Southern States. The -latter condemed it in the most violent terms : stigmatized it as a " bill of abominations;" and began to mutter threats of future resistance and ven- geance. At that period the most distinguished member of Congress from the South, with the single exception of the patriotic Henry Clay, was John Caldwell Calhoun, of South Carolina. No man excelled him, among that high and brilliant galaxy of genius, in logical acuteness, in his power of close, clear, demonstrative reasoning, in his general knowledge of the principles of international and municipal law, and in the boldness and fearlessness of his character. He was even then the Magnus Aijolh of Sectionalism ; and as soon as the tariff of 1828 was passed, in spite of his opposition and that of his confederates, by which the interests of the cotton States were made secondary to the welfare of the whole nation, he commenced to revolve in his mind the desperate scheme of Nullification. If the National Government would not become subservient to the promo- CLASSIFICATION OF ITS CAUSES— THE ACT OF 1816. 35 tion of the interests of the South could it not be possible to resist and overpower that government, v.'ithin the limits of the offended states? Calhoun's answer to this inquiry was an affirmative one. Immediately after the adoption of this high tariff, meetings were held in several portions of South Carolina, in which the policy of Nullification was introduced, discussed, and finally commended. At the request of eoine of his constituents, Mr. Calhoun prepared a document, in July, 1831, which defended this policy under the existing state of affairs. This pro- duction was styled "The South Carolina Exposition and Protest on the subject of the Tariff," and was addressed to the Legislature of the State. That body ordered a large number of copies to be printed and distributed, and afterward passed a resolution which declared the Tariff Acts of Con- gress for the protection of the manufacturers of the North and East un- constitutional ; asserted that they ought to be resisted, and invited other States of the South to unite with South Carolina in opposing the execution of those acts within their respective limits. At that period Andrew Jackson and Mr. Calhoun were personal and political friends. But soon the latter became dissatisfied with the admin- istration of the former, and was gradually alienated from him. The President did not condemn the high tariff, as Mr. Calhoun believed it his duty to do; and from the year 1831 Mr. Calhoun took the position of an open enemy to his policy and his person. One cause of the hostility which thenceforth existed between these remarkable men, was the fact, that at that period General Jackson discovered that Mr. Calhoun had, while a member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, advised that he should be rep- rimanded for his conduct during the Seminole war, in putting Arbuthnot and Armbruster to death. Thenceforth there was a bitter and implacable hostility between them, which endured without abatement till the end of their lives. Mr. Calhoun continued his active agency in preparing the people of South Carolina for forcible resistance to the Federal Government, and in preparing the way for practical Nullification. In August, 1882, he addressed a memorial of great length and marked ability to James Ham- ilton, at that time Governor of South Ca-rolina, presenting all the arguments which could be devised in favor of that policy. In this production, which the people of South Carolina regarded as their Magna Gharta, he assumed and defended the position that the Federal Constitution was a mere compact, which had been made and ratified by the several States which had adopted it, and that they had done so in their capacity as sovereign and indepen- dent governments. He further contended, that in adopting the Federal Constitution, the several States regarded the General Government merely as their agent in the exercise of certain powers and functions which they had delegated to that government, of the extent and nature of which the States themselves were, and always must remain, the final and supreme 36 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. judges. lie concluded by endeavoring to prove, that when the General Government abused the powers thus delegated to it by the several States, in the opinion of all or any of them, the State or States so regarding it, possessed the right to resist and nullify the illegal acts performed by the Federal Government, each within its own particular limits. These positions Mr. Calhoun defended with great vigor of thought and force of reasoning. His views were, however, in opposition to those of Washington, Hamilton, and nearly all the founders of the Federal Government. They were condemned by the whole "Whig party through- out the nation ; and even the majority of the Democratic party through- out the South, with the exception of South Carolina, withheld their approval of them. The results produced by the existence and operation of a high tarift' were found to be most beneficial. The surplus of the revenue constantly increased. The public debt was rapidly melting away from the ample resources furnished by the duties on imports. President Jackson stated, in his annual message of December, 1831, that soon the public debt would by this precess be entirely liquidated ; and recommended that, inasmuch as so high a tariff would then be no longer necessary, it should be after- ward reduced. Accordingly the act of 1832 was passed by Congress, which was declared by its supporters to be the ultimatum, the permanent proportion, of imposts which ought to exist and be retained in the country. But this wise policy did uot satisfy Mr. Calhoun and his confederates. He and they insisted that if the public debt had been liquidated by the public revenue, then there was no longer a necessity for any tariff what- ever; and that the reduced tariff just aflopted was entirely too high to remain as the permanent law of the land, after the exigencies of the nation and of the government had been met. As no one except the people and representatives of South Carolina could discover the force or the conclusiveness of this reasoning they stood alone in the advocacy of their position. The rest of the nation contended and believed that the machinery of the National Government involved other expenses, and required other resources besides those connected with the public debt ; and consequently they insisted that there should still remain a reasonable tariff, which might furnish a sufficient revenue to meet other inevitable expenditures. They therefore refused to adopt tlie free trade policy, as contended for by the people and the politicians of South Carolina. This determination was the signal for an immediate resort to desperate measures by the disaffected. The Representatives in Congress from South Carolina issued an address to the people of that State, informing them that the Federal Government had at last adopted the protective system &s its "permanent and unalterable policy ; asserting that no hope of future relief could be entertained from that source, and urging them to adopt OUTBREAK OP THE NULLIFICATION MOVEMENT. 3^ such measures as would effectually remedy the evil. An election for members of the State Legislature was about to take place, and the issue was at once formed for or against Nullification, among the candidates voted for. A violent contest ensued. Although the great majority of the electors in the State were in favor of the policy of Mr. Calhoun, there was another party in existence, small, but highly respectable, and very determined, headed by the distinguished statesman Joel R. Poinset, who supported the measures of the General Government. But their efforts in behalf of law and order were unavailing, and the struggle terminated in the election of a large majority of Nullifiers to the Legislature. That body assembled in October, 1832, and chose delegates to a State Convention, which met at Columbia on the 19th of November. On the 24th of the month, the Convention passed the famous order of Nullifica- tion. That ordinance declared the acts of Congress of 1828 and 1832 to be wholly null and void within the limits of the State of South Carolina. It forbade any appeal to be made to the Supreme Court of the United States in any case involving the validity of the ordinance itself. It prohibited the authorities of the State of South Carolina, or of the Fede- ral Government, from executing the acts of Congress aforesaid within the State, from and after the first of February, 1833 ; and it declared that any attempt made by the Federal Government to enforce the revenue laws otherwise than through the civil tribunals, which would of course be abortive, would be an outrage so great as to ."justify the State in seceding from the Union, and in estahlishing a separate and independent government^ The Legislature of South Carolina was still in session, and that body immediately passed resolutions which approved of this ordinance, and gave it greater effect. It did more. It ordered the State to be placed in a position of defence; it organized, armed, and equipped the number of troops which were deemed necessary to resist the General Government in its efforts to enforce the collection of the revenue; and -it encouraged the citizens to maintain their position and to defend their invaded rights until the last extremity. As soon as the action of the Nullifiers of South Carolina became known to the inflexible hero and patriot who then sat in the chief executive chair of the nation, he took the most vigorous measures to crush them. He issued a proclamation declaring the ordinance of the State Convention treasonable, and subversive of the Federal Constitution ; he announced his determination to enforce the collection of the national revenue at all hazards; and ho cautioned the people of the State of South Carolina against the ruinous policy which they were tempted to adopt. This proclamation was answered by another from Mr. Hayue, at that time Governor of the State, in which the policy of Nullification was justified. At the same time the latter summoned twelve thousand volunteers to take arms in (^position to the Federal troops. 88 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. During tlie progress of these events Mr. Calhoun had remained in South Carolina, and had been the prime mover in the rebellion. In December, 1832, he was chosen to succeed Mr. Hayne in the United States Senate, and to defend the conduct of his native State in the Na tional Legislature. At that moment President Jackson was undecided whether it was not his duty to arrest Mr. Calhoun before he reached Washington, on the charge of treason ; and the general impression was, fihat such an event would take- place. Beyond the limits of South Caro- lina Mr. Calhoun was generally regarded with distrust, sometimes with abhorrence, as being in heart a traitor to the government; and on his way to Washington, he was repeatedly assailed by the clamors and in- sults of the indignant people. But he was at that time Vice President of the United States, and he remained invested with that office until he took his seat in the Senate. That fact and other prudent considerations, induced Jackson to refrain from the extreme measure which he had once contemplated. But it is worthy of remark, that the stern hero of New Orleans afterward bitterly regretted his lenity on this occasion, and con- tinued to do so during the remainder of his life. Shortly after Mr. Calhoun took his seat in the Senate, he introduced a resolution requesting the President of tbe United States to lay before that body the documents connected with the Nullification ordinance, cer- tified copies of which had been transmitted to him by Governor Ilayne. Immediately, and before his request could be complied with. General Jackson addressed a message to the Senate bearing date January 16th, 1833, in which he condemned the conduct of South Carolina in reference to the question of Nullification. This message, and all the documents having i-eference to the matter, were referred to the Committee on the Judiciary for consideration. Daniel Webster was a prominent member of this committee, and exerted himself to procure the adoption of such a report as should effectually crush the scorpion head of Nullification. Under his guidance the committee reported the famous Force Bill, which invested the President with additional powers in reference to the matter, and extended and increased the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States in cases arising under the revenue laws. Tlie acknowledged pur- pose of this bill was to enable and encourage the President to put down Nullification by force of arms. At this crisis Mr. Calhoun came forward, and enacted the most distin- guished and important achievement of his life. lie addressed the Senate, and proposed that, before the discussion of the provisions of this bill should be commenced, the important abstract questions of constitutional law, which were involved in the issue, should be debated; and in order to bring about that result, he introduced a number of resolutions, which included the topics at issue. These resolutions contained the substance and the germ of the whole policy of southern resistance to the Federal Gov MR. CALHOUN IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE. 39 ernment, and they have been since, and still remain, the creed and catechism of secession politicians. The overwhelming majority which was arrayed against Mr. Calhoun in the Senate, soon laid those resolutions upon the table; and the bill reported by the committee was then taken up for consideration. A memorable debate ensued. Mr. Calhoun deliv- ered on this occasion his ablest effort, known as his "speech against the Force Bill." But his logic and eloquence were useless. The bill passed, after one of the most magnificent displays of forensic power and genius ever witnessed in that hall, which has been the arena of so many masterly and consummate orators. The bill became a law on the 28th of February, 183S. Immediately afterward, General Jackson adopted the most vigorous measures to crush the power and the life of the hydra of Nullification. He dispatched General Scott with a body of troops to Charleston. Forts Pinckney and Moultrie, which have been since invested with an unfortunate celebrity, were strongly garrisoned. When the rebels discovered that they had no time-serving, imbecile, pusillanimous supreme magistrate to contend with ; when they saw that, if they persisted in resisting the pro- cesses and the writs of the Federal Government, Charleston would be bombarded, and they would feel the full weiglit of the just indignation of the government, they retraced their steps, their ardor died out, they approved of more prudent measures; and eventually the same State Convention which had adopted the infamous Ordinance of Nullification, repealed it, and ceased their opposition to the authority of the United States. Such was the termination of the first attempt of the politicians of South Carolina to resist the execution of the laws, and to destroy the unity of the National Government. Nor can we forbear here to indulge the re- flection that if, on the more recent outbreak of rebellion which has oc- curred in that State, so thoroughly infected with treason, a chief execu- tive officer, possessing the same energy, sagacity, and patriotism, had occupied the highest seat of power, measures of the same efi'ective nature would have been adopted, which would have speedily led to the accom- plishment of the same glorious and felicitious results. The seed, how- ever, which Calhoun and his associates sowed, fell into productive soil, took deep root, sprang up, and brought forth deadly and noxious fruit, some sixty, some even a hundred fold. His memorable saying was not forgotten : " If you should ask me the word that I would wish to have engraven on my tombstone, I answer, it is Nullification." II. The second cause which led to the Southern Eebellion was the con- test, often characterized by extreme bitterness and malignity, which has been progressing during many years between the opposite portions of this Union, in reference to the extension and restriction of slavery, ita perpetuity in those States in which it already existed, and its introduction 10 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. into those new Territories which have been, and which might hereafter be, from time to time, organized by the Federal Government. In March, I80O, John C. Calhoun declared, in the Senate of the United States, that he had believed from the first that " the agitation of the sub- ject of slavery would, if not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in the dissolution of the Union." His prediction was veri- fied. The " agitation" of so important an institution can n^er be pre- vented or suspended, even on tlie part of prudent, moderate, and con- servative statesmen, and hence the expedient of disunion was at last re- sorted to. We will present a brief survey of the facts connected with the past history and discussion of this irrepressible subject in our country. On the 22d of December, 1620, a Dutch trading vessel, a slave ship, sailing directly from the coast of Africa, pasaed up James river, in Vir- ginia, and landed twenty negroes, who were immediately sold to the chief inhabitants of Jamestown. They were the first slaves of African origin who ever existed on the American continent. The purchasers were English adventurers, aristocratic cavaliers, who, at home, had been accustomed to idleness and luxury, but having become reduced in wealth, had emigrated to the new world to improve their broken fortunes. To men of such habits and tastes the presence of such chattels as slaves, compelled to obey all their whims and minister to all their caprices, was a very acceptable and novel addition to their means of enjoyment. The example of this Dutch slave dealer, whose name has passed into an igno- minious oblivion, was soon followed by others; and in a short time vessels, crowded with the manacled and helpless children of Africa, sailed into every port of the American continent, and freely sold their human cargoes to the inhabitants of every colony which had then been planted. By this means, and by the natural increase of the negroes, slavery became gradually established in all the thirteen colonies. Immediately after the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, and while the several States were still governed by the Articles of Confederation, Thomas Jeffer- son introduced a resolution into the Continental Congress to the effect that, after the year 1800, no slavery should exist in any of the Western Terri- tories or on any soil not included within the established and ancient limits of the States themselves. This proposition was made in April, 1784. But it was overruled because, though sixteen delegates voted for it, and only seven against it, the Articles of Confederation required that the votes of m«e States should be given in favor of any resolution to give it the validity of law. When the Federal Constitution was discussed previous to its adoption, this subject was the most difficult with which the immortal sages and statesmen who composed that instrument were called upon to deal. Already had this institution become closely inter- woven with all the customs, interests, and associations of the citizens of AMERICAN SLAVERY— ITS ORIGIN. 41 the Southern States ; and whatever might be the abstract opinions which the people of those States entertained in reference to the subject of , human liberty, and the equal rights of man, their personal feeling and their individual interests had become identified with negro bondage, as an essential feature of their social and political existence. All, there- fore, that could be done by the advocates of the discontinuance of this institution was, to obtain the introduction of a clause in the amendments to the Constitution, somewhat ambiguous in its meaning, which enacted that "No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." As this provision amounted to little or nothing in restricting the difi^u- sion of slavery, when new Territories were occupied and settled in the South, and were afterward elevated to the dignity and invested with the prerogatives of sovereign States, slavery invariably went hand in hand with that process. Thus, when Kentucky was formed out of the limits of Virginia, when Tennessee was carved out of those of North Carolina, when Alabama and Mississippi were created from those of Georgia, this institution constituted a component element of their political and social existence. When first these regions were ceded to the Federal Govern- ment as Territories, it was with the express understanding, that Congress should not attempt by any law or statute to abolish slavery within their boundaries ; and they even stipulated, by an express condition, that when these Territories had acquired the requisite number of white inhabitants to entitle them to admission to the Union as States, they should be thus admitted with the institution of slavery as it then already existed in them, fully recognized, allowed, and protected. The sixth- article of the compact made in 1787, between the United States and the people and States west and northwest of the river Ohio, pro- hibited the introduction of slavery in those immense regions. An attempt was made in January, 1807, in the American Congress, to sus- pend this article for ten years throughout the vast " Indiana Territory," of which General Harrison was then the Governor. It failed, and thus those States and Territories have ever since remained exempt from the presence and the incubus of negro slavery. On three several occasions a desperate struggle occurred in Congress, in reference to the existence of slavery in the territory comprised within the State of Missouri. The first was in 1817, when she was admitted as a Territory. Then an eftbrt was made to have a clause forbidding the existence of slavery in her limits inserted in her constitution. After a long and angry debate that clause was expunged. The second contest occurred in 1819, when Missouri presented her claim to admission to the Union as a State. Henry Clay was then Speaker of the House, and the committee appointed by him to report on the subject, were all, with a 42 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. • single exception, Representatives from tlie South. They reported in favor of the recognition of slavery in the Territory. Tlieir recommendation, after .another protracted and vigorous conflict, was supported by both Houses ; and slavery was recognized by an express clause of the Constitu- tion of the State. The third combat on this subject occurred in 1820. It was called forth by an attempt of the pro-slavery advocates to amend the Constitution of the State, so as to prevent free negroes from entering and residing within the limits of Missouri ; and asking the approval of Con- gress to the measure. On this occasion, after a lengthy discussion, Henry Clay, who may justly be termed the Napolton of Compromises, came for- ward with his famons Missouri Compromise, as the best possible settle- ment of a difficulty which became apparently more complicated and more pernicious from hour to hour. He proposed, in the report of a committee of which he was the chairman, that a pledge should be required of the Legislature of Missouri, that the Constitution of that State should not be interpreted to authorize the passage of a law, .bj' which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded from the enjoyment of all the privileges and immunities to which they were anywhere entitled, under the Constitution of the United States. The meaning of this proposition was, that as negroes were then recognized by the constitutions of several of the State.s, as citizens possessing certain rights ; and as the Federal Con- stitution recognized the validity of those State constitutions, therefore, the State of Missouri should not pass any law which deprived the free negroes residing within her limits of the rights which they might elsewhere have possessed. The measure introduced and advocated by Mr. Clay, was eventually passed, and became the law of the land in February, 1821. Tha Territory of Texas was originally a province belonging to the Vice-royalty of Mexico, while that State was yet a portion of the Spanish monarchy. After the deliverance of Mexico from Spanish power and tyranny, Texas remained a part of the Mexican Republic. In 1835 her inhabitants revolted from the authority of that Republic, and estab- lished an independent government. In 1836 the decisive victory of San Jacinto secured the perpetuity of their liberties, by delivering the Texans from the authority of their former rulers. In 18-ii the new Republic apj-lied for admission to the Federal Union ; and as slavery already ex- isted within her limits, that difficult and eternally obtrusive theme became a prominent element of the discussions which ensued in conse- quence of her application. Texas was finally admitted to the Union in 1845, with a clause in her constitution fully recognizing the existence of slavery within her borders. The war with Mexico whose government had protested against the ad- mission of Texas, immediately followed. The armies of the United States, under the generalship of the gallant Scott and Taylor, marched into the SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 43 territory of the enemy, and carried the Stars and Stripes in triumph fi'om one field of glory to another, until they were unfurled, and waved in majestic splendor, from the summit of the towers and spires of the . city "of Montezuma. During the progress of this memorable war, the Federal' Congress voted liberal supplies to our armies in Mexico ; but in August, 1846, when President Polk demanded an appropriation of thirty thousand dollars for immediate use, and two millions more for subsequent exigen- cies, a number of the Representatives from the North determined to em- brace the opportunity to place some restriction, as the price of their votes, upon the extension of slavery in the territory which had been the cause of the war. Hon. David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, was chosen aa the representa- tive of this faction, and he offered in the House his famous proposition, known as the Wilmot Proviso. That Proviso set forth : " That as an ex- press and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty which may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the monies herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servi- tude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." This proposition, after being adopted by the House, was rejected by the Senate. It was subse- quently revived in various forms, and under different disguises. Mean- while the war progressed to a glorious conclusion, and other topics of grave and absorbing interest occupied the attention of Congress and the nation. But the peculiar circumstances under which the Wilmot Proviso happened to have been originally proposed, gave it a prominence in the annals of American political affairs, to which it was not entitled by any inherent importance or merit of its own. After the triumphant termination of the war with Mexico, a grateful nation elevated Zachary Taylor to the Presidential chair. It became the duty of the Congress which immediately afterward convened, to determine whether or not slavery should be admitted into the newly-acquired Ter- ritories of California and New Mexico. This topic elicited, as was usually the case, a^discussion of extreme duration and violence. At length, in January, 1850, Henry Clay proposed his resolutions in the Senate known as the Compromise of 1850. The most important propositions contained in this remarkable docu- ment were these : That it was inexpedient for Congress to provide by law, either for the introduction of slavery into, or for its exclusion from any of the territory acquired by the United States from Mexico ; that ter- ritorial governments should be provided by Congress for all those new acquisitions, without adopting any provision whatever respecting slavery ; that it was inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, as long as slavery existed in Maryland ; that, however, it was expedient to 44 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. prohibit, within the District, the sale of slaves which should be brought into it from other States, either for the purpose of being sold in it, or of being transported through it to slave markets elsewhere. In support of this compromise Mr. Clay exhausted, for the last time, all the resources' of his marvellous and matchless eloquence, — an eloquence whose persua- sive power and pathos the heavy burden of years had been unable to di- minish or enfeeble. The venerable statesman presented in the Senate of the United States, on that occasion, one of the sublimest spectacles ever ex- hibited by pure patriotism., by exalted genius, and by dauntless hero- ism, iq the annals of mankind. He believed that the safety and perpe- tuity of the Federal Union, to whose power and glory he had himself contributed so much and so long, depended upon the adoption of the measures which he then proposed ; and he acted and spoke accordingly. One of the most memorable debates which ever occurred in the National Legislature ensued, in the discussion of these propositions. Eminent Senators delivered some of their most elaborate and masterly arguments. Among those who opposed them with great zeal, was Jefferson Davis, then honored as the Senator from Mississippi. During the long period of two months, the subject occupied the exclusive atten- tion of Congress. Mr. Clay's propositions gradually became modified by so many amendments, mutilations, and addenda, that they were finally termed, with considerable show of propriety, the Omnibus Bill. As the Omnibus Bill, they were eventually passed by both Houses ; but when thus adopted they retained very little of the spirit and of the purposes which characterized them when they iirst proceeded from the gifted mind and the patriotic heart of the Sage of Ashland. Another impor- tant feature of this act was the adoption of a more efficient fugitive slave law, by which the slave property of the South was protected still more zealously and efficiently than before. All these struggles, to which the institution of slavery had thus far given rise, were mere impalpable conflicts of words. A time now ap- proached, in the history of this controversy, when it assumed more tragical and desperate aspects, and became invested with more formida- ble and repulsive features. In the session of Congress of 1852-3, Stephen A. Douglas introduced a bill for the purpose of organizing the Territory of Nebraska out of the region lying immediately west of Missouri. It is evident that this Territory was included within the limits of that tract from which slavery was forever to be excluded, and to which exclusion the Southern States had themselves consented, by the terms of the Missouri Compro- mise, in order that they might obtain the admission of Missouri as a slave State. In 1852 the National Conventions, both of the Whig and the Democratic parties, indorsed and accepted the Compromise of 1850, which implied that the Territory of Nebraska should not be made a slave SLAVERY IN KANSAS. AS region. In January, 1854, Mr. Douglas reported a bill for the purpose of organizing the Territory of Nebraska, in which a clause was intro- duced, which declared that the Missouri restriction on slavery in that Territory was inoperative tmd void. In May, 1854, this bill passed both Houses of Congress, was signed by the President, and became a law. During the progress of the discussion, however, the bill had been variously modified ; and, when finally adopted, it contained the following important provision : that it was the true meaning and intent of the act of 1850, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to ex- clude it therefrom ; " but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to regulate their own domestic institution in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States;" and that such a policy of non- intervention, neither protecting, establishing, prohibiting, nor abolishing slavery within the Nebraska Territory, should remain a fundamental principle in its Constitution. Subsequent to the passage of this law, aad expressly covered by its provisions, the Territory of Kansas was organized. It unquestionably left the people, that is, those who were the lawful citizens of both Ter- ritories, at liberty to determine for themselves whether or not slavery should" exist in future within their limits. It devolved the important duty of deciding the matter upon the legal authorities of each Territory, chosen in a legitimate manner, and expi-essing their will in a constitu- tional way. Then the great struggle began in regard to the ultimate decision of the people respecting the existence of slavery in future among them; and then were enacted all those horrors and outrages which have rendered the annals of Kansas a dark and repulsive spot on the pages of American history. After the organization of the Territory, successive Governors, ap- pointed by the President, administered its affairs with different degrees of integrity and success, some of them being honest, sober, and capable men ; others being knavish, drunken, and imbecile. The legal inhabi- tants of Kansas began to assemble in various portions of the Territory, to express their opinions in public meetings, to arrange their plans of political action, and to perform other duties which devolved on them as good citizens. Prominent among these duties, in the progress of time, were the adoption of a State constitution and the formation of a State government. The paramount question to be decided by them still was, whether slavery should be recognized and permitted as a future element in the laws and the social condition of the community. Conventions were held at Lawrence, at Topeka, and elsewhere. The convention which sat at Topeka in September, 1855, possessed all the sanctions and forms of law in its favor, which were necessary to invest its_ acts with a legitimate and binding authority. It was summoned by an express proclamation of the Governor. It was attended by all the executive 4& THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. officers of tbe Territory, by the Clerk of the Supreme Court, and by the Attorney-General. Its members were chosen 'in a legal manner, and they represented the lawful inhabitants of the Territory. They passed a resolution providing for the better government and organization of the State, designated the proper qualification of voters, and appointed the times and places where these voters should assemble to determine whether slavery should in future exist witliin their limits. The large majority of the inhabitants of Kansas were ardently opposed to slavery. The Territory had long been the scene of execrable acts of violence and disorder which were perpetrated chiefly by that class of depraved and irresponsible persons who will always constitute a part of the inhabitants of any new territory. But at the period which now arrived, these outrages assumed a more terrible form, and events occurred in that remote and primitive region, which make the citizens of a well ordered and prosperous social State shudder with horror. This contest also assumed importance in another respect. Kansas became represen- tative ground, and the struggle a representative one between the whole North and South — between the partisans of slavery and the advocates of freedom throughoul the entire nation. As the question whether Kansas should thenceforth be a free State was to be determined at the ballot-box, the ballot-box became the centre around which many of these violent outrages clustered. The majority of the opponents of the freedom of Kansas were to be found among the desperate and savage adventurers who lived in Missotfri, in the vicinity of the Kansas border. Immense crowds of these ruffians, infuriated by political rancor, and still more by excess in intoxicating drinks, rode over to the places appointed for holding the elections ; and sometimes by threats, sometimes by actual violence, d^gited the purposes of the law, and interfered with, and often entirely suppressed, the rights of the citizens at the ballot-box. The Convention which was held at Topeka, in Kansas, adopted a free State constitution for the future government of .the T«trit%ryA That constitution was afterward presented in due form to Congress for their approval, by commissioners appointed for that purpose. In the House the document was referred to the Committee on Territories ; a majority of whom reported in favor of the admission of Kansas, under its pro- visions, as a free State. A desperate contest then ensued between the advocates of slavery and its opponents, in which Alexander II. Stephens, of Georgia, afterward the Vice Pi-esident of the Southern Confederacy, especially distinguished himself At length, hov/ever, on the 3d of July, 1856, the final vote was taken upon the subject, and the bill passsed ; thus receiving the sanction of law, so far as the approval of that particular department of the National Legislature was concerned. In this review of the causes which led to the Southern Rebellion, it is RISE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. i*j proper that a brief notice be taken of the famous " Dred Scott case," by which the advocates of the interests of slaveholders succeeded in obtain- ing from a majority of the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States an opinion which threw the weight and the influence of that august tribunal in favor of pro-slavery interests and pretensions. Chief Justice Taney, while concurring in the judgment of the majority of the Court, that the Circuit Court of the United States, for Missouri, had no jurisdic- tion in the suit brought by the plaintiff" in error, Dred Scott, on the ground that the latter was not a citizen of Missouri, went on to take jurisdiction - for the announcement of an opinion, not growing out of the case, nor justly deducible from any thing which had occurred in it, but only de- clared in the interests of slavery, to the effect that for more than a century previous to the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, negroes, whether slave or free, had been regarded as " beings of an inferior order and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or political relations ; and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect," that consequently such persons were not included among the " people " in the general words of that instrument, and could not in any respect be considered as citizens ; that the inhibition of slavery in the territories of the United States, lying north of the line of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, known as the Missouri compromise, was unconstitutional ; and that Dred Scott, a negro slave, who was re- moved by his master from Missouri to Illinois, lost whatever freedom he may have thus acquired, by being subsequently removed into the Territory of Wisconsin, and by his return .to the State of Missouri. To the monstrous assumptions of this ex parte opinion, unsustained as they were by any authorities, and contradicted by an able argument of the Chief Justice himself in his younger and better days, Justices Nelson, Grier, Daniel, Wayne, Campbell and Catron (the last named with some qualifications) gave their sanction ; while Justices McLean and Curtis, confessedly the ablest members of the Court, dissented in able opinions which exhibited the fallacy of the opinions of the Chief Justice. The opinion of Chief Justice Taney was hailed with great satisfaction by the South, which claimed at once that it should be regarded as having the authority of law, a demand which the North never granted. The majority of the people of the Northern States regarded this extra-judicial deliverance of the highest officer of the United States Supreme Court with _ utter loathing and contempt ; and it was, perhaps, fortunate for its author that no case came up to test its authority before the Court was, by the death, resignation and secession of six of its members, including the Chief Justice himself, completely reorganized. The events which had occurred in Kansas during the administration of Mr. Pierce, and the mysterious disappearance of the Whig party, once so powerful and respectable in the arena of American politics, led to the 48 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. sudden rise of a new and formidable political organization, which took the not inappropriate name of the Republican party. It owed its birth, in reality, to the apprehensions created by the continual and insatiable aggressions of the slave power in the United States, which seemed de termined, by every expedient which could possibly be rendered available for that purpose, so to mould and control the Federal Government, in all its various branches, legislative, judicial and executive, as to convert it into the mere tool of a slave propagandism. The new party was com- posed of old Whigs, moderate anti-slavery men, some native Americans, and some Democrats, who, having become convinced that the old Demo- cratic party had entirely betrayed and ignored its primitive principles, felt themselves fully justified in abandoning it. The cardinal doctrine of the Republican party was, not to interfere with the institution of slavery as it already existed, either iu the slave States or even in the slave Terri- tories. Its fundamental principles and purposes, as set forth first in the Philadelphia platform, under which Mr. Fremont was nominated, and afterward in the Chicago platform, under which Mr. Lincoln was nomi- nated, were simply to prevent, by legitimate and constitutional means, the extension of slavery in those Territories which were as yet untainted by its presence and its power. On the 18th of June, 1856, the National Con- vention of the Republican party nominated Mr. Fremont as their candidate for the Presidency. Now, for the first time, were the great issues connected with slavery-extension in the Territories placed before the nation in such a form, that the voice of the whole people could be heard upon them with- out the mixture of fanatical zeal or ultra partizanship. The contest was one of the most violent which had overtaken place in any free government, in connection with the strict observance of law and order. In its desperate throes with the new organization, the ancient Democratic party was shaken to its centre. James Buchanan, whom it had selected as its candidate for the Presidency, guided his confederates through the storm with consum- mate skill. The result of the contest was favorable to his aspirations. Never before had so young a party made so magnificent a display of or- gani^iation and strength as did the Republican on this occasion ; but Mr. Buchanan was elected President by an inconsiderable majority. In March, 1857, he entered upon an administration which deserves to be regarded as the most ignominious which has occurred iu the annals of the Federal Government. His election, indeed, postponed the act of secession on the part of the South for a limited period; for there is sufficient proof to satisfy every impartial mind that the leading politicians of the South had already determined, in 1856, that, if the Republican candidate had then been chosen, the act which disgraced the year 1861, would have been anticipated in the year 1857. The success of the Democratic party, how- ever, deprived them both of the excuse and of the motive for immediate secession. A nother Chief Magistrate had been elected, who, they thought, ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 49 would certainly equal, possibly lie might even excel, all his predecessors in subserviency to southern arrogance and southern interests. This hope was more than realized by the result. Nevertheless, the grand enterprise of secession remained constantly uppermost in the minds of the very same men who afterward achieved it. The Southern Convention which met at Montgomery, Alabama, in 1858, deliberately contemplated the ultimate and inevitable purpose of breaking up the Union into fragments. Already at that period a man of superior talents, of daring spirit, and of perverted ambition, had devoted himself to the attainment of the bad eminence of being regarded as the most active, resolute, and indefatigable of the foes of the Union. William L. Yancey was a prominent member of that Convention, and all the re- sources of his powerful eloquence were employed to give perfect form and vigorous spirit to the enterprise of secession. In order to prepare the way for the attainment of ultimate success, he announced the fact that the South were entitled, and would thenceforth assert their right, to what he termed Congressional Protection to slavery in the Territories ; and that doctrine was announced as being a fundamental part of the future issue in party politics. Soon this idea was promulgated by those jour- nals in the South which were devoted to secession. Tn September, 1858, the New Orleans Delta proclaimed this doctrine as being a leading element of future agitation. The Richmond Enquirer, then under the control of Henry A. Wise, took the same position. But these dema- gogues never expected to achieve so disgraceful a result, as to render the Federal Government subservient to that measure. Their real purpose was to make the demand in Congress, knowing that it would be rejected ; thus to create a fresh hostility between the North and the South, and by the assistance of that hostility to commence the agitation of secession with the greater probabilities of success. The disunion chiefs took time by the forelock, and provided for dis- tant emergencies. In September, 1858, Jefferson Davis alluded in a speech delivered at Jackson, Mississippi, to the possibility of the election of a Eepublican President, and made the following declaration : " If an abolitionist be chosen President of the United States, you will have pre- sented to you the question whether you will permit the government to pass into the hands of your avowed and implacable enemies. Without pausing for an answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be a species of revolution, by which the purposes of the government would be destroyed, and the observance of its mere forms entitled to no respect. In that event, in such manner as should be most expedient, I should deem it your duty to provide for your safety outside of the Union, from those who have already shown the will, and would have acquired the power to deprive you of your birthright, and reduce you to worse than the colonial dependence of your fathers." This sentiment 4 50 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. uttered in 1858, increased in intensity and strength until it was realized in 1861. As the administration of Mr. Buchanan progressed, it became evident that he regarded the interests and the demands of the South with a partial eye. Probably unaware of the desperate extremes to which their leaders were capable of going, and unable to penetrate the ultimate purpose of their designs, he aided them whenever it lay in his power so to do. One important act of this description was the President's agency in reference to the Lecompton Constitution. The Senate not having approved of the instrument which had been adopted by the Topeka Convention, excluding slavery from Kansas, a subtle scheme was contrived by south- ern Eepresentatives for the purpose of forcing Kansas into tlie Union as a slave State, from a knowledge of which scheme even the Governor and Secretary of the Territory were carefully excluded. A new constitution was prepared at Washington, under the auspices of the Administration, the ultimate effect of which was to secure the admission of slavery into the future State. A convention was summoned to meet at Lecompton, for the express purpose of approving and adopting that constitution ; — at the same time, the provision made to exclude the Free State men from an equal share of influence at the ballot-box ; the use of United States troops to overawe citizens in the exercise of their legitimate rights ; and other arbitrary acts, clearly demonstrated the perverted feelings which animated the Chief Executive. When infamous frauds were committed at the ballot-box in Kansas, and returns of the elections were made to the Federal Government, which were known and demonstrated to have been illegal, Mr. Buchanan refused to go behind those returns, and insisted on receiving the voice of one fifth of the population of the Territory as the fairly uttered sentiment of the legal majority. Fortunately there was a formidable power in the legislative department of the Government, which was able to overrule the perversity of the Executive. The result was, that the people of Kansas escaped the misfortune of having an institution forced upon them which was repugnant to their feelings, to their principles, and to their interests. Kansas was eventually admitted to the Union as a free State, in spite of the opposition of the southern politician's, and in spite of the compliant artifices of the President. This event was another heavy grievance to the South ; and it confirmed the foregone conclusion of their leaders in favor of secession. The politicians and statesmen of the South were now convinced, from various indications, that the probabilities in favor of the success of the candidate of the Republican party in 1860 were overwhelming. They accordingly commenced to take the preliminary steps which were neces- sary to accomplish their favorite project. Unfortunately for the Union, the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan was infested with men unworthy of their high trust. In the formation of that Cabinet the South had, as usual, ob- PRELIMINARY OPERATIONS OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 51 tained an undue and exaggerated proportion. When the chief conspira- tors sounded Mr. Floyd, the Secretary of War, they found him a willing and ready tool. He prostituted all the influence and resources of his office to their designs. Quietly and gradually, so as not to excite public suspicion, an immense number of muskets, belonging to the Federal Government, were transported by that traitor to places in the Southern States, where they could be of no possible service in time of peace, but would be ready at hand in the event of war. During the year 1860, a hundred and twenty-five thousand stand of arms were sent southward from the armory at Springfield alone. During that year, not a single musket was sent to any fort or arsenal in the Northern or Western States. Twenty thousand muskets were sold to the South at a merely nominal price. Thus munitions of war were plundered from their rightful owners, and placed in the hands of the secret enemies of the government, for the ex- press and anticipated purpose of destroying it ; and this was done by one who himself held a distinguished post in that government, and had sworn to support the Federal Constitution. Mr. Cobb, Secretary of the Treasu- ry, assisted the infamous enterprise, as far as the functions of his office permitted him. Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, was also a pariiceps criminis. A large proportion of the Cabinet being in the secret service of the enemies of the Union, they commenced their treasonable purposes with decisive advantages in their favor. It is not probable, however, that Mr. Buchanan suspected, much less that he approved of, the designs of these traitors. No reasonable motive can be assigned, or imagined, which could have induced him so to do. He had attained the highest honor known to exist in any free government. He had occupied the seat which had been adorned by the genius and virtues of Washington, Jefferson, and Adams ; and no Southern Confederacy, however successful and powerful it might become, could give him any glory or profit as great or greater than that which he had already attained. The loftiest aspira- tions of his ambition had been realized. He had likewise gratified some of the less noble instincts of his nature, for he had rewarded his worst enemies, and had punished his best friends, to a monstrous and marvellous extent. Why should he desire to see the Union broken into fragments, and his own name descend to posterity surrounded with the execrable distinction of having contributed to destroy that government which, while it had accomplished many better and more commendable things, had also rendered him so illustrious and distinguished? The supposition is extremely improbable and absurd. The Presidential campaign of 1860 presented several very remarkable features. It was a four-sided conflict, in which almost every shade of political opinion was represented by a separate candidate for the Presi- dency. The old Democratic party nominated John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky for that office ; against whom the friends of Stephen A. Douglas 52 THE CIVIL "WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. pitted that talented and ambitious statesman. An organization which took the name of the Union party, selected John Bell of Tennessee as their champion ; while the great Republican party, buoyant with confi- dence and hope, nominated Abraham Lincoln of Illinois as their standard bearer. It cannot be denied that the ultra pro-slavery faction in the South, found greater sympathy with their own views in the sentiments and policy of Mr. Breckinridge, than in those of any other candidate ; and had he been chosen, it is probable, perhaps it is certain, that as in the case of Mr. Buchanan's election, the act of secession would have been postponed for a brief period.* But such was not destined to be the result. The Republican party entered into the struggle with the resolute determination to leave no fair means untried to attain success. In vain was it urged against them that they were a sectional party, that they were an abolition party, that they were a disunion party. To the first charge they answered that, to call them sectional was merely a fetitio principii ; because it yet remained to be demonstrated at the ballot-box whether they were sectional: if they elected their candidate by a constitutional majority, they could not be a sectional party, but the party of the majority of the whole nation. To the second charge, that they were an abolition party, they answered by a direct traverse or denial ; and they supported that denial by the assertion that uo abolition sentiment could be found in the Philadelphia or Chicago platform, and that no representative man of the party, who was authorized to speak for them, was, or could be called, an Abolitionist. Because in- deed a few Abolitionists chose to vote for their candidate, that fact did not make the whole party Abolitionists, any more than, because some Free- masons voted for him, that did not make the whole party Masonic. To the third charge, that they favored disunion, they replied that they sup- ported the Constitution and the laws ; that they would never secede from the Union ; that in fact they would fight for it to the last extremity ; that if they gained the control of the administration, it should only be by con stitutional means ; and that they would then administer it only in accord- ance with the settled and lawful machinery of the government. The event proved that the greater portion of the nation was with the Republican party. Mr. Lincoln was elected by a decisive majority, lie was a person every way worthy of the high position to which he was elevated. He was a man of the people; the architect of his own fortune ; accustomed to hardship, to vicissitude, to triumph ; familiar with the laws and Constitution of his country ; eminent as a prudent and practical statesman ; with a character not only free from every stain, but adorned * The division of the Democratic party by the friends of Mr. Donfrlas. and his nomination to the Presidency, thereby insuring the election of Mr. Lincohi, may be regarded as having exerted a powerful influence, though innocently and indirectly, in precipitating the outbreak of this pre-destined Rebellion. THE DOCTRINE OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY. 53 Dy many great and rare virtues. His election to the Presidency at once capped the climax of that long train of unspeakable wrongs and outrages which the chivalrous South had suffered with such exemplary patience during so many years, from the Northern portion of the Union ! There was an extreme and an excess of injury, however, which transcended the limits of even Southern patriotism and endurance, and that extreme had at last been perpetrated ! III. We stated at the beginning, that the third cause which led to the Southern Eebellion, was the assertion of the supremacy of State Eights in opposition to the policy of Federal Centralization. Before concluding this Introduction, it may be proper to dwell briefly on that point. The seceding States affirmed their privilege to withdraw from the Union on the ground that each individual State possesses the right to take back and recall from the National Government those powers which it delegated to it when the Union was formed, thus resuming its own isolated position and sovereign functions ; and that each State possesses this right, separately, at any time when it may think itself aggrieved. Never was a greater absurdity uttered. If indeed the separate States possessed any such right, then each State would in reality be paramount to the Federal Government, and the idea of Federal consolidation becomes an impalpable phantom and a visionary myth. But that no State which once formed a part of this Union possesses, or can possibly possess, any such prerogative, is evident from the following considerations : The Federal Government was established, not by the States as such, individually, but by the people of the whole collection of States. The Con- stitution was framed and adopted by those who expressly called them- selves " The People." Therefore it is the people of the entire Union only who possess the right to dissolve the Federal Government, if^ in any case, they feel disposed, for good and sufficient reasons, so to do. This cardinal doctrine was plainly acknowledged by the very men who adopted the Federal Constitution. Among other declarations of a similar character, we may cite the language of Virginia, uttered when she gave her adhesion to the General Government. She then declared that '' the powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the people of the United States, may be resumed by them, whenever the same shall be perverted to their injury or oppression." In this statement no allu- sion is made to the reserved and sovereign right of the individual States to withdraw. When the people of the seceding States became integral portions of the Federal Government, they bound themselves, as a part of the grand aggregate of the people, to support it, unless, as a grand aggre- gate, they should become convinced that their interests would be pro- moted by its dissolution. The Federal Government was established on this basis, not only for tthose who framed it, but with the express understanding and covenant 54 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. that its provisions should benefit and should bind with equal force those who came after them. The makers of it declared that they established it " for themselves and their posterity." Whatever obligation, therefore, bound the party of the first part attached inevitably to the party of the second part. Both live under the same conditions, and are controlled by the same duties. If the separate States which established the National Government could not as States secede, neither could their descendants or legal representatives secede ; for the latter could inherit and possess no prerogatives which the former did not possess. That those who framed the Constitution never intended that any individual State as such should claim the right to withdraw from the Union is evident from the signifi- cant fact that they made no provision in the Constitution itself for such a process. There is no clause in that instrument which designates the way in which a State shall secede. If those who framed the Federal Govern- ment intended that either themselves or their descendants should possess the right, as separate States, to withdraw, they would undoubtedly have provided for the exercise of so important and so fundamental a function. Those who established the Federal Government expressly condemned this doctrine of State supremacy. They say, " This Constitution shall be the supreme law of the land, any thing in the constitution or laws of a State to the contrary notwithstanding." No assertion could possibly be plainer. This clause declares in substance that the people who estab- lished the Federal Government organized it for themselves and for their posterity; that they went into the Union for the purpose of forming com- ponent parts of one grand organic political structure, intended for perma- nent and perpetual duration ; and they teach that, should any State undertake to pass laws, or even to adopt a constitution, which shall in any way conflict with the provisions already contained in the Federal Con- stitution, and in oppo.sition to this purpose, they shall be null and void. Thus, therefore, if any State, as a State, or the jJeojyle of a single State, shall pass a law in favor of secession, and against the supremacy of the National Government, that law is «}wo facto null and void. Now, those States which seceded approved of this clause in the Federal Constitution by their own Eeprescntatives in Congress assembled at that time. It therefore binds them and their descendants forever ; and the act of seces- sion by any State is, by their own provisions and solemn stipulations, a fraud and a violation of the law which they themselves had sanctioned. Those who asserted that the Southern States, or any other portion of the Union, have a right to secede on the ground that the Union is a mere compact or partnersM}} between the several States, may be answered and condemned out of their own mouths. Let us admit, for the sake of argument, that the Federal Government is a mere partnership, what then? It necessarily follows that, in order to dissolve it legall}' and rightfully, STATE SOVEREIGNTY— DISCUSSION OP THE SUBJECT. 55 the process must be accomplished precisely as all other partnerships are dissolved. According to the established principles of municipal law- there are four processes by which a partnership may be dissolved. The first is by the death of one of the contracting parties. The second is by the expiration of the time for which the partnership was entered into. The third, where no definite period was specified, during which the part- nership should continue, by the mutual consent of all the parties to the contract. The fourth is, where such general consent has not been obtained, by giving previous notice to all the parties in interest of an in- tention to withdraw, and by making a full and final settlement of all the accounts existing between those involved in the partnership. Now, in the present instance, none of these essential conditions were ■complied with. No one of the parties who formed the alleged partner- ship of the Federal Government was extinct. The period of time for which the alleged partnership was entered into had not expired, because no particular period had ever been specified. There remained, therefore, the third condition — the unanimous consent of all the parties to the com- pact. But that consent was not given ; it was refused pertinaciously and clamorously by twenty -three partners out of thirty -four, and those twenty- three were the parties who had furnished nine-tenths of the capital, who had borne three-fourths of the expense of the concern, and who had always derived the least profit from its operations. Lastly, no previous legal notice had been given of an intention to withdraw ; nor had any provision been made for a full and final adjustment of the accounts and interests existing between the various members of the alleged part- nership. If then the Federal Government were a mere compact, where was the right of the Eebel States to secede as they did? By their own showing, their act was illegal ; it was a public and national fraud ; it was a violation of law and order. It was as unjustifiable as their subsequent repudiation of the debts which they owed the citizens of the North, for almost every commodity which promotes the comfort, refinement, and civilization of human society. The secession of one or more States from the Union, in this illegal manner, was unjustifiable in another point of view. When the people who established the Federal Government ceded certain sovereign powers to it, which they would otherwise have enjoyed and exercised under their separate State governments, they did it with the implied pledge that they should receive in exchange therefor the benefits of a permanent nationality, which would result from the greater power and influence in- vested in and exercised by a General Government. That nationality is destroyed, and the benefits once conferred by it are lost, by the secession of a single State. Therefore the State which thus secedes inflicts an in- calculable injury on the rest of the community. "What nation was more respected throughout the world, what flag was more honored as it floated 56 THE CrVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. majestically in every clime under heaven, than that of the "United States of North America ?" There was a grandeur and glory associated with that name; bright recollections of the past, glowing visions of the future, inspiring thoughts of freedom, prosperity, enterprise, clustered around it, which invested it with deathless interest. Despots trembled in the re- cesses of their palaces, the people everywhere shouted with exultation and joy, when they heard it repeated. What was the cause of this? It was because the nation was then a unit. Iiunion fait la force. But now, becau.se the nation was divided, its glory departed ; it became a laughing stock to tyrants; and the friends of humanity and rational free- dom in every land sighed with regret at the lamentable spectacle. This result was produced by the act of secession, which inflicted an incalcula- ble injury upon those who were entitled to benefits. But the seceding States had also themselves enjoyed advantages from the same source in a preeminent degree ; they were bound, therefore, both by gratitude and by interest, to preserve the Union intact and perpetual. There was but one answer to these arguments, and that answer is an absurdity. It was asserted by the advocates of secession that, having no longer the majority in Congress, they could no longer mould the laws so as thereby to promote their own interests ; and especially that they could not obtain the admission of new Territories into the Union with slavery expressly protected and allowed in them. People from the free States, they said, could convey their various kinds of property, to those new Ter- ritories, and could have their titles thereto protected ; but emigrants from Southern States could not remove their slaves thither and retain posses- sion of them ; hence, it was high time to secede. The answer is : that the Southern States themselves assisted in establishing those very laws by which a certain definite majority rules in the National Legislature. They approved of those laws and obeyed them, as long as they operated to their own benefit and promoted their own aggrandizement. But if, in the course of time the South lost the majority which the Constitution requires and with that majority the controlling power, were they justified in re- pudiating the government which they had helped to construct, and had sworn to support? On the contrary they were obligated, as men of honor, honesty and veracity, to accept the legitimate consequences of their own free and deliberate acts. POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH CAROLINA, ETC. 57 CHAPTER I. EFFECT OP MR LINCOLN'S ELECTION IN THE SOUTH — POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA — EXCITEMENT IN CHARLESTON — PRELIMINARY ACTS AND EVENTS — RESIGNATION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS — ELECTION OF MEMBERS TO THE STATE CONVENTION — OPPONENTS OF SECESSION — ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS — FEDERAL PROPERTY SEIZED IN CHARLESTON — CONVENTIONS SUMMONED IN GEORGIA AND ALABAJIA — ASSEMBLING OF THE CONVENTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA — THE FIRST ACT OF SECESSION FROM THE UNION PASSED — APATHETIC STATEMENT OP GRIEVANCES — SECESSION LOGIC — REFLECTIONS ON THE RESULT — POPULAR FEELINGS AT THIS TIME IN GEORGIA, ALABAMA, MISSISSIPI AND FLORIDA — LEVITY AND RECKLESSNESS OF THE SECESSION LEADERS. Ok the 6th of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was chosen President of the United States, receiving the votes of seventeen States, or of one hundred and eighty electors out of three hundred and three. As soon as the unwelcome intelligence was conveyed by telegraphic flashes to South Carolina and Georgia, an ebullition of intense indignation and disgust instantly burst forth throughout the length and breadth of those ancient communities. How quickly and promptly they were prepared to assume the attitude of rebels against the Federal Government, was demonstrated by the significant fact, that, on the very day after the one on which the general election was held, resolutions were adopted by both branches of the Legislature of South Carolina, then assembled at Columbia, in favor of calling a convention of the people of the State to act upon the question of secession, to re-organize the militia, and to prepare for military oper- ations. There seemed to be so settled a determination among the politi- cians and representatives of that State to assume the part which they afterward enacted, that very little preliminary deliberation was necessary to fit them for decisive measures. Nor were the leaders of popular opinion in South Carolina much in advance of their confederates in the neighboring State of Georgia. On the 8th of November a large meeting of the prominent citizens of Savan- nah was held in that city, who adopted resolutions admitting the necessity and commending the policy of secession. Great enthusiasm prevailed in the assembly, which passed, without a dissenting voice, a series of resolu- tions which set forth, that the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was an outrage which " ought not and will not be submitted to ;" that a petition be sent to the Legislature, then in session at Milledgeville, desiring them to co-operate with the Governor of the State in calling a convention of the people to determine on measures of redress ; that the Legislature be re- quested to pass laws to meet the commercial crisis which impended, and 68 THE CrVIL WAE IN THE UNITED STATES. organize and arm the forces of the Commonwealth ; and that the Senators and Eepresentatives of Georgia in the Federal Congress be duly informed of these transactions. The spirit of'rebellion and disaffection spread with the utmost rapidity throughout the State. The ancient colonial flag of Georgia was unfurled, and flung to the breeze at Savannah ; and an im- mense assemblage, convened at Augusta on the same day, commenced active operations by enrolling a corps of minute men. Notwithstanding these spirited measures elsewhere the city of Charles- ton seemed determined to achieve and to retain the first place in the in- glorious enterprise of secession. On the 8th of November the time- honored Stars and Stripes, which had so long waved in graceful splendor over the Federal edifices in Charleston, were displaced ; and the Palmetto flag substituted in their stead. The leading ofl&cers of the Federal Gov- ernment, the District Attorney, the Collector of the Port, and the Deputy Collector, resigned their several positions, and duly notified Mr. Buchan- an, who still occupied the White House, of that important and calamitous event. Their example was soon followed by less insignificant personages. On the 10th of the month Mr. Chesnut resigned his seat in Congress, as Senator from South Carolina. The Legislature then adopted a resolution appointing the sixth of the ensuing December as the period for the elec- tion of delegates to the convention, which was to determine the future action of the state in reference to Secession ; and they designated the 17th of December as the date of its assembling. These events were the natural and necessary preliminaries to the great revolutionary movement which was destined soon to follow. But it is worthy of remark, that at this early period of the process, the politicians of South Carolina, and the citizens of that State whom they controlled so despotically, either by fear, or by conviction, or by delusion, were unani- mous in their support of the policy of rebellion ; whereas no such unani- mity existed at that time in the other seceding States. Thus, on the 10th of November, a conservative meeting was held at Augusta, Georgia, composed of very respectable citizens, and presided over by the Mayor ; which adopted resolutions setting forth that, living as the people did under a government of law and order, it was their duty, if they felt that they suffered from the infliction of grievances, to seek redress from them only by legal and constitutional means. But their words of prudence and monition were like the voice of one calling in the wilderness ; or rather like the sound of a gentle whisper amid the roar and thunder of a furious tempest sweeping over the deep, unheard and unheeded by those around them. The feeling in favor of secession gradually became predominant throughout the States of South Carolina and Georgia ; and it was confi- dently asserted, that, before the period arrived for the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and Texas, would have united their fortunes with those ctf the two leading States. The latter had already EXCITEMENT IN CHARLESTON. 69 gone too far to recede; they felt that the confidence and respect of the Union were now lost to them ; and they had but one course left, to per- severe to the end in the ignominious career they had begun. At this stage of the rebellion there was much doubt in the minds of several distinguished statesmen of Georgia as to the propriety and policy of secession. The most eminent of these was Alexander H. Stephens, who then held a high place in the estimation of the whole nation, for his undoubted talents, and his prudent, conservative disposition. At this period he opposed Secession with earnestness ; and stated his solemn con- viction, that the act would be injurious and pernicious to the South in every respect. He contended that the advocates of slavery would be able to protect their rights much more efiBciently while in the Union than when out of it ; and of the veracity and wisdom of this opinion there could be no possible doubt. But soon it became known that he had begun to waver in his position ; and the hope was entertained by the secessionists that he might be won over to their cause. Whether it was the bribe of the proffered office of the Vice Presidency of the new Confederacy about to be created, or whether it was the result of further and deeper research into the supposed interests of the South ; or whether he had become con- vinced that it was useless to resist the overwhelming tide which he saw rushing around him on every hand, we pretend not to say. But it was soon announced that the ablest statesman of Georgia, who had spoken so clearly, decisively and boldly in defence of the Union, had at length aban- doned that honorable position, and had declared himself in doubt on the subject of secession. This event greatly elated and encouraged those who had at one time despaired of his co-operation, and had feared his resistance to their enterprise. Further acts of hostility to the General Government continued to be perpetrated at Charleston. On the 13th of November, a company of South Carolina troops took possession of the United States Arsenal near that city. At Columbia the Legislature passed a bill authorizing the or- ganization of ten regiments, containing a thousand men each, for defence against the forces of the Federal Government, should the latter attempt to coerce the State into obedience to Federal authority. Soon afterward a public meeting was held in Institute Hall, in Charleston, for the purpose of receiving the members of the State Legislature who had returned from Columbia. An immense crowd assembled ; resolutions were passed com- mending these functionaries for their conduct in reference to secession ; and addresses were delivered by leading citizens in favor of the policy of withdrawing from the Union. The enthusiasm became still more in- tense when it was announced that Messrs. Toombs, Iverson, Howell Cobb, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, had made known their determina- tion to aid the cause of disunion. Meetings were then held in all the districts and parishes of South Carolina, in which the justice and necessity 60 1'HE CIVIL WAR IX THE UNITIiD STATES. of secession were earnestly defended by popular speakers, who thus im- pressed that doctrine more fully and deeply upon the minds of the people. At this period the attention of the citizens of South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, was chiefly occupied in the selection of delegates to the conventions, who were to decide the action of those States in reference to the subject of secession. The ablest men in the community were chosen for that important function — in South Carolina, Senators Hammond and Chesnut, Messrs. Rhett, Barnwell, Memminger, Keitt; in Georgia and Alabama, Messrs. Toombs, Cobb, William L. Yancey, and T. H. "Watts. The prevalent feeling among the great majority of those chosen by all these States was in favor of secession ; so that little doubt existed in the public mind in reference to the policy which they would ultimately adopt when they met and acted in an oflicial capacity. Meanwhile, financial difficulties began to oppress the mercantile community. As soon as the other portions of the National Confederacy discovered the prevalence of the secession sentiment, they lost confidence in the integrity and capabil- ity of those who advocated it. No longer were the drafts of the merchants of the seceding States honored at the North ; no longer were their bank notes received as a circulating medium beyond their own borders, except at a heavy and ruinous discount. Already did the secessionists commence to feel the injurious effects of the loss of public confidence. The banks of those States were constrained to suspend the payment of specie ; and business of all descriptions became more depressed and stagnant than had ever been the case before. This was, however, but the beginning of evils, which did not in the least degree diminish the treasonable and suicidal zeal of the secessionists. The convention who were selected by the people of South Carolina to determine upon the question of secession, met at Columbia on the 17th of December, 1860. It is recorded that, at the moment when this body assembled, several signs of indignant nature were exhibited, which an ancient Greek or Roman would have asserted, superstitiously, to have in- dicated and foreboded the wrath of the gods at the act about to be perpe- trated. A heavy fog of unusual dampness and thickness hung over the city, enveloping every thing in gloom and darkness. At the same time, the fearful ravages of the small-pox struck terror into the hearts both of strangers and citizens. Undeterred, however, by these sinister omens, the convention assembled at noon ; General Jamison was chosen tempo- rary chairman ; the names of the delegates were enrolled, and the con- vention was organized. At a subsequent election for permanent officers, the same gentleman was again elected President. So overpowered was he by his feelings of gratitude, when he rose to thank the convention for the exalted honor conferred upon him, that, having uttered a few inco- herent and absurd remarks, he concluded by declaring, with perfect truth : I can't say any thing; I can't express my feelings" — and resumed his PEELIMINARY ACTS AND EVENTS. 61 seat amid the sympathy of the audience. One of the first and most pru- dent acts of the convention was to remove its sessions from Columbia to Charleston, ia consequence of the prevalence and virulence of the small- pox. Hon. Howell Cobb was present as Commissioner from Alabama ; Messrs. Elmore and Hooker were the Commissioners from Mississippi. When the convention re-assembled at Charleston on the 18th of December, its first achievement was to appoint a committee to prepare^ and report a Secession Ordinance, together with a Declaration of Indepen- dence. Lawrence M. Keitt, one of the most violent and rabid of southern agitators, was selected as the chairman of this committee. At the same time Mr.Ehett offered a resolution, which wa» adopted with great unanimity, to the effect that a committee be appointed to provide for the assembling of a convention of all the seceding States, for the purpose of forming a constitution, and establishing a new confederacy. It was on the 20th of December that South Carolina consummated her treason and her disgrace by finally adopting the Ordinance of Secession.* When the ballot was taken upon the passage of this ordinance, it was sustained and approved by an unanimous vote. Out of one hundred and sixty-nine members, not a single dissenting voice was heard in favor of the glorious and time-honored Union. As soon as the action of the convention was communicated to the populace in the streets, loud and long acclamations rent the air. It was ordered by the convention that the momentous and decisive act which had just been performed should be communicated by telegraph to the Eepresentatives of South Carolina in Congress ; and provision was made for engrossing the ordinance, and for its signature by all the members of the convention, with great pomp and ceremony, at Institute Hall. Subsequent to the passage of this memorable act, a discussion ensued in the convention in reference to the new position and responsibilities thus assumed by South Carolina. It was asserted that, by the adoption of that ordinance, no person within the limits of the State possessed, or could exercise, any authority which he had previously derived from the Federal Government. There was no collector of the port, no postmaster, no United States judge, or attorney, or marshal; and it would become " This document was as follows : "An Ordinance to Dissolve the Union hetiveen the State of South Carolina and other States united with her under the compact entitled the Constitution of the United States of America : "We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by us in convention, on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying the amend, ments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the Union now subsist- ing between South Carolina and other States under the name of the United States of America is hereby dissolved." e^ THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. necessary to appoint other officers in their stead. One member boasted that at last, after a struggle of forty years, there was no man in the State who dared to collect the revenues of the Federal Government. It was asserted by another, and the whole convention seemed to sympathize in- tensely with the remark, that great care should be taken in the measures which were adopted ; because nothing should be done which might affect the dignity, honor, and glory of South Carolina. There was a difference of opinion, however, among the assembled wisdom, whether the passage of the Ordinance of Secession abrogated all, or only some, of the laws of the United States within the limits or South Carolina. It was an argument which could not be answered, that the legal tender in the State must re- main gold and silver ; and what gold and silver could there be, except such as bore the stamp and superscription of the Federal Government ? That conclusive consideration settled the point, that South Carolina could not as yet wholly ignore the existence of the Government of the United States of North America. They must for the present allow that govern- ment at least a quasi existence. And so indeed they generously did. They agreed still to permit the Federal Government to spend money at the rate of a million per annum in carrying the mails through the seced- ing States. It was finally settled that the spirit of the ordinance must be observed, until they could treat with the General Government in regard to the further adjustment of details. On the 22d of December, the committee of the convention which had been appointed to prepare an address to the Southern States, for the pur- pose of obtaining their co-operation and sympathy, reported. The chair- man read an elaborate declaration of- the causes which existed, and which they regarded as sufficient justification for secession. It set forth, inter alia, that the Federal Government had signally failed to perform its duty toward the slaveholding States; especially in regard to the matter of executing the fourth article of the Federal Constitution, which provided that persons held to service and labor in one State, and fleeing to another, should be delivered up on the demand of the party to whom such service or labor was due. It was declared that all the Northern, and many of the Western States, had passed laws within their respective limits which effectually nullified this provision of the Federal Constitution; that some States had resisted the right of transit for slaves in the custody of their masters ; that others had directly refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder ; and that in one or two States, slaves were pro- tected by the connivance of ministers of the law, from the power and grasp of their owners, who had pursued, had overtaken, and had de- manded their property. It added that, in view of these great and un- speakable outrages on the Federal Constitution, and on the rights of the South, it was time that the slave States should withdraw from a compact in which the legitimate eads contemplated by its establishment were de- A PATHETIC STATEMENT OP GRIEVANCES. 63 feated. To incense the South still more, it was asserted that the free States had been guilty of the immeasurable impudence and presumption of assuming to decide upon the propriety of their domestic institutions ; denouncing as sinful the sacred institution of salvery ; establishing socie- ties among themselves whose express object it should be to disturb the peace and injure the property of the South, by enticing their slaves away from their homes, and by inciting those who remained to commit acts of rebellion and servile insurrection. This extraordinary document enumerated other causes of complaint against the North, which must indeed deeply move the sympathy of the universe. It declared that this malignant spirit, so hostile to the interests of the South, had continued its restless and pernicious agitations for twenty-five years, until at last it had secured a supremacy in the Federal Government. Aggravated, therefore, as former injuries had been, the future promised others still more insufferable. At this stage of the argu- ment, a specimen of South Carolina logic was introduced which presented an astonishing instance of dialectical skill. It was'asserted that a sectional party had obtained control of the Federal Grovernment, while, however, it had observed all the forms of the Constitution in so doing. It will remain an impenetrable mystery to all rational beings out of the seceding States, how a party can be sectional whose operations are carried on in strict accordance with the forms and provisions of the Federal Constitution, and yet is so powerful, both in force and in numbers, as to exceed every other party, and obtain a supremacy over all competitors in strict accord- ance with the provisions of that same Constitution. We may answer, that the triumphant party was either sectional or it was not. If it were sectional, then the National Government must also be sectional. If the government was not sectional, then the triumphant party could not have been sectional. But the National Government is not sectional, according to the admission of the secessionists themselves. Therefore, the party which, by legal and constitutional means, could and did obtain control of that unsectional government, could not possibly have itself been sec- tional. But as South Carolina had a logic of its own, so also had it a policy peculiar to itself. After the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, the convention resolved that, until otherwise provided, the Governor of the State should be authorized to appoint collectors and other officers con- nected with the customs for the several ports of the State, postmasters, and- other necessary persons, instead of the Federal functionaries who had been displaced. The oath to be administered to those persons appointed for that purpose was prepared and enjoined. It was as follows : " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will be faithful and true in the allegi- ance I bear to South Carolina, so long as I may continue a citizen there- of; and that I am duly qualified according to the constitution of this 64 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. State to exercise the duties of the office to which I have been appointed ; and will, to the best of my ability, discharge the duties of the office, and preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of this State. So help me God." Thus the Eubicon was at length passed, and secession became a stern yet absurd reality. When the news of this event was conveyed to differ- ent portions of the Union, it produced in different localities the most opposite effects. The inhabitants of the free States, both in the East, in the West, and in the centre, received the intelligence with mingled sur- prise and disgust. They regarded it as an evidence of the amazing stupidity, obstinacy and malignity of the people of South Carolina ; who, without any cause or excuse, except such as must excite the derision of all intelligent people, had dissolved their connection with a glorious and benefi- cent government, and had plunged themselves into all the inevitable hor- rors of political chaos and ruin. It was evidently a case illustrative of the familiar maxim : Quern Dens vull perdere, priusquam dementat. Even that party in the North from whom the secessionists had confidently expected to receive sympathy and comfort, the former advocates of southern interests, disappointed them in this respect ; and joined heartily in the general chorus of censure and condemnation which resounded throughout the land. The border slave States regarded the event with suspicion and apprehension, and sent no message of encouragement or congratulation. It was only in those States which had already expressed their approval of secession that any sympathy with the policy of South Carolina was expressed or exhibited — in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. It is not impossible that this grand and prominent isolation in evil and in ignominy, may have flattered the vanity and strengthened the determination of that State, which has always been so remarkable and eminent for patriotism, and for that extreme modesty which is inva- riably an accompaniment of superior merit ! They had already accom- plished what was probably the chief motive of the movement — they had attracted to themselves the attention of the entire nation ; and they flat- tered themselves, doubtless, that soon they would be the object of the admiring scrutiny of the whole world. That eminence would indeed be an ample compensation for all that they would be called upon to suffer and to sacrifice in the future ; and they therefore might select for their motto that other maxim Post nuhila Pltmhus. Nevertheless, he who carefully considers the circumstances which at- tended this important event will be surprised at a singular and anomalous peculiarity connected with it. lie will observe that, in this instance, the most sacred of all political relations, involving in its embrace other ties more tender, other associations more solemn still, was ruptured with a degree of thoughtlessness, of exultation even, which indicated the mas- tery of malignant passions, and the presence of callous hearts. The actors LEVITY AND RECKLESSNESS OF SECESSION LEADERS. 65 in this melancholy drama, as they went forth from their ancestral homes and their ancient associates, sent no words of kind farewell, they uttered no parting benediction to those with whom they had been so long con- nected, and from whose society they thus tore themselves. They made no allusion to past eventual incidents, to storms which, in other and /jappier times, they had nobly breasted shoulder to shoulder ; to scenes of sadness, where their gushing tears had mingled in one hallowed stream ; to fields of glory, where they had joined in common struggles and had achieved united triumphs. In that dark hour they seemed unconscious of the real extent of the peril, the disaster, and the disgrace, which, in the impartial judgment of the civilized world, they thereby brought upon themselves. True patriots, disinterested philanthropists, and wise states- men, do not disport themselves with such levity in the great crisis of human responsibility and destiny. It was indeed a spectacle calculated to excite the pity of the wise and good of all lands and ages. 6 66 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER II. TREASONABLE PROCLAMATION OF GOVERNOR PICKENS — RESIGNATION OF THE REPRESENTA- TIVES 0? SOUTH CAROLINA IN CONGRESS — THE CRITTENDEN PROPOSITIONS OP COMPROMISE — THEIR PROVISIONS — SCRAMBLE FOR FEDERAL PROPERTY — COMMISSIONERS OP SOUTH CAROLINA TO THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT — MAJOR ANDERSON — THE REMOVAL OF HIS COMMAND TO FORT SUMTER — MR. SECRETARY FLOYD — HIS RESIGNATION — DEMEANOR OF THE REBEL COMMISSIONERS AT WASHINGTON — THE CONVENTION OF THE SLAVEHOLDINO STATES — IMPORTANT EVENTS AT SAVANNAU — SECESSION OF MISSISSIPPI — PERNICIOUS IN- FLUENCE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS — RESIGNATION OF HIS SEAT IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE — THE SECESSION OF ALABAMA — OF FLORIDA, GEORGIA, LOUISIANA, AND TEXAS. On the twenty-fourth of December, 1860, Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, issued a proclamation setting forth that the State having seceded from the Federal Union, was thenceforth an independent and sovereign community ; and as such had the right to levy war, to conclude peace, t-^ negotiate treaties, and to do all other acts whatsoever which appertain to a free and independent government. On the same day, the Representatives of that State in Congress — Messrs. McQueen, Bonham, Boyce, and Ash- more — addressed a letter to the Speaker of the House, containing the resignation of their respective posts. That document was as follows: " We avail ourselves of the earliest opportunity, since the official commu- nication of the intelligence, of making known to your honorable body that the people of the State of South Carolina, in their sovereign capacity, have resumed the power heretofore delegated by them to the Federal Government of the United States, and have thereby dissolved our connec- tion with the House of Representatives. In taking leave of those with whom we have been associated in a common agency, we as well as the people of our commonwealth, desire to do so with a feeling of mutual regard and respect for each other— cherishing the hope that in our future relations we may better enjoy that peace and harmony essential to the happiness of a free and enlightened people." It was at this period that John J. Crittenden of Kentucky came forward in, the Senate with his famous propositions of compromise, for the purpose, if possible, of healing the difficulty. As these propositions possess an historical interest and importance, it may be proper here to state their principal contents. They provided tliat thenceforth slavery or involun- tary servitude, except for crime, of which the party should be duly con- victed by process of law, should be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States lying north of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes ; that in all the Territories south of that latitude, slavery should not be in- terfered with by Congress; and that when the Territories north of that THE CRITTENDEN PROPOSITIONS OF COMPROMISE. 07 line were entitled to admission as States to the Union, they should be so admitted, with slavery or without it, as their respective inhabitants might themselves at that period determine. They also provided that Congress sho\ild possess no right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; they denied the same right in the national dock yards and arsenals ; they maintained the right of the transit of slaves through the free States; and they proposed, that States in which fugitive slaves had been rescued from the possession of their masters, when in pursuit of them, should pay the value of them to their alleged owners. But the patriotic efforts of Mr. Crittenden, on this occasion, were useless; the extreme views held by both the Northern and the southern Senators upon the questions involved in his compromise, rendered an accommodation utterly impossible. The great State of South Carolina having withdrawn from the Union, the next thing .to be done was, to remove all the monuments of Federal power, and take possession of all the Federal property, which existed within her limits. It was beneath her dignity to permit those to remain before her eyes as mementos of her former degradation, as an humble member of the repudiated and rejected General Government. According- ly, the assembled convention proceeded to select commissioners to proceed to Washington as their representatives, and make a formal demand for these various objects of dispute. Immediately on their arrival at the seat of government, the commis- sioners announced their presence to Mr. Buchanan. In a communication to that functionary, Messrs. Barnwell, Adams, and Orr, respectfully, yet firmly set forth that they had been delegated by the State of South Caro- lina to inform the Federal Government of their withdrawal from the Union ; to negotiate in her name upon all such questions as necessarily arose in consequence of that act ; and that they were prepared to enter upon these negotiations in a friendly spirit, with the desire to inaugurate their new relations so as to promote the mutual advantage of both parties. They added, however, that " the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impossible. We came here the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we cannot doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather than to its own power. Since our arrival here, an ofl&cer of the United States, acting as we are assured not only without, but against your orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another — thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we came. Until these circumstances are explained in a manner which relieves us of all doubt as to the spirit in which these negotiations shall be conducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion as to any arrangement by which our mutual interests may be amicably adjusted. And, in conclusion we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal 68 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threaten speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment." To this address Mr. Buchanan replied evasively ; and his answer elicited a lengthy and haughty rejoinder from the commissioners. Meanwhile, the subject and the destination of the forts in Charleston harbor assumed an increasing importance. At that period Fort Moultrie was commanded by Major Anderson, under whose orders there bad been placed a small garrison. On the 26th of December that officer transferred his command from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, a new and greatly stronger work. This act was one indicating intrepidity, sagacity and skill. Major Anderson thereby gained an important advantage over the secessionists ; and ho received the deserved applause of the nation in return. Immediately afterward the troops of South Carolina took possession of Fort Moultrie, and thus held the first armed position against the Federal Government. That position was of little service to them, however, inasmuch as Major Anderson, before withdrawing from it, had spiked the cannon, had burned the gun-carriages, and had left the works in a mutilated and useless con- dition. Secretary Floyd was greatly incensed at the conduct of Major Anderson. Being secretly in the service of the secessionists, he now began more openly to advocate their interests in the Federal Cabinet. Finding that the voice of public opinion was beginning to condemn him with general and harmonious censure, he read the following paper to the President in the presence of the Cabinet, and afterward resigned his office : "It is evident now, from the action of the commander of Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of the Government have been violated by Major Anderson. In my judgment but one remedy is now left us by which to vindicate our honor and prevent civil war. It is in vain now to hope for confidence on the part of tlie people of South Carolina in any further pledges as to the action of the military. One remedy is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston. I hope the President will allow me to make that order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war." The commissioners who were sent from South Carolina to the Federal Government, conducted themselves at Washington with such a degree of arrogance as effectually to defeat the purpose of conciliation between the rival Republics, if any such purpose had been entertained. Their last communication, addressed to Mr. Buchanan, was a singular efl'usion of combined impudence and imprudence. They assumed the dictatorial tone of masters, and assured the President that he had, in effect, compromised his honor by not immediately withdrawing the Federal troops from the forts in the harbor of Charleston. They reminded him, also, in language \ THE CONVENTION OF THE SLAVEHOLDING STATES. 69 wbicli was absurd and ludicrous in itself, that " gentlemen of the MgJiest possihh public I'eputation, and the most unsullied integrity," had advised him to withdraw those troops as a measure due to the claims of peace and the continued prosperity to the country. They added that the authorities of South Carolina' were fully justified in taking possession of that portion of Federal property which they had already seized ; and that the President should have followed the counsel of Mr. Floyd in regard to the disputed matters, as that personage was his legitimate adviser in the premises. This assertion was erroneous, to use a gentle and courtly phrase ; because Mr. Floyd had already become strongly and justly sus- pected for those acts of treason against the Federal Government which were afterward clearly and unanswerably proved against him. The Commissioners also charged, that by approving of the removal of Major Anderson's command to Fort Sumter, the United States virtually com- menced hostilities and declared war against the State of South Carolina. This declaration was equally false ; because the three forts in the harbor of Charleston were exclusively Federal property, erected by Federal money, and therefore the Federal Government possessed an unquestion- able right to transfer its own troops to and from its own fortresses pre- cisely as it pleased, without involving a menace to any one. They concluded by declaring that the Administration, by refusing to comply with the demands of those whom the commissioners represented, assumed the entire responsibility of rendering civil war inevitable; that the State of South Carolina accepted the issue ; and they appealed to Him, " who is the God of Justice as well as the God of Hosts," for the propriety of their conduct. They declared that South Carolina would perform the solemn and momentous duty which devolved upon her, " hopefully, bravely and thoroughly." They concluded by informing the President of the impor- tant and calamitous fact, that they purposed to return forthwith to Charles- ton. However much posterity may condemn the cotiduct and policy of Mr. Buchanan in reference to the Eebellion, he will deserve their com- mendation for the manner in which he treated this extraordinary commu- nication. As soon as he became aware of its character and contents, he instantly ordered it to be returned to those from whom it emanated, without the undeserved courtesy of an answer. Oil the 26th of December Mr. Ehett introduced an ordinance into tlie Convention of South Carolina, recommending the assembling of another convention, consisting of represeiitatives from all the slaveholding States. This ordinance consisted of six separate clauses. The first provided for the summoning of the convention aforesaid at Montgomery, Alabama, whose duty it should be to adopt a Constitution for the government of a Southern Confederacy. The second clause recommended to the slave- holding States the appointment by each State respectively of as many delegates therefrom as they had members in Congress; and suggested 10 THE CIVIL AVAE IN THE UNITED STATES. that the proposed Constitution should be voted on by States. The third ordained that, as soon as that Constitution shoud have been adopted by the convention appointed for the purpo.se, it slioulJ be referred to the Legislatures -of all the States concerned, for their ultimate discussion and approval. The fourth article affirmed that, in the opinion of the State of South Carolina, the Federal Constitution would form a suitable basis for the Confederacy of the Southern States. The fifth clause declared that the Convention of South Carolina should select eight delegates to repre- sent that commonwealth in the Convention of the Southern States. The last article provided for the election of one commissioner from each slaveholding State, whose duty it should be to call the attention of the people of his State respectively to the duty of complying with the pro- visions of this ordinance, as adopted and recommended by the Conven- tion of South Carolina. This important document had been laid upon the table of the Charleston Convention, for the purpose of future and more deliberate discussion. On the same day another ordinance was adopted, whose purpose was to gain the co-operation and aid of the Federal office-holders in the Palmetto State to the cause of the Rebellion. It enacted, that all citizens of South Carolina, who, at the period of the passage of the ordinance of secession, held Federal offices within the limits of the State, were thereby appointed to have and hold the same offices under the new government, and to receive the emoluments of the same until it was otherwise ordered. It also enacted that " the revenue and navigation laws of the United States being abolished, as regards the Federal Government, they shall, as far as may be applicable, be adopted by the State of South Carolina, and executed thenceforth as such ; and that all moneys which may thereafter accrue under those laws shall, when the salaries and expenses of the officials have been duly paid therefrom, be delivered to the Treasurer of South Carolina, and not, as heretofore, be paid to the Federal Govern- ment." This important act concluded by authorizing and commanding the officials of the State to "take possession of, and retain in their custody, all the property and funds of the United States which may come within their reach." This ordinance passed the convention with general unanimity. Immediately afterward the Palmetto flag was unfurled from the Charleston Post Office, from the Custom House, from Fort Moultrie, from Castle Pinckney, and from tlie Arsenal. It must be admitted that the Charleston Convention proceeded in the work of political organization with a considerable degree of sagacity and ability. They passed ordinances amending the Constitution of the State in all those particulars which were rendered necessary by the new atti- tude which she had assumed as an independent sovereignty. They authorized the Governor of South Carolina to receive foreign ambassa- dors, to appoint representatives to foreign courts, to make treaties "by SECESSION OF MISSISSIPPI. 71 and with the advice and consent of the Senate," to fill vacancies in the Senate during its recess, to convene that body under extraordinary cir- cumstances ; in a word, to enact a rule similar to that of President of the ■United States, as far as the limited circumstances of the case would permit. The convention also adopted laws governing the future rights and defining the future qualifications of citizens of the State. While these important events were transpiring in South Carolina, the political virus was being rapidly and efl'ectually difl'used throughout other portions of the Union. The commissioners who had been pre- viously appointed by the convention of that State to proceed to each of the Slaveholding States, and lay before the conventions which might there assemble the ordinance of secession, and solicit their approval and co-operation, bad been both diligent and successful in the execution of their trust. The new year 1861 was inaugurated at Savannah by the seizure of the Federal forts Pulaski and Jackson, by order of the authorities of the State of Georgia. This example was immediately followed by the Executive of Alabama, by whose orders the United States Arsenal at Mobile, and Fort Morgan, at the entrance to Mobile bay, were taken possession of by the State troops. The first Southern State which followed in the wake of South Carolina in the act of secession was Mississippi. The convention assembled at Jackson, on the 7th of January, and it soon appeared that the prevalent feeling among the delegates was in favor of withdrawing from the Union. The president, when assuming the duties of his ofRce, delivered an address, in which he advocated that policy in bold and unequivocal language. A committee of fifteen was immediately appointed to prepare and report an ordinance of secession, providing for the immediate with- drawal of the State from the Federal Union, with special reference to the establishment of a new Confederacy, to be composed of the seceding States. That committee reported on the 9th lost. Their report was wholly in accordance with the prevalent treasonable spirit. It was read, briefly discussed, and then adopted by a vote of eighty-four yeas to fifteen nays. By this precipitate act Mississippi became an outcast from the Union. The fifteen delegates who had opposed the ordinance made several efforts to postpone action in accordance with its provisions ; but in vain. The torrent of opposition was overwhelming. On the next day those fifteen appended their signatures to the ordinance, thereby making the voice of the convention unanimous. Then the demonstra- tions of joy on the part of the populace were enthusiastic in the extreme. The city of Jackson was illuminated, and as the news spread from town to town, and from village to village, glad shouts of rejoicing resounded throughout the State. That State was represented at this period in the Federal Senate by an individual who has since achieved an unenviable immortality. Jefferson 73 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. Davis bad long been known as one of tbe most violent and extreme advocates of Soutbern and sectional interests ; and though a man of acknowledged abilities, he had been too closely identified with the advocacy of disloyal sentiments to have gained the confidence or esteem of the nation. As soon as the news arrived at Washington that the State which he represented had withdrawn from the Union, it was announced that he would resign his seat in the Senate, and when so doing would deliver a brief address. The occasion would be one of unusual interest; and great curiosity was felt to ascertain Iiow the Senator would acquit himself of the difficult and delicate task before him. Accordingly he arose at the first convenient opportunity, and proceeded, with a tone and manner not destitute of solemnity and pathos, to announce, that the State which he represented in that august body having withdrawn from the Union, it became his duty to resign his seat and his functions in it. He continued by reminding those who heard him that he had invariably advocated, during the long period of his public political career, the right of each State to withdraw from the Union whenever she may choose so to do. This right was an abstract and paramount one, even where a State might not in reality possess any real ground of complaint against the Federal Government. But the case became stronger, and the right of secession more undeniable, when such a ground of complaint does exist. Such was the fact in the present instance. He held that the slaveholding States, and Mississippi among the rest, had serious causes of ofibnce against the Federal Government. He also asserted that a material difference existed between secession and nullification. The former was a total withdrawal from the Union ; the latter was an attempt to resist the authority of the general govern- ment, while tbe parties so resisting still formed a portion of that government. After dwelling upon these general topics he adverted to considerations more personal to himself; and in a tone of sympathy and cordiality which could scarcely have been expected from his hard and stern nature, gave utterance to those feelings of regret which naturally rose within him, at the severance of relations with which many pleasing and grateful Tecollections would forever be associated in his mind. After the delivery of this address ^fr. Davis withdrew from the Senate chamber amid the adieux of his political and personal friends. The example already given by the States of South Carolina and Mississippi was quickly followed by Alabama. A powerful and malignant genius controlled the destinies of that State, and led her on to perpetrate the most unfortunate event in her history. In the convention which met at Montgomery, "William L. Yancey was the leading and commanding spirit; for on the 11th of January the secession ordinance was passed by that body. That ordinance was a singular and anomalous produc- THE SECESSION OP FLORIDA AND GEORGIA. -78 tion. It commenced by asserting that tte " election of Messrs. Lincoln and Hamlin to the two highest executive offices in the Union by a sec- tional party was an insult to the South too great to be borne." We cannot refrain from remarking here what a palpable absurdity appears upon the very face of this declaration ; because it is self-evident to every calm and clear thinker, as we have already asserted, that that party which proved itself at the ballot-box to be the most numerous and powerful in the whole nation, whichever party that might be, could not be called a sectional one; and whatever other defects it light exhibit, it must, in the nature of the case, be more national and . liversal than any other. The inhabitants of Alabama generally receive., the news of the secession of the State with immense exultation. In the towns, the villages, and the country, the wildest excitement prevailed. In Mobile particularly the enthusiasm was boundless. Throughout the length and breadth ot the entire commonwealth secession poles were planted, seces- sion flags were unfurled to the breeze, bands of music brayed forth seces- sion melodies, secession cannon thundered, and secession eloquence re- sounded, in honor of the glorious and propitious event. The next member of the Union which followed this ignominious example was Florida. Her apostacy was consunimated on the 12th of January. The convention of that State met at Tallahassee, and after a short debate, the secession ordinance was passed. It was signed by each member of the convention in one of the porticos of the capitol ; and it is recorded that, as each delegate appended his name to the instrument, he was hailed with c^teers, and a salute fired in his honor. Immediately afterward the Federal property at Pensacola was seized by the Eebels, with the exception of a single fortress. Fort Pickens was then held for the United States by Lieutenant Slemmer, who presented so firm and bold a resistance to the demands of the secessionists, that 'they desisted from any hostile demonstration for its acquisition. On the 19th of January, 1861, the ordinance of secession was passed in Georgia. The vote stood two hundred and eight against eighty-nine. It is worthy of note, that prominent among those eighty-nine who opposed this inglorious act, not only by their speeches, but by their votes, was Alexander H.Stephens, afterward elected Vice-President of the rebellious confederacy. This was a rare and extreme instance of that inconsistency of conduct and principle which is so frequent and prevalent a vice among American politicians. This ordinance was remarkable for its brevity. The important act of secession was performed by means of an instrument no longer or more elaborate than the following: "We, the people of the State of Georgia, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinances adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in convention in 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was assented to, ratifled 14 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the general assembly ratifying and adopting amendments to the said constitution, are hereby re- pealed, rescinded, and abrogated. And we do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsisting* between the State of Georgia and other States under the name of the United States, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State." Immediately after the adoption of this ordinance Fort Pulaski was taken po essiou of by the troops of Georgia, acting under the order of the Gover ;r of the State. But the c.talogue of Eebel States was not yet complete. On the 28th of January, 1861, the convention summoned in Louisiana passed the secession ordinance. The usual process of plunder against tlie property of the United States ensued immediately after the passage of this ordi- nance; and revenue cutters, arsenals, moneys, and other efl'ects of the United States, were seized by the orders of the Governor of the State. It was not until the 1st of February that the last of the States, which at that time united their fortunes with the secessionists, consummated the act. On that day Texas withdrew, by a vote of her convention, from the Federal Union. EFFOETS MADE FOR COMPROMISE AND SETTLEMENT. 75 CHAPTER III. VARIOUS EFFORTS MADE FOR COMPROMISE AND SETTLEMENT — CONCILIATORY MEETINGS ECELD IN THE NORTHERN STATES — THEIR ULTIMATE FAILURE APOSTACY OP ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS — RESIGNATION OF THE SOUTHERN REPRESENTATIVES IN THE FEDERAL CONGRESf — THE REBEL CONGRESS CONVENED AT MONTGOMERY — ITS ORGANIZATION — ADOPTION 01 A PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION — THE ORGANIZATION OF THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY- JEFFERSON D&VIS ELECTED PRESIDENT— A. H. STEPHENS CHOSEN VICE PRESIDENT — PROPHECIES OP SENATOR WIGFALL BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF JEFFERSON DAVIS, OP STEPHENS, OP THE CABINET MINISTERS OP THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY, MEMMINGER^ TOMBS, MALLORY, WALKER, BENJAMIN THE PERSONAL QUALITIES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THESE OFFICERS. Notwithstanding the rapidity witla which the act of secession had been consummated in so many of the disaflected States, hopes were entertained that a resort to arms might yet be averted, and the schism be eventually healed. Several efforts were made in Congress to pass resolutions so amending the Federal Constitution as to satisfy the South. But those efforts failed, for two reasons : First, because it was not possible, in the nature of things, where such antagonistic interests and principles existed, for any amendment to be made to the Constitution which would meet the requirements and conscientious convictions of honest statesmen on the subject in dispute. Secondly, because it was equally impossible, in such a case, to propose any amendment which would find favor with selfish party leaders, with mercenary politicians, who flourish by means of the distinctions and strifes of factions, and whose occupation would be utterly gone if concord and unanimity prevailed throughout the whole country. Hence it was that, during the brief remainder of Mr. Buchanan's term of of&ce, the several efforts which were made in Congress to heal the difficulty proved abortive. Other expedients which were adopted elsewhere were equally inefiicient. One of these deserves to be noticed. It became the fashion in many of the cities of the North to hold public meetings, at which resolutions were adopted, setting forth how much the inhabitants of the free States depre- cated the secession of the South ; how much they abominated abolitionists and fanatics of every description ; how earnestly they desired the South to draw a broad aind clear distinction between these fanatics and the great mass of the conservative people of the North ; how much the latter valued the good will and the intelligence, which really meant the commerce and the trade, of the slave States. These demonstrations instead of accom- plishing the end intended by them, merely excited the contempt of Southern faoatics, and gave the entire population of the Cotton States an undue conception of their own importance. If they had not been deficient 16 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. in arrogance before, tbeir vanity became greatly exaggerated afterward, in consequence of these pusillanimous and mercenary movements at tbe North. As soon as the several States had seceded, many of those persons who bad, within their respective limits, opposed the act on various grounds, gradually yielded to tbe pressure of tbe prevalent sentiments hostile to the North, changed tbeir position, and gave in their adhesion to the oppo- nents of the Union. The most extraordinary instance of such conversion was that of Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia. That able man, as we have already stated, bad at first opposed secession, and had refused to sign the ordinance when it was passed by the convention.- But imme- diately afterward, when he discovered that his State no longer remained in any respect identified with the Federal Union, and that there could be no further prospect of dignities and honors for him in that Union, he began to waver in his position. The art and tact with which be prepared the way for bis complete apostacy are worthy of notice. Nothing could have been more adroit or more specious. He wrote a preamble and reso- lution, which were adopted by the convention, to the following effect: " Whereas, the lack of unanimity in tbe action of this convention on the passage of tbe ordinance of secession indicates a difference of opinion amongst tbe members of the convention, not so much as to the rights which Georgia claims, or tbe wrongs of which she complains, as to tbe remedy and its application before a resort to other means of redress; and whereas it is desirable to give expression to that intention, which really exists among all the members of the convention, to sustain the State in the course of action which she has pronounced to be proper for tbe occa- sion ; therefore, resolved, that all tbe members of this convention, including those who voted against the ordinance as well as those who voted for it, .vill sign the same as a pledge of the unanimous determination of this convention to sustain and defend the State in this her course of remedy, with all its responsibilities and consequences, without regard to individ- ual approval or disapproval of its adoption." That is to say, those who voted against secession, and refused to sign the ordinance, promised, nevertheless, to sustain the State in the execution of it ; those who con- demned secession, and regarded it as pernicious, illegal and wrong, would nevertheless support those to their utmost who have pledged themselves to adhere to that pernicious, illegal and injurious policy to whatever results it may lead ! American political history presents many instances of profound and logical reasoning, of consistent and cohesive policy ; but we imagine that this case transcends tbe rest ! At this period all tbe representatives of tbe seceding States in the Federal Congress, except Mr. Bouligny of Louisiana, had resigned their seats and returned to their constituents. During the month of January, 1861, a number of the conventions which had passed the ordinance of Secession continued to sit, and to adopt those additional measures which were ren- dered necessary in consequence of their withdrawal from the Union. The THE REBEL CONGRESS CONVENED AT MONTGOMERY. ff Georgia Convention demanded from the Federal Government possession of all the Federal property within the limits of that State ; and appointed commissioners to proceed to the other apostate States, and give them counsel and encouragement. The convention of Alabama adopted a resolution approving of the action of the representatives of the State in withdrawing from the Federal Congress. All the conventions of the seceding States elected delegates to the Congress which had been appointed to meet at Montgomery, Alabama, for the purpose of establishing a Southern Confederacy. The Convention of Florida commended the action of Commodore Armstrong, who, being in command of the Pensacola Navy Yard at that time, surrendered it to the authorities of the State, without making the least elTort at resistance. "We fancy that Commodore Armstrong, will scarcely take rank, in the history of this memorable war, by the side of Anderson, Slemmer, Ellsworth, Lyon, and other heroic defenders of the Union. Thus had these seven States, which once formed a part of this benefi- cent Uniop, persisted in the suicidal act of completely destroying their connection with it. All the preliminary steps toward the establishment of a rival, and perhaps a hostile, republic in the South had now been suc- cessively taken. The foundations of the new political edifice had been laid with a degree of prudence, resolution and harmony worthy of a more glorious and commendable enterprise. The Southern Congress of Montgomery, destined to achieve an unenviable immortality, was about to convene and to complete all the features and details of the architectural monstor which had been begun. The Congress of the seceded States met at Montgomery, Alabama, on Monday, February 4th, 1861. They assembled in the Senate chamber of the Capitol. A full representation from every Rebel State appeared and took their seats. The convention was called to order by Mr. Chilton, a delegate from Alabama. lie moved that E. W. Barnwell, of South Carolina, be chosen temporary Chairman. The motion prevailed. Mr. Barnwell took the chair and made a thankful speech. He then invited the Eev. Dr. Manly to ofier a prayer. That individual at once came for- ward and prayed. The chairman then reminded the convention that the first duty which devolved upon them was to provide for their more per- fect organization by electing permanent officers. But it appears that the chairman was precipitate in his suggestion ; for Mr. Rhett rose and asserted that the first thing in order was not that measure, but to examine and approve the credentials of the delegates. The chairman admitted the truth of the observation, and the verification was commenced. That preliminary process being completed, the delegates signed the roll. The whole convention consisted of forty-one members, one delegate only being absent. The Congress being thus organized, Mr. Rhett proposed that the body proceed at once to the election of permanent officers; and without giving 78 THE CITIL "WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. the members any opportunity to express their approval or their disapproval of the proposition, he proceeded to nominate Howell Cobb, of Georgia, as President of the convention. He also proposed that the election be made by acclamation. This proposition was also complied with, and Mr. Cobb was chosen by the acclamatory process. The result being announced, and indeed being plainly apparent of itself, it was followed by " much applause." Mr. Cobb then took the chair, and addressed the convention. He, too, was oppressed with more than an ordinary and painful degree of grateful emotion ; but he gave utterance to the best of his ability to his "sincere thanks" for the honor conferred upon him; after which the remaing officers of the Congress were elected. These also received their honors by tlie exaggerated and superfluous process of acclamation. Mr. Stephens then moved that a committee be appointed to report rules for the government of the convention. This proposition was agreed to ; and the committee being appointed, the proceedings of the first 4ay terminated. It is not pertinent to our purpose to follow the details of the less im- portant transactions of this Congress. "We will allude merely to those of leading interest, and having a direct bearing upon the events which ensued. The body adopted the novel, but doubtless commendable, expe- dient of holding secret sessions, so that a portion of their transactions remains unknown to the general public. Eesolutions were passed from day to day perfecting the organization of the new Confederacy. The most important of these had reference to the adoption of a Constitution, the election of Executive officers, providing .suitable buildings and accomo- dations for the inferior functionaries of the Confederacy, and selecting a flag and other emblematical and official contrivances. On the sixth day of their deliberations the delegates adopted a Constitution, which had been reported by the committee appointed for that purpose. This Con- stitution was termed a "provisonal" one, intended to govern the new Confederacy for one year from the inauguration of the future President, or until a permanent confederation between the States should be put in operation. On the same day which was signalized by the adoption of this Consti- tution, the-chief executive oificers of the new republic were chosen by the Congress : Jefferson Davis of Mississippi was elected President, and Alex- ander H. Stephens of Georgia Vice President. It must be admitted that great sagacity and prudence were exhibited in the selections thus made. Among the very considerable number of eminent men who resided within the limits of the Rebel States, it is probable that none could have been chosen bo well adapted to the peculiar positions which were then to be filled. It was evident that the future President must needs be a man possessing both civil and military talents. He should be familiar with the machinery and principles of government in the cabinet, as well as with the command and conduct of an army in the field. He should also be well acquainted with the structure and aims of that great and powerful THE PROPHECIES OF SENATOR WIGPALL. 79 Republic against whose lawful control tliey had rebelled. He must be shreAvd, resolute, firm and desperate. Above all things, he must be extremely fanatical in his Southern prejudices, and be thoroughly infected with secession principles. . Such a man preeminently was Jefferson Davis. The Vice President must resemble him in all these respects ex- cept one. He need possess no military knowledge, no martial experience. It would be his duty to carry on the Government in the absence of the chief Executive ; and while the latter was at the head of the victorious armies of the Southern Confederacy, sacking Washington, driving Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet in hot haste from the Capital, striking terror into the inhabitants of the North, burning cities, blockading ports, capturing ships upon the high seas ; during the progress of all these heroic and magnificent deeds, which it was confidently and exultingly asserted the invincible Davis would soon be achieving, he, the Vice President, must be conducting the home government with prudence, harmony and skill. These boasts respecting the future achievements of the Eebel President formed a prominent feature, at this period, of the prevalent sentiment and utterances in the seceding States. No person was more enthusiastic and constant in giving expression to these vauntings than ex-senator Wigfall of Texas. But Wigfall's prog- nostications were liable to an objection of a very peculiar and serious character. King Charles II. of England was accustomed to assert that Prince George of Denmark, who had married his niece, the Princess Anne, afterward Queen, was extremely shallow ; that he had tried the Prince when sober, and he had tried him when drunk ; but that, whether drunk or sober, there was nothing in him. This was precisely the defect of the prophecies of Senator Wigfall. It did not produce the slightest difference whether the prophetic frenzy came upon him when intoxicated, or when not intoxicated; in either case there was nothing in him; in no case did his predictions prove to be in accordance with the event. We venture to predict that the rok which Jefferson Davis and his chief associates have enacted, will be regarded by posterity, when the passions and prejudices of this stormy time shall have been lulled to repose by the Lethiian flood of years, as the most unenviable and execrable which has ever fallen to the lot of any human being. We do indeed read of that "aspiring youth who fired the Bphesian dome," that be might thereby secure an immortality of fame; yet we have never learned that any — ex- cept the cruel and infamous Gloster, and such as he — commended him for the rash act. Those who have striven, from the promptings of a sim- ilar motive, to mar and desolate the nobler fabric of the American Union, will incur a condemnation during after ages, more intense, more univer- sal, more enduring than his. Let us glance briefly at the personal histo- ries and characteristics of these great historic criminals. Jefferson Davis will occupy in future ages a position in the annals of the great republic of the New World not very unlike that of Benedict 80 THE CIVIL WAR IN TlIK UNITED STATES. Arnold and Aaron Burr. That he is a remarkable man in many respects, capable of high and great as well as of base and mean achievements, is an unquestionable fact. His personal history, which is full of variety and interest, clearly demonstrates the truth of this assertion. He was born in Christian county, Kentucky, in June, 1808. His father, who was a wealthy planter, removed soon after his birth to Wilkinson county, Mis- sissippi. His son gave early proofs of superior intelligence and talent, and at the usual age was sent to Transylvania College in his native Slate. Having completed the course of study there, he was admitted to the Mili- tary Academy at West Point in 1824. He graduated in that institution in 1828, and was appointed brevet second lieutenant, and commenced service in the regular army. Mr. Davis distinguished himself in the events which occurred in the Black Hawk war. In 1833 he was promoted to a first lieutenancy of dragoons, and in that capacity made a number of expeditions against the Camanches, Pawnees, and other hostile Indian tribes upon the frontiers. It was in 1835, that, chiefly in consequence of ill health, he resigned his commission, returned to Mississippi and commenced the pursuits of a planter. He remained in retirement and repose till 1843, when he began to take an active part in political life. He entered the arena of politics as a Democrat, and was chosen one of the Electors for the State of Mis- sissippi who gave their ballots for Polk and Dallas in 1844. In the following year he was chosen to represent his adopted State in Congress, and thus began a new and more pacific career. In that body Mr. Davis soon acquired fame, and assumed a prominent position as a public speaker and an energetic partisan. His clearness and force of thought, his bold and impressive delivery, his fluency and freedom of utterance, always commanded respect and attention fiom his auditors. He was thus winning his way to a high political reputation, when, in July, 1846, he was appointed colonel of the first regiment of Mississippi volunteers when they were about to serve in the Mexican war. He im- mediately accepted the post, resigned his seat in Congress, proceeded to New Orleans, took command of the regiment, and led them forward to the assistance of General Taylor, then posted on the Rio Grande. At the storming of Monterey, in September, 1846, he acted with great gallantry, and was appointed one of the commissioners to arrange the terms of the capitulation of that city. At the bloody battle of Buena Vista, in February, 1847, he won new laurels, exhibited superior heroism and bravery, was severely wounded, and received from General Scott, com- mander-in-chief, an honorable notice in his dispatch of March, 1847. In the following summer he returned to Mississippi, and was immediately appointed by the Governor of the State to fill a vacancy which had oc- curred in the Federal Senate. In January, 1848, he was elected by the Legislature of that State to the same high office ; and after the expiration BIOGRAPHICAL SKEICHES OF DAVIS AND STEPHKXS 81 of his term, in March, 1851, was again chosen for another period of ser- vice in the Senate of the United States. In 1851 he was nominated by the Democratic party in Mississippi for Governor, against Henry S. Foote, but was defeated by a small majority. After the nomination of Mr. Pierce for the Presidency, in 1852, Mr. Davis took a very active part in the campaign, and spoke ably in favor of his old comrade in arms throughout the entire State. As a reward for his efficient services, the new President appointed him to the office of Secretary of War. He possessed abilities which qualified him for the duties of his high position, and he conducted its affairs with energy and success. He was exceedingly popular with the officers of the army, and made some important improvements in the service. He in- troduced the use of the minie rifle, increased the inland and coast frontier defences, and explored the several routes for the Pacific railroad. What the zeal and ability of Arnold had been previous to his treason to his countr}'', the efforts and services of Davis were before the origin of the Southern Rebellion. After the termination of the administration of Mr. Pierce, Mr. Davis was elected by the Legislature of Mississippi to the Senate of the United States, for the term ending in March, 1863 ; but before that term had expired he had abandoned his post, left the serene haven of high official life, and embarked upon the stormy ocean of rebellion against a great and beneficent government. In this rash act a desperate ambition was unquestionably his leading motive. He vainly imagined that he would attain still higher eminence, and that he would at length strike the stars with his sublime head — sublimi ferial sidera vert ice. Of the remaining members of the Eebel government it will be un- necessary to speak at much length. Alexander Hill Stephens, the Vice President, was born in 1818, and was a man of superior natural talents, a brilliant and powerful thinker, an able and effective orator. He represented the State of Georgia during a series of years in the national Legislature ; and he attained a distinguished position in that body, so richly adorned by diversity, profundity and profusion of talent, among its members, at different periods. Laboring all his life under ex- tremely ill health, hovering continually and feebly over an open grave, the slender and uncertain hold which he maintained upon existence did not prevent him from taking an active part in the great debates and forensic battles which occurred in the House during the period of his presence in it. When the project of secession was first agitated in Georgia, he opposed it, as has already been stated, with the utmost zeal. We have previously narrated how he changed his position, stultified his own arguments, and espoused the cause of the Rebels. The reward of his services was the second dignity in the new confederacy. As to hLs qualifications for the duties of his position, there could be no question ; 6 82 TJIE CIVIL WAU IN THE UNITED STATES. for he was well adapted to tliem, both by superior natural talents and by long experience in political life. The most remarkable of the men who were subsequently appointed to the Kebel Cabinet, was Charles G. Mciaminger, who became Secretary of the Treasury. This person was born in Wurtemberg, Germany, in 1804, and was brought to Cliarlestou when two years of age by Lis parents. Soon afterward their premature deatli left him friendless and destitute in the world. He then became an inmate of an orphan asylum ; but after some years was so fortunate as to obtain the patronage of Governor Bennet of South Carolina. That gentleman became interested in his fate, and assisted him to commence a career which afterward attained no small degree of distinction. Mr. Memminger's iutellectusl qualities were much above the ordinary range. His mind was clear, strong, sagacious. In temper he was ambitious, persevering, determined, self-confident. Small in person, he compensated for that deficiency by unusual activity and energy of movement. He was for a long time prominent in political life in South Carolina. For many years he was cliairman of the Committee of Finance of the Legislature of the State. He always opposed the ex- istence of banks and the use of paper money. In truth, he had been to the State of South Carolina what Albert Gallatin was to the Federal Government in the Revolutionary era. He was, however, a man of details, and never rose to grand national views, nor achieved a national fame in the arena of politics. By his zeal and earnestness in advocating secession, he invested bis name with an unenviable and execrable noto- riety, and forever tarnished the honorable eminence which he had pre- viously secured. Next in the order of importance in the Rebel Cabinet was Mr. Toombs, the Secretary of State. This person distinguished himself in the Federal Congress, during a number of year.s, as a zealous advocate of southern interests. He was noted for his impetuous and declamatory style of speaking. He was an admirable representative of the peculiarities of southern eloquence — ardent, rapid, noisy. Mr. Mallory, the Secretary of the Navy, formerly occupied a seat in the United States Senate. He was a man of very moderate talents and utilitarian tendencies. General L. Pope Walker, the Secretary of War, was comparatively unknown to the nation at large, but he had ac(|uired some military reputation in the South. J. P. Benjamin, the Attorney -General, had previously represented the Slate of Louisiana during some years in the Federal Senate. He possessed no inconsiderable attainments as a jurist, and marked ability as a forensic orator ; but his most remarkable and prominent characteris- tic was his acquisitiveness, as was demonstrated both by his earlier and by his maturer history. ASSEMBLING OF THE PEACE CONGRESS. 83 CHAPTER IV. ASSEMBLIKO OF THK PEACE COXGRESS AT WASHIXGTON — THEIB PROPOSALS OF COMPROMISE — THEIB REJECTION AND FAILURE — ATTITUDE OP PRESIDENT BUCHANAN — PUBLIC SENTIMPJ^T RESPECTING FORT SUMTER — MISSION OF THE " STAR OF THE WEST" — FINAL ESTABLISHMENT OP THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT AT MONTGOMERY — INAUGURATION OP JEFFERSON DAVIS AS PRESIDENT — HIS ADDRESS — INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN — HIS ADDRESS — HIS CABINET OFFICERS — THE FAMOUS ORATION OF A. H. STEPHENS AT SAVANNAH — ITS HIS- TORICAL IMPORTANCE — HIS FIRST POSITION — HE REFUTES JEFFERSON, HAMILTON, AND MADISON — HIS SECOND POSITION — THE FOUNDATION STONE OF THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY —ABSURDITY AND FALLACY OF THAT FOUNDATION — THE FUTURE CONDITION AND DESTINY OF THE NEGRO RACE. While the founders of the Southern Confederacy were thus complet- ing their work at Montgomery, a vigorous effort was being made by eminent men in the nation — beyond the jurisdiction of the Federal Con- gress — to heal the difficulty, and avert the horrors of civil war. A Peace Congress was convened at Washington, whose special aim and purpose it was to accomplish this desirable result. Ex-President Tyler presided over its deliberations ; and during the progress of its sessions a committee was appointed, consisting of one member from each State, for the purpose of drawing up pacific propositions, which might be acceptable to both parties. The chairman of this committee was the venerable James Guthrie of Kentucky. After much discussion, certain proposals of compromise were agreed upon. Having adopted a number of elaborate Articles, every word of which had been carefully weighed and discussed, the Congress provided for their being communicated to the hostile and rival Governments, for their con- sideration and approval. They then adjourned. But the ultimate fate of these propositions was unfortunate. They satisfied neither party, over whose minds the spirit of extreme irritation prevailed ; and thus they failed in accomplishing the benevolent and patriotic purpose for which they were evidently intended. The leaders of the Southern Rebellion at Charleston were not disposed to permit themselves or their achievements to disappear from public view ; and although the attention of the nation was chiefly directed to the events tlien progressing at Montgomery, they managed to make sufficient com- motion to be the subjects of continued astonishment and general scrutiny. Fort Sumter was still held by Major Anderson for the United States with a small garrison. The administration of James Buchanan continued to drag out its ignominious length; and the sole purpose of that personage seemed to be, to keep things as quiet as possible, and to avoid decisive and bold measures of any kind, until he should escape from the difficulties 84 THE CIVIL WAR IX THE UNITED STATES. of his official position. But the voice of public sentiment imperatively demanded that some demonstration should be made for the assistance and support of the commandment of Fort Sumter, which seemed to be in greater peril at that moment than any other of the Federal fortresses. Accordingly, a vessel named the Star of the West, was freighted with provisions and ammunition, and dispatched from New York to the port of Charleston. It was the hope of the nation that efficient relief would by this means be afforded to Major Anderson ; and that he would be so far strengthened, as to be able to resist with success any attack which the Eebels might make upon him. Such, however, was not destined to be the case. As the Star of the West hove in sight off the bar of Charleston, she was greeted with a discharge of artillery from the shore. As she con- tinued to approach the salute became warmer and more effective. At length the fire from Morris Island assumed a really dangerous vigor and fury. Then the commander of the vessel gave the order to port her helm ; she turned her head ; doubled upon her track ; proceeded out over the bar; and thence sailed back to New York. A more miserable and abor- tive attempt to accomplish any purpose could not possibly be conceived. This result excited general surprise and disgust throughout the nation. People of every class and every party inquired why the Federal Govern- ment, once so powerful and so prompt in the public service, both civil and military, had suddenly become so utterly imbecile and Worthless, that an armed rebellion against the Government could pursue its insulting and defiant course, could plunder public property, could declare its intention to attack and capture Federal fortresses ; and yet, all that the General Government could accomplish, after three months of menace on the part of the enemy, and of deliberation on the part of the Administration, was the sending of a single unarmed vessel, with a few men and some supplies, to make, as it were, a mere dumb show of relief, snd then return again, without having accomplished aiiything. What the real secret of this mysterious policy may have been, the future historian and apologist of the administration of James Buchanan must explain, and, if possible, must vindicate. Meanwhile, the establishment of the Rebel Government was progress- ing at its infant seat of empire. On the loth of February the Congress at Montgomery appointed a committee to make suitable arrangements for the reception of the new President, and for the ceremonies of his in- auguration. This committee performed their duties with energy and success; and Jefl'erson Davis was inducted into his office on the ensuing eighteenth of the month, in the capitol of the State, with as much pomp and ceremony as could be mustered for the occasion. The speech de- livered by the uew President was elaborated with much care, and was well adapted to the circumstances under which it was uttered. Mr. Davis concluded his address with pious allusions to the blessings THE INAUGURATION OF PEBSIDBNT LINCOLN. 85 of Providence, and with devout petitions for future guidance and direc- tion from the Supreme Being. After the close of the ceremonies, the signing of the Provisional Constitution by the members of the assembled Congress ensued. Great exultation prevailed throughout Montgomery on that day ; and at night the general rapture was dis- played by fireworks, by melodies from brass bands, and by all the usual methods of joyful popular demonstration. Thus at last the Southern Confederacy was fully and permanently organized. Immediately afterward the members of the Cabinet of Mr. Davis were confirmed by the Congress without hesitation. They imme- diately entered upon the duties of their several ofiices. One of the first acts of the President was to appoint General Peter G. T. Beauregard, late a majar in the United States engineer corps, to proceed to Charleston, and take command of the forces assembled there for the attack aud capture of Fort Sumter. While the attention of the seceding States was occupied by those events, the chief interest of the nation was engrossed by the events tran- spiring at Washington. On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated as President of the United States, and assumed the functions of his high office. No man ever inherited a more difficult or a more perilous post than fell to his lot. No man ever left a government in a more wretched state of anarchy and confusion than his predecessor had done. Mr. Lincoln delivered an Inaugural Address characterized by great moderation, by extreme prudence, and by practical sagacity ; and the nation derived fresh confidence from its manly tone and spirit, in his fitness for the anomalous position in which he was placed. He selected his Cabinet with equal judgment and felicity. William H. Seward, one of the most able and eminent of living American statesmen, was appointed Secretary of State. Simon Cameron, an adroit and experienced man of business, became Secretary of War. Gideon Welles, already favorably known for his official ability, became Secretary of the Navy. Salmon P. Chase, one of the most accomplished and profound financiers of the day was placed at the head of the Treasury. Caleb B. Smith took charge of the Interior ; Montgomery Blair presided in the Post Office Department , Edward Bates became Attorney-General. On the 21st of March, Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Southern Confederacy, delivered a memorable speech in the city of Savannah, which was commended by his partisans as a prodigious achievement of logical ability and skill. The professed purpose of this oration was to describe and to defend the leading principles of the Con- stitution of the Rebel Eepublic. It was regarded by the secessionists as an unassailable and impregnable bulwark of their peculiar institutions. Its delivery was a prominent event in the establishment of the new gov- ernment. It was cited as a representative speech uttered by a represen- 86 TUE CIVIL WAR IX THE UNITED STATES. tative man, and it was applauded as the greatest intellectual monument erected by their statesmen during the progress of the war. As it will always retain an historical importance and significance, we may be per mitted briefly to examine some of its leading positions. Mr. Stephens commenced his oration by observing in substance, that the preeminent and most valuable ingredient of the Southern Constitution was its admirable settlement of the whole subject of slavery, by which that vexed question was clearly defined and practically adjusted forever. He then proceeded to say that the founders of the Federal Government, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, and their associates, maintained the posi- tion that slavery was a violation of the laws of nature; that they be- lieved it to be inherently wrong, socially, morally and politically ; and that they indulged the hope that at some future time it would b^wholly abolished and removed. This opinion, Mr. Stephens asserted, was false. The sages of the Revolutionary era were in error. Their views were limited, superficial, absurd. He had discovered that slavery is not a violation of the laws of nature ; that it is not wrong, socially, morally or politically. Nor was it destined to be evanescent, and eventually to pass away. Such was Mr. Stephens' bold and positive assertion. But where is the proo/ that the founders of the Federal Government on this point were in error? None whatever is adduced in this speech. Not a single argu- ment is advanced by the orator to demonstrate it. He makes a simple and unsupported declaration to that effect. It then becomes a mere question of veracity and authority between A.H.Stephens on the one side, and those whose wisdom and sagacity he calls in question on the other. Either he is right, and Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, and their associates were wrong ; or their judgments were correct and his erroneous. !\[r. Stephens having placed the argument and the issue on this basis, thereby imposed upon his opponents the necessity of inquiring who pos- sesses the greater weight of authority, he, or the Federal founders ? The real question to be decided is: Will A. H.Stephens outweigh in the scales of authority the vast and powerful gravitation of those renowned sages, philosophers and statesmen ? We imagine that he will not. In any instance in which he and they would be balanced against each other, bis authority would be as the weight of a feather against the ponderosity of an Alp. Hence it was an act of weakness on his part to put the argu- ment on that ground ; and tliat weakness demonstrated the folly of those who applauded his speech in such extravagant terms. He makes an issue before the public, which issue an impartial public must, at a single glance, discover to be so overwlielmingly against him that an adverse deci- sion of their judgments is instantly and inevitably extorted from them. Mr. Stephens' second position was the most important, and also the most fallacious, contained in his speech. He asserted that the Southern Ee- FOUNDATION STONE OP THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 87 \ i public was based upon tbe great principle that the "negro is not equal ' to the white man ; that slavery, subordination to tbe superior race, is his natural and normal condition; and he adds with exultation, tliat the new I government "was the first in the history of the world based on ihnt great I physical, philosophical and moral truth." We will not deny that the latter part of this declaration may be true. The boundless and immeas- urable absurdity of a professedly free government being based, and abso- lutely founded, on a despotic and tyrannical dogma such as the worst tyrants who ever trampled human rights in the dust, and defied all laws human and divine would have approved and applauded ; that monstrous contradiction we verily believe has never before been perpetrated by any race of rational beings. It is a glory belonging not to Turkish, or Eussian, or Austrian autocrats, but to the enlightened statesmen of the Southern Confederacy alone ! But in itself considered this declaration of Mr. Stephens set forth first, a great falsehood, and second, if it were true, it was a most iniquitous and execrable principle on which to establish any government, and especially a government which called itself a Republic. We affirm that it is a false assertion that the negro is essentially and inherently an inferior race, as regards his natural, intellectual and moral capabilities of culture. That he has been made thus inferior, that he now is so, that he may for ages remain inferior, is unquestionable. But that he would have been inferior if surrounded by the same elevating influences which the white races have enjoyed is not proved. If the negro be inferior in the United States to the white man, is that fact not to be attributed to the despotism and prejudice under which he has always lived ? How could it be otherwise, when, from the day on which the race was transported hither to the present time, it has been fewer in number than the whites, destitute of means of improvement, ground into the dust by tyranny, enervated by degrading and exhausting labor, and their minds shut out by a stronger power from the genial influences of education, science, art, liberty and social improvement. It is evident that if the relative positions of the races had been exchanged, if the first inhabitants of the North American colo- nies had been free negroes, if a few whites of the lowest grade from Ireland, Germany or England, had been transported hither as slaves, and if they and their descendants had existed for several centuries precisely as negroes have lived during that interval, they would now occupy the same relative position in intelligence with regard to the rival race which the negroes do at the present hour. ' The truth of this conjecture is demonstrated by the fact that, in cases where negroes have enjoyed favorable influences and opportunities, they have attained a degree of culture and intelligence very far in advance of the statics of those negroes who are condemned to endure a life'of bondage. This fact proves the capability of the race for improvement. It is useless to adduce many instances which go to illustrate that capability ; because 88 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATKS. one solitary example would establish the truth of the position as well as hundreds; and with some such examples all men are familiar. But no absurdity is greater than the assertion that in. the abstract, and by nature, when living under equally favorable influences, the negro is necessarily and normally inferior to the white race It cannot be proved, because no case has ever existed in which an equal opportunity was afforded to a whole community of negroes; therefore no decision against their equality as a race can be derived with conclusive certainty from historical facts. To meet the surprise and disgust with which Mr. Stephens justly sus- pected that this sentiment would be re?5eived, he proceeded to argue that this great truth which the Southern Eepublic had discovered and had made the corner-stone of its structure, might be very tardy in gaining the assent of mankind; but that fact would be no argument against its truth- fulness, because other great and true principles had been equally slow in their diffusion, and yet had at last attained universal supremacy over the convictions of men. Thus it was, said he, with the discoveries of Galileo in Astronomy, and with the principles of Adam Smith in Political Econ- omy. It was no argument against the truthfulness of their doctrines, that it required a long lapse of time before the world appreciated and be- lieved them. It v/'ould be so, he added, with this new discovery of the statesmen of the Southern Confederacy. But, unfortunately, the opposition of mankind to new doctrines is no evidence of their absolute truthfulness. If men have long opposed novelties founded in truth, they have also op- posed novelties founded in error with equal obstinacy. Hence the opposition of men to new doctrines is no argument either way. If it were an argu- ment to establish the excellence of a principle, then the opposition which has, during many years, resisted the claims of the Mormons to credibility, would be an evidence in favor of their veracity. To deduce the truth of any new dogma from the fact that men condemn and oppose it, is there- fore a non sequitnr. This memorable argument of Mr. Stephens concluded, so far as the question of slavery, was concerned, with the declaration that slavery, a condition of inferiority, was not only the natural and legitimate position of the negro, but that experience had also taught, •Uhatit was best for him." What a marvelous sjjecimen of logical absurdity and fallacy is here ? The negro is inferior, degraded and debased ; therefore it is right to enslave him. But it is found by experience that slavery, which retains him in this inferior, degraded and debased condition, "is best for him." Therefore it is best for>a certain race of men to remain inferior, degraded and debased. It is a legitimate inference which follows from this premise, that whatever is best for one race must be ad- vantageous for all races ; hence, if it is best for the negro thus to be infe- rior, degraded and debased, it is also most desirable for all mankind so to be. Any government based on so monstrous and absurd a foundation, carries within its own bosom the elements of its inevitable destruction. THE MISSION OP ME. YANCEY TO EUROPE. 89 CHAPTER V. THE MISSION OF ME. YANCEY AND HIS ASSOCIATES TO EUROPE — THEIR REPRESENTATIONS TO THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH PEOPLE — EVENTS AT CHARLESTON — THE REBEL COMMISSION- ERS AT WASHINGTON — THEIR ABSURD DEPORTMENT GEN. BEAUREGARD DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OP FORT SUMTER — MAJOR ANDERSON RESPECTFULLY DECLINES — PREPARA- TIONS FOR THE BOMBARDMENT OF THE FORT — SIZE AND STRENGTH OF THE WORKS — SKETCH OF MAJOR ANDERSON — SKETCH. OF GEN. BEAUREGARD — COMMENCEMENT OF THE BOMBARDMENT — HEROISM OF THE GARRISON — INCIDENTS OF THE FIRST DAy'S ATTACK — EVENTS OF THE ENSUING NIGHT — THE CONTINUANCE OF THE BOMBARDMENT DURING THE NEST DAY — SUFFERINGS OF THE GARRISON — EX-SENATOR WIGFALL — A DEPUTATION FROM GEN. BEAUREGARD — PROPOSITIONS OF SURRENDER — THEY ARE ACCEPTED BY MAJOR ANDERSON — EXULTATION OP THE REBELS— WHY THE GARRISON WAS NOT REINFORCED — PROCLAMATION OP GOVERNOR LETCHER — PROCLAMATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. Soon after the organization of the Southern Confederacy, as has been already narrated, an importatit step was taken to obtain its recognition as an independent and established government by the leading sovereign- ties of Europe. A commission was appointed to proceed to England and France, of whom William L. Yancey was the chief, whose duty it was to effect that desirable result. It is curious to note the grounds upon which success in this enterprise, the importance of which is admitted, and need not be discussed, was based by the Rebel cabinet and their emis- saries. It was urged in the South — and when the commissioners arrived in Europe they repeated the same representations there — that the Union was irretrievably destroyed; that the seven seceding States would never will- ingly return to the Federal Government; and that the idea of compelling them so to do was absurd and visionary in the extreme. It remained therefore to consider what the interests of England and France would be in reference to this new government, whose separate and permanent ex- istence should now be accepted as an unquestionable and inevitable fact. The commissioners asserted that "-England must have cotton ;" and in that great overwhelming want lay the absolute necessity that she should recognize the new government, and enter into a treaty of commerce with it. Nowhere else on the globe could this indispensable staple be pro- duced in sufficient quantities, except in the Southern States. As soon as England perceived — as in a few months they asserted she would perceive — that thousands of her own manufacturing population were starving for the want of this commodity, her ships would force the blockade of the southern ports, and recommence the trade which had been suspended. The commissioners declared that the cotton crop for the summer of 1861 would be as abundant as usual, after making allowance for the greater proportion of corn and wheat which had been planted and sown. A 90 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED 8TATKS. potent motive would thus be off'ered to England to induce licr to resume her commercial intercourse with the Southern States. And if this result occurred, it was highly proper and necessary that the formal recognition of the new Eepublic should have previously taken place. The commissioners furthermore urged, in their informal interviews with the English and French ministers, that the seceding States, rather than return to the Federal Government, after all that had occurred to irritate and alienate them, would greatly prefer to become a colony of England or France. If they were unable to maintain their separate atti- tude, rather than again become members of the Federal Union, they would be willing to descend to the humbler relation of dependants upon a royal or imperial sovereign. In that view it would be prudent, in the very beginning of tbe contest, for France and England to recognize the new republic ; because by so doing they would render the subsequent act of submission to either of their own monarchs more legitimate and and binding. Strange and utterly false ideas were also set forth by the commissioners in regard to slavery, as it existed in the Rebel States. They asserted that the opposition of the inhabitants of the North to that institution was based solely on the fact that, before secession took place, the whole nation was held responsible for it in the eyes of the world ; that as soon as the Southern Eepublic was recognized by European powers, whereby the stigma of slavery would be removed from the North, the latter would in no respect interfere with it, and it would never con- stitute any ground of future trouble or conflict between the two govern- ments. As a proof of this position, it was alleged that the black servants of the inhabitants of the West Indies, while sojourning in the Northern States, were never disturbed, nor were any eflbrts made to entice tliem from their masters. To overcome that repugnance which all intelligent Englishmen and many Frenchmen feel to slavery, it was urged that the existing slavery in the South was in reality a patriarchal institution ; that the negro race flourished under it; that in 1808, when the foreign slave trade was abolished, there were but one million negroes in the slave States ; that now, after half a century of experiment, the negroes have increased fourfold ; and that when English and French statesmen closely examined the institution as it now exists, it would be found to be not only profitable for the master, but also most advantageous for the slave. While Mr. Yancey and his associates were zealously proclaiming and defending these questionable doctrines in England and France, and were oscillating between London and Paris with alternate hope and despair, important events were transpiring at Charleston. Until the 7th of April, 1861, friendly relations had existed to some extent between Major Ander- son, in command of Fort Sumter, and the authorities of Charleston. Till then he had been permitted to obtain fresh provisions from the markets of the city ; but on that day General Beauregard issued an order to the BEAUREGARD DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OF SUMTER. 91 effect that no further intercourse would be allowed between the fort and the shore. He then sent a messenger to Major Anderson apprising him of that determination. The immediate cause of this decision seemed to be, that the commission- ers who had been recently dispatched from the Rebel Government to Washington for the purpose of settling all questions in regard to rival interests, geographical boundaries, and other issues which necessarily- resulted from the full and absolute withdrawal of the seceding States from the Union, sent word to the Rebel President that all their efforts had proved abortive. Mr. Seward, on the part of the Administration of Mr. Lincoln, first refused their request for a private and unofficial interview. He then further informed them that it would be impossible for him, as Secretary of State for the United States, to hold any official intercourse with them whatever, to recognize them even as diplomatic agents of any- body ; and he declined to appoint a day on which they might present the evidences of their authority and the purpose of their visit to the Fed- eral Government. The commissioners, Messrs. Forsyth, of Alabama, and Crawford, of Georgia, received this intimation as an insult; flew into a passiou of the most approved southern intensity, informed the Rebel Government at Montgomery of the treatment which they had received, and left Washington in high dudgeon. When the inhabitants of the seceding States received the intelligence of these events, they caught the general and infectious rage ; a universal outburst of execration resounded over the South, and curses both loud and deep were unmercifully heaped upon the head of Mr. Lincoln, who had thus dared to snub the southern chivalry. Immediately after the occurrence of these events General Beauregard dispatched Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, his aids-de-camp, to Major Ander- son, to demand of him formally the immediate surrender of Fort Sumter. To this polite requisition Major Anderson returned an equally courteous refusal. He declared that his sense of honor, and his obligations to his Government, would absolutely prevent his compliance with the demand. On the 12th of April, about 3 o'clock, A. M., a second deputation was sent by the Rebel general to the commandant of the fort, who were com- missioned to say, that, if the latter would designate the time, at some future, and perhaps even distant period, when it would suit his conveni- ence, from want of provisions, or from any other sufficient reason, to abandon the works, they would give him the assurance that, in the mean- time, he should not be fired upon. The reply of Major Anderson to this proposition was equally unsatisfactory to the deputation; who conse- quently left the fort, giving him the agreeable assurance that the batter- ies of Charleston would open on him within an hour. And now the most startling and momentous event which had taken place since the commencement of the Rebellion was about to occur. For 92 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. the first time since the foundation of the Federal Government, the alienated children of the once glorious Union commenced actual hostilities against each other; and brothers strove to stain their hands with fratricidal blood. Yet, melancholy as was the spectacle which was now presented to the view of mankind, it exhibited at the same time some ludicrous features. At this very period, accord- ing to the statement of the Charleston Mercury — a journal which will not be suspected of injustice to their own side — there were seven thousand men under arms, and a hundred and forty pieces of heavy ordnance, which were more guns than Napoleon had at Waterloo, actually in position, and ready for use, in and around the harbor of Charleston ; and this formidable armament was marshaled by the chivalrous and invincible State of South Carolina, in order to capture a fort garrisoned by seventy half-starved men. The fortification which was about to become the scene of conflict, and around which the events and the interest of the whole Bebellion were now to cluster, was named after Thomas Sumter of Kevolutionary fame, and was one of the strongest and largest which had been erected by the Fed- eral Government. In form Fort Sumter was a truncated pentagon, one of the five sides being parallel with the shore. On that side was the landing and entrance to the fort from a wharf which extended along the entire length of the fortress and projected toward the land. The height of the walls above the water line was sixtj' feet, and they were from eight to twelve feet in thickness. The whole number of guns mount- ed at the period of the attack was seventy-five, although the full arma- ment was a hundred and forty. These were placed in three tiers. The heaviest, consisting of thirty-two and sixty-four pounders, were arranged on the lowest tier. The guns next in size, being twentj^-four pounders, frowned from the port-holes of the second tier. From the lofty parapet thirteen-inch columbiads and heavy sea-coast mortars menaced the foe. In the area within the fort there were two furnaces for heating shot. On the eastern and western sides were the barracks and mess halls of the privates. On the southern side were the quarters of the officers. The magazines of powder were well supplied ; the only deficiency under which the garrison labored was that of fuses, men and provisions. The fortress was at this period under the command of Major Eobert Anderson. This meritorious officer was born in 1810, and graduated with honor at West Point. His first important service was in the Black Hawk war, in which he behaved with gallantry. His superior merits are indicated by the fact that, in 1838, he was appointed assistant instruc- tor and inspector at West Point. In the following year he published a work entitled " Instruction for Field Artillery, Horse and Foot ; arranged for the service of the United States." He was b revetted captain in April, 1838. He afterward was made assistant adjutant-general. In March, COMMENCEMENT OP THE BOMBARDMENT. 93 1848, lie proceeded to Mexico with the Third Eegiment of Artillery, and assisted in the siege of Vera Cruz. On that occasion he had command of one of the batteries. He accompanied General Scott in his triumphal march to the city of Mexico. For his gallant services in the war he was promoted to the brevet rank of major ; and in October, 1857, received the position of major in the First Artillery. Throughout his whole military career Major Anderson had been remarkable for his bravery, coolness, general ability as a soldier, and his incorruptible integrity as a patriot. The officer who commanded the rebel forces in Charleston, and who was about to conduct the assault upon the fort, was not unworthy, in some respects, to be the rival of so admirable a soldier. General Peter G. T. Beauregard was a native of Louisiana, and was born in 1817. He was descended, on his mother's side, from Italian ancestors, who are said to trace their lineage to the illustrious ducal family oi Beggio. He gratuated at West Point with honor in 1838, and was immediately appointed to the corps of Engineers. In January, 1840, he obtained a first lieutenancy ; and afterward served with distinction through the Mexican war. After the battle of Churubusco he was brevetted on the field as captain, for his gallant and meritorious conduct. After the conflict of Chapultepec he received a similar compliment, with the higher grade of major. His conduct during the entire war was distinguished for superior skill and for- titude ; and he had already attained the reputation of possessing engineering talents of a high order. It would doubtless have been impossible for the President of the Southern Confederacy to have confided the important service of reducing Fort Sumter to more able and experienced hands. Major Anderson had informed the deputation from Charleston, which waited upon him before daybreak on the 12th of April, that his provision would be exhausted on the following Monday, the 15th of April. This information was given in an unoificial manner ; and the communication was perfectly proper under the circumstances. Accordingly, when the chivalrous warriors of South Carolina commenced the bombardment of the fort, it was done with the perfect knowledge of the fact that the siege must end in its capture, if it were only continued for three days. la truth, the commandant would have been compelled to evacuate at that period, whether attacked or not ; or else starve to death. Therefore it is evident that the bombardment of the fort was in reality a complete farce, a mere dumb show of unnecessary, superfluous, ostentatious bravado. This important fact should be borne in mind when we contemplate the events which ensued, and the boundless boastings of the victors. At length, on Friday morning, April 12th, at half-past four o'clock, the commencement of the attack was announced by the discharge of a single bombshell, which, after describing a graceful curve through the murky heavens, descended, and burst directly over the fort. The dark- ness of the early dawn was suddenly illumined, far and near, by the flash- 94 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UXITKI> STATES. ing meteor. The sound reverberated over the silent fort, over the watery waste, over the adjacent shores, and over the slumbering city, starting thousands from their repose, and announcing that the last act of the drama had commenced. Major Anderson instantly ordered the sentinels to descend from the parapets, the posterns to be closed, the stars and stripes to be unfurled from the summit of the flag-staff, and the men to remain within the bomb-proofs. After a short pause of preparation, the Rebels commenced to fire upon Sumter from all directions, not only from the forts which had previously existed in the harbor, but also from those works which they had recently erected ; from the iron masked batteries at Cumming's Point, at a distance of sixteen hundred yards; from the iron floating battery at the end of Sullivan's Island, distant two thousand yards; and from the enfilading batteries on Sullivan's Island and" on Mount Pleasant. In consequence of the smallness of the garrison, Major Ander- son did not return a single shot until his men had breakfasted, that they might husband their strength as much as possible. At seven o'clock the}' were divided into three equal relief parties, with orders to work the batteries by turns for four hours each. Then old Sumter opened her iron mouths, and poured forth an indignant and contemptuous hail-storm of shot and shell upon her multitudinous assailants, which told that the an- cient vigor of her garrison had not degenerated. The}- displayed the utmost enthusiasm in working the guns; and the several reserve parties could scarcely be restrained from service till their proper turns arrived. The first relief was commanded by Captain Doubleday, of the Artillery, and Lieutenant Snyder, of the Engineer corps. Their compliments were chiefly paid to Fort Moultrie, whose shattered embrasures soon testified to the superior skill and vigor of their gunnery. The immense superiority of the rebel batteries in numbers soon began to tell effectively upon the fortress. Their fire was uninterrupted and vigorous. A deluge of shot poured into Sumter from every quarter at once; and the assailants must have been pigmies in warfiare had they not been able to overpower the feeble gcrrrison and demolish the solitary fort. Loose brick and stone now flew in every direction ; portions of the parapet were torn away; six of the guns were disabled; and it became certain death to undertake to work the barbette guns on the upper un- covered casement. About one o'clock, on Friday, the cartridges in the fort were exhausted; and a party was detailed to use the blankets and shirts in the magazines to supply the deficiency. At length a greater evil tiian the shot of the enemy began to assail the heroic garrison. During the first day of the siege the barracks caught fire three several times; and soon the fort was filled with smoke, which blinded the men and almost stifled them. By prodigious exertions the fire was extinguished. In the meanwhile the guns were served with the same alacrity. The men — tlieir faces begrimed with powder, the flames roaring within the works |8g © C.--3 e SUFFERINGS OF THE GARRISON. 95 and apparently approachiug nearer and nearer to the magazine, the bat- teries of the enemy reverberating from every quarter, and their red-hot shot exploding above, around and near them, without intermission — still worked with dauntless resolution, and the officers gave -their orders with the utmost coolness. Amid such a pandemonium the darkness of night descended upon the scene; and Friday, the first day of tlie assault, closed. But the fort was not yet reduced. During the night Major Anderson ordered his men to suspend their fire. Not so the assailants. Perfectly aware that after the third day the commandant must evacuate for want of provisions, they determined to make all the bluster and display possible; and hence they continued their useless and superfluous assault during the entire night. It was a grand spectacle for the populace of Charleston. Never before had they witnessed such an exhibition. Never before had there been such a display of sky-rockets, at the public expense, as was made during that night in Charleston harbor. Accordingly, the whole population were out. The wharves, and what is called the Battery, were filled with a delighted and astonished multitude, who gazed with mingled wonder and exultation at the countless shells as they described their sym- metrical parabolas through the midnight heavens, and then descended upon the silent fortress. That, however, for the most part was a display merely intended to demonstrate the prowess and skill of the besiegers. Little damage was done during the night ; Major Anderson spent the interval in recruiting his men and preparing for the next day's work. At length Saturday dawned, and Sumter began to respond to the fire of the enemy. The seven thousand Rebel troops who were assembled at the scene of conflict had not yet become exhausted ; they still discharged their guns with uninterrupted regularity and frequency. Early in the day the barracks within the fort were set on fire for the fourth time ; and it soon became evident that it would be impossible to extinguish the flames. No sooner would the exertions of the men succeed in suppress- ing the conflagration in one quarter, than the red-hot balls of the enemy would kindle them with fresh fury in another. Then it became neces- sary to remove the powder from the magazine. Ninety barrels were rolled through the very flames, wrapped in wet woolen blankets, to the port-holes, and thrown overboard. At last it was impossible to accom- plish even this ; and the doors of the magazine were closed and locked upon the remainder. And now the smoke became more stifling and insupportable than ever. The meu were blinded and smothered beyond endurance. They could only breathe through wet cloths, and by lying on the ground. It is said that, at one moment, had not a propitious eddy of wind lifted the dense smoke from the area within the fortress, nearly all the garrison must have been suffocated. In such a situation there was yet no thought of surrender ; but the guns of the fort could not be worked with the usual rapidity. They were fired slowly, only as 96 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. fast as cartridges could be made in the darkness produced by tbe smoke, and merely to announce tbe fact to the assailants and to the admirin» citizens that tbe fort had not yet been silenced. Amid such scenes tbe hours of Saturday wore away. The final catas- trophe was rapidly approaching. Seven thou.sand valiant soldiers would not easily desist from the conquest of seventy men. Hence the attack was kept up more furiously during this day than on the precedinf>-. A deluge of red-hot shot was still poured upon the shattered works; the fire within continued its unrestrained ravages; the smoke became more intense, and swelled high up into the heavens, a black rolling mass, which could be seen from afar above the fort ; the main gate was battered down ; the walls were full of breaches ; and the towers had all been demolished. These were the results of the second day's assault, yet the stars and stripes still waved from the flag-staff"; their graceful lines of beauty being occasionally visible, as the thick curtain of smoke would be wafted aside by ihe breeze. The sun was beginning to descend the western heavens, when ex-senator Wigfall suddenly and unaccountably presented himself at one of the embrasures, with a white flag tied to his sword. Such a spectacle, at such a time and place, at once attracted attention. Lieu- tenant Snyder immediately approached him, and demanded his business. He received for answer, that the stranger was no loss a personage tliiin General Wigfall, who came from General Beauregard with an important message; and he desired to know why, the flag being down, the fort did not stop firing? The truth however was, that Wigfall had 7ioi come with any message from Beauregard, and that the flag was not down. Never- theless a parley ensued, which amounted to nothing. The visitor then disappeared through the embrasure, and soon afterward a deputation arrived, consisting of Messrs. Chesnut, Pryor, Lee, and Miles, who bad been sent by General Beauregard. They brought propositions of sur- render, which Major Anderson approved aiid at once accepted. It was stipulated between them, that the garrison should remove all their indi- vidual and company property; that they should march out with all their arms, at their own time, and in their own way ; that they should salute their flag with the honors of war, and then take it away with them. Thus was this memorable assault terminated. On Sunday morning, at half-past nine o'clock, the garrison withdrew, firing a salute of a hun- dred guns. They then embarked upon a transport furnished by the Rebels ; the patriotic strain of Yankee Doodle floating meanwhile upon the breeze. They were subsequently transferred- to the "Baltic," and sailed for New York. It is superfluous to say that Major Anderson and his men behaved during the bombardment with the utmost gallantry and heroism. It would have been impossible to have defended the fort more ably, or to have surmounted the difficulties of their position more resolutely, than they bad done. The fact that none were killed during WHY THE GAERISON WAS NOT REINFORCED. 9^ the assault must be attributed to the precautions used by the com- mandant, who stationed a man at every port-hole who gave notice of the approach of shot or shell. President Lincoln subsequently expressed to Major Anderson, ofRcially, his entire approval of the manner in which he had discharged his arduous duties on this occasion. After the victory came the exultation, and it was such exultation as had never before convulsed the chivalrous South. Seven thousand men had conquered seventy men; and shouts of joy reverberated throughout the whole length and breadth of the Rebel States. General Beauregard immediately issued a proclamation, in which he congratulated the troops under his command for their success ; spoke of the great privations and hardships which they had endured in the conflict ; and declared that they "had exhibited the highest characteristics of tried soldiers." He took occasion also to thank his staff, the regulars, the volunteers, the militia and the naval forces for the prodigious heroism and gallantry which they had exhibited. Much surprise was expressed at the time that President Lincoln did not reinforce the garrison, and that surprise seemed founded in justice. But the Executive himself explained at a later period the reason of this apparent anomaly. That reason, which was amply sufficient, was briefly this : It was the opinion of the chief officers, both of the army and navy, at Washington, whom Mr. Lincoln consulted on the subject — and it was also the opinion of Major Anderson himself — that it would require twenty thousand men to defend the fort successfully, and that the possession of it was not really worth so great an expense and outlay of men and money. Accordingly the orders given to the commandant simply were, that he should vindicate the honor of his flag by making such a resistance as his resources enabled him to make, and then, if necessary, abandon the fort. This he would have done at any rate on the Monday after the attack, and thus would have saved South Carolina the half million dollars which her two days of empty glory cost her. On the 17th of April, Governor Letcher of Virginia issued a proclama- tion, in which he recognized the independence of the Eebel States, and ordered that all armed volunteers, regiments and companies in Virginia should hold themselves in readiness for efficient service. On the same day the convention, which had been summoned to discuss the policy of secession, passed an ordinance repealing the ratification of the Constitu- tion of the United States by the State of Virginia, and resuming all the rights and powers granted under said Constitution. Immediately after these events President Lincoln issued a proclama- tion, calling for seventy-five thousand troops to suppress the Eebellion, and sumrnpning the Federal Congress to meet at Washington on the en- suing 4th of July, 1861, in extraordinary session. , 7 98 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER VI. ENTHUSIASM OF THE REBEL STATES — PROJECTED CONQDEST OF WASHINGTON — PROOFS THAT IT WAS CONTEMPLATED — WHY IT WAS NOT ACCOMPLISHED — SEVENTY-FIVE THOUSAND FEDE- RAL TROOPS ORDERED OUT — DAVIS ISSUES LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAI, — PROCLAMA- TION OF GOVERNOR LETCHER — SECESSION OF VIRGINIA — BLOCKADE OF THE SOUTHERN PORTS ■ — ASPECT OF THE LOYAL STATES — FIRST IN THE FIELD — THE ATTACK ON FEDERAL TROOPS IN BALTIMORE — FURY OF THE REBEL MOB — RESULTS OP THE ATTACK — ITS INFAMY — THE FEDE- RAL FORTS ARE GARRISONED — SECESSION OF MISSOURI — RAPID MARCH OP FEDERAI, TROOPS TO WASHINOTON^THE CHICAGO ZOUAVES THE GALLANT ELLSWORTH — ORIGIN OF THE TERM ZOUAVE — HISTORY OF THE FRENCH ZOUAVES IN ALGERIA, IN THE CRIMEA, IN ITALY — THEIR PECULIAR CHARACTERISTICS — AMERICAN ZOUAVES. The fall of Sumter, together with the proclamation of President Lincoln summoning a large body of troops to convene at the Federal capital, which followed that event, appear to have inflamed the military ardor of the Rebel States to a prodigious degree; and gorgeous vision.s of extensive conquests rose to their excited views. Prominent among these was the immediate attack and capture of Washington. It has been seriously doubted whether the leaders of the secession movement ever really entertained that ambitious purpose, and especially at so early a stage of the Rebellion. It has been asserted that their views were always confined to the defence of the invaded territory of these States, which had become identified with the secession movement ; and that the project of the threatened march on Washington was the sole product of the groundless terrors of the inhabitants of the North. This supposition is erroneous. At the period of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, it was boldly asserted by the Rebel leaders that their next move- ment, after the reduction of that fortress, would be the capture of the Federal capital. Mr. Walker, the Secretary of War to the Rebel Gov- ernment, declared on the 12th of April, at Montgomery, that no man could prophesy where the war would end ; but that he would predict that the flag of the Southern Confederacy would float in splendor over the dome of the capitol at Washington before the first day of May. He moreover warned the "hostile Yankees" that, if they were not careful how they insulted the chivalry of the South, they would ere long see that flag waving in defiant majesty over Fanuoil Hall itself A similar sentiment was expressed at the same time by many of the leading journals of the South. The Richmond Inquirer declared that nothing was more probable than that President Davis would soon march a triumphant army through North Carolina and Virginia into Wa.shington. The Richmond Examimr asserted that Washington was perfectly within the power of Maryland and Virginia, and added that the whole popula- PROJECTED CONQUEST OF WASHINGTON. 99 tion of the South desired, with the utmost unanimity, the achievement of that enterprise. It was a singular fact that, when the troops of North Carolina proceeded to join the Eebel camp in Virginia, it was with the express expectation that their destination was an immediate attack on the Federal capital. Other southern journals were still more sanguine The Milledgevilh Recorder endeavored to incite the Rebel Government to immediate action ; declared that the Confederate States must possess Washington ; and insisted that it was folly to imagine that it could be permitted to remain any longer the headquarters of the " Lincoln Gov- ernment." Southern pride demanded that that city should not continue under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government. The Charleston Courier asserted, on the 14th of April, that the desire to capture Washington in- creased every hour among the valiant and patriotic citizens of the South. Similar authorities might be accumulated to a very large extent, to show how widely diffused and how intensely ardent this wish to possess the Federal city was throughout the Southern States. That the Eebel armies, therefore, did not make the attempt, was evidently the result not of a want of inclination, but of a want of ability; and it is equally plain that this achievement formed a prominent element in the colossal plan of resistance, disorganization and ruin, which their leaders conceived, and which they were able to some extent to realize. Immediately after the proclamation of President Lincoln calling out seventy-five thousand men, the Rebel Congress, then in session at Mont- gomery, authorized the raising of an additional force of thirty-two thousand men. Of this number. General Pillow declared that Tennessee alone would willingly furnish ten thousand. Alexander H. Stephens uttered the formidable boast that it would require seventy-five times seventy-five thousand soldiers to intimidate the South, and that even then " they would not stay intimidated." Jefferson Davis inflamed the war- like spirit of the Rebels to a still intenser pitch by issuing, on the 17th of April, a proclamation, in which he invites all those who might desire, by service in private armed vessels on the high seas, to aid the Rebel Government in resisting what he termed a wanton and wicked aggres- sion, to make application for letters of marque and reprisal, which would be issued under the seal of the Confederate States, and would be freely granted to those who furnished the necessary securities for the observance of the laws of those States. The result of this proclamation was, that an eager host of thieves and pirates immediately sprang for- ward to obtain the benefit of the proclamation, and enrich themselves by plundering under the cover of law and public justice. The Legislature of Virginia was at this period in session. That ancient commonwealth had long hesitated as to the policy which she would pursue in reference to secession. Many potent considerations bound her to the old Union, with which all her most glorious and honorable asao- 100 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. ciations were connected. But her present interests, and especially the identity of her sympathies with the South in reference to slavery, led her to cling to the faction of the Rebels. In addition to this, her people were greatly influenced by the intrigues of a number of detestable traitors, of whom Ex-Secretary Floyd was the chief, who were active in their eSbrts to alienate the minds of the people from the Union. On the 18th of April, John Letcher, Governor of the State, issued a proclamation, in which he declared that the action of Mr. Lincoln in calling for an armed force of seventy-five thousand men was in effect a declaration of war ; that the President possessed no power to issue such a proclamation ; that Congress alone was competent to declare war ; that therefore this act was illegal and unconstitutional ; and that the General Assembly of that State having so pronounced it, he, the Governor, then and there ordered all the armed volunteers within the State to hold themselves in readiness to enter upon military duty against the threatened encroach- ments of the Federal Government. At the same period the convention which had been summoned for the purpose of determining whether the State would join the Southern Confederacy or not, voted in favor of secession. There were but seven members who opposed the measure and four of those seven came from Western Virginia. It had now become evident to the most obtuse and the most unwilling observer that the day of reconciliation had passed by; and that the Federal Government had no other alternative left, in order to vindicate its own honor and suppress the rebellion, than the adoption of the most stringent and hostile measures. The blockade of all the southern ports was immediately ordered and immediately executed. The great steam- ship Niagara, the pride of the American navy, was stationed off Charles- ton harbor, where her heavy guns and her gallant crew would effectually suspend the commerce of that city, the virulent hot-bed of secession. The blockade of the Chesapeake was maintained by the steam-frigate Minnesota, off Old Point Comfort ; by the Dawn and the Yankee, off Fortress Monroe ; by the Quaker City, off the mouth of the Chesapeake bay ; by the Montecello, off York river ; by the Harriet Lane, off the mouth of James river. Other vessels were dispatched to Savannah, to Mobile, and to New Orleans, whose trade was effectually sealed and sus- pended by the terror of their guns. At this period the loyal States presented to the eye of an observer a strange and unaccustomed spectacle. Their vast and rich domains, usually the scenes of peaceful pursuits, of manufacturing industry, of agricultural thrift, were now teeming with those incidents which are connected with warlike operations. The proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, summoning seventy-five thousand men to the field, infused ijito the nation a new spirit. That number of men, which, in comparison with the more colossal requisitions of later times, seems insignificant, then ATTACK ON FEDERAL TROOPS IN BALTIMORE. 101 appeared to be an enormous armament ; and the business of recruiting, of arming, of drilling, so unfamiliar to our pacific eyes and ears, became visible and audible on every hand. In a very short time the necessary number were enlisted, and were ready to march to the Federal capital. The honor of having responded with commendable celerity to the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, and of having been among the first in the field, belongs to a regiment of Massachusetts' volunteers, and to a body of troops collected and enlisted in Philadelphia by Colonel Small. On Friday, the 19th of April, these troops commenced their journey from that city. They filled thirty-six cars, and arrived without any accident or detention at Baltimore, on their way to Washington. The loyalty of the chief city of Maryland had been justly suspected ; but no suspicions were entertained that the hostility of a portion of its inhabitants to the Union would be developed in so violent and so tragical a manner as in the end occurred. When the cars containing these troops arrived in Baltimore, an im- mense assemblage had collected at the intersection of Gay and Pratt streets, for the purpo.se of making a hostile demonstration against them. The feelings which animated the crowd were readily ascertained and clearly apparent; nevertheless the Massachusetts troops, who occupied the cars in the advance, being well armed and well disciplined, boldly confronted the danger, defied their assailants, and pressed on through the city. The majority of them succeeded in effecting their passage before the rioters were able to barricade the railway track. This they effected by loading it with heavy anchors obtained in the vicinity. This move- ment intercepted the further progress of the Pennsylvania troops, who, till this period, had remained in the cars. As they were without arms or equipments of any kind, they would have been unable to resist a hostile force much superior to themselves in numbers. After a period of uncertainty and suspense, however, they descended from the cars and formed in line in the street adjoining the depot. Then the order to advance was given. This forward movement was the signal for the attack of the mob — a vast assemblage who filled the neighboring streets and spaces, at whose front was borne a Confederate flag. They discharged a volley of stones at the troops, which compelled the head of the column to fall back. Gradually the attack became more general ; and those among the soldiers who were provided with arms, discharged them in self-defence. But the number of these was comparatively small ; and soon a deluge of stones and the discharge of pistols and guns from the crowd assailed the defenceless troops. The latter, after a short interval of hand-to-hand combats, were collected together in a train of cars, an engine was attached, and their return toward Philadelphia was com- menced. A number had been wounded, several killed, and a still greater proportion were scattered during the mtlee. The latter afterward effected 102 THK CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. their escape with considerable delay and difficulty. The fact that the soldiers wore without uniforms, which the regiment expected to procure, together with arms, at Washington, enabled many to elude the fury of the populace, who would otherwise have become their victims. This attack on unarmed men, engaged in so noble a service, by the inhabi- tants of a prominent city of the Union, was one of the most despicable acts recorded in the annals of a war so profusely disgraced as this became, by innumerable deeds of infamy, treachery and cruelty. The nation was surprised and alarmed by this unexpected display of treasonable sentiments at Baltimore; and the immediate effect was to spread the flame of patriotic ardor more widely, and induce the Adminis- tration at Washington to adopt more active measures. Forts MoHenry, Monroe, and Pickens were quickly furnished with stronger garrisons ; and camps of instruction were formed in various places for the purpose of drilling those troops who, in answer to the President's proclamation, had devoted themselves to the service of their country. It soon became evident that a much greater number of these men were ready to respond to the appeal than had been called for ; and the large number of regiments which arrived successively at Washington, removed all apprehensions in regard to the immediate safety of that city from the minds of the President and his cabinet. On the 3d of May 1861, the Legislature of Missouri convened, and a message was received by them from the Cliief Magistrate of the State. In that document Governor Claiborne Jackson declared that Mr. Lincoln, by calling out troops for the purpose of subduing the secession move- ment, had committed an unconstitutional and illegal act. He proceeded to defend the right of secession ; and maintained that the proceedings of the States which had withdrawn from the Union had been performed in the exercise of an undoubted right; that the interests of Missouri were identical with the other slaveholding States ; and that the similarity of their social and political institutions clearly demonstrated that it was the duty of Missouri, at the proper time, to follow their example. He concluded by recommending that the Legislature should make such appropriations as would enable the State authorities to resi.st any attempt which might be made by the Federal Government to enforce the Federal laws. This message was the commencement and cause of that long series of desperate and bloody events which afterward occurred in Mis- souri in connection with the Southern Eebellion, and which increased in importance as time progressed. Among the large number of troops which the proclamation of President Lincoln drew forth for the defence of the Union, there was one peculiar class of soldiers, whose name, whose discipline, and whose history consti- tute one of the military novelties of the present age. A year before the outbreak of the Rebellion, the American public were surprised and grati- ORIGIN OP THE TERM ZOUAVE. 103 fied by the appearance and martial drill of a corps of men, organized in Chicago, calling themselves Zouaves. The term was new and harsh to the majority of Americans ; but to those who were familiar with the military events of recent times in Europe and Africa, it conveyed a start- ling and impressive meaning. The Chicago Zouaves were commanded by a youth of no ordinary spirit and ability ; and the inhabitants of the principal cities of the Union admired, and with justice praised, the pecu- liar qualities and the soldier-like virtues of the gallant Ellsworth. When the Rebellion elicited the proclamation of the President, the Chicago Zouaves did not tender their services to the country in a body, but their commander obtained in New York suitable materials for another corps, which he drilled in the old method, and upon whom he conferred much of the old exactitude and perfection. This corps now marched to Wash- ington under the orders of Ellsworth. As this peculiar arm of the ser- vice was a novelty in its way — as the origin, the history, and the achieve- ments of the European Zouaves, after whom they were named and mod- elled, are a topic of no ordinary interest — we will here briefly digress from the direct current of events, and introduce an episode in reference to that subject. What the Tenth Legion was to Caesar, what the Janizaries were to the Sultans, what the Imperial Guard was to Napoleon I., that the Zouaves proved to be, both to Louis Philippe and to Napoleon III. The word Zouave was derived or corrupted from the Arabic Zcnvawah, which is the name of a tribe of Kabyles in the province of Algiers. These people have resided for generations in the most remote and mountainous portions of the Jurjura; and were remarkable for their superior industry, their bravery, and their love of freedom. They were of Arab descent, and they alone, of all the inhabitants of Algeria, had never been completely subjugated by the Turkish power. After the invasion of Algeria by the French, it became necessary for the security and permanency of their authority that a large and formidable force should be constantly maintained under arms in that province. Already had the Zawawah contingent in the Algerian army become distinguished for their superior qualities as soldiers, for their excellent discipline, their desperate courage, their wil- lingness to endure privation and suffering in the execution of the most difficult and dangerous commissions. In July, 1830, Louis Phillippe appointed Marshal Clausel Governor of Algeria ; and that officer determined to organize a native corps of cavalry and infantry as one of the first acts of his administration. By a decree bearing date October 1, 1830, he created two battalions, to be composed of such materials ; and as the martial fame of the Zawawahs already stood high, he took care that the greater proportion of these new troops should be composed of them. But natives of all sorts were admitted into their ranks, without any distinction of origin, religion, or race ; inhabitants of 104 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. the mountains, and dwellers on the plains, Kables, Arabs, Negroes, Turks ; and thus it was that this heterogeneous corps, to whom the name of Zouaves was then applied, obtained that anomalous, rude, and ferocious character, which has ever distinguished them. Together with the savage qualities which they possessed as natives, they soon combined that military efficiency which was derived from their being drilled by the best French officers. Some of the most eminent generals in the French service were connected, at an early period of their career, with this remarkable corps. One of the first commanders was Lamoriciere, who afterward became illustrious. Subsequently they were led to battle by Cavaignac ; then by St. Aruaud, and later still, by Baraquay d'Hilliers and Bosquet. The Zouaves of Algeria distinguished themselves in many of those bloody conflicts which attended the subjugation of the Arab tribes, who, under the heroic Abdel Kader, endeavored to rescue their country from the tyranny of its French invaders. Scarcely six weeks had elapsed after their organization as a separate corps, when they took part in the famous expedition against Medeah, under Marshal Clausel. The French on this occasion were compelled to retreat ; and nothing saved them from being cut to pieces in a narrow defile except the dauntless courage of the Zouaves, who, passing to the rear, set up their hideous war shouts, fell upon the victorious Kabyles with the ferocity of tigers, and hewed them to the earth. This achievement at once gave them an honorable fame and position in the French army. In every subsequent service of danger, in every expedition of difficulty, they were ordered to take part ; and on all occasions they behaved with a degree of valor which won for them the confidence and admiration of their foreign masters. Their drill was re- markable for its precision and energy ; and their costume, which was a singular mixture of Oriental dress with French colors, contributed to render them still more unique and extraordinary. A portion of that activity in which they excelled all the French soldiers in Algeria, was to be attributed to the convenience and freedom of their dress. It gave ample room for the use of the limbs, and was utterly unlike the usual attire of European and American soldiers, by which the body is so squeezed, hampered and choked, as to render ease and vigor of movement almost impossible. The Zouaves took part in the expedition against Oran in 1835, and against Mouznia in 1836. They especially distinguished themselves at the siege of Constantine, where they led the first column of assault and greatly contributed to the victory. In all the conflicts in 1843 and 1814, which took [)lace between the French and Abdel Kader, the Zouaves held a conspicuous place. Their peculiar habits fitted them admirably to resist and to vanquish the Arab soldiery. At the capture of Smalah, and especially at the famous battle of Isly, they fought with a heroism which THE FRENCH ZOUAVES IN THE CRIMEA. 105 received, as it richly deserved, the enthusiastic plaudits of their more civilized masters. After the submission of Abdel Kader in 1847, there remained little op- portunity in Algeria for the display of the peculiar qualities of the Zouaves. Their chief service then consisted in maintaining garrisons for the French in remote and dangerous positions, exposed to the sudden attacks of the conquered Arabs. In 1852 their corps were reorganized ; they were armed with rifles ; and another regiment was added to their numbers, thus making three regiments, each consisting of three battalions. Then at length they were transferred from their native soil to that of France. The fame of their heroism so strangely united with ferocity, preceded them; and they were everywhere the objects of curiosity not unmingled with fear. In 1854, when the war in the Crimea commenced, they proceeded with the French forces to the East. The bloody struggles of Alma, Balaklava, In- kerman, and Sevastopol, witnessed their extraordinary qualities; and in the more recent war in Italy they maintained their ancient fame by pro- digious displays of their ancient valor. 106 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER VII. THE SECESSION OF TENNESSEE — PARSON BROWNLOW — DECLARATION OP WAR BY THE CONFED. ERATE CONGRESS — SKIRMISH NEAR ST. LOUIS — SECESSION ELEMENT IN BALTIMORE — FORT MC'hENRY — SECESSION OP NORTH CAROLINA — ADJOURNMENT OF THE REBEL CONGRESS TO CONVENE AT RICHMOND — ASSEMBLY OF FEDERAL TROOPS AT WASHINGTON — THE OCCUPA- TION OF ALEXANDRLA — ASSASSINATION OF COLONEL ELLSWORTH — SKETCH OP HIS CAREER — HIS LIFE IN CHICAGO — FAMOUS TOUR OF THE CHICAGO ZOUAVES — ELLSWORTH'S MILITARY TASTES AND TALENT.S — HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE AND CHARACTERISTICS — HIS PECULIAR- ITIES AS A SPEAKER — HE ORGANIZES THE NEW YORK FIRE ZOUAVES — HIS DEATH A LOSS TO THE CAUSE OF THE UNION — GENERAL ROBERT PATTERSON'S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA — CROSSING THE POTOMAC AT WILLIAMSPORT — BATTLE OF FALLING WATERS — PURSUIT OF THE ENEMY TO HAINSVILLE — TO MARTINSEURG — THE MARCH TO BUNKER HILL — TO CUARLESTOWN OCCUPATION OF HARPER's FERRY — RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN. On the 6th of May, 1861, another defection took place among the States of the Union, and another member was added to the chister of apostate communities. On that day the Legislature of Tennessee passed the ordi- nance of secession, and adopted the terms of an alliance with the Confed- erate States. The instrument by which this act was accomplished was absurdly called a " Declaration of Independence ;" and it set forth, as all its predecessors had in substance set forth, that the citizens of that State maintained the right of every free and independent peoj)le, to alter or abolish their form of government as they pleased ; and that, in the exercise of this right, they, of Tennessee, ordained and declared that all laws which had heretofore constituted the State a member of the Federal Union, were thereby abrogated and annulled; and that henceforth the State should become, what they had indeed immediately before declared it had always previously been, " a free, sovereign and independent communitv." The announcement of this event elicited various and opposite expressions of sentiment throughout Tennessee, for a large Union element existed among her population. Parson Brownlow, the well-known editor of the Knox- vilk Whig, gave utterance to his indignation in terms extremely forcible and appropriate, in a torrent of invective which immediately afterward graced his journal. He stigmatized the act of secession as " a black deed," perpetrated by traitors who had taken a solemn oath to support the Con- stitution of the United States; and lie affirmed that the ordinance itself was unconstitutional, unjustifiable, " a vile act of usurpation." He char- acterized the agents of tlie movement as "unprincipled politicians;" and for this resolute and patriotic conduct he afterward became the victim of the vengeance of the Rebel authorities. On the 7th of May the Congress of the Confederate States, convened at Montgomery, passed an act by which that important body recognized and declared the existance of war with the United States; and affirmed that SKIRMISH NEAR ST. LOUIS. lOT hostilities had been begun against them by Abraham Lincoln, which it was their duty to resist and to suppress. The falsehood of this assertion stands out so plainly on the face and front of it, that, none except rebels and traitors could be so blind as not readily to detect it. It was in the State of Missouri that the warlike elements of the two parties first came into active collision. On the 10th of May a brigade of the militia of that State, commanded by General Frost, encamped on the western outskirts of St. Louis, and defied the forces of the Federal Gov- ernment. The latter were then under the orders of Captain Lyon; who, before running the hazards of a battle against superior numbers, wisely resolved to try the effect upon the rebels of a formal demand to surrender. That demand was made, accompanied by the assurance that those who laid down their arms should be treated with humanity. The gallant Frost immediately complied with this requisition. Eight hundred men became prisoners of war, and were escorted into the city of St. Louis by the Federal troops. During this march an unfortunate conflict took place between the latter and a portion of the populace, in which about twenty persons in the crowd were killed. The captive State troops were afterward released on parole, having taken the oath not to serve again against the United States. Their officers, their camp equipage, their artillery, and their am- munition, were retained. These events formed the prelude to other and more important events, which subsequently occurred in that distant portion of the Union. Meanwhile the proclamation of President Lincoln calling out seventy- five thousand troops for three months, had been responded to throughout all the loyal States. Thousands of men volunteered, whose superfluous services could not be accepted. The largest proportion of troops was re- quired from New York and Pennsylvania; from the former eleven regi- ments, from the latter ten, were demanded. By the 15th of May Balti- more was occupied by a numerous Federal force commanded by General Butler. The secession element was still vigorous in that city, and it was strengthened from day to day by the treasonable conduct and influence of Marshal Kane, the head of the police force. Fortunately, Fort McHenry, which commands the city of Baltimore, was well provided with artillery, men and stores, and was in the possession of Federal officers. Its formid- able guns, which in an hour might render the city a smouldering ruin, pro- duced a beneficial effect in suppressing the treasonable spirit of rebellion. On the 21st of May the State of North Carolina consummated her mis- fortune and disgrace by seceding from the Federal Government and uniting with the Southern Confederacy. She was the last in the order of time to perpetrate this ignominious deed. Ten States had preceded her — South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Virginia and Tennessee. Immediately after receiving official notice of the defection of No't'i Carolina, the Congress at Montgomery lOS THE CrVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. adjourned — greatly elated by the success of their operations — to convene at Kichmond on the 20th of July ensuing. By the 20th of May the Federal Government possessed the number of troops called for by the proclamation of the President ; and was prepared to commence active operations against the rebels, and invade their terri- tory. The several loyal States had responded with alacrity to the requisi- tion of the Chief Magistrate ; and the soldiers who assembled at Washing- ton, as well as those who occupied several positions in Maryland and Virginia, were eager to meet the enemy. On the 23d, the order was given to advance from the Federal capital to those regiments which had been selected to perform this service. The purpose of the movement was to take possession of Alexandria, on the opposite side of the Potomac, and attack and dislodge any rebel force which might have been posted on Arlington Heights. Eight thousand infantry, two companies of cavalry, and two sections of Sherman's artillery battalion, crossed the Long Bridge under the command of General Mansfield. Four New York regiments, which had been quartered at Georgetown, proceeded at the same time over the Chain Bridge, under the orders of General McDowell. The New York Zouaves embarked on board the "Baltimore" and "Mount Vernon," and proceeding down the Potomac, reached Alexandria at five o'clock in the morning. At six they landed, and formed in line upon tlie dock. The main body of the Federal troops entered Alexandria at the same time. The first Michigan regiment immediately advanced to the railroad depot and took possession of it. They also surprised and captured a troop of rebel cavalry numbering one hundred. The Zouaves, commanded by Ellsworth, proceeded at once to active service, and commenced by destroy- ing the railroad track to Richmond. Their next aim was to take pos.ses- sion of the telegraph office, and intercept its connection with the rebel camp. Ellsworth now led the way, but his gallant career was destined to lie of short duration. As the Zouaves were advancing in double quick time up the street, Ellsworth observed that a secession flag was waving from the Marshal House, a prominent hotel of the place. To such a man such a spectacle could not be other than most offensive, and as his fearless eye gazod upon the floating emblem, he impulsively exclaimed, "That flag must come down 1" Accompanied by a few privates he rushed into tlie house, ascended to the roof, eagerly cut down the flag, and taking possession of it, commenced his descent. He was met in the hall by Jackson, the enraged proprietor of the hou.se, who, armed with a double-barreled gun, leveled it at Ellsworth, and discharged it. The instrument of death was but too well aimed. Its contents entered the body of Ellsworth, between the third and fifth ribs, and inflicted a mortal wound. He fell, attempted to open his dress and to staunch the flowing blood; but rapidly the pallor of death spread over his features, his hands became powerless, he sank ASSASSINATION OP COLONEL ELLSWORTH. 109 upon the floor, gasped for breath, and quickly expired. Before this event occurred his assassin had himself been slain ; for a private named Brownell, who had accompanied Ellsworth to the roof, the moment his commaader was shot, leveled his musket at Jackson and discharged it. The rebel and the fallen hero died at the same moment, under the same roof, within a few feet of each other. The body of the former was soon riddled with balls by the frantic Zouaves, and his brains scattered over the scene of his crime and his punishment. The remains of Ellsworth were subsequently conveyed to Washington to be embalmed. Immediately afterward the Federal troops occupied Alexandria without further opposition. A portion of the population, apprehensive of a hostile invasion, had previously deserted the town. The seventh New York regi- ment, with others, took possession of Arlington Heights. They met no resistance or interruption in the execution of their task, and they com- menced to throw up intrenchments. Three thousand men were constantly employed in the works. General McDowell retained the command of all the troops which were placed beyond the Potomac, and superintended the necessary operations. It is usual when a popular favorite passes away, for his admirers to mag- nify and exaggerate his merits to such an absurd and extravagant degree that could he return to life again, it would be impossible for him to recog- nize his own portrait in their delineations ; and were he honest he would exclaim with astonishment, that he was not himself aware that he had ever been so wise, or so good, or so great a man. This declaration, which applies with truth to nine tenths of those whom mankind blindly but often unanimously agree to applaud, was not applicable to the case of Ellsworth. The report of his death was the signal for the outburst of such a deluge of regret and praise, as has rarely been accumulated upon the memory and the grave of any departed hero ; but he really deserved it. He was in many respects, though young, a remarkable man, possessed of rare quali- ties, and adorned by great virtues. Elmer E. Ellsworth was a native of Massachusetts, and at the period of his death was about twenty-six years of age. In his youth his father suffered serious reverses in business ; and thus he was thrown upon his own resources, and initiated into a career of privation and toil, which commenced with his boyhood. The hope of finding a more congenial and facile field for pushing his fortunes induced him, as it has induced thou- sands of other aspiring and generous spirits, to journey westward ; and in 1852 he reached Chicago, at that time the rising commercial metropolis of the "West. But he was destitute of money and friends, without any profession or trade, and his first experiences of stern life in his new abode were sufficiently dark and cheerless. But he possessed the ines- timable boons of health, youth and hope, and with the aid of these he soon acquired friends, and hewed out for himself an honorable name and a 110 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. means of living. His pursuits from time to time were somewhat diversi- fied. At one period he commenced the study of law in the office of Mr. Lincoln, at Springfield. He had always felt a great fondness for military life, but no scope had yet been afibrded to his martial aspirations. When the exploits of the French Zouaves at Sevastopol excited the surprise and admiration of the world, they kindled the kindred sympathy and ardor of Ellsworth. He studied the principles and peculiarities of their drill with intense interest, and conceived the design of raising from the large circle of friends whom he had acquired among the young men of Chicago, a company who should imitate, and perhaps even emulate, the perfection of the genuine Zouave drill. He succeeded in his purpo.se; many of the most estimable and admirable youths of that city joined his company, and some months were spent by them and their young captain in laborious and assiduous drilling. At length Ellsworth found the grand conception which he had formed realized. The Chicago Zouaves, under his guidance, attained a degree of exactitude and skill in the manual of arms, such as had never before been seen in America, and which perhaps could be found alone in Europe among the genuine Zouaves from Algiers. It was very natural that Ellsworth should be proud of his handiwork, and that he should desire to exhibit to the world how much could be accom- plished by industry and perseverance in that department of mental and physical effort. He published a respectful challenge to the military corps in the United States, inviting them to a trial of skill. Soon afterward that memorable tour was made by him and his associates through the chief cities and towns of the United States, which formed one of the most ex- traordinary military events of this age. But it should not be imagined that this famous expedition was undertaken simply for the purpose of display. In all that Ellsworth did — such was the inherent nobility and elevation of his nature— there was a lofty and noble aim. The chief design, therefore, of that journey, was to show, by a plain and practical example, how superior scientific drilling was in giving efficiency and power to the soldier, to the ordinary method; to illustrate what the great principle of military training should be, a principle of which not one com- mander or soldier in a thousand had the slightest conception, namely, that a perfect identity of spirit and feeling should exist, for the time being, between the commanding officer and those to whom his orders are given ; as also to illustrate how the true soldier should inure himself to bodily fatigue and self-denial ; how the accomplished soldier will also become an accomplished gymnast ; and how, as much as any thing else, temperance in eating and drinking is not only promotive of bodil}' health and vigor, but is absolutely indispensable to it. It was during the progre.-^s of this expedition that another remarkable ouality of Ellsworth was revealed to the admiring public. This was his extraordinary power over the minds of his associates. He possessed that ELLSWORTH'S APPEARANCE AND CHARACTERISTICS. HI faculty ia a high degree, which is always an element of intellectual great- ness — the faculty of controlling the wills of others around him. There was also an originality, we may even say grandeur and dignity, in his manner, his voice, his whole person, while engaged in the process of drilling, which was a triumph of martial genius and beauty. At his first word of command, uttered by a voice singularly manly but melodious, with an accent remarkably firm and crisp, every eye brightened, every head became erect, each man instantly became himself, in all his physical and mental fulness ; and then followed such a display of skill and precision in the most elaborate and difficult species of drill known to the profession of arms, as was rarely witnessed. Though not large in person, Ellsworth exhibited as much graceful sublimity and physical grandeur in a field exercise, as any orator could display in the midst of his most imposing and impassioned flight of eloquence. Nor will this result appear anoma- lous when we remember the masterly thoughts which lay at the founda- tion of his military system. When he commenced his training of the Chicago Zouaves, he trained himself with a degree of vigor which was astonishing. He practiced the manual of arms with so miich industry, that he became one of the best marksmen and ablest swordsmen in America. He investigated the theory of every motion with particular reference to the principles of anatomical science ; and so arranged each movement that it became the logical and legitimate groundwork of the one which succeeded it. Thus it was that he introduced a sort of scien- tific unity and harmony into the manual of arms which had not before existed in it. This was the stroke of a master ; this, the indication and the presence of superior, creative genius — a genius similar in nature to that which the young Napoleon exhibited when, to the horror of all the military drones and fossils of Europe, he not only constantly vanquished the Austrians in Italy, but vanquished them in utter defiance of the es- tablished and immemorial usages of the military art. So far had Ellsworth trained himself, in order that he might successfully train others, that a photograph of his naked arm, taken at the period of his visit to Philadel- phia, was a model of anatomical and physical beauty ; it was an arm whose formidable accumulation of muscles and sinews, and whose fault- less proportion of outline presented such a picture as Michael Angelo or Eubens would have painted, when representing on canvas the ancient Greek conception of the forms of Hector or Hercules . After the return of the Chicago Zouaves to that city, Ellsworth engaged with ;?;eal in the Presidential campaign which ensued ; and strange as it may appear, this youth, so richly gifted as a soldier, proved himself as highly endowed for another sphere. He distinguished himself as one of the most effective and popular of the orators, who, in the State of Illinois, ad- vocated the claims of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency. As a speaker he was peculiar for his strong, clear sense, mixed with a degree of wit and repartee 112 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. such as few orators possess. After the termination of the campaign, and when the war-clouds began to darken the political horizon, and roll up with portentous gloom from the rebellious South, he tendered his ser- vices to the new President. He then proceeded to the city of New York in order to select, from the numerous body of firemen in that city, the materials for an entire regiment of Zouaves. Having obtained these, he removed to Fort Hamilton for the purpose of drilling. After his new recruits had become partially fit for service, through his untiring labors, he proceeded with them to Washington. Their subsequent career is involved in the history of the events which ensued in the vicinity of the Federal capital. Had this gallant young commander survived to take part in the battle of Bull Run, it is not improbable that the presence and influence of his dauntless courage on the field, might have diminished, though it could not have averted, the horrors and the ignominy of that struggle. It is proper that at this stage of our history, we should narrate the chief incidents connected with the three months' campaign of the Federal forces in Virginia, under the command of General Robert Patterson. On the 30th of June, 1861, the different brigades comprising the division were consolidated into one body, preparatory to their crossing the Potomac. Two enterprises of importance to the Federal cause, were assigned by popular opinion and popular wishes, to this portion of the Union forces. The first was the expulsion of the Rebels under Johnston from Harper's Ferry ; the second was intercepting the march of that general to Manassas, and preventing the junction of his troops with those com- manded by General Beauregard. Neither of these purposes was ulti- mately accomplished. When the Union forces, nearly twenty thousand strong, began to move toward Virginia, instead of advancing directly to Harper's Ferry, for the achievement of the first of these enterprises, the route taken was toward Williamsport. The enemy were left in undis- turbed pos.session of Harper's Ferry, until, at a later period, when the Rebel generals perceived the greater importance of concentrating their forces at Manassas, General Johnston evacuated the place, having pre- viously destroyed a vast amount of Federal property, and the public works erected there. After its evacuation. General Patterson, instead of intercepting, if his force were sufficiently large for that purpose, the march of Johnston toward Manassas, proceeded to occupy the deserted and desolate town ; and entered it on the very day on which the battle of Manassas was fought, and by the very road on which the Rebel general had marched from it. It was thus that neither of the enterprises anticipated by the popular will was achieved by the division of General Patterson. It was on the 2d of July, that his troops crossed the Potomac, by the ford at Williamsport. The process began at dawn of day, and continued BATTLE OF FALLING WATBES. 113 until near nightfall. Before the fording commenced, a skirmish took place between the Federal pickets, which had been thrown over the river on the preceding day, and the Berkley Border Guard. General Abercrombie's brigade were in the advance of the Federal forces ; and having crossed the Potomac, they continued their march on the turnpike leading from Williamsport to Martinsburg, across the neck of land which is formed by the bend of the river, which takes place at that point. The pickets of the enemy were first seen at Falling Waters, five miles distant from Williamsport. They retired, and about a mile beyond, the encoun- ter took place which has been designated as the battle of Falling Waters. This imposing title was applied to a small but pretty stream, whose limpid waters flow over a mill-dam. and perform the useful function of filling the race, which turns the wheels of a solitary grist mill. It was situated a short distance from the Potomac. The skirmish which ensued was sus- tained on the Federal side by a portion of Abercrombie's brigade, consist- ing of the eleventh Pennsylvania and first Wisconsin regiments, McMuUen's Independent Rangers, the Philadelphia City Troop, and Perkin's battery of six guns. After a short but spirited engagement the Rebels were routed, and were pursued for the distance of two miles as far as the village of Hainesville. The rear guard of the enemy were about being captured, when orders arrived from General Patterson to stop the pursuit. Both the battle and the chase occupied nearly two hours. The Rebels were commanded by Colonel, afterward General, Jackson ; and his forces in the action comprised an entire brigade. The Federal troops then proceeded to encamp ; and occupied the position which Jackson had deserted. On the next day they advanced to Martinsburg, which the enemy evacuated at their approach, and it was thus occupied without opposition. The Federal loss at Falling Waters was insignificant, being ?/o killed and five wounded. After a delay of nearly two weeks at Martinsburg, by which means the period of the enlistment of the Federal troops was very sensibly dimin ished, General Patterson again commenced to move. On the 15th of July, the march began toward Winchester. Nearly the whole division proceeded as far as Bunker Hill, ten miles from Martinsburg, before nightfall. At Bunker Hill a small body of Rebels had been encamped, who retreated as the Federal troops approached. At this place, which is twelve miles distant from Winchester, the Federals remained for two days. Here the pickets of the armies of Johnston and Patterson were often within hailing distance of each other. On the 17th of July the march was resumed by General Patterson before daylight, and the ad- vance toward Winchester was continued ; but before his rear guard had entirely descended the sides of Bunker Hill, or had reached the road which led to Winchester, a countermarch was ordered, the route to that town was abandoned, and the whole division proceeded twelve miles east- 8 114 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. ward. By this delour Winchester was left on the flank, and a wide area was opened by which General Johnston might transport his troops at any moment, and with perfect safety, toward Manassas. The Federal forces were placed in camp at Charlestown ; and as soon as Johnston became assured that this flank movement was not intended to operate against him, and that there was no danger that ha would be attacked in his intrenchments at Winchester, he left a small detachment to occupy them, and hastened to Manassas. After remaining four days at Charlestown, General Patterson enlarged the space between himself and the enemy, by proceeding to Harper's Ferry, which had been evacuated and burned by the Rebels some time previous. Soon after this date the term of the en- listment of the Federal troops, as well as the period of the appointment of General Patterson as their commander, expired ; and thus the first army of the Potomac dissolved and vanished from view. If the men and officers who composed this army had not achieved any result of importance to the cause of the Union, if they had not gained any victory of conse- quence over the forces of the enemy, it was not from the want of valor or patriotism on their part • for on every occasion on which they were per- mitted to encounter the Rebels, or to exhibit the spirit which actuated them, they displayed the coolness and bravery of veterans, the zeal and ardor of patriots. a > THE BATTLE OP GREAT BETHEL. 1]5 CHAPTER VIII. THE ENCOUNTERS WITH THE REBEL TROOPS AT FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, AT AQUIA CREEK, AT ROMNEY, AT PHILIPPI — GALLANTRY OF COLONEL KELLEY — BATTLE OF ORKAT BETHF.L — CAUSES OF THE DISASTER GENERAL PIERCE — DEATH OF LIEUTENANT GREBLE — SKETCH OP HIS CAREER — UNION SENTIMENT IN WESTERN VIRGINIA — THE NEW STATE OF WEST VIR- GINIA — harper's ferry DEVASTATED BY THE REBELS — THE OHIO TROOPS FIRED ON NEAR VIENNA — RESULTS OF THE ATTACK — OPERATIONS OF GENERAL MCCLELLAN IN WESTERN VIRGINIA — HIS ADMIRABLE PLANS — THE BATTLE OF RICH MOUNTAIN — GENERAL OARNETT — COLONEL ROSECRANS — RESULTS OF THE ENGAGEMENT — SKETCH OF GENERAL MCCLELLAN — HIS CONDUCT DURING THE MEXICAN WAR — HIS RECONNOISSANCE OF THE CASCADE MOUNTAINS — HIS SECRET MISSION TO THE WEST INDIES — HIS JOURNEY TO THE CRIMEA — HIS OFFICIAL REPORT AS COMMISSIONER — HIS SUBSEQUENT MOVEMENTS — UK BBC0ME3 COMMANDER OP THE DEPARTMENT OF OHIO. Many incidents occur during the progress of a conflict like that against the Rebels of the South, which excite intense interest, and which are in themselves not entirely destitute of importance at the period of their occurrence, but which, after the lapse of time, and when they are considered in connection with the grand current of events, necessarily become of trivial and inferior consequence. Among such incidents it is proper here to enumerate the different skirmishes which took place between the detach- ments of Federal and Rebel troops at Fairfax Court House, at Aquia Creek, at the village of Romney, and at Philippi in Western Virginia. At Romney a Rebel camp had been formed. Colonel Wallace, who com- manded one of the Indiana regiments, marched from Cumberland to Hampshire county and attacked the troops collected there. The Rebels were surprised by the movement and completely routed ; their camp equipage, their provisions and their arms were captured ; and a decisive reverse inflicted on them by the bravery of Colonel Wallace and his men. A similar contest attended by a similar result took place at Philippi. The assault upon the enemy who held possession of that town, was led in person with great gallantry by Colonel Kelley. The Rebels were defeated and expelled from their position. The most important incident connected with this engagement was the wounding of the commanding officer, who was shot in the breast. The wound was at first regarded a.s mortal ; but Colonel Kelley eventually recovered, to resume active service in defence of the Union, and to receive the rank of brigadier general, to which his merits fully entitled him. The first serious disaster to the Federal arms which occurred during the progress of the war, took place at Great Bethel, on the 10th of June, 1861. General Butler, who then commanded a large body of troops at Fortress Monroe, having ascertained that there was established a camp at a place ten miles distant from Hampton, which they had strongly fortified, 116 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. determined to attack and dislodge them. He therefore ordered Colonel Duryea, with his regiment of Zouaves, and Colonel Townsend with his Albany troops, to cross the river at Hampton at midnight, and thence pursue their march toward Great Bethel. At the same time the regiment of Colonel Bendix, with a number of men from Vermont and Massachu- setts, who were stationed at Newport News, were directed to advance so as to effect a junction with the forces sent from Fortress Monroe, at Little Bethel, three miles distant from the position of the enemy. The entire expedition seems to have been badly planned. So great was the neglect of the commanding ofiicer, that proper signals had not been arranged between the troops proceeding from Newport News and those from Fortress Monroe, by means of which they could recognize each other in the darkness. Accordingly, the first disaster which took place resulted from the want of such recognition. Duryea's Zouaves passed Little Bethel between three and four o'clock in the morning. The regiment of Bendix soon followed, and took up its position at the inter- section of the roads. As Colonel Townsend's regiment approached for the purpose of making a junction with them, they were mistaken for the enemy and were fired into. After a number had been slain and wounded the error was discovered, the firing ceased, and the united boly advanced toward Great Bethel. As soon as the Federal troops came within range of the guns of the Rebels, the latter opened upon them with a formidable array of artillery. The Federals attempted to ndvance, and by a rapid charge and bold assault, to obtain po.ssession of the works. But they were saluted with such a hail-storm of shot, and the expert riflemen of the foe seconded the efforts of their artillery so effectively, that the utmost bravery and desperation proved of little avail. Terrible havoc was produced in the ranks of the Federal troops, partly through the confusion and incompetency of General Pierce, who commanded the expedition, and partly in conse- quence of the immense advantage in artillery and position possessed by the Rebels. At length it became evident that further effort would bo vain, and after an unequal and disastrous contest of two hours, the order to retreat was given. As the beaten troops retired they were pursued by the cavalry of the enemy, and some were slain on both sides. One of the chief disasters of this disgraceful day was the death of Lieu- tenant John T. Greble, who accompanied the expedition in command of the few caimon which were taken with it. During the engagement he had acted with great gallantry, and the chief impression produced upon the enemy was effected by the skill and vigor with which he worked his two guns. Eleven artillerists of the regular army had been placed under his orders. When at last the command to retreat was given, he directed his cannon to be limbered up, and wa.s about to retire, when a cannon ball struck him on the right temple. He fell and expired instantly. DEATH OF LIEUTENANT GREBLK. 117 This young officer, whose early and heroic death at this period reudei-ed him the first martyr to the cause of tlie Union from among the officers of the regular army, had commenced, and until that hour had pursued, a career of more than ordinary brilliancy and promise. He was a native of Philadelphia, and at the time of his decease was twenty-seven years of age. His early education was received in the High School of the city of his birth. Having obtained admission to the Academy at West Point, he graduated in that institution with honor in 1851. He received the rank of brevet second lieutenant, and was subsequently ordered to Florida, where he served two years in the war against the Seminole Indians. In March, 1857, he was promoted to a first lieutenancy, and was afterward appointed to a position on the Academical Staff at West Point. In Octo- ber, 1860, he was ordered to Fortress Monroe; and there he remained until May, 1861, when be was transferred to his last command — that of the artillery at the advanced post of Newport News. Lieutenant Greble was descended from ancestors who had held honor- able positions in the army of the American Revolution. He had always distinguished himself in the performance of his official duties by superior intelligence, fortitude, and energy. In the battle of Great Bethel he had displayed the utmost coolness and heroism. It was he who, when the firing took place between the several Federal regiments, first discovered the mistake, rode up to the combatants, and succeeded in putting an end to the work of mutual destruction. He then exclaimed in agony that he had rather himself been shot, than that such a disaster should have taken place. He seems in fact to have entertained a foreboding of the fatal result of the expedition ; and remarked to a brother officer, when he received the order to accompany it: "this is an ill-advised and badly- arranged movement, no good will come from it ; and as for myself, I shall not return from the battle-field alive." After the action began he was left alone with his men on the field, by the confused and irregular operations of the troops ; but he remained undaunted, working his guns with the utmost resolution, and with much success. Several officers, at a later period of the combat, seeing his exposed position, urged him to take better care of himself, and suggested that he should dodge the balls. He replied contemptuously, "I never dodge, nor will I retreat till I hear the notes of the bugle commanding it." At length these notes reached his ears, and not till then did he think of retiring. During the progress of battle he sighted every discharge of his guns in person. It was noticed that his aim was extremely accurate. When he fell, the troops retreated, leaving his body on the field. A short time afterward Lieutenant-Colonel Warren and Captain Wilson rallied a few of the men, returned, rescued his remains and the two cannon, and then sadly joined in the general flight. The Federal loss was seventeen killed, forty-five wounded. While the destructive tide of Secession was surging to and fro like a 118 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. mighty deluge, devastating the once fair domains of the South, it is grat- ifying to notice an opposite current arising in the western portion of Virginia, in favor of the time-honored Union. A convention had been called together at Wheeling con.sistiug of delegates from many of the western counties of the State, for the purpose of deliberating on the pro- priety of disavowing the acts of the Richmond Convention, in adopting the secession ordinance; and to form a new State which should remain a constituent portion of the Union. On the 17th of June the final decision was made in reference to the subject. A unanimous vote was given by the Convention in favor of the establishment of a separate Commonwealth, which was then named Kanawha, but was afterward called West Virginia, and in favor of its admission to the Federal Union. There was not a dissenting voice, but a small number of the delegates were absent. There were fifty -six ballots cast in favor of the measure ; and the declaration which embodied the action of the Convention was signed by each of tho.se fifty-six. In the meantime the martial events of the Rebellion progressed, and the future plans and purposes of the armed traitors became more apparent. The force of fifteen thousand men which, under the Rebel General John- ston, had taken possession of Harper's Ferry, evacuated that place, aa already stated, on the 14th of June, after destroying a large portion of the public property which there existed. The motive of this withdrawal was judicious on the part of the Rebels; it being simply for the purpo.se of rendering their forces more available in connection with the anticipated struggle at Manassas. On the 18th of June they inflicted a slight reverse upon that portion of the Federal troops, consisting of the First Ohio regi- ment, which was commanded by General Schenck. They had placed a concealed battery on an eminence adjacent to the railroad to Vienna ; and when the cars which contained these troops approached that town, they were suddenly fired upon. The Federal loss was eight killed and twelve wounded ; a temporary panic ensued ; but the troops ultimately resumed their journey, and reached their destination without further oppositioQ. More important and decisive events were now about to transpire in Western Virginia. On the 6th of May, 1861, General George B. McClellan was appointed to the command of the regiments raised in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and he formed the plan, in conjunction with General Morris, of an invasion of Virginia from the West. This project he submitted to the War Department. The evident ability and skill which it exhibited gained it an immediate approval, and McClellan at once proceeded to active operations. On the 23rd of June that officer commenced to execute his purposes. The plan to which we have referred was in sub- stance as follows: — The main army of the Rebels in Western Virginia, commanded by General Garnett, was then posted at Beverly, about fifty miles south of Grafton. It was proposed to attract and to occupy their THE BATTLE OP RICH MOUNTAIN. 119 attention by marching a force toward them from Grafton through Philippi ; while another division should proceed in a parallel line through Clarks- burg and Buckhaunon, and penetrating further to the south, reach a point in their rear, prevent their retreat, and by a combined attack, vanquish and capture them. This admirable arrangement was executed in spite of unexpected diffi- culties, in an equally admirable manner. The Rebels anticipating no attack except in their front, took a new position twelve miles north of Beverly, and strongly fortified it. Genei-al Morris then led a brigade of Ohio and Indiana troops toward the enemy from the north. At Bealing- ton, when within range of their guns, he halted, fortified his position, com- pletely obstructed their further advance, and then waited the operations of McClellan. That officer also executed his part of the plan with signal energy and ability. With the main body of the Eederal troops which had been posted at Grafton he advanced through Clarksburg to Buckhan- non. At Rich Mountain he unexpectedly found a rebel force of two thousand men, under General Pegram, posted in a strong position. He divided his troops into two divisions; placed one under command of Colonel Rosecrans, and himself led the other. Pegram's position was turned by a flank march through the woods. Many of his men were killed and taken ; a total rout ensued ; and on the following day the main body, under Pegram, was compelled to surrender. A small detachment afterward eSected their escape. When these fugitives reached the camp of General Garnett, they quickly apprised him of his real danger. Then it was that he attempted to retreat to Beverly ; for had he reached that position he might have effected his escape from superior numbers, by crossing the mountains at Cheat Moun- tain Gap. He might thus have joined the rebel forces in Central Virginia or else have united with the troops of General Wise stationed on the Kanawha. But he was defeated in the accomplishment of this purpose by the energy and promptitude with which McClellan executed his part of the plan. His timely advance toward Beverly interrupted the move- ment. Only one alternative, therefore, yet remained to General Garnett, which was to retreat by a road running to the northeast, up Cheat river, until he could obtain a passage through the mountains into the central valley of Virginia. He immediately abandoned his baggage and artillery, and commenced a rapid march toward St. George. The Federal commander immediately detected this movement and pur- sued the retiring foe. Then followed a grand and desperate chase, which was in itself an extraordinary achievement. During forty hours, with one single intermission, the Federal forces continued the pursuit. Through a mountainous, rugged, often almost impassable country, sometimes by fording rivers, sometimes by facing storms of wind and rain, they advanced ; and at length reached the rear of the exhausted and retreating Rebels. 120 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. The Jatter were at once attacked with the utmost energy and resolution. A decisive victory was gained. The Eebels abandoned their camp, their few remaining guns, some prisoners, and fled in the utmost precipitation. Their commanding oflBcer, General Garnett, who seems not to have been deficient in courage or skill, was slain during the engagement. The scattered wreck of his army sought safety, and disappeared from view, in the deeper and remoter recesses of the mountains. It must be admitted that few military plans were ever conceived with greater sagacity, or executed with more signal ability, than this. To whom the credit both of the plan and of its execution may be due is another question. It is clear that it was first known as an enterprise pro- posed by General Morris, who was in command of the Federal forces stationed at Grafton previous to the arrival of General McClellan. But as General Morris was not a professional soldier, it is probable that the complete conception of the arrangement is to be chiefly attributed to McGlellau. To him also was assigned the execution of much the more difficult portion of the combination. In the practical part of the achieve- ment the honors must to some extent be divided among several brave men. Colonel Eosecrans fulfilled his commission with equal valor and skill. Captain Benham, the principal staff ofiicer of General Morris, also distin- guished himself. Nevertheless, with that partiality with which mankind generally over-praise those whom they elevate to the position of favorites, the sole glory of the brilliant movement was attributed, by the popular voice, to the most prominent actor in it. One of the inevitable consequences produced by a revolution, either civil or military, is, that it develops latent greatness of character, and gives an opportunity to men of superior ability to attain eminence, who would otherwise have remained comparatively obscure. This remark applies with truth to the Southern Eebellion. Among its other results its stirring events introduced George Brinton McClellan to the special notice and scrutiny of mankind. This officer was born in Philadelphia in December, 1826. In his sixteenth year, having chosen the military profession as his future pursuit, he entered the academy at West Point. He ranked second in his class for merit and ability among a number of young men, all of whom were his seniors. He graduated in 1846, and received a commission as brevet second lieutenant of engineers. The war with Mexico breaking out, he assisted in training an engineer company which had been raised at West Point, and then proceeded with them to active service. He landed with General Scott at Vera Cruz, and took part in all the battles which signalized the career of that commander in Mexico. The progress of his promotion was rapid, but not more rapid than was the development of his merit. In August, 1847, he was breveted first lieu- tenant for his gallantry at the battles of Contreras and Chufubu.spo. Id SKETCH OF GENERAL G. B. McGLBLLAN. 121 the next month he was breveted captain for his heroism in the conflicts of Molina del Eey and Chapultepec. He was subsequently, in May, 18-i8, promoted to the rank of commandant of sappers, miners and pontoniers. There was scarcely another instance among the many talented young men who distinguished themselves in that war, of a person whose rise in the profession was so rapid and so constant as his. The war being ended, McClellan returned to West Point, where he remained till 1851. The ensuing interval he employed in preparing a manual for the bayonet exercise, which was introduced into the army. That work became a standard authority on the subject. During the summer and fall of 1851 he superintended the building of Fort Delaware. In the following spring he joined the expedition under Major Alarcy for the purpose of exploring the Eed river. Thence he proceeded to Texas as senior engineer, to survey the rivers and harbors of that State. While in Mexico he had attracted the attention and won the confidence of Jefferson Davis, whose sagacious eye easily detected his superior qualities. When Davis became Secretary of War under President Pierce, he employed McClellan to make a reconnoissance of the Cascade mountains on the Pacific, with special reference to the future construction of the Pacific railroad. This difficult duty he discharged to the entire satisfaction of the Secretary ; who, having set his heart upon the accomplishment of that important enterprise, was very exacting in regard to every thing which might promote its attainment. In 1854 McClellan was dispatched on a secret mission to the West Indies. In the next year he received a captaincy in a regiment of cavalry ; and then followed the most important commission with which he had yet been honored. He was selected by Mr. Davis, in connection with Kichard Delafield and Alfred Mordecai, to proceed to the Crimea for the purpose of making observations upon the military operations which were then in progress; and to examine the most noted military establishments of Europe. The commissioners were absent two years, and after their return, each of them submitted to the government a separate report con- taining the results of their observations. It may safely be aflBrmed that though the reports of Delafield and Mordecai were creditable performances, the production of McClellan was superior to them both ; and it was so regarded by the government for whom it was prepared. This elaborate work was published in 1857. It was illustrated by admirable plates, diagrams and maps. Its contents were of the utmost value, including not merely reports upon the events of the great struggle in the Crimea, but also dissertations on many topics of importance connected with military science. It described ,with accuracy the characteristics of the French, Austrian, Prussian and Sardinian infantry, the various de- partments of the Russian army, and the regulations for military service in the chief countries of Europe. The author discussed the peculiar tactics 122 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. discipline and equipments of all the great European armies. Nothing of interest which appertained to the organization of troops and camps, the construction of field works, the most approved method of reducing fortified positions, the peculiar merits and defects of British and French, Ru.ssian and Sardinian soldiers, was omitted. The principles of modern warfare, hospitals, commissariats, the Zouaves, military instruction in general — these and many other subjects of.great interest and value were investigated in the various reports which constituted this volume; and they were treated with the ability of a man as well practiced in handling the pen as in wielding the sword. The style of the work is clear and forcible, the research exhibited is thorough and deep, the reflections made are sagacious and original, the learning displayed is accurate and profound. After his return from Europe in 1857, McClellan resigned his position in the army, and assumed that of Vice President and Chief Engineer of the Illinois Central Railroad. This office he retained until he was elected President of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad. It was from this position that he was transferred, immediately after the commencement of the Re- bellion, to the military command of the Department of Ohio, comprising that State, together with Illinois, Indiana and "Western Virginia. His achievements in the latter field we have already narrated. After the battle of Bull Run the Administration at Washington, discovering the incompetence of some of those in high command, felt the necessity of summoning to the capital the best military talent within their reach. Then it was that they conferred upon General McClellan the most respon- sible, the most difficult, but also the most honorable post ever bestowed upon any young American officer, since that memorable day when George Washington was chosen by t-he Continental Congress, in another great crisis of the nation's destiny, to conduct the armies of the rising Republic to scenes of victory and glory. MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 123 CHAPTER IX. THB EXTRAORDINARY SESSION OF COKORESS IN JDLT, 1861 — MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN ^ITS CnARACTERISTIOS — ITS DEMANDS — SKETCH OF THADDEUS STEVENS — HIS POLITICAL CAREER — HIS PERSONAL QUALITIES — HIS ACTION AS CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS — IMPORTANT BILLS PASSED BY CONGRESS OPPOSITION OF MESSRS. VALLANDIOHAM AND BURNETT TO THE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION — THE CIVIL WAR IN MISSOURI — THE GRAND ARMY EQUIPPED AT WASHINGTON — COMPLAINTS OF ITS PRO- LONGED INACTIVITY — ORDER GIVEN TO GENERAL MCDOWELL TO ADVANCE TOWARD MANAS- SAS — ARRANGEMENT OF THB ARMY— THE ADVANCE REACH BULL RUN — THE PRELIMINARY CONFLICT AT THAT PLACE — REPULSE OF GENERAL TYLER's DIVISION — POSITION OP THE REBEL ARMY AT MANASSAS^GENERAL BEAUREGARD — THE IMPENDING CONTF.ST — TEMPER OF THE REBEL TROOPS — THE ARTS EMPLOYED TO INFLAME THEM. The extraordinary session of Congress which convened at Washington on the 4th of July, 1861, will always remain an event of supreme import- ance in American history. It assembled under circumstances such as never before existed since the foundation of the Federal Government; and it may be added, that the peculiarities which marked its deliberations were such as have rarely been exhibited in the proceedings of the national Legislature. A regard was paid, to some extent, to the real purposes for which the members had been summoned to meet ; and wordy speeches for popularity and profit, as well as brutal assaults for supremacy or revenge, were for the time being abandoned. On the 5th of July President Lincoln sent in his message, which was read to both Houses, and became at once the subject of scrutiny and attention. This message was also novel in its character. Unlike Presidential messages in general, it was characterized by brevity, clearness, and prac- tical good sense. It went directly to the heart of the great theme which then absorbed and influenced every mind. It was indeed destitute of the polish of style and the elegance of language which have generally embellished, but have as often obscured or enfeebled, the official addresses of the Chief Magistrate. But every man in the nation could understand it. It possessed the qualities of sagacity and intelligence, which recom- mended it to the most cultivated and fastidious. It displayed a vigor of purpose and an earnestness in defence of the Union, which elicited the applause of the most illiterate and obscure. It was precisely the right thing in the right place. It was a faithful response to the convictions and sentiments of every patriot in the community. In this message the President made a requisition upon Congress for four hundred thousand men, and four hundred millions of dollars; in order that, by adopting the most vigorous measures, the most decisive results might at once be attained. One of the first acts of the Speaker of 124 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. the House was to appoint the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. That committee, under the existing circumstances, was invested with even more importance than it ordinarily possessed. Upon the ability and industry of its members, and especially of its chairman, the efficiency of the whole body in a great measure depended ; and the Speaker in thi3 instance made a selection which was marked by eminent appropriateness and prudence. No man then occupied a seat in the Federal Congress who was more highly gifted by nature, or possessed greater experience and skill in the management of deliberate bodies, than Thaddeus Stevens ; and upon him this responsible post was wisely conferred, to the exclu- sion and the mortification of not a few aspiring politicians, who imagined that their vast abilities and their extraordinary services entitled them to it. Mr. Stevens was one of the most remarkable of a generation of Ameri- can statesmen, who have now nearly all passed away. His name and his influence were distinguished in the political history of Pennsylvania for thirty-five ^^ears ; and for twenty years he was prominent among our politicians of national reputation. He was a native of Vermont, and was born iu 1796. In his early manhood he removed to York, and afterward to Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where he engaged in the practice of the law. He quickly become the head of a bar adorned by such men as Judge Reed of Carlisle, Charles B. Penrose, Senator James Cooper, and others of high repute. Being elected to represent his district in the State Legis- lature, he tliere took the first rank among many talented men ; and domineered over both Houses, over the Whig governors, over their Cab- inets, and over the affairs of the State generally, dufing several adminis- trations, with an influence which was well nigh absolute. The chief secret of his power and of his success was his superior ability in debate, and his matchless tact in controlling a deliberative assembly. In all the highest arts of a popular and forensic orator, in earnestness and pathos of declamation, in shrewdness and sophistry of reasoning, in scathing severity of sarcasm, in dauntless resolution of temper, in readiness of reply, and in quickness to detect and expose the weak points of an adversary, — in all those qualifications Mr. Stevens, when in his prime, had few superiors among the most renowned and accomplished of American orators. In tlie Federal House of Representatives he always maintained a high rank ; although he did not take his seat in it till after he had passed the most vigorous period of his life. His achievements as chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, in the memorable extra session of 1861, formed a noble and appropriate climax to his long career ; and his name will descend to future generations as one of the ablest and most efficient of those coadjutors of the President, who, in that perilous crisis of the nation's history, infused energy, liberality and patriotism into the legisla- tive branch of tho government. Though he made no long speeches in IMPORTANT BILLS PASSED BY CONGRESS. 125 the performance of his duties, he accomplished greater things than long speeches could then achieve, by the use of tact, and even by the mainten- ance, in some cases, of prudent and significant silence. More than once, when Vallandighara and Burnett — the chief representatives of a treason- able policy in the House — had delivered themselves of impetuous and frothy harangues against the measures proposed by the committee, and briefly advocated by its chairman ; when they had fumed and fretted for an hour, and imagined that they had so effectually badgered the chairman of the committee that he must needs respond, and endeavor to vindicate himself by a speech equally convulsive and equally frantic as their own; — more than once, under such circumstances, and after such a tremendous assault, did Mr. Stevens annihilate all that the adverse orators had uttered, by maintaining an unexpected and contemptuous silence, or, at most by uttering a few words of poisoned and deadly sarcasm. Many able men have served as chairmen of the Congressional Committees of Ways and Means, in many difficult crises of our national history.; but no one ever acquitted himself with more ability and success than did Mr. Stevens in that position. On the 10th of July a bill was passed, authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow, on the credit of the United States, a sum not exceed- ing two hundred and fifty millions of dollars ; for which he was author- ized to issue certificates of coupon or registered stools:, and treasury notes. The stock was to bear interest not exceeding seven per centum -per annum, payable semi-annually, and to be irredeemable for twenty years. The treasury notes were to be payable tliree years after date, with interest at the rate of seven and three-tenths per centum per annum. The faith of the United States was pledged for the payment of the interest, and the redemption of the principal of the loan. This act conferred on the Presi- dent the necessary means to carry on the war, and was preliminary to many other important bills which were subsequently passed, and which provided for the continuance of efficient military operations. Two members of the House and one of the Senate particularly disgraced themselves during the entire progress of this session, by their systematic opposition to the patriotic policy of the Government. These were Messrs. Vallandigham of Ohio, and Burnett and Breckinridge of Kentucky. It is difficult to conceive what could have been the real motive of their action, unless it were that perversity which characterizes some minds, and impels them to resist what all other men unanimously approve. It is the unenvi- able distinction of these persons that, in this perilous crisis, they exerted themselves to aid the Eebels by obstructing the wheels of legislation, and by the use of every possible expedient — by direct opposition, by offering sub- stitutes, by proposing amendments, by calling for the previous question, by moving to lay on the table, and by moving to adjourn — by these and other tricks they endeavored to hamper the onward march of the most honorable 1S8 THE CIVIL AVAR IN THE UNITED STATES. measures which were ever adopted by any American Congress. They will probably receive their reward ; and by the decision of a just posterity, when the storms and perils of this disastrous time shall have passed away, they will be classed with the Floyds and Davises of the present era, with the Burrs and Arnolds of a former age. It is not necessary here to enumerate all even of the most important of the bills which were pa.ssed by Congress during this extraordinary session. It will be sufficient to observe, that every appropriation which the safety and honor of the nation required, was liberally made. Such harmony and unanimity had never before existed in any American Con- gress. So far indeed did these qualities prevail, that they led to the occurrence of a phenomenon unknown before in the annals of modern legislation. We read in the history of the Christian Church, of certain harmless and perhaps excusable expedients termed "pious frauds," which were resorted to in different ages and countries, for the purpose of accom- plishing results in themselves beneficent and good.* In the present case a measure was adopted which may with equal propriety be termed a patriotic fraud, by which two separate and independent bills were passed, apparently by accident, doubtless by design, which in effect conferred on the President the power to summon a million of men into the field, if he should deem that number necessary for the defence and preservation of the Union. To whom the credit or the blame of this patriotic fraud ought to be attributed, there can be but little doubt; for in legislative adroitness of this kind, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means had few superiors. The civil war in Missouri now assumed more tragical features from day to day. The inhabitants of that State were thoroughly divided on the subject of Secession, and the greater ferocity and cruelty whieli char- acterize many of the inhabitants of those outposts of civilization, produced the effect that there the war assumed a more desperate character than it had yet exhibited in any other scene of conflict. Two rival governors claimed the executive authority of the State. Two camps and two armies were gradually collected. The Rebels were commanded by General Clai- borne Jackson, the Federal troops were led by General Nathaniel Lyon ; and it was evident, from the hostile and vigorous spirit which characterized both armies, that a collision between them was imminent. In a republican government such as our own, every man regards himself as a political sovereign, and each one claims the right to interfere in the administration of public affairs. Nor do these individual sovereigns choose to recognize any difference between things military and things civil ; all alike must be subject to their scrutiny and jurisdiction. This disposition was very clearly exhibited in reference to the operations of * Vide Mosheiiu's Ecclesiastical History, vol. 1, pp. 65, 112 J REPULSE OF GENERAL TYLER'S DIVISION. 127 what was absurdly termed the " Grand Army," by those whose patriotism was more ardent than their sagacity was penetrating. By this term were meant the Federal troops who were collected at Washington ; and during the early portion of July great impatience was expressed by some leading journals, chiefly in New York, that so powerful an army should be allowed to remain so long in ignoble repose. A general complaint or appeal was made by those journals, that it was high time something decisive should be done, that a battle should be fought, that a victory should be achieved, merely, if for nothing else, to show the Rebels how utterly insignificant they were, and to demonstrate to the world that the Federal Government was omnipotent, and could crush with its finger the whole body of the pre- sumptuous foe. It was doubtless in consequence of the impatience of these military tyros, and the pertinacious clamors for a battle with which they persecuted the Commander-in-Chief and the Secretary of War, that orders were at length issued, that on the 17th of July the Grand Army, numbering thirty thousand men, should move'forward toward Richmond, under the com- mand of General Irwin McDowell. This army, though composed of the best possible raw materials, though brave, though patriotic, though ardently devoted to the cause of the Union, was nevertheless, in the opinion of every man of scientific military attainment, little more than an armed mob; for it is not possible for any human power to convert the mere citizen into a real soldier by six weeks drilling. The military editors, however, prevailed, and the following dispositions were made: The first division, under General Tyler, forming the right centre, marched toward Vienna. The column of the extreme right, commanded by Colonel Hunter, moved toward Centreville. The left centre column, under the orders of Colonel Miles, proceeded by the Little River turnpike toward Fairfax Court House. The column of the extreme left, led by Colonel Heintzelman, advanced by the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. Previous to this date Fairfax had been occupied by a number of Rebel troops. On the morning of the 17th they abandoned their position with- out making any resistance. The Federal forces first entered the town at noon on that day. The Secession flag still waved insultingly from the Court House ; but it quickly gave place to the national colors. The Rebel troops who had retreated from Fairfax were about five thousand in number, and were commanded by General Bonham, who had recently been a member of Congress from South Carolina. On the 18th of July the march of the Federal army was resumed toward Manassas Junction. The fourth brigade of General Tyler's division, commanded by Colonel Richardson, led the advance. General Tyler pushed forward with his stafi", and a small escort, to reconnoitre the position of the enemy. When he reached a height opposite to Bull Run, he discovered, in a long slope or valley which stretched out before him, ^ 128 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. a number of the Rebel cavalry and infantry moving in the distance. He immediately sent back orders for two twenty pounders to be brought forward. With these he attacked the enemy, then distant about a mile and a half. This cannonading commenced at half past twelve o'clock. Soon the Rebels brought forward a battery of four guns, with which they responded to the Federal artillery. Their shots exhibited such excellent markmanship that it was evident they had taken the range of their guns before. The first body of Federal troops which arrived at the scene was the brigade of Colonel Richardson. He was directed by General Tyler to advance on the right along the outskirts of the forest, for the purpose, if possible, of capturing the enemy's guns. The brigade pro- ceeded to execute the order ; but when they approached the spot at which the Rebel guns had been posted, an attack was suddenly made upon them by a strong force of the enemy. These had in reality formed an ambus- cade, and they now poured a deadly deluge of rifle shot into the Federal ranks, while concealed in trenches, lying behind embankments, and sheltered by the woods. Soon the field was covered with a dense cloud of smoke, and the Federal troops fought under the immense disadvantage of not knowing the ground, and of being unable to see the foe. Not ex- pecting to encounter so fierce and general an attack, our artillery was not provided with sufficient ammunition to maintain a lengthened contest. After the lapse of an hour from the commencement of the engagement, the Federal troops retired. The enemy did not advance from their position, but continued to fire upon the retreating column. The latter brought away with them all their guns. The killed on the Federal side were about sixty, with an equal proportion of wounded. The loss of the enemy is unknown to us. It was probably much less than our own, in consequence of the superior advantages possessed by them, both in position and in numbers. Seven regiments only were engaged on the Federal side. Four times as many troops joined in the action on the part of the Rebels. The effect of this rebuff to our arms was extremely injurious. It gave hope to the Rebels, and depressed the Federals. It was doubt- less an imprudent movement to permit a detachment of troops to advance into what might be, and into what actually proved to be, a treacherous and deadly ambuscade ; for they encountered the risk of being over- powered by vastly superior numbers. In such a dilemma the bravest will falter, the most valiant fail. And now the critical moment was approaching when a great and memorable conflict was destined to occur. During several months all the martial zeal of the seceding States had been expended in concentrating their military resources at one favorable point, in order that, at that point, they might resist, and if poss'ible hurl back the advancing forces of tlic Federal Government. The position which they had selected as the scene of this achievement was a spot till then unknown to fame — a spot THE TEMPER OP THE REBEL TROOPS. 129 scarcely marked down on any general map ; but a spot fated thenceforth to be immortal as Manassas Plains. It was admirably adapted by nature to the purpose of defence ; and its natural advantages had been increased and improved by the insidious use of every device known to the military art, of which it was capable. The place consists of a succession of hills, nearly equidistant, protected in front by a deep and thickly wooded ravine. It lies half way between the eastern spur of the Blue Ridge on the one hand, and the Potomac river on the other. Its more elevated points command the whole intervening country. The right wing of the intrenchments extended toward the head of the Occoquan, where the thick forest rendered an approach difficult and dangerous. The left oc- cupied a rolling table land, interspersed with successive elevations which fully commanded its entire expanse. The centre of the Eebel army was posted precisely upon the key of the whole admirably-chosen position. That position had been as effectively fortified as it had been admi- rably chosen. A line of batteries had been erected two miles in extent, whose outline was zigzag in shape, and was strengthened, at the necessary points, with bastions and other structures, with all the skill of a Vauban or a Cohorn. The Rebel camp was abundantly watered by mountain rivulets which murmured through it, on their way to the tranquil bosom of the Potomac. In the rear there lay a fertile country, where wheat, oats, corn, pasture and meadow fields, furnished ample subsistence to the troops. The number of men whom Beauregard had assembled at this point it is impossible for us precisely to state; but the lowest conjecture, based upon the most reliable evidence within our reach, would make it about forty thousand men. These were composed of an enraged and frantic conglomeration of human beings, chiefly from South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, and Virginia; though smaller contingents had been furnished by several other seceding States. They were well provided with artillery and ammunition. The larger portion of their guns had been directly stolen from the United States ; and these the Rebels now purposed to employ against the government which they had defrauded. The energy and ability which General Beauregard had exhibited in collecting, training, and fortifying this army, had inspired them with the utmost confidence in his abilities and in his fortunes. He and his officers had inflamed the passions of their troops to the highest pitch, by all the arts of the demagogue and the soldier. No means had been neglected which might render this formidable host confident of success, contempt- uous of their opponents, efficient in combat, and comparatively safe within the shelter of powerful and well constructed batteries. Traitors at "Wash ington and elsewhere, had given the enemy timely warning of the approach of the Federal army. They were not, therefore, to be taken by surprise As the decisive moment approached the last stirring appeal was made 9 130 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. The Eebels were reminded that the hour of victory, the hour of glory, and the hour of revenge, had at length arrived. Now was the time to slake, in a deluge of Yankee blood, that growing thirst for vengeance which had been accumulating during half a century. Now was the time to demonstrate to the world the immeasurable superiority of the native of the South over the native of the North. And to a deadly combat with such a foe, superior in numbers, in position, and in artillery, the Federal forces marched, little conscious of the real nature of the service before them. GENERAL M'^DOWELL'S PLAN OP ATTACK. 131 CHAPTER X. THE FEDERAL ARMY AT CENTREVILLE — GENERAL MCDOWELL'S PLAN OF ATTACK — THE DIVIS- IONS OF GENERALS TYLER, HUNTER AND HEINTZELMAN — THEIR SEVERAL DUTIES — THE MARCH FROM CENTREVILLE — INTERESTING SPECTACLE — GENERAL TYLER FIRST REACHES THE BATTLE-FIELD — HE COMMENCES THE ENGAGEMENT — MOVEMENTS OF GENERALS HUNTER AND HEINTZELMAN — THE GALLANT SIXTY-NINTH NEV? YORK — THE ENGAGEMENT BECOMES GEN- ERAL — VIGOROUS CANNONADING — THE REBELS GRADUALLY OVERPOWERED — THE FEDERALS VICTORIOUS AT MID-DAY — REBEL ADMISSIONS TO THAT EFFECT — GENERAL JOHNSTON'S* TROOPS FROM WINCHESTER ARRIVE ON THE BATTLE-FIELD — THEY REVERSE THE TIDE OF VICTORY — SUDDEN PANIC IN THE FEDERAL ARMY — A GENERAL RETREAT ENSUES — IKCI- DENTS OF THE FLIGHT — INDIVIDUAL INSTANCES OF HEROISM — RESULTS OF THE BATTLE — FAILURE OF THE REBEL COMMANDERS TO IMPROVE THEIR VICTORY — ULTIMATE C0N33- QUENCES. It was on Sunday, July 21st, 1861, that tlie memorable battle of Ma- nassas, the most decisive and desperate which had yet occurred on the American continent, took place. The Federal Army during the preced- ing day and night reposed at Centreville, about seven miles distant from the scene of conflict. It was placed under the command of General Irwin McDowell — an officer who had received a military education at West Point, had distinguished himself during the Mexican war, had been rapidly promoted from rank to rank, had invariably conducted himself with gal- lantry and heroism, and who was worthy of the important trust which was on this occasion conferred upon him. The plan of attack which this officer devised, and purposed to execute, was, in the opinion of those most competent to judge, an admirable one. The army wis separated into three divisions, which were ordered to ad- vance to the position of the enemy by three routes. Two of these move- ments were to be genuine assaults ; the third was to be-a feint for the purpose of distracting the attention of the foe. The division of General Tyler was directed to march forward by the Warrington road, and to cross Bull Eun a mile and a half to the right. This division comprised the first and second Ohio, and the second New York regiments under General Schenck ; the sixty-ninth, seventy-ninth, and thirteenth of New York, with the second Wisconsin regiments. Three efficient batteries — those of Carlisle, Ayres, and Rickett — accompanied them. The second road was taken by General Hunter, on the extreme right, who commanded the eighth and fourteenth New York regiments, a battalion of the second,- third and eighth regular infantry, a number of artillery, the first and second Ohio, the seventy-first New York, two New Hampshire regiments, and the powerful Rhode Island battery. The third route was to be taken by the division of General Heintzelman, comprising the fourth and fifth 132 THE CIVIL AVAR IN THE UNITED STATES. Massachusetts and the first Minnesota regiments, the second, fourth and fifth Maine, and the second Vermont regiments, supported by cavalry and artiller}'. General Hunter's orders were to pass a small stream called Cub Kun ; to turn to the right, then to the north, to pass the upper ford of Bull Run ; then, marching southward, to attack the enemy in the rear. General Heintzelman was directed to cross Bull Run at the lower ford, and there attack the Rebels when they were being driven before the advancing lines of Hunter. The reserve, under Colonel ililes, was posted at Centreville, numbering six thousand men. The actual number of troops who marched to the attack of the Rebels at Manassas was about twenty- three thousand. The duty assigned to Hunter and to Heintzelman was to drive the enemy from tlie right and from the rear upon the force of General Tyler on the left; so that, hemmed in between the three bodies, their defeat might be more certainly and efficiently accomplished. General McDowell had at first intended to commence the march from Centreville on Saturday afternoon, July 20th, and orders had actually been given to that effect. But it was discovered at the moment of start- ing, that a deficiency of heavy ammunition existed, and that a large supply must first be obtained from Fairfax. This process rendered a short delay necessary, and then it was determined to postpone the advance until the following day. Accordingly, at half-past two o'clock on Sunday morning, the command was given to strike the tents and to commence the march. Soon the vast multitude began to move forward. The scene which was then presented to the view of an observer was one of imposing magnifi- cence, and of solemn, martial splendor. The moon shone brightly and serenely in the distant heavens, which were spangled with myriads of sparkling gems ; while the immense assemblage of human beings, swarm- ing over many a hill and vale, hurried forward with eager tread toward the field of blood. The mellow light of the dim luminaries served only to add the charm of a mystic and mysterious grandeur to the spectacle. The solemn silence of the Sabbath morn was broken by the rumbling sound of the artillery, by the confused tread of horses and of men, inter- mingled with the occasional echo of the stern word of command, or the gladsome voices of laughter and song. General McDowell and his staff accompanied the central column of General Tyler's command. At length the clearer light of the early dawn spread over the face of the earth. Then, after a short interval, the sun appeared in full effulgence in the rosy east ; and as he commenced to mount the azure heavens, the head of General Tyler's column reached the eminence, from which the first distant view of the position of the enemy could be obtained. Seldom had a fairer, calmer, or lovelier scene been presented to the charmed eye of the enthusiastic admirer of nature, than that which the wide sweep of country before them exhibited, soon to be torn and riven by the impetu- ous rush of infantry and cavalry, by the terrific discharges of the artillery GENERAL TYLER COMMENCES THE ENGAGEMENT. I33 — soon to be covered with human gore, and with the bleeding bodies of the dying and the dead. There is nothing more difficult in the whole range of historical inquiry than the attempt to describe a great battle with perfect accuracy and truthfulness. It is easy to imagine or exaggerate a series of thrilling events, and to embellish a narrative with highly-colored pictures, which may interest, excite, and sometimes even appall the reader. But that process will merely produce a work of imagination ; it will not elaborate a scene of historic verity. And if it be perplexing to an observer who has been an actual witness of a great engagement to furnish any thing like a reliable descriptive coup d'oeil of the whole conflict, extending over an area of five, and in some cases of ten miles — as it undoubtedly is — ■ how much more difficult must his task be, who attempts to extract from the conflicting and diversified statements of others, the material of a pen- picture of his own? The more he studies, scrutinizes, and compares the various narratives and versions which others give, all equally confident and equally sincere, the more he will detect the contradictions and incon- gruities which exist between them ; and he will be at a loss to know how to act as arbiter, what to credit and what to reject. In such a dilemma his highest aim must be to approximate as near the truth as he possibly can. It was half-past five o'clock in the morning when the head of General Tyler's division reached a position favorable for commencing the attack. The enemy could be seen from that position busily forming their lines about a mile in front. Skirmishers were immediately thrown forward, who soon encountered the Kebel pickets and exchanged shots with them. A ponderous thirty pound Parrott rifled cannon was then advanced upon, the road, and a number of shells were thrown into their ranks. To this salute they made no reply, and General Tyler ordered his division to move for- ward, so as to be in nearer contact with the enemy, who seemed to have concealed the principal portion of their numbers behind the woods and the rolling hills. They had, in fact, taken their position, in great part, in the forest on the right and left, and had posted their artillery and masked their guns behind the groves which were scattered over the inter- vening country. The second Ohio and second New York regiments were then ordered by General Tyler to advance and attack the enemy in their concealed position. They obeyed, and soon the response of the guns of the Eebels demonstrated the fact that they had posted themselves in such a manner as to entice our men forward, that they might be more completely within the range of their batteries. So heavy an attack of artillery was now opened upon them from cannon which were almost invisible, and which seemed to pour forth a deadly deluge from fiery mouths opening upon the very surface of the earth, that General Schenck at length gave the 134 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. order to retire from the unequal contest. But at the same moment Car- lisle's battery was ordered forward to respond to the masked artillery. His great guns replied with terrible effect. In half an hour the concealed cannon of the foe at this point were completely silenced. While these events were progressing in the front of the enemy's main position, the divisions of Hunter and of Heintzelman were operating on the extreme right, so as to reach the flank and the rear of the Eebels. The circuit which they made was an extensive one of some miles ; the march was difficult, and it was half-past ten before they reached the presence of the enemy. The latter were posted in a strong position beyond Sudley Springs. General Hunter at once attacked them with the fourteenth New York, the Rhode Island regiment commanded by Burnside, the second New Hampshire and the New York seventy-first. As these troops advanced the enemy poured upon them a destructive deluge of shot and shell ; but they continued to advance with firmness and unflinching heroism. This was the northern extremity of the battle ground, and some of the fiercest fighting of tliat bloody day took place in this part of the engagement. The gallant sixty-ninth rushed forward to the encounter with yells of mingled fury and exultation. They formed the van of a column which General Tyler had sent forward to co-operate with Hunter's division in surrounding the foe ; and they fell upon the Rebels with that combination of gallantry and ferocity which have characterized the Irish soldier in every country on the globe. These various operations were but preliminary to the grand and chief contest of the day. The cannonading between the two armies now became general. All the guns of the enemy were by this time brought into play, and nearly all the Federal forces, except the reserves, had come into action. The battle-field, the range of the artillery, and the various opera- lions of the assailants and defendants, extended over an area of about five miles. The discharges of artillery were very numerous ; the reverbera- tion was deafening ; the energy, the intensity, and the effect of the combat were terrible. The sullen sound of the guns was heard at Ceutreville, at Fairfax, at Alexandria; it was even perceptible at Washington. Tlie widely-spread and still-extending conflict over the hills, the valleys and the ravines of Manassas, was now enveloped in countless up-rolling volumes of smoke; and only at intervals, by the friendly aid of fitful eddies of the wind, could a glimpse be obtained of the exact position and operations of the combatants. Thus far, however, it was evident that all had gone well with the Federal arms. Hunter had succeeded in turning the flank of the enemy, and masses of fugitive Mississippians, retreating befcre his advancing columns, gave evidence that the tide of victory was his. But as the Federal troops pressed forward in pursuit, new batteries, till then concealed in the rear, opened their deadly mouths upon them, hurling death into their serried ranks. The foe here fought with the THE FEDERALS VICTORIOUS AT MID-DAY. 135 utmost desperation. Occasionally a furious charge from their retiring columns would recover for a moment the lost advantage'; but it would be only to suffer in return a new reverse, and to commence a new retreat. Then again fresh batteries, skilfully masked, would open upon the advancing victors, inflicting upon them' additional penalties for their success. But the general sweep of the contest here was favorable to the Federal army. Hunter and Heintzelman were successively progressing toward a junction with Tyler, and the arc of a grand and overwhelming circle of destruction and defeat was being inexorably drawn around the Rebel host. And now cheer after cheer rose upon the air, which were wafted by the breeze over the field, from one portion of the exultant and victorious troops to another. At half-past twelve, it may with truth be asserted that, in all essential respects, a decisive triumph had been gained by the Federal arms. Hunter and Heintzelman had penetrated far into the position of the enemy. On the heights toward the enemy's left, regiment after regiment of the foe had been driven in by the heroic charges of our troops. Fresh regiments could be discovered by the distant observer, hastening up to the support of those which were wavering ; and then, after a desperate combat, the whole defeated mass could be seen to recoil, and to plunge into a promiscuous retreat. The Federals made such impetuous assaults that the personal presence and frantic efforts of Beauregard himself could not resist them. Whole regiments of the Eebels were here cut to pieces, and the torn and scattered fragments were hurled back in fearful panic and disorder. But still, such was the marvelous ability with which that commander had fortified his position, that fresh triumphs and fresh pur- suits ou the part of the Federal troops only conducted them into the jaws of additional batteries, which had been posted and concealed in endless succession, up to the very centre of his position at Manassas ; so that it seemed as if satanic skill and malignity had contrived an inevitable ruin for the victors. Notwithstanding all this, the deadly toils were gradually drawing closer around the foe. His desperate efforts were becoming more and more impotent. He had abandoned all his breastworks, in this portion of the field, except one ; and even this was stormed later in the day by several regiments, which were the last to abandon the contest and join in the retreat. At one o'clock on this memorable day the Rebel host at Manassas, in spite of all their advantages of position and of numbers were virtually defeated. This may he proved even hy their own concessions. Thus, the special correspondent of the Louisville Cojirier declared, in a communication to that paper, after stating that General Tyler's attack on the centre of the Rebel position was not discovered to be a mere feint until almost too late, that reinforcements were then sent to the troops who were resisting the attack of Hunter and Heintzelman. From that part of the field he 136 1HE CIVIL WAR' IN THE UNITED STATES. confess«;d that they had " been driven back some two miles." He added : "Now came the tug of war. The fortunes of the day were evidentlv against us. Some of our best officers were slain, and the flower of our army lay strewn on the field, ghastly in death or gaping with wounds. At noon the cannonading is described as terrific. It was an incessant roar for more than two hours, the havoc and devastation at this time being fearful. McDowell was just in the act of possessing himself of the railway to Eichmond. Then all would have been lost. But most oppor- tunely, I may say providentially, at this juncture General Johnston witli the remnant of his division reappeared and rnade one other desperate struggle to obtain the vantage ground." A similar concession was subsequently made by the correspondent of the Charleston Mercury, who, when describing the death of General Bee, the commander of the South Carolinians on this day, said : "The brunt of the morning's battle was sustained by his (Bee's) command until past twelve o'clock. Overwhelmed by superior numbers, and com- pelled to yield to a fire that swept every thing before it. General Bee rode up and down his lines, encouraging his troops by every thing that was dear to them, to stand up and repel the tide which threatened them with destruction. At last — his own brigade dwindled to a mere handful, with every field ofiBcer killed or disabled — he rode up to General Jackson and said : ' General, they are beating us back !' " To this testimony we may add the admi.ssions of the Eichmond Dis- jMtch. The correspondent of that paper wrote as follows : " Between two and three o'clock large numbers of men were leaving the field, some of them wounded, others exhausted by the long struggle, who gave us gloomy reports ; but as the fire on both sides continued steadily, we felt sure that our brave Southerners had not been conquered by the over- whelming hordes of the North. It is, however, due to truth to say, that the result of this hour hung trembling in the balance. We had lost numbers of our most distinguished officers. Generals BTirtow and Bee had been stricken down ; Colonel Johnston, of the Hampton Legion, iiad been killed, and Colonel Hampton had been wounded. Your correspon- dent heard General Johnston say to General Cocke, just at this critical moment, ' Oh, for four regiments !' His wish was answered, for in the distance our reinforcements appeared. The tide of battle turned in our favor by the arrival of General Kirby Smith, from Winchester, with four thousand of General Johnston's division." It is perfectly evident from such statements, of the highegt authority, as well as from the position of aftairs on the scene of conflict, that previ- ous to the arrival of Johnston's army on the field the strength of the Eebels was broken, and that victory had been legitimately earned by the Federal arms. At this crisis the fire of the enemy had become languid. All over the ensanguined hills and plains their rehiaiuing guns responded THE EEBEL GENERAL JOHNSTON'S TROOPS. 137 slowly and feebly. At two o'clock the foe seemed extremely disheartened and confused. Three times had they t^een dislodged from a locality known as " a hill with a house on it," which was one of the strongest positions on the field. At that point the enemy was commamied by General Beauregard in person ; and his troops had been driven a mile and a half from the fiercely contested point, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of that able commander. This discomfiture, which had been accompli.shed by the regiments under Heintzelman, added still more to the desperate nature of the situation of the Kebels. And yet, after all this heroism and this success, when victory seemed inevitable to the Federal arms, when the ex4iausted host of the Eebel chiefs appeared to be in extremis, the final issue was completely reversed, and one of the most disgraceful retreats which is inscribed on the historic page, ensued. How was this unexpected and wonderful catastrophe produced ? It was about three o'clock when large bodies of troops were observed by the Federal commanders, darkening the hill-tops in the farthest dis- tance opposite the centre of the battle-field. Soon they were seen hasten- ing to join in the conflict ; and their secession banners waving in the breeze, and the freshness and vigor of their movements, clearly proved that they were reinforcements, which had endured nothing of the heat, the exhaustion, or the agony of the long struggle. They were in fact a portion of the army of General Johnston ; who, having made good their escape from Winchester, had arrived by railroad at the Junction, and were now hastening to the field to rescue the cause of the Eebels from de- struction. This terrible apparition at such a time and in such a juncture, might well have appalled the stoutest heart ; yet, at the moment of its occurrence no thought of flight existed, and additional troops were ordered forward to confront the advancing masses. Among these were three Connecticut regiments, the fourth of Maine and the first Tyler Brigade. Notwithstanding the prodigious exertions which these Federal troops had already made during the protracted contest, they approached their new foes with the utmost heroism. A terrible onslaught ensued between them. One battery was eight times taken and eight times lost. Mean- while fresh accessions to the Eebel forces were arriving in successive trains. They deployed upon the field, and were gradually and stealthily winding themselves around the left of the Federal army, with the evident purpose of surrounding them and cutting off their retreat. Nevertheless, an hour of the most desperate fighting ensued, during which prodigies of valor were performed by our exhausted troops. Still, however, the deluge of fresh reinforcements to the enemy continued to pour down upon the field. The left of the Federal army was slowly becoming surrounded and their rear attained. The fresh troops of the Eebels rushed upon their opponents in successive tides with sanguinary fury. One regiment of Mississippians, armed with immense bowie knives, fell upon them with 138 THE CIVIL AVAR IX THE UNITED STATES. the yells of maniacs and the ferocity of fiends. Then it was that, for the first time during the long and desperate conflict, our .troops began to exhibit confusion and dismay, and the first indication of a panic com- menced to appear. A vast body of Rebel cavalry now came pouring out of the woods upon our left, attacked the troops which happened to be near them, and assailed a multitude of unarmed teamsters, who, without any orders to that effect, had moved their wagons forward with the gen- eral advance. The fatal panic which had arisen now spread rapidly from regiment to regiment. Masses of men, in the utmost disorder, rushed down from the distant hills in full retreat. The flight became general, and then ensued that marvelous and ignominious stampede from Manassas to Washington, which will forever remain one of the chief wonders and scandals of American history. No reasonable person will condemn the Federal troops at Manassas for not maintaining the advantage they had gained, or even for retreating. A complete defeat, under such circumstances, was excusable. The crime which cannot be palliated or forgiven is, that the flight should have been continued so long and so far ; that such extreme disorder and frantic fear, such groundless despair and such excesses of weakness, so total an oblivion of all shame, and such a disregard of the dignity of manhood, should have characterized the conduct of men who had exhibited such admirable hero- ism and endurance so shortly before. Regiment after regiment now came rushing along the road and over the fields toward Centreville. But soon all distinctions of regiments and companies, of infantry, cavalry and artillery, were lost. The confusion of Babel was synthetic order and perfect symmetry when compared with the chaotic confusion which now prevailed. Many of the men threw away their arms and knapsacks, lest they might be impeded in their escape. The heavy guns were abandoned, the traces cut, and the horses, covered with fugitives clinging to them on all sides, were spurred forward in the flight. Soon the passage became choked with private conveyances, with terrified civilians, with broken gun carriages, all tumbling and crashing against each other. Wounded horses plunged to and fro in tiie midst of the demented mass of human beings. Many were crushed to death. Many threw themselves upon the earth, being either wounded or exhausted, and unable to continue their flight. A few officers, indeed, endeavored to stem the tide and stop the panic, but their eflbrts were utterly fruitless. Thus the tumultuous sweep of fugitive wretches contin- ued to roll onward without the least pause or abatement, until they reached Centreville. There the presence of the reserve under Colonel Mile.s, and especially Blenker's brigade, tended to diminish the disorder to some extent. But this cftect was only partial. The great mass continued to hurry for- ward to Fairfax, to Alexandria, and even to Washington, where they arrived during the ensuing night and day. Our dead and wounded were THE EESULTS OP THE BATTLR. I39 left on the battle-field. Much heavier losses of artillery and ammunition occurred during the flight than during the engagement. No officer eminent for ability on the Federal side had fallen. The loss of the Kebel army in this particular was much greater than that of their opponents. The only pursuit attempted by the victorious and astonished enemy was made with their cavalry, and the assaults of these were effectually ter- minated at Centreville by the vigorous charges and deadly aim of Blenker's rifle brigade. That officer even recovered some of the guns which had been abandoned during the flight. Thus ended the battle, the defeat, and the rout of Manassas. Atfirst the loss on the Federal side was supposed to be much greater than actu- ally proved to be the case ; as was subsequently demonstrated by the official return made by General McDowell to the government. Accord- ing to that return, the Federal army lost four hundred and eighty-one killed, one thousand and eleven wounded, twelve hundred and sixteen missing. The missing included the prisoners taken by the enemy, and those who, having escaped from the slaughter, never returned to. the ser- vice. The number of artillery lost was seventeen rifled cannon, eight small-bore guns, twenty-five hundred muskets, and thirty boxes of old firearms. But, though the Rebels had obtained a victory, there never was an instance in which conquerors more signally failed to improve their advantages. One of the highest arts of a military commander, is that of following up effectually the opportunities which the favor of fortune may have bestowed upon him ; and more ability has been displayed by some generals in the skill with which they turned a triumph to good account, than they exhibited in gaining it. Many other generals have shown higher genius in the success with which they have averted the consequences of a defeat, than their successful opponents exhibited in gaining the victory. In the present case it proved almost a barren triumph on the one side, and nearly a harmless repulse on the other. The Rebels might, in the midst of that overwhelming and preposterous panic, have marched upon Washington, entered it, dispersed or captured the officers of the Federal Government, and thus have struck a blow as deadly and decisive as that which Hannibal might have inflicted, if, immediately after the terrible slaughter of Cannas, he had thundered with his legions at the gates of Rome, and had taken possession of the Eternal City. But, like Hannibal, Beauregard failed to improve the propitious moment; and, that moment, being once lost in the vicissitudes of nations, it never returns again. * 110 THE CIVIL WAR IX THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTEK XL THE IMPRESSION PRODUCED ON THE PUBLIC BY THE BATTLE OF MANASSAS — VARIOUS CAUSES OF THE FEDERAL DEFEAT — THE PRECEDING MARCH— INFERIORITY OF NUMBERS — EFFECT OF MASKED BATTERIES — INCOMPETENT OR INEXPERIENCED OFFICERS — REMOTE POSITION OF THE RESERVES — PERNICIOUS PRESENCE OF SPECTATORS — THE COUP-DE-GRACE — ARRI- VAL OF GENERAL JOHNSTON'S TROOPS ON THE FIELD — IMMENSE LOSSES OF THE REBEL ARMY— WAS THE DEFEAT IN REALITY A MISFORTUNE TO THE UNION — ITS IMMEDIATE EFFECTS — ITS INFLUENCE ON THE ARMY — ITS INFLUENCE ON THE ADMINISTRATION — IT BECAME THE MEANS OF AVERTING GREATER CALAMITIES — IT WAS THE CAUSE OF SUBSE- QUENT SUCCESSES TO THE FEDERAL FORCES. The defeat of the Federal arms at Manassas overwhelmed the nation with astonishment, indignation and shame. They were astonished, because such a catastrophe was previously considered as beyond the range of possibility. They were indignant, because they regarded it as the result of inexcusable neglect, incapacity and cowardice. Tliey were mortified, because victory had graced the arms of an enemy whom they despised and execrated. Various theories were subsequently offered to account for the occurrence of this disastW. At the present time, when the excitement and confusion of the crisis have passed away, and men may scrutinize events calmly and dispassionately, it is evident that the causes of it can be easily indicated ; so, clearly indeed, as to show that a contrary result must have been almost impossible. A number of adverse events conspired to produce the defeat of the Federal army, though some of these were more important and more potent than others. In the first place, it was evidently imprudent to exhaust the physical energies of the Federal troops, by marching them from two o'clock in the morning, immediately before engaging the enemy. The physical powers of men have their limits of endurance ; and when we remember that the battle continued to rage during the whole day, from sunrise almost until sunset, it is not singular that, toward the termina- tion of the struggle, the strength of the troops should have become ex- hausted. Nor did the Federal commanders gain any thing on the score of secresy, by thus postponing the march until the day of the battle ; for the enemy were amply forewarned of their approach when they lay at Centreville. It is evident aho that the number of Federal troops was too small, and was inadequate to the difficult service of assailing and taking Manassas. Not much more than twenty thousand men took part in the engagement ; and against these twenty thousand there were arrayed, in the end, nearly forty thousand ; who, in addition to their superiority in numbers, possessed also an important advantage in being familiar with the ground, in being INCOMPETENT OR INEXPERIENCED OFFICERS. 141 fresh to the encounter, and in being intrenched behind powerful batteries. The peculiar manner in which these batteries had been arranged contrib- uted greatly to the Federal defeat. The guns of the enemy, in this instance, were placed at irregular and zigzag points, in endless retrocession; so that as soon as the troops which served one of their batteries had been overpowered, and were compelled to give way, they merely fell back upon other guns served by fresh men, who received the advancing victors with a fresh volley of shot and shell. The Federal troops took many of these batteries seriatim; they drove the Rebels for more than a mile from battery to battery ; and yet they still encountered other guns, which were worked with an energy and effect equal to the first. The peculiar manner in which these batteries were hidden added to their formidableness. They were so masked and concealed, either by brushwood or by being planted in holes dug in the ground, with their muzzles only protruding above the surface of the earth, that they were invisible to the assailants, and were thereby rendered more deadly. It must also be admitted that, though the men fought bravely, many of the subaltern ofiicers were utterly incompetant to perform their duties. There were many majors, colonels, lieutenants, and other officers who had never received any military training, who possessed no military knowledge or experience, and who were useless on the battle-field. ,Nor will this appear singular when we remember that many of the officers were mere civilians, whose patriotism or ambition had urged them to enter the career of arms, and who had been able to obtain military rank, without possessing a particle of military skill. It is not possible for such men, however intelligent they may be, to acquire a competent knowledge of military affairs by six weeks' drilling. What little they may have been able to learn during that interval would be of small service in the midst of the fearful excitement and confusion of an actual battle. The drill-room is a very different arena from the tumultuous field of strife and blood. A scientific military training is just as indispensable to the ofiicer on land, as it is to the oiEcer at sea. Naval tactics are not more intricate and difficult than those of the land service. Let us suppose that a British fleet of a hundred sail suddenly menaced the Atlantic coast; that an American fleet of equal strength was sent to attack them ; and that this fleet was for the most part commanded and officered by men who had never before sailed upon the deep, much less had charge of a vessel, and had only six weeks' experience in studying the details of naval architecture, service and warfare. It is clear that the sailors might be brave, the ship might be staunch, the artillery might be powerful, the officers might be personally heroic; but that such a fleet, in the face of a veteran British armament, would be battered to pieces, and the wrecks of our vessels would soon be scattered far and wide over the ocean and the strand. It must be thus with any land force officered by lawyers, 142 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. merchants and other civilians, who, in a moment of danger, take com . mands in it. So incompetent were some of these officers, that it is certain that many of the orders of General McDowell were never delivered to those to whom they were sent ; and thus fatal errors were committed, against the express precautions of the chief officer. It is probable that the position of the reserve under Colonel Miles was much too far in the rear, to be of actual service in the crisis of the battle. Seven miles is manifestly too great a distance to intervene between the main body of an army, and the reinforcements which must be used in the last extremity. If, when the troops of Johnston deployed upon the field, the regiments stationed at Centreville could have marched against them and checked their advance, the issue of the day might have been difi'erent. The field was also encumbered by a host of spectators and visitors, whose presence was most pernicious. If all went well, their shouts would indeed rend the heavens and cheer the victors. But if any disaster occurred, they would be tne first to set the example of cowardice, and their flight would inevitably become contagious with troops who had already been disheartened by the duration and difficulty of the struggle. Such actually proved to be the result at Manassas. Prominent in that vast and tumultuous torrent of retreating men were to be seen terrified and frantic civilians ; and among the many who, on that day, fled in hot haste, they led the van, and kept it. It is clear also that many minor blunders were committed which served to consummate the disaster. The unarmed teamsters were permitted to advance with their wagons too near the enemy, and within the range of their attack. The Federal army was not sufficiently provided with cavalry to pursue the retreating foe. Proper care was not taken, when batteries had been captured, to secure possession of them, and turn them upon the Rebels. The left flank and the rear of the Federal army were not suitably guarded against attack. An order to fall back a short distance was mistaken for a general order to retreat. To this must be added the desperate courage of the Rebel troops, the skill and bravery of the Rebel commanders, and the immense advantages of their position. Nevertheless, all these causes combined together would have not in- flicted the repulse at Manassas, had it not been for another and still more potent cause. It would have been a victory to the Federal arms, or at least a drawn battle, had not the troops of General Johnston arrived by railway from Winchester, and deployed upon the field precisely at the critical moment. That calamity turned the scale with decisive and re- sistless effijct. The prodigious influence produced by the sudden accession of fresh troops on the battle-field, to one side or to the other, after a long and obstinate struggle, has been illustrated by the issue of many of the most memorable conflicts of modern times. Thus the great battle of Wagram was lost by the Austrians, after they had in eflect wrested the IMMENSE LOSSES OF THE REBEL ARMY. 143 victory from Napoleon by prodigies of valor, because the Archduke Jobn did not reach the field with his reinforcement of eighteen thousand troops, as he had been expressly ordered to do ; which accession would have completely broken the exhausted lines of ths French. It is well known that at Waterloo, the issue of the day depended entirely upon the fact whether Blucher would arrive with his Prussians to reinforce the English, or Grouchy would arrive with his division to reinforce Napoleon. Blucher rushed upon the field when Wellington was almost frantic with despair, and thereby changed the fortunes of the world. Thus also at the battle of Inkermann, forty thousand Russians attacked fifteen thousand British troops. After a protracted and desperate conflict the latter were about to break, when the arrival of a large French force under General Bosquet decided the issue of the engagement. It was precisely thus with the battle of Manassas. The accession of Johnston's regiments turned the scale, and wrested the triumph from the wearied hands of tlie exhausted victors. By whose fault it was that Johnston was permitted to make good his hurried march to Manassas, we are not prepared to say. It was expected that the junction would be prevented by the division under General Robert Patterson ; but whether the force under his command was sufli- ciently large to enable him to achieve that result, it is not for us to deter- mine. General McDowell, however, asserted in his official report of the battle, that it was expressly understood when he assumed the command of the army marching against Manassas, that he was not to encounter the troops of Johnston; and that declaration, thus boldly and publicly made, was never contradicted. If, therefore, the force under Patterson was not sufficiently numerous to intercept Johnston, it was a measure of indispen- sable importance that it should have been rendered such, before the advance of McDowell toward Manassas was commenced. It was natural that the Rebels should exult with frantic joy, and with boundless exaggeration, over their unexpected victory. The reports which were diffused throughout the Southern States in reference to it exceeded any thing ever exhibited before in the art of misrepresentation. It was confidently asserted that the Federal army had been composed of a hundred thousand men; that twenty thousand had been slain and wounded; that thirty thousand handcuffs had been taken, with which the Federals intended to manacle the defeated Confederates ; that sixty pieces of artillery had been captured, with an innumerable number of knapsacks, and with provisions enough to support the Confederate army for months. The result of these fabrications was, that the whole South became still more enthusiastic for the war ; and many who, till then, had been reluctant to enter the struggle, now rushed forward, enlisted, and commenced with martial ardor to swarm northward toward Richhiond. Soon, however, this general exultation began to give place to sadder 144 THE CIVIL AVAK IN THE UNITED STATES and more sober thoughts, when the details of the losses of the Rebels at Manassas began to be kno*vu throughout the South. Then it was that they discovered at what an enormous price their victory had been bought ; and like Pyrrhus of old^ after vanquishing the Romans, they might exclaim, that another such triumph would complete their ruin. The Rebels had lost many of their best officers. They made great exertions to conceal the precise number of their dead and wounded ; so much so that even southern journals complained that the relatives of the soliders who fought at Ma- nassas, could obtain no information as to whether they were living or dead. Every thing was concealed on that subject for a long time. The reason was, that a knowledge of the real facts would have appalled and disheartened the people by the horrid details involved in them. Bat such secresy could not always be preserved ; and at length certain revelations began to leak out, which opened the eyes of men as to the actual state of the case. Thus, among other instances, the Richmond Disjmtch, when applauding the heroism of the eighth Georgia regiment, declared that "at length they withdrew from the fight. Their final rally was made with some sixty men out of the six hundred they took in." This regiment, thus almost annihilated, was succeeded by the seventh Georgia regiment, who actually met the .same fate, their commanding officer, Colonel Barton, being killed. One Louisiana regiment lost three hundred men out of eight hundred. The Hampton Legion and an Alabama regiiftent were almost totally destroyed by the terrible charges of the New York sixty-ninth and seventy-ninth. Single facts like these demonstrate how terrific and over- whelming the grand total loss must have been on the Rebel side. It was manifestly much greater than the Federal loss ; and it is not improable that five or six thousand in killed and wounded 'were the number of the enemy placed hors du combat. In view of indisputable facts like these, it could scarcely be affirmed that the result of this engagement was very advantageous to the cause of the Rebel Government; while on the other hand, it may with truth be asserted, that under the outward and forbidding guise of a reverse, the general result of the catastrophe at Manassas was propitious to the interests of the Federal Union. This declaration, which seems very like a paradox or an absurdity, we believe to be strictly true ; and we will briefly state the grounds of this opinion. As adversity is often the wisest and best school for the individual learner, so also is it often the wisest and best school for the national learner. Especially in military affairs, a few disasters at the commencement of a war produce a beneficial effect. Many celebrated commanders began their careers with serious defeats, and by those very defeats were taught how afterward to triumph more gloriously. Frederic the Great, to whom reference has already been made, confessed that the first clear insight which he obtained into the military art, was when he was compelled by Charles of Lorraine to retreat with heavy losses from ITS INFLUENCE ON THE ADMINISTRATION. 145 Silesia, at an early stage of the Seven Years War ; yet Frederic subse- quently became the greatest general of his age. William of Orange, afterward king of England, acquired more niillitary skill from his defeats by the Prince de Cond^ than by all his other studies and experiences combined. The Emperor Charles V. of Germany, who agitated Europe during many years by his contests with the chivalrous Francis I., gener- ally commenced his campaigns against that monarch with disasters, but invariably closed them with supremacy and triamph. Now it is well known that the American people began the war against Secession with an undue contempt of the resources and the prowess of the Rebels. No proper conception was entertained of the difficulty and intensity of the struggle which was about to commence. It was generally believed that the southern soldiers would not fight ; that they possessed no powers of physical eiidurance ; that they were enervated by drunken- ness and debauchery ; that their conquest would be an easy and rapid achievement. All these were gross and fatal delusions ; but the result of their prevalence was, that a spirit of extreme carelessness and frivolity pervaded the Federal army. A reckless temper characterized the public journals. The march to Richmond was to be a grand and exciting hunt for Rebels ; and the most rare and excellent sport would be the entertain- ment of those who took part in the chase, and of those who accompanied it as spectators. With this hilarious spirit the army marched gaily forth toward Manassas. Inexcusable neglect characterized every thing con- nected with their advance. Their numbers were deficient; their ammuni- tion was not properly supplied ; the men had received but little drilling ; and some of the ofiBcers, it was charged, were on this occasion intoxicated. Let us suppose that this army had been successful at Manassas ; and that, after a short and perhaps a feigned resistance, the Rebel forces had retreated toward Richmond. Elated with the easily-earned victory, en- tertaining still more contemptuous and absurd sentiments respecting the prowess of the enemy, our troops would have become more reckless and imprudent than before. As they advanced further into the bowels of the hostile country, the dangers which surrounded them would become much greater. Then, at length, when a facile and safe retreat to the entrenchments at Washington would be rendered impossible, even by a Bull Run race; when the army of the Rebels had been increased to three times the number it contained at Manassas ; when our oiEcers and soldiers were regardless of prudence and vigilance, another attack would be made upon them. Is it not perfectly evident that the probability, the certainty even, is, that in that dreadful and unequal onslaught scarcely a single man would have escaped, and that a calamity far greater than that at Manassas would have ensued to the Federal army, to the nation's honor, and to the cause of the Union ? But the effect produced upon the Federal troops by the check at Ma- 10 146 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. nassas was instantaneous and redeeming. Their eyes were at once opened to the terrific depth of that abyss toward which they had been madly rushing. They acquired more valuable information by one day of defeat than they would have attained by ten days of victory. The blow brought them to their senses, and sobered them at once. How soon was a new spirit infused into the service! IIow quickly did the most rigid dicipline, the most careful precautions, the most extensive and systematic preparations, take the place of the previous neglect, laxity and bravado! Every de- partment of the army underwent a thorough reformation ; and soon there was assembled, under the national colors, a well drilled, well appointed, formidable force of several hundred thousand men. But nothing of this would have existed, had not the defeat at Manassas taught the nation and the government wisdom. Therefore, we repeat, that that defeat was in reality not a misfortune, but a benefit to the Federal arms, and to the interests of the Uaioa. EVENTS IN MISSOURI. U7 CHAPTEE XII. INCRBASBD BNEROT OP THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT — ^EVENTS IN MISSOnRI — IMPORTANT BATTLE AT CARTHAGE— RETROGRADE MOVEMENT OF GENERAL LTON TO SPRINGFIELD — PURSUIT OF THE REBELS UNDER GENERALS MCCULLOCH AND PRICE — CONDITION OF THEIR ARMT — REASONS WHY GENERAL LYON ENGAGED THE ENEMY — THE GREAT BATTLK OF Wilson's creek — disposition of the federal forces — temporary success of THE REBELS — INCIDENTS OF THE CONTEST— HEROISM OF GENERAL LYON — HIS LAST EFFORT AGAINST THE ENEMY — ITS SUCCESS — GENERAL LYON's DEATH — DISCOMFITURE OF COLONEL SIGEL — RESULTS OF THE BATTLE — SKETCH OF GENERAL LYON — HIS RARE MERITS GENERAL FREMONT MADE COMMANDANT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI — HIS POLICY AND MEASURES — HIS ANTI-SLAVERY PROCLAMATION — IT IS MODIFIED BY PRESIDENT LINCOLN— THE WAR AGAINST SECESSION NOT A WAR AGAINST SLAVERY. Immediately after the battle of Manassas, the Federal Government was busily employed in making every possible preparation to defend Wash- ington against an apprehended attack from the Rebel forces. The loyal States were called upon to send large masses of troops without delay to the Federal capital. This requisition was speedily and heartily complied with ; and in the course of a few weeks, as we have stated, several hundred thousand armed men rallied around the seat of government. At the same time, various other measures, required by the peculiar exigencies of the occasion, were adopted. General McClellan was summoned from Western Virginia to Washington; other officers of merit, including Fremont, Wool, Banks and Lyon, were promoted to positions of importance; and soon the administration of Mr. Lincoln, which seemed by one deadly blow to have been brought to the very verge of ruin, presented to the enemy a front much more formidable and defiant than that which it had exhibited before the battle of Manassas. No military operations of any importance were destined to occur in that vicinity for several months but ; hostilities were carried on with great vigor in the southwestern department of the Eepublic. We have already described the procefe by which the State of Missouri became the scene of conflict between two hostile parties which had arisen within its borders ; and how its inhabitants had become much divided on the subject of their allegiance to the Union. The first important conflict, which occurred between them, took place at Carthage, on the 5th of July, 1861, where eight thousand Missouri Rebels, commanded by the pseudo- Governor Jackson, attacked two thousand Federal troops, under Colonel Sigel. The battle was a desperate one. Notwithstanding the immense advantage of numbers on the Rebel side, their loss was very heavy, and the general issue of the day was adverse to them. This result was chiefly due to the superior skill with which Colonel Sigel served and directed his 148 THE CIVIL AVAR IN THE UNITED STATES. artillery. General Lyon, who commanded another Federal force in the State, was ninety miles distant from Carthage at the period of the battle, and was therefore unable to ell'ect a junction with Sigel. Nowhere, in any portion of the Union, had the ruinous effects of civil war been as terrible as within the limits of Missouri ; for at this time, throughout a large portion of the State, especially to the south of the Missouri river, solitude and desolation reigned throughout the country. Nearly all the houses and plantations had been deserted by their inhabitants. Wheat, corn, and the various pi'oducts of the earth, rotted unharvested. In other portions of the State the dominion of terror prevailed and there was no protection for life or property to the citizen or the stranger. As soon as General Lyon received the details of the battle of Carthage, he fell back with the troops under his command to Springfield. He liad been informed that a powerful Eebel force under McCulloch and Price were advancing upon him by several different routes. He expected an immediate attack, inasmuch as he was assured that their commissariat was in a miserable condition, and they would be compelled at once literally either to fight or to starve. General Lyon was well aware of the critical nature of his position. The Rebel force had swelled to an immense multitude of desperate, disorderly, and sanguinary adventurers, twenty thousand in number, whose attack, though irregular, would still be ener- getic and destructive. His own troops did not then exceed five thousand men ; but they were well fod and clothed, and provided with a powerful battery of artillery. His army had been increased to that number by the junction of the force under Colonel Sigel; and he made every preparation which nn able and skillful commander could possibly employ, to confront and overpower the danger which impended over him. The battle of Wilson's Creek, which soon ensued, was one of the most bloody and desperate which had occurred during the progress of the war ; and the conduct of General Lyon, on this occasion, covered his name and his memory with enduring renown. It was on the seventh of August that the Eebel force under McCulloch and Price reached a position twelve miles distant from Springfield. The inhabitants of that town at ouctf became panic-stricken at the proximity of the foe : and earnest appeals were made to General Lyon to induce him to withdraw his troops from the place, and not to subject it, by his pres- ence, to the horrors of an attack. Many of his officers, discouraged by the immense superiority in numbers which the enemy possessed, regarded the risking of 'a battle as the height of imprudence ; and asserted that it would lead to inevitable defeat. A council of war was called, and a ma- jority were in favor of retreating at once toward Eolla. But General Sweeney earnestly opposed the measure, and General Lyon coincided with his bolder counsel. The considerations which induced the commander to risk a battle were the following : ■ THE GREAT BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 149 It was very true, indeed, tbat his numbers were greatly inferior to those of the enemy. He had repeatedly besought the Federal Govern- ment to reinforce him ; and had set forth, with clearness and power, the reasons which rendered such a course imperative. But the Government was either unable or unwilling to comply, and he was left to his fate. But it was also evident that a retreat from Springfield would, at that critical moment, be highly pernicious to the cause of the Union in Mis- souri, and might produce the most disastrous effects. Thousands would thenceforth regard the Rebels as irresistible, and identify themselvea with their side. A defeat even would be preferable after a battle, than a flight without a conflict. But, like a brave and gallant officer, Lyon an- ticipated a victory even against overwhelming odds; and he resolved to try the issue of a desperate and deadly conflict. His first plan was to make a night attack on the foe; but his arrangements could not be com- pleted until several hours after the appointed time. He then determined to postpone the engagement until the next day. This was Saturday, August 9th, 1861. At eight o'clock on the preceding evening Colonel Sigel was ordered to march with his command, with that of Colonel Solomon, in a southward direction from Springfield ; to pass around the camp of the enemy unob- served ; to take a position in their rear, and when he heard the guns of Lyon's division in the front, to commence an attack on the Rebels. Sigel accom- plished his journey by two o'clock on Saturday morning. He had taken six cannon with him. General Lyon advanced from Springfield with all the troops under his command during Friday night, and reached the position of the enemy, nine miles south of that town, at four o'clock in the morning. He then halted until the hour of attack arrived. At six o'clock the action commenced. The Rebels were p.osted in an advan- tageous position. Their camp had been placed at the northern end of a verdant vale ; but their troops were drawn out to meet the Federals upon the hills which intervened between them and their camp. The pickets of the latter were first driven in. Then Captain Wright, with four companies of mounted Home Guards, skirmished with a small body of horsemen who had taken a position in advance on the left. These were tlie mere lures of an ambuscade; and, by retiring, they endeavored to draw the Federal detachments into a position of danger. The artifice partly succeeded ; for three thousand Rebels rushed upon the Federals, and by superioity of numbers, compelled them to give way. By this time the Federal troops on the other extremity of the line had engaged the enemy. The first Missouri regiment, the battalion of Oster- baus, and the battery of Totten, were advantageously posted on an eminence; and they commenced a vigorous attack upon the Rebel host arrayed against them. Soon the latter broke and fled in confusion, until they reached the summit of another hill in the rear. The Federals pur- 150 THK CIVIL AVAR IX THE UNITED STATES. " sueJ, but in their advance they encountered a fresh regiment of Louisiana troops. A desperate hand-to-hand fight ensued between them. This lasted about forty-five minutes. The Rebels were again routed ; and aa they retired, were pursued till the victors reached the brow of a third eminence. There they encountered another fresh detachment of the enemy, and another desperate contest followed, more furious and deadly than had yet occurred. The contest here was also protracted, and the combatants struggled inch by inch for the possession of the field. Tiie fire of the Rebels was very destructive, and the result was for a time doubtful. Fresh Iowa and Kansas troops were ordered forward to sup- port those already engaged, and were assailed by treble their own num- bers. Captain Gratz was slain while gallantly leading forward his men. Lieutenant Brown was disabled by a severe scalp wound, and was carried to the rear. The slaughter on both sides was fearful. The powerful batteries of Totten and Dubois, which were admirably served, mowed down the serried ranks of the enemy like frost work, and covered the ground with heaps of the wounded and the slain. But the vast numbers of the Rebels enabled them to repair their losses with new detachments, and to hurl back the tide of death upon their assailants. Thus the action became general between both armies along the whole line. The chief brunt of the battle had been borne by the Missouri, the Iowa and the Kansas regiments. General Lyon had superintended all the operations of the Federal troops. He rode fearlessly from regiment to regiment, encouraging the men, and giving the necessary orders. IIo had received two wound.s, which, though painful, were not dangerous. Still he rode from rank to rank, inspired with a heroism which, by voice and gesture, he endeavored to communicate to his men. He well knew the mighty and overwhelming odds against which he and they contended ; and when he saw unusual acts of steadiness and bravery, he cheered tiie actors with almost boyish ardor. He had feared, before the battle began, that the first Iowa regiment, under Colonel Merritt, would not prove staunch when made to confront the foe. When, however, he saw them pass into action under a heavy fire with the utmost firmness; assault the enemy with the vigor and energy of veterans; compel the successive masses of fresh troops which the Rebels brought forward to recoil ; relieve the first Missouri regiment which, after two hours of fighting, were nearly exhausted and were about giving way, and thus recover the advantage over the exultant foe; when General Lyon observed all this, he cheered the Iowa regiment heartily, and expressed his admiration of them with the utmost enthusiasm. At length that heroic commander resolved to make a still more vigor- ous and combined efibrt to overpower the Rebel host and secure the victory. He gave the order to prepare to make a general bayonet charge. When till was ready and the troops vrere about to advance, it was discovered HEROISM OF GENERAL LYON. 151 that the commanding officer of the Iowa troops was missing. No time was to be lost, and General Lyon exclaimed ; " Come on, brave men ! I will lead you 1" At the head of the gallant Iowa boys he rode forward toward the enemy, whose inexhaustible numbers still swelled up toward them like the tumultuous tides of an endless and fathomless sea. The charge was made, the enemy wavered and fled after a terrific collision ; but General Lyon, during the struggle, was slain. He received a ball in the side, fel 1 from his horse, and immediately expired. About the same moment General Sweeney was wounded in the leg and disabled. The command then devolved upon Major Sturgis. The partial retreat of the enemy now caused an interval of twenty minutes in the firing, after which they made a fresh assault. That assault was their most desperate one, but it was their last. The field was already covered with bleeding and man- gled multitudes of their dead and wounded. Their immense hordes had been greatly thinned by the heroic and desperate valor of the Federal troops ; but the fire of Totten's battery, with the general energy and bravery of our men, again shattered and broke their columns and again they fled. It was now eleven o'clock, and during five hours the battle had raged. Before retiring the enemy set fire to thirty or forty wagons* lest they might fall into the hands of the victors. At this time, though the Federal troops had gained a decisive victory, they were unable to continue the contest or to make a pursuit. The reason was because the ammunition of Totten's battery had become exhausted, and because the death and wounds of so many ofiicers on the Federal side diminished their confidence and vigor. Moreover, it had been ascertained that the troops under Sigel had been unfortunate, and had not eflfectually carried out their portion of the programme. As soon as that officer heard the guns of Lyon in the front of the enemy, he ap- proached the scene of conflict and commenced an attack. But he was met and overwhelmed by so vast a body of Eebel troops that, after a brief but vigorous contest, he was defeated, and compelled to give way. He lost five of his guns and many of his men, and effected nothing in favor of the Federal troops who were operating in front. He succeeded afterward in making his escape with the larger portion of his command. After the conclusion of the battle the whole of the Federal army retired in good order to Springfield, and still later to Rolla, under the skilful guidance of Colonel Sigel ; the defeated foe making no effort to pursue them. The loss of the Federal troops was considerable, being about two hundred killed and seven hundred wounded. They took four hundred horses and seventy prisoners. The loss of the enemy was much greater than our own, though the precise number is unknown to us. The battle- field was covered with gory heaps of their dead and wounded. Their vast superiority in numbers, and their formidable batteries of twenty- one guns, were the sole causes that they maintained the contest so long 152 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITtU STATES. and the reason why their defeat was not still more disastrous. The praise of superior bravery, steadiness and skill, belonged to the little band of heroes who, on this bloody day, fought for the honor and su- premacy of the immortal Stars and Stripes. Many of them now sleep in a soldier's grave; but the noblest and bravest of them all was he who eommanded them, and led them to victory. The war for the Union has not failed to develop instances of the mc-st exalted patriotism and valor, which will forever elicit the grateful pride and enthusiasm of every love of his country. One of the most remarka- ble of those who have challenged the close and admiring scrutiny of mankind was the conqueror of the Eebel hordes at Wilson's Creek. General Nathaniel Lyon was one of the genuine heroes of this stormy and dis- astrous time. There was no hypocritical sham, no false or arrogant pretence, no mean or selfish impulse about him. Ilis ciiaracter realized, with rare completeness and clearness, Carlyle's definition of what con- stitutes a genuine hero. Said that profound thinker, in his fourth lecture on Heroes and Hero worship ; " We have repeatedly endeavored to ex- plain that all sorts of heroes are intrinsically of the same material; that, given a great soul open to the divine signifiance of life, then there is given a man fit to speak of this, to sing of this, to fight and work for this, in a great, victorious, enduring manner; there is given a hero, the out- ward shape of whom will depend on the time and the environment he finds himself in."* Every characteristic of General Lyon and every act which he performed, indicated the presence and power of such an heroic soul within him. Nathaniel Lyon was born at Ashford, Connecticut, in the year 1819. He was well descended ; and his ancestors on his mother's side distin- guished themselves in the Revolutionary War. One of those ancestors was the famous Colonel Knowlton, who commanded the Connecticut troops at the " Old Rail Fence," on the left wing of the patriot army at Bunker Hill. He was afterward killed at the battle on Harlem Heights, near New York. The future hero of Wilson's Creek gave indications ot superior talent at an early age; but the tendency of his mind was toward mathematical studies and mechanical contrivances. Having chosen the military profession he entered the Academy at West Point. He gradua- ted with honor in IS-il, entered the regular service, rapidly rose to the rank of captain, and distinguished himself in the Mexican war. He dis- played superior skill and bravery at Vera Cruz, Contreras, Churubusco, and was wounded while fighting near the Belem Gate, in the city of Mexico. After the termination of the war he was engaged in active service in Missouri and California. His reputation stood high in both of tho.se States. When the war of Secession began, he was chosen by the * fleroes. Hero Worsliip, and the Heroic in History, by Thomas Carlyle, page 133. FREMONT CO.\niANI)ANT DEPARTMENT OP MISSOURI 153 Missouri volunteers as their brigadier-general. During the course of his adventurous life he had been familiar with the most difBcult and danger- ous kinds of service in Texas, Oregon, Kansas, and along the whole border of the western and southwestern territory of the United States. He was, therefore, particularly adapted to command the Federal ^oops in Missouri ; and his courageous spirit found a congenial theatre for the ex- ercise and display of its peculiar attributes amid the tumultuous camps, the desolate wastes, and all the semi-barbarous scenes connected with warfare in the outskirts of civilization. He was remarkable for his patriotic devotion to his country, and for the eagerness with which he sprang forward to her defence on every occasion of danger. To her he gave his best services and his life. To her, it may with truth be said, he devoted his all, for even his property he devised by his will to the cause of the Union. Being unmarried, and without domestic dependents, he felt at liberty to devote his wealth to that object which, above all others, he loved best; and, like his immortal ancestors of the revolution, he con- secrated to his country his life, his fortune and his sacred honor. 'Wie deeds and fame of such a man present a rare and grateful theme of con- templation. When he marched against the enemy at Wilson's Creek he well knew, that the immense superiority of numbers on the side of the Eebels would inevitably entail a heavy loss upon his troops, and that his life would probably be the forfeit of his boldness. But he also felt that the cause of the Union demanded an heroic venture ; he willingly made it ; and he met a soldier's death on the field of honor and of victory. The Federal Government discovered the necessity, at an early stage of the Rebellion, of forming a military department of Missouri, of which St. Louis should be the headquarters, and of placing it under the com- mand of an officer of ability, experience and patriotism. The person selected to fill this post was Major-General John C. Fremont, who had already distinguished himself in the annals of American conquest and ex- ploration. When the Rebellion commenced, his services were demanded by the Government, and were rendered with the utmost promptitude. After his removal to St. Louis he was laboriously engaged in the perform- ance of the duties of his oCSce; in fortifying that city; in organizing the department; in raising an army ; and in preparing to defend the Union against the attacks of its foes in Missouri. In this station he was annoyed, and perhaps impeded, by the hostility of Colonel Frank P. Blair ; who entertained the opinion that General Fremont did not exhibit the energy and capacity which the crisis demanded. In this judgment, however, the administration at Washington did not, for a long time, concur, and Fremont retained his difficult and responsible position. His most important and noteworthy act was the issuing of a proclama- tion, by which he endeavored to strike a powerful and deadly blow at the institution of slavery. In that proclamation he proclaimed, by virtue 154 THE CITII. "WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. of tbe authority vested in him, that " the property, real and personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use ; anS their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared freeTnen." This decisive step was hailed by the Abolitionists throughout the country with enthusiasm and exultation. They affirmed that now, at length, the axe had been laid to the root of the tree ; that the only true policy was therein indicated ; that all men would now be convinced that this was pre-eminently a war again.st slavery ; and that in proportion as the cause of the Union triumphed, it woujd, in that same degree, overturn the peculiar and execrable institution of the Rebel States. But the more conservative people of the North and the West regarded this proclama- tion of Fremont with very different feelings. To them it appeared like a dangerous and illegal, though well-meant, exercise of power; as subser- vient to a fanatical faction, which, as they thought, had always been the bslhe and curse of the nation ; and as an attempt to assert a false theory, to the effect that the war against the Rebels was in substance and chiefly a crusade against slavery. The latter opinion was the one entertained in reference to the matter by the administration at Washington ; and accordingly, Mr. Lincoln im- mediately addressed a letter to General Fremont, directing him so to modify his proclamation as to make it correspond with the provisions of the act of Congress which appertained to the subject, and which had been passed during the late extra session. That act expressly provided that whenever slaves should be required or permitted by their masters and owners, to take up arms against the United States, or to assist the Rebellion in any manner whatever, in such cases only the said slaves shall become free, and their former owners shall forfeit all their right, title and interest in them. This modification of General Fremont's decree was very essential and material. It effectualy contradicted the erroneous assertion that this was a war against slavery, as such ; and it thereby disarmed the Rebels of one of the most potent levers with which they controlled public sentiment and intensified popular prejudice at the South. Nor could any more efficient expedient have been employed to render the war unpopular even throughout the Free States, than to diffuse abroad this delusion, that the war was in reality a mere crusade against slavery. On the contrary, it must be regarded by everj intelligent and impartial observer, as simply an attempt to restore and to perpetuate the dissevered Union. Whatever lawful agencies would assist in accom- plishing that beneficent result, were employed. As a war to preserve the Union it received the hearty support of the nation ; but as an Abolition war, strictly speaking, it would have been rejected and discountenanced by a large proportion of those very men, whose blood and treasure were most lavishly expended in its prosecution. EXPEDITIONS AGAINST REBKL FORTS AT HATTERAS. 155 CHAPTER XIII. THE FEDERAL EXPEDITIONS AOAINST THE REBEL FOKTS AT HATTERAS — THE FORCES APPRO- PRIATED TO THIS ENTERPRISE — IMPORTANCE OF HATTERAS AND ITS POSSESSION — SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION — THE BOMBARDMENT — THE SURRENDER OP THE FORTS — COMMODORE BARRON COMMODORE STRINGHAM SKETCH OF HIS CAREER— RESULTS OF THE VICTORY AT HATTERAS — OPERATIONS OF R03ECRAN8 IN WESTERN VIRGINIA — BATTLE AT CARNIFEX FERRY DEFEAT AND FLIGHT OF FLOYD RESULTS OF THE VICTORY EVENTS IN MISSOURI — COLONEL mulligan's FORCES AT LEXINGTON — HE IS ATTACKED BY GENERAL PRICE — INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON — SURRENDER OF COLONEL MULLIGAN — SKETCH OP HIS CAREER — BATTLE ON BOLIVAR HEIGHTS — SKETCH OF ITS HERO, COLONEL GEARY — THE BATTLE OF HALL's BLUFF — GENERAL STONE — APPREHENSIONS OF COLONEL BAKER — INCIDENTS OF THE ENGAGEMENT DEFEAT AND ROUT OF THE FEDERAL TROOPS DEATH OP COLONEL BAKER — NATIONAL SORROW AT HIS FATE — SKETCH OF HIS REMARKABLE CAREER — RESULTS OF THE DISASTER AT BALL'S BLUFF. Ix the great and perilous game of war, success frequently alternates from side to side, and he who exults over the laurels of victory to-day, to-morrow may be overwhelmed by the mortification and calamities of defeat. The war against the Southern Eebellion was no exception to this rule. The disaster of Bull Run was quickly followed by the triumph of the Federal arms at Hatteras. The Federal Government had contemplated for some time an armed descent upon the coast of North Carolina, and had been quietly making preparations for such a movement. A combined land and naval force was placed under the orders of Commodore Stringham and General Butler. The former commanded the Atlantic blockading squadron, the latter a portion of the troops at Fortress Monroe. The fleet which trans- ported the expedition comprised the flag-ship Minnesota, the Adelaide the George Peabody, the Pawnee, the Susquehanna, the Wabash, the Cumberland, the Harriet Lane, and the Fanny, — vessels of different sizes and armaments. About a thousand land troops were placed under the orders of General Butler ; a smaller naval force served under the com- modore. The special object of the expedition was the capture of the forts which had been erected on Cape Hatteras. This position was one of great im- portance to the enemy. It was the chief defence of the coast of North Carolina. The principal fort was of considerable strength, containing ten heavy guns in position, with five unmounted. The works were nearly surrounded by water, the only approach on the land side being through a marsh five hundred yards wide. One of the forts contained a bomb- proof capable of protecting four hundred men. Its form was octagonal, and it covered nearly an acre of ground. Both forts were abundantly 156 THE CIVIL AVAR IN THE UNITED STATES. provided with amtnunition and provisions, and were occupied by a large body of troops. The place was the key of the Albemarle, and was second in importance only to Fortress Monroe, on the Atlantic coast, as a depot for furnishing supplies to a blockading squadron, as a harbor for the coasting trade, and as a retreat either from stress of weather or from the pursuit of pirates. It was an advantageous position, from which ex- peditions could start forth along the shore of Carolina to Bogue Inlet, to Newbern, and to Beaufort. The fleet sailed from Fortress Monroe on Monday, August 26th, and arrived off Hatteras Inlet on Tuesday afternoon. Preparations were immediately made to disembark the troops, and early the next morning the process began. But a stiff gale blew from the southwest, and a heavy surf was breaking and rolling upon the beach. This rendered the task a diCScult and dangerous one; so that when three hundred and fifteen men had been landed, the iron boats were swamped, and the flat boats were stove. This disaster put an end to the landing. An effoit was subsequently made by Lieutenant Crosby to reach the shore in a boat from the war-steamer Pawnee. But the boat was beached in the attempt so that she could not be got off. The wind then rose higher, and the sea became still rougher, so that all further attempts to convey the troops on shore were abandoned. During this interval, the ships of war had hauled in and commenced to cannonade the forts. Only one of these responded to our guns. Im- mediately afterward a white flag was run up din the forts, which the Federal commanders interpreted as a signal of surrender. General Butler then ordered the Ilarriet Lane to attempt to cross the bar and enter the smooth water, accompanied by the Monticello ; and the Susquehanna towed the Cumberland to an ofiing, for the purpose of completing the capitulation. But the enemy either practiced an act of perfidy, or had changed their purpose — for on the approach of these vessels they renewed their fire, and several shots struck the Monticello. The fleet immediately recommenced the bombardment and continued it with spirit. The troops on shore then advanced to attack the forts. They found the smaller one deserted, and they took possession of it. Night fell, and the attack was necessarily suspended. Part of the Federal troops on shore occupied the forts; the remainder bivouacked on the beach near the place of landing. At eight o'clock on the ensuing morning the fleet resumed the attack. The Ilarriet Lane ran in to the shore for the purpose of protecting the troops on land. In this movement a large steamer was observed moving down the sound. It was the Winslow, and contained reinforcements for the encrsy. But they were prevented from accomplishing their purpose by the vigilance of Captain Johnson, who opened a 6re upon the Rebel steamer with several guns from a sand-battery on the shore. The vessel then returned up the channel, leaving the forts to their fate. The can- SUERENDER OF THE REBEL FORTS. 157 Douading from tbe ships now became heavy, and did great execution. An attempt was made to land an additional number of troops. Before this pui'poae could be accomplished, a white flag was again run up from the remaining fort. A signal was made to the ships to cease firing. General Butler sent an of&cer on shore to a.wertain the meaning of the flag. That o£6.cer proceeded to the fort, and was received by Commodore Barron, the commander of the Rebel forces. He authorized Lieutenant Crosby to communicate to the Federal officers the fact that he had six hundred and fifteen men in the fort, but was anxious to spare the effusion of blood ; and would consequently surrender the fort, arms and munitions of war, provided the officers were permitted to retire with their side-arms, and the men without arms. To this proposition General Butler replied, that it was wholly inadmissible ; and that the only terms which could be accepted were an unconditional surrender of officers and men, who were to be treated as prisoners of war. On receiving these conditions, Commodore Barron summoned a council of war, and submitted the matter to their consideration. Each of these heroes advised an immediate surrender. It was at this moment that several vessels of the Federal fleet had gotten into a perilous position, of which the Eebels might with ordinary energy and vigilance have taken decisive advantage. The Adelaide, in carrying the troops to the shore, ran aground. The Harriet Lane, in attempting to enter the bar, met the same fate. Both vessels were within full range of the guns of the fort, and both might have been seriously disabled and damaged. But they failed to take advantage of the opportunity. General Butler now in- formed the Rebel commodore that if the terms were accepted, the articles of capitulation must be signed on board the flag-ship Minnesota. At length, after the deliberation of an hour, the terms were accepted by the enemy, and Commodore Barron, Major Andrews and Colonel Martin, proceeded to that vessel and formally surrendered the forts to the United States ; the parties stipulating that the officers and men should receive the treatment due to prisoners of war. The instrument was duly signed and sealed, by Messrs. Stringham and Butler for the United States, and by Messrs. Barron, Martin and Andrews for the Confederate States. Im- mediately afterward General Butler landed, took formal possession of the forts and munitions of war, inspected the troops and their arms, marched them out, embarked them on board the Adelaide, manned the fort with his own troops, hoisted the stars and stripes, and saluted them with the very guns which had been shotted by the captive enemy. On the following day the Rebel troops were transferred to the Min- nesota, which sailed for New York. A large number of Rebels had been killed and wounded during the bombardment, though the exact amount of their loss was carefully concealed. They reported fifteen killed and thirty-five wounded. During the attack all the war-vessels of the fleet 158 THE CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES. took part, and tlie cannonading was at certain periods very heavy. Tbe capture of these forts was an event of decisive importance. They had become a pernicious and piratical nest, which seriously injured the com- merce of the United States, and their possession was an achievement greatly to be desired. It astonished and terrified the Rebel States exces- sively, and was with justice regarded by them as a heavy calamity. The chief praise of this success is justly due to Commodore String- ham, the commander of the fleet. This officer occupies a distinguished place in the American navy. He is a native of Orange county, New York, and entered the service as a midshipman in 1809. Twenty-two years of his life have been passed at sea. He rose gradually from rank to rank, and successively commanded the Falmouth of the East India squadron, the John Adams of the Mediterranean squadron, the Inde- pendence of the Home squadron, the Ohio of the Brazil squadron, and other vessels. He has also been the commandant of the Brooklyn, tlie Norfolk, and the Charlestown navy yards. Whea the administration of Mr. Lincoln determined on the blockade of the southern ports, he was summoned to Washington, and ordered to take command of the block- ading squadron whose operations lay between Cape Charles, at the rnoutli of the Chesapeake Bay on the north, as far as Key West on the south. A large fleet, containing tweuty-five vessels, manned by three thousand five hundred sailors and marines, was placed under his command. His first expedition proved eminently successful. The part performed in it by General Butler, the commander of the land forces, though commenda- ble, was of secondary importance to that achieved by the gallant com- modore. The official reports of the expedition, however, were chiefly drawn up by General Butler. After the removal of General McClellan to Washington, the command of the Federal troops in Western Virginia was conferred on Brigadier- General William S. Rosecrans, who had already distinguished himself in tho events which had transpired in that portion of the Union. This officer, a native of Ohio, was born about 1821, and entered the Academy of West Point in 1838.. He graduated in 1842, and received an a[ipoint- ment as second lieutenant of engineers. For a year afterward he officiated as assistant professor of engineering at West Point, subse- quently of natural and experimental pliilosojihy, and again of engineer- in