ON THE FRONTIER WITH 
 COLONEL ANTES 
 
 OR 
 
 THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY OF THE 
 
 RED AND WHITE RACES IN 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 ... BY ... 
 EDWIN MACMINN 
 
 CAMDEN, N. J.: 
 
 S. CHEW & SONS, PRINTERS, FRONT AND MARKET STS. 
 I goo. 
 

 There is only one edition of this 
 work, limited to 1,000 copies, of 
 which this is 
 
 No. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Chapter I. Colonial Times 7 
 
 2. A Notable Colonial Leader 15 
 
 3. Coadjutors 26 
 
 4. School Days 30 
 
 5. The Work of the Moravians among the Indians 41 
 
 6. Persecution of the Indians 49 
 
 7. The Ferocity of the White Man 70 
 
 8. Shikellimy 82 
 
 9. Indian Traditions 93 
 
 10. The Indians along the Susquehanna 111 
 
 11. Traits of Indian Character 120 
 
 12. History of the Indians 129 
 
 13. Treaties with the Indians 145 
 
 14. A Famous Indian Conference 156 
 
 15. The Indian at Home 171 
 
 " 16. Social Education 192 
 
 " 17. Sickness and Death 204 
 
 18. The Pioneers 216 
 
 " 19. Fort Augusta 231 
 
 " 20. From Inn-holder to Frontiersman 244 
 
 " 21. Pioneer Experiences 256 
 
 22. Home Life of the Settlers 273 
 
 " 23. Early Methods of Transportation 286 
 
 " 24. Beginning of the Revolution 298 
 
 " 25. Rumors of War 314 
 
 " 26. Beginning of the War 327 
 
 " 27. Indian Massacres 338 
 
 " 28. Vengeance Exacted 356 
 
 " 29. The Confederation 373 
 
 30. Wyoming 381 
 
 " 31. Plunket's Invasion 390 
 
 " 32. The Massacre 398 
 
 " 33. Struggling for Possession 406 
 
 " 34. Progress and End of Wyoming Troubles 421 
 
 " 35. The Constitution 439 
 
 36. After the War 454 
 
 " 37. Matters Interesting to the Antes Descendants 409 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Where it has been impossible to illustrate by other than imaginary pictures, 
 the most searching care has been given to the selection of the views as near the 
 fact as is possible to obtain. 
 
 Pictures opposite the numbers marked, except cases marked*. 
 
 Frontispiece, the author of the book, Edwin MacMinn. 
 From a half-tone made by "Harper Bros.," of New York. 
 Page 22. The Wissahickon, near Cleaver's Mile, formerly Dewees' 
 Mill. 
 Kindly loaned by Mr. William H. Richardson, who has so suc- 
 cessfully photographed the scene. 
 " 25. Mt. St. Joseph Convent and Academy. 
 Kindly loaned by the Mother Superior. 
 
 The sides of the buildings presented are facing the spot occupied 
 by the Antes-Dewees Mill. 
 " 41. Zeisberger Preaching to the Indians. 
 
 This is a photographic reproduction of the famous painting of 
 Prof. E. Schuessele, in the possession of the Moravian Church, 
 at Bethlehem. The photography was by Julius Sachse, and the 
 half-tone work is a masterpiece by Gatchell and Manning. It 
 was to engrave this celebrated painting that John Sartain did 
 his best work. 
 
 Among the plates selected and prepared by the late John F. 
 Meginnes to illustrate his books on the West Branch history, 
 were several which have been generously placed at our service 
 by Mrs. Meginnes. They are as follows : 
 
 SHIKELLIMY. 
 
 A Stockade Fort to Protect Settlers from Indians. 
 The Weapons of a Frontier Scout. 
 
 These were the property of Robert Covenhoven. 
 316. Settler's Home in Muncy, in 1770. 
 " Maclay's House in Sunbury, 1773. 
 *234. Caltrop. 
 
 ♦236. Map of Indian Purchases. 
 328. Derr's Mill. 
 
 
 82. 
 
 « 
 
 338. 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 V Page 93. The; Town where Shikellimy Dwelt. 
 
 • " 231. Fort Augusta, at Shamokin. 
 
 / " 297. Confluence of the North and West Branches oe the Sus- 
 quehanna before Blue Hill. 
 
 / " 256. The Sketch Map of the West Branch is the result of close 
 study and careful work by Joseph H. McMinn. It is in- 
 valuable in explaining the early history of this famous 
 valley. 
 
 / " 324. The picture, Beside the Babbling Brook, was specially prepared 
 for the "Ladies' Home Journal" as an illustration of rare 
 merit. It is exactly like Antes Creek. We are indebted 
 to the Curtis Publishing Company for its use. 
 
 y " 324. The Old Grist Mill was placed in our hands by Gatchell and 
 Manning. The bluff above the mill is precisely like the 
 bluff above the Antes mill, on which the Stockade Fort was 
 erected. 
 
 From the American Baptist Publication Society we were 
 privileged to obtain the following excellent pictures : 
 
 Grandmother's Spinning Wheel. 
 
 Savage Wolves at the Cabin Door. 
 
 Betsy Chilloway. 
 
 The Settler's Lonely Home. 
 
 The Massacre. 
 
 William Penn making a Treaty with the Indians. 
 
 Escape of William King. 
 
 A Trader's Camp. 
 
 "The Christian Work," of New York City, favored us with 
 373. the pictures of Independence Hall, in 1776, and the State 
 House as it was originally. 
 
 The Geological and Historical Society of Wilkesbarre 
 kindly placed at our disposal the pictures : 
 
 421. Forty Fort. 
 
 ;| -'405. Lazarus Stewart's Block House, and the 
 ^380. Map of the Wyoming Valley. All of great 'historical value. 
 
 128. Major Pratt, of the Carlisle Indian School, generously favored 
 us with : 
 
 128. a The Indian School at Carlisle. 
 J bDR. Carlos Montezuma as an Apache, and 
 * c As a Physician in Chicago. 
 
 d Tom Torlino as a Navajoe, and as a Carlisle Student. 
 
 i « 
 
 272. 
 
 / " 
 
 226. 
 
 / " 
 
 : 352. 
 
 / * 
 
 ; 221. 
 
 V " 
 
 ; 398. 
 
 V " 
 
 211. 
 
 / " 
 
 347. 
 
 y " 
 
 196. 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Professor J. M. M. Gernard, of Muncy, the editor of "Now and 
 Page 180. Then," has enabled us to use the plates of Pottery and Indian 
 193. PlPES, specially made to represent specimens which he found, and 
 now has in his extensive collection of Indian relics. 
 
 Professor D. B. B runner, A. M., of Reading, ex-Congressman 
 of Berks county, Pa., lias skillfully made cuts of many of the 
 choice Indian relics which he has picked up in the fields about 
 Reading. 
 
 no. He has given us the use of some of these of AxES, Si'Ears, 
 KNIVES and Arrow Points, which, for accuracy, are unsurpassed. 
 
 The series of pictures of the five Leading Educational Institu- 
 tions, in the Susquehanna Valleys, are given to show the mar- 
 velous advancement of civilization and prosperity attained when 
 hardships once were so bravely endured. 
 
 64. State Normal School, located in Lock Haven, at the western 
 end of the West Branch Valley. 
 Furnished by J. R. Flickinger, Principal. 
 285. Dickinson's Seminary, in Williamsport. 
 
 Furnished by E. J. Grey, D. D., President. 
 3 ( J0- State Normal School, located at Bloomsburg, near the site of 
 Fort Freehand. 
 Furnished by J. P. Welsh, Ph. D., Principal. 
 430. The Wyoming Seminary, located at Kingston, in the center of 
 the disputed territory. 
 Furnished by L. L. Sprague, D. D., President. 
 470. Buckneei. University, near the site of Derr's Mill. 
 Furnished by W. C. Gretzinger, Registrar. 
 
 All of these schools arc of the highest merit, and prove that 
 these valleys are unsurpassed in the refinements and advantages 
 of this day. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In the studies connected with the preparation of the book, 
 "A German Hero of Pennsylvania," published some fifteen years 
 ago, the author was impressed with the fact that justice had never 
 been given the Antes family in the history of the development 
 of Pennsylvania. The welcome that book received, and the en- 
 dorsement of it by many of the most accurate writers of colonial 
 history, led the author to prepare on a more extended scale a 
 statement of the services the sons of Henry Antes rendered the 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 The author has taken great care to learn the exact facts, and 
 to do this has searched the Congressional Library at Washington, 
 the Mercantile Library in Philadelphia, the Philadelphia City 
 Library, the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
 and the Salem City Public Library. Pie has also searched the 
 county records of deeds, wills and mortgages of Philadelphia, 
 Montgomery, Northumberland and Lycoming Counties. He has 
 also availed himself of favors shown by Messrs. John W. Jordan, 
 Henry S. Doterer, Ethen Allen Weaver, Rev. H. E. Hayden, 
 J. H. MacMinn and other specialists in departments of 
 the field of research traversed. There have been placed in 
 his hands original letters, unpublished archives and other mat- 
 ter of original sources of information in the possession of in- 
 dividuals and of the Historical Society of Pennnsylvania, and 
 of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem. He has also visited the 
 localities and has conversed with the aged people whose mem- 
 ories carried them back to conversations with their sires, giving 
 the traditions of those days. And in addition to all these 
 sources, he has read carefully the following books to gather 
 information: Archives of the State of Pennsylvania, Colonial 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 Records of Pennsylvania, History of Chester Comity by Futhey, 
 History of Montgomery County by Bean, History of Lycom- 
 ing County by Stewart, History of Lycoming County by Me- 
 ginnes, History of Northumberland County, History of Buf- 
 falo Valley by Linn, History of the West Branch Valley by Me- 
 ginnes, Biographical Annals by Meginnes, History of Wyoming 
 by Charles Miner, Gordan's Pennsylvania, Watson's Annals of 
 Philadelphia, Watson's Annals of New York, all the volumes of 
 the Pennsylvania Magazine, Winterbotham's History of Ameri- 
 ca, Historical Review of Pennsylvania by Benjamin Franklin, 
 Pennsylvania Historical Collections by Day, Transactions of the 
 Historical and Literary Committee of the American Philosophi- 
 cal Society, The Making of the Nation by Walker, Through Col- 
 onial Doorways by Anna H. Wharton, Life and Writings of John 
 Dickinson, History of the People of the United States by Mc- 
 Master, A Short History of the English Colonies in America 
 by Lodge, Discovery of America by John Fiske, Dutch and Qua- 
 ker Colonists by John Fiske, Winning of the West by Roosevelt, 
 Life and Writings of De Witt Clinton, Life of Franklin by Bige- 
 low, Life of Franklin by Parton, Life of Jefferson by Morse, Life 
 of Alexander Hamilton by Lodge, Sketches of William Brad- 
 ford, the Potts' Memorial, Genealogist, Vol. i; Ridpath's His- 
 tory of the United States, Household History of the United 
 States by Eggleston, Sketches of Montgomery County Historical 
 Society, Settlement of Germantown by Samuel W. Pennypacker, 
 Egie's History of Pennsylvania, Bolles' History of Pennsylvania, 
 Smith's History of New Jersey, Autobiography of Charles Bid- 
 die, The Colonial Era by Fisher, Life of Daniel Boone, Memorials 
 of the Moravian Church, Moravian Seminary Souvenir, Mora- 
 vian History by Reichel, Zeisberger's Diary, Old Landmarks by 
 Hagen, Antiquities of the Southern Indians by Jones, Book of 
 the Indians by Drake, Schoolcraft's Notes on the Iroquois, An 
 Account of the History, Manners and Customs of the Indians 
 by Heckewelder, all the volumes of Notes and Queries by Egle, 
 etc., etc. 
 
PREFACE. 5 
 
 Tt would, perhaps, be claiming too much to assert accuracy 
 in every particular, but the author has spared no pains to make 
 the presentation as accurate and valuable as the extensive sources 
 of information given him would allow. One very pleasing ac- 
 companiment of his labors has been the personal assistance and 
 friendship of many who are known to fame, and are among the 
 most learned and loyal of the sons of Pennsylvania, and the en- 
 couraging letters from a large number of generous subscribers 
 to the publication of the book. 
 
ON THE FRONTIER WITH COLONEL ANTES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 COLONIAL TIMES 
 
 AT THE present time the thoughts of the reading people are 
 turned toward that period of our history when the founda- 
 tions of government were being laid. Historians are pre- 
 senting the events in order as they occurred with the plainness 
 and exactness that are essential to make history worth the read- 
 ing. In these volumes attention is given to the men and event"? 
 around which the current of the forces involved swirled and 
 eddied. These histories are not dull reading. They bristle with 
 accounts that stir the patriotic heart, and in the descendants of 
 the brave men of that time arouse a pride that threatens to develop 
 into an aristocracy, which is even now assuming form under such 
 names as "The Order of the Cincinnati," "The Sons of the Rev- 
 olution," "The Colonial Dames," "The Daughters of the Rev- 
 olution," and others. 
 
 Closely following the historian is the "Pedigree Hunter." 
 Sometimes these are employed professionally by those who wish 
 to have a standing in the new aristocracy, but of themselves are 
 unable to furnish the necessary proofs of their pedigree. Others, 
 sure of their facts, and equally desirous of showing their patriotic 
 ancestry, search the records of ancient times, and gather from 
 old trunks, chests and the secret drawers of cabinets musty and 
 faded letters, clippings of colonial papers, parchment deeds and 
 elaborately written wills, and present these as proof of their 
 right to be in the company of those who, from the beginning of 
 our National history, have been patriots of the purest sort. These 
 people are well known by the county clerks and the librarians 
 of old libraries, and extremely old people, who are supposed to 
 cherish remembrances of their early days, and can recall the 
 traditions of their day, which, generallv, are reliable and of 
 
8 COLONIAL TIMES. 
 
 great value. Through these workers the past is being resurrected 
 and the work of the historian supplemented with great advantage 
 to all who will, in the future, learn the story of our early days. 
 
 The field of Colonial times has also been entered by a third 
 party with an energy and brightness that is astonishing the world. 
 There is a class of writers who combine the historic perceptive 
 qualities with a strong imagination and are producing a class of 
 fiction that is being read with avidity by hundreds of thousands 
 of the thinking people of the land. Indeed, from this class of 
 writers will be gleaned all the knowledge of Colonial times that 
 the great mass of the people will ever possess. It is fortunate 
 for the readers that these writers are conscientious, and are pro- 
 ducing stories that are worth the reading because of the truth 
 that is in the midst of their fanciful portrayals of characters. 
 
 In this story of the career of Colonel Henry Antes, the at- 
 tempt is made to present the life of one who was so identified with 
 various movements in the development of the frontier of Penn- 
 sylvania, as to constitute him a representative character. He was 
 brought into intimate relations with the men who stand out as 
 the controling thinkers and workers of the Colonial regime. In 
 his earlier days, Benjamin Franklin and John Dickinson were 
 the dominant factors, and the political strife was on the problem 
 of the limitation of the powers of the proprietary government. 
 In his later days, Andrew Jackson was the cynosure of all eyes, 
 and the era of internal improvements was being ushered in. Be- 
 tween these two periods occurred the war of the Revolution, the 
 war of 1 8 12, and the careers of Washington, Jefferson, Adams, 
 Madison. Monroe, Hamilton, and their compeers. But the activ- 
 ities of Col. Henry Antes were not so much with these men as 
 with the men they were leading. As a local leader of the people, 
 he represents the forces at work in the substratum of government. 
 A study of his life shows us how our ancestors lived, and wrought, 
 and became prosperous, while fair and fertile fields succeeded for- 
 ests, and palatial edifices of brick and stone and marble arose 
 from the spot where the log cabin of the brave pioneer had stood. 
 
 When Col. Henry Antes was in his prime, the territory un- 
 der the civilization of the English race was very small compared 
 with what it is to-day. The treaty that secured the independence 
 of the colonies ceded a territory that stretched from the Atlantic 
 Ocean to the Mississippi, and from the Great Lakes on the north 
 
COLONIAL TIMES. 9 
 
 to the 31st parallel and the southern border of Georgia. This 
 section was parcelled among the thirteen States, of which only 
 seven had well defined boundaries. Even in these the greater 
 part was a wilderness. The coast line from Maine to Georgia 
 was broken by many spaces of undeveloped lands and straggling 
 villages, where there were a few fishers' cots built of rough hewn 
 logs and thatched with sea weed. Between Portland and the St. 
 Lawrence there were no settlements. Beyond Schenectady, in 
 New York State, the white man dared not go, because the land 
 was occupied by the organized tribes of Indians, and there they 
 had their homes, and dwelt in built houses, and tilled their fields 
 and raised fruit in extensive orchards, and hunted the wild ani- 
 mals in the primitive forests about them. In Pennsylvania the 
 entire northern, western and central parts were a wilderness bear- 
 ing great trees, while the streams were the highways where the 
 Indian moved free from fear of the white man. In Virginia 
 there were only a few straggling villages about the headwaters of 
 their great rivers, and beyond that, in the States of Kentucky and 
 Tennessee, there were only a few hunters and trappers and traders 
 who were slowly fighting their way as the advance guard of the 
 aggressive Scotch-Irish settlers who were closely following them. 
 The valley of the Mississippi was coveted by the various coun- 
 tries of Europe and it was not at all certain whether France, or 
 Spain, or England, would finally possess it. No white man had 
 yet seen the headwaters of the mighty river, and the territory 
 beyond it was the region of speculation and mythology. 
 
 At that time Philadelphia was the principal city in North 
 America, and in its streets were seen the representatives of all 
 nationalities and the varieties of dress of every class found on this 
 side of the Atlantic. Here the Indians and the white men held 
 great councils and professed peaceful sentiments while display- 
 ing all the dignity and grandeur that each of them was capable 
 of presenting. 
 
 Although the seat of Quaker simplicity, Philadelphia had the 
 reputation of being the richest, most fashionable and most ex- 
 travagant city on the continent. Men of prominence were rec- 
 ognized as soon as they appeared on the streets, and because of the 
 influx of foreigners, the social lines were distinctly drawn by those 
 who assumed to be the choice people of the commonwealth. The 
 people lived over their stores and built balconies in front of their 
 
IO COLONIAL TIMES. 
 
 houses, where they sat and watched the passing people and saluted 
 their friends. Chestnut street, the principal street, was a daily 
 parade ground for those who delighted in showing the latest im- 
 p< stations from the shops of Europe. A gentleman appeared on 
 the street wearing a three-cornered hat heavily laced ; hair done 
 up in a cue, and the color of it made uncertain by the profusion 
 of powder sprinkled upon it. His light colored coat had a long 
 back and was surmounted with a small cape. The silver buttons 
 on the coat were engraved with the initials of the owner's name. 
 His small clothes hardly reached his knees, his stockings were 
 striped, his shoes pointed, on which he wore large buckles, and 
 he carried a cane which he flourished as he walked. A lady ap- 
 peared dressed in gorgeous brocades displayed over cumbrous 
 hoops which stood out at least two feet from her form. Her hat 
 was in the shape of a tower, and was surmounted with tall feath- 
 ers. When a gentleman passed a lady they both courtesied pro- 
 foundly, taking half the pavement to make the evolutions. 
 
 Henry Cabot Lodge says: "In a community with so large 
 an interest in trade and shopkeeping, there was, of course, from 
 the outset, the usual tendency to concentrate for the better pros- 
 ecution of business. Philadelphia throve from the beginning, was 
 in the year 1750 second only to Boston in size and importance, 
 and by the time of the Revolution had become the first city in 
 America in population. The inhabitants of the city proper num- 
 bered more than 25,000, and those of the suburbs carried the total 
 above 30.000. The city was laid out on the imbecile checker- 
 board fashion, now almost universal in the United States, and 
 the High street running through the center of the town was the 
 great promenade for the citizens. From the very outset good 
 building was the rule; the houses were chiefly of brick, some of 
 stone, and but few of wood. The public buildings were comely 
 and useful structures, and considered in their day imposing and 
 handsome. The churches were small and unpretentious, but neat. 
 The open squares, long rows of poplars, and large gardens and 
 orchards about the houses of the better sort gave some relief to 
 the rigid lines of the streets. In the matter of police regula- 
 tions, more had been done in Philadelphia at that time than in 
 m«.st cities in any part of the world, and this was chiefly due to 
 the genius and quiet energy of Franklin. At his arrival the town 
 was filthy and unpaved, unlighted, and guarded only by half a 
 
COLONIAL TIMES. II 
 
 dozen constables drawn from the citizens. When the Continen- 
 tal Congress assembled the crossings everywhere were paved, 
 as well as the principal streets ; there was a regular watch to patrol 
 the town, cleaning was performed by contract,, instead of inef- 
 ficiently by convicts, and the streets were dimly lighted. By 
 Franklin's exertions the city had come to be the pride of the 
 province, and there was abundant legislation for its benefit. The 
 well built houses, sometimes rising over shops and store-houses, 
 sometimes surrounded by gardens, were generally in the English 
 style of the Eighteenth century. They all had broad porches and 
 projecting roofs and windows. Many were adorned with bal- 
 conies, and the old dials set in the walls served in large measure 
 as timekeepers to a race ignorant of steam engines. The most 
 characteristic feature of the town was the sidewalks, marked off 
 from the roadway by posts at short intervals, and by pumps, sur- 
 mounted by lamps, and thirty yards apart. Within these posts 
 foot passengers found protection from vehicles, and convivial 
 gentlemen groping their way home through the faintly lighted 
 streets butted against them and were thus kept in the foot-path 
 and out of the gutter. Houses and sidewalks were scrupulously 
 clean, and even the large and commodious market, at the end of 
 the High street, filled every morning with a busy crowd, was neat, 
 quiet and orderly. All the foreign commerce of the province cen- 
 tered in Philadelphia, and the quays along the river were the scene 
 of bustle and activity inseparable from thriving trade. Great 
 fairs brought in the country people, and these, with the seamen 
 and strangers, gave life and variety to the streets and squares. 
 
 "Most of the citizens lived in rooms over their shops, which 
 were tended by their wives and daughters, and their daily life was 
 as sober, monotonous and respectable as their Quaker garb. They 
 still preserved the customs and traditions of their founder, which 
 were rapidly giving way before the accumulation of wealth, the 
 increase of luxury and the presence of ever increasing sects, 
 whose leading tenets were not simplicity of dress or manners. 
 But the traders and shopkeepers differed only in degree from the 
 upper classes, whose mode of life has been preserved for us in 
 many ways. The old style of living was one of extreme sim- 
 plicity, but luxury began to come in rapidly after the middle of 
 the Eighteenth century, when tea and coffee came into general 
 use, the bare floors began to be carpeted, and the bare walls pa- 
 
12 COLONIAL TIMES. 
 
 pered. There was in every way plenty of substantial comfort. 
 The houses were large, broad, with dormer windows and bal- 
 conies, and usually in the midst of pretty gardens. The rooms 
 were low and spacious, with heavy wainscots and large open fire 
 places, while the furniture and silver were plain and massive, but 
 handsome, and often rich." 
 
 We will introduce the reader to Col. Henry Antes at a time 
 when the entire country was in a state of intense excitement. His 
 name, like that of his father, was properly John Henry, but the 
 John was dropped, and he was always spoken of simply as Henry 
 Antes. 
 
 Henry Antes, well fixed in his new home on the west branch 
 of the Susquehanna, had come to Philadelphia to receive his ap- 
 pointment from the Lieutenant Governor as a Justice of the Com- 
 monwealth. It was at a time when the masses of people were 
 surging through the city in a state of wonder at the portents of 
 the times. Coming from the frontier, Antes was dressed in a 
 suit of home-tanned deer skin, trimmed with bear's teeth, and 
 wearing a fur cap, on which was the bristling tail of a fox. He 
 wore a belt made of rattlesnake skin and carried the rifle that was 
 the inevitable complement to the attire of a backwoodsman. He 
 was a large man, both in stature and in breadth of shoulders, and 
 attracted attention wherever he passed from the dignity and maj- 
 esty of his appearance. 
 
 It did not take much time for him to walk through the city. 
 In a few moments he walked from the soldiers' barracks in the 
 Northern Liberties down to the Hospital, and from the Hospital 
 to the river at the foot of Chestnut street, and thence up to the 
 State House and to the famous "Inn," just across the street from 
 the State House, which was the rendezvous of the most distin- 
 guished strangers in the city. 
 
 What a company he saw there. Benjamin Franklin had just 
 returned from England after a fruitless endeavor to prevent war 
 between the Mother Country and the Colonies. Just before 
 Franklin arrived the battles of Lexington and Concord had been 
 fought. Immediately on his arrival. Franklin had been appointed 
 by the Assembly that was then in session a deputy to the Gen- 
 eral Congress that was meeting in Philadelphia. Parton says: 
 "Delegates to the Congress began to reach Philadelphia soon after 
 Franklin's arrival. May the ninth the four members from South 
 
COLONIAL TIMES. 13 
 
 Carolina landed from the Charleston packet, and had joyful wel- 
 come. The next day approached in a body the delegates from 
 Virginia, North Carolina, Maryland and Delaware, George 
 Washington and Patrick Henry among them. There was no 
 drilling in the public grounds of Philadelphia on that day. The 
 officers of all the city companies, and nearly every gentleman who 
 could get a horse, five hundred mounted men in all, rode six miles 
 out of town to meet the coming members and escort them to the 
 city. At the distance of two miles the cavalcade was met by the 
 companies of foot and a band of music. All Philadelphia gather- 
 ed in the streets, at the windows, on the house-tops, to see the 
 procession pass and salute the delegates with cheers. The day 
 after arrived the members from New England, New York and 
 New Jersey, whose whole journey had been an ovation. Con- 
 gress met on the tenth of May with nearly every one of the 
 sixty-three delegates present. They adopted the New England 
 army as their own and elected George Washington Commander- 
 in-Chief." 
 
 Old Christopher Marshall, a retired druggist of Philadelphia, 
 a Quaker expelled for taking an active part against the King, 
 wrote in his diary on the seventh of May: "It is admirable to 
 see the alteration in the tory class in this place since the account 
 of the engagement in New England ; their language is quite sof- 
 tened, and many of them have so far renounced their former sen- 
 timents as that they have taken in arms and are joined in the as- 
 sociations; nay, even many of the stiff Quakers, some even of 
 those who drew up the Testimony, are ashamed of their pro- 
 ceedings. The Friends held a meeting last fifth day afternoon 
 in order to consider how to send a supply to the Bostonians : it 
 being a matter they had before treated with contempt and ridicule. 
 The people were signing petitions to the Assembly asking them to 
 raise fifty thousand pounds for the defense of the province, and 
 to obstruct the navigation of the river by sinking ships. Military 
 companies, organized on Franklin's system, were exercising in 
 every public ground in and about the city, while the Philosophical 
 Society was searching its books to discover the process of making 
 saltpeter. Soon the bold conception was promulgated that, per- 
 haps by the favor of Heaven and the wit of patriots, even cannon 
 might be cast in Philadelphia." 
 
 It was a great event, when, early in the next vear, Frederick 
 
14 COLONIAL TIMES 
 
 Antes announced to Congress that he and Mr. Potts had succeed- 
 ed in casting and proving at Warwick furnace, in Chester County, 
 a four-pounder cannon, the first thus cast in America. 
 
 In that company of five hundred horsemen we see the Antes 
 brothers, Frederick, William and Henry, and in the course of this 
 history will show why they are entitled to a position among the 
 patriot fathers who laid so broad and strong the foundations of 
 our liberties. We will go back to the days of their father and 
 catch hold of the threads that are to be woven into Iheir robe of 
 renown. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 
 
 THE FATHER of John Henry Antes was one of the most 
 distinguished men in the Colony of Pennsylvania. In that 
 transition period there were several rival classes struggling 
 to obtain the supremacy in shaping the affairs of the Colony. The 
 material which they had to work upon and to bring into harmony 
 was of the most diverse character. The oppressed of all nations 
 had to come to Pennsylvania to realize their dream of liberty, and 
 to find a home where they could rear their children in a freedom 
 that had been pictured to them in glowing colors by the agents of 
 the Penns. 
 
 These immigrants, with seeming oneness of purpose, brought 
 with them the peculiarities of their ancestral homes, which had 
 become a part of their natures through ages of hereditary trans- 
 mission. By these their ideas of liberty were colored, and, as a 
 consequence, the conception of the duties and privileges belonging 
 to their new estate were as varied as the countries from which 
 they came. 
 
 The problem of the rulers was to bring these people into a 
 compact relationship that would give strength and stability to the 
 new State. 
 
 Reichel says : "There could not be found at that time on 
 any other spot on the globe such a mixture of nationalities and 
 languages, such a medley of opinions and views so freely main- 
 tained and so fearlessly proclaimed, as in Pennsylvania. English 
 and Irish, Scotch and Welsh, Germans and Swiss, Swedes and 
 Danes. Dutch and French, Jews and Indians were scattered 
 throughout the whole province, maintaining their nationalities 
 without any political restraint, and still more variegated, perhaps, 
 were the religious views of the first settlers. Truth and error, 
 genuine piety and utter indifference to all religion, fanaticism and 
 mere formality, were to be found side by side in the enjoyment 
 of equal rights and privileges." 
 
 In Philadelphia the conservative English Quakers were at 
 
1 6 A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 
 
 first supreme. But a growing spirit of radicalism, under the vigor- 
 ous leadership of Franklin, threatened to overthrow them. This 
 culminated in the social and political dissensions so painfully prom- 
 inent at the bursting forth of the war for independence. Near 
 the city there were colonies of Welsh, who, in a strong clannish 
 spirit, attempted to perpetuate the customs handed down from 
 centuries of ancestors. Toward the frontier the hold and sturdy 
 Scotch and Irish braved the greatest hardships, and holding fast 
 to their religious customs defied alike the terrors of the wilder- 
 ness and the savage Indians that roamed beneath their shades. 
 But of all that came there were none more interesting than the 
 Germans. 
 
 Reichel says: "In 1682 the Frankfort Company was formed 
 by ten gentlemen of note, mostly Mennonites, living in Frankfort 
 on the Alain. The object of this company was to procure an asy- 
 lum in Pennsylvania for their friends and religious associates. 
 In 1683, August 20, one of the leaders of this company, F. Dan- 
 iel Pastorius, arrived on the shores of the Delaware with twenty 
 German and Dutch families, and they were soon followed by 
 others. They bought nearly 8,000 acres of land from Penn, the 
 Germantown and Manatawny patent, and in 1685, October 25, 
 Germantown was laid out, and in 1689 incorporated by the As- 
 sembly the first German town in Pennsylvania. The compara- 
 tively small number of German immigrants, which, however, 
 gradually increased, was in 1709 followed by an emigration en 
 masse. The continual wars on the continent of Europe, scarcity 
 of provisions, causing an actual famine, and, above all. the re- 
 ligious oppression of the different governments in connection 
 with repeated changes in the confession of faith, especially in the 
 Palatinate, awakened among the masses a desire for the land of 
 liberty. The distress seemed to have reached its climax in the 
 dreadful winter of 1709. when thousands died of cold and star- 
 vation. The invitation of Queen Anne, of England, promising 
 free transportation to America and good land without price, was 
 therefore joyfully accepted, and in a short time no less than 30,000 
 Germans had left their native places, relying on the promise of 
 the British Queen." 
 
 Many of these newcomers built their homes on the hills above 
 the city, until Germantown was like one of the towns of the fath- 
 erland. In among the cliffs of the Wissahickon -^olarlv men. 
 
A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. l 7 
 
 with mystical aspirations, enraptured with an ideal hermit life, 
 built themselves hermitages and in solitude, or in communities 
 of those likeminded, gave themselves to the contemplation of holy 
 things. Some of these men had thorough university training, as 
 also the vigorous health of unimpared manhood. Their habits 
 were not as startling to the people of their day as they would be 
 to us, because, when Philadelphia was in its infancy, necessity 
 compelled many to dwell in caves dug out of the bank of the river, 
 or in the plainest log huts that could be put together. There were 
 no homes for the wearied passengers discharged from the ships, 
 and many dwelt in booths under the shelter of the forest trees. 
 To these travelers the hermits administered help and counsel. 
 Their peculiar religious fanaticism was manifested only as their 
 hermit isolation was long continued. 
 
 These Germans, however, had a hard time of it. One of 
 them wrote a book from which we quote as follows : 
 
 "Only the misfortunes which I myself endured, and the 
 wicked devices which the Newlanders tried to play upon me, 
 and my family, wakened in me a sense of duty not to conceal 
 that which I knew. The most important object of this state- 
 ment was the miserable and distressful condition of those who 
 migrate from Germany to this new land, and the inexcusable 
 and remorseless dealings of the Dutch traffickers in human 
 beings, and their man-stealing emissaries, the so-called New- 
 landers, for they entrap, as it were, the people of Germany by 
 means of all sorts of plausible deceptions, and deliver them in 
 the hands of the great Dutch sellers of souls. The latter derive 
 a large profit and the Newlanders a small profit from this trade. 
 Before I left Pennsylvania, as it became known that I intended 
 to return to Wurtemberg, many Wurtembergers, Durlachers 
 and Palatines, of whom many are there, who every day of their 
 lives bemoan and bewail their lot, in having left their Father- 
 land, besought me with tears and upraised hands for God's sake 
 to make known to Germany their misery and heart pangs, so 
 that not only the common people, but also the princes and no- 
 bility might know their experience, and that innocent souls 
 might no more be persuaded by the Newlanders to leave the 
 Fatherland and be led into a life of slavery." 
 
 After describing the terrors of the voyage, he continues: 
 
 3 
 
I 8 A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 
 
 "Finally, when, after the wearisome and perilous voyage, 
 the vessel nears the land which the passengers have desired 
 so anxiously and so longingly to see, all crawl upon the ship's 
 deck to gaze upon it in the distance. When they discern the 
 shores they weep for joy, and pray and sing to the good Lord, 
 in love, gratitude and praise. The sight of the green earth gives 
 the people on the vessel new life, even to the sick and half dead, 
 making their spirits to leap and shout with gladness. They 
 are willing to bear all their miseries patiently, in the hope of 
 soon landing in safety. But, alas, when the ship, after the long 
 voyage, arrives at Philadelphia, no one is permitted to leave 
 her except such as can pay their passage money, or can furnish 
 good sureties ; those who have not the means with which to 
 pay must remain on board until they are sold, and are re- 
 leased from the ship by their purchasers. Now, the condition 
 of the sick is the most serious, for the healthy are the more 
 readily purchased. The suffering sick oftentimes remain in 
 the ship lying in the harbor two or three weeks, sometimes 
 even dying. The traffic in human beings at the ship market 
 is conducted as follows: Every day Englishmen. Hollanders 
 and High Germans from the City of Philadelphia, and from 
 other places, sometimes from a distance of twenty, thirty or 
 forty leagues, come to the newly arrived ship which has brought 
 passengers from Europe, and has them for sale, and select from 
 the healthy persons those suited to their wants, and bargain 
 with them as to the length of time they are willing to serve in 
 payment of their sea passage, which usually they owe in full. 
 When an agreement is reached, it happens that grown persons 
 bind themselves in writing to serve for three, four or five years, 
 according to their strength and years, for their passage money. 
 The quite young, from ten to fifteen years of age, must serve 
 until they are twenty-one. Many parents trade and sell their 
 own children like cattle, by which means only the parents, if 
 the children assume the payment of the passage money, are 
 released from the ship. As the parents do not know to what 
 sort of persons, or to what place their children will go, it often 
 happens that parents do not see their children for many years 
 after their departure from the ship; or, it may even happen they 
 will not again see each other during life. Often it happens 
 
A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. . 19 
 
 that the entire family — husband, wife and children— become 
 separated by reason of having been bought by different persons, 
 this being the case when such persons can pay nothing what- 
 ever on account of their passage. The forenoon following the 
 anchoring before Philadelphia of a ship with a load of pas- 
 sengers, all the males above the age of fifteen are taken out of 
 the vessel in a boat to the wharf, landed, and marched two by 
 two to the Court House or City Hall. 
 
 "Here they must swear allegiance to the Crown of Great 
 Britain. When this is done they are again taken back to the 
 ship. After this the trade in human beings begins as I have 
 described." 
 
 In the records of the Reformed Church of Freinsheim, in the 
 Palatinate, are the names of the six children of Philipp Frederick 
 and Anna Katharine Antes, and the dates of their baptism. The 
 eldest of these was John Henry, who was baptized the 17th of 
 July, 1 70 1. and the youngest was Johannes, in 1716. This shows 
 that the Antes family was living there in the year 17 16. The 
 next record is as follows: On the 20th of February, 1722-3, 
 Frederick Antes (written Anttos), of Germantown, bought of 
 Heinrick Van Bebber 154 acres, situate in Philadelphia county, 
 part of 500 acres bought by said Van Bebber on the 4th of No- 
 vember, 1718, of John Henry Sprogell, being part of the tract of 
 22,377 acres in Mahanitania. Antes paid for this land £38 and 5 
 shillings, Pennsylvania money. There is also this entry in the 
 Land Office, 7 br., 14, 1724. Agreed with Frederick Antes for 
 the land called Darby Greens, in Limerick, about 300 and odd 
 acres, at £22 p. C't ; £30 to be p'd next 3 mo., and interest for the 
 rest till paid. 
 
 This shows that the Antes family came to this country with 
 capital to establish themselves wherever they chose for a per- 
 manent home. There is no mention of any of the children but 
 Henry and a daughter, Maria Elizabeth, who married John Esch- 
 bach, of Oiey, a prominent man among the settlers. Frederick 
 Antes from the first was one of the principal officers of the Re- 
 formed Church of Falckner Swamp, and in this faith trained his 
 children. 
 
 Henry Antes was associated with the most prom- 
 inent men of his time in movements for the public good. He 
 
20 A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 
 
 was the great helper of Zinzendorf in his religious efforts, and 
 with Whitefield in his schemes of philantrophy, and with Muhlen- 
 burg in matters of education, and with the Justices of the Colony 
 in securing for all classes the rights which the laws of the pro- 
 vince assured them. Whenever the German people needed a 
 champion he was ready to serve them. When they were accused 
 of being disloyal to the Proprietary Government, he vindicated 
 them in a speech of great power, and turned the opposition into 
 their favor. He gave up his home that it might be used as a 
 school for young people. He inaugurated the Unity Conferences, 
 which was the beginning of the movement that in these times is 
 known as Christian Endeavor. In proof of the claim that he is 
 the Father of this movement, we present his letter calling these 
 conferences. 
 
 "Call for a meeting of Christians, to be held on New Year's 
 Day, 1742, in Germantown. In the name of Jesus, Amen! 
 
 " My Dear Friend and Brother : Since a fearful injury 
 is done in the Church of Christ among those souls who are called 
 to the Lamb, and this mostly through mistrust and suspicion, and 
 that often without foundation, which one entertains towards an- 
 other, by which every attempt to do good is frustrated — and since 
 contrary to this we are commanded to love one another — the ques- 
 tion has been discussed in the minds of some persons for two or 
 more years whether it would not be possible to bring about a Gen- 
 eral Assembly, not for the purpose of disputing with one another, 
 but to confer in love on the important articles of faith, in order to 
 see how near all could come together in fundamental points, and 
 in other matters that do not overthrow the ground of salvation, 
 to bear with one another in charity, that thus all judging and 
 condemning among the above-mentioned souls might be abated 
 and prevented ; since by such uncharitableness we expose ourselves 
 before the world and give it occasion to say : 'Those who preach 
 peace and conversion themselves stand against one another.' 
 These facts have induced many brethren and God fearing souls to 
 take this important matter into earnest consideration, and to view 
 it in the presence of the Lord. And they have concluded to as- 
 semble on the coming New Year's Day in Germantown. Ac- 
 cordingly you are heartily entreated with several others of your 
 
A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 21 
 
 and can give a reason for their 
 faith, to assemble with us, if the Lord permits you so to do. 
 Nearly all others have been informed of this by the same kind of 
 letter as is here sent to you. It is believed that it will be a large 
 assembly ; but let not this keep you back ; everything will be done 
 without rumor. The Lord Jesus grant His blessing to it. 
 "From your poor and humble, but sincere friend and brother, 
 
 " Henry Antes. 
 "Frederick Township, in Philadelphia Count)', Dec. 15, 1741." 
 
 For ten years Henry Antes was one of the Justices of Penn- 
 sylvania. He was distinguished for his breadth of view and pro- 
 gressiveness, as the friend of the oppressed, and the benefactor of 
 the poor. 
 
 Christopher Sauer, the publisher of the German newspaper 
 that had great influence among the Germans, said in the issue of 
 May 1 6th, 1756: 
 
 "By this opportunity the editor cannot justly omit to state 
 what he has heard as truth concerning Henry Antes, viz. : When 
 he had been for a long time prostrated by sickness, and he felt the 
 end of life was near, a warm friend visited him and inquired how 
 he regarded his past administration of the office of Justice of the 
 Peace; whether he felt easy in mind concerning this. He an- 
 swered : He did not desire the office, and accepted it contrary to 
 his own wishes because so many desired him to accept ; he walked 
 in uprightness himself and administered justice to others to the 
 extent of his ability. He never respected the person in passing 
 judgment. When his friend, or a rich man, yes, even a justice, 
 was in the wrong, he helped the poor man to his rights, nor did he 
 favor his children against a stranger ; and he did not lie down to 
 rest until he had examined his entire day's work and had ascer- 
 tained that he had performed his office as he would have men do 
 to him; and when he erred in judgment through ignorance, he 
 made the correction directly. Therefore he felt quite at ease con- 
 cerning his office of judge and he longed only for dissolution. 
 He died in a state of impartiality toward all men and parties. 
 Were such magistrates more numerous, the poor would not have 
 cause to complain and to weep over gross injustices which they 
 have to suffer because persons are respected." 
 
 Such was the father of John Henry Antes. 
 
22 A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 
 
 In his family Bible he made the following record : "Fifth of 
 October, 1736. A son was born to me this morning- at three 
 o'clock. I named him John Henry. The Saviour preserve him 
 to eternal life. He was baptized by John Philip Boehm. I my- 
 self stood as sponser at the baptism." 
 
 The following shows the ancestry of Christina, the wife 
 of Henry Antes : 
 
 In the year 1(144 there was born in the Principality of 
 Broich, Holland, William Ryttinghuisen. For generations his 
 ancestors had been engaged in the manufacture of paper. Some 
 time before 1690 William Rittenhouse came to Pennsylvania 
 with his three children, and with his son Claus, or Nicholas, 
 built the first paper mill in America. On the seventh of May, 
 1 691, they were granted naturalization by Thomas Lloyd, the 
 Deputy Governor. 
 
 William Rittenhouse died in 1708, and was probably buried 
 in the burial ground of the Mennonists, in Germantown, of 
 which church he and his son Claus were ministers. After his 
 death the business was continued by his son Claus. 
 
 Claus, or Nicholas, Rittenhouse married Wilhelmina Dew- 
 ees, a sister of William Dewees, of Germantown. 
 
 The second paper mill in the American Colonies was 
 erected by William Dewees in the year 1710, on the west side 
 of W r issahickon Creek, in that part of Germantown known 
 as Crefeld, near the line of the present Montgomery County, 
 then called the Manor of Springfield. The probability is that 
 Dewees had learned the art of paper making from the Rit- 
 tenhouses. 
 
 Tn 1726 Henry Antes married Christina, the daughter of 
 William Dewees, and a flour mill was added to the Crefeld 
 paper mill. Here Antes worked for three years. 
 
 In 1734 ,Claus Rittenhouse died. In 1732 David Rit- 
 tenhouse, the American astronomer, was born. He was the 
 grandson of Clans. Thus Rittenhouse, the astronomer, and 
 Colond Henry Antes had the same great-grandfather, in the 
 person of the father of William Dewees. 
 
 In that valuable work, "The Settlement of Germantown," 
 by Judge Pennypacker, we are told that many persons fall into 
 error in tracing the old families, because thev ignore the old 
 
A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 2$ 
 
 Dutch habit of omitting the final or local appellation in their 
 statements of persons. This statement is made in reference 
 to the name of Gerhard Hendricks Dewees, who, with his wife, 
 Mary, and daughter, Sarah, and a servant, Heinrich Frey, came 
 over in the ship Francis Dorothy, October 12th, 1685. He 
 purchased 200 acres of land from Sipman. He came from 
 Kriegsheim, and was the grandson of Adrian Hendricks Dew- 
 ees, a Hollander, who lived in Amsterdam. He is referred to 
 in the records of Germantown as Gerhard Hendricks, the name 
 Dewees, according to the Dutch custom, being omitted. The 
 matter of his ancestry, however, needs further identification. 
 
 In 1690 William Dewees, thirteen years of age, came from 
 Arnheim, or Leenwarden, Friesland, with Cornelius Dewees, 
 who was most probably his brother. Together they purchased 
 land in the Van Bebber tract, and in time Cornelius settled on 
 this tract, but William never lived on it. He dwelt in German- 
 town and bought and sold land. In 1704 Cornelius Dewees 
 is recorded as being a juryman in Germantown in the case be- 
 tween Matthew Smith and Abraham Op de Graeff. In 1704 
 William Dewees was the Constable of Germantown. In 1706 
 he was the Sheriff, and Cornelius was one of the two Con- 
 stables. Both W r illiam and Cornelius sent their children to 
 the school taught by Francis Daniel Pastorius. In 1708 Cor- 
 nelius moved to the Van Bebber tract, which comprised what 
 is now Perkioming Township. 
 
 In 1729, the 26th of March, William Dewees purchased 
 a place in Crefeldt and entered into the making of paper, while 
 Henry Antes attended to the part of the mill devoted to the 
 making of flour, as the following record of indenture shows : 
 
 This indenture, made the second day of February, in the 
 year of our Lord 1730, between William Dewees, of Crefeldt, 
 in the Township of Germantown, and County of Philadelphia, 
 Papermaker, and Christina, his wife, of the one part, and Henrv 
 Antes, of Hanover Township, said county. Carpenter, of the 
 second part * * * 
 
 Whereas, by a certain indenture, made the twenty-sixth 
 of March last, between Gerard Brownpach, of Winesence Town- 
 ship, County of Chester, Yoeman, and Mary, his wife ; Jacob 
 Sheymer, of Bebber's Township, County of Philadelphia, and 
 
24 a notable; colonial, leader. 
 
 Margaret, his wife ; John Jansen, of Sulphur Township, County 
 of Philadelphia, and Elizabeth, his wife; Benjamin Howell, of 
 Germantown Township, County of Philadelphia, and Kathar- 
 ine, his wife, and Christina als Styntie Paupen, of Winesence 
 Township, spinster (children of the late Havent Paupen, of Ger- 
 mantown), of one part, and William Dewees of the other part, 
 they did grant * * * * * 93 acres, 3 roods and 20 perch- 
 es * * * grist mill, two pair of stones and two bolting 
 mills, and mill house * * * * were built and erected, 
 found and provided at the joint and equal costs and charges 
 of William Dewees and Henry Antes. Digging and making 
 dams and mill race, and providing and putting up the geers of 
 the paper mill at sole charges of William Dewees. * * * * 
 For the money and labor expended by Henry Antes and £2^ 
 the one-half interest in the grist mill and ground is conveyed 
 to Henry Antes. The paper mill being to be only served by 
 the overplus of water when the grist mills are first supplied. 
 
 Those who signed as witnesses for Christina Dewees were 
 Jacob Engle and Thomas Yorke, before Edward Roberts, Jus- 
 tice, February 22nd, 1730. The full record of this transaction 
 is in the Philadelphia Recorder's office, Deed Book, F. 5, page 
 197. 
 
 William Dewees lived on this tract from the time he took 
 possession until the day of his death, in 1745. Here, also, Henry 
 Antes lived for three or five years, until he removed to the mill 
 he purchased of Hagerman, near the branches of the Perkiom- 
 ing, in Hanover Township. 
 
 This was the birthplace of three oMiis children, Frederick, 
 William and Elizabeth. This is the tract on which the Convent 
 and Academy of Mt. St. Joseph's stands to-day. It is an in- 
 stitution of rare educational value. 
 
 As the home of William Dewees, it possesses a peculiar 
 interest, for he was a man of strong religions principles, and 
 did .all in his power to advance the cause of his Redeemer. At 
 that time there was no house of worship for the members of 
 the Reformed Faith and William Dewees opened his own house 
 t<. their needs. He was an elder in the church, and Frederick 
 Antes, the father of Henry Antes, was another elder of the same 
 faith. The church that met in the house of William Dewees 
 was called the Whitemarsh Reformed Church. 
 
A NOTABLE COLONIAL LEADER. 25 
 
 John Philip Boehm, their minister, thus writes to the au- 
 thorities of the church in Holland: In the congregation at 
 Whitemarsh we have as yet nothing at all (in the way of 
 church edifice), but during all this long time we have made 
 use of the house of Elder William Dewees for holding divine 
 service without any unwillingness from his honor or the least 
 expectation of payment. This worthy man cherishes a con- 
 stant and pious hope that God will yet provide the means (to 
 build a church). 
 
 Thus, this beautiful spot has, from the beginning, been 
 the home of religion and education. The oldest deed of it, now 
 in possession of the Mt. St. Joseph's Convent, is a deed from 
 Henry Antes in the year 1738. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 COADJUTORS. 
 
 THE SAME month in which John Henry Antes was born 
 there were two events that were destined to deeply influence 
 his career. One was the arrival of Bishop Spangenberg, 
 who became his father's most intimate friend, and the director of 
 his early education. The other event was the conference with the 
 Indians in Philadelphia, held by the Deputy-Governor, James 
 L<»gan. 
 
 Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg was born July 15th, 1694. 
 His father was a Lutheran Minister in Northern Germany. The 
 son received a classical education in the University of Jena, and 
 studied theology under Dr. Buckles, from whom he learned these 
 two principles: 1. "That children of God may be found in all 
 denominations ; and 2. That the true Christian Church consists of 
 those who live in intimate communion with the Saviour." For 
 six years he was a popular lecturer at Jena, and afterward a Pro- 
 fessor of the University of Halle. At this time there was a great 
 deal of religious persecution in various parts of Germany. Against 
 this spirit Zinzendorf stood as the friend of everyone who was 
 seeking to do the will of the Redeemer. Spangenberg's liberal 
 way of thinking brought him in close contact with many of these 
 separatists and with Zinzendorf. This created an ill feeling at 
 the University, and as a consequence Spangenberg was required 
 to leave. He went to Herrnhut, where he became Zinzendorf s 
 most intimate friend and helper. The opposition to Zinzendorf 
 and his religious views led to his banishment from Saxony and the 
 establishment of colonies of his people. Zinzendorf united two 
 purposes in one, namely, to make a permanent abode for his 
 people in Georgia, and at the same time to begin a mission among 
 the Cherokee and Creek Indians. Spangenberg accompanied the 
 brethren to Georgia to superintend the work of the brethren. 
 Here he became acquainted with John Wesley, who was impressed 
 
COADJUTORS. 27 
 
 with the fervent piety and the great theological erudition of the 
 German. Here the work among the Indians was begun, but it 
 soon found a check, because, when the Spaniards tried to expel 
 the English from Georgia, and the latter called on the Moravians 
 to bear arms, they refused, as it was contrary to their most cher- 
 ished principles. Spangenberg was instructed to visit the Swenk- 
 felders in Pennsylvania. Here he worked on a farm and preach- 
 ed among the people as the opportunity offered. Here he met 
 Henry Antes, and the similarity of their aim in serving the Sa- 
 vior became the basis of a friendship that was never broken. The 
 wife of Henry Antes, carrying the infant John Henry in her arms, 
 served Spangenberg with the hospitality of a truly Christian 
 home. 
 
 Another intimate friend of Henry Antes, and a visitor at his 
 home, was Conrad Weiser, one of the most useful men in the 
 Colony. He was one of the Justices and a companion of Antes 
 in the Unity Conferences, an Indian interpreter and a guide or 
 scout to the great camping places of the Indians. Conrad Weiser 
 was born in Germany in 1696. When seventeen years of age his 
 father, who was one of the Deputies to arrange for the settlement 
 of the Germans at Schoharie, left him with an Indian chief to 
 learn the language in use among the Six Nations. 
 
 Through the greed and duplicity of the English merchants 
 the Germans were robbed of their settlements and were forced to 
 seek another home. Gov. William Keith invited them to settle 
 in Pennsylvania. They came across the wilderness to the Susque- 
 hanna, and floated down the river to the mouth of the Swatara 
 creek, which they ascended, and made a permanent settlement at 
 Tulpehocken. Conrad Weiser was a man of great influence 
 among these persecuted people. The effect of his conversations at 
 the fireside of the Antes family upon the awakening mind of the 
 boy John Henry can be readily imagined. 
 
 In 1736. while Henry Antes was preaching peace and good 
 will among the Germans, a council was held in Philadelphia be- 
 tween James Logan, the Governor, and one hundred chiefs of the 
 Six Nations. The chiefs sat in the body of the Quaker meeting- 
 house, and the galleries were crowded with spectators. The 
 Seneca chief, Kanickhungo, was the principle speaker, and while 
 presents were being exchanged, expressions of peace and friend- 
 
28 COADJUTORS. 
 
 ship were spoken. It was a very solemn occasion, for the spirit of 
 trouble was in the air. Eleven days after the council, when the 
 head men of the tribes had gone away, the few that remained sold 
 to the proprietary all the lands lying between the mouth of the 
 Susquehanna and Kittatinny hills, extending eastward as far as 
 the heads of the branches or springs which run into the Susque- 
 hanna. 
 
 This sale laid the foundation for terrible consequences. It 
 was only one instance of the way in which the Indians were cheat- 
 ed out of their lands. Drake says, "By his last will Governor 
 Penn devised to his grandson, William Penn, and his heirs 10,000 
 acres of land, to be laid out in proper and beneficial places in this 
 province by his trustees. William Penn, the grandson, sold out 
 this land to a gentleman — Mr. William Allen, a great land jobber. 
 By a little management Allen got his land located, generally 
 where he desired. One considerable tract included part of Mini- 
 sink, and no previous arrangement had been made with those In- 
 dians. No sooner had the new proprietor got the lands surveyed 
 to him than he began to sell it to those that would go on at once 
 and settle it. About the same time proposals were published for 
 a land lottery, and by the conditions of these proposals not the 
 least notice was taken, or the least reserve made of the rights of 
 the Indians. But on the contrary such persons as had settled 
 upon lands that did not belong to them, were, in case they drew 
 prizes, to remain unmolested upon the lands of the Indians. By 
 this means much of the land in the Forks of the Delaware, as well 
 as other places, being taken up by this kind of gambling, the In- 
 dians were thus crowded out of it. To still the clamors of these 
 injured people recourse was had to as great abuses as had already 
 been practiced. Crimes were sought to be clouded by bold strat- 
 agem. The Iroquois were connived with, and they came for- 
 ward, confirmed the doings of the land jobbers, and ordered the 
 Delawares to leave the country. They were to choose one of the 
 two horns of a dreadful dilemma. The power of the Iroquois 
 could not be withstood, backed as it was by the English. They 
 ordered the Delawares to remove, or they would destroy them. 
 This was the f< lundation of the Delawares uniting with the French 
 against the English, and the dreadful massacres that devastated 
 tin's entire territory." 
 
COADJUTORS. 29 
 
 In March, 1742, the fourth of the Unity Conferences was 
 held at the house of Mr. Ashmead, in Germantown. Zinzendorf 
 was at this meeting. During their deliberations the question of 
 the wrongs done the Indians was considered, and Henry Antes 
 was appointed to make a thorough examination of the case and 
 see that justice was done the Indians. The task committed to 
 Antes was of the most delicate nature, requiring the finest address 
 to allay the suspicions of the Indians, and to win their confidence. 
 While the proprietary government was dealing with the Indians 
 from the standpoint of greed, blinded to the power of the poor 
 dupes to obtain revenge when they found themselves deceived, 
 the Moravians, thoroughly upright in all their transactions, la- 
 bored to win them to Christ. The spirit of the Unity Confer- 
 ences was not mere theorizing; it was intensely practical to 
 these noble God fearing men. Antes, Weiser and Spangenberg 
 were actuated by the same motives. If they had prevailed there 
 would have been no Indian war. But greed prevailed, and the 
 infant boy in the Antes household was destined to fight in the 
 battle, when the entire province was weltering in the throes of 
 blood. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 THE WORK of the Moravians from the beginning was upon 
 a system that calculated strictly beforehand every neces- 
 sity, and provided for every emergency. In the Pennsyl- 
 vania wilderness they sought to carry forward the methods that 
 had been so well established in Halle and in London. 
 
 The entire church at Bethlehem was considered and treated 
 as a family. All the members sat at one table. The divisions, 
 according to sex and age, were placed in choirs. It was some- 
 what similar to the Ephrata method, but not precisely the same. 
 The Ephrata people considered the solitary state most holy 
 and acceptable to God, while the Moravians honored married 
 life, and emphasized the felicity of the children of God in terms 
 taken from matrimonial life. In 1743 the system was adopted 
 and placed in working order. The mothers retained the charge 
 of their children until they were eighteen months old, then the 
 infants were placed in the nursery, which at first was at Bethle- 
 hem and afterward at Nazareth. At four years of age the child 
 was placed in a choir house, where it remained until nine or 
 eleven years of age. Then it was transferred to another choir 
 house, where it was kept until fourteen years of age. Then the 
 young men became members of the choir house of the Single 
 Brethren. 
 
 In 1743 Henry Antes sent his children from his home to 
 school. Ann Margaret was sent to England in the care of 
 Count Zinzendorf, where she received her education and mar- 
 ried Rev. Benjamin Latrobe, a Moravian minister. Ann Cath- 
 arine, the eldest daughter, went to Nazareth as one of the care- 
 takers in the nursery. Little John Henry was sent to this school 
 and had the pleasure of being in the company and the care of 
 his own sister. 
 
 In 1745 Henry Antes gave up his home in Frederick Town- 
 ship to the needs of the societv, and his house became the 
 
SCHOOL DAYS. 31 
 
 school for boys, and he, with his wife, removed to Bethlehem. 
 When this transfer was made John Henry was removed from 
 the boys' choir and placed in the choir house of the Single' 
 Brethren, in Bethlehem. Again he was fortunate, for he was 
 now near his parents, and, beside, his brothers, Philip Frederick 
 and William, were already established in this same choir house. 
 In this building there were more than eighty boys, under the 
 spiritual superintendence of Nathaniel Seidel and Gottlieb 
 Pezold. The building in which they were placed is the one now 
 known as the Sisters' Home. In 1748 the Single Brethren 
 built a larger house for themselves, which is now the middle 
 building of the Young Ladies' Seminary, and gave their for- 
 mer house to the Sisters. In the construction of this building 
 the Antes boys were taught masonry and carpentering, for the 
 education the Moravians gave fitted the youths for all the duties 
 of life. The Antes boys remained in this choir house until 1750, 
 when they returned with their parents to their home, in Fred- 
 erick Township. 
 
 The training in all the choir houses was eminently relig- 
 ious. With every new adventure there was a love feast, at which 
 hymns, composed by Bishop Spangenberg, were sung. There 
 were love feasts every Saturday afternoon, commencing Jan- 
 uary 30, 1745. There was a special love feast at the be- 
 ginning of plowing, and when the farm work was done, and 
 when buildings were finished. The spinning business was closed 
 with prayer, and love feasts for the milkers, threshers and others 
 were frequent. Writing of the Nazareth Colonists, Spangen- 
 • berg says : "They connect the Savior and His blood with all 
 they do or say; they highly esteem their patriarchal economy; 
 they grow in spiritual matters while working bodily. Nowhere 
 else have such beautiful and edifying hymns for shepherds, 
 ploughers, threshers, reapers, spinners, knitters, washers, sew- 
 ers and others been composed as among them and by them. 
 They would fill a whole farmer's hymn book. In Nazareth, as 
 well as in Bethlehem, the special choir and class meetings were 
 introduced, besides which there was also an especial day of fes- 
 tive remembrance for the original Colonists, namely, the twenty- 
 seventh day of May, on which day most of the married people, 
 who were now living in one house and formed one family, had 
 been married." 
 
2,2 SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 The system of education thus adopted by the Moravians, 
 in many essential features, is the boast of distinguished colleges 
 of to-day. In Nazareth there was the germ of the agricultural 
 college, in Bethlehem there was the forerunner of the Wil- 
 liamson Industrial School ; the church was the first of the Amer- 
 ican Institutional churches. But the essential and ever active 
 principle of the Moravian school was religion. A consistent, 
 useful and joyful devotion of all one's powers and energies to 
 the service of God and humanity. The men at the head were 
 consecrated men of learning and piety. When the hour came 
 for their baptism of fire they did not shrink from the ordeal, 
 but went triumphantly into the warring and seething flames. 
 Their joyfulness was a prominent feature of their lives. With 
 them the German love of singing found full expression. Music 
 was a part of their being. There was no violation of propriety 
 for them to sing. Melody and praise kept their hearts glad in 
 the darkest hours. As a guide to the devotions of the young 
 students there was used a collection of texts of Scripture called 
 the ''Daily Words," or "Meditations for each day in the year.'' 
 Thus, every day they were reminded of the great object of their 
 lives. 
 
 Courage in the presence of contagious diseases was incul- 
 cated by the example of the leaders as the following instance will 
 show : 
 
 On the organization of the refugees from Shecomeco -into 
 a Christian congregation, at Friedenshutten, on the 24th of 
 July, 1746, John — a drunken Indian that had been converted 
 by Ranch — was appointed their teacher. Soon after smallpox 
 broke out at the Indian quarters. To this malady he fell a 
 victim after a painful illness of seven days, during which he gave 
 evidence of the mighty work of grace which the Spirit of God 
 had wrought in his heart. In the presence of his weeping 
 countrymen, who had been summoned to his bed side, and amid 
 the prayers of Spangenberg and Ranch the spirit of the patient 
 sufferer passed away. This was on the 27th of August. In the 
 afternoon of Sunday, the 28th, a funeral sermon was delivered 
 by Ranch, and the remains were conveyed to the grave-yard 
 amid the strains of solemn music. As the body was lowered 
 into the earth Nicodemus, the Elder, knelt bv the grave and 
 
SCHOOL DAYS. 33 
 
 offered prayer. Nicodemus, or, as he was called, Weshichage- 
 chive, was a half brother to Teedyuscung, the great King of 
 the Delawares. He was baptized by Bishop Cammerhof, at 
 Bethlehem, in June, 1749. In 1754 he withdrew from the mis- 
 sion at Gnadenhutten, returning to the Indian country. 
 
 The concurrent testimony of those who knew John shows 
 that he was not unworthy of the name of the beloved disciple 
 which he bore, and that this evangelist among his people was 
 a marvelous instance of the transforming power of divine grace. 
 In the graveyard, at Bethlehem, there were buried fifty-eight 
 Indian converts between 1746 and 1761, representatives of all 
 the tribes and stations where the Brethren had labored as mis- 
 sionaries. 
 
 As the ferry across the Lehigh river was at Bethlehem 
 all travelers from upper New York, and all the Indians at- 
 tending the councils in Philadelphia, passed through the town, 
 stopping for a period of time as suited their necessities, and 
 replenishing their stores of provisions and clothing. Thus, the 
 people of Bethlehem were kept posted concerning the doings 
 all along the frontier. 
 
 In October, 1748, Bishop John de Watteville arrived in 
 Bethlehem, accompanied by his wife, Benigna, the oldest daugh- 
 ter of Count Zinzendorf. After a journey through the Indian 
 stations he called a Synod, which was the first of the Moravian 
 Synods that met in America. All the ministers and laborers 
 of the congregation, about one hundred and ten brethren and 
 eighty sisters, and about one hundred guests from twenty-one 
 different places, assembled in a large room of the newly erected 
 Single Brethren's House. Brother Spangenberg opened the 
 Synod, and de Watteville gave the following statement of the 
 doctrines of the Brotherhood : " Our doctrine of the Lamb and 
 his wounds is a power of God and contains a certain something 
 which all must feel who come near us. The description of the 
 pleura and the nail prints of the Lamb shines powerfully into 
 the hearts and eyes, leaving something behind which cannot 
 be erased. And this power of God belongs to the doctrine of 
 the pleura exclusively, compared to which all other methods 
 of doctrine, be they arranged ever so ingeniously, are dry and 
 
 3 
 
34 SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 empty, nor can they leave a real blessing for the heart. By his 
 wounds and his blood, and by the spirit of his pleura and his 
 Philadelphia, the Savior has formed and sealed the Brethren's 
 Church, and whoever is seeking the kingdom of the cross, to 
 him we say, 'Here it is!' Therefore, we believe that all those 
 who are born out of the pleura, and, therefore, are children of 
 God, will love us and appreciate our doctrine of the Lamb." 
 
 It was at this meeting that Henry Antes was appointed 
 Consenior Civilis. Because he was an officer of the Province he 
 was given charge of the political affairs of the congregation. 
 
 Amid such surroundings and under such influences John 
 Henry Antes was educated. He passed the plastic days of his 
 youth under the fostering care of the great'Moravian leaders, and 
 of many who later, during the Indian troubles, gave their lives 
 for the faith. There was the constant stimulus of heroic deeds re- 
 lated by those who went forth on missionary tours and re- 
 turned to rest and regain their strength in the peaceful courts of 
 the choir houses. 
 
 In the ' 'Life of Henry Antes," I have written as follows : 
 " Having thus far traced the course of the life of this prominent 
 man, we have found him to be endowed with such faculties as well 
 fitted him for an adviser and a leader of the people. With a great 
 heart, loving his friends intensely, but his Lord and Savior 
 more, ready to make any amount of personal sacrifice in order to 
 serve his Master and his fellow men, and in the midst of all man- 
 ner of opportunities for self aggrandizement, keeping himself 
 unspotted from the world. As we see him the loving companion 
 of Spangenberg, of Nitschman, of Zeisberger, men of purest 
 character and indisputable zeal for the Lord, we naturally think 
 that nothing but death could sever such strong and reciprocated 
 ties, and yet, strange as it may seem, there was a severance of the 
 ties that bound them — not the ties of friendship — but the ties of 
 fellowship in the work of the Lord. And the severance was 
 sharp, emphatic and irreversible. It sorely grieved the hearts of 
 all parties, and yet, for conscience sake. Antes felt that he could 
 not return to the fold he had done so much to establish. He 
 allowed his children to follow the dictates of their own con- 
 sciences. Some of them remained with the Moravians, and some 
 went to the Reformed Church." 
 
SCHOOL DAYS. 35 
 
 The account of the separation from the Brethren is very 
 short. It is this: " In April, 1750, the Moravians at Bethlehem 
 introduced the wearing of the white robe or surplice by the Minis- 
 ter at the celebration of the Eucharist. Henry Antes disap- 
 proved of this, and withdrew from their communion." 
 
 Taking into consideration the zeal and practical common 
 sense of Henry Antes, this statement has not been satisfactory 
 in accounting for such a vital action on his part. But we are no 
 longer in the dark about the matter, which is clearly explained 
 by Rev. Levin Theodore Reichel in his " Early History of the 
 Moravians in America." We give his account in full. 
 
 " Brother Spangenberg, to whom was entrusted all the 
 affairs of the Brethren in America, though able to accomplish a 
 great deal and always willing to perform any kind of work, grad- 
 ually became convinced that without an able and efficient assis- 
 tant he could not do justice to the multifarious demands on his 
 time and strength, and therefore, in 1745, urgently desired that 
 his brethren in Europe might send him an assistant. Even before 
 his letters arrived, the Synod of the Brethren assembled at Zeist, 
 in Holland, in May, 1746, had appointed Brother John Christian 
 Frederick Cammerhof for this office, who arrived in Pennsyl- 
 vania January, 1747, and labored there four years. By his in- 
 fluence considerable changes were brought about both in the spirit 
 of the congregation and in the external arrangements. 
 
 " Schrautenbach characterizes him as a young man of ami- 
 able and affable disposition, well versed in the metaphysical and 
 ecclesiastical sciences, of much spirit, great courage and untiring 
 energy in the service of the Savior and the Brethrens' Church. 
 He was born on July 28, 1721, near Magdeburg, and studied 
 theology in the University of Jena, where he became acquainted 
 with the Brethren and especially with Brother John Nitschman, 
 afterwards his colleague at Bethlehem. He became teacher in 
 Kloster Bergen, a Protestant school under the direction of Abt 
 Steinmetz, who highly esteemed him and his fellow student, 
 Theopolis Shumann. Acquainted with the pietistic method of 
 edification, and not finding therein peace for their souls, Cammer- 
 hof and Shumann left the ranks of the Lutheran Church and 
 went in 1743 to Marienborn, where they were received into the 
 
36 SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 Seminary of the Brethren, and for a time assisted in transcribing 
 missionary reports, under the immediate superintendence of 
 Count Zinzendorf. 
 
 " Brother Cammerhof having been married in July, 1746, 
 to Anna de Pahlen, a Livonian baroness, was consecrated in 
 London September, 1746, by Zinzendorf, Martin Dober and 
 Steinhofer as Bishop of the Brethrens' Church for the country 
 congregations of North America. Soon after his arrival in 
 Pennsylvania he commenced his epistolary correspondence with 
 the directing Board of the Unity in Europe, which probably has 
 never been carried on with such minuteness, for some of these 
 letters, of which copies have been preserved for the Bethlehem 
 archives, contain more than a hundred closely written pages, 
 giving a full insight into the work of the Brethren, even to its 
 most minute details. From these letters of the youthful Bishop 
 it appears plainly that the enthusiastic love for the Savior which 
 was cherished by Cammerhof and that band of disciples with 
 whom he was associated bordered on fanaticism. He had left 
 the new settlements of the Brethren in Wetteravia at a time 
 when the most sober-minded brethren began to talk sentimental 
 nonsense, and the whole church was in imminent peril of being 
 led away from the substance of the Gospel by a puerile and often 
 silly mode of expression, and of embracing fatal delusions. For 
 more than a century the Brethrens' Church has acknowledged 
 that this was the period of sifting, the time in which much chaff 
 was separated from the wheat, the time in which much wood, 
 hay and stubble was built on that foundation than which no other 
 can be laid — a superstructure which but a few years later was 
 consumed in that fiery persecution by which Herrnhaag. the 
 most numerous of all the congregations, was scattered to the 
 winds. We would not revert to these times at all if the asser- 
 tions made now and then, that' these delusions had not found 
 their way to America, were perfectly correct. Bishop Cam- 
 merhof introduced them, fostered them, and was praised for it. 
 With lu's death all vestiges of these delusions ceased at once." 
 
 And wherein did these delusions consist? Bishop Holmes 
 gives the following concise and sufficient answer: "In their 
 zeal to root out self-righteousness, the Brethren were not suffi- 
 
SCHOOL DAYS. 37 
 
 ciently on their guard against levity in expression. The delight 
 they took in speaking of the sufferings of Christ, which arose 
 from the penetrating sense they had of their infinite value, by 
 degrees degenerated into fanciful representations of the various 
 scenes of His passion. Their style in speaking and writing lost 
 its former plainness and simplicity and became turgid, puerile 
 and fanatical, abounding in playful allusions to Christ as the 
 Lamb, the Bridegroom, &c, by which he is described in Holy 
 Writ, and in fanciful representations of the wound in His side. 
 In describing the spiritual relation between Christ and His 
 Church the highly figurative language of the Canticles was sub- 
 stituted in the place of the dignified simplicity used by our 
 Savior and His Apostles when speaking on this subject. Some 
 less experienced preachers even seemed to vie with each other in 
 introducing into their discourses the most extravagant and 
 often wholly unintelligible expressions. This kept the hearers 
 in a state of constant excitement, but was not calculated to 
 subject every thought of the heart to the obedience of Christ. 
 Religion, instead of enlightening the understanding, governing 
 the affections and regulating the general conduct, became a play 
 of the imagination. 
 
 " This species of fanaticism first broke out at Herrnhaag in 
 the year 1746, and from thence spread into several other congre- 
 gations. Many were carried away by it, for it seemed to promise a 
 certain joyous perfection, representing believers as innocent, play- 
 ful children, who might be quite at their ease amidst all the trials 
 and difficulties incident to the present life. The effect produced 
 was such as might be expected. The more serious members of the 
 Church (and these after all formed the major part) bitterly 
 lamented an evil which they could not eradicate. Others, con- 
 sidering the malady as incurable, withdrew from its communion. 
 The behavior of such as were most infected with this error, 
 though not immoral and criminal, was yet highly disgraceful to 
 their Christian profession. 
 
 " Pictorial representations of the sufferings of Christ, illum- 
 inations of the church and other public buildings, birthday cele- 
 brations, connected with expensive love-feasts, were manifesta- 
 tions of the unnaturally excited poetic spirit of the congregation, 
 
38 SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 which in its practical consequences led to extravagances — and 
 to debts. Peter Bohler, at the time in England as superinten- 
 dent of the monetary affairs of the Chuch there, was fully aware 
 of the fearful increase of their liabilities, and raised a warning 
 voice, but his protest was not heeded. Neither was any atten- 
 tion paid to the wise counsels of Spangenberg, who in a letter 
 to Count Zinzendorf, in 1746, expressed his forebodings in refer- 
 ence to the lavish expenditures in the European settlements and 
 their inevitable consequences. This letter was not answered, and 
 Spangenberg, the most faithful and indefatigable of all the 
 brethren, had reason to suppose that some of the most influen- 
 tial of his brethren in Europe looked upon him with a suspicious 
 eye, considering him as having become lukewarm because he, 
 the man of good common sense, could not appreciate their ex- 
 travagant religious notions, nor approve of the sentimental non- 
 sense, which in a flood of hymns was pouring over to America 
 also. He rejoiced to receive in Cammerhof a faithful and able 
 assistant, but was inwardly grieved when he perceived that the 
 latter had received secret instructions according to which he 
 acted in such a manner that the original idea of Zinzendorf of a 
 Church of God in the Spirit was gradually but entirely set 
 aside." 
 
 It can easily be seen how these extravagances would affect 
 the practical. man of affairs, Antes. There would be toleration 
 and hope of change for awhile, then, as constant friction would 
 take place between him, as Consenior Civilis, and the Bishop, he 
 would lose the spirit of toleration and act with firmness and deci- 
 sion. There can be no doubt but that this change affected the 
 entire future career of his three oldest sons. They left the 
 Moravian fold and became men of affairs in the Commonwealth. 
 They were by nature leaders of men. and all through their lives 
 they were thus recognized by their fellows. If this breach had 
 not occurred, they might have become preachers of the Gospel; 
 as it was. they became patriots, and foundation stones in the con- 
 stitutional edifice of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In a conversation with Bishop Levering, of the Moravian 
 Church, I learned the following particulars relative to the separ- 
 ation of Henry Antes from the Moravians. Bishop Levering 
 
SCHOOL DAYS. 39 
 
 has spent much time in searching the records of the Church and 
 formed his opinions from what was therein recorded. He said 
 that there was not much recorded about Henry Antes because 
 he was averse to speaking about himself. He did not approve 
 of the laudatory mention so often made by the various mem- 
 bers of the Brotherhood and for himself declined to thus win 
 renown. Also, the records at the time of the trouble say little 
 about him, because those in authority were not disposed to recite 
 his views about their conduct. Yet the fact was that Antes 
 was the leading man among them, and that whenever they got 
 in a tight place they trusted to him to get them out. He never 
 separated himself from the Moravians, but simply retired from 
 an official position. Until the time of his death he was fre- 
 quently called to Bethlehem on consultation concerning im- 
 portant matters, and nothing of importance was undertaken until 
 he had been consulted. Bohler was not the business head, but 
 was the agent engaged by Whitefield to build houses on his 
 property. Immediately after the breach, John Nitschmann, the 
 leader in it, was recalled to Europe, and Spangenberg returned to 
 take charge of the affairs at Bethlehem. He and Antes were 
 inseparable companions. In the midst of the trouble Antes 
 wrote a letter in explanation to Zinzendorf that was expected to 
 set matters straight, but no answer ever came, and this led to the 
 conclusion that the letter had been intercepted and prevented 
 from reaching Zinzendorf, for Zinzendorf reposed the greatest 
 confidence in Antes, and would have been influenced by what he 
 had written. Cammerhof was very friendly to Antes, and 
 valued him highly, and would have done nothing to cause a 
 breach, although he was one of the most ardent of those who used 
 the objectionable figures of speech. It was John Nitschmann 
 that was the cause of the trouble, and he remained unyielding 
 in his determination to effect changes in the method of doing 
 things pertaining to the Economy of the Brethren. The final 
 parting was under exceedingly pathetic circumstances, and re- 
 flects great credit on the beautiful character of Antes. 
 
 Antes had frequently expostulated against the wrong course 
 that was being pursued, and as his words had no effect, deter- 
 mined to remove from Bethlehem to his own home. He waited 
 
40 SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 until he had completed building the mill at Freidensthal, and 
 some other operations that had been begun, then came to Bethle- 
 hem and placed his household goods on the wagon drawn by his 
 oxen. Then, while the oxen were waiting, he called to Nitsch- 
 niann to come out of the house and bid him farewell. But Nitsch- 
 mann would not even come to the door. Antes begged that he 
 would only promise to cease using certain words in his speech 
 and only a slight change in the vestments at the celebration of the 
 service, and he would unpack his goods, and all would be well 
 again. But Nitschmann would make no concession, nor would 
 he even see Antes. Antes stood by the heads of his oxen and 
 began to weep in uncontrollable emotion, but neither his words 
 nor his tears moved Nitschmann. Then, with the brethren about 
 him weeping and lamenting, Antes gave the word and the oxen 
 were started on the journey to his home. As he turned from the 
 house in which Nitschmann remained, Cammerhof, weeping with 
 Antes, accompanied him part of the way on the journey, and 
 finally, mingling their tears, they parted. However, the love 
 that was mutual caused them to be often together. The children 
 of Antes were allowed to remain or go home as they pleased, and 
 while the boys went home the girls remained. They were not 
 separated, however, for the frequent visits of the parents to 
 Bethlehem kept them in close touch with each other. At the time 
 of the separation Benigna was only two years old ; when twelve 
 years of age she died a victim to smallpox, that scourge that car- 
 ried away so many of the people of the frontier. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE WORK Of THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 
 
 IN ONE respect the leaders of the Moravians were of equal de- 
 votion, that was in the work for the conversion of the wild 
 
 and savage Indians. Whatever vagaries they manifested 
 when in their meeting houses, or before their fellow missionaries, 
 they were ready at all times to endure any form of suffering if 
 only they might be able to persuade some benighted savage to 
 seek the cleansing blood of the Lamb of God. 
 
 While the Irish on the frontier treated the Indians as they 
 would wolves or panthers, as if they had no souls and no right to 
 pity, the Moravians looked upon them as brethren in the mercy 
 of God, and the proper subjects for the richest displays of divine 
 grace. In the furtherance of this work, Spangenberg, de Watte- 
 ville, Cammerhof, Brainard, Nitschmann, Rauch, Pyrleaus and 
 Zeisberger were as one, and in heartiest union with them were 
 Antes and Weiser. The confidence in the spiritual fellowship of 
 Antes was manifested by their committing to his hands the mat- 
 ter of rendering justice to the Indians who were defrauded by the 
 officers of the Province. 
 
 The Moravians were good bookkeepers; they recorded 
 minutely their methods and experiences. Cammerhof was par- 
 ticularly careful in recording everything. We owe to this care 
 the observation of many facts that otherwise would have been 
 lost to sight and have made gaps in the history of their doings 
 which the historian would ceaselessly regret. One interesting 
 paper is a table of subjects, in their order, directing their thoughts 
 and teachings in securing the conversion of the Indians. It 
 throws a flood of light upon the deeply consecrated spirit of these 
 noble men of God. It is as follows : 
 
 METHOD OF CONVERTING THE WILD INDIAN. 
 
 1. Daily walk and prayer. 
 
 2. Singing and prayer in the presence of the Indian. 
 
42 THE WORK OE THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 
 
 3. The Lamb of God. 
 
 4. Who is He? He was slain as a sacrifice for us. 
 
 5. The depravity of man . 
 
 6. Man's Redemption. 
 
 7. The Lamb of God became a man for our good. 
 
 8. Prayer for the heathen. 
 
 9. Christ is addressed in prayer as the Creator of the 
 world. 
 
 10. Explanations adapted to their comprehension. 
 
 11. Personal conversation when desired; but not too much 
 of it. 
 
 12. Dwell on man's evil heart and sin of unbelief. 
 
 13. Spiritual and physical death. 
 
 14. The resurrection call out of hell and out of the earth. 
 
 15. The heart's desire for Gospel truth; and its indifference 
 and unbelief. 
 
 16. Desire is changed into love. 
 
 17. Love is sustained by hope. 
 
 18. The Sacraments. 
 
 19. Baptism in the name of the Father, Son and Holy 
 Ghost. 
 
 20. Explanations if called for. 
 
 21. The Son has created, redeemed and sanctified all who 
 come to Him. That at the name of Jesus every knee should 
 bow, etc. 
 
 22. Looking for the revelation of the Trinity to the heart 
 and mind by the Holy Ghost. 
 
 23. Prayer to Jesus, the Lamb slain as our Lord, God 
 blessed forever, the Everlasting Father, etc. (Isa. ix, 6.) 
 
 24. The Trinity, spoken of as the Father of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ and His Holy Spirit. 
 
 25. The Divine Being, on whom all things depend, and to 
 whom all things tend is Jesus, the Lamb, the Savior. 
 
 The interest which Count Zinzendorf took in the Indians 
 set the example to his ardent followers. After the meeting of 
 the Conference in which Antes was appointed to see about the 
 wr< nigs done the Indians, Zinzendorf determined on a tour to the 
 haunts of the red men. Following is the account of it : 
 
THE WORK OF THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 43 
 
 At 6 P. M. of the 24th of July, Count Zinzendorf began his 
 visit to the Delaware Indians still living in the Forks, and to 
 those of the same nation living in the first valley north of the Blue 
 Mountain. After visiting several of the Indian villages, they 
 were about to return to Bethlehem when the Count had a pre- 
 sentiment that his presence was required at Conrad Weiser's in 
 Tulpehocken. He at once prepared to obey the call. He ar- 
 rived at Weiser's on the third of August. Here he met the heads 
 and deputies of the Six Nations on their way home from the 
 Conference in Philadelphia. With these the Count ratified a 
 covenant of friendship in behalf of the Brethren as their represen- 
 tative, stipulating for permission for the latter to pass to and 
 from, and sojourn within the domains of the great Iroquois Con- 
 federacy, not as strangers but as friends. The meeting was con- 
 ducted with all the etiquette and magniloquence of Indian 
 diplomacy, and finally a string of wampum was handed to the 
 Count by the savages to impress him with the sincerity of their de- 
 cision, and for preservation as a perpetual token of the amicable 
 relations just established. In this transaction Zinzendorf found 
 a solution of the mysterious necessity which had impelled him to 
 turn to Tulpehocken; and he recognized a special providence as 
 having guided him thither and there opened a door for entrance 
 among a people which, of all others, could be made most instru- 
 mental in the spread of the Gospel among the various tribes of 
 North American Indians. On the 28th of September Zinzendorf 
 and his companions reached Shamokin. On the 30th they set 
 out for Otstonwakin. They followed the warrior's path which led 
 to Great Island, which skirted the northern bank of the river 
 some forty miles to. Otstonwakin, and then went due east about 
 seventy miles to the Shawanese village on the Wyoming flats 
 west of the Susquehanna. 
 
 Zinzendorf failed to impress the Shawanese as he desired, 
 but from this time the Gospel was carried to the mixed population 
 of Indians scattered along both branches of the Susquehanna at 
 Shamokin, Otstonwakin, Quenischachschaky, (Linden) Long 
 Island, (Jersey Shore) Great Island, Nescopec, Wyoming and 
 Diahoga. 
 
 His experience with the Shawanese reveals the treacherous 
 
44 THE WORK OF THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 
 
 nature of that tribe. Having- arrived on the banks of the Wyom- 
 ing, the Indians could not believe that he had come solely for their 
 benefit, but had come to the conclusion that his real object was 
 the acquisition of land; and they therefore resolved to put him 
 to death. On a cool evening in September, as he sat alone in his 
 tent upon a bundle of weeds, which was his bed, the appointed 
 assassins approached his frail mansion. He had a small fire 
 and was writing at the time ; and nothing prevented the easy 
 execution of their commission. A blanket suspended by the 
 corners formed the door of his tent, and as the Indians drew this 
 a little aside they beheld a large rattlesnake which the fire had 
 driven from his cover lying near the venerable man, but not seen 
 by him, being too deeply engaged in his subject to notice it or 
 the more dangerous Indians. The rattlesnake being an animal 
 they feared and respected as a kind of manitou, and seeing it in 
 company with the stranger, they doubted not of his divine 
 origin also, and shrunk from their object and returned to report 
 what they had seen to their brethren in the village. 
 
 Zinzendorf's reception by the savages was unfriendly, al- 
 though from the first their visits were frequent. Painted with 
 red and black, each with a large knife in his hand, they came in 
 crowds about the tent again and again. He shared everything 
 with them. The clothes on his back were not spared. One 
 shirt button after another was given away, until all were gone, 
 and likewise his shoe buckles, so that he was obliged to fasten 
 his underclothes and tie his shoes with strings made of bast. 
 The Shawanese chief turned a deaf ear to the proposition of the 
 Count, and became vehement. Then Zinzendorf produced the 
 string of wampum that the Sachems of the Six Nations had 
 given him, but even its authoritative presence failed to move the 
 savages in their determination or to mollify their murderous in- 
 tentions. 
 
 In 1753 Spangenberg recorded in his notes, "Zinzendorf 
 told me last evening, to my great joy, that on examining his 
 notes and memoranda (which he is in the habit of consulting 
 after the manner of the old prophets, who, according to Peter, 
 search what or what manner of time the Spirit of Christ which is 
 in them did signify ) he had ascertained how we were to act with 
 regard to the Shawanese. As to those of the tribe who were 
 
THE WORK OE THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 45 
 
 residing at Skehandowana at the time of his sojourn there he 
 stated that the Savior had told him it would be useless for us to 
 attempt to affect anything with them, as they were treacherous 
 and cruel and totally averse to the reception of Christianity. As 
 to the rest of the tribe, he stated that from an intimation the 
 Savior had given him at the time of his stay in Wyoming, he was 
 inclined to believe that they would become an admirable people 
 on their conversion, and that our efforts on their behalf would 
 not be in vain. Furthermore, he observed that the promise the 
 Savior had made him to effect the removal of the Shawanese, 
 among whom his life had been in danger, was going into fulfill- 
 ment ; that the lot he had cast and which had warned him of the 
 Shawanese did not apply to that part of the tribe with which he 
 had lately been negotiating, and finally that the Savior had made 
 this decision." 
 
 Letter from Conrad JJ'ciscr to Ranch, the Missionary: 
 " I shall be very happy to hear that these lines have found 
 you in Shecomeco well and happy. I am very sorry that I did 
 not meet you on my recent visit to Shecomeco. I presume your 
 bodily weakness prevented your being there at that time. My 
 stay there, to me, was most agreeable, and I left with very 
 delightful impressions. The faith of the Indians in the Lord 
 Jesus Christ ; their simple and straightforward manner ; the deep 
 feeling wrought in their hearts by the blood of Jesus, and by the 
 word of His grace, which you preach to them, affected me deeply, 
 and convinced me that God is with you of a truth. 
 
 " It seemed to me as though I saw before me a flock like that 
 of the early Christians. Their old men sat on benches, or, for 
 want of room, on the ground, and listened with grave and solemn 
 devotion to the words of Brother Pyrlseus, as though they would 
 drink them in as they were 'flowing from his heart. John (once 
 called Tchoop, or Job) was his interpreter, and did his part admir- 
 ably. I consider him a man whom God has anointed with spirit 
 and with power. I do not understand the Mohican language 
 perfectly, but I can comprehend their ideas, as they are indicated 
 by their peculiar mode of delivery, as well as any European in 
 the country. In short, I consider it one of greatest privileges 
 and mercies of my life that I have been at Shecomeco. The 
 words, Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, to-day and forever, 
 
46 THE WORK OF THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 
 
 came to my soul with new life and power, as I saw, seated before 
 me, these patriarches of the Aboriginal American Church, being 
 so many witnesses of the sin-atoning sacrifice of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ. May their prayers go up as a memorial before God ; and 
 may Heaven defend them against their enemies. 
 
 " That God Almighty may give you and your brethren an 
 open door to the poor heathen is the heartfelt wish of your humble 
 and sincere friend, 
 
 Conrad Weiser. 
 
 A striking instance of the success of the Moravians in in- 
 fluencing Indian character is seen in the history of Michael. 
 
 In the year 1742 a veteran warrior of the Lenape nation and 
 Mousey tribe, renowned among his own people for his bravery 
 and prowess, and equally dreaded by their enemies, joined the 
 Christian Indians at Bethlehem. This man, who was then at an 
 advanced age, had a most striking appearance, and could not be 
 viewed without astonishment. Besides that, his body was full 
 of scars where he had been struck and pierced by the arrows of 
 the enemy. There was not a spot to be seen on that part of it 
 which was exposed to view but what was tattooed over with some 
 drawing relative to his achievements, so that the whole together 
 struck the beholder with amazement and terror. On his whole 
 face, neck, shoulders, arms, thighs and legs, as well as on his 
 breast and back, were represented scenes of the various actions 
 and engagements he had been in ; in short, the whole of his history 
 was there deposited, which was well known to those of his nation, 
 and was such that all who heard it thought that it could never 
 be surpassed by man. Far from murdering those who were de- 
 fenceless or unarmed, his generosity, as well as his courage and 
 skill in the art of war, was acknowledged by all. When, after his 
 conversion, he was questioned about his warlike feats, he frankly 
 and modestly answered, that being now taken captive by Jesus 
 Christ, it did not become him to relate the deeds he had done 
 while in the service of the evil spirit, but that he was willing to 
 give an account of the manner in which he had been conquered. 
 At his baptism, on the 23rd of December, 1742, he received the 
 name of Michael, which he preserved until his death, which hap- 
 pened July 24th. 1750, when he was about eighty years of age. 
 
 Individual instances may well portray the success of the 
 
THE WORK OF THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 47 
 
 Moravians in winning the Indians to the service of Christ, but 
 their greater triumph is in the moulding of entire communities, 
 an instance of which we see in the story of their Mission in the 
 State of New York. 
 
 "The Indians now have eleven winter houses. Several more 
 are to be built, and it is very likely that all our people in Waich- 
 quathnack will remove hither. We live on a mountain and they 
 in a valley. When Waichquathnackian people will have re- 
 turned home from their hunt several of them will be baptized. 
 There are some excellent souls among them, the fruits of Brother 
 Isaac's preaching. This Indian brother is a great witness for 
 Christ. Wherever he goes he testifies with power and effect of 
 the blood of Christ. The blessed Savior has, during the past five 
 weeks, done great things for him. He is becoming more and 
 more sedate and correct in all his ways. The two most useful 
 converts in Waichquathnack were, formerly, among the fore- 
 most officers of the devil. There were no worse Indians in the 
 tribe than they. But now, since they have been apprehended of 
 Christ, they are like lambs, and when we shall have immersed 
 them into the blood of the Lamb they will, no doubt, prove to 
 be true Lambs of Christ's flock. It is remarkable that the worst 
 and wildest of these Indian savages are among the first converts. 
 Oh, how wretched and abominable do those (whites) appear 
 before Christ, who are good and righteous in their own eyes. 
 At our next baptism there will be, I think, eight or more can- 
 didates who have hitherto stood in the foremost ranks of ungodly 
 sinners. I look forward to that occasion with great joy. The 
 grace which has bestowed upon these wild savages is most re- 
 markable. And we, the Lord's poor children, sit by and behold 
 what the Lord is doing, and rejoice over it all with exceeding 
 great joy. 
 
 "Dear brother, when I look upon our heathen brethren and 
 remember what they were, and what they now are, I am over- 
 whelmed with humble joy. It is impossible to describe the fer- 
 vency of Abraham, the brotherly affection of Jacob, the zeal of 
 Isaac, the contrite spirit of Joshua, the spiritual gifts of John, 
 the willingness to labor, and the devotedness to Christ of Jona- 
 than, the earnestness and inspiration of Sarah, the meekness of 
 
48 Till; WORK OF THE MORAVIANS AMONG THE INDIANS. 
 
 Esther and the childlike simplicity of Rebecca. To the Lamb be 
 all the glory ! even so ! Everlasting thanks for the blood which 
 sheds forth its power into every soul that draws near to Christ. 
 All our other members are doing well. They are humble in heart 
 and living in the full enjoyment of the grace of God, but those 
 souls that are named above are certainly miracles of grace. 
 
 "You have seen them and you know them well ; but, my dear 
 brother, when you will meet Abraham in New York you will re- 
 joice over him anew, for the grace of God is working mightily 
 among his people, and it will not be long before this congrega- 
 tion of Indians will, in all respects, resemble an Apostolical 
 Church. 
 
 "My well-beloved brother Mack and myself have just had 
 a long and close conversation with our Indian brother Jonathan. 
 He is as tame and affectionate as a lamb. We were filled with 
 astonishment when he told us how he had felt ever since his 
 baptism. We were amazed at the great change which has taken 
 place in him. I wish that all the single brethren in our home 
 churches could have heard him speak. Many a one would have 
 learned a good lesson from the words which fell from the lips 
 of this wild Indian." 
 
 At the Unity Conference at Oley, in 1742, Christian Henry 
 Rauch was ordained to be a Missionary among the Indians be- 
 tween Esopus and Albany; Gottlob Buttner as a Missionary 
 among the Six Nations, and J. Christopher Pyrlaeus as Minister 
 of the Lutheran Church in Philadelphia. After this act. prepara- 
 tions were made for the baptism of three converted Indians who 
 had come with the Missionary, Brother Rauch, from Shecomeco. 
 The whole assembly, being met in a barn belonging- to Air. de 
 Turk, the three catechumens were placed in the midst, and with 
 fervent prayer and supplication were devoted to the Lord Jesus 
 Christ, as His eternal property, upon which Brother Rauch, with 
 great emotion of heart, baptized these first fruits of the North 
 American Indians into the death of Jesus, calling Shabash, Abra- 
 ham. Seim, Naac and Kiop, Jacob. The Tunker brethren were 
 present at this transaction, though the baptism was performed 
 by sprinkling. These Indians are the persons referred to in the 
 above statement. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 IN DOING the work of their Divine Master, the Moravians 
 were ofter misunderstood and incurred the hatred of those 
 
 among the settlers who entirely lacked the love of humanity. 
 This latter class perpetrated the most horrible cruelties upon in- 
 nocent men, and made no distinction on account of char- 
 acter, but judged according to the color of the skin. The be- 
 ginning of these atrocities was immediately following the de- 
 feat of General Braddock, which brought a desolating storm of 
 savage warfare upon the whole frontier. Many white settle- 
 ments near the Blue Mountain were cut off, and even the poor 
 brethren and Indians at Gnadenhutten did not escape. The 
 Moravians and their Indian converts were in danger between two 
 fires. The hostile Indians were burning and ravaging their vil- 
 lages on the Lehigh. On the other hand the Irish on the Kitta- 
 tinny Valley viewed with jealousy, not without some reason, the 
 asylum afforded to hostile parties of Indians at the Christian 
 Indian villages as they passed back and forth through the country. 
 It was charged, too, against the Brethren, that they would not 
 take up arms in defense of the colony; and falsely charged, more- 
 over, that they were actually in league with the French. It was 
 difficult to convince men, excited and exasperated by the murder 
 of their families, that these charges were without foundation. 
 They openly threatened to exterminate the Indian converts, and it 
 was dangerous for the friendly Indians to even hunt in the woods. 
 The missionaries themselves were insulted and abused. Under 
 these circumstances the affrighted Indians, whose towns had been 
 burnt, took refuge at Bethlehem. 
 
 The Moravian establishments were a great obstacle to the 
 designs of the hostile Indians, since they could not persuade the 
 friendly Indians to destroy the missionary towns. Sometimes 
 well disposed Indians, hearing of a plot against them by the war- 
 
 4 
 
50 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 riors, would travel all night to warn the Brethren. And thus 
 their schemes were defeated. Great numbers of the distressed 
 white settlers took refuge in the Moravian settlements. Hun- 
 dreds of women and children came, even from distant places, cry- 
 ing and begging for shelter; some almost destitute, having left 
 their all and fled in the night. Some Brethren, going with 
 wagons to fetch corn from the mill beyond the Blue Mountain, 
 were met by a great number of white people in distress, the sav- 
 ages having attacked their towns, murdered many, and set fire 
 to their dwellings. The Brethren loaded their wagons with these 
 people. Bethlehem, Nazareth, Friedensthal, Christianbrun and the 
 Rose were considered at this time asylums for all as long as 
 there was room; and the empty school houses and mills were 
 allotted them for residence. 
 
 In January, 1757, public service began to be performed at 
 Bethlehem in the Indian language, the liturgy being translated 
 into Mohican by the missionary, Jacob Schmick. Several parts 
 of the scriptures and many hymns were also translated into the 
 Delaware language for the use of the church and schools. The 
 children frequently came together and sang praises in German, 
 Mohican and Delaware hymns. 
 
 In 1763 the frontiers were again overrun by the scalping 
 parties of the western Indians during Pontiac's war. Some of 
 these parties occasionally skulked about the Moravian towns, and 
 this circumstance, together with the simultaneous massacre of 
 the Stinton family and several other Irish settlements, revived 
 the old jealousies between the Irish settlers of the Kittitinny 
 Valley and the Moravian brethren. The events of that day 
 which occurred in the neighborhood of Bethlehem, have an in- 
 timate relation to the causes of the massacre of the Conestoga 
 Indians at Lancaster by the Paxton men. 
 
 The Irish declared that if any Indians dared to show them- 
 selves in the woods they would be shot dead immediately; and 
 that if only one more white man be murdered in this neighbor- 
 hood, the whole Irish settlement would rise in arms and kill all 
 the inhabitants of Wequetank without waiting for an order from 
 the government, or an order from a justice of the peace. The 
 Indians at Wequetank were obliged to quit the place and take 
 refuge at Nazareth. The same threatening messages were sent 
 
PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 5 1 
 
 to Nain. The day after the murder of the Stinton family, Octo- 
 ber 9th, about fifty white men assembled on the opposite side of 
 the Lehigh, with a view to surprise Nain in the night and murder 
 all the inhabitants. But a neighboring friend represented the 
 danger and difficulty of such an attempt in strong terms, the 
 enemy forsook their intentions, and returned home. The 
 Brethren praised God for this very merciful preservation. Still, 
 the congregation at Nain was blockaded on all sides. The mur- 
 ders of the New England people at Wyoming increased the fury 
 of the white people. The inhabitants of Nain ventured no longer 
 to go to Bethlehem on business. No Indian ventured to fetch 
 wood or to look after his cattle without a white brother to accom- 
 pany him or a passport in his pocket. November 8th the Mo- 
 ravian Indians were ordered to Philadelphia for protection. 
 Wequetank was burned by the white people, and in the night of 
 November 18th, some incendiaries endeavored to set fire to 
 Bethlehem. The oil mill was consumed and the fury of the 
 flames was such that the adjoining water works were with diffi- 
 culty saved. Peace was concluded with the hostile Indians in 
 1764, when the Moravian Indians returned in safety to Bethle- 
 hem, Nain and Wyalusing. 
 
 After the slaughter of the white people at Gnadenhutten, two 
 or three bodies of the slain were brought to Philadelphia in a 
 wagon, and after being hauled about the city, were placed at the 
 door of the State House by the Dutch, who thus determined to 
 arouse public sentiment in regard to the dangers those on the 
 frontier were experiencing. Crowds of people followed the 
 bodies, shouting curses at the Indians and at the Quakers, "curs- 
 ing their principles and bidding the committee of assembly be- 
 hold the fruits of their obstinacy, and confess that their pre- 
 tended sanctity would not save the province without the use of 
 means, at the same time threatening that if they should come 
 down on a like errand again and find nothing done for their pro- 
 tection, the consequence should be fatal." 
 
 Nathaniel Grubb, member of the assembly, and a prominent 
 character among them, was sent into the interior to learn the truth 
 respecting the ravages complained of; he is reported to have said 
 that those killed by the Indians were only some Scotch-Irish who 
 
52 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 could welll enough be spared; and such it was further reported 
 was the common language of many of that sect. 
 
 The appointment of the commission was to appease the wrath 
 of the Dutch mob. 
 
 This reference shows the spirit which the various nationali- 
 ties held toward each other. The peaceable Quakers, well pro- 
 tected in the towns, giving themselves to merchandise ; the Dutch 
 cultivating the farms on the borders of the forests, and subject 
 to the perils from wild beasts and wild men, and needing protec- 
 tion by those who had the making and the execution of the laws ; 
 and the Irish, who were as a law unto themselves, going into the 
 forests and welcoming the opportunity to drop a red men as they 
 would drop a wolf, asking no favors and granting none; the 
 Indians learning the habits and characteristics of each and diplo- 
 matically trying to meet each on his own ground. 
 
 The feeling on the frontier against the Indians because of 
 the destruction their marauding bands had perpetrated found its 
 counterpart when the white men threw all discrimination aside 
 and looked upon every red man as the mortal enemy of the white 
 race. The Scoth-Irish settlers in Paxton and Donegal town- 
 ships, Lancaster county, known as the Paxton Boys, refused to 
 believe the assertions that some of the Indians were loyal to the 
 white men and suspected them all to be in league with the hostile 
 tribes of the West. They, therefore, determined to massacre 
 every Indian within their reach. There was living by special 
 right on Conestoga manor, Lancaster county, the few survivors 
 of the ancient tribe of the Susquehannocks. They had nothing 
 to do with the troubles on the frontier, and were living in the 
 most peaceful relations with the white people. The men had 
 gone from their homes for the day. when the Paxton Boys rushed 
 upon the little settlement and most inhumanly massacred all of 
 the women and children of the tribe. When the men of the 
 tribe were apprised of the fate of their families they went to 
 Lancaster and sought safety in the only fortified building there, 
 the jail. The magistrates were willing to do all in their power 
 to protect them, knowing that they were innocent of any wrong 
 doing. The morning of the Sabbath dawned. In those days 
 Sabbath observance was considered a virtue by all the people, par- 
 ticularly those on the frontier. In Lancaster the people, accord- 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 53 
 
 ing- to custom, had assembled in their places for worship and had 
 dismissed all thoughts of danger to the Indians from their minds. 
 But the Paxton Boys had concealed themselves near the town 
 until the services had begun, then they rode into the town on a 
 gallop, seized and bound the keeper of the work-house, and 
 opened the prison and cruelly slaughtered the fourteen Indians 
 there. Then they galloped from the town with the same haste 
 they had come. 
 
 The alarm was given and the people assembled to save the 
 Indians, but they were too late. The Indians were dead, and 
 the murderers were beyond the reach of pursuers. Threats were 
 made that all the Moravian Indians would be served the same 
 way. To save these from destruction they were hurriedly sent 
 to Philadelphia, where they were placed in the heart of the city 
 in the Old Court House and the Friends' Meeting House, and 
 these were surrounded by a British regiment of foot soldiers 
 and their position defended by artillery. The Indians were then 
 taken to Province Island in the Delaware for better security. 
 The Quakers were greatly excited, and determined to fully pro- 
 tect the Christian Indians. Business was suspended, the schools 
 were dismissed and the children sent home. The citizens 
 girded on their weapons of war, and prepared to meet the inva- 
 sion of the Paxton Boys. Wild rumor spread reports of the 
 numbers and strength of the aroused men of Lancaster county, 
 and no one knew what the end might be. But in the trial of cour- 
 age the Quakers never faltered. It was wrong to fight, but they 
 were not going to permit the killing of innocent Indians. When 
 the Paxton Boys had advanced as far as Germantown, a deputa- 
 tion headed by Franklin met them and argued the matter with 
 them, and finally persuaded them to give up their designs and 
 return to their homes. Only when the invaders had disbanded 
 did business resume its normal condition and peace once more 
 possess the hearts of the Quakers and their companions who be- 
 lieved in the Christian character of the Moravian Indians. 
 
 The story of the trials and sufferings of the Indians who 
 became Christians under the teachings of the Moravians is ex- 
 ceedingly pathetic, and a record of the shame and cruelty of the 
 whites that will ever disgrace them on the pages of history. It 
 is written by those who knew about it, and whose veracity is tin- 
 
54 PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 questionable. Sherman Day, in " Historical Collections of 
 Pennsylvania," says : 
 
 " Before the men of Connecticut had asserted their 
 claim to the fair fields of Bradford county, the Holy Pio- 
 neers of the Moravian Mission had penetrated the wilder- 
 ness along the Susquehanna and made settlements at various 
 points. As earl/ as 1750, Bishop Cammerhof and Rev. 
 David Zeisberger, guided by an Indian of the Cayuga tribe, 
 passed up the Susquehanna on a visit to Onondaga. To each 
 night's encampment they gave a name, the first letter of which 
 was cut into a tree by an Indian. They tarried at Tioga, which 
 is described as a considerable Indian town. The same year, it 
 is said, there was a great awakening which extended over the 
 whole Indian country, especially on the Susquehanna. There 
 appears to have been an Indian village in 1759 at Machwihilus- 
 ing, where one Papenhunk, an Indian moralist, had been zeal- 
 ously propagating his doctrines; with little success, however, for 
 his hearers were addicted to the most abominable vices, and he 
 himself was but little better. On a visit to the missionary sta- 
 tion, Nain, on the Lehigh, he heard for the first time the great 
 doctrine of the Cross, and such an impression did it make upon 
 him that the following year he took down his wife and thirty- 
 three of his followers to hear this new doctrine, at the same time 
 endeavoring without success to persuade the Christian Indians 
 of Nain to remove to the Susquehanna. 
 
 "In May, 1763, Zeisberger, with the Indian brother Anthony, 
 came to Wyalusing, having heard of a remarkable awakening 
 there, and that the Indians desired some one who could point 
 them to the true way of obtaining rest and peace in their con- 
 sciences. Papenhunk had lost his credit by the inefficiency of his 
 doctrines. Zeisberger was met, before he arrived, by Joe Gil- 
 loway, an inhabitant of Wyalusing, who spoke English well, and 
 told him that their council had met six days successively to con- 
 sider how they might procure a teacher of the truth. Zeisberger 
 was invited to become a resident missionary among them, which, 
 after a visit to Bethlehem, he consented to do. It appears that. 
 about this time some well meaning people of a different persua- 
 sion arrived at Wyalusing, but the Indians having already given 
 a preference to the Moravians would listen to no other sect. The 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 55 
 
 first fruit of Zeisberger's pious efforts in his new congregation 
 was Papenhunk himself, who confessed his sins and desired to 
 be baptized. He received the Christian name of John, and an- 
 other Indian, who had been Papenhunk's opponent, was baptized 
 after him and called Peter. 
 
 " In the midst of these encouraging prospects consternation 
 spread through the frontier settlements on receipt of the news 
 of the Indian war of 1763, which had just broken out along the 
 lakes and the Ohio. Occasional parties of Indians from the 
 West skulked into the Moravian Indian settlements to persuade 
 them to withdraw that they might make a descent upon the 
 whites. This became known to the Irish settlements in the Kit- 
 titinny valley, whose jealousy was aroused that the Moravian 
 Indians were in collusion with their hostile brethren, and the 
 missionary settlements were thus placed between two fires. This 
 animosity of the Irish at length wreaked itself upon the poor In- 
 dians on the Conestoga; and the other Christian Indians were 
 taken by the missionaries to Philadelphia for protection. Peace 
 at length arrived at the close of 1764. and in 1765 the whole body 
 of Indian brethren returned to the deserted huts at Wyalusing. 
 Devoting themselves anew to Him who had given them rest for 
 the soles of their feet, they began their labors with renewed cour- 
 age, and pitching upon a convenient spot on the banks of the 
 Susquehanna, a few miles below Wyalusing, they built a regular 
 settlement which they called Frieden-shuetten (tents of peace). 
 It consisted of thirteen Indian huts, and upwards of forty frame 
 houses, shingled and provided with chimneys and windows. A 
 convenient house was erected for the missionaries, and in the 
 middle of the broad street stood the chapel neatly built and cov- 
 ered with shingles. Gardens surrounded the village, and near 
 the river about two hundred and fifty acres were divided into 
 regular plantations of Indian corn. Each family had their own 
 boat. The burying ground was at some distance in the rear. 
 During the progress of building the town the aged, infirm and 
 children lodged in the old cottages found on the spot; the rest in 
 bark huts. In fine weather they lifted up their voices in prayer 
 and praise under the open firmament. It was a pleasure to ob- 
 serve them like a swarm of bees at their work ; some were build- 
 ing, some clearing land, some hunting and fishing to provide 
 
56 PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 for the others, and some cared for housekeeping. The town 
 being completed, the usual regulations and statutes of the Morav- 
 ian stations were adopted; order and peace prevailed, and the 
 good work went gloriously on. As one of the great confed- 
 eracy of the Six Nations, the Cayugas kept the door of the Long- 
 House, which opened upon the valley of the Susquehanna, and it 
 became necessary for the missionaries to seek their permission 
 to reside within their jurisdiction. With all the solemnity of 
 Indian diplomacy the Christian Indians gave notice to the chief 
 of the Cayugas that they had settled on the Susquehanna, where 
 they intended to live and be at peace with their families if their 
 Uncle approved of it; and they likewise desired leave for their 
 teachers to live with them. The chief, after consultation with 
 the great council of Onondaga, replied, in a friendly manner, that 
 the place they had chosen was not proper, all that country having 
 been stained with blood ; therefore he would take them up and 
 place them in a better situation near the upper end of Cayuga 
 lake. They might take their teachers with them and be un- 
 molested in their worship. This proposal did not exactly suit the 
 Indians of Friedenshutten and they evaded an acquiescence, giv- 
 ing the chief hopes that they would reply when the Indian corn 
 was ripe. This was in the summer of 1765. After waiting 
 until the spring of 1766, the Cayuga chief sent a message to 
 Friedenshutten that he did not know what sort of Indian corn 
 they might plant, for they had promised him an answer when it 
 was ripe ; that his corn had been gathered long ago, and was 
 almost consumed, and he soon intended to plant again. The 
 chief, ultimately, and the council, gave them a larger tract of 
 land than they had desired, extending beyond Tioga, to make 
 use of as their own, with a promise that the heathen Indians 
 should not come and dwell upon it. This grant, however, was 
 forgotten at the Treaty of 1768, when the whole country on the 
 Susquehanna was sold to Pennsylvania." 
 
 The peace of the settlement was often disturbed by the intro- 
 duction of rum, that universal accompaniment of civilization, in- 
 troduced by straggling Indians. They ordered, at length, that 
 every rum bottle should be locked up during the stay of its 
 < >wner, and delivered to him on his departure. The white traders 
 from the Irish settlement at Paxton found the settlement a most 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 57 
 
 convenient depot, and endeavored to make it a place of common 
 resort in 1766. They stayed several weeks in the place and oc- 
 casioned much levity and dissipation among the young people. 
 The Indians at length ordered them off, desiring that the Tents 
 of Peace should not be made a place of traffic. The hospitality 
 of the Brethren often exhausted their little stock of provisions, 
 and their only resource for a new supply was in hunting, or seek- 
 ing aid from the older settlements. Their numbers had in- 
 creased so much in 1767 that a more spacious church was erected. 
 The locusts, which swarmed by millions, did great damage to 
 their crops. The smallpox broke out among them in 1767, and 
 the patients were prudently removed to temporary cabins on the 
 opposite side of the river. The station at Friedenshutten con- 
 tinued to prosper until the year 1772. During this period the 
 persevering Zeisberger had several times threaded the wilder- 
 ness to the waters of the Allegheny and the Ohio, and planted 
 new churches among the Delawares dwelling there. 
 
 About a mile from Sheshequin, the savages used at stated 
 times to keep their feasts of sacrifice. (This was thirty miles 
 above Friedenshutten). On these occasions they roved about in 
 the neighborhood like so many evil spirits, making the air re- 
 sound with their hideous noises and bellowings, but they never 
 approached near enough to molest the Brethren. Brother Rothe 
 had the pleasure to see many proofs of the power of the word 
 of God, and it appeared for some time as if all the people about 
 Sheshequin would turn to the Lord. Some time after an enmity 
 began to show itself; some said openly, "We cannot live according 
 to the precepts of the Brethren ; if God had intended us to live like 
 them, we should have certainly have been born amongst them." 
 Nevertheless, James Davis, a chief, and several others were bap- 
 tized. The missionaries lost no opportunity of conciliating the 
 chiefs of the Iroquois, and often invited them to dine as they 
 passed through the settlement. These little attentions made a fav- 
 orable impression and enabled the missionaries, in familiar conver- 
 sation, to remove misapprehensions and allay unfounded impres- 
 sions which had been entertained by the chiefs against them. 
 These chiefs noticed everything that passed in the village, and 
 looked with no little suspicion upon the surveying instruments 
 used at the settlement, regarding them as some mysterious con- 
 
58 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 trivance to obtain the land from the Indians. The paintings in the 
 church of the crucifixion and the scene at the Mount of Olives 
 attracted their admiration, and enabled the Brethren to explain 
 to them the history of our Lord, which produced in some a 
 salutary thoughtfulness. In 1771 there was an immense flood 
 in the Susquehanna, and all the inhabitants at Sheshequin were 
 obliged to save themselves in boats and retire to the woods, where 
 they were detained four days. 
 
 The Six Nations having- by the treaty of 1768 sold their 
 land from under their feet, the Brethren were compelled to seek 
 a new grant from the Governor of Pennsylvania, who kindly 
 ordered that they should not be disturbed, and that he had 
 ordered the surveyors not to take up any land within five miles 
 of Friedenshutten. 
 
 The Brethren had received many pressing invitations from 
 the Delawares on the Ohio to leave the Susquehanna and the 
 dangerous vicinity of the whites and settle among them. These 
 invitations were declined until 1772, when the Brethren became 
 convinced that the congregations could not maintain themselves 
 long in these parts. The Iroquois had sold their lands and 
 various and troublesome demands upon them were continually 
 renewed ; the contest between the Connecticut men and the In- 
 dians and the Pennamites at Wyoming had commenced, white 
 settlers daily increased, and rum was introduced to seduce the 
 v< »ung people. They therefore finally resolved to remove to the 
 Ohio. 
 
 Their exodus was remarkable. To transport two hundred 
 and forty individuals of all ages, with cattle and horses, from 
 the North Branch across the Allegheny Mountains, by way of 
 Bald Kagle to the Ohio, would be, even in these days of locomo- 
 tive facilities, a most arduous undertaking. What must it have 
 been through that howling wilderness? Fortunately most of the 
 company were natives of the forest. The scene is given in the 
 language of Loskiel, the annalist of the mission : 
 
 "June 6th, 1772. The congregation partook of the holy 
 communion for the last time in Priedenshuetten. * * :: * 
 June nth. All being ready for the journey, the congregation 
 met for the last time in F.. when the missionary reminded 
 them of the great favors and blessings received from God in this 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 59 
 
 place, and then offered up praises and thanksgivings to Him, 
 with fervent supplications for his peace and protection on the 
 journey. The company consisted of two hundred and forty-one 
 persons from Sheshequin and Friedenshuetten, and proceeded 
 with great cheerfulness in reliance upon the Lord. 
 
 " Brother Ettwein conducted those who went by land, and 
 Brother Rothe those by water, who were the greater number. 
 The journey was a practical school of patience for the mission- 
 aries. The fatigue attending the emigration of a whole con- 
 gregation with all their goods and cattle, in a country like North 
 America, can hardly be conceived by any one who has not ex- 
 perienced it, much less can it be properly described. The land 
 travelers had seventy head of oxen and a still greater number 
 of horses to care for, and sustained incredible hardships in forc- 
 ing a way for themselves and their beasts through very thick 
 woods and swamps of great extent, being directed only by a 
 small path, and that hardly discernible in some places ; so that it 
 appears almost impossible to conceive how any one could work 
 his way and mark a path through such close thickets and immense 
 woods, one of which he computed to be about sixty miles long. 
 While passing through these woods it rained almost incessantly. 
 In one part of the country they were obliged to wade thirty- 
 six times through the windings of the river Munsey, besides 
 suffering other hardships. However, they attended to their 
 daily worship as regularly as circumstances would permit, and 
 had frequently strangers among them, both Indians and white 
 people, who were particularly attentive to the discourses de- 
 livered by Brother Ettwein, * * * * In some parts they 
 were molested by inquisitive and in others by drunken people." 
 
 In his diary of the trip, Bishop Ettwein says : 
 
 " During the 8th, 9th and 10th of June, 1772, all was bustle 
 in Friedenshuetten with preparations for the impending journey, 
 and the pestles of the corn mortars were plied day and night. 
 The texts of Scripture allotted for these days : ' I will make thee 
 rejected unto a great people ' ; ' I will give them to drink of the 
 water-courses in plain paths ' ; ' Awake ! rise and awake ! oh, 
 Zion,' were words that brought us comfort as we in faith applied 
 them all to ourselves. 
 
 "Thursday, June nth. Early we met for the last time in 
 
60 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 the town for divine worship. I remarked on the scripture por- 
 tion for the day, to wit : ' They have not possessed themselves 
 of the land by the sword ' — in effect, that all our temporal and 
 spiritual welfare depended upon the presence within us of the 
 Lord's spirit, and of His being pleased with His people. Then 
 we knelt in prayer and again thanked Him for the numerous 
 blessings that had been vouchsafed to us in this spot, and for the 
 evidences of His love and patience. Hereupon we commended 
 ourselves to His keeping and guidance on the way, asking Him 
 to provide all our wants, both by land and water. At the close 
 of the service the canoes were laden ; the bell was taken from its 
 turret; the window sashes from out of the church, and the dis- 
 mantled windows nailed shut with boards. 
 
 " At 2 P. M. Brother and Sister Rothe, in their canoe, set 
 out followed by the others, thirty in number. We had divided 
 the voyageurs in six divisions, over each of which were set one 
 or two leaders. Timothy, who carried the bell in his canoe, rang 
 it for some time as the squadron moved down the stream never 
 again to ring out its call to the house of prayer over the waters 
 of the lovely Susquehanna. 
 
 " After all had left the town, I locked the doors of the 
 chapel and the missionaries' dwelling — took leave of Joe Chillo- 
 way, and commended to him oversight of the houses and im- 
 provements — to which he consented, and at the same time made 
 fair promises. He and his wife were the only two who appeared 
 to regret our departure, as they shed tears. All the others mani- 
 fested satisfaction. With Brother and Sister Rothe there went 
 one hundred and forty souls; with me. by the overland route, 
 fifty-four. Others also are to proceed by land from Sheshequin, 
 so that the entire migration numbers two hundred and eleven 
 souls. 
 
 " A short time before our departure the measles had been 
 brought to Friedenshuetten from Sheshequin, which place had 
 been infected by a white man. The epidemic soon appeared 
 among the voyageurs, and a maiden of my company was taken 
 down with them on the third day out. Our journey consumed 
 five days, that of the voyageurs ten days, when we met at the 
 mouth of Muncy creek. 
 
 " As we crossed the river our way led us straightway to the 
 
PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 6l 
 
 mountain, and after proceeding two miles we entered the great 
 swamp, where the undergrowth was so dense that oftentimes it 
 was impossible to see one another at the distance of six feet. 
 The path, too, was frequently invisible, and yet along it sixty 
 head of cattle and fifty horses and colts had to be driven. It 
 needed careful watch to keep them together. We lost but one 
 young cow from the entire herd. Every morning, however, it 
 was necessary to send drivers back as far as ten miles to whip in 
 such as would, during the night, seek to return. 
 
 " At our first night's encampment two of our brethren lost 
 themselves while in search of straying cattle, and several hours 
 elapsed before we could reach them by signal guns and shouts. 
 It was daily a matter of astonishment to me that any man should 
 presume to traverse this swamp and follow what he called a path. 
 It is at least sixty miles in diameter, but not as rocky and hilly 
 as the swamp between Bethlehem and Friedenshuetten. How- 
 ever, on the highland, for the distance of about eight miles, where 
 the Loyalsock and the Muncy creek head, it is excessively rocky 
 and almost impassable. There were indications of abundance 
 of ores here. It might be called with propriety Ore Mountains. 
 The timber is principally sugar maple, tall lindens, ash, oak and 
 white pine. What told on me the most was that several days it 
 rained incessantly as we penetrated the woods, so that I w T as wet 
 from head to foot all day. The path led thirty-six times across 
 Muncy creek. At intervals there were exceedingly rich bottom 
 lands and the noblest timber I have seen in America, excepting 
 the cypresses in South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
 " Trinity Sunday, June 14th. We met for worship for the 
 first time on the journey, as the incessant lowing and noise of the 
 cattle drowned all attempts at discourse and singing. 
 
 " Monday, June 15th. We passed from the swamp into an 
 extensive and beautiful region of plains where we encamped, and 
 from which point we sent several brethren to meet the voyageurs. 
 Here the hunters in two days shot fifteen deer, the meat of which 
 was dried at the fires for use on the journey. 
 
 " Tuesday, June 17th. A man from the Jerseys, who on his 
 return home will pass through Bethlehem, called at our camp. 
 Through him I sent letters home. 
 
 " Wednesday, June 18th. We proceeded to the West 
 
0,2 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 Branch, to Scoonhaven's plantation, one mile above Wallis's. 
 Here on the 20th the canoes overtook us." 
 
 Brother Rothe narrates as follows of his journey : 
 
 " We advanced the first day but eight miles by reason of a 
 heavy rain that fell, which necessitated us to put up huts, which 
 in two hours time were all complete, affording us shelter. The rest 
 refreshed us, and our little Johnny (Rothe) slept soundly. Dur- 
 ing the iJth, because of the high wind, the canoes rocked roughly 
 on the water. Samuel's daughter was taken ill of the measles. 
 In the evening we had our first meeting, worshipping standing 
 in the woods. It was so cold during the night as to keep us from 
 sleep. On the 13th the wind was still contrary, causing high 
 waves in the river. At noon we passed Lechawachnek. As 
 we passed the Fort we saw it lined with spectators, and a man 
 playing on a violin. We encamped on the stony beach of the 
 river and were disturbed at night by some drunken fellows. 
 
 " On Sunday, the 14th, after we had passed the falls below 
 Wyomik, I held preaching. We then paddled on, and on the 
 15th reached Nescopec (the word signifies a nasty deep hole). 
 Here the canoes were worked over the falls, in part by hand, in 
 part by means of ropes, and not without much anxiety, Here 
 the Susquehanna is not wider than the mill-dam at Bethlehem; 
 a mile lower down, however, it grows much broader. 
 
 " 1 6th. The wind continued contrary. 
 
 " 17th. On account of Anna Elizabeth being ill we had to 
 lay over. Several brethren came from Brother Ettwein's camp 
 on Muncy creek. A number of white settlers also called on us, 
 several of whom attended our evening service. At its close a 
 German, who had years ago frequented the Brethren's meeting 
 in Oley, called on me. I took occasion to address him in refer- 
 ence to his soul's welfare and he was visibly moved. Next morn- 
 ing he came with his family to bid us farewell. 
 
 " Sunday June 21st. Brother Rothe preached on the words 
 of Scripture, ' Hold fast that ye have,' concerning continuing 
 with Christ and Him crucified. In the evening service I dis- 
 ci tursed 1 m the text of the day : ' Where the Spirit of the Lord is 
 there is liberty,' treating of the true liberty enjoyed by believers, 
 and the pseudo-liberty of unbelievers, who dread Christ's yoke 
 and yet are in bondage to Satan. At noon I preached at Mr. 
 
PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 63 
 
 Samuel Wallis's to from fifty to sixty hearers, all English, some 
 of whom had come from twenty miles distance. I spoke of the 
 grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 " Monday, June 22nd. We had a market day in camp. Mr. 
 Wallis bought of us fifteen head of cattle and some canoes. Other 
 persons bought fowls, firkins, buckets, tubs, chains and divers 
 iron-ware. A trader's agent had smuggled some rum into the 
 purlieus of the camp. The transgression was soon discovered, 
 and after threatening him to his great anxiety, we handed the con- 
 traband merchandise to Mr. Wallis for safe keeping until the 
 trader should return from the Great Island. Twenty cwt. of 
 flour, which I had purchased with the money presented to our 
 Indians by friends in Philadelphia, were here distributed. 
 
 " June 23rd and 24th. Broke up camp and moved on. 
 Passed the Loyalsack at the spot where the Sainted Disciple 
 visited thirty years ago, and Lycoming creek, which marks the 
 boundary line of land purchased from the Indians. At both 
 places we found white settlers. Our cattle were driven to grass 
 into the woods, past the site of the old Indian town. One mile 
 above Lycoming stood formerly the town of Ouenischaschachki, 
 where our Brother Nathaniel Davis lived for six years, and where 
 Grube and Mack visited. We encamped above Larry's Creek. 
 Here Newhaleeka's wife visited our Brother Joseph. She stated 
 that her husband was ill, otherwise both with their family would 
 have emigrated with us to the West. The old chief told Brother 
 John that as soon as possible he would take the step, as he was in 
 earnest to be converted. 
 
 " June 25th. We camped opposite Long Island. Here rat- 
 tlesnakes seemed to hold undisputed sway and they were killed at 
 all points. Not more than a half hour after our arrival a horse 
 was brought in that had been bitten in the nose. His head 
 swelled up frightfully, and as it rained the remedy failed to take 
 the proper effect, and the poor animal perished the next day as we 
 lay in camp at the lower end of Long Island and halted there on 
 the 26th. Here I assembled all the men, told them that we had 
 progressed but thirty miles during the past week, and that if we 
 failed to make more rapid headway our company would come 
 to serious want ; that it would be prudent under these circum- 
 stances to leave the sick woman, her husband and their friends 
 
64 PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 on the Island (for we expected her release was near at hand) ; 
 that when Nathaniel Davis and his party (which had also re- 
 mained in the rear on account of sickness) would come up they 
 could join him, and that we would send men and fresh horses 
 for them from Chinklacamoose. The next day, 27th, however, 
 on arriving at Mr. Campbell's, at the upper end of the Island 
 (this must be Big Island at mouth of Bald Eagle Creek) where 
 we met Air. Anderson, they dissuaded us from attempting to 
 embark a canoe, stating the water to be too shallow for naviga- 
 tion. Hereupon the canoe and sundry utensils were sold, viz. : 
 The four windows for our church, one box of glass, one keg of 
 nails and another filled with iron we left here in trust, as it was 
 impossible to transport them, and yet everyone was loath to part 
 with what was his. It having rained incessantly for several 
 days our effects were wet through, and Roth's had their clothes 
 and bedding seriously damaged. 
 
 " Sunday, June 28th. Yesterday I promised, at their re- 
 quest, to preach to the white settlers. Accordingly a goodly 
 audience assembled, English settlers from the Bald Eagle Creek 
 and the south shore of the West Branch, to whom I proclaimed 
 the counsels of God respecting their salvation. As no ordained 
 minister of the Gospel was as yet settled in the neighborhood, I 
 was requested to baptize, and accordingly I administered the 
 sacraments to the new born daughter of a Frenchman, Fournay 
 by name, calling her Conogunda, and to the son of a Catholic, 
 Antoine White, whom I named John. 
 
 " Joshua convoked the men and persuaded them, despite 
 their yesterday's deliberation to the contrary, to carry along 
 Elizabeth, who was sick, and also to send lame Jonathan with a 
 string of wampum ahead to Langundoutenink, Koskas Kink and 
 Gekeldnekpeekink. As they consulted neither me or Rothe in 
 tliis business, we took no further notice of it. It proved, how- 
 ever, the beginning of diverse perplexities. 
 
 " Monday, June 29th. My fifty-second birthday. We set 
 out from the Island by land. I and a few of my brethren from 
 this day on lead the caravan. Traveled fourteen miles to Beech 
 Creek on the path agreed upon. Beech Creek is a branch of the 
 Bald Eagle. After encamping here the brethren returned with 
 
PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 65 
 
 horses to fetch up the baggage. This they did daily, and were 
 thus compelled to travel the road three times. 
 
 " Tuesday, June 20th. Brother and Sister Roth came up 
 from the rear with the others, excepting Elizabeth and her 
 friends, she being too ill to allow of her being carried. There- 
 upon I moved on nine miles to a salt lick. As I was in search of 
 Roth's horse (which we had bought on Great Island) to send it 
 back to his camp, I trod upon a fifteen year old rattlesnake. Such 
 was my fright that for days I took every footstep with dread, 
 fancying every rustling leaf to be the movement of a venomous 
 reptile. The two Indian brethren with me despatched the reptile. 
 Nathaniel Davis and company this day reached Campbell's. 
 
 " Thursday, July 2nd. Brother Roth and the others again 
 came to the front. 
 
 " Friday, July 3rd. In company with Cornelius and Wil- 
 liam I advanced early in the morning. Up to this time we had 
 passed only through a beautiful and fertile region of country, but 
 now our way led across the mountains. On reaching a summit, 
 when eight miles along, we saw the bold peaks between the West 
 Branch and the Juniata, like dwarfs, and before us stood giants. 
 We were compelled to encamp on a dry elevation, and to fetch 
 water from the foot of the mountain. A poor little cripple, aged 
 ten or eleven, our sainted Brother Jonas' son, whom his mother 
 had carried alway in a basket from one station to another, was 
 very weak to-day, and expressed the wish to be washed from sin 
 in baptism. Brother Roth administered the sacrament and 
 named him Nathan. 
 
 " Saturday, July 4th. Early' to-day there came two In- 
 dians from Kaskasky en route for Stockbridge. I invited them 
 to breakfast. One of them spoke English fluently. In his child- 
 hood he had been taken prisoner by the whites, but since then had 
 turned a complete Indian in his mode of life. 
 
 " We proceeded four miles into the mountains. Brother 
 Roth was from this point summoned to Great Island by an ex- 
 press. Thither Joshua had returned with twelve men to fetch 
 up his sick friend ; and when he arrived there she was near her 
 end, which she attained with release from all suffering just an 
 hour prior to Roth's arrival. On the 6th he buried her. She 
 was baptized May 6th, 1770, at Friedenshuetten by Brother 
 
 5 
 
66 PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 Smick, and was married there to Brother Mark, to whom she 
 bore two children — one son and a daughter born twelve days ago 
 prematurely on the West Branch. It lived but a few days. On 
 the evening of the 6th, Brother Roth rejoined us in camp, where 
 I yesterday held a discourse on the daily words, speaking on the 
 delights of meditating on the Word of God. The appended 
 verses of the hymn applied to our case as we were weak both 
 physically and spiritually. Oh, patience! 
 
 " Tuesday, July 7th. Moved on six miles to a spring where 
 there was excellent pasture. A heavy thunderstorm, with rain, 
 set in. 
 
 " Wednesday, July 8th. Advanced ten miles to the West 
 Mashannek, over precipitous and ugly mountains and through 
 two dangerous and rocky streams. In fording the second I fell 
 neck deep into the water. Had it been at any other season of the 
 year we could not have endured so much wading of streams. 
 
 " Thursday, July 9th. Advanced but two miles to a run in 
 the swamp. We were almost broken down, and those who car- 
 ried the baggage could with difficulty climb the mountains. 
 
 " Friday, July 10th. Lay in camp as some of our horses 
 had strayed, and I had to send mine back twice to Roth at his 
 camp. 
 
 "Saturday. July nth. We found Nathan released from 
 all suffering. He had departed unobserved. The daily word 
 was: 'Remember how miserable and forsaken I was.' How 
 applicable!' His emaciated remains were interred alongside of 
 the path, and I cut his name into a tree that overshaded his 
 lonely grave, and then we moved on eight miles to an old beaver 
 dam. My heart was often at Bethlehem, and I longed to be at 
 the Lord's Supper in the chapel there. 
 
 " Sunday, July 12th. Brother and Sister Roth came up 
 and so did others. In the evening we met for worship and dis- 
 coursed about prayer to, and longing for, Jesus. There was a 
 collection of corn and beans taken up for the poor. 
 
 .Monday. July 13th. Proceeded six miles to a spring in 
 a beautiful, widely-expanded mountain meadow. Scarcclv had 
 we encamped when a frightful storm swept over us. The angry 
 clouds like mountains piled themselves up in the heavens, the 
 lightning like snakes of fire leaped in forked flames over the sky, 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. O/ 
 
 the thunder rolled like siege artillery, and the rain came down 
 with the sound of many waters, or the roaring of a mighty cata- 
 ract. It was a war of the elements. The tall oaks bowed before 
 the storm, and where the timber failed to do obeisance it was 
 snapped like glass in the grasp of the roaring wind. My com- 
 panions, to my surprise, heeded none of this, but cut saplings, 
 collected bark, and built huts, which were completed as the storm 
 passed over. 
 
 "Tuesday, July 14th. Reached Clearfield Creek, where the 
 buffaloes formerly cleared large tracts of undergrowth so as to 
 give them the appearance of cleared fields. Hence the Indians 
 called the creek, Clearfield Creek. Here at night and next morn- 
 ing, to the great joy of the hungry, nine deer were shot. Who- 
 ever shoots a deer has for his private portion the skin and the 
 insides ; the meat he must bring into camp and deliver to the dis- 
 tributors. John and Cornelius acted in this capacity in our divi- 
 sion. It proved advantageous for us not to keep so closely to- 
 gether as we had at first designed ; for if the number of fami- 
 lies in a camp be large, one or two deer, when cut up, afford but a 
 scanty meal to each individual. So it happened that scarce a 
 day passed without there being a distribution of venison in the 
 advance, the center and the rear camp. (On the route there 
 were one hundred and fifty deer and but three bears shot.) In 
 this way our Heavenly Father provided for us; and I often 
 prayed for our hunters and returned thanks for their success. As 
 there was a growing impatience observable among those who 
 were called on to aid others with their horses to press on and not 
 be detained, I here spent a sleepless and anxious night. But on 
 Thursday, July 16th, after representing the state of the case to 
 the malcontents, I felt reassured and journeyed on with a few 
 brethren two miles in a pelting rain to the site of Chinklacamoose, 
 where we found but three huts and a few patches of Indian corn. 
 The name signifies ' No one taries here willingly.' It may, per- 
 haps, be traced to the circumstances that some thirty years ago an 
 Indian resided here as a hermit upon a rock, who was wont to 
 appear to the Indian hunters in frightful shapes. Some of these, 
 too, he killed, others he robbed of their skins ; and this he did for 
 many years. We moved on four miles, and were obliged to wade 
 the West Branch three times, which is here like the Lehigh at 
 
68 PERSECUTION OE THE INDIANS. 
 
 Bethlehem, between the island and the mountain, rapid and full 
 of ripples. 
 
 " Friday, July 17th. Advanced only four miles to a creek 
 that comes down from the northwest. Had a narrow and stony 
 spot for our camp. 
 
 " Saturday, July 18th. Moved on without awaiting Roth 
 and his division, who, on account of the rain, had remained in 
 camp. To-day Shebosch lost a colt from the bite of a rattlesnake. 
 Here we left the West Branch three miles to the northwest up 
 the creek, crossing it five times. Here, too, the path went pre- 
 cipitously up the mountain, and four or five miles up and up — to 
 the summit — to a spring, the head waters of the Ohio. Here I 
 lifted my heart in prayer, as I looked westward, that the Sun of 
 Grace might rise over the heathen nations that dwell beyond the 
 distant horizon. 
 
 " Sunday, July 19th. As yesterday but two families kept 
 with me because of the rain, we had a quiet Sunday but enough 
 to do drying our effects. In the evening all joined me, but we 
 could hold no service, as the ponkis were so excessively annoying 
 that the cattle pressed toward and into our camp to escape their 
 persecutors in the smoke of the fires. This vermin is a plague to 
 man and beast, both by day and night. But in the swamp 
 through which we are now passing their name is legion. Hence 
 the Indians call the swamp ' Ponksutenink,' i. e., ' the town of the 
 ponkis.' The word is equivalent to living dust and ashes. The 
 brethren here related an Indian myth, to wit : That the afore- 
 cited Indian hermit and sorcerer, after having been for many 
 years a terror to all Indians, had been killed by one who had 
 burned his bones ; but the ashes he blew into the swamp, and they 
 became living things, and hence the ponkis." 
 
 The summing up of their trip is as follows: 
 
 " None received injury to his person, although dangers were 
 without number, especially along the West Branch, where there 
 are rattlesnakes in abundance. I trod on one. Another bit an 
 Indian's stocking while hunting, and so tenaciously that he could 
 hardly rid himself of the reptile. Twice was one discovered in 
 our camp basking between the fires after all had lain down to 
 sleep. And yet no one was injured. Once the horse that was 
 ahead of me trod upon the head of a large one, so that it rattled 
 
PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS. 69 
 
 but once more. I know that upwards of fifty were killed. Many 
 laid stretched across the path, and it is a matter of wonder to this 
 moment that none of so large a herd of cattle should have been 
 bitten. The fact that the horned cattle brought up the rear of 
 the companies was in their favor. Among the rocks and tim- 
 bers we fell countless times. Sister Roth fell from her horse 
 four times — once with her child into a bog, and once into the 
 bushes backward from her horse with her child, and once she 
 hung on the stirrups. My horse once took a leap down an em- 
 bankment on the bank of a creek, throwing me over his head onto 
 my back." 
 
 On the 20th of July, the travelers left the mountains and 
 reached the banks of the Allegheny river, then called the Ohio. 
 Here they stopped to build canoes, in which they sent the aged and 
 infirm and the heavy baggage down the river. Two days after- 
 wards the Missionary Hecke welder reached them with a convoy 
 of horses on his way from Friedenstadt to assist them. They all 
 arrived at Friedenstadt on the 5th of August, where they received 
 an affectionate welcome from the entire congregation. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE FEROCITY OF THE WHITE MEN. 
 
 IN A STUDY of the sociology of the Indians, the account writ- 
 ten by Heckewelder for presentation to the President of the 
 
 United States, in 1822, giving the history of the Moravian 
 Indians, there is the clearest and most satisfactory account from 
 a thoroughly reliable authority, and taken in connection with the 
 various attempts to civilize the Indians, one that reveals the fatal 
 defect to be, not the savagery of the red man, but the depravity of 
 the aggressive white man. 
 
 Heckewelder says : " The first Christian Indian settlement 
 in Pennsylvania, under the care of the United Brethren, was made 
 in 1742 by emigrants, both Mohicans and Wampanos, from New 
 England and the then province of New York, who settled on Ma- 
 honey Creek, about twenty-seven miles to the northwest of Beth- 
 lehem, on lands which the Brethren had bought for the pur- 
 pose. But as the spot on which they first settled did not suit 
 them, the soil being of a stiff, clayey nature, the Brethren, who 
 had begun to build houses on the northeast side of the river 
 Lehigh, where the land was sandy, exchanged with them, so that 
 the Indians had the lands that were easier to work, while the 
 Brethren, being provided with ploughs, took those that were not 
 so readily cultivated. These two settlements were but half a 
 mile apart, yet separated by the river and a ridge on its southwest 
 side. The Indians called their village Gnadenhutten, and their 
 ministers and schoolmasters lived with them. At the other place, 
 which retained its original Indian name Mahoney (which signifies 
 a deer-lick), the Brethren built mills, cultivated the land, and es- 
 tablished the more needful industries, not only for their own 
 profits, but also to teach the Indians the arts of husbandry, and to 
 instruct such of their young people as might desire it, in various 
 useful branches of industry. :;: :|: * * In November, 1755. 
 the white settlements having been destroyed by the French Indians 
 
THE FEROCITY OE THE WHITE MEN. Jl 
 
 the whole Indian congregation at Gnadenhutten fled to Beth- 
 lehem for protection, being sensible that they were in peril of 
 their lives, not only at the hands of the Indians who were in 
 league with the French, but also of enraged white people. They 
 were well received by the white Brethren and directed to build 
 themselves temporary dwellings on the opposite side of the 
 Menakes creek, near the mills, dye-houses, and tan yards, where 
 I had the pleasure of seeing them for the first time. These In- 
 dians were then recognized by all sensible and impartial men, 
 who had been led by curiosity to come to Bethlehem for the pur- 
 pose of seeing them, as an orderly, civil and industrious people; 
 better deserving the name of Christians than many of the whites. 
 They had already in a great measure become husbandmen, since 
 those who had strength and ability devoted their time to manual 
 labor at home, and when they had no work there they joined the 
 Brethren in their labors in the field or barn, while their aged men 
 made wooden bowls and ladles, and barn and grain shovels, &c, 
 for all which they found a ready market by millers, and their 
 women made brooms and sieves, as the store-keepers took all 
 that were not wanted by the country people in exchange for wear- 
 ing apparel or any other article they needed, sending these manu- 
 factured articles in wagons to Brunswick and New York, where 
 they found a ready sale. While this division of the Christian 
 Indians, who were all of the Mohican tribe, resided at Bethle- 
 hem, it was a pleasing sight to behold this congregation occa- 
 sionally, and especially on Sabbath days, attending divine service 
 in the chapel together with the white congregation. The same 
 was the case with the other division, consisting of Delawares and 
 Monseys, who had been stationed at Gnadenthal, near Nazareth, 
 at which latter place divine service was performed on the same 
 clay. 
 
 " The Indians settled at Bethlehem being very desirous of 
 living on a tract of land by themselves, where they could have the 
 advantage of keeping a small stock of cattle, the Brethren wil- 
 lingly granted them permission to move to a convenient spot on 
 their land a little more than a mile from Bethlehem, which place 
 was afterwards called Nain. The village formed a large square, 
 with buildings on three sides, the south side being left open for the 
 convenience of fetching water from the fine spring run which 
 
72 THE FEROCITY OF THE WHITE MEN. 
 
 flowed by. The place was kept neat and clean. There was a 
 well in the middle of the square. The houses, built of squared 
 timbers and roofed with shingles, had fine gardens enclosed with 
 good paling fences in the rear. Their fields were kept in the 
 best condition. Besides their public buildings, the school and 
 meeting house, they erected a convenient dwelling for poor 
 widows whom they supported. 
 
 " For the division of Christian Indians who settled at 
 Gnadenthal during the war, the Brethren bought a partly culti- 
 vated tract of land called Wequetank, on the north side of the 
 Blue Mountains, about twenty-five miles from Bethlehem, where 
 they built themselves a village and were supplied with a minis- 
 ter and a school-master. These Indians, although not so far ad- 
 vanced in husbandry as the former, who had been the first con- 
 verts, were not inferior to them as to their moral character. 
 
 " Scarcely had the Christian Indians lived peacefully and hap- 
 pily for five years at these two places when another Indian war 
 broke out, which occasioned the abandonment of both settle- 
 ments. The same persecuting spirit which seized the minds of 
 a certain class of people in Dauphin county, who in their frenzy 
 murdered the Conestoga Indians, incited a like class in North- 
 ampton county to commit similar acts on the Christian Indians 
 near them, which caused the evacuation of their villages and their 
 speedy removal to Philadelphia for protection under the govern- 
 ment. * * * * During the whole of their stay in this part 
 of the country, a period of twenty years, not a single complaint 
 was brought against any one of them for any crime that would 
 come under the cognizance of a magistrate and been punishable 
 by law. * * * * On their return to Nain, after a deten- 
 tion of seventeen months at Philadelphia on account of the war, 
 they found their possessions in good condition, as the Brethren 
 had immediately on their departure placed a family there to care 
 fur their effects. * * * * As they were compelled by their 
 Indian masters to remove to the Indian country, they sold most 
 of their possessions to the Brethren. All their plow irons, farm- 
 ing utensils and tools they took with them. 
 
 " Scarcely had these Indians, together with those who had 
 lived at Wequetank. arrived at W'valnsing. on the Susquehanna, 
 when their plows were again turning up the rich ground they 
 
THE FEROCITY OE THE WHITE MEN. /$ 
 
 found there. They were able to make their own plows, har- 
 rows, &c, and to do any ordinary carpenter's or cooper's work 
 with despatch. A village was speedily built, and by the time they 
 were compelled to leave the place, in 1772, just eight years after 
 their arrival there, their settlements and improvements afforded 
 a beautiful prospect to the eye, indicating that its inhabitants 
 must be an orderly and industrious people. They were very un- 
 willing to go from this place but the Six Nations had sold that 
 whole country, including the lands they occupied, to the English. 
 
 " They were invited by the great Delaware Council on the 
 Muskingum to remove to their country, where permanent resi- 
 dence would be assured them 
 
 " Previous to this invitation their grievances had been laid 
 before the Governor of Pennsylvania, with a prayer that he would 
 see justice done them, and secure them in the possession of their 
 lands which the Six Nations had sold, to which petition the 
 Governor had returned a favorable answer. The expectations 
 that were based on the Governor's reply were, however, not 
 realized. He had assured them that as a quiet and peaceable peo- 
 ple they should not be disturbed in their possessions, and that he 
 had ordered the surveyors not to survey any land within five 
 miles of Friedenshuetten (Wyalusing), and that they therefore 
 should consider all reports of taking away their land to be with- 
 out foundation. Notwithstanding this promise, they saw to their 
 mortification that the surveyors were running lines, not only 
 within the limits named by the Governor, but even across their 
 fields in sight of their village. They accordingly saw no other 
 alternative than to comply with the offer made them by the great 
 Council of the West, and move away from this favorite spot. 
 
 " It was not to be wondered at that these Indians had be- 
 come attached to their abode, where buildings, fields, gardens, 
 fruit trees, &c, were in such fine order as to be a delight to the 
 eye. The very streets were kept clean. The situation of the 
 ground being level and the soil a mixture of sand and clay, they 
 were regularly swept by the women with wooden brooms on Sat- 
 urdays, in summer, when the ground was dry, and the rubbish 
 carefully removed. The cleanliness of the place was also promot- 
 ed by a post and rail fence completely surrounding the village so as 
 to keep out the cattle. As idleness leads to poverty, beggarliness 
 
74 THE FEROCITY Ob' THE WHITE MEN. 
 
 and immorality, so on the other hand does the ownership of 
 property acquired by industry foster an attachment to the same 
 from which flow care, cleanliness, order, economy and all the 
 traits which characterize a civilized people. The Christian In- 
 dians had already exhibited these traits when they were settled in 
 Northampton county. Morality had become habitual to them, 
 and the better their opportunities to put into action the mental 
 endowments which had previously lain dormant within them, the 
 greater were the advances they made therein. 
 
 " On their arrival at the Muskingum, in the year 1772, they 
 were abundantly satisfied that what had been promised by the 
 Great Council of the nation would be fulfilled. The limits of the 
 land were particularly described. Strings and belts of wampum 
 were given in token and as lasting vouchers of the grant, and the 
 Wyandotts declared themselves witnesses to the act and deed. 
 Two fine villages were soon built, which were called Schonbrunn 
 and Gnadenhutten, the former being occupied by the Delawares 
 and the latter by the Mohicans ; and in the course of time a third 
 town named Salem was built on the same grant. Gnadenhutten 
 and Salem occupied the very spots from which the Great C< >un- 
 cil had removed the then settlers to make room for the Chris- 
 tian Indians. 
 
 " These Christian Indians were in a flourishing condition at 
 the beginning of the American Revolution. They were prin- 
 cipally husbandmen. Hunting was with them no longer a pri- 
 mary object, for the great quantity of grain they raised and the 
 large stock of cattle they held, every family having more or less 
 milch cows, together with hogs in great number feeding in the 
 woods and plenty of poultry at home, afforded them an abundant 
 supply of pn ^visions. But for the purpose of purchasing from the 
 traders articles of clothing, kettles, pewter ware. salt, tea, choco- 
 late, &c, they were obliged to hunt occasionally at the proper 
 season. * ::: ::: ;:: No courts of judicature were established 
 among them, nor were any magistrates appointed, for there was 
 no necessity for these in a community in which no disorderly per- 
 son was permitted to dwell. Neither could a magistrate, if one 
 had been stationed among them, have lived by the fees of his 
 office, as no crimes were committed that would have come under 
 
THE FEROCITY OE THE WHITE MEN. 75 
 
 On the 8th day of March, 1782, a band of men collected on 
 the frontier of Pennsylvania and under the command of Colonel 
 David Williamson proceeded to Gnadenhutten, and there scalped 
 and killed the entire number, except two who escaped. 
 
 In his diary, Zeisberger says of it : " The militia, some 
 two hundred in number, as we hear, came first to Gnadenhntten. 
 A mile from town they met young Shebosh in the bush, whom 
 they killed and scalped, and near by the houses two friendly In- 
 dians not belonging to us but who had gone there with our peo- 
 ple from Sandusky, among whom there were several other 
 friends, who perished likewise. Our Indians were mostly on the 
 plantations and saw the militia come, but no one thought of flee- 
 ing for they suspected no ill. The militia came to them and 
 bade them come into the town, telling them that no harm should 
 befall them. They trusted and went, but were all bound, the 
 men being put into one house, the women into another. The 
 Mohican Abraham, who for some time had been bad in heart, 
 when he saw that his end was near, made an open confession be- 
 fore his brethren and said, 'You know I am a bad man ; that I have 
 much troubled the Savior and the Brethren, and have not be- 
 haved as becomes a believer, yet to Him I belong, bad as I am. 
 He will forgive us all and not reject me; to the end I shall hold 
 fast to Him and not leave Him.' Then they began to sing 
 hymns and spoke words of encouragement and consolation one 
 to another, until they were all slain. Abraham was the first to 
 be led out, but the others were killed in the house. Ninety-six 
 persons were scalped, then cut to pieces ; of these, besides women, 
 thirty-four were children. Those at Schonbrunn escaped, but 
 were compelled to leave their homes and seek refuge on the 
 Thames river, beyond the settlements of the whites. 
 
 " Afterwards Congress set apart lands for them on the 
 Muskingum and thither they came and called their home Goshen." 
 Returning to Heckewelders account we read : " Soon after 
 these Indians had settled at Goshen the Sandusky traders came 
 on to traffic with them for their peltry, always bringing liquor 
 with them, for the purpose of making better bargains, or, in 
 other words, cheating them. They would sometimes even bring 
 a Sandusky Indian with them to entice their victim to drink. 
 While these traders came from the West, others of the lowest 
 
y6 THE FEROCITY OF THE WHITE MEN. 
 
 class brought strong drink from the Ohio settlements to help them 
 make good bargains. 
 
 " The missionaries, dreading the consequences of such pro- 
 ceedings, applied to me, as the Agent of the Society, to join with 
 them in a petition to the legislature of the State, praying for the 
 passage of a law that should prohibit the bringing of any liquor 
 into the Schonbrunn tract, and in the winter of 1799- 1800 the 
 Assembly did pass such a law, whose provisions moreover applied 
 not only to Schonbrunn, but to the other tracts included in the 
 grant, and authorizing the missionaries and the agent to seize any 
 and all liquor that should be brought into their domain, and do 
 with it as they should think proper. The missionaries hoped that 
 the passage of this law would have the desired effect, but they 
 were disappointed. Its enforcement in one instance did indeed, 
 for a short time, serve as a check to the unscrupulous traders. 
 One of these from Sandusky, in defiance of the Act, of whose pas- 
 sage he was well aware, and of the warning of the missionaries, 
 came to the village of Goshen with a supply of liquor which he 
 offered to the Indians for sale or in exchange for peltry. The mis- 
 sionary Zeisberger, although then in his eightieth year, in his zeal 
 for the cause in which he was engaged, took up an axe, stove the 
 kegs and poured the contents into the river. But an outcry was 
 raised against the act as being an infringement on the rights and 
 liberties of a free and independent people, which actually led to 
 its speedy repeal. Some parties did not even wait for its repeal, 
 but introduced and sold liquor within the limits of the tract, and 
 violated the law so grossly that the missionaries were powerless 
 to prevent intoxication with its attendant evils, and occasional 
 brawls, even on the Sabbath. This state of things in the spring 
 of 1802 must be regarded as the original occasion of the decline 
 of the Goshen Indians in morality. They could not, when at- 
 tending to their daily pursuits, avoid seeing and hearing what 
 was injurious to them, and moreover the actual temptations and 
 snares laid by immoral whites to drag them down to their own 
 level of degradation were so numerous that it was impossible for 
 their missionaries to guard against them all." 
 
 These Indians at Goshen were all of a new stock gathered 
 since the Revolution and not those who had come from the Sus- 
 quehanna. Those earlier ones were too firm in their faith to be 
 
THE FEROCITY OE THE WHITE MEN. JJ 
 
 corrupted by even the unscrupulous traders. They were the ones 
 who died, singing, at the hands of the merciless white man. 
 
 Too often the Indians were compelled by those who employed 
 them to receive their wages in liquor or useless trash. 
 
 The perfidy and cruelty of the white men in dealing with the 
 Christian Indians is as horrible and inexcusable as any of the dark 
 and bloody deeds of the most savage of the Indians. 
 
 An old book published at Carlisle, in 1808, entitled "Loudon's 
 Indian Narratives," gives an account of a tragic affair that shows 
 the awful cruelty of the whites toward the Indians simply as In- 
 dians. 
 
 In September, 1763, a volunteer company of about one hundred 
 men from Lancaster and Cumberland counties were sent by the 
 settlers into the Indian country to chastise the savages for the 
 numerous murders and depredations committed by them. The 
 expedition was sent without any direct authority from the officers 
 of government. At that time there existed a great deal of dis- 
 satisfaction with the protection given certain Indians by the Mora- 
 vians and the Quakers, and expeditions like this were the means 
 by which the lawless vented their rage on the Indians. 
 
 The account says : "In September, 1763, about one hundred 
 of us went up to take the Indian town at the Great Island, and 
 went up to Fort Augusta, where we sent a man forward to see 
 whether Andrew Monture was there, but he was not; he asked 
 where he was, and was told he had gone to his plantation. We 
 had apprehended that Monture knew of our coming and had gone 
 to inform the Indians at the town called Great Island, or Monsey 
 town, and when we got to the Fort the officers that lay there 
 wanted to persuade us not to go over, as the Monsey Indians were 
 friendly to the white people. But as this was contradicted by 
 some, we concluded to go. When we had crossed the river we 
 saw Monture coming down in a canoe with a hog and some corn, 
 which he had brought from his plantation. When he came near 
 we called to him, upon which he landed and inquired our business, 
 which we told him, and asked his advice whether it was proper 
 to proceed or not. He said they were bad Indians and we might 
 use them as we pleased. We went that night to Monture's plan- 
 tation, and next morning crossed the Monsey hills and discovered 
 fires where the Indians had lain the nigfht before. Here we con- 
 
78 THE FEROCITY OF THE WHITE MEN. 
 
 suited whether to proceed or not; at length William Patterson 
 turned back and we followed him. When we arrived at the top 
 of the Monsey hill, we met with a party of Indians, which we en- 
 gaged ; had two men killed and four wounded, two of which died 
 that night. We then went and secreted the dead bodies in a small 
 stream to prevent their being discovered by the enemy. By that 
 time it was night, and we went on about twenty perches, where 
 the Indians fired on us from beyond the point of a hill. About 
 twelve of us ran up the hill when we heard them running, but 
 could not see them. We then came back to where they had fired 
 on us at first and found that the rest of our party had gone. We 
 heard somebody coming after, stopped to see who it was. George 
 Allen and two or three more of our men came up to us. We chose 
 Allen to pilot us into the path, which he undertook to do ; but after 
 traveling along the side of Monsey hill with much difficulty until 
 midnight, I told him we were going the wrong road ; he told me 
 if I knew the road better to go before. We then directed our 
 course southward until near daybreak, when we came to a path, 
 which Allen informed us led to the Great Island and crossed the 
 North Branch to Iskepeck falls; in this path we traveled until 
 daylight, when we saw smoke, and proceeding ten or twelve 
 perches, saw some Indians sitting around a fire. I then turned 
 to the right into the woods and some of our men followed me and 
 some went on in the path till the Indians saw them, and seized 
 their guns; we then raised our guns to fire, but the Indians cried, 
 'don't shoot! brothers, don't shoot!' We answered, 'we will not 
 if you do not;' we then went up to them and asked where they 
 had been; they said they had been at the Moravian town buying 
 goods; we told them we had an engagement the evening before 
 with some of their people; they said it was impossible, as there 
 were no Indians at the Great Island but a few old men and boys, 
 the rest having all gone out a hunting; I told them I knew better; 
 that they were gone to Tuscorora and Shearman's Valley to kill 
 the white people; that we had been waylaid at Buffalo Creek by 
 them and had live men killed and one wounded; that James Pat- 
 terson's shot pouch and powder horn had been found near the 
 place, and he was a Great Island Indian, and they must come with 
 us. The three Indians began to tremble, and leaving the victuals 
 they were preparing, proceeded with us. 
 
 
THE FEROCITY OF THE WHITE MEN. 79 
 
 "After we had traveled a short distance, I asked George 
 Allen what' we should do with the prisoners ; he said we would 
 take them to the Fort and deliver them up to the commander. I 
 told him if we do that perhaps they will let them go, or send 
 them to Philadelphia, where they would be used better than our- 
 selves by the Quakers, and you know what a defeat I got a few 
 weeks ago at Buffalo Creek, where five of my neighbors were 
 killed and I had hard running to save my own life ; I have declar- 
 ed revenge on the first Indian that I saw, and am glad that the op- 
 portunity now offers. 'Why,' said Allen, 'would you kill them 
 yourself? for you can get no person here to help you.' 'There 
 is enough,' said I, 'to help me to kill them.' 'Where you kill 
 them ?' said Allen. I told him on the hill that is before us, which 
 lies between the two branches of the Susquehanna River, near the 
 North Branch. When we came to the top of the hill the prison- 
 ers asked liberty to eat some victuals, which we allowed them; 
 they directed us to where we might find it among their baggage ; 
 we went and found it and gave it to them. While they were eat- 
 ing we concluded who would shoot at them. There were six 
 of us willing to shoot. As soon as they were done eating we told 
 them to march on before us, and when they had gone about thirty 
 yards we fired at them, and three fell, but one of them named 
 George Allen, after the George Allen that was with us, was shot 
 only through the arm, and fell with that arm uppermost and 
 bloodied his body, which made us believe he was shot through his 
 body ; but after he was scalped, having a good pair of leggings on. 
 one of the men had staid behind to take them off ; before he could 
 get any but one, the Indian started up and ran ; the man was sur- 
 prised at his raising from the dead, and before he could get any 
 assistance he had made his escape. He afterwards told, that run- 
 ning down the hill he fell asleep ; that after he recovered he got up 
 to run, but the skin of his face, the scalp being off, came down 
 over his eyes so that he could not see ; he then took off the legging 
 that was left and bound it round his face, and when he came to a 
 spring he took the cold moss of the stones, laid it on his head to 
 keep the hot sun from beating in upon his brains, and made out 
 to get to Great Island, where he recovered." 
 
 The attitude of the various classes of people toward the In- 
 dians is seen in the affair of Frederick Stump. 
 
80 THE FEROCITY OE THE WHITE MEN. 
 
 Frederick Stump was a German living in Penn's township, 
 not far from where Selinsgrove now stands. He was a stout, 
 well-proportioned man five feet and eight inches in height, and 
 thirty-three years of age. He had a servant, John Ironcutter, a 
 thick, clumsy fellow nineteen years of age. Both of them used 
 the German language and spoke English poorly. 
 
 On the ioth of January, 1768, White Mingo, Cornelius, John 
 Campbell, Jones, and two Indian women came to Stump's house 
 and were drunk and disorderly. When they would not leave at 
 his command, he and his servant killed them. They then went 
 up the creek to a cabin fourteen miles distant, and killed a woman, 
 two girls and a child, then burned the cabin over their bodies. 
 These Indians had come from Great Island to be near and under 
 the protection of the white people, and while unruly when under 
 the influence of rum, were not at all dangerous. When the news 
 of the murder became known, the whites were filled with fear of 
 the consequences by the Indians. Some of these tracked the 
 murderer to Fort Augusta, and to the very house where he was 
 in concealment. But the women at the house positively declared 
 that they had not seen him, and thus he escaped. To show what 
 they would do with him if they caught him, they seized a cat and 
 pulled out its hair, then tore it to pieces. When Governor Penn 
 heard of the deed he was greatly shocked, and at once sent mes- 
 sengers to the Six Nations, pledging that he would do all in his 
 power to apprehend the murderers and bring them to justice. He 
 also commanded all officers of the province to use every effort 
 to arrest them. He also offered a reward of £200 for their ap- 
 prehension. The following letter was sent to the county magis- 
 trates : "I am persuaded, gentlemen, that the love of justice, a 
 sense of duty, and a regard for the public safety will be sufficient 
 inducements with you to exert yourselves in such manner as to 
 leave no measures untried which may be likely to apprehend and 
 bring t<» punishment the perpetrator of so horrible a crime, which, 
 in its consequences, will certainly involve us again in all the calam- 
 ities of an Indian war. and be attended with the effusion of much 
 innocent blood, unless, by a proper exertion of the powers of Gov- 
 ernment and a due execution of the laws, we can satisfy our In- 
 dian allies that the Government does not countenance those who 
 wantonly spill their blood, and convince them that we think our- 
 
THE: FEROCITY OF THE WHITE MEN. bl 
 
 selves bound by the solemn treaties made with them. I have this 
 matter so much at heart that I have determined to give a reward 
 of two hundred pounds to any person or persons who shall ap- 
 prehend the said Frederick Stump and bring him to justice," etc. 
 
 Stump was finally decoyed by the invitation to join a party 
 to kill more Indians, showing the frenzy for killing was in his 
 blood. He was lodged in the jail at Carlisle. Then a question 
 arose as to where he should be tried, and in the meantime a body 
 of sixty armed men surrounded the jail, and by force took Stump 
 out, to set him at liberty. Other rewards were offered for his ar- 
 rest, the Governor urged all officers to do their duty, and a des- 
 cription of the man was broadly circulated. But the people re- 
 fused to report him, and although his former neighbors did not 
 wish him to remain amongst them, they would not put him in the 
 hands of the law T . They even complained that the Government 
 discriminated in its acts of justice against the white people and in 
 favor of the Indians. Stump and Ironcutter finally went down 
 to Virginia, where he lived to an advanced age. 
 
 The Indians thus saw, that while the asseverations of the 
 authorities were in favor of justice, that either they did not mean 
 what they said, or that they were powerless to fulfill their pledges. 
 And the knowledge that the settlers would wink at such an atro- 
 cious deed must have filled the heart of the Indian with scorn and 
 desire for revenge. Such deeds were hastening the time when 
 the races would battle with each other to the absolute destruction 
 of the weaker one. 
 
 6 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SHIKEWJMY. 
 
 IN THE study of Indian character, among the few that stand 
 out in peculiar grandeur is Shikellimy, or, as he was some- 
 times called, Swatane. It is said that he was one of the 
 Susquehannocks, or Andastes, and that when the tribe gave up 
 the pursuit of war and settled as a peaceful people at Conestoga, 
 and some of the warriors, unwilling to thus give up active pur- 
 suits, went out from the tribe and joined other tribes, that Shikel- 
 limy went to the Oneidas and became one of them, uniting with 
 the Oquacho or Wolf tribe. The inherent genius of the man 
 could not be hidden, and he soon advanced to a commanding 
 position among them. As early as 1728 he became the repre- 
 sentative of the Six Nations in their treaties with the Proprie- 
 tary government. The English people soon discovered his 
 worth and always courted his favor. From the time he was 
 appointed to this position, for twenty years, there was hardly 
 a treaty made but his presence was manifested, and his wise 
 counsels led the Indian chiefs to their conclusions. 
 
 " In 1737," Conrad Weiser writes, " I was sent the first 
 time to Onondaga at the desire of the Governor of Virginia. I 
 departed in the latter end of February very unexpectedly for a 
 journey of five hundred miles through a wilderness where there 
 was neither road nor path, and at such a time of the year when 
 animals could not meet with food. There were with me a 
 Dutchman and three Indians. On the ninth of April I found 
 myself extremely weak through the fatigues of so long a jour- 
 ney with cold and hunger which I had suffered. There having 
 fallen a fresh snow about twenty inches deep, and we being yet 
 three days' journey from Onondaga in a frightful wilderness 
 my spirit failed, my body trembled and shook, and I thought I 
 should fall down and die. I stepped aside and sat down under a 
 tree, expecting there to die. My companions soon missed me. 
 
^ l l 
 
 Shikellimy, the Indian Viceroy at Shamokin. 
 
SHIKElvLIMY. 83 
 
 The Indians came back and found me sitting there. They re- 
 mained silent awhile ; at last Shikellimy said, ' My dear com- 
 panion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us; wilt thou now give 
 quite up? Remember that evil days are better than good days, 
 for when we suffer much we do not sin ; sin will be driven out of 
 us by suffering, and God cannot extend his mercy to the former ; 
 but, contrarywise, when it goeth evil with us, God has compas- 
 sion on us.' These words made me ashamed. I rose up and 
 travelled as well as I could." 
 
 Spangenberg reported these words of Shikellimy to Chris- 
 tian David, who made them known to the Moravian brethren in 
 Europe, and it induced several of the young brethren at Marion- 
 born to consecrate themselves to the work of missions among the 
 Indians of North America. 
 
 The year 1745 was an important year in the experience of 
 Shikellimy. In the summer of this year he visited Bethlehem, 
 and spent three weeks there. The visit was an event of unusual 
 importance because the Brethren saw the value of his friend- 
 ship and their doing every thing to retain it, and on his part the 
 deepening of his spiritual life. He expressed his favorable rela- 
 tions to them by formally adopting several of them into the 
 Indian tribes and giving them the names of distinguished chiefs. 
 At this time he was the commanding figure of all the visitors to 
 Bethlehem. Among those who would see him and his com- 
 panions, and be deeply impressed by his dignity of character, was 
 the lad, John Henry Antes, then a scholar in the Youths' Choir 
 House. The Indian would be shown, the schools, and formally 
 presented to the scholars, and they were at the age to be so im- 
 pressed as never to forget the scene. Henceforth Shikellimy 
 and Shamokin were words that had an intelligible meaning to 
 them. After the visit Shikellimy, accompanied by Spangenberg, 
 undertook a journey to Onondaga. While on this journey the 
 chief gave to Spangenberg the name T'girhitonti, meaning a 
 row of trees. 
 
 When Shikellimy saw the advantage of the work of a black- 
 smith he desired the Brethren to establish one at Shamokin, and 
 promised to have him taken care of. In response to this request 
 Anton Schmidt was sent there in 1747, and from that time 
 Shamokin became a center of Moravian work on both branches 
 of the Susquehanna. In 1747 there was an epidemic of fever 
 
84 SHIKELLIMY. 
 
 that attacked the tent of the chieftain and several of his famliy 
 died. His life was saved by medicine given him by Conrad 
 Weiser. Then came his visit to Bethlehem and his conversion 
 to complete faith in Christ. 
 
 Cammerhof excelled in keeping a diary. The minutest 
 events were carefully recorded by him as if they were important 
 historical events. In January of 1748 he visited Shamokin with 
 Joseph Powell, and wrote : 
 
 " Concluded to consult with Shikellimy about the smithy 
 and appointed the afternoon for the interview. Asked him to 
 dinner, which he deemed an honor. Later he summoned his 
 councilors to our house. There were present Shikellimy, his 
 two younger sons and Logan's wife, who was to act as inter- 
 preter through the Mohican tongue. His oldest son was sick — 
 was unable to be present. Mack's wife translated my words 
 into Mohican, and Logan's wife this into Shawanese, and James 
 Shikellimy into Oneida for his father. 
 
 " Shikellimy said : ' Don't take it amiss, my brethren, that 
 I speak first. You said you wished to tell me and my brethren 
 words, but first I must tell you something. My brethren, don't 
 take it amiss that the smith at Shamokin up to this time has not 
 had more meat to eat. I have been sick, and also my sons and 
 their children, and many of them died. If we had been well, 
 and able to go on the hunt, then the smith and his wife would 
 have had more to eat.' 
 
 "We replied: 'Shikellimy, my brother! T'girhitonti, my 
 brother and your brother, heard of your great sickness; we 
 sympathized with you and we rejoice to see that yon are con- 
 valescent. T'girhitonti, your brother, wishes you good health. 
 (This pleased him exceedingly.) Shikellimy, my brother! My 
 brother, the smith, and his brethren at Shamokin are not dis- 
 pleased, for they had as much meat as was necessary; and T'gir- 
 hitonti and his brethren are not displeased, and rejoice of your 
 kindness toward the smith.' Shikellimy said : 'So far the 
 smith has taken deer skins in exchange for his work, cannot he 
 also take raccoon, fox, wild cat and other skins, so the smith 
 can be paid for his work?' 
 
 '"Shikellimy, my brother, T'girhitonti and his brethren areno 
 traders, they don't traffic in furs, for that is not their business; 
 hence the smith cannot take all kinds of skins. The deer skins 
 
SHIKEXUMY. 85 
 
 T'girhitonti and his brethren use for their people to make 
 breeches, caps, gloves, etc. ; the smith must take deer skins. But, 
 as T'girhitonti loves you and your brethren, the smith shall 
 sometimes take otter, raccoon and fox skins, as such skins are 
 useful to us. He will not deliver the work until it is paid for, 
 else he be cheated.' 
 
 " Shikellimy said : ' I always said that the smith should 
 trust no Indian, but as soon as he mended a gun he should keep it 
 until it is paid. Why did he trust? I knew he would be de- 
 ceived.' 
 
 " 'Shikellimy, my brother, the smith loves the Indians, and 
 hence he trusted them. For when Indians came to him with their 
 broken guns he did not want to send them away to get skins first, 
 thus causing them to lose several days of the hunt — hence he 
 trusted them. But he finds he is being cheated, and he is unwill- 
 ing to trust any more.' 
 
 Shikellimy said : 'Cannot the smith also take bear and elk 
 skins for his work?' ' He can take as many bear skins,' we re- 
 plied. ' as are brought; also the skins of the elk; but it is better 
 if he is paid in deer skins, for T'girhitonti and his brethren are 
 no traders.' 
 
 Shikellimy said : ' Now, my brethren, I have said all I have 
 to say, and I thank you for your answers; now you can speak.' 
 
 " 'T'girhitonti,' said I, ' and all his brethren send greetings 
 to you, brother Shikellimy. I send you this, my younger brother 
 (Cammerhof), to greet you, to tell you of my joy that you are 
 again well, for I love you tenderly, Shikellimy. Johanan (Zin- 
 zendorf's Indian name) who is over the great water, so sent my 
 younger brother over the great water to greet you and your 
 brethren and to tell you he loves you.' 
 
 " 'Shikellimy, I sent the smith here, who I love, to work for 
 you, and I rejoice that you all love him. Continue to do so.' 
 
 " 'Shikellimy, my brother, I need my brother Mack and his 
 wife at Bethlehem, for she will soon be confined. (About this 
 they spoke much to each other). I send my brother Powell to 
 live with the smith and to help him. I love him and do you also 
 love him.' (Here they smiled at Powell.) 
 
 " 'Shikellimy, my brother, you said you would give the smith 
 and his brethren more land to plant corn, pumpkins and turnips. 
 
86 SHIKEXUMY. 
 
 Do as you said, and give them wood, so they can split rails and 
 fence it in before planting time.' 
 
 " 'Shikellimy, my brother, we are delighted to hear that you 
 will visit us again in Bethlehem, and if you bring along your son 
 James and his Mohican wife, and your other sons, they will be 
 heartily welcome. I have now said all I have to say and thank 
 you for your attention. You are at liberty to reply if you have 
 anything to say.' 
 
 " He sent many greetings to T'girhitonti and his brethren, 
 and said that as soon as it grew warmer, that he could sleep out 
 in the woods, he would come to Bethlehem. His son Logan 
 said the same thing. At the close of the conference I distributed 
 some presents, after which Shikellimy pointed out to us a piece 
 of land for the use of the smith. 
 
 " I conferred with my brethren and we determined the 
 following : 
 
 i. That the smith is not to trust. 
 
 2. That he is not to entertain Indians at his house, as it 
 makes Shikellimy distrustful, for there are special houses for all 
 strangers or visitors. To allow anyone to sleep in your house 
 is a mark of great confidence. 
 
 3. The smith is to trust no traders. 
 
 4. No Indian to be trusted on any trader's account. 
 
 5. Our brethren are not to interfere with or pass judgment 
 in case of any dispute between Indians and traders, nor interfere 
 with their bargains. 
 
 6. Must represent to the Indians at all times that we are 
 not traders. 
 
 7. We must not lead Indians into temptation by leaving 
 many things lie about the house or shop. 
 
 8. Entertain no traders. Send them all to Shikellimy. ex- 
 cept Captain McKee. 
 
 9. Always be scrupulously truthful to the Indians; never 
 say we have nothing when we have. 
 
 10. We cannot be as hospitable to the Indians at Shamokin 
 as at Bethlehem, as we do not raise harvests here, but must trans- 
 port .-ill our Hour from Harris Ferry; but always be self-deny- 
 ing to the last crust to the needy and the suffering and the sick. 
 
 tt. Our brethren are to visit the Indians frequently in their 
 huts; no distinction to be made between Iroquois, Delawares and 
 
' SHIKEUJMY. 87 
 
 Tudelars, although the former despise the Delawares. No par- 
 tiality. 
 
 12. The good will of Shikellimy and his family must be 
 maintained. Invite him frequently to dinner and constantly 
 seek his advice. 
 
 13. No more land is to be used than is absolutely neces- 
 sary to farm after the Indian fashion, and only corn, potatoes, 
 turnips and beans to be raised. It is true Shikellimy proposed 
 to the smith to keep cows and hogs, but this best be not done. 
 
 January 19. Bishop Cammerhof reached Bethlehem. 
 The death of this noble Indian was extremely pathetic. 
 David Zeisberger was with him at the time and heard him reit- 
 erate his faith in Christ and his love for the Brethren. He was 
 again attacked by fever and grew worse so rapidly that he lost 
 the power of speech. He reached out his hand to Zeisberger 
 and tried to speak, but not being able to form the words, his 
 countenance was illuminated by a bright smile of unusual percep- 
 tion of what he could not express, and in this rapture he died. 
 
 Zeisberger and Henry Fry made him a coffin, and the In- 
 dians painted the body in their gayest colors, and bedecked it 
 with his choicest ornaments, and placed with him his weapons 
 according to the Indian custom, then after Christian rites con- 
 ducted by Bishop Zeisberger, he was buried by the three famous 
 Moravians, Post, Loesch and Schmidt, assisted by his sorrowing 
 Indian friends. 
 
 He had been buried several days when his son Logan returned 
 home to weep over his grave and to express the true mourning 
 of a loving Indian heart. 
 
 Loskiel, the historian, who knew him well, pays this glow- 
 ing tribute to his character and worth. 
 
 " Being the first magistrate and head chief of all the Iro- 
 quois Indians living on the banks of the Susquehanna as far as 
 Onondaga, he thought it incumbent on him to be very circum- 
 spect in his dealings with the white people. He mistrusted the 
 Brethren at first, but upon discovering their sincerity became 
 their firm and real friend. Being much engaged in political 
 affairs he had learned the art of concealing his sentiments; and 
 therefore never contradicted those who endeavored to prejudice 
 his mind against the missionaries, though he always suspected 
 their motives. In the last years of his life he became less re- 
 
88 SHIKELLIMY. 
 
 served and received those brethren who came to Shamokin into his 
 house. He assisted them in building, and defended them 
 against the insults of the drunken Indians: being himself never 
 addicted to drinking, because, as he expressed it. he never wished 
 to become a fool. He had built his house upon pillars for safety, 
 in which he always shut himself up when any drunken frolic 
 was going on in the village. In this house Bishop Johannes Von 
 Watteville and his company visited and preached the Gospel to 
 him. It was then that the Lord opened his heart. He listened 
 with great attention, and at last with tears respected the doc- 
 trine of a crucified Jesus, and received it in faith. During his 
 visit in Bethlehem a remarkable change took place in his heart, 
 which he could not conceal. He found comfort, peace and joy. 
 by faith, in his Redeemer, and the Brethren considered him as a 
 candidate for baptism ; but hearing that he had already been 
 baptized by a Roman Catholic priest in Canada they only en- 
 deavored to impress his mind with a proper idea of his sacramen- 
 tal ordinance, upon which he destroyed a small idol which he 
 wore about his neck. After his return to Shamokin the grace of 
 God bestowed upon him was truly manifest, and his behaviour 
 was remarkably peaceable and contented." 
 
 The nobility of character that had distinguished Shikellimy 
 was inherited by his second son Logan. He was named after 
 James Logan, the cultured Governor of the Province, because of 
 Shikellimy's regard for him. There was every thing in the per- 
 sonal bearing of Logan to make him the true friend of the white 
 people. His career is a presentation of the difficulties that beset 
 the nobler Indians on the frontier when they were pressed on the 
 the one hand by the unscrupulous white renegades and adven- 
 turers, and on the other hand by the treacherous and cruel free- 
 lance red men. They could please neither party, and the great 
 body of white people were influenced more by the color of the 
 parties than the justice of their cause. When Logan returned 
 to Shamokin to weep at the grave of his beloved parent, there 
 was not a grain of ill feeling in his heart against the whites. 
 Even when the Susquehannocks were so foully murdered he did 
 not rise in vengeance, for he knew that the deed was not the 
 wish of the people but the frenzy of a horde of lawless men. But 
 when his own family, his wife and little ones, were murdered, 
 then the moral code of his people required that he should arise and 
 
SHIKELUMY. 89 
 
 avenge them. This he did, but with a broken heart, because of 
 the destruction of all his hopes of futurity among the dwellers 
 in the forests. The lonesomeness of his life was oppressive. 
 His reply to Lord Dunmore reveals this, and has made his name 
 to be known by every student of eloquence in this country. 
 
 Let us turn for a moment to his household and see those 
 whom he loved as his own, and for whom he slew the deer and 
 the bear, and who comforted him in his lonesomeness. 
 
 Logan's wife was a Mohican. Powell relates a very 
 pathetic story of the death of her daughter. He says : " Last 
 fall she took her daughter, four years old, with her on the annual 
 hunt. It took sick and died, bewitched, she said, by the Dela- 
 ware sorcerers. She carried the body of her dead child home 
 and had it buried in the ancestral burying ground at Shamokin. 
 The mother came to our house, asked for nails, as she wanted 
 to make a coffin to put the child in. She told Sister Mack that 
 before death it said : ' Mother, I will soon die ; greet the white 
 people ; tell them that I never stole turnips. I always asked when 
 I wanted one.' She asked her whether the child would go to 
 our God. Sister Mack said yes, and she spoke of the love of God 
 to children. Our brethren attended the funeral of the child. 
 The mother placed it in the coffin with its presents, viz : a blanket, 
 several pairs of mocassins, buckskin for new ones, needle and 
 thread, a kettle, two hatchets to cut kindling wood, flint and 
 steel, so that on arriving in the new country she could go to 
 housekeeping. Beside this she was beautifully painted and had 
 a supply of bear's meat, corn and a calabash. After the funeral 
 the mother came to our house and brought a quart tin and gave 
 it to Sister Mack, saying : ' This had been her daughter's, and she 
 should keep it in remembrance of her.' " 
 
 R. P. Maclay said of Logan : " This was Logan — the best 
 specimen of humanity I ever met with, either white or red. We 
 visited Logan at his camp at Logan's Spring, and your father 
 and he shot at a mark for a dollar a shot. Logan lost four or 
 five rounds and acknowledged himself beaten. "When we were 
 about to leave him he went into his hut and brought out as many 
 deerskins as he had lost dollars and handed them to Mr. Maclay, 
 who refused to take them, alleging that we had been his guests 
 and did not come out to rob him : that the shooting had only been 
 a trial of skill, and the bet merely nominal. Logan drew him- 
 
90 SHIKEIJJMY. 
 
 self up with great dignity, and said, ' Me bet to make you shoot 
 your best, me gentleman, and me take your dollar if me beat.' 
 So he was obliged to take the skins or affront our friend, whose 
 nice sense of honor would not permit him to receive even a horn 
 of powder in return. 
 
 li Logan supported his family by killing deer, dressing the 
 skins, and selling them to the whites. He had sold quite a par- 
 cel to one De Yong, a tailor, who lived in Ferguson's Valley, be- 
 low the gap. Tailors in those days dealt extensively in buckskin 
 breeches. Logan received his pay, according to stipulation, in 
 wheat. The wheat on being taken to the mill was found so 
 worthless that the miller refused to grind it. Logan was much 
 chagrined, and attempted in vain to obtain redress from the 
 tailor. He then took the matter before a magistrate; and on the 
 judge's questioning him as to the character of the wheat and 
 what was in it, Logan sought in vain to find words to express the 
 precise nature of the article with which the wheat was adulter- 
 ated, but said that it resembled in appearance the wheat itself. 
 ' It must have been cheat,' said the judge. ' Yoh,' said Logan, 
 ' that very good name for him.' A decision was awarded in 
 Logan's favor, and a writ given to Logan to hand to the constable, 
 which, he was told, would bring him the money for his skins. 
 But the untutored Indian, too uncivilized to be dishonest, could 
 not 'comprehend by what magic this little paper would force the 
 tailor against his will to pay for the skins. The judge took 
 down his own commission, with the arms of the King upon it, 
 and explained to him the first principles and operations of the 
 civil law. ' Law good,' said Logan, ' makes rogues pay.' But 
 how much more simple and efficient was the law which the Great 
 Spirit had impressed upon his heart, ' to do as he would be done 
 by.' 
 
 " When a sister of Mrs. Norris (afterwards Mrs. Gen. Pot- 
 ter) was just beginning to learn to walk her mother happened to 
 express her regret that she could not get a pair of shoes to give 
 more firmness to her little step. Logan stood by but said noth- 
 ing. He soon after asked Mrs. Brown to let the little girl go Up 
 and spend the day at his cabin. The cautious heart of the mother 
 was alarmed at such a proposition ; but she knew the delicacy of 
 an Indian's feelings, and she knew Logan too, and with secret re- 
 luctance but apparent cheerfulness she complied with his request. 
 
SIHKEUJMY. 91 
 
 The hours of the day wore very slowly away, and it was nearly 
 night when her little one had not returned. But just as the sun 
 was going down the trusty chief was seen coming down the path 
 with his charge, and in a moment more the little one trotted into 
 her mother's arms, proudly exhibiting a beautiful pair of mocca- 
 sins on her little feet — the product of Logan's skill. 
 
 " Logan's whole family was barbarously murdered, without 
 the least provocation, by some white savages who had no respect 
 for law or humanity. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson has caused to be perpetuated the words of 
 Logan to a messenger from Lord Dunmore in 1774, which is said 
 to be unsurpassed for eloquence. They are : ' I appeal to any 
 white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry and he 
 gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and naked and he 
 clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody 
 war Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. 
 Such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed as 
 they passed and said, Logan is the friend of white men. I had 
 even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one 
 man, Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked 
 murdered all the relations of Logan, not even sparing my women 
 and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins 
 of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have 
 sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my ven- 
 geance; for my country I rejoice at the beams of peace, but do 
 not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never 
 felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is 
 there to mourn for Logan? Not one.' 
 
 " Logan gave himself up to intoxication. 
 
 " As to the revenge he refers to, the murder of his family 
 brought on the Indian war; many very prominent officers and 
 men among the whites were killed. In one battle there were 
 engaged eleven hundred of the whites and possibly three thousand 
 Indians. In the Book of the Indians it says, 'The whole line of the 
 breastwork now became a blaze of fire, which lasted nearly to the 
 close of the day. Here the Indians under Logan, Cornstock, 
 Flinipsico, Red Eagle and other mighty chiefs of the tribes of the 
 Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes, Wyandots and Cayugas, 
 amounting, as was supposed, to three thousand warriors, fought 
 as men will ever do for their country's wrongs with a bravery 
 
92 SHIKEIvLIMY. 
 
 which could only be equalled. The voice of the mighty Corn- 
 stock was often heard during the day, above the din of strife, 
 calling on his men in these words, ' Be strong ! Be strong !' And 
 when by the repeated charges of the whites some of his warriors 
 began to waver he is said to have sunk his tomahawk into the 
 head of one who was cowardly endeavoring to desert.' 
 
 " In this battle seventy-five white men were killed and one 
 hundred and forty wounded. 
 
 " Logan was over six feet in height and well proportioned. 
 In October, 1781, while on his way home from Detroit he was 
 sitting with his blanket over his head when an Indian who had 
 taken some offence stole behind him and buried a tomahawk in 
 his brain." 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 IN STUDYING the Indian question several important particu- 
 lars are to be borne in mind. There were many tribes of 
 
 Indians who cherished a spirit of rivalry that developed into 
 the most savage and destructive enmity. In the development of 
 this antagonism one tribe would become the ally of the foes of 
 the other tribe, and thus indirectly seek the ruin of their rivals. 
 The Delaware Indians and the Iroquois, or Six Nations, were 
 rivals. Each party claimed to possess superiority originally, and 
 the historian can hardly decide the question. The Delawares 
 claimed that they were superior to the Iroquois until the Dutch 
 by a shrewd political proposition weakened them and gave the 
 advantage to the Iroquois. This bred a bitter hatred. It allied 
 the Iroquois to the Dutch and enabled them to reap the advantage 
 through their fur trade at Albany, their most famous outpost in 
 the Indian trade. 
 
 J^enn made his famous treaty with the Delawares, and this 
 was the tribe with whom the Moravians were so signally success- 
 ful. 
 
 In the land frauds by the Proprietary Government the 
 English took every kind of advantage of the Delawares. Embit- 
 tered by the loss of their lands and the deceit of the English the 
 Delawares united with the French and waged a terrible and cruel 
 war against the entire line of the frontier. The Governor of 
 the province found it worth his while to conciliate and make a 
 treaty with Teedyuscung, the shrewd, eloquent and powerful king 
 of the Delawares. 
 
 The Iroquois became the allies of the English and opposed 
 the French and also the Delawares. Taking advantage of the 
 co-operation of the English they insulted the Delawares and com- 
 pelled them to remove from their old homes to places farther in 
 the interior where the Iroquois could strike them more easily. 
 
 In the Revolution the Iroquois remained the allies of the 
 
94 
 
 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 English and spread most horrible desolation over the homes of 
 the American patriots. 
 
 Indian Tradition concerning the Origin of the Five Nations. 
 By Cannassatego. 
 
 " When our good Manitta raised Akanishionegy out of the 
 great waters he said to his brethren, 'How fine a country this is ! 
 I will make red men — the best of men — to enjoy it.' Then with 
 five handfuls of red seeds like the eggs of flies did he strow the 
 fertile fields of Onondago. Little worms came out of the seeds 
 and penetrated the earth when the spirits who had never yet 
 seen the light entered into and united with them. Manitta 
 watered the earth with his rain, the sun warmed it, the worms 
 with the spirits in them grew putting forth little arms and legs 
 and moved the light earth that covered them. After nine moons 
 they came forth perfect boys and girls. Manitta covered them 
 with his mantle of warm purple cloud and nourished them with 
 milk from his finger ends. Nine summers did he nurse them, and 
 nine summers more did he instruct them how to live. In the 
 meantime he had made for their use trees, plants, and animals of 
 various kinds. Akanishionegy was covered with woods and 
 filled with creatures. Then he assembled his children together 
 and said : ' Ye are five nations for ye sprang each from a differ- 
 ent handful of the seed I sowed; but ye are all brethren, ancl I am 
 your father, for I made ye all ; I have nursed and brought you up. 
 Mohocks, I have made you bold and valiant, and see, I give you 
 corn for your food. Oneidas, I have made you patient of pain 
 and of hunger, the nuts and fruits of the trees are yours. Sene- 
 cas, I have made you industrious and active, beans do I give you 
 for nourishment. Cayugas, I have made you strong, friendly 
 and generous, ground nuts and every root shall refresh you. 
 Onondagoes, I have made you wise, just and eloquent, squashes 
 and grapes have I given you to eat and tobacco to smoke in coun- 
 cil. The beasts, birds and fishes have I given you in common. 
 As I have loved and taken care of you all so do you love and take 
 care of one another. Communicate freely to each other the good 
 things I have given you, and learn to imitate each other's virtues. 
 T have made you the best people in the world, and I give you the 
 best country. You will defend it from the invasions of other 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. 95 
 
 nations, from the children of other Manittas, and keep posses- 
 sion of it for yourselves while the sun and moon give light and 
 the waters run in the rivers. This you shall do if you observe 
 my words. Spirits, I am now about to leave you. The bodies 
 I have given you will in time grow old and wear out so that you 
 will be weary of them ; or, from various accidents they may be- 
 come unfit for your habitation and you will leave them. I can- 
 not remain here always to give you new ones. I have great 
 affairs to mind in distant places and I cannot again attend to the 
 nursing of children. I have enabled you therefore among your- 
 selves to produce new bodies to supply the place of old ones, that 
 every one of you when he parts with his old habitation may in 
 due time find a new one and never wander longer than he chose 
 under the earth deprived of the light of the sun. Nourish and 
 instruct your children as I have nourished and instructed you. 
 Be just to all men and kind to strangers that come among you. 
 So shall you be happy and be loved by all, and I myself will some- 
 times visit and assist you.' 
 
 " Saying this he wrapped himself in a bright cloud and went 
 like a swift arrow to the sun where his brethren rejoiced at his 
 return. From thence he often looked at Akanishionegy and 
 pointing showed with pleasure to his brothers the country he 
 had formed and the nations he had produced to inhabit it." 
 
 Origin of the Five Nations. 
 
 By some inducement a body of people was concealed in the 
 mountain at the falls named Kuskehsawkich (now Oswego), 
 When the people were released from the mountain they were 
 visited by Tarenyawagon, that is, the Holder of the Heavens, who 
 had power to change himself into various shapes ; he ordered the 
 people to proceed toward the sunrise, as he guided them and 
 came to a river named Yenonanatche, that is, going round a 
 mountain (now Mohawk), and went down the bank of the 
 river and came to where it discharges into a great river running 
 toward the mid-day sun; and named Shaw-nay-taw-ty, that is. 
 beyond the Pineries (now Hudson), and went clown the bank 
 of the river and touched the bank of a great water. The com- 
 pany made encampment at the place and remained there a few 
 days. The people were yet in one language ; some of the people 
 
96 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 went on the banks of the great water towards the mid-day sun; 
 but the main company returned as they came, on the bank of the 
 river, under the direction of the Holder of the Heavens. Of this 
 company there was a particular body which called themselves one 
 household; of these were six families and they entered into a 
 resolution to preserve the chain of alliance which should not be 
 extinguished in any manner. 
 
 The company advanced some distance up the river of Shaw- 
 nay-taw-ty, the Holder of the Heavens directs the first family to 
 make their residence near the bank of the river, and the family 
 was named Te-haw-re-ho-geh, that is, a speech divided (now 
 Mohawk), and their language was soon altered; the company 
 then turned and went towards the sun setting and travelled about 
 two days and a half, and came to a creek which was named Kaw- 
 na-taw-te-ruh, that is, Pineries. The second family was directed 
 to make their residence near the creek, and the family was named 
 Ne-haw-re-tah-go, that is, Big Tree (now Oneidas), and like- 
 wise their language was altered. The company continued to 
 proceed towards the sun setting under the direction of the Holder 
 of the Heavens. The third family was directed to make their 
 residence on a mountain named Onandago and the family was 
 named Seuh-now-kah-tah, that is, carrying the name, and their 
 language was altered. The company continued their journey 
 towards the sun setting. The fourth family was directed to make 
 their residence near a long lake named Go-yo-goh, that is, a 
 mountain rising from water (now Cayuga), and the family was 
 named Sho-nea-na-we-to-wah, that is, a great pipe; their lan- 
 guage was altered. The company continued to proceed toward 
 the sun setting. The fifth family was directed to make their resi- 
 dence near a high mountain, or rather mole, situated south of the 
 Canandagua lake, which was named Jenneatowake. and the 
 family was named Te-how-nea-nyo-hent, that is, possessing a 
 door (now Seneca), and their language was altered. The sixth 
 family went with the family that journeyed toward the sun set- 
 ting and touched the bank of a great lake and named Kau-ha-gwa- 
 fah-ka, that is, a cat (now Erie), and then went towards between 
 the mid-day and the sun setting, and travelled a considerable dis- 
 tance, and came to a large river which was named Ouau-we-yo- 
 ka. that is, a principal stream (now Mississippi) ; the people dis- 
 covered a grape vine lying across the river by which a part of the 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. 97 
 
 people went over, but while they were engaged, the vine broke, 
 and were divided, they became enemies to those who went over 
 the river; in consequence they were obliged to disperse the jour- 
 ney. The Holder of the Heavens instructs them in the use of 
 the bows and arrows in the time of game and danger. Asso- 
 ciates were dispersed and each family went to search for resi- 
 dences according to the conveniences of game. The sixth fam- 
 ily went towards the sun-rise and touched the bank of the great 
 water. The family was directed to make their residence near 
 Cau-ta-noh, that is, Pine in water, situated near the mouth of 
 Nuse river, now in North Carolina, and the family was named 
 Kau-ta-noh, now Tuscarora, and their language was also altered ; 
 but the six families did not go so far as to lose the understanding 
 of each other's language. The Holder of the Heavens returns 
 to the live families and forms the mode of confederacy, which 
 was named Ggo-nea-seab-neh, that is, a Long House. 
 
 By the figure of a Long House the Iroquois meant to denote 
 the confederated frame-work of the League. By a great tree 
 planted they symbolized its deep seated natural power, one in 
 blood and lineage, and its overshadowing influence and perma- 
 nency. To assail such a combination of stout hearts, nature they 
 thought must send forth the stoutest and most appalling objects 
 of her creation. 
 
 The first enemy that appeared to question their power or dis- 
 turb their peace, was the fearful phenomenon Ko-nea-rau-neh- 
 neh, or the flying heads. These heads were enveloped in a beard 
 and hair flaming like fire; they were of monstrous size and shot 
 through the air with the velocity of meteors. Human power was 
 not adequate to cope with them. The priests pronounced them 
 an emanation of some mysterious influence and it remained with 
 the priests alone to exorcise them by their arts. Drum, and rat- 
 tle, and incantation were deemed more effective than arrow or 
 club. One evening after they had been plagued a long time with 
 this fearful visitation, the flying head came to the door of a lodge 
 occupied by a single female and her dog. She was sitting com- 
 posedly before the fire roasting acorns which, as they became 
 done, she deliberately took from the fire and ate. Amazement 
 seized the flying head, who put out two huge black paws from be- 
 neath his streaming beard. Supposing the woman to be eating 
 live coals, he withdrew, and from that time he came no more 
 
 7 
 
98 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 among them. His withdrawal was followed by the appearance 
 of the great On-yar-he, or lake serpent which traversed the coun- 
 try, and by coiling himself in leading positions near the paths, 
 interrupted the communication between the towns. He created 
 terror wherever he went, and diffused a poisonous breath. 
 
 While this enemy yet remained in the land, and they were 
 counselling about the best means of killing him or driving him 
 away, the country was invaded by a still more powerful enemy, 
 namely the Ot-ne-yar-heh, or stonish giants. They were a pow- 
 erful tribe from the wilderness, tall, fierce and hostile, and resist- 
 ance to them was vain. They defeated and overwhelmed an 
 army which was sent out against them, and put the whole coun- 
 try in fear. These giants were not only of prodigious strength, 
 but they were cannibals devouring men, women and children in 
 their inroads. 
 
 It is said by the Shawanese that they were descended from a 
 certain family which journeyed from the east side of the Mississ- 
 ippi after the vine broke and they went towards the northwest. 
 Abandoned to wandering and the hardships of the forest they for- 
 got the rules of humanity and began at first to eat raw flesh and 
 next men. They practiced rolling themselves in the sand and by 
 this means their bodies were covered with hard skin so that the 
 arrows of the Iroquois only rattled against their rough bodies and 
 fell at their feet. And the consequence was that they were oblig- 
 ed to hide in caves and glens, and were brought in subjection by 
 these fierce invaders for many winters. 
 
 At length the Holder of the Heavens visited his people, and 
 finding that they were in great distress he determined to grant 
 them relief and rid them entirely of these barbarous invaders. 
 To accomplish this he changed himself into one of these giants, 
 and brandishing his heavy club led them on under the pretence of 
 finding the Akonoshioni. When they had got near to their 
 stronghold at Onondaga, night coming on, he bade them lie down 
 in a hollow, telling them that he would make the attack at the 
 customary hour at day-break. But at day-break, having ascend- 
 ed a height he overwhelmed them with a vast mass of rocks, 
 where their forms may yet be seen. Only one escaped to carry 
 the news of their dreadful fate, and he fled towards the north. 
 They were thus relieved, and began to live in more security, but 
 the great Onyarhe was yet in the country. Alarmed by what 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. 99 
 
 Tarenyawagon had done to relieve his people, and fearing for 
 himself, he withdrew to the lakes where he and his brood were 
 destroyed with thunderbolts, or compelled to retire to deep 
 water. 
 
 The Five Families were so much molested with giants and 
 monsters that they were compelled to build forts to protect them- 
 selves. The manner of doing it was this: They built fires 
 against trees and then used their stone axes to pick off the charred 
 part ; in this way by renewing the fire they soon felled them ; and 
 the fallen trunks were burned off in suitable lengths the same 
 way. and then set up according to the size and plan of the fort, a 
 bank of earth being piled outside and inside. They left two 
 gates, one to get water, and the other as a sally port. 
 
 For some time after the great Onyarhe had left the country 
 they had peace; but in after years a still more terrific enemy 
 came. It had a man's head in the body of a serpent. This ter- 
 rific form took his position on the path between the Onondagas 
 and Cayugas, and thus cut off all intercourse between their 
 towns, for this was also the great thoroughfare of the Five Na- 
 tions. The bravest warriors were mustered to attack him with 
 spears, darts and clubs. They approached him on all sides with 
 yells. A terrible battle ensued ; the monster raged furiously, but 
 he was at last pierced in a vital place and finally killed. This 
 triumph was celebrated in songs and dances, and the people were 
 consoled. They hunted again in peace, but after a time rumors 
 began to be rife of the appearance of an extraordinary and fero- 
 cious animal in various places under the name of the great O-yal- 
 kher, or mammoth bear. One morning while a party of hunters 
 were in their camp near the banks of a lake in the Oneida coun- 
 try, they were alarmed by a great tumult breaking out from the 
 lake. Going to see the cause of this extraordinary noise, they 
 saw the monster on the bank rolling down stones and logs into 
 the water, and exhibiting the utmost signs of rage. Another 
 great animal of the cat kind, with great paws, came out of the 
 water, and seized the bear. A dreadful fight ensued ; in the end 
 the bear was worsted and retired horribly lamed. The next day 
 the hunters ventured out to the spot where they found one of the 
 fore legs of the bear. It was so heavy that two men were requir- 
 ed to lift it, but they found it was palatable food and made use of 
 
 L -0f£ 
 
IOO INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 it, for their warriors believe that it inspires courage to eat of 
 fierce and brave animals. 
 
 After a while a great pestiferous and annoying creature of 
 the insect tribe appeared about the forts at Onondaga, in the 
 guise of the Ge-ne-un-dah-sais-ke, or huge mosquito. It flew 
 about the fort with vast wings, making a loud noise with a long 
 stinger, and on whomsoever it lighted it sucked out his blood and 
 killed him. Many warriors were killed in this way, and all at- 
 temps made to subdue it were abortive till Tarenyawagon, the 
 Holder of the Heavens, was on a visit one day to the ruler of the 
 Onondagas. The giant mosquito happened to come flying about 
 the fort as usual at this time. Tarenyawagon attacked it, but 
 such was its rapidity of flight that he could scarcely keep in sight 
 of it. He chased it around the border of the great lakes towards 
 sun-setting - , and around the great country at large east and west. 
 At last he overtook it and killed it near Gen-an-do-a, or the salt 
 lake of Onondaga. From the blood flowing out on this occasion 
 the present species of small mosquitoes originated. 
 
 It appears from the best authorities that the first inhabitants 
 of the ancient valley of Anahuac or Mexico came from the north. 
 According to the historian Sahagun, these early inhabitants were 
 Toltecs. They lived first at Tullantzinco, and thence migrated 
 to Tulla. They had for their god, Ouetzalcoatl, whom they re- 
 garded as their teacher in arts and learning. They traced to him 
 their progress in power and civilization ; he rendered them super- 
 ior to other men in war and cultivation, and as he was deemed 
 both a god and a man, they appealed to him as a divine director 
 as well as their leader and founder. They also had in after times 
 a king, or a ruling priest of the same name. By the counsel of 
 the former they left Tulla and travelled eastward till they found 
 a place called Tlapallan, or the city of the sun. This city they in 
 process of time condemned and destroyed. Having done this 
 they went and founded the celebrated town of Cholula — still 
 known for the ruins of its magnificent terraced pyramid. Thus 
 far Quetzalcoatl, under whom they had risen to power, abode 
 with them, and having accomplished the object of bis care it was 
 in this quarter that be left them and disappeared. He was. how- 
 ever, expected to re-appear, and this belief was preserved up to 
 the time of the conquest of the country by Cortez, whom the Az- 
 tecs at first mistook for their benefactor. 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. 1 01 
 
 It is remarkable that we find in the dim vista of Iroquois 
 tradition a counterpart of this story of Quetzalcoatl, differing 
 chiefly in the name of the individual, and some of the incidents 
 to whom the bold northern clans ascribed their early power and 
 supremacy, and in the extent to which he was supposed to have 
 carried them in arts, arms and exploits. 
 
 Terenyawagon, as the name is written by Cusick, united in 
 one person the powers of a god and a man, and while they gave 
 him the expressive name of the ''Holder of the Heavens," denot- 
 ing the highest degree of sustaining power, he appeared only in 
 the form of a man and taught them hunting, gardening, the knowl- 
 edge of medicine, and the art of war. He extricated them from 
 the spot of their subterraneous confinement, not far inland from 
 the borders of one of the great lakes. He imparted to them the 
 knowledge of the laws and government of the Great Spirit, and 
 gave them directions and encouragement how to fulfill their du- 
 ties and obligations. He gave them corn and beans, and fruits 
 of various kinds, with the knowledge of planting these fruits. 
 He taught them how to kill and roast game. He made the for- 
 ests free to all the tribes to hunt, and removed obstructions from 
 the streams. He took his position some times on the top of high 
 cliffs springing if need were over frightful chasms; and he flew, 
 as it were, over the great lakes in a wonderful canoe of immacu- 
 late whiteness and magic power. 
 
 Having done this, he came down to terms of closer intimacy 
 with the Onondagas, and resolved to lay aside his divine charac- 
 ter, and live among them that he might exemplify the maxims 
 which he had taught. For this purpose he selected a handsome 
 spot of ground on the southern banks of a lake called Te-on-to, 
 being the same sheet of water which in the present area of West- 
 ern New York is called Cross Lake. Here he built his cabin, 
 and from the shores of this lake he went out to the forest like the 
 rest of his red companions in quest of game and fish. He took 
 a wife of the Onondagas, by whom he had an only daughter, 
 whom he tenderly loved, and most kindly and carefully treated 
 and instructed, so that she was known far and wide as his favor- 
 ite child and regarded almost as a goddess. The excellence of 
 his character, and his great sagacity and good counsels, led the 
 people to view him with veneration, and they gave him in his sub- 
 lunary character, the name of Hi-a-wat-ha, signifying a very wise 
 
102 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 man. People came to consult him from all quarters, and his 
 abode was thronged by all ages and conditions who came for ad- 
 vice. He became the first chief in all the land, and whoever he 
 made his companions and friends, were likewise clothed with the 
 authority of chiefs in the tribe. In this manner all power came 
 naturally into his hands, and the tribe rejoiced that they had so 
 wise and good a man to rule over them. For in those days each 
 tribe was independent of all others; they had not yet formed a 
 league, but fought and warred with each other. 
 
 Nothing that belonged to Hiawatha was more remarkable 
 than his magic canoe, which shone with a supernatural lustre, 
 and in which he had performed so many of his extraordinary 
 feats. This canoe was laid aside when he came to fix his resi- 
 dence at Teonto, and never used except for great and extraordi- 
 nary purposes. "When great councils were called and had assem- 
 bled the wise men to deliberate together, the sacred canoe was 
 carefully lifted from the grand lodge, which formed its resting 
 place: and after these occasions were ended it was as carefully re- 
 turned to the same receptacle on the shoulders of men who felt 
 honored in being the bearers of such a precious burden. Thus 
 passed away many years, and every year saw the people increas- 
 ing in numbers, skill, arts and bravery. It was among the Onon- 
 dagas that Tarenya wagon had located himself, and although he 
 regarded the other tribes as friends and brothers, he had become 
 identified as an adopted member of this particular tribe. Under 
 his teaching and influence they became the first among all the 
 inal clans and rose to the highest distinction in every art 
 which was known to, or prized by the Akonoshioni. They were 
 the wisest counsellors, the best orators, the most expert hunters, 
 and the bravest warriors. They also afforded the highest exam- 
 ples of obedience to the laws of the Great Spirit. If offences took 
 place. Hiawatha redressed them, and his wisdom and moderation 
 preserved the tribe from feuds. Hence the Onondagas were early 
 noted among all tribes for their pre-eminence. He appeared to 
 devote his chief attention to them, that he might afterwards make 
 them examples to the others in arts and wisdom. They were 
 foremost in the overthrow of the stone giants, and the killing of 
 the great serpent. To be an Onondaga was the highest lion 
 
 While Hiawatha was thus living in domestic quiet among 
 the people of the hills, and administering their simple government 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. IO3 
 
 with wisdom, they became alarmed by the sudden approach of a 
 furious and powerful enemy from the north of the great lakes. As 
 this enemy advanced they made an indiscriminate slaughter of 
 men, women and children. The villagers tied in a short time be- 
 fore them, and there was no heart in the people to make a stand 
 against such powerful and ruthless invaders. In this emergency 
 they tied to Hiawatha for his advice. He advised them to call a 
 council of all the tribes from the east and west. "For," said he, 
 ''Our safety is not alone in the club, and the dart, but in wise 
 counsels." He appointed a place on the banks of the Onondaga 
 lake for the meeting. It was a clear eminence from which there 
 was a wide prospect. Runners were despatched in every direc- 
 tion; and the chiefs, warriors and head men forthwith assembled 
 in great numbers, bringing with them, in the general alarm, their 
 women and children. Fleets of canoes were seen on the bosom of 
 the lake, and every interior war path was kept open by the foot 
 prints of men hurrying to obey the summons of Hiawatha. All 
 but the wise man himself had been there for three clays anxiously 
 awaiting the arrival of Hiawatha, when messengers were des- 
 patched after him. They found him gloomy and depressed. 
 Some great burden appeared to hang on his mind. He told them 
 that evil lay in his path and that he had a fearful foreboding of 
 ill-fortune. He felt that he was called to make some great sacri- 
 fice, but he did not know what it was. Least of all did he think 
 it was to be his daughter. Ever careful of her, he bade her kind- 
 ly to accompany him. Nothing happened to hinder or at all in- 
 terrupt their voyage. The talismanic white canoe which held them, 
 glided silently down the deep waters of the Seneca. Xot a pad- 
 dle was necessary to give it impetus, while it pursued the down- 
 ward course of the stream, till they reached Sohahee or the point 
 of the lake outlet. At this point Hiawatha took his paddle, and 
 gave it impetus against the current until they entered on the 
 bright and level surface of the Onondaga, cradled as this pure 
 sheet of water is. among lofty and far sweeping hills. When 
 the white canoe of the venerable chief appeared, a shout of wel- 
 come rang among these hills. The day was calm and serene. 
 Xo wind ruffled the lake, and scarcely a cloud floated in the sky 
 overhead. But while the wise man was measuring his steps to- 
 ward the council grounds and up an ascent from the water's edge. 
 a long low sound was heard as if it were caused by the approach 
 
104 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 of a violent rushing wind. Instantly all eyes were turned up- 
 wards where a small and compact mass of cloudy darkness ap- 
 peared. It gathered size and velocity as it approached, and ap- 
 peared to be directed inevitably to fall in the midst of the assem- 
 bly. Every one fled in consternation but Hiawatha and his 
 daughter. He stood erect with ornaments waving in his frontlet 
 and besought his daughter calmly to await the issue. " For it is 
 impossible," said he, "to escape the power of the Great Spirit; 
 if he has determined our destruction, we cannot by running fly 
 from it." She modestly assented, and they stood together, while 
 horror was depicted in every other face. But the force of the 
 descending body was like that of a sudden storm. They had 
 hardly taken the resolution to halt, when an immense bird with 
 long distended wings came down with a swoop and crushed the 
 daughter to the earth. This gigantic agent of the skies came with 
 such force that the whole assembly felt the shock and were blown 
 back several rods. The girl, who was beautiful in her looks and form, 
 was completely crushed, and the head, beak and neck of the bird 
 were buried in the ground from the mere force of the fall. The 
 very semblance of a human being could not be recognized among 
 the shattered remains of the daughter. These were, however, col- 
 lected and buried. But Hiawatha was inconsolable for his loss. 
 He grieved sorely day and night ; and wore a desponding and de- 
 jected countenance. But these were only faint indications of the 
 feelings of his heart. He threw himself on the ground and re- 
 fused to be comforted. He seemed dumb with melancholy, and 
 the people feared for his life. He spake nothing; he made no 
 answers to questions put him. He laid still like one dead. After 
 several days the council appointed Hosee Noke, a merry-hearted 
 chief, to make a visit to him, and to whisper a speech of consola- 
 tion in his cars, and to arouse him from his stupor. The result 
 was successful; he approached him with ceremonies and induced 
 him t<» arise and name a time to meet the council. Yet haggard 
 with grief, he called for refreshments, and ate. lie then ad- 
 justed his wardrobe and head dress, and went to the council. He 
 drew his robe of wolf skins gracefully around him, and walked 
 to his seat at the head of the assembled chiefs with a majestic 
 Step. Stillness and the most fixed attention reigned in the coun- 
 cil while the discussion was opened and proceeded. The subject 
 of the invasion was handled by several of the ablest counsellors 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. 105 
 
 and boldest warriors. Various plans were proposed to foil the 
 enemy. Hiawatha listened in silence until all had finished speak- 
 ing. His opinion was then asked. After a brief allusion to the 
 calamity that had befallen him through the descent of the bird 
 of the Great Spirit, he spoke to the following effect. " I have 
 listened to the words of wise men and brave chiefs. But it is 
 not fitting that we should do a thing of so much importance in 
 haste. It is a subject demanding calm reflection and mature de- 
 liberation. Let us postpone the decision for one day. During 
 this time we will weigh well the words of the speakers who have 
 already spoken. If they are good, I will then approve them; if 
 they are not, I will then open to you my plan. It is one which 
 I have reflected on, and feel confident that it will ensure safety." 
 
 When another day had expired the council again met. 
 Hiawatha entered the assembly with even more than the ordin- 
 ary attention, and every eye was fixed upon him when he began 
 his address in the following words : " Friends and brothers, you 
 are members of many tribes. You have come from a great dis- 
 tance. The voice of war has roused you up. You are afraid 
 for your homes, your wives, your children. You tremble for 
 your safety. Believe me, I am one with you. My heart beats 
 with your hearts. We are one. We have one common object. 
 We come to promote the common interest and to determine how 
 this can be best clone. To oppose these hordes of northern tribes 
 singly and alone would prove certain destruction. We can 
 make no progress in that way. We must unite ourselves into one 
 common band of brothers. We must have but one voice. Many 
 voices make confusion. We must have one fort, one pipe, one 
 war club. This will give us strength. If our warriors are united 
 they can defeat the enemy and drive them from our land. If we 
 do this we are safe. 
 
 " Onondaga, you are the people sitting under the shadow 
 of the great tree whose roots sink deep in the earth, and whose 
 branches spread wide around. You shall be the first nation, be- 
 cause you are warlike and mighty. 
 
 " Oneata, and you, the people who recline your bodies 
 against the everlasting stone that cannot be moved, shall be the 
 second nation, because you always give wise counsel. 
 
 " And you, the people who have your habitations at the foot 
 of the great mountain and are overshadowed by its crags, shall 
 be the third nation, because you are all greatly gifted in speech. 
 
106 INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 "And you, the people whose dwelling is in the dark forest, 
 and whose home is ever there, shall be the fourth nation, because 
 of your superior cunning in hunting. 
 
 " And you, the people who live in the open country and pos- 
 sess much wisdom, shall be the fifth nation, because you under- 
 stand better the art of raising corn and beans, and making cabins. 
 
 " You, five great and powerful nations, with your tribes, 
 must unite and have one common interest, and no foes shall dis- 
 turb or subdue you. You, the people who are as the beetle bushes, 
 and you, who are a fishing people, may place yourselves under our 
 protection, and we will defend you. And you of the south, and you 
 of the west may do the same, and we will protect you. \Ye 
 earnestly desire the alliance and friendship of you all. 
 
 " Brothers, if we unite in this bond the Great Spirit will 
 smile upon us, and we shall be free, prosperous and happy; but 
 if we remain as we are, we shall be subject to His frown. We 
 shall be enslaved, ruined, perhaps annihilated forever. We may 
 perish, and our names be lost forever. 
 
 " Brothers, these are the words of Hiawatha. Let them 
 sink deep in your hearts. I have said it." 
 
 A deep and impressive silence followed the delivery of this 
 speech. On the following day the council met to act on it. De- 
 liberation had recommended it as founded in high wisdom. The 
 union of the tribes in one confederacy was discussed, and unan- 
 imously adopted. To denote the character and intimacy of the 
 union they employed the figure of a single council house, or lodge, 
 wIk »se 1)' lundaries were coextensive with their territories. Hence 
 the name Aquinushioni, who were called Iroquois by the French. 
 
 The great bird which fell from heaven brought a precious 
 gift to the warriors in the white plumes which covered it. Every 
 warrior, as he approached the spot where it fell, plucked a feather 
 of snowy whiteness to adorn his brows; and the celestial visitant 
 thus became the means of furnishing the aspirants of military 
 fame with an emblem which was held in the highest estimation. 
 Succeeding generations imbibed the custom from this incident to 
 supply themselves with a plumage approaching it as nearly as 
 possible; they selected the plumes of the white heron. 
 
 Hiawatha, the guardian and founder of the league, having 
 now accomplished the will of the Great Spirit, and the withdrawal 
 of his daughter having been regarded by him as a sign that his 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. 107 
 
 mission was ended, he immediately prepared to make his final 
 departure. Before the great council, which had adopted his ad- 
 vice dispersed he arose with a dignified air and addressed them 
 in the following manner: 
 
 " Friends and brothers, I have now fulfilled my mission be- 
 low. I have taught you arts which you will find useful. I have 
 furnished you seeds and grains for your gardens ; I have removed 
 obstructions from your waters and made the forest habitable by 
 teaching you to expel its monsters; I have given you fishing 
 grounds and hunting grounds; I have instructed in the making 
 and using of warlike implements ; I have taught how to cultivate 
 corn. Many other arts and gifts I have been allowed by the 
 Great Spirit to communicate to you. Lastly, I have aided you 
 to form a league of friendship and union. If you preserve this 
 and admit no foreign element of power by the admission of other 
 nations you will always be free, numerous and happy. If other 
 tribes and nations are admitted to your councils they will sow 
 the seeds of jealousy and discord, and you will become few, feeble 
 and enslaved. 
 
 " Friends and brothers, remember these words. They are 
 the last you will hear from the lips of Hiawatha. The great 
 Master of breath calls me to go. I have patiently waited His 
 summons. I am ready to go. Farewell." 
 
 As the voice of the wise man ceased, sweet sounds from the 
 air burst on the ears of the multitude. The whole sky appeared 
 to be filled with melody. And while all eyes were directed to 
 catch glimpses of the sights and enjoy strains of the celestial 
 music that filled the sky, Hiawatha was seen seated in his snow 
 white canoe in the mid-air, rising with every choral chant that 
 burst out. As he rose, the sounds became more soft and faint, 
 till he vanished in the summer clouds, and the melody ceased. 
 Thus terminated the labors and cares of Tarenyawagon, or, the 
 Iroquois Quetzalcoatl. 
 
 The word Iroquois is founded on an exclamation, or re- 
 sponse, made by the Sachems and warriors, on the delivery to 
 them of an address. The Indians themselves did not use the 
 term, but Ongwe Honwe, or, a people surpassing all others. 
 This was the common term for the red race of this continent 
 which they acknowledge as the equivalent for our word Indian. 
 At what period they confederated we have no means of decid- 
 
IOS INDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 ing. It appears to have been recent judging from traditional 
 testimony. \\ nile their advancement in the economy of living, 
 in arms, in diplomacy and in civil polity would lead conjecture 
 to a more remote date. Their own legends, like those of some 
 other leading stocks of the continent, carry them back to a period 
 of wars with giants and demons, and monsters of the sea, the 
 land and the air, and are fraught with strange and grotesque 
 fancies of wizards and enchanters. But history, guiding the pen 
 of the French Jesuit, describes them as pouring in their canoes 
 through the myriad streams that interlace in western New York, 
 and debouching now on the gulf of the St. Lawrence, now on the 
 Chesapeake — glancing again over the waters of Michigan, and 
 now again plying their paddles in the waters of the turbid Mis- 
 sissippi. Wherever they went they carried proofs of their en- 
 ergy, courage and enterprise. At one period we hear the sound 
 of their war cry along the Straits of the St. Marys', and at the 
 foot of Lake Superior. At another, under the walls of Quebec, 
 where they finally defeated the Hurons under the eyes of the 
 French. They put out the fires of the Gahkwas and Eries. 
 They eradicated the Susquehannocks. They placed the Lenapes, 
 the Nanticokes and the Munseys under the yoke of subjection. 
 They put the Metoacs and the Manhattons under tribute. They 
 spread the terror of their arms over all New England. They 
 traversed the whole length of the Appalachian chain, and de- 
 scended like the enraged yagisho and the megalonyx on the 
 Cherokees and the Catawbas. Smith encountered their warriors 
 in the settlement of Virginia, and La Salle on the discovery of 
 the Illinois. Nations trembled when they heard the name of 
 Nkonoshioni. They possessed a physical structure and they 
 lived in a climate which imparted energy to their motions. They 
 used a sonorous and commanding language which had its dual 
 number and its neuter, masculine and feminine genders. They 
 were excellent natural orators, and expert diplomatists. They 
 began early to cherish a national pride which grew with their 
 conquests. They had, like the Algonquins, in the organization 
 of the several clans or families which composed each tribe, a 
 curious heraldic tie founded on original relationship, which ex- 
 ercised a strong influence but which has never been satisfactorily 
 explained. They were governed by hereditary chieftaincies 
 like others of the aboriginal stocks, but contrary to the usage of 
 
INDIAN TRADITIONS. IO9 
 
 these other stocks the claims of their chiefs were subjected to the 
 decision of a national council. The aristocratic and democratic 
 principles were thus brought into requisition in candidates for 
 office. But in all that constituted national action they were a 
 pure republic. So far was this carried that it is believed the veto 
 of any one chief to a public measure was sufficient to arrest its 
 adoption by the council. 
 
 Iroquois tradition opens with the notion that there were 
 originally two worlds or regions of space, namely, an upper and 
 lower world. The upper was inhabited by beings similar to the 
 human race ; the lower by monsters moving in the waters. When 
 the human species were transferred below, and the lower sphere 
 was about to be rendered fit for their residence, the act of their 
 transferrence or reproduction is concentrated in the idea of a 
 female, who began to descend into the lower world, which is de- 
 picted as a region of darkness, waters and monsters. She was 
 received on the back of a tortoise where she gave birth to male 
 twins and expired. The shell of this tortoise expanded into the 
 continent, which in their phraseology is called an island, and is 
 named Aoneo. One of the infants was called Inigorio, or the 
 good mind ; the other Onigohatea, or the bad mind. These two 
 antagonistic principles were at perpetual variance, it being the 
 law of one to counteract whatever the other one did. They were 
 not, however, men but gods, or existences through whom the 
 Great Spirit, or Holder of the Heavens, carried out his purposes. 
 The first labor of Inigorio was to create the sun out of the head 
 of his dead mother, and the moon and the stars out of the other 
 parts of her body. The light these gave drove the monsters 
 into the deep water to hide themselves. He then prepared the 
 surface of the continent, and fitted it for human habitation, by 
 diversifying it with creeks, rivers, lakes and plains, and by fill- 
 ing these with the various species of the animal and vegetable 
 kingdoms. He then formed a man and woman out of the earth. 
 gave them life, and called them Ea-gwe-ho-we, or, as it is more 
 generally known, Ong-we Hon-we ; that is to say, a real people. 
 
 [Meanwhile the Bad Mind created mountains, waterfalls and 
 steeps and morasses, reptiles, serpents, apes and other objects sup- 
 posed to be injurious to or in mockery of mankind. He made 
 attempts also to conceal land animals in the ground, so as to de- 
 prive man of the means of subsistence. This continued opposi- 
 
110 IXDIAN TRADITIONS. 
 
 tion to the wishes of the Good Mind, who was perpetually busied 
 in restoring the effects of the displacements and wicked devices 
 of the other, at length led to a personal combat, of which the time 
 and instruments of the battle were agreed on. They fought for 
 two days, the one using deer's horns, and the other flag roots as 
 arms. Inigorio, who had chosen horns, finally prevailed; 
 his antagonist sunk down to a region of darkness and became the 
 Evil Spirit, or Kluneolux, of the world of despair. Inigorio 
 having obtained this triumph retired from the earth. 
 
INDIAN AXES, ONE-HALF SIZE OF ORIGINALS. 
 From Collection or FEOF. D. B. BEDNNEE, Reading. Fa. 
 
INDIAN KNIV BS A ND ARROW 1 "OINTS. 
 Fhom Coi 'ROF. i>. It. BRUNNER, Reading, 6»a. 
 

 INDIAN ARROW POINTS. 
 
 From Collection of PROF. D. B. BRONNKR, Reading, Fa. 
 
I^DIAJN" ARROW POINTS. 
 
 From CoiLicnos Ol PROP". I). B. BEUKKEB, Rsatong, Pa. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 
 
 The Andastes Indians. By Dr. George C. Wood, of Muncy. 
 
 AT THE time the Province of Pensylvania was granted to 
 William Penn for his colony, he found it occupied by the 
 great Lenni-Lenape tribe and its sub-tribes. Concluding 
 that they owned the land, he made treaties with them for its pur- 
 chase. Subsequently he discovered that they were merely ten- 
 ants, as it were, and not the rightful or lawful owners. It seems 
 that at a period in the last century, the Iroquois having their homes 
 in what is now the State of New York, made war upon the Lenni- 
 Lenapes living southward of them, and succeeded, after a des- 
 perate struggle, in making a complete conquest. Peace being 
 established, the Iroquois permitted the Lenni-Lenapes to occupy 
 their old country as before as long as they continued to act prop- 
 erly, but they claimed their territory by right of conquest. One 
 provision existed, however, in the position of the Lenni-Lenapes 
 toward their conquerors afterwards, that whilst it must have been 
 irksome to the conquered reflects credit on the Iroquois. It 
 was the submission of the Lenni-Lenape tribes to resident gover- 
 nors, appointed by the Grand Council of the Iroquois. Shikel- 
 limy, the chief resident at Shamokin, was one of such deputies, 
 and the most distinguished. 
 
 Happily for the Penn treaties the Iroquois were strong 
 friends of the English, and for this reason they allowed the 
 treaties to stand and the whites to occupy the purchased lands. 
 Had they repudiated the purchases, as they had a right to do, 
 Penn would have been compelled to purchase them over again 
 from the rightful owners, especially if he desired to continue his 
 policy of peace. 
 
 Tradition tells us that some time during the century pre- 
 vious to the English settling in North America, a great tribe of 
 Indians, called the Andastes, occupied the country on the Sus- 
 
112 THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 
 
 quehanna and Allegheny rivers. The Andastes tribe belonged 
 to the Algonquin family, as also did the Lenni-Lenapes, or Dela- 
 wares. While the Andastes inhabited the region of country 
 now called Western Pennsylvania, and also its central portion 
 along the Susquehanna river, the Delawares inhabited New Jer- 
 sey and also that part of Eastern Pennsylvania along the banks 
 of the Delaware river. 
 
 The Andastes at the period spoken of were the bitter en- 
 emies of the Iroquois. They were spirited, active and brave, 
 the opposite in this respect of their lowland neighbors, the Lenni- 
 Lenapes. The hatred existing between them and the Iroquois 
 was such that their continual war was one of extermination, 
 and as such it was carried on till only a little remnant remained 
 of the Andastes, which tied from their homes and settled near 
 the mouth of the Susquehanna river. They were known by the 
 name of Susquehannocks afterwards, and subsequently Cones- 
 toga Indians. The few left in the 17th century were chris- 
 tianized by the Moravians and the Quakers, and on the night 
 of December 14th, 1763, were cruelly murdered in cold blood by 
 the Paxton Boys while taking refuge in the old jail at Lancas- 
 ter from their fury. Thus perished the last of the Andastes. 
 The manner of their taking off was one of the most atrocious 
 events in the history of those bloody times, and equals, if not 
 excels, any deed ever committed by the Indians. * * * * 
 
 The country of the West Branch of the Susquehanna was 
 then in the 16th century occupied by the Andastes, and on their 
 extermination was occupied by the Lenni-Lenapes, Shawanese 
 and Tuscaroras, by the permission of the Iroquois, the latter own- 
 ing the land by right of conquest. 
 
 By Dr. W. H. Bgle, Stale Librarian of Pennsylvania. 
 
 When the English first explored the lower Susquehanna 
 they found it inhabited by a race which they called the Susque- 
 hannocks. The Dutch, as early as [615, and the Swedes when 
 they settled in 1638, came in contact with these Susquehannocks 
 and called them Minquas. The line between the Minquas and 
 Delawares seems to have been along the dividing waters be- 
 tween the two rivers, though in wars the Minquas drove the Dela- 
 wares entirely over into New Jersey. The Minquas were a 
 
 
THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. II3 
 
 ruling tribe on the Delaware as the Mohawks were on the Hud- 
 son. From 1640 the Five Nations of New York began to be 
 liberally supplied with lire arms, and they soon devastated the 
 tribes similar to the Minquas on the upper branches of the Sus- 
 quehanna. Having disposed of these and opened the way, in 
 1662 they commenced upon the lower Minquas, or Susquehan- 
 nocks. 
 
 Before this, in 1652, the Susquehannocks had sold to Mary- 
 land their possession and conquest rights on both sides of the 
 Chesapeake Bay from the Choptawk and Pautuxant rivers to 
 the head of the bay. In 1663 the Marylanders assisted the Min- 
 quas with cannon and men in their fort, and defeated an army 
 of eight hundred Senecas and Cayugas. The war was, how- 
 ever, kept up, and finally, after many reverses and successes, 
 in 1675, forsaken by the English who had superceded the Dutch 
 on the Delaware, and by the Marylanders, and reduced by dis- 
 ease the Minquas were conquered, many of them carried off to 
 New York and the balance fled to the Potomac at Piscataway. 
 From this place they were afterward allowed to return to their 
 old country and establish themselves as a tributary outpost of the 
 Five Nations on the Onestego creek, and there subsequently 
 they were known as Conestogas. In this way the New York 
 tribes obtained their conquest rights to the lands on the Sus- 
 quehanna and southward to the Potomac, which were recog- 
 nized by the several purchase treaties made with them by Wil- 
 liam Penn and his heirs. Governor Dongan, of New York, first 
 purchased these Pennsylvania-Susquehanna conquest rights from 
 the Five Nations with a view of holding those parts, at least above 
 the Conawago Falls, as part of New York, and preventing Penn 
 from obtaining the full limits of his charter. When this failed 
 he sold and transferred these deeded rights to Penn in 1696. 
 In 1699 Penn again purchased from the remaining Conestogas 
 all their rights and the rights of their ancestors, and, as he aptly 
 expresses it, the rights that their ancestors have, could, might 
 or ought to have had, held or enjoyed in these lands. In 1701 
 this purchase was again confirmed in the presence of an Onon- 
 daga deputy, and a promise made then that they should have a 
 reservation, which was in fact afterwards surveyed to them in 
 17 18. Here the dwindling remnant remained until the mas- 
 sacre in 1763. 
 
 8 
 
114 THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 
 
 Trior to this their young men gravitated to the New York 
 cantons, mostly among the Oneidas, as this course afforded the 
 only opening for martial renown — for an Indian is nothing if 
 not a warrior. Among these descendants of the ancient Susque- 
 hannocks who attended the Lancaster treaty in 1744 was Shikel- 
 limv — more properly Shickenany — who hesitated about signing 
 the deed to Maryland, which Marshe blamed on the Pennsyl- 
 vanians. When the Conestoga Manor was surveyed in 1718, 
 they run a line round them that none might come near them, 
 and though at that time the Indians had expressed a willingness 
 to retire from Conestoga, yet the Government here persuaded 
 them to continue near us, and they appeared very well pleased 
 with the inclosing by surveys the lands where they are seated. 
 
 The Dutch, Swedes and English made purchases from the 
 Delawares on the west bank of their river. The western limits 
 were not given, or were vaguely defined. There are some repre- 
 sentations of such purchases extending to the Susquehanna ; but 
 the Delawares had no rights to lands on that river, and prob- 
 ably never made such sales. Penn thought he had extinguished 
 the Indian title to the Susquehanna lands through his purchase 
 from Dongan, and in satisfying the resident Conestogas; and 
 there can be no doubt that the New York Indians were satisfied 
 and for many years made no claims. But the older ones died, 
 and the younger ones at length set up a claim that they had not 
 been paid for their conquest lands on the Susquehanna. In the 
 meantime many settlers had moved upon these lands. The 
 Cayugas were the most persistent and annoying in pressing their 
 claims. At length on October nth. [736, these lands, as far 
 west as the Blue Mountain range, and eastward to the head 
 springs flowing into the Susquehanna, were again purchased at 
 a treaty in Philadelphia. After this treaty adjourned and some 
 of the delegates had gone home, an after thought came to the 
 proprietary party. As the Six Nations seemed to be setting up 
 unexpected claims of conquest rights, it was thought it would be 
 a good plan to get a release from them to all the lands eastward as 
 far as the Delaware. This was a most transparent falsehood. 
 Not until white means black can eastward limits on the head 
 of streams running into the Susquehanna be defined as intended 
 to extend to the Delaware. There is not. a particle of evidence that 
 the Six Nations, prior to this, claimed the right to sell the lands 
 
 
THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 115 
 
 of the Delawares. It is true the Delawares were a conquered 
 tributory people, but this in Indian politics did not mean always 
 a right to alienate the soil. 
 
 Land selling was indeed an European innovation, the full 
 meaning of which the Indians were slow to realize. As long as 
 they sold and still occupied nearly all of it the sale meant little; 
 when it meant dispossession then trouble ensued. Occupancy 
 was the only soil right that the Indian knew before the presents 
 at treaties gave them the land-selling itch. This supplementary- 
 explanatory deed dated October 25th, 1736, fourteen days after 
 the other, was not for sale of land that they claimed, but was 
 given at the request of the white men to cover or prevent any 
 claims the Six Nations might set up to the lands already pur- 
 chased of the Delawares. It was also used, and perhaps de- 
 signed to be used, in 1742, to induce the Six Nations to inter- 
 fere and force the Delawares to leave some of these lands as 
 comprised in the walking purchase. Canasatego's speech, in 
 ordering the Delawares to leave these lands, is famous in history 
 and aroused the dormant resentment of the Delawares. * * * 
 * It was during the pending of these troubles that the treaty 
 was held at Lancaster, in 1744, about lands in Maryland and 
 Virginia, when not a Delaware was allowed to be present. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact which has hitherto been unnoticed, 
 that in the great wars of the western cantons of the Five Nations 
 against the Susquehannocks. which were waged chiefly about 
 1666 and 1675, the Mohawks took no part, nor did there a single 
 Mohawk appear at the treaty in Philadelphia in 1686 when the 
 sale of these conquest rights was made to the Penns. Nor did 
 there appear a single Mohawk at Lancaster when the claims of 
 similar rights were to be disposed of to Maryland, and other 
 claims to lands in Virginia. They had nothing to do in con- 
 quering the Minquas and they would have nothing to say in sell- 
 ing their lands. The explanation of this is no doubt to be found 
 in the special examination of Governor Andras, who in 1675 did 
 endeavor to be rightly informed of things relating to that war, 
 and found that the Susquehannocks were reputed by the Maquas 
 (Mohawks) as their offspring. There can be no doubt that the 
 Susquehanna Minquas were an old diverging branch of the- Mo- 
 hawks, and there was an old friendship which forbade them to 
 war against their kindred, and yet the laws of the Five Nations' 
 
Il6 THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 
 
 confederacy forbade also any assistance. The absent nation for 
 whom Conrad Weiser was authorized by the allies to sign his 
 name at the Lancaster treaty was the Mohawks, into which 
 Weiser had been adopted. 
 
 As early as 1736, at the treaty, the Governor of Pennsyl- 
 vania was earnestly pressed that he would write to the Gover- 
 nors of Maryland and Virginia, to make them (the Western 
 New York Indians) satisfaction for their lands in those States. 
 They say all the lands on the Susquehanna and at Chenandiah 
 were theirs and they must be satisfied for them. In reply it was 
 remarked to them that the lands on Susquehanna, we believe, 
 belong to the Six Nations by the conquest of the Indians on that 
 river, but how their pretensions are to be made good to the lands 
 to the southward we know not. 
 
 At the treaty on July 7th, 1742, Canasatego again intro- 
 duced their claims to lands in Maryland, desiring to know what 
 had been done in the matter, saying, " You will inform the 
 person whose people are seated on our lands that that country 
 belongs to us in right of conquest — we have bought it with our 
 blood, and taken it from our enemies in fair war; we expect 
 such consideration as the land is worth; press him to send us a 
 positive answer; let him say yes or no; if he says yes, we will 
 treat with him; if no, we are able to do ourselves justice, and 
 we will do it by going to take payment on ourselves." 
 
 These alarming words caused a special messenger to be 
 sent to Maryland, and measures were taken for the treaty, 
 which came off at Lancaster in 1744. Though nothing was 
 said in 1742 about Virginia, yet the demand in 1736 and the 
 prospect of a war with France, induced the King and his 
 Virginia colony to treat with these Indians at the same time 
 and place. Conrad Weiser was sent to Onondaga to make 
 the arrangements. There was a shrewd purpose in the back- 
 ground to use the occasion to prevent them from espous- 
 ing the cause of France, and the Pennsylvania Colonial 
 Records show how nicely it was managed — Pennsylvania 
 having in 1737 met the demands of these Indians as to their 
 claim on the lands in that province below the mountains, 
 was in a position to act as a go-between and secure their friend- 
 ship to Maryland and Virginia, and all three were alike inter- 
 ested in view of the coming troubles with France, and her Cana- 
 
THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 11/ 
 
 dian Provinces. At the treaty the Marylanders denied their 
 right to land in that province, and pointed to their deed of pur- 
 chase from the Susquehannocks in 1652 as covering all or nearly 
 all their lands. The reply was very well put " We acknowl- 
 edge the deed to be good and valid, and that the Conestoga or 
 Susquehanna Indians had a right to sell those lands unto you, for 
 they were then theirs; but since that time we have conquered 
 them, and their country now belongs to us, and the lands we 
 demanded satisfaction for are no part of the lands comprised 
 in those deeds — they are the Cohogononta's (Potomac) 
 lands." This is one of the proofs that the territory of the an- 
 cient Susquehannocks extended to the Potomac, probably from 
 the falls up to Harper's Ferry. The old Maryland purchase 
 was not defined in its western limits, and certainly did not in- 
 clude a part of Maryland north of the head of the bay. Just 
 prior to their subjugation by the New York Indians the Sus- 
 quehannocks had somehow got into a war with their old friends 
 in Maryland and suffered greatly. * * * * At the treaty 
 the eastern bounds were not defined. They wanted pay and 
 having got it they cared nothing further about the grounds of 
 their claim nor how it was divided between Maryland and Penn- 
 sylvania. The -claim for pay for Virginia was not founded on 
 the conquest of the Susquehannas, but upon other tribes. 
 
 The Virginians claimed that they had long held peaceable 
 possession and that they found those lands uninhabited and free 
 to be entered upon by their King. They said : " Tell us what 
 Nations you conquered any lands from in Virginia ; how long it is 
 since, and what possession you have had." The answer was: 
 " We have the right of conquest — a right too dearly purchased 
 and which cost us too much blood to be given up without any rea- 
 son at all. * * * * All the world knows we conquered the 
 several nations living on the Susquehanna, Cohongoronto, and on 
 the back of the great mountains in Virginia. The Conoy-uch- 
 such-roonan, the Coch-nan-was-roonan, the Tokoa-irough-roon- 
 an and the Connut-skirr-ough-roonan feel the effects of our con- 
 quest being now a part of our nations and their lands at our dis- 
 posal. They said it was not true that the King of England had 
 conquered the Indians that lived there. We will allow that they 
 have conquered the Sachdagugh-roonan (Powhatans) and drove 
 back the Tuscarrorras and that they have on that account a 
 
Il8 THE INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. 
 
 right to some part of Virginia ; but as to what lies beyond the 
 mountain we conquered the nations residing there, and that land, 
 if ever the Virginians get a good right to it, it must be by us.'* :: 
 
 Pennsylvania never called in question these conquest rights. 
 Had they done so at the several treaties for Susquehanna lands, 
 the Indians would then doubtless have given us some interest- 
 ing facts as to those conquests which are now forever lost. 
 
 Zinzendorf s Observations of the Indians. 
 
 " The savages in Canada are thought to be partly mixed 
 Scythians and partly Jews of the ten lost tribes, which through 
 the great Tartarian wilderness wandered hither by way of hunt- 
 ing, and so they came farther and farther into the country. The 
 reason why they make this conjecture is: I. Because they are 
 not black as they of Florida, Mexico, &c, but they are white, 
 and have only that yellow color prophesied in Deuteronomy 
 (Deut. 28, 22.) 2. They have Jewish customs. 3. They call 
 their enemies and strangers Assaroni, for a remembrance of the 
 Assyrians, by whom their fathers were turned out. 4. Achsa, 
 Onas, and innumerable other words are pure Hebrew, or at least 
 so far as the English, Swedish, Dutch, Norway and Danish 
 tongue are German. 5. Notwithstanding they have many 
 wives their families are yet so small that the Five Nations are 
 altogether hardly so many as there are sometimes in a large vil- 
 lage in our country; which agreeth a great deal better with 
 Deuteronomy than with the nature of the barbarous nations who 
 commonly multiply themselves in many thousands far beyond 
 the Europeans. 
 
 " 'But they have been foretold so.' (Deut. 28, 62.) There- 
 fore, one believes that some one hundred years ago five or six 
 men or women lost themselves hither, each of whom by and by 
 became a nation, who, because of the curse resting on them, con- 
 sumed themselves so that none of them surpassed the number of 
 two thousand persons, yea, some of them are a few hundred. 
 And these nations are five. The French call them Trokois, but 
 they call themselves Aquanuskion, or the Covenant people. 
 
 " A. 1. The Maquas, whose language is the nearest to the 
 Hebrew, is the chiefest of their nations according to dignity; yet 
 
THE; INDIANS ALONG THE SUSQUEHANNA. IIO, 
 
 in Reuben's way, that is, despised because of their levity and 
 paid off with the title. Yet their language goes throughout. 
 
 " 2. The Onondagos are the chief nation in reality — the 
 Judah amongst their brethren. 
 
 "3. The Senecas are the most in number. 
 
 "These three nations are called the fathers. Many of the 
 first are English Presbyterian. The second sort remains hea- 
 thens, and reason in a philosophical manner of the nature of the 
 gods with Cicero. The last are superstitious Cross and Rose- 
 cranz bearers. (The Christianizing of the Iroquois became the 
 object of the Jesuits in Canada in 1642. The Dutch who colon- 
 ized those parts did not give the subject much consideration.) 
 
 " 4. The Oneidas, and 5, Cayugas are their children. They 
 must respect them, and have also children's right. 
 
 " B. The Gibeonites, or water bearers, are people gathered 
 on the rivers, as the Gypsies, and a good part of them are Euro- 
 peans. 1. Canistokas. 2. Mahikans, of whom our congrega- 
 tion consists (vide I. Cor., chap. 1). 3. Hurons, or Delaware 
 Indians. These must call the other Uncles and are called 
 Cousins. 
 
 " C. The Floridians are confederates, and the Tuscaroras 
 are called Brothers. 
 
 " D. The captives are well kept and become in time Cousins. 
 
 " Concerning the enemies, it comes in my mind whether they 
 (except the Europeans) are not Scythians, Idumeans, Arabians, 
 Gypsies, &c, with whom they continually quarrel, and cannot 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 
 
 IN 1683 M. DeLabarre. the Governor General of Canada, 
 marched with an army against the Indian cantons. He 
 
 landed near Oswego, but finding- himself incompetent to 
 meet the enemy, he instituted a negotiation and demanded a 
 conference. On this occasion Garangula, an Onondaga chief, 
 attended in behalf of his country, and made the reply here given. 
 The French retired from the country in disgrace. 
 
 Monsieur DeLabarre said : " The King, my master, being 
 informed that the Five Nations had often infringed the peace, 
 has ordered me to come hither with a guard, and to send Ohguesse 
 to the Onondagas to bring the chief sachems to my camp. The 
 intention of the great King is, that you and I may smoke the 
 calumet of peace together ; but on this condition, that you prom- 
 ise me, in the name of the Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas and 
 Mohawks, to give entire satisfaction and reparation to his sub- 
 jects, and for the future never to molest them. 
 
 '" The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks 
 have robbed and abused all the traders that were passing to the 
 Illinois, and Miamies, and other Indian nations, the children of 
 my King; they have acted on these occasions contrary to the 
 treaty of peace with my predecessor. I am ordered, therefore, 
 to demand satisfaction; and to tell them that in case of refusal 
 or their plundering us any more, that I have express order 
 declare war. This belt confirms my words. The warriors of 
 the Five Nations have conducted the English into the lakes which 
 belong to the King, my master, and brought the English among 
 the nations that are his children to destroy the trade of his sub- 
 ject- and to withdraw these nations from him. They have car- 
 ried the English thither notwithstanding the prohibition of the 
 late Governor of New York who forsaw the risk that both they 
 and you would run. I am willing to forget those things; but if 
 ever the like should happen for the future I have express orders 
 
TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. I -2 1 
 
 to declare war against you. This belt confirms my words. Your 
 warriors have made several barbarous incursions on the Illinois 
 and the Miamies. They have massacred men, women and chil- 
 dren ; they have made many of these nations prisoners, who 
 thought themselves safe in their villages in time of peace. These 
 people, who are my King's children, must not be your slaves; you 
 must give them liberty, and send them back into their own coun- 
 try. If the Five Nations shall refuse to do this, I have express 
 orders to declare war against them. This belt confirms my 
 words. This is what I have to say to Garangula, that he may 
 carry to the Senecas, Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas and Mo- 
 hawks the declaration which the King, my master, has com- 
 manded me to make. He doth not wish them to force him to 
 send a great army to Cadarackui Fort to begin a war which must 
 be fatal to them. He would be sorry that this fort, that was 
 the work of peace, should become the prison of your warriors. 
 We must endeavor on both sides to prevent such misfortunes. 
 The French, who are the brethren and friends of the Five Na- 
 tions, will never trouble their repose, provided that the satisfaction 
 which I demand be given, and that the treaties of peace be here- 
 after observed. I shall be extremely grieved if my words do not 
 produce the effect which I expect from them ; for then I shall be 
 obliged to join with the Governor of New York, who is com- 
 manded by his master to assist me. and burn the castles of the 
 Five Nations, and destroy you. This belt confirms my words." 
 
 Garangula, after walking five or six times round the circle, 
 answered the French Governor, who sat in an elbow chair, in the 
 following strain : 
 
 " Yonnondio, I honor you, and the warriors that are with 
 me likewise honor you. Your interpreter has finished your 
 speech. I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your 
 ears ; hearken to them. 
 
 " Yonnondio, you must have believed when you left Que- 
 bec that the sun had burnt up all the forests which render our 
 country inaccessible to the French, or that the lakes had so far 
 overflown the banks that they had surrounded our castles and 
 that it was impossible for us to get out of them. Yes, Yonnon- 
 dio, surely you must have dreamt so ; and the curiosity of see- 
 ing so great a wonder has brought you so far. Now you are 
 undeceived, since that I and the warriors here present are come to 
 
122 TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 
 
 assure you that the Senecas, Cayugas, Ononda^as, Oneidas and 
 Mohawks are yet alive. 1 thank you in their name for bringing 
 back into their country the calumet which your predecessor re- 
 ceived from their hands. It was happy for you that you left under 
 ground that murdering hatchet which has been so often dyed in 
 the blood of the French. Hear, Yonnondio, I do not sleep; I 
 have my eyes open, and the sun which enlightens me, discovers 
 to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers who 
 speaks as if he were dreaming. He says that he only came to 
 the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Onondagas, but 
 Garangula says that he sees the contrary; that it was to knock 
 them on the head if sickness had not weakened the arms of the 
 French. 
 
 " I see Yonnondio raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives 
 the Great Spirit has saved by inflicting this sickness on them. 
 Hear ! Yonnondio, our women had taken their clubs, our chil- 
 dren and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the 
 heart of your camp if our warriors had not disarmed them and 
 kept them back, when your messenger, Ohguesse. came to our 
 castles. It is done, and I have said it! Hear! Yonnondio. we 
 plundered none of the French but those that carried guns, pow- 
 der and ball to the Twighties and the Chictaghicks. because those 
 arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the ex- 
 ample of the Jesuits, who stove all the kegs of rum brought to 
 our castles, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the 
 head. Our warriors have not beaver enough to pay for all these 
 arms that they have taken; and our old men are not afraid of 
 war. This belt preserves my words. We carried the English 
 into our lakes to trade there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, 
 as the Adirondack's brought the French to our castles to carry on 
 a trade which the English say is theirs. We arc born free. We 
 neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. We may go where 
 we please and carry with us whom we please. If your allies 
 he your slaves, use them as such. Command them to receive 
 no other than your people. This belt preserves my words. 
 
 " We knocked the Twighties and Chictaghicks on the head 
 because they had cut down the trees of peace which were the 
 limits of our country. They had hunted beaver on our land. 
 They had acted contrary to the custom of all Indians; for they 
 left none of the beavers alive; thev killed both male and female. 
 
TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 123 
 
 They brought the Satanas into the country to take part with 
 them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. We have 
 done less than either the English or the French, that have usurped 
 the lands of so many Indian nations and chased them from their 
 own country. This belt preserves my words. 
 
 " Hear ! Yonnondio, what I say is the voice of all the Five 
 Nations ; hear what they answer ! Open your ears to what they 
 speak! The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas and the 
 Mohawks say, that when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui 
 in the presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the fort, 
 they planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there care- 
 fully preserved; that in place of a retreat for soldiers that fort 
 might be a rendezvous for merchants ; that in place of arms and 
 ammunition of war, beavers and merchandise should only enter 
 there. 
 
 " Hear! Yonnondio, take care of the future, that so great 
 a number of soldiers as appear here do not choke the tree of peace 
 planted in so small a fort. It will be a great loss if after it had 
 so easily taken root you should stop its growth and prevent its 
 covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, 
 in the name of the Five Nations, that our warriors shall dance 
 to the calumet of peace under its leaves, and shall remain quiet 
 on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet till their brother 
 Yonnondio, or Corlear, shall, either jointly or separately en- 
 deavor to attack the country which the Great Spirit has given to 
 our ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and this other the 
 authority which the Five Nations have given me." Then Ga- 
 rangula, addressing himself to Monsieur Le Main, said : " Take 
 courage, Ohguesse, you have spirit, speak — explain my words ; 
 forget nothing; tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yon- 
 nondio, your Governor, by the mouth of Garungula, who loves 
 you and desires you to accept of this present of beaver, and take 
 part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present 
 of beaver is sent to Yonnondio on the part of the Five Nations." 
 
 The Six Nations of the Iroquois are admirable warriors in 
 their way, faithful as friends but implacable as foes; and yet even 
 in the latter relation they act honorably. If, for instance, the am- 
 bassador of a hostile tribe which has violated national law, ap- 
 pear before the Great Council at Onondaga he pays the penalty 
 of his presumption by suffering summary death. If, however, 
 
124 TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 
 
 he first apply to the Senecas, who control all matters of war, they 
 either furnish him with an escort to the capitol, or else repri- 
 mand him as follows : " Your people have been guilty of an un- 
 pardonable offence in murdering our ambassador. We could 
 retaliate by taking your life, but this would be base. Begone, 
 therefore, to your country. There we will meet you and chas- 
 tise you." 
 
 These Indians perpetuate the memory of their heroes in 
 heroic poems which are so accurately handed down orally that 
 it is impossible for anyone to boast of feats which he has not per- 
 formed. The Black Prince of Onondaga is a terrible savage. 
 On one occasion he broke into the stockaded castle of the enemy, 
 scalped the inhabitants and escaped unhurt. While on a visit 
 to Col. Nichols, one of the Colonel's servants poured water on 
 him. With a thrust of his knife the enraged Indian stabbed the 
 man in the stomach so that he fell dead at his feet. Straight- 
 way he informed Nichols of what had occurred. " This act/' 
 said the later, " would be regarded a capital offence in Europe." 
 "With us," retorted the Prince, "trifling with a warrior is regarded 
 a capital offence, and hence I slew your man. If death is de- 
 creed me, here I am; do with me according to your laws." The 
 affair went no farther. 
 
 Dr. Franklin's Story of Canasotcgo. 
 
 Conrad Weiser, in going through the Indian country to 
 carry a message from our Governor to the Council at Onondaga, 
 called at the habitation of Canasatego, an old acquaintance, who 
 embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on. placed before him 
 boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for 
 his drink. When he was well refreshed and had lit his pipe. 
 Canasatego began to converse with him; asked him how he had 
 \;{\\'<\ the many years since they had seen each other; whence he 
 then came; what occasioned the journey. &c. Conrad answered 
 all his questions, and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian 
 to continue it said, " Conrad, you have lived long among the 
 white people, rind know something of their customs; I have been 
 sometimes at Albany and have observed that once in seven days 
 they shut up their simps and assemble in the great house; tell me 
 what that is for? What do thev do there?" " Thev meet 
 
TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 1-5 
 
 there," says Conrad, " to hear and learn good things." " I do 
 not doubt," says the Indian, " that they tell you so ; for they have 
 told me the same; but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I 
 will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my 
 skins and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I 
 used generally to deal with Hans Hanson ; but I was a little in- 
 clined this time to try some other merchants. However, I called 
 first upon Hans and asked him what he would give for beaver. 
 He said he could not give me more than four shillings a pound; 'but,' 
 says he, 'I cannot talk on business now; this is the day when we 
 meet together to learn good things and I am going to the meet- 
 ing.' So I thought to myself since I cannot do any business to- 
 day I may as well go to the meeting too, and I went with him. 
 There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people 
 very angrily; I did not understand what he said, but perceiving 
 that he looked much at me and at Hanson, I imagined that he 
 was angry at seeing me there ; so I went out, sat down near the 
 house, struck fire and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should 
 break up. I thought, too, that the man had mentioned something 
 of beaver, and suspected it might be the subject of their meeting. 
 So when they had come out I accosted my merchant. ' Well, 
 Hans.' says T, ' I hope you have agreed to give more than four 
 shillings a pound.' ; No,' says he, 'I cannot give so much. I can- 
 not give more than three shillings sixpence.' I then spoke to 
 several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, ' Three 
 and sixpence! Three and sixpence.' This made it clear to 
 me that my suspicion was right ; and whatever they pretended 
 of meeting to learn good things the purpose was to consult how to 
 cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little. Con- 
 rad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to 
 learn good things, they would certainly have learned some before 
 this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. 
 If a white man in traveling through our country enters one of 
 our cabins, we all treat him as I do you; we dry him if he is wet; 
 we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink that he 
 may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft furs for him 
 to rest and sleep on; we demand nothing in return. But if I go 
 into a white man's house in Albany and ask for victuals and 
 drink, they say, ' Get out, you Indian dog.' You see they have 
 not yet learned those little good things that we need no meetings 
 
126 TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 
 
 to be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us when 
 we were children; and therefore it is impossible their meetings 
 should be as the}- say for any such purpose, or have any such 
 effect ; they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the 
 price of beaver." 
 
 Benjamin franklin Describes Indian Drunkenness. 
 
 " Being commissioned, we went to Carlisle to attend the 
 Council with the Indians. As those people are extremely apt to 
 get drunk, and when so are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we 
 strictly forbade the selling of any liquor to them; and when they 
 complained of this restriction, we told them that if they would 
 continue sober during the treaty we would give them plenty of 
 rum when the business was over. They promised this and they 
 kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and the 
 treaty was conducted very orderly and concluded to mutual satis- 
 faction. Then they claimed and received the rum; this was in 
 the afternoon ; they were near one hundred men, women and chil- 
 dren, and were lodged in temporary cabins built in the form of 
 a square just without the town. In the evening hearing a great 
 noise among them, the commissioners walked out to see what 
 was the matter. We found that they had made a great bonfire 
 in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women, 
 quarrelling and fighting. Their dark colored bodies, half naked, 
 seen only by the gloomy lightof the bonfire, runningafter and beat- 
 ing one another with lire brands, accompanied by their horrid 
 veilings, formed a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell 
 that well could be imagined; there was no appeasing the tumult, 
 and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a number of them 
 came thundering at our door demanding more rum, of which 
 we took no notice. 
 
 " The next day, sensible that they had misbehaved in giving 
 us that disturbance, they sent three of their old counsellors to 
 make their apology. The orator acknowledged the fault but laid 
 it upon the rum; and then endeavored to excuse the rum by say- 
 ing, ' The Great Spirit who made all things made every thing 
 for some use. and whatever use he designed any tiling for. that 
 use it should always be put to. Now, when he made rum he 
 said, 'Let this be for the Indian to get drunk with, and it must lie 
 
TRAITS 01? INDIAN CHARACTER. 1-3/ 
 
 so.' And indeed if it be the design of Providence to extirpate 
 these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, 
 it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. 
 It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited 
 the sea coast. 
 
 "Of the manner in which they have acquired the vice of 
 drunkenness there can be no doubt. They charge us in the most 
 positive manner with being the first who made them acquainted 
 with ardent spirits, and with having exerted all the means in 
 our power to induce them to drink to excess. The processes of 
 fermentation and distillation are entirely unknown to the Indians, 
 and they have no intoxicating liquors but what they have re- 
 ceived from us. The Mexicans have their pulque and other 
 indigenous beverages of an inebriating nature, but the North 
 Americans before their intercourse commenced had absolutely 
 nothing of the kind. The smoke of the American weed tobacco 
 was the only means that they at that time had in use to produce 
 a temporary exhilaration of spirits. 
 
 " The dreadful war in 1774 between the Shawanese, some 
 of the Mingoes, and the people of Virginia, in which so many 
 lives were lost, was brought on by the consequences of drunk- 
 enness. It produced murders which were followed by private 
 revenge, and ended in a most cruel and destructive war. 
 
 " The general prevalence of this vice is in a great degree 
 owing to unprincipled white traders who persuade them to be- 
 come intoxicated that they may cheat them the more easily and 
 obtain their lands or peltry for a mere trifle. 
 
 " The effects which intoxication produce upon tire Indians 
 are dreadful. It has been the cause of an infinite number of 
 murders among them, beside biting off of noses and otherwise 
 disfiguring each other. Many have died of colds which they 
 caught by lying on the cold ground and remaining exposed to 
 the elements when drunk. Others have lingered out their lives 
 in excruciating rheumatism, and in wasting consumption. Re- 
 flecting Indians have keenly remarked, ' It is strange that a 
 people who profess themselves believers in a religion revealed 
 to them by the Great Spirit himself; who say that they have in 
 their houses the Word of God and his laws and his command- 
 ments textually written, could think of making a beson calculated 
 to bewitch people and make them destroy one another.' One 
 said, ' Can you, my friend, tell me what is in the beson that con- 
 
TRAITS OF INDIAN CHARACTER. 
 
 fuses one so, and transforms things in that manner? Is it an 
 invisible spirit? It must be something alive; or have the white 
 people sorcerers among them who put something in the liquor to 
 deceive those who drink it? Do the white people drink of the 
 same liquor they give the Indian? Do they also, when drunk, 
 kill people and bite noses off as do the Indians? ^*ho taught 
 the white people to make so pernicious a beson?' 
 
 " I believe the cause of the Indians being so fond of liquor 
 is to be found in their living almost entirely upon fresh meats and 
 green vegetables, such as corn, pumpkins, squashes potatoes, cu- 
 cumbers, melons, beans, &c. which causes a longing in their 
 stomach for some seasoning, particularly when they have been 
 a long time without salt. They are on those occasions equally 
 eager for any acid substances ; vinegar, if they can get it. they 
 will drink in considerable quantities, and think nothing of going 
 thirty or forty miles for it ; cranberries, whether in season or not. 
 They also gather crab-apples, wild grapes and other acid and even 
 bitter fruits as substitutes for salt, and in the Spring they will 
 peel such trees as have a sourish sap which they lick with great 
 avidity." 
 
 In this connection we will refer to the work for the Indians 
 to-day at the school in Carlisle, under the charge of Major R. 
 H. Pratt, whose principle is expressed in these words. " To civ- 
 ilize the Indian get him into civilization ; to keep him so. let him 
 stay." 
 
 Major Pratt says of the Outing System adopted by that 
 school : " The foregoing principles established beyond a per- 
 adventure. by our eighteen years' experience have led me to urge 
 and extend, so far as I have been allowed, the Carlisle Outing- 
 System, which I continue to regard as the best possible means 
 of inducting Indian boys and girls into our civilized family and 
 national life. Through contact only will the prejudice of the In- 
 dians against the whites, and the prejudice of the whites against 
 the Indians, be broken up. The practical demonstration that 
 the young Indian is as competent in the field and shop and in 
 household matters as the young Anglo-Saxon, and has the same 
 qualities of head and heart, removes Anglo-Saxon prejudice 
 against the Indians, and living in kindly American homes re- 
 moves Indian prejudice, proving to both that neither is as bad as 
 the other thought, thus accomplishing fully and at once for each 
 what no amount of long range assertion can effect." 
 
DR. CARLOS MONTEZUMA, AS A BOY IN THE APACHE 
 INDIAN CAMP, ARIZONA. 
 
DR. CARLOS MONTEZUMA, AS A PHYSICIAN IN CHICAGO. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 THE history of the Indians is largely traditional. The 
 main statements having been gathered by the earnest mis- 
 sionaries who went among them fearlessly and were re- 
 ceived by them as friends and teachers. Many discoveries have 
 been made, as mounds have been opened, which throw light upon 
 the degree of civilization attained by the Indians, but as they have 
 preserved no records, they do not give light on the history of the 
 people who first dwelt in the wilds of America. The Indians 
 inhabiting the vast expanse of country between Virginia and 
 Canada say that in the far distant past their fathers dwelt in the 
 western wilds of America. Going toward the East, after many 
 years, they came to a great river, the Nsemosi Sipu, or, river of 
 fish. Here they met another tribe of Indians who had also come 
 from a far country, and had approached the river toward its 
 head waters. The former were the Lenape and the latter the 
 Mengwe. When they came near the river they found a power- 
 ful nation dwelling in large towns upon its banks. These people 
 were of great size, and defended their towns by regular forti- 
 fications built of earth. They refused to permit the strangers 
 to settle near them, but gave them permission to pass through 
 their territories to the country beyond. But when the Lenape 
 were crossing the river, the Allegewi attacked them and killed 
 many who had succeeded in crossing. At this the Mengwe, who 
 had been spectators until this moment, joined their forces to 
 those of the Lenape, and for a long time they waged war with 
 the Allegewi, and finally drove them away. The Allegewi fled 
 down the river and never returned. Then the Mengwe chose 
 the country toward the north, where the great lakes were, and the 
 Lenape chose the lands toward the south. For many ages they 
 lived in harmony and prospered. After a long time the hunters 
 of the Lenape crossed the mountains and discovered the great 
 rivers, Susquehanna and Delaware. As they explored the coun- 
 9 
 
I30 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 try they came to the Hudson, which they called the Mohicannit- 
 tuck river. When they returned to their people and told of the 
 abundance of fish, and fruits, and fowls, and that there were no 
 people dwelling there, the Lenape concluded that that was the 
 land destined for them by the Great Spirit. They therefore 
 came and settled upon the four rivers, the Hudson, Delaware, 
 Susquehanna and Potomac. They made the Delaware the cen- 
 ter of their possessions, and gave it the name of Lenape-wihit- 
 tuck. These dwelling in this new territory were divided into 
 three tribes. One was called the Turtle, or Unamis ; another the 
 Turkey, or Unalachtgo, and the other the Wolf, or Minsi. 'The 
 two former inhabited the coast from the Hudson to the Potomac, 
 settling in small towns and villages, upon the larger streams, 
 under chiefs subordinate to the great council of the nation. The 
 Minsi, called Monceys by the English, the most warlike of the 
 tribes, went into the interior between their brothers and the 
 Mengwe, stretching from the Minisink on the Delaware, where 
 they held their councils, to the Hudson on the east, and the Sus- 
 quehanna on the south, and from the head waters of the Delaware 
 and Susquehanna to the Muskenecum hills in New Jersey and to 
 the Lehigh and Coghnewago in Pennsylvania. In the course of 
 time the Mengwe and the Lenape became enemies, and there were 
 many deeds of treachery between them. At length the Dela- 
 wares, or Lenape, turned on the Mengwe, determined to exter- 
 minate them. This caused the Mengwe to unite all their tribes 
 in a great confederacy. Thannawage, a M< >hawk, was the father 
 of the republic which was thus formed. The confederacy was 
 composed of the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagoes, Cayugas and 
 Senecas. Afterward there was added a sixth, the Tuscaroras. 
 The Lenape were checked, but the Iroquois, as the six nations 
 were called, found a new enemy in the French, who were at- 
 tempting the settlement of Canada. They thought it wise now 
 to be reconciled to their Indian fellows, and secured it by a re- 
 markable stroke of policy. 
 
 The mediators between the Indian nations at war are 
 women. The men, however, weary of the contest, consider it 
 cowardly and disgraceful to seek reconciliation. A warrior must 
 maintain a determined courage at all times, and be as ready to 
 battle at the end as at the beginning of an engagement. To them 
 it seemed two faced to speak of peace while holding warlike 
 
HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 13 I 
 
 weapons in their hands. Hence, when they were desirous of peace, 
 the women interfered, and persuaded the men to bury the hatchet. 
 They conjured the warriors by their suffering wives, their help- 
 less children, their homes and their friends, to interchange for- 
 giveness, to cast away their arms, and smoking together the 
 pipe of peace and amity, to embrace as friends those whom they 
 had learned to esteem as enemies. 
 
 The Mengwe sent to the Lenape the following communica- 
 tion : " It is not profitable that all the nations should be at war 
 with each other, for this will at length be the ruin of the whole 
 Indian race. We have, therefore, considered a remedy by which 
 this evil may be prevented. One nation shall be the woman. 
 We will place her in the midst, and the other nations that make 
 war shall be the man and live around the woman. No one shall 
 touch or hurt the woman, and if any one does it we will imme- 
 diately say to him: 'Why do you beat the woman?' Then all 
 the men shall fall upon him who has beaten her. The woman 
 shall not go to war, but shall endeavor to keep the peace with all. 
 Therefore, if the men who surround her beat each other, and the 
 war be carried on with violence, the woman shall have the right 
 of addressing them : 'Ye men, what are ye about ; why do ye 
 beat each other? We are almost afraid. Consider that your 
 wives and children must perish unless ye desist. Do you mean 
 to destroy yourselves from the face of the earth ?' The men shall 
 then hear and obey the woman." 
 
 The Delaware Indians did not see the danger of accepting 
 such a proposition, but were captivated by the beautiful results 
 that would come to all the Indians. They were moved by the 
 humanity of it, and realized that no better selection of a peace- 
 maker could be made than of themselves, because there were no 
 greater warriors than themselves. No one could charge them 
 with cowardice or fear. 
 
 The ceremony of the metamorphosis was performed with 
 great rejoicing at Albany in 1717, in the presence of the Dutch. 
 There was a great feast and the orator of the Iroquois made a 
 speech in which there were three points. The first being the 
 declaration that the Delaware nation was henceforth the woman. 
 He said, " We dress you in a woman's long habit reaching down 
 to your feet and adorn you with ear rings," meaning that they 
 should no more take up arms. The second point was, " We hang 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE) INDIANS. 
 
 a calabash filled with oil and medicines upon your arm. With 
 the oil you shall cleanse the ears of the other nations, that they 
 may attend to good and not to bad words ; and with the medi- 
 cines you shall heal those who are walking in foolish ways, that 
 they may return to their senses, and incline their hearts to peace." 
 The third point by which the Delawares were exhorted to make 
 agriculture their future employment and means of subsistence 
 was thus worded : " We deliver into your hands a plant of In- 
 dian corn and a hoe." Each of these points was confirmed by 
 delivering a belt of wampum, which were carefully laid up and 
 their meaning frequently repeated. 
 
 Afterward the Iroquois represented that they had con- 
 quered the Delawares and had forced them to pay tribute. Col- 
 den says in his account of the Five Nations : " About the year 
 1664, the Five Nations, being amply supplied with fire arms and 
 ammunition, gave a full swing to their warlike genius ; they car- 
 ried their arms as far south as Carolina, to the northward of 
 New England, and as far west as the Mississippi, over a vast 
 country, which extended twelve hundred miles in length and 
 six hundred in breadth ; where they entirely destroyed whole na- 
 tions of whom there are no accounts remaining among the 
 English." 
 
 With these explanations we are able to understand the con- 
 duct of the Indians at the Council in Philadelphia in 1742. 
 
 From these three separate accounts of the Lenape, of the 
 Mahicarii and of the Mohawks, as related by Mr. Pyrlaeus, it 
 appears to be conclusively proved that the Europeans were al- 
 ready in this country when the Lenape were persuaded to assume 
 the station of woman, and that the Dutch were assisting in the 
 plot and were at least the instigators if not the authors of it. 
 It was the Dutch who summoned the great council near Albany; 
 the tomahawk was buried deep in the ground, and the ven- 
 geance of the Dutch was threatened if it should ever be taken 
 up again; the peace belt was laid across the shoulders of the 
 unfortunate Delawares, supported at one end by the Five Na- 
 tions, and at the other by the Europeans. All these circum- 
 stances point so clearly to European intrigue, that it is impos- 
 sible to resist the conclusion that the whites adopted this means 
 to neutralize the power of the Delawares and their friends, win mi 
 
HISTORY 01? THE INDIANS. 133 
 
 they dreaded, and strengthen the hands of the Iroquois, who were 
 in their alliance. 
 
 Before that strange metamorphosis took place, of a great 
 and powerful nation being transformed into a band of defence- 
 less women, the Iroquois had never been permitted to visit the 
 Lenape even when they were at peace with each other. When- 
 ever a Mengwe appeared in their country, he was hunted down 
 as a beast of prey, and it was lawful for every one to destroy him. 
 But now the " woman " could not consistently, with her new 
 station and engagements, make use of destructive weapons, and 
 she was bound to abstain from all violence against the human 
 species. Her late enemies therefore found no difficulty in travel- 
 ing under various pretences through her country and those of 
 her allies, and leaving here and there a few of their people to 
 remain among them as long as they pleased for the purpose, as 
 they said, of keeping up a good understanding and assisting 
 them in the preservation of the general peace. But while they 
 were amusing the Lenape with nattering language, they were 
 concerting measures to involve them in difficulties with other 
 nations. 
 
 The Delawares say that to the countenance of the English 
 is entirely owing- the preponderance which the Iroquois at last 
 attained. They complain that the English did support that 
 enemy against them ; that they even sanctioned their insolence 
 by telling them to make use of their authority as men, and bring 
 these women to their senses. That they were even insulted 
 and treated in a degrading manner in treaties to which the 
 English were parties, and particularly in that which took place 
 in Easton in July, 1742, when the Six Nations were publicly 
 called on to compel the Delawares to give up the land taken from 
 them by the long day's walk. But for these repeated outrages 
 they would not have taken part with the French in the war of 
 1755. Nor perhaps would they have done so had not they been 
 seduced into the measure by the perfidious Iroquois. At the 
 commencement of that war they brought the war belt with a piece 
 of tobacco to the Delawares and told them, " Remember that the 
 English have unjustly deprived you of much of your land which 
 they took from you by force. Your cause is just ; therefore, 
 smoke of this tobacco and arise; join with us, our fathers, the 
 French, and take your revenge. You are women, it is true, 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 but we will shorten your petticoats, and though you may appear 
 by your dress to be women, yet by your conduct and language 
 you will convince your enemies that you are determined not 
 tamely to sutler the wrongs and injuries inflicted upon y 
 
 Yielding to these solicitations, the Delawares and their con- 
 nections took up arms against the English in favor of the French, 
 and committed many hostilities in which the Iroquois appeared 
 to take no part. Sir William Johnson requested them to use 
 their ascendency and to persuade the hostile Indians to lay down 
 the hatchet, instead of which, instead of conforming to the an- 
 cient custom of Indian nations., which was simply to take the 
 war hatchet back from those to whom they had given it. they 
 fell on a sudden on the unsuspecting Lenape, killed their cattle, 
 and destroyed their town on the Susquehanna and carried their 
 prisoners to Johnson who put them in irons. This cruel act of 
 treachery the Delawares say they will never forget or forgive. 
 This is why they acted against the English in the war of 1755. 
 
 Let us for a moment place ourselves in the situation of the 
 Delawares. [Mohicans and the other tribes connected with them 
 at the time when the Europeans first landed on Xew York Island. 
 They were then in the height of their glory, pursuing their successes 
 against the Iroquois, with whom they had long been at war. 
 They were in possession of the whole country from the sea 
 - to the [Mississippi: from the river St. Lawrence to the 
 frontier of Carolina, while the habitations of their enemies did 
 not extend far beyond the Great Lakes. In this situation they 
 are on a sudden checked in their career by a phenomenon they 
 had till then never beheld. Immense canoes arriving at their 
 shores filled with a people of a different color, language, 
 dress and manners from themselves. In their astonishment they 
 call out to one another. "Behold, the gods are come to visit us!" 
 They at first considered these astonishing beings as messengers 
 of peace sent from the abodes of the Great Spirit, and there- 
 fore employed their time in preparing and making sacrifices to 
 that Great Being who had so highly honored them. Lost in 
 amazement, fond of the enjoyment of this new spectacle, and 
 anxious to know the result, they were unmindful of those mat- 
 ters which hitherto had taken up their minds and had been the 
 object of their pursuits. They thought of nothing else but the 
 wonders which now struck their eyes, and sharpest wits were 
 
HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 135 
 
 constantly employed in endeavoring to divine this great mystery. 
 A great many years ago when men with a white skin had 
 never yet been seen in this land, some Indians who were out fish- 
 ing at a place where the sea widens, espied at a great distance 
 something remarkably large floating on the water., and such as 
 they had never seen before. Immediately returning to the 
 shore, they apprised their countrymen of what they had observed, 
 and pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might 
 be. They hurried out together and saw with astonishment the 
 phenomenon which now appeared to their sight, but could not 
 agree upon what it was ; some believed it to be an uncommonly 
 large fish or animal, while others were of opinion it must be a very 
 big house floating on the sea. At length the spectators concluded 
 that this wonderful object was moving toward the land, and 
 that it must be an animal or something else that had life in it: 
 it would therefore be proper to inform all the Indians on the in- 
 habited islands of what they had seen, and put them on their 
 guard. Accordingly they sent off a number of runners and 
 watermen to carry the news to their scattered chiefs, that they 
 might send off in every direction for the warriors, with a mes- 
 sage that they should come on immediately. These arriving in 
 numbers, and having themselves viewed the strange appearance, 
 and observing that it was actually moving towards the entrance 
 of the river or bay, concluded it to be a remarkably large house 
 in which the Mannitto (the Great Spirit) himself was present, 
 and that he probably was coming to visit them. By this time the. 
 chiefs were assembled at York Island, and deliberating in what 
 manner the}- should receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every 
 measure was taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a 
 sacrifice. The women were desired to prepare the best victuals. 
 All the idols and images were examined and put in order, and a 
 great dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable enter- 
 tainment for the Great Being, but it was believed that it might 
 with the addition of a sacrifice contribute to appease him if he 
 was angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work to 
 determine what this phenomenon portended, and what the pos- 
 sible result of it might be. To these and to the chiefs and wise 
 men of the nations, men, women and children were looking up 
 for advice and protection. Distracted between hope and fear 
 they were at a loss what to do ; a dance, however, commenced in 
 
I36 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 great confusion. While in this situation fresh runners arrive 
 declaring it to be a large house of various colors and crowded 
 with living creatures. It appears now to be certain that it is the 
 Great Mannitto bringing them some kind of game such as he 
 had not given them before, but other runners, soon after arriv- 
 ing, declare that it is positively a house full of human beings 
 of quite a different color from that of the Indians, and dressed 
 differently from them; that in particular one of them was dressed 
 entirely in red, who must be the Mannitto himself. They are 
 hailed from the vessel in a language they do not understand, yet 
 the}' shout or yell in return by way of answer, according to the 
 custom of their country ; many are for running off to the woods, 
 but are pressed by others to stay in order not to give offence to 
 their visitor, who might find them out and destroy them. The 
 house, some say large canoe, at last stops and a canoe of smaller 
 size comes on shore with the man in red and some others in it : 
 some stay with his canoe to guard it. The chiefs and wise men 
 assemble in council, form themselves into a large circle toward 
 which the man in red clothes approaches with two others. He 
 salutes them with a friendly countenance and they return the 
 salute after their manner. • They are lost in admiration ; the 
 dress, the manners, the whole appearance of the strangers is to 
 them a subject of wonder; but they are particularly struck with 
 him who wore the red coat all glittering with gold lace, which 
 they could in no manner account for. He surely must be the 
 Great Mannitto, but why should he have a white skin? Mean- 
 while a large Hackhack (gourd) is brought by one of his ser- 
 vants from which an unknown substance is poured out into a 
 small cup, or glass, and handed to the supposed Mannitto. He 
 drinks, has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief stand- 
 ing next to him. The chief receives it, but only smells the c< in- 
 tents, and passes it on to the next chief who does the same. The 
 glass or cup thus passes through the circle without the liquor be- 
 ing tasted by anyone, and is upon the point of being returned to the 
 red clothed Mannitto, when one of the Indians, a brave man and 
 a great warrior, suddenly jumps up and harrangues the assembly 
 on the impropriety of returning the cup with its contents. It 
 was handed to them by the Mannitto that they should drink of 
 it as he had done. To follow his example would be pleasing 
 to him; but to return what he had given them might provoke 
 
HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 137 
 
 his wrath and bring destruction on them. And since the orator 
 believed it for the good of the nation that the contents offered 
 them should be drunk, as no one else would do it, he would drink 
 it himself, let the consequences be what it might; it was better 
 for one man to die than that a whole nation should be destroyed. 
 He then took the glass, and bidding the assembly a solemn fare- 
 well, at once drank up its whole contents. Every eye was fixed 
 on the resolute chief to see what effect the unknown liquor would 
 produce. He soon began to stagger, and at last fell prostrate 
 on the ground. His companions now bemoan his fate; he 
 falls into a sound sleep, and they think he has expired. He 
 wakes again, jumps up, and declares he has enjoyed the most 
 delicious sensations, and that he never before felt himself so 
 happy as after he had drank the cup. He asks for more; his 
 wish is granted ; the whole assembly then imitate him, and all be- 
 come intoxicated. 
 
 After this general intoxication had ceased, for they say that 
 while it lasted the whites had confined themselves to their vessel, 
 the man with the red clothes returned again, and distributed pres- 
 ents among them, consisting of beads, axes, hoes and stockings 
 such as the white people wear. They soon became familiar 
 with each other and began to converse by signs. The Dutch 
 made them understand that they would not stay here; that they 
 would return home again, but would pay them another visit the 
 next year when they would bring them more presents and stay 
 with them awhile ; but as they could not live without eating they 
 should want a little land of them to sow seeds, in order to raise 
 herbs and vegetables to put into their broth. They went away 
 as they had said, and returned in the following season, when 
 both parties were much rejoiced to see each other; but the whites 
 laughed at the Indians, seeing that they knew not the use of the 
 axes and hoes they had given them the year before ; for they had 
 these hanging to their breasts as ornaments, and the stockings 
 were made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites now put 
 handles to the former for them, and cut trees down before their 
 eyes, hoed up the ground, and put the stockings on their legs. 
 Here they say a general laughter ensued among the Indians that 
 they had remained ignorant of the use of such valuable imple- 
 ments and had borne the weight of such heavy metal hanging to 
 their necks for such a length of time. They took everv white 
 
I38 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 man they saw for an inferior Mannitto, attendant on the supreme 
 deity, who shone superior in the red and laced clothes. As the 
 whites became daily more familiar with the Indians they at last 
 proposed to stay with them, and asked only fi »r so much ground 
 for a garden as. they said, the hide of a bullock would cover or 
 encompass, which hide was spread before them. The Indians 
 readily granted this apparently reasonable request ; but the whites 
 then took a knife and beginning at one end of the hide, cut it up 
 to a long rope not thicker than a child's finger, so that by the 
 time the whole was cut up it made a great heap; then they took 
 the rope at one end drew it gently along, carefully avoiding its 
 breaking. It was drawn out into a circular form, and being 
 closed at its ends encompassed a large piece of ground. The In- 
 dians were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not 
 wish to contend with them about a little land, as they had still 
 enough themselves. The white and red men lived contentedly 
 for a long time, though the former from time to time asked for 
 more land, which was readily obtained, and thus they gradually 
 proceeded up the Mahicanittuck until the Indians began to be- 
 lieve that they would soon want all their country, which in the 
 end proved true. 
 
 Why the Indians Held to the English and Against the French. 
 By DeWitt Clinton. 
 
 " It is not a little difficult to define the territorial limits of 
 this extraordinary people, for on this subject there are the most 
 repugnant representations by the French and English writers 
 arising from interest, friendship, prejudice and enmity. While 
 the French on the one hand were involved in continual hostility 
 with them, the English on the other hand were connected by al- 
 liance and by commerce. By the 15th Article of the treaty of 
 Utrecht, concluded in 1713, it was stipulated that the subjects 
 of France inhabiting Canada and others shall hereafter give no 
 hindrance or molestation to the Five Nations, or cantons, sub- 
 ject to the dominion of Great Britain. As between France and 
 England the Confederates were therefore to be considered as 
 the subjects of the latter, and of course the British dominion was 
 coextensive with the rightful territory of the five cantons, it then 
 became the policy of France to diminish, and that of England 
 
 
HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 139 
 
 to enlarge this territory. But, notwithstanding the confusion 
 that has grown out of these clashing interests and contradictory 
 representations, it is not perhaps very far from the truth to pro- 
 nounce that the Five Nations were entitled by patrimony or 
 conquest to all the territory in the United States and in Canada, 
 not occupied by the Creeks, the Cherokees and the other south- 
 ern Indians; by the Sioux, the Kinisteneaux and the Chippewas, 
 and by the English and French as far west as the Mississippi and 
 Lake Winnepeg, as far northwest as the waters which unite 
 this lake and Hudson's Bay and Labrador. ' The Five Nations 
 claim,' says Smith, ' all the lands not sold to the English from the 
 mouth of Sorel river, on the south side of Lakes Erie and On- 
 tario, on both sides of the Ohio till it falls into the Mississippi ; 
 and on the north side of these lakes that whole territory between 
 the Ottawas river and Lake Huron, and even beyond the straits 
 between that and Lake Erie. The principal point of dispute be- 
 tween the English and French was whether the dominion of the 
 Confederates extended north of the Great Lakes; but I think it 
 is evident that it did. It is admitted by several French writers 
 that the Iroquois had several villages on the north side of Lake 
 Ontario; and they are even laid down in the maps attached to 
 Charlevoix, and it cannot be denied but that they subdued the 
 Hurons and Algonquins, who lived on that side of the Great 
 Lakes and consequently were entitled to their country by right of 
 conquest.' Douglass estimated their territory at about twelve 
 hundred miles in length from north to south and from seven to 
 eight hundred miles in breadth. This was either hereditary or 
 conquered. Their patrimonial and part of their conquered coun- 
 try were used for the purpose of habitation and hunting. Their 
 hunting grounds were very extensive, including a large triangle 
 on the southeast side of St. Lawrence river, the country lying on 
 the south and east sides of Lake Erie, and the country between 
 the Lakes Erie and Michigan, and the country lying on the north 
 of Lake Erie and northwest of Lake Ontario and Huron. All 
 the remaining part of their territory was inhabited by the Abena- 
 quis, Algonquins, Shawanese, Delawares, Illinois, Miamies, and 
 other vassal nations. The acquisition of supremacy over a coun- 
 try of such amazing extent and fertility, inhabited by warlike 
 and numerous nations, must have been the result of design and 
 system of action proceeding from a wise and energetic policy, con- 
 
I40 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 tinued for a long- course of time. To their social combine/, ns, 
 military talents an«^ .rrangements we must look for this 
 
 m, if such system is to be found." 
 
 The and the English in th tionary U'ar. 
 
 fter the general peace in 1762. an attempt was made by a 
 numberof the western Indians to destroy the British colonies. The 
 Senecas were involved in this war. but in 1764, Sir William 
 Johns Qg himself his Majesties' sole agent and superin- 
 
 tendent of Indian affairs in Xorth America and colonel of the 
 
 /nited Nations, their allies and dependents, agreed to prelim- 
 inary articles of peace with them. In this treaty the Senecas 
 ceded to them the Caning place at Niagara. 
 
 " The Confederates remained in a state of peace until the 
 commencement of the Revolutionary War. On the 19th of June. 
 1775. the Oneidas and some other Indians sent to the convention 
 of [Massachusetts a speech declaring their neutrality; stating that 
 they could not find nor recollect in the traditions of their ances- 
 tors a parallel case; and saying. " As we have declared for peace, 
 we desire you would not apply to our Indian brethren in Xew 
 England for assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and 
 live with one another ; and you white people settle your own dis- 
 putes betwixt yourselves." These good dispositions did not long 
 continue with most of the Indian nations : all within the reach of 
 British blandishments and presents were prevailed upon to take 
 up the hatchet. It is calculated that twelve thousand six hun- 
 dred and ninety- warriors were employed by the British during the 
 Revolutionary War. of which one thousand five hundred and 
 eighty were Iroquois. The influence of Sir William Johnson 
 was transmitted to his son. who was most successful in alluring 
 them into the views of Great Britain. A great war feast was 
 made by him on the occasion in which, according to the horrible 
 phraseology of these barbarians, they were invited to banquet 
 upon a Bostonian and to drink his blood. 
 
 "General Burgoyne made a speech to the Indians on the 28th 
 of June. 1777. urging them to hostilities, and stating his satis- 
 faction at the general conduct of the Indian tribes from the be- 
 ginning of the troubles in America. 
 
 ""An old Iroquois chief answered. "We have been tried and 
 
HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 1 4 1 
 
 tempted by the Bostonians but we have loved our father, and 
 our hatchets have been sharpened on our affections. In proof of 
 the sincerity of our professions, our whole villages able to go to 
 war. are come forth; the old and infirm, our infants and our 
 wives alone remain at home." 
 
 "They realized their professions. The whole Confederacy, ex- 
 cept a little more than half of the Oneidas. took up arms against 
 the Americans. They hung like the scythe of death upon the 
 rear of the settlements and their deeds are inscribed with the 
 scalping knife and the tomahawk in characters of blood on the 
 fields of Wyoming, on the banks of the Mohawk and along the 
 valleys of the Susquehanna. 
 
 "In 1 78 1, when almost all the Indian nations were in the 
 British interest except a part of the Delawares. among whom were 
 the Christian Indians, between two hundred and three hundred 
 souls in number, the British Indian Agent at Detroit applied to 
 the great council of the Six Nations at Niagara to remove those 
 Christian Indians out of the country. The Iroquois upon this 
 sent a war message to the Chippeways and Ottawas to this effect : 
 '■ YVe herewith make you a present of the Christian Indians to 
 make soup of." which in the war language of the Indians meant. 
 " We deliver these people to you to be murdered.*' These brave 
 Indians sent the message immediately back with the reply : "We 
 have no cause for doing this." The same message being sent 
 next to the Wyanclotts they likewise disobeyed their orders and 
 did not make the least attempt to murder those innocent people. 
 The Iroquois therefore were completely at a loss how to think and 
 act, seeing that their orders were everywhere disregarded. 
 
 "In the wars between France and England and their colonies 
 their Indian allies were entitled to a premium for every scalp of 
 an enemy. In the war preceeding 1703, the government of Mas- 
 sachusetts gave twelve pounds for every Indian scalp: in that 
 year the premium was raised to forty pounds, but in 1722 it was 
 augmented to one hundred pounds. An act was passed on Feb- 
 ruary 25th. 1745. by the Xew York colonial legislature, entitled, 
 1 An act for giving a reward for such scalps and prisoners as shall 
 be taken by the inhabitants of (or Indians in alliance with) this 
 colony, and to prevent the inhabitants of the city and county of 
 Albany from selling rum to the Indians.' In 1746. the scalps 
 of two Frenchmen were presented to one of the colonial gover- 
 
I [2 HISTORY OF riii; IXDIAXS. 
 
 nors at Albany by three of the Confederate tndRans, and his ex- 
 cellency after gratifying them with money and fine clothi 
 sured them how well he took this special mark of their fidelity 
 and that he would always remember this act of friendship. The 
 employment of savages, and putting into their hands the scalping 
 knife during the Revolutionary War, were openly justified in the 
 House "i" Lords by Lord Suffolk, the British Secretary of State, 
 who vindicated its policy and necessity ami declared thai the 
 measure was also allowable on principle; for that it was perfectly 
 justifiable to use all the means that God and nature had put into 
 their hands. The eloquent rebuke of Lord Chatham has per- 
 petuated the sentiment and consigned its author to immortal in- 
 tan iv." — Pell 'in din ion. 
 
 The Friends, following the example of the founder of Penn- 
 sylvania and acting according to the principles of their society, 
 were the protectors of the Indians. But the family of Penn 
 departed from the Society and thoroughly adopted the sentiments 
 and practices of the wordly. In fact, in July, 1704, John Penn, 
 the grandson of William Penn, offered by proclamation the 
 following bounties for the capture, or scalps, or death of the In- 
 dians : F< ir e\ er\ man ahove the age of ten years captured, $150; 
 scalped and killed, $134; for every Indian female enemy and 
 every male under the age of ten years captured, $130; for every 
 female ahove the age of ten years scalped, being killed, $50. 
 
 In tin- biography of Franklin, by Parton, \\c are told of the 
 use he made of a printing press which he always kept in his house 
 ready for use. Me was iii France in 1781, and was profoundly 
 affected by the barbarous manner in which some of the English 
 officers were conducting the war against the Americans. Parton 
 says, "To bring the horrors of Indian warfare home to the 
 minds of the rulers of England, he printed a leaf of an imaginary 
 American newspaper, which he styled. f Supplement to the l.os- 
 ton Independent Chronicle.' For this supplement he wrote an 
 
 ' Extract of a letter from Captain Cerrish, of the \ew England 
 Militia'; imitating with great exactness the nsnal style of snch 
 performances in the newspapers of New England. Captain Ger- 
 rish said: 'The peltry taken in the expedition (see the account 
 of the expedition to Oswegatchie, on the River St. Lawrence, 
 in our paper of the 1st instant) will, as you see. amount to a 
 great deal of money. The possession of this booty at first gave 
 
HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 143 
 
 us pleasure; but we were struck with horror to find among the 
 packages eight large ones containing scalps of our unhappy 
 country folks, taken in the last three years by the Seneca Indians 
 from the inhabitants of the frontiers of New York, New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania and Virginia, and sent by them as a present to 
 Colonel Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him 
 transmitted to England.' " 
 
 The Captain added that the packages of scalps were accom- 
 panied by an explanatory letter from one James Crawford, a 
 trader, to the Governor of Canada, which he enclosed. The 
 opening paragraph will serve to show the leading idea : 
 
 " May it please your Excellency : At the request of the 
 Seneca chiefs, I send herewith to your Excellency, under the 
 care of James Boyd, eight packs of scalps, cured, dried, hooped 
 and painted, with all the Indian triumphal marks, of which the 
 following is invoice and explanation : 
 
 "No*, i. Containing forty-three scalps of Congress soldiers, 
 killed in different skirmishes; these are stretched on black hoops, 
 four inches diameter; the inside of the skin painted red, with a 
 small black spot to note their being killed with bullets. Also 
 sixty-two of farmers killed in their houses ; the hoops red, the 
 skin painted brown, and marked with a hoe, a black circle all 
 round to denote their being surprised in the night, and black 
 hatchet in the middle, signifying their being killed with that 
 weapon. 
 
 "No. 2. Containing ninety-eight of farmers killed in their 
 houses ; hoops red, figure of a hoe, to mark their profession ; great 
 white circle and sun, to show they were surprised in the day-time; 
 a little red foot, to show they stood upon their defence and died 
 fighting for their lives and families. 
 
 "The other packages were described in similar style. No. 3, 
 containing ninety-seven scalps of farmers, and No. 4, one hun- 
 dred and two, of which eighteen were marked with a little yellow 
 flame, to denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being 
 scalped, their nails pulled out by the roots, and other torments ; 
 one of these latter supposed to be a rebel clergyman, his hand 
 being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear 
 by the hair to have been young or middle-aged men; there being 
 but sixty-seven of very grey heads among them all ; which makes 
 the service more essential. No. 5 contained eighty-eight scalps 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 of women, and Nos. 6, 7, 8, some hundreds of boys and girls. In 
 No. 8 was found a box of birch bark containing twenty-nine little 
 infants' scalps of various sizes; small white hoops, white ground, 
 no tears and only a little black knife in the middle to show they 
 were ripped out of their mothers' bodies. 
 
 "These packages, according to James Crawford, the Governor 
 of Canada was requested by the chiefs to send to the King of 
 England, that he might know and reward their zeal in his ser- 
 vice. 
 
 ''The imaginary editor of the paper appended to the whole a 
 postscript of his own, in which he stated that the scalps had just 
 reached Boston, and that thousands of people were flocking to see 
 them, their mouths full of execrations. Fixing them to the trees 
 is not approved, added the editor. It is now proposed to make 
 them up in decent little packages, seal and direct them ; one to 
 the king, containing a sample of every sort for his museum; 
 one to the Queen, with some women and little children* the rest 
 to be distributed among both Houses of Parliament; a double 
 quantity to the bishops." 
 
 It is not known how widely this production was circulated. 
 But it is evident that it made the people conscious of the bar- 
 barities practiced in the war against the colonies as nothing less 
 vivid could have clone. Franklin, an old man of seventy-five 
 years, undoubtedly recalled his experience in the Indian war 
 eighteen years before, and while surrounded by all the luxuries 
 of the French court, drew from his faultless memory the terrible 
 realities which the word scalp signified. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 IN THE year 1733 notice was given in the public papers that 
 the remaining day and a half's walk was to be made, and 
 offering five hundred acres of land anywhere in the purchase, 
 and five pounds in money, to the person who should attend and 
 walk the farthest in the given time. By previous agreement the 
 Governor was to select three white persons and the Indians a 
 like number of their own nation. The persons employed by the 
 Governor were Edward Marshall, James Yates and Solomon 
 Jennings. One of the Indians was called Combush. About the 
 20th of September (or when the days and nights are equal), they 
 met before sunrise at the old chestnut tree below Wrightstown 
 Meeting House, together with a great number of persons as spec- 
 tators. The walkers all stood with one hand against the tree, 
 until the sun rose, and then started. In two hours and a half 
 they arrived at Red Hill in Bedminister, where Jennings and two 
 of the Indians gave out. The other Indian (Combush) con- 
 tinued with them to near where the road forks at Easton, where 
 he laid down a short time to rest, but on getting up he was un- 
 able to proceed further. Marshall and Yeates proceeded on and 
 arrived at sundown at the north side of the Blue Mountain. 
 They started again the next morning at sunrise. While cross- 
 ing a stream of water at the foot of the mountain Yeates became 
 faint and fell. Marshall turned back and supported him until 
 others came to his relief, and then continued the walk alone, and 
 arrived at noon on a spur of the second or Broad Mountain, es- 
 timated to be eighty-six miles from the place of starting. They 
 walked from sunrise to sunset without stopping; provisions and 
 refreshments having been previously provided at different places 
 along the road and line that had been run and marked for them 
 to walk by, to the top of the Blue Mountains, and persons also 
 attended on horseback by relays with liquors of several kinds. 
 When they arrived at the Blue Mountain they found a great 
 
I46 TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 number of Indians collected, expecting the walk would end there; 
 but when they found it was to go half a day further, they were 
 very angry, and said they were cheated. Penn had got all their 
 good land, but that in the spring every Indian was to bring him 
 a buckskin and they would have their land again, and Penn 
 might go to the devil with his poor land. 
 
 An old Indian said, " No sit down to smoke — no shoot a 
 squirrel, but lun, lun, lun, all day long." 
 
 The Indian question in 1742 was reaching a condition that 
 led thoughtful men to the conviction that there was grave 
 trouble before the Province. 
 
 The Unity Conference in February had been distinguished 
 by the baptism of three Indian converts in the presence of a large 
 concourse of people. The position of the earnest godly men in 
 this movement was now indicated. At the fourth conference 
 held in Germantown the eleventh of March, Plenry Antes was 
 appointed to investigate the question of the wrongs done the 
 Indians, thus moving on a line that was bound to be antagonis- 
 tic to the general method of the officials of the province. At 
 the same time Count Zinzendorf was contemplating a personal 
 visit to the Indians in their homes. The dispute at this time 
 was in regard to certain lands that were being occupied by settlers 
 which the Indians were unwilling to give up. Gordan says. 
 " A tract lying in the forks of the Delaware and Lehigh rivers, 
 extending back into the woods as far as a man can go in a day 
 and a half, denominated the walking purchase, had been sold to 
 William Penn by the Delawares in 1736, and confirmed by the 
 same tribe by their deed dated 25th of August, 1737." The 
 lines of this purchase having been traced by very expert walkers, 
 and including more land than the Indians expected, increased 
 the dissatisfaction which had prevailed among them in relation 
 to the grant of 1736. The Indians complained that the walkers 
 who outstripped them ran, and did not pursue the course of the 
 river as they anticipated. The chief Nutimus and others, who 
 signed the treaty of 1737, refused to yield peaceable possession 
 of these lands, and declared their intention to maintain them- 
 selves by force of arms. 
 
 Henry Antes was filled with indignation as he saw how the 
 poor Indians were cheated by the rascality of the followers of 
 
TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. *47 
 
 Penn, and whatever the issue he would not be a party to such 
 villainy. 
 
 There was an impression among many at this time that the 
 Indians were the lost tribes of Israel. William Penn held this 
 view, Spangenburg also believed it, and as Antes was his in- 
 timate friend, undoubtedly it was his view also. With such a 
 belief in their minds one can readily see why they would hazard 
 all things to win them to Christ. 
 
 But the Governor and his party were not troubled with ques- 
 tions of this kind; they had the power to compel the Indians, 
 and they determined to use that power. They, therefore, in- 
 voked the Iroquois to exert their authority over the Delawares, 
 and compel them to remove. Upon this invitation there were 
 two hundred and thirty chiefs that came to Philadelphia the 30th 
 of June, 1742. 
 
 There were thirteen Onondagas, nineteen Cayugas, four- 
 teen Oneidas, three Senecas, twenty-one Tuscaroras, five Sha- 
 wanese, ei 
 
 isrht Conestogas, six Delawares from Shamokin and 
 
 four from the Forks. There were eleven other chiefs. The 
 principal person was Canasatego, who was a chief of the Meng- 
 we. He belonged to the Onondagas. 
 
 Before these Indians the Governor recited his grievances 
 concerning the retention of purchased lands, and writing rude and 
 abusive letters to the proprietaries by the Delawares. Then 
 Canasatego arose and speaking for the Six Nations, who num- 
 bered nearly two thousand warriors, said : " They saw the Dela- 
 wares had been an unruly people, and were altogether in the 
 wrong; that they concluded to remove them and oblige them to 
 go over the river Lehigh and quit all claims to any lands on this 
 side for the future, since they had received pay for them and it 
 is gone through their guts long ago. They deserve to be taken 
 by the hair of the head and shaken severely, till they recovered 
 their senses and became sober. That he had seen with his eyes 
 a deed signed by nine of their ancestors above fifty years ago for 
 this very land (1686) and a release signed not many years since 
 (1737) by some of themselves, and chiefs then living (Nutimus 
 and Sassoonan, then present) to the number of fifteen and up- 
 wards." Then turning to the Delaware chiefs, he said : " But 
 how came you to take upon you to sell lands at all? We con- 
 quered you ; we made women of you ; you know you are women 
 
I48 TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 and can no more sell land than women; nor is it fit you should 
 have the power of selling- lands, since you would abuse it. This 
 land that you claim has gone through your guts, you have been 
 furnished with clothes, meat and drink by the goods paid you 
 for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are. But 
 what makes you sell lands in the dark? Did you ever tell us you 
 had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part, even the value 
 of a pipe shank, from you for it ? You have told us a blind story, 
 that you sent a messenger to us to inform us of the sale; but he 
 never came amongst us, nor did we ever hear anything about it. 
 This is acting in the dark, and not like the custom our Six Na- 
 tions observe in the sale of lands. On such occasions they give 
 public notice and invite all the Indians of their united nations, 
 and give them all a share of the presents they receive for the 
 lands. This is the behavior of the wise united nations. But we 
 find you are none of our blood ; you act a dishonest part, not only 
 in this but in other matters ; your ears are ever open to slanderous 
 reports about your brethren. For all these reasons we charge 
 you to remove instantly. We don't give you liberty to think 
 about it. You are women! Take the advice of a wise man and 
 remove instantly. You may return to the other side of the 
 Lehigh instantly, where you came from; but we do not know 
 whether, considering how you have demeaned yourselves, you 
 will be permitted to live there, or whether you have not swal- 
 lowed that land down your throats as well as the land on this 
 side. We therefore assign you two places to go to, cither to 
 Wyoming or Shamokin. You may go to either of these places, 
 and then we shall have you more under our eye, and shall see 
 how you behave. Don't deliberate, but move away and take this 
 belt of wampum." 
 
 He then forbade them to intermeddle in land affairs, or 
 ever thereafter pretend to sell any land: and commanded them, 
 as he had something to transact with the English, immediately 
 to depart the council. The Delaware's dared not disobey this 
 peremptory command but immediately departed from the coun- 
 cil. 
 
 The third treaty at Easton. held between Teedyuscung for 
 the Indians and George Crogan for the English, opened form- 
 ally on July 27th, 1757, and closed on August 7th. Governor 
 Denny and members of his council and a number of gentlemen 
 
TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 149 
 
 from Philadelphia, among whom the Friends were largely repre- 
 sented, were in attendance. There were present of the Indians 
 one hundred and fifty-nine of Teedyuscung's counsellors and 
 warriors and one hundred and nineteen Senecas ; among these 
 representatives of the ten nations, who had only two heads of 
 kings between them. Pompshire interpreted for the Delaware 
 Captain, Thomas McKee for the Crown and Conrad Weiser for 
 the Province. Teedyuscung having demanded a secretary to 
 take down the minutes for his revision, it was reluctantly granted 
 him, and he chose Charles Thompson, Master of the Public 
 Quaker School in the city of Philadelphia, the same Thompson 
 who in the Enquiry pleads the cause of the Delawares with the 
 calm composure of an advocate who is conscious of the innocence 
 of his client and of the certain triumph of truth and justice. 
 After an exchange of the compliments usually preliminary to 
 business on such occasions, and the utterance of mutual assur- 
 ances of regret for the past and good hopes for the future, the 
 King stated that the purchase of lands by the proprietaries from 
 Indians who had no right to sell, and their fraudulent measure- 
 ment subsequently, whether by miles or by hour walks, had pro- 
 voked the war. This charge he demanded should be closely in- 
 vestigated, and on evidence appearing that injury had been done 
 to the Indians, they should have redress. "In that case," he 
 said, " I will speak with a loud voice and the nations shall hear 
 me." Hereupon he stated his purpose to settle with his country- 
 men in Wyoming, adding that he would build a town there such 
 as the white men build, and provide for the introduction of the 
 Christian religion among his countrymen, and for the education 
 of their children. In conclusion he demanded that the deeds 
 by which the lands in dispute were held should be produced, that 
 they be publicly read, and that copies be laid before King George 
 and published to all the Provinces under his government. 
 " What is fairly bought and paid for," he went on to say, " I 
 make no further demands about; but if any lands have been 
 bought of Indians to whom these lands did not belong, and who 
 had no right to sell them, I expect satisfaction for these lands. 
 And if the proprietaries have taken in more lands than they 
 bought of true owners, I expect likewise to be paid for that. But 
 as the persons to whom the proprietaries may have sold these 
 lands, which of right belonged to me, have made some settle- 
 
 
150 TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 ments, I do not want to disturb them or to force them to leave 
 them, but I expect full satisfaction shall be made to the true 
 owners for these lands, though the proprietaries, as I said before, 
 might have bought them from persons who had no right to sell 
 them." 
 
 After some hesitation on the part of the Province in 
 consequence of difference of opinion as to the propriety of com- 
 plying with the Delawares' request, in so for as Sir William John- 
 son had been commissioned by royal appointment to hear the 
 particulars of the charge brought against the proprietaries, and 
 the proprietaries defense, and in consequence of Teeedyuscung's 
 reluctance to treat with the Baronet and his Indians, some of 
 whom he alleged were parties to the unauthorized sale of lands, 
 the deeds relating to the purchases north of the Tohickon were 
 produced and read. Agreeably to his request, furthermore, 
 copies of them were promised him for dispatch to Sir William 
 Johnson to be transmitted by the latter to King George for his 
 determination. Upon this the Delaware rose to his feet and 
 taking up two belts tied together said : " I desire you would 
 with attention hear me. By these two belts I will let yoit know 
 what was the ancient method of confirming a lasting peace. 
 This you ought to have considered and to have done; but I will 
 put you in mind. You may remember when you took hold of my 
 hand and led me down and invited my uncles with some from 
 each of the Ten Nations, when we had agreed we came down 
 to take hold of one of your hands, and my uncles came to take 
 hold of your other hand. Now, as this day and this time are 
 appointed to meet and confirm a lasting peace, we, that is, I and 
 my uncles, as we stand, and you as you stand in the name of 
 the great King, three of us standing, we will all look up and by 
 continuing to observe the agreements by which we shall oblige 
 ourselves one to another we shall see the clear light, and friend- 
 ship shall last to us and to our posterity after us forever and for- 
 ever. Now, as I have two belts and witnesses are present who 
 will sneak the same by these belts, brothers, in the presence of 
 the Ten Nations, who are witnesses, I lay hold of your hand 
 (taking the Governor by the hand) and brighten the chain of 
 friendship that shall be lasting, and whatever conditions shall be 
 proper for us to agree to may be mentioned afterwards. This 
 is the time to declare our mutual friendship. Now, brother, 
 
TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 15 I 
 
 the Governor, to confirm what I have said, I have given yon my 
 hand which yon were pleased to rise and take hold of. I 
 leave it with you. When you please I am ready, brother, if you 
 have anything to say as a token of confirming the peace I shall 
 be ready to hear, and as you rose, I will rise up and lay hold of 
 your hand. To confirm what I have said, I give you these belts." 
 " We now rise and take you into our arms," replied the Gover- 
 nor. " and embrace you with the greatest pleasure as our friends 
 and brethren, and heartily desire we may ever hereafter look on 
 one another as brethren and children of the same parents. As 
 a confirmation of this, we give you this belt." 
 
 The belt the Governor gave was a large white belt with the 
 figures of three men upon it representing his Majesty, King 
 George, taking hold of the Five Nation King with one hand, 
 and Teedyuscung, the Delaware King, with the other, and 
 marked with the initials of each. 
 
 In the afternoon of the 8th of August, the Indians began to 
 pass through Bethlehem on their return from the treaty. Up- 
 wards of one hundred came, among them Paxanosa, the Shawan- 
 ese King of Wyoming, and French Margaret. Colonel Weiser, 
 with a detachment of Provincials under Captain Arndt, was their 
 escort. On the next day the King and his family, Mohican 
 Abraham and Isaac Nutimus arrived. Some of these unwelcome 
 visitors halted for a few days, and some proceeded as far as 
 Fort Allen, and then returned undecided as to where to go or 
 what to do. During the month full two hundred were counted, 
 men, women and children, among them lawless crowds, who 
 annoyed the brethren by depredations, molested the Indians at 
 the Manakasy, and wrangled with each other over their cups at 
 " The Crown." 
 
 Toward evening, on Sunday the 7th of August, Governor 
 Denny and his retinue arrived unexpectedly at Bethlehem, crossed 
 the ferry and spent the night at the Crown. He declined accept- 
 ing the hospitalities of the Brethren on this side, although he 
 was waited on by Bro. Bohler. The young men accordingly 
 entertained him with the music of wind and stringed instruments 
 from boats on the Lehigh in front of his lodgings. He set out 
 for Philadelphia the next morning. 
 
 In a conference between Spangenberg and Teedyuscung the 
 following was said : "In the next place we informed Teedyus- 
 
152 TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 cung- that we had purchased a tract of land near Bethlehem on 
 which we proposed to establish our Indian brethren and sisters, 
 and then asked him whether he objected ; remarking that the 
 whites were at liberty to settle where they choose and that the 
 Indians, we thought, were entitled to the same privilege." He 
 made answer that probably the white man was under no restric- 
 tion in the choice of a home, but that if he settled in the white 
 man's country he was subject to the white man's law. He said, 
 " Why cannot the Indians who love the Saviour, remove to the 
 Indian country and plant along the Susquehanna ? The Brethren 
 surely can visit them, preach to the men and women and instruct 
 the children." 
 
 Spangenberg rejoined, " In case our Indian brethren and 
 sisters were to remove there, they would require a town of their 
 own, and in it a school, and a church, where the Gospel could be 
 freely preached. For this he would stipulate in advance. And 
 furthermore, he would make it a condition that all Indians who 
 should be desirous of hearing of the Saviour should be at liberty 
 to come into the town ; and on the other hand all that were dis- 
 inclined to his service, or did wickedness, or were seducers, 
 should be excluded. There would in fact be no occasion for the 
 latter class to resort to or to take up their abode in the town un- 
 der consideration, as the Indians had ample lands and room for 
 settlement elsewhere along the river." 
 
 Teedyuscung took no exception to these conditions, assented 
 to all that had been said, -and then expressed a wish that the 
 Indians who loved the Saviour might live together. "If there 
 be any likelihood of this coming to pass," resumed Spangenberg, 
 " I desire that the settlement be made in the valley where the 
 Shawanese had their seats fifteen years ago; and if the owners of 
 the land make us a proposal to buy, Bro. Mack and myself will 
 gladly go up to Wyoming and view the place, and select a spot. 
 Even in that event, however, our Indian Brethren must be permit- 
 ted to exercise the right of preference so that those who choose to 
 remain at Bethlehem can remain and those who choose to remove 
 to the Susquehanna can do so. I insist on this demand as it in- 
 volves a principle which must remain inviolate." 
 
 At this stage of the interview Spangenberg informed Teedy- 
 uscung of the intention he had had soon after the opening of hos- 
 tilities to repair to the Indian country in order to treat with the 
 
TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 153 
 
 Indians for peace. This cherished project failed to meet with 
 the approval of Governor Morris, and he had to abandon it. In 
 the course of conversation Teedyuscung stated that during hos- 
 tilities the wildest reports prejudicial to the Brethren had been in 
 circulation among the Indians. It was currently believed by 
 them, among other things, that the Brethren had decapitated the 
 Indians that had fallen into their hands, had thrown their heads 
 into sacks and sent them to Philadelphia. This charge and 
 others equally extravagant had so exasperated the Indians, that a 
 number of them had conspired to attack the Brethren's settlements 
 and cut off the inhabitants" without regard to age or sex. That 
 Paxanosa and he, the King, had on one occasion persuaded two 
 hundred warriors who had banded together for this purpose to 
 desist from their intention until they had certain assurance of the 
 truth of their charge. 
 
 Teedyuscung, the King of the Delaware Indians. 
 
 After the death of Allummapees, Teedyuscung was made 
 King of the Delawares west of the mountains. This was in the 
 spring" of 1756. At this time his headquarters were at Schan- 
 dowana. At the treaty made in Easton in the summer of 1757, 
 he requested that the government would assist his people in build- 
 ing a village and teach them how to build houses. This was 
 agreed to, and in the spring of 1758 the town was finished. This 
 was the last Indian settlement in the historic Valley of the Five 
 Nations. It stood a little below the site of Wilkesbarre. 
 
 Teedyuscung was a remarkable man. The insulting words 
 of Canasatego in the Council of 1742 had stung him to the quick, 
 and he watched for an opportunity to vindicate his people. In 
 the Easton conference he stood up as the champion of his people, 
 fearlessly demanding the restitution of their lands, or an equiva- 
 lent for their irreparable loss, and in addition, the free exercise of 
 their right to select within the territory in dispute a permanent 
 home. He was contending against a twofold enemy, that is, the 
 English and the Iroquois. His imposing presence, his earnest- 
 ness of appeal, and his impassioned oratory, as he plead the cause 
 of the injured Lenape, evoked the admiration of even his enemies. 
 He spoke in the euphonious Delaware, uttering the simple and ex- 
 pressive figures and tropes of the native rhetoric with which his 
 harangues were replete, although he was conversant with the 
 
154 TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 
 
 speech of the white race. It was soon perceived that he was as 
 astute and sagacious as he was immovable in the justice of his 
 righteous demands. His hearers were thus forced to yield to the 
 terms he laid down. 
 
 The Colonial Records say, "Newcastle, the interpreter, in the 
 course of the Treaty, advised the Governor to accept the belt that 
 Teedyuscung had offered him, without hesitation, stating that it 
 had been sent by the Six Nations to the Delawares and that it 
 ought to be preserved among the Council Wampum ; at the same 
 time he urged the propriety of returning another by way of re- 
 sponse. The King, he proceeded, will want abundance of wam- 
 pum, and if he has not, the cause will suffer. I hope the council 
 bag is full, and desire it may be emptied in the lap of Teedyus- 
 cung. Hereupon the Secretary was ordered to bring all the wam- 
 pum he had into the Council, and there were found to be fifteen 
 strings and seven belts, and a parcel of new black wampum 
 amounting- to 7,000 pieces. There being no new white wampum, 
 nor any proper belt to give in return for Teedyuscung's peace 
 belt, a messenger was sent to Bethlehem and he returned with 
 5,000. Upon which the Indian women were employed to make a 
 belt of a fathom long and sixteen beads wide, in the center of 
 which was to be the figure of a man, meaning the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania, and five figures to his right, and five to his left, 
 meaning the ten Nations mentioned by Teedyuscung." 
 
 "September 6th, 1757. On this day Teedyuscung returned 
 from Philadelphia, after the delivery of the peace belt from the 
 Alleghenies to the Governor. He signified a wish that the Breth- 
 ren would permit him to pass the winter at Bethlehem. This wish 
 was granted, though reluctantly. He accordingly had a lodge 
 built him near 'The Crown.' Here he held court and here he gave 
 audiences to the wild embassies that would come from the Indian 
 country, from the land of the implacable Monsey, from the gates 
 of Diahoga, and from the ultimate dim Thule of Alleghany, or 
 the Ohio country. Occasionally he would repair to Philadelphia 
 or to the Fort to confer with the Governor, or with the comman- 
 dant on the progress of the work of peace he was apparently so- 
 licitious of consummating without delay. Thus the dark winter 
 months passed, and when the swelling of maple buds and the whit- 
 ening of the shad-bush on the river's banks foretokened the advent 
 of spring, there were busy preparations going on in Teedyuscung's 
 company over the water, for their long expected removal to the 
 
 
TREATIES WITH THE INDIANS. 155 
 
 Indian Eldorado on the flats of the Winding River. Thus April 
 passed; and it was the sixteenth of corn-planting month, the 
 month called Tauwinipen, when the Delaware King, his Queen, 
 his counsellors and warriors, led by the commissioners, and under 
 escort of fifty provincials, took up the line of March for Fort 
 Allen, beyond there to strike the Indian Trail that led over the 
 mountains, by way of Nescopeck to Wyoming Valley. On the 
 going out of these spirits, 'The Crown' was swept and garnished, 
 and Ephraim Colver, the publican, had rest." (Moravian Me- 
 morials.) 
 
 With all of his admirable qualities and faithfulness to his 
 people, Teedyuscung was affected by the usual Indian weakness 
 of love for strong drink. In the council chamber he was the 
 match of the brightest and most acute English statesmen, and 
 among the Indians there was none to excel him. The Iroquois, 
 finding him invincible in the ordinary realms of activities, sent a 
 body of men into his neighborhood to profess regard for him, and 
 under this guise to effect his ruin. They knew his fondness for 
 drink and they gave it to him. Then when he was lying in his 
 own cabin, sleeping under the effects of it, and there was no one 
 near to arouse him, they set fire to the cabin and he was consumed 
 in its burning embers. This was on the 19th of April, 1763. 
 The death of this warrior spread joy throughout the lodges of the 
 Six Nations, for now they were free from his dreaded power. 
 
 To cover up their own villainy, they laid the blame of it upon 
 white people who had come into the Wyoming Valley from Con- 
 necticut. The infuriated followers of the famous King, believ- 
 ing the report, massacred the white people, and thus horrified the 
 whole frontier. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE. 
 
 IN JULY, 1754, at Albany, the Proprietors purchased of the 
 Six Nations all the lands within the province of Pennsyl- 
 vania not previously purchased, lying- southwest of a line be- 
 ginning one mile above the mouth of Penn's creek and running 
 northwest by west to the western boundary of the province. The 
 Shawanese, Delawares and Monseys on the Susquehanna, Juni- 
 ata, Allegheny and Ohio Rivers thus found their lands sold from 
 under their feet, which the Six Nations had guaranteed to them 
 on their removal from the eastern waters. The Indians on the 
 Allegheny at once went over to the French and the blood of Brad- 
 dock's soldiers was added to the price of the land. The Proprie- 
 tors were also compelled to erect a line of forts, which was done 
 under the direction of Benjamin Franklin in 1756. The forts 
 were located at stratgetic points as follows : Fort Augusta at 
 Shamokin; Henshaw's fort on the Delaware; Fort Hamilton at 
 Stroudsburg; Fort Norris and Fort Allen on the Lehigh; Fort 
 Franklin, Fort Lebanon, Fort William Henry and Fort Halifax 
 on the Susquehanna; Fort Greenville on the Juniata, Fort Shir- 
 ley, Fort Littleton and Shippensburg, besides several smaller 
 stockades, which were garrisoned with provincial troops. Frank- 
 lin thus describes his experience in building one of these forts : 
 
 "While the several companies in the city and country were 
 forming and learning their exercise, the Governor (Morris) pre- 
 vailed with me to take charge of our northwestern frontier which 
 was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the in- 
 habitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I under- 
 took this military business, tho' I did not consider myself well 
 qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers and 
 a parcel of blank commissions for officers to be given to whom I 
 I In >ught fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon 
 five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who in the 
 preceding army had been an officer in the army raised against 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE- 157 
 
 Canada, was my aide-de-camp, and of great use to me. The In- 
 dians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, 
 and massacred the inhabitants ; but the place was thought a good 
 place for one of the forts. In order to march thither I assembled 
 the campanies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those peo- 
 ple. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense; 
 the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. 
 The principal buildings were defended by a stockade; they had 
 purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York 
 and had even placed quantities of small paving stones between the 
 windows of their high stone houses for their women to throw 
 down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force 
 into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch and relieved as 
 methodically as in any garrisoned town. In conversation with 
 Bishop Spangenberg I mentioned this, my surprise, for, knowing 
 they had obtained an act of parliament exempting them from mili- 
 tary duties in the colonies, I had supposed they were conscien- 
 tiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answered me that it was 
 not one of their established principles, but that at the time of their 
 obtaining that act it was thought to be a principle with many of 
 their people. On this occasion, however, they to their surprise, 
 found it adopted by but a few. 
 
 "It was in the beginning of January when we set out on this 
 business of building the forts. I sent one detachment toward the 
 Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that 
 upper part of the country and another to the lower part with simi- 
 lar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my 
 force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was thought to be more imme- 
 diately necessary. The Moravians procured me five wagons for 
 our tools, stores and baggage. We had not marched many miles 
 before it began to rain, and it continued to rain all day ; there were 
 no habitations on the road to shelter us till we arrived near night 
 at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all hud- 
 dled together as wet as water could make us. It was well we 
 were not attacked in our march for our arms were of the most or- 
 dinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The 
 Indians are dextrous in contrivance for that purpose which we had 
 not . 
 
 "Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers who had been 
 driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me request- 
 
I58 A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE 
 
 ing a supply of fire arms that they might go back and fetch off 
 their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. 
 The day of the rain the Indians met these farmers and killed ten 
 of them. The one who escaped informed that his and his com- 
 panions guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the 
 rain. 
 
 "The nextday being fair we continued our march and arrived 
 at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw mill near, round 
 which were left several piles of boards with which we soon hutted 
 ourselves ; an operation the more necessary at that inclement sea- 
 son, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effect- 
 ually the dead we found there who had been half interred by the 
 country people. The next morning our fort was planned and 
 marked out, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty- 
 five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of 
 trees, one with another of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of 
 which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down 
 trees, and our men being dexterous in the use of them, great 
 despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast I had the 
 curiosity to look at my watch, when two men began to cut at a 
 pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground and I found 
 it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades 
 of eighteen feet long pointed at the end. While these were 
 preparing our other men dug a trench all around of three feet 
 deep, in which the palisades were to be planted, and our wagons, 
 the bodies being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separ- 
 ated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the 
 perch, we had ten carriages with two horses each to bring the 
 palisades from the woods to the spot. Then they were set up, 
 our carpenters built a stave of boards all around within about 
 six feet high for the men to stand on when to fire through 
 the loop holes. Our fort, if such a magnificent name may 
 be given to so miserable a stockade, was finished in a week, 
 though it rained so hard every other day that the men could not 
 w««rk. This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient 
 defense against the Indians who have no cannon. Finding our- 
 selves now securely posted, and having a place to retreat to on oc- 
 casion, we ventured out in parties to scour the adjacent country. 
 We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neigh- 
 boring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There 
 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE;. 159 
 
 was an art in their contrivance of those places that seems worth 
 mention. It being winter a fire was necessary for them; but a 
 common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have 
 discovered their position at a distance. They had, therefore, dug- 
 holes in the ground about three feet in diameter, and somewhat 
 deeper. We saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the 
 charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With 
 these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, 
 and we observed among the weeds and grass the prints of their 
 bodies made by their laying all around with their legs hanging 
 down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which with them is an 
 essential point. This kind of fire, so managed, could not discover 
 them either by its light or smoke." 
 
 In a general study of the contest between the French and 
 English in America this period is exceedingly interesting. The 
 war was mostly on the Canadian border, and on the Ohio, but the 
 whole frontier was in a state of insecurity and massacres were 
 frequent. Ridpath says : "Such had been the success of France 
 during the year that the English had not a single hamlet or for- 
 tress remaining in the whole basin of the St. Lawrence. Every 
 cabin where English was spoken had been swept out of the Ohio 
 Valley. At the close of the year 1757, France possessed twenty 
 times as much American territory as England, and five times as 
 much as England and Spain together. Such had been the imbe- 
 cility of the English management in America that the flag of 
 Great Britain was brought into disgrace." 
 
 There was a change of ministry in England and a change of 
 commanders in America, and before two years passed the power 
 of the French was broken in America. In regard to the attitude 
 of the Indians in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, when the authori- 
 ties saw the results of their treatment of the Indians, they sought 
 to reconcile matters by a series of conferences, in which they re- 
 stored to the Indians their lands and gave them proper remunera- 
 tion for what they purchased. 
 
 In Smith's History of New Jersey there is the following de- 
 scription of the council with the Indians, held in Easton begin- 
 ning the 8th of October, 1758, and continuing several days. 
 
 Present — The Honorable William Denny, Esq., Lieut. Gov- 
 ernor. Lawrence Crowdon, William Logan, Richard Peters, 
 Lynford Lardner, Benjamin Chew, John Mifflin, Esquires, mem- 
 
l6o A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE. 
 
 bers of the Governor's council. Isaac Norris, Joseph Fox, Joseph 
 Galloway, John Hughes, Daniel Roberdeau, Amos Strickland, Es- 
 quires, committee of the house of representatives. Charles 
 Read, Jacob Spicer, Esquires, commissioners for Indian affairs, 
 in the province of New Jersey. A number of magistrates and 
 freeholders of this and the neighboring province, and of the citi- 
 zens of the city of Philadelphia, chiefly of the people called Quak- 
 ers. George Croghan, Esquire, deputy agent for Indian affairs 
 under Sir William Johnson. Indians of several nations, viz : 
 
 Mohawks: Nichas or Karaghtadie, with one woman and 
 two boys. 
 
 Senecas : Tagashata, alias Takeaghsodo, alias Sigachsadon, 
 chief man, with seven other chiefs, thirty-seven other men, twen- 
 ty-eight women and children. 
 
 Onondagas : Assaradonguas, with nine men and nine women 
 and children. 
 
 Oneidas : Segughsonyout, alias Thomas King, Anagarag- 
 hiry, Assanyquou, with three warriors or captains, six warriors 
 and thirty-three women and children. 
 
 Cayugas : Tokaaio, with eight men, eleven women and chil- 
 dren. 
 
 Tuscaroras : Nichaquanataquoah, alias Jonathan, with five 
 men, twelve women and two children. 
 
 Xanticokes : Robert \\ nite, alias Wolahocumy, Pashdomo- 
 kas, alias Charles, with sixteen men, twenty women and eighteen 
 children. 
 
 Conoys : Kanakt, alias Last Night, with nine men ten wo- 
 men and one child. 
 
 Tutelos : Cakanonekoanos, alias Big Arm, Asswagarat, with 
 six men and three women. 
 
 Chagnots : Ten men. twenty women and children. 
 
 Chihohockies : Alias Delawares and Unamies : Teedyuscung 
 with divers men, women and children to the number of sixty. 
 
 Munsies or Minisinks: Egotchowen, with sundry men, wo- 
 men and children numbering thirty-five. 
 
 Mawhickons: Abraham or Mammatuckan, with men, wo- 
 men and children numbering fifty-six. 
 
 Wawpingsor Pomptons: Nimham, Aquaywochtu, with sun- 
 dry men, women and children to the number of forty-seven. In 
 all five hundred and seven. 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE. l6l 
 
 Conrad Weiser, Esq., Provincial Interpreter; Captain Henry 
 Moutour, Interpreter in Six Nation and Delaware languages; 
 Stephen Calvin, Isaac Stille, Moses Tetamy, Delaware Indians, 
 interpreters in the Delaware language. 
 
 The next conference on the nth, Governor Francis Ber- 
 nard, Esq., Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of his Ma- 
 esty's province of New Jersey was present. 
 
 Tagashata, the Seneca Chief, intending to speak first, on be- 
 half of the Indians, had laid some belts and strings on the table. 
 As soon as the company sat down Teedyuscung, holding out a 
 string, said he had something to deliver, and desired he might be 
 heard first of all- 
 After Governor Bernard had spoken Teedyuscung said : 
 "Brethren — I desire all of you who are present will give ear to 
 me. As you, my brethren, desired me to call all the nations who 
 live back; I have done so. Now, if you have anything to say to 
 them, or they to you, you must sit and talk together. 
 
 "Brethren, I sit by only to hear and see what you say to one 
 another; for I have said what I have to say, to the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania who sits here ; he knows what has passed between 
 us. I have made known to him the reasons why I have struck 
 him. Now I and the Governor have made up these differences 
 between him and me ; and I think we have done it as far as we can 
 for our future peace." 
 
 This speech was interpreted in the Six Nation language and 
 then Tagashata arose and said : "Brethren, the Governors and 
 your Councils : It has pleased the Most High that we meet to- 
 gether here with cheerful countenances, and a good deal of satis- 
 faction. And as public business requires great consideration, and 
 the day is almost spent, I choose to speak early to-morrow morn- 
 ing. 
 
 The Governors answered that they should be glad to give all 
 the despatch possible to this good work they were engaged in, and 
 desired the chiefs would fix the time of meeting ; but they declined 
 it, saying, they were unacquainted with hours, but would give no- 
 tice when they were ready. 
 
 The next morning when all had assembled Tagashata taking 
 the strings and belt of wampum which Governor Bernard gave 
 yesterday, repeated, according to the Indian custom, the particu- 
 lars of his speech, and then added : "Brethren, we approve of 
 every article mentioned to us yesterday by the Governor of Jersey ; 
 all that he said is very good. We look upon his message to us 
 
 n 
 
l62 A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE. 
 
 as a commission, and request from him that we should bring mat- 
 ters to a good conclusion with our cousins the Minisinks. They 
 themselves sent for us to do the same thing on their behalf; and 
 at their request we came here, have taken it in hand, and will use 
 our utmost endeavors to bring about the good work which Gov- 
 ernor Bernard desires, and do not doubt but that it will be done 
 to his entire satisfaction. Brethren, I now speak at the request of 
 Teedyuscung, and our nephews, the Delawares, living at Wyom- 
 ink, and on the waters of the river Susquehanna. Brethren, we 
 m iw remove the hatchets out of your heads that was struck into 
 it by our cousins, the Delawares. It was a French hatchet that 
 they unfortunately made use of, by the instigation of the French. 
 We take it out of your heads and bury it under ground, where it 
 shall always rest and never be taken up again. Our cousins, the 
 Delawares, have assured us they will never think of war against 
 their brethren, the English, any more, but employ their thoughts 
 about peace, and cultivating friendship with them, and never suf- 
 fer enmity against them to enter into their minds again. The 
 Delawares desired us to say this for them by this belt. (The 
 belt was handed over. ) 
 
 "Brethren, our nephews, the Minisink Indians, and three other 
 different tribes of that nation, have at last listened to us, and taken 
 our advice, and laid down the hatchet they had taken up against 
 their brethren, the English. They told us they had received it 
 from the French, but had already laid it down, and would return 
 it to them again. They assured us they would never use it any 
 more against you, but would follow our advice, and entreated us 
 to use our utmost endeavors to reconcile them to you their breth- 
 ren, declaring they were very sorry for what they had done, and 
 desired it might be forgotten, and they would forever cultivate a 
 good friendship with you. These declarations were made by the 
 principal warriors of four tribes of Minisink Indians at giving us 
 this belt." (Belt given.) Then taking eight strings of black 
 wampum, he continued: "Brethren, we let you know that we 
 have not only brought about this union with our nephews on the 
 waters of the river Susquehanna, but we also have sent messages 
 to our nephews, the Delawares and Minisinks, and to those like- 
 wise of our own nations who are on the Ohio under the influence 
 of the French. We have told all those that they must lay down 
 the French hatchet, and be reconciled to their brethren, the Eng- 
 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE;. 1 63 
 
 lish, and never more employ it against them. And we hope they 
 will take our advice. We, the Mohawks, Senecas and Onon- 
 dagas, deliver this string of wampum, to remove the hatchet out 
 of your heads that has been struck into them by the Ohio Indians, 
 in order to lay a foundation for peace." 
 
 Tagashata now gave eight strings of wampum and sat down. 
 
 Tokaaio arose and said : "Brethren, I speak in behalf of the 
 younger nations, part of and confederated with the Six Nations, 
 viz : The Cayugas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Tutuloes, Nanticokes 
 and Conoys. A road has been made from our country to this 
 Council fire, that we might treat about friendship; and as we came 
 down the road we saw that by some misfortune or other, blood 
 has lately been spilt on it. By these strings we make the road 
 wider and clearer ; we take the blood away out of it and likewise 
 out of the Council Chamber, which may have been stained; we 
 wash it all away, and desire it may not be seen any more, and we 
 take the hatchet out of your heads. (He here gave three strings 
 of wampum.) 
 
 "Brethren, the Governors and all the English, I now confine 
 myself to the Cayugas, my own nation. I will hide nothing from 
 you, because we have promised to speak to each other from the 
 bottom of our hearts. The French, like a thief in the night, have 
 stolen away some of our young men, and misled them, and they 
 have been concerned in doing mischief against our brethren, the 
 English. We did not know when it happened, but we discovered 
 it since. The chiefs of our nation held their young men fast, and 
 would not suffer them to go out of their sight; but the French 
 came and stole them away from us and corrupted them to do mis- 
 chief. We are sorry for it; we ask pardon for them, and hope 
 you will forgive them. We promise they shall do so no more. 
 And now, by this belt, we take out of your heads the hatchet with 
 which they struck you." (He here gave a belt of ten rows.) 
 
 In the conference four days later, Robert White, the Nanti- 
 coke Chief, arose and said he was going to speak in behalf of 
 seven nations, and directing his discourse to the Governors he 
 said, in English : "Brethren, it is now more than two years since 
 we heard of our cousins, the Delawares, taking up the hatchet 
 against the English. At the first Sir William Johnson sent a 
 message to the head nations, and when they received it they sent 
 to us at Otsaningo, telling us that as we lived close by our cousins, 
 
 
164 A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE- 
 
 they desired that we would invite them to meet at our town, and 
 accordingly we invited them, and they came to a great meeting at 
 our town of Otsaningo. We then gave our cousins a belt of a 
 fathom long and twenty-five rows in breadth, and desired them to 
 lay down the hatchet that they had taken up against the English, 
 and to be easy with them. And if they would follow this advice, 
 we told them, that they would live in peace until their heads were 
 white with age, otherwise it might not be so with them. Not 
 hearing from our cousins for some time what they did in conse- 
 quence of this belt, we sent to them two other belts, one of six- 
 teen, the other of twelve rows, desiring them to once more to be 
 easy with their brethren, the English, and not to strike them any 
 more. But still we heard nothing from them ; indeed, sometime 
 afterward we understood the Delawares should say that the In- 
 dians at Otsaningo had grey eyes and were like the English and 
 should be served as Englishmen ; and we thought we should have 
 had the hatchet struck into our heads. We now want to know 
 what has become of these belts ; may be they may be under 
 ground, or they may have swallowed them down their throats. 
 Brethren, as our cousins have been loath to give any answer to 
 these belts, we now desire they may let us know in public confer- 
 ence what they have done with them." (Here he gave a string 
 of wampum.) 
 
 In the conference on the 18th, Nichas the Mohawk, acquaint- 
 ed the Governors that as counsellors they had finished, having 
 nothing to propose at this present meeting. The warriors were to 
 speak now, and Thomas King was appointed to deliver their 
 words, who thereupon arose and began with an exhortation as 
 well to all concerned in public affairs, Governors and their Coun- 
 cils, and Indian Chiefs and their Councils, as to the warriors of 
 all nations, white people and Indians, desiring all present to attend 
 carefully to what was going to be related as matters of great con- 
 sequence, which would serve to regulate the conduct of the Eng- 
 lish and the Indians to each other. He added that the relation 
 going to be made had taken a great deal of trouble to put it into 
 order, and it was made on information given by the several na- 
 tions now present, who were acquainted with the facts. 
 
 . "Brethren, we, the warriors, have waited some time, in hopes 
 our councellors would have taken this matter in hand, but as they 
 have not done it, we have, at their desire, undertaken it, and they 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE- 165 
 
 have approved of every thing. I say the councellors of the five 
 younger nations, as well as the three older nations, have approved 
 of what the warriors are going to relate, and take notice, the 
 speech is not only the speech of all the warriors of the elder and 
 younger nations, but of our cousins, the Delawares and Minisinks. 
 
 "Brethren, you have been inquisitive to know the cause of 
 this war ; you have often inquired among us, but perhaps you did 
 not find out the true cause of the bitterness of our hearts, and 
 may charge us wrongfully, and think that you were struck with- 
 out a cause by some of our own warriors, and by our cousins. But 
 if you look a little about you, you will find that you gave the first 
 offence. For in time of profound peace, some of the Shawanese, 
 passing through South Carolina, to go to war with their enemies, 
 were taken up and put into prison. The English knew they were 
 going to war, and that they used to do it every year, and yet after 
 they had persuaded them in a friendly way into their houses, they 
 were taken up and put into prison, and one who was a head man 
 of that nation lost his life, and the others were severely used. This 
 first raised ill-will in the minds of the Shawanese, and as the 
 French came a little while after this happened to settle on the Ohio 
 the Shawanese complained of it to them, and they made an artful 
 use of it, set them against the English, and gave them the hatchet. 
 Being resolved on revenge they accepted it, and likewise spoke to 
 their grandfathers, the Delawares, saying, grandfathers, are not 
 your hearts sore at our being used so ill, and at the loss of one of 
 our chiefs? Will you not join us in avenging his death? So by 
 degrees our young men were brought over to act against you. On 
 searching matters to the bottom you will find that you in this mat- 
 ter gave the first offence. This we thought proper to let you 
 know. It may be of service for the future. You may be in- 
 duced by this to take better care in conducting your council busi- 
 ness, so as to guard against these breaches of friendship, or as 
 soon as they happen, in corresponding immediately with one an- 
 other, and with the Indian nations who are in anywise concerned 
 on such occasion. (Here he gave eight strings of black wam- 
 pum. ) 
 
 "Brethren, this was the case of the Shawanese that I have 
 just now related. Another of like nature has since happened to 
 the Senecas, who have suffered in the same manner. About three 
 years ago eight Seneca warriors were returning from war through 
 
l66 A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE- 
 
 Virginia, having seven prisoners and scalps with them. At a 
 place called Green Briar, they met with a party of soldiers, not 
 less than one hundred and fifty, who kindly invited them to come 
 to a certain store, and said they would supply them with provis- 
 ions. And accordingly they travelled two days with them, in a 
 friendly manner, and when they came to the house, they took their 
 arms from the Senecas. The head man cried out, 'Here is death, 
 defend yourselves as well as you can,' which they did, and two of 
 them were killed on the spot, and one, a young boy, was taken 
 prisoner. This gave great offence, and the more so, as it was 
 upon their warriors' road, and we were in perfect peace with our 
 brethren. It provoked us to such a degree that we could not get 
 over it. 
 
 "Brethren, you have justly demanded your prisoners; it is 
 right, and we have given you an answer. And therefore, as we 
 think this boy is alive, and somewhere among you, we desire you 
 enquire for him. If he be alive return him. If you have swal- 
 lowed him down your throats, which perhaps, may be the case, let 
 us know it, and we will be content. His name is Squissatego. 
 (Here he gave six strings of white wampum.) 
 
 "Brethren, we have one word more to mention of the same 
 nature, and which was the very cause why the Indians at the Ohio 
 left you. Brethren, when we first heard of the French coming to 
 Ohio, we immediately sent word to the Governors of Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania ; we desired them to come, and likewise to supply us 
 with such things as were proper for war, intending to defend our 
 lands, and hinder the French from taking possession of them. 
 But these Governors did not attend to our message ; perhaps they 
 thought there was no foundation for our intelligence. The 
 French, however, came, and became our neighbors, and you 
 neither coming yourselves, nor assisting us with warlike stores, 
 our people of necessity were obliged to trade with them for what 
 we wanted, as your traders had left the country. The Governor 
 of Virginia took care to settle on our lands for his own benefit, 
 but when we wanted his assistance against the French, he disre- 
 garded us. (A belt.) 
 
 "Brethren, at this treaty you justly demanded to see our 
 flesh and blood. We have pressed tin's on our cousins, the Mini- 
 sinks, and they by this string, desired us to assure you, the Gov- 
 ern, irs, that thev would make strict search in their towns, and sin- 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE;. 1 67 
 
 cerely comply with your request, and return all the prisoners in 
 their power." (Here he gave two strings of black and white 
 wampum. ) 
 
 Then directing his discourse to the Governor of Jersey, he 
 proceeded : 
 
 "Brother, the Governor of Jersey, our cousins, the Minisinks, 
 tell us they were wronged out of a great deal of land, and the 
 English settling so fast they were pushed back, and could not tell 
 what lands belonged to them. They say, if we have been drunk, 
 tell us so. We may have forgot what we sold, but we trust to 
 you, the Governor of Jersey, to take our cause in hand, and see 
 that we have justice done us. We say that we have here and 
 there tracts of land that have never been sold. You deal hardly 
 with us ; you claim all the wild creatures, and will not let us come 
 on your land to hunt after them. You will not so much as let us 
 peel a single tree. This is hard and has given us great offence. 
 The cattle you raise are your own, but those which are wild are 
 still ours, or should be common to both ; for when we sold the 
 land, we did not propose to deprive ourselves of hunting the wild 
 deer, or using a stick of wood when we should have occasion. We 
 desire the Governor to take this matter into his care and see that 
 justice be done to it." (He here gave two strings of white wam- 
 pum. ) 
 
 In the conference on October 26th the following speech was 
 delivered by the members of the Pennsylvania Council and 
 agreed to by Governor Bernard. 
 
 "Brethren, as we have now settled all differences, and con- 
 firmed the ancient leagues of amity, and brightened the chain of 
 friendship, we now clean the blood off your council seats, and put 
 them in order, that when you hold councils at home, you may sit 
 in your seats with the same peace and tranquility as you used to 
 do. (A string consisting of a thousand grains of wampum.) 
 
 "Brethren, with this string of wampum we console with you 
 for the loss of your wise men, and for the warriors that have been 
 killed in these troublesome times, and likewise for your women 
 and children, and we cover their graves decently agreeable to the 
 custom of your forefathers. (A string of a thousand grains of 
 wampum. ) 
 
 "Brethren, we disperse the dark clouds that have hung over 
 our heads, during these troubles, that we may see the sun clear, 
 
l68 A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE. 
 
 and look on each other with the cheerfulness our forefathers did." 
 (A string of a thousand grains of wampum.) 
 
 More belts were exchanged, and deeds were delivered and 
 after some more addresses and drinking mutual healths with wine 
 and punch, the conferences were concluded to the satisfaction of 
 all. 
 
 This council was an affair of the greatest importance to the 
 colony, and to all who were interested in the security of the fron- 
 tier. The people came from every direction to see the famous 
 warriors and to hear them speak. Some of these warriors were 
 well known to the Antes brothers, through the meetings previous- 
 ly held at Bethlehem. Interested as they were, personally, in 
 many of the people who had been sufferers from the ravages of the 
 Indians, they would be the more likely now to attend and hear the 
 explanation the Indians would give of their ferocious conduct. 
 
 For Henry Antes it was a fine opportunity to study Indian 
 character when appearing in the defence of their rights as pos- 
 sessors of the land which had always been their hunting grounds. 
 These warriors were not now in the attitude in which he had seen 
 them when seeking the friendly hospitality of the Brethren in 
 Bethlehem. Then they were pleasant, and gentle, and truculent 
 as beggars, but now they were in all their dignity as the represen- 
 tatives of their people. They were not children, nor were they 
 suppliants, but as equals meeting the pomp and ceremony of the 
 white men with the grace and majesty that the freedom of the for- 
 ests and the solemnity of the council chamber gave them. 
 
 The peace, however, was not destined to be of long duration. 
 
 Ridpath says: "No sooner were the English in complete 
 possession of the country than they began by neglect and ill- 
 treatment to excite the dormant passions of the Red men. Dur- 
 ing the progress of the war the Indians had been completely sub- 
 ordinated by French influence, and the English were hated with 
 all the ferocity of the savage nature. It was not long till there 
 were mutterings of an outbreak. The tribes could not be made 
 to comprehend that Canada had been finally taken from their 
 friends, the French. They confidently expected the day when 
 the King of France should send new armies and expel the detest- 
 ed English. Infatuated with this belief, instigated by the French 
 themselves, and stung by many insults, real and imaginary, the 
 warriors began their usual atrocities on the frontiers. In the 
 
 
A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE- 169 
 
 summer of 1761, the Senecas conspired with the Wyanclotts to 
 capture Detroit by treachery, and massacre the garrison, and the 
 plot was barely thwarted by Colonel Campbell, the commandant. 
 In the following summer another attempt of a similar sort was 
 discovered and defeated. It was in this condition of affairs that 
 the celebrated Pontiac came forward and organized the most far- 
 reaching and dangerous conspiracy ever known among the Indian 
 tribes of America." 
 
 So far as the effect of this war was felt in Pennsylvania the 
 following will indicate : 
 
 ''The Indians around the great lakes, and on the Ohio, had 
 cheerfully connived at the establishment of the French chain of 
 forts from Prescue Isle to the Monongahela, so long as they proved 
 an obstacle to the encroachments of the English ; but they now saw 
 the English in the possession of Canada, and this same chain of 
 forts occupied as outposts from which further encroachments 
 might be made toward the west. The forts themselves were an 
 intrusion, for the lands upon which they stood had never yet been 
 purchased from the Indians, or, if purchased, had been restored. 
 The boundary of Indian purchases was still more than a hundred 
 miles nearer the Atlantic. Other settlements, too, were built on 
 the Susquehanna on Indian lands. The great Pontiac had con- 
 ceived the gigantic plan of uniting all the northwestern tribes in a 
 simultaneous and vigorous attack upon the whole frontier. Ut- 
 ter extermination was their object. The forts were to be taken 
 by stratagem, by separate parties on the same day. The border 
 settlements were to be invaded during harvest, and men, crops, 
 cattle and cabins were to be destroyed. The English traders 
 among the Indians were the first victims ; out of one hundred and 
 twenty, only two or three escaped. The frontier settlements 
 among and near the mountains were overrun with scalping par- 
 ties marking their track with blood and fire. Consternation 
 spread throughout all the settlements on the Juniata and the Sus- 
 quehanna, and the dismayed inhabitants with their children and 
 flocks sought shelter at Shippensburg, Carlisle, Lancaster and 
 Reading. The garrison at Fort Augusta was reinforced, and 
 Colonel Armstrong with about three hundred volunteers from 
 Cumberland and Bedford counties went up the Susquehanna and 
 routed several parties of hostile Indians." 
 
 This was followed by the general uprising of the settlers 
 
I^O A FAMOUS INDIAN CONFERENCE- 
 
 known as Paxton Boys, who because of the slowness of the au- 
 thorities to afford them adequate protection took the matter in 
 their own hands and proceeded to murder all Indians, peaceful or 
 otherwise, upon whom they could lay their hands. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE INDIAN AT HOME- 
 
 HOW DIFFERENTLY the red man appeared to the white 
 men of his day, as they struggled for the possession of 
 the forests and streams of this beautiful land, from what 
 the historian or the kindly disposed lover of humanity pictures 
 him in this day. Logan in peace seems to be a creature impossi- 
 ble to transform into the demon known as Logan in war. It 
 seems equally impossible to transform the peaceful settlers along 
 the Susquehanna, as known to-day, into the fiends known as the 
 Paxton Boys. There was a great deal of attractiveness in the 
 home life of the Indians before they came in contact with the 
 vices of the white men. They were truthful and brave. They 
 loved their families and lived happily. But contact with the 
 whites demoralized them and they rapidly descended to a lower 
 level of life. When they were deprived of their lands, they be- 
 gan to show the bloodthirstiness of their natures. The awful fe- 
 rocity they exhibited in the Wyoming Valley was revenge for the 
 loss of their lands. When they were filled with rum they reveal- 
 ed the beastliness into which they could fall. The Moravians 
 were the means of their showing the noble and faithful consecra- 
 tion they were capable of when following the Lord Jesus Christ. 
 What a misfortune it was that they were not christianized instead 
 of being degraded by the white man's vices. We are not in doubt 
 of the attractive features of their forest life, because there are 
 many witnesses who have told us the particulars of it. From 
 some of these, who are indisputable witnesses, we will now quote : 
 We will begin with their homes : "The bark they make 
 their cabins with is generally cedar red, or white, or cypress. 
 Sometimes when they are a great way from these woods they use 
 pine bark. In building they get very long poles of any wood 
 that will bend, which they strip of the bark, and warm them well 
 in the fire, which makes them tough and fit to bend. Afterwards 
 they stick the thickest ends of them in the ground, about two 
 
 
172 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 yards asunder, in a circular form, the distance they design the 
 wigwam to be, then they bend the tops and bring them together, 
 and bind their ends with bark of trees that is proper for that use 
 as elm is, or sometimes the moss that grows on trees ; then they 
 brace them with poles to make them strong; afterwards cover 
 them all over with bark so that they are very warm and tight, and 
 will keep firm against all the weathers that blow. They have 
 other sorts of cabins, without windows, which are for their gran- 
 aries, skins, merchandise, and others that are covered over head, 
 the rest left open for the air. These have reed hurdles like tables, 
 to lie and sit on in summer, and serve for pleasant banqueting 
 houses in the hot season of the year. The cabins they dwell in 
 have benches all around, except where the door stands, on these 
 they lay the skin of beasts, and mats made of rushes, whereon 
 they sleep and loll. In one of these several families commonly 
 live, though all related to one another. 
 
 "The domestic economy of the Indians required implements 
 to perform the arts which we express by the words sewing and 
 weaving. The awl and needle were made from various species of 
 animal bones of the land and the water. The larger awl, used to 
 perforate bark, in sewing together the sheathing of the northern 
 canoe, made from the rind of the betula, was squared and 
 brought to a tapering point. A very close grained and compact 
 species of bone was employed for the fine lodge awl, used for sew- 
 ing dressed skins for garments. After this skin had been perfor- 
 ated a thread of deer's sinew was drawn through from the eye of 
 a slender bone needle. There was besides this a species of shut- 
 tle of bone which was passed backwards and forwards in intro- 
 ducing the bark woof of mats and bags; two kinds of articles, the 
 work of which was commonly made from the larger bulrush. It 
 was only necessary to exhibit the square and round awl, and gross 
 and fine needle of steel, to supersede these primitive and rude 
 modes of seamstress work and weaving. 
 
 "Amulets, and neck, head and ear ornaments, constituted a 
 very ancient and important department in the arcanum of the In- 
 dian wardrobe. They were also connected with his superstitions 
 and were a part of the external system of his religion. Those 
 who believed in witchcraft wore them as charms. They were 
 among the most cherished and valued articles he could possibly 
 possess. They were sought after with great avidity at high 
 
TH£ INDIAN AT HOME- I /3 
 
 prices, and after having served their office of warding off evil 
 while he lived, they were deposited in his grave at death. Bones, 
 shells, carved stones, gems, claws and hoofs of animals, feathers 
 of carniverous birds, and above all, the skin of the serpent, were 
 cherished with the utmost care and regarded with the utmost ven- 
 eration. To be decked with suitable amulets was to him to be in- 
 vested with a charmed life. They added to his feeling of secur- 
 ity, and satisfaction in his daily avocations, and gave him new 
 courage in war. 
 
 "But if such were the influence of pendants, shells, beads and 
 other amulets, and ornaments, inspired by children who saw and 
 heard what their parents prized, this influence took a deeper hold 
 of their minds at and after the period of the virile fast, when the 
 power of dreams and visions was added to the sum of their ex- 
 perimental knowledge of divine things, so to call them. 
 
 "To fix it still stronger, the Indian system of medicine, which 
 admits the power of necromancy, lent its aid. And thus long be- 
 fore the period which the civilized code has fixed on to determine 
 man's legal acts, the aboriginal man was fixed, and grounded, and 
 educated in the doctrine of charms, talismans and amulets. 
 
 "The principal food of the Indians consists of the game 
 which they take or kill in the woods, the fish out of the waters, 
 and the maize, beans, pumpkins, squashes, cucumbers, melons, and 
 occasionally cabbage and turnips, which they raise in their fields. 
 They make use also of various roots of plants, fruits, nuts and ber- 
 ries out of the woods by way of relish, or as seasoning, sometimes 
 also from necessity. They commonly make two meals aday, which 
 they say is enough. The hunter prefers going out with his gun 
 on an empty stomach ; he says that hunger stimulates him to ex- 
 ertion, by reminding him continually of his wants, whereas a full 
 stomach makes a hunter easy, careless and lazy, ever thinking of 
 his home, and losing his time to no purpose. With all their in- 
 dustry, nevertheless, many a day passes over their heads that they 
 have not met with any kind of game, nor consequently, tasted a 
 morsel of victuals; still they go on with their chase, in hopes of 
 being able to carry some provision home, and do not give up the 
 pursuit until it is so dark they can no longer see. The morning 
 and evening are the precious hours for the hunter. They lose 
 nothing by sleeping in the middle of the day, that is, between ten 
 A. M. and four P. M. The hunter who has no meat in the house, 
 
1/4 THE INDIAN AT H0AIE. 
 
 will be off and in the woods before daylight, and strive to be in 
 again before breakfast with a deer, turkey, goose, bear or raccoon, 
 or some other game then in season. Meanwhile his wife has 
 pounded her corn, now boiling on the fire, and baked her bread, 
 which gives them a good breakfast. If the husband is not re- 
 turned by ten o'clock, the family take their meal by themselves, 
 and his share is put aside for him when he comes. 
 
 "The Indians have a number of ways of preparing corn. 
 They make a pottage of it by boiling it with fresh or dried meat, 
 the latter pounded, dried pumpkins, dry beans and chestnuts. 
 They sometimes sweeten it with sugar or syrup from the maple 
 trees. Another dish is boiling with the corn the washed kernels 
 of the shellbark. They pound the nuts in a mortar, pouring a lit- 
 tle warm water on them, gradually, as they become dry, until, at 
 last, there is a sufficient quantity of water so that by stirring up 
 the pounded nuts, the broken shells separate from the liquor, 
 which from the pounded kernels assumes the appearance of milk. 
 This being put into the kettle, and mixed with the pottage, gives 
 it a rich and agreeable flavor. 
 
 "They also prepared a variety of dishes from the pumpkin. 
 the squash and the green French or kidney beans ; they are very 
 particular in their choice of pumpkins and squashes, and in their 
 manner of preparing them. The less water put to them the bet- 
 ter, and best of all to be steamed in their own sap. They cover 
 up the pots in which they cook them with large leaves of the 
 pumpkin vine, cabbages or other leaves of the larger kind. They 
 make an excellent preserve from the cranberry and crab apple, to 
 which, after it has been well stewed, they add a proper quantity of 
 sugar or molasses. Their bread is of two kinds; one made of 
 green corn while in the milk, and another of the same grain when 
 fully ripe and quite dry. This last is pounded as fine as possible, 
 then sifted and kneeded into dough, and afterwards made up into 
 cakes of six inches diameter and about an inch in thickness round- 
 ed off on the edge. In baking these cakes they are extremely 
 particular; the ashes must be clean and hot, and, if possible, come 
 out of a good dry oak bark, which they say gives a brisk and dura- 
 ble heat. In the dough of this kind of bread, they frequently 
 mix boiled pumpkins, green or dried beans, or well paired chest- 
 nuts boiled in the same manner, dried venison well pounded, 
 whortle berries, green or dry. but not boiled, sugar and other pal- 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. 1 7S 
 
 atable ingredients. For the other kind of bread the green corn is 
 either pounded or mashed, and put in broad green corn blades, 
 generally rilled in with a ladle well wrapped up, and baked in the 
 ashes like the other. This is a very sweet and delicate morsel. 
 Their Psindamocan or Tassamanane, as they call it, is the most 
 nourishing and durable food made out of the Indian corn. The 
 blue sweetish kind is what they prefer for that purpose. They 
 parch it in clean hot ashes until it bursts, it is then sifted, and 
 cleaned, and pounded in a mortar into a kind of flour, and when 
 they wish to make it very good they mix some sugar with it. 
 When wanted for use they take about a tablespoonful of this flour 
 in their mouths, then stooping to the river, or brook, drink water 
 to it. If, however, they have a cup they put the flour in it, and 
 mix it with water in the proportion of one tablespoonful to a pint. 
 At their camps they will put a small quantity in a kettle with water 
 and let it boil down, and they will have a thick pottage. With 
 this food the traveller and warrior will set out on long journevs 
 and expeditions, and as a little of it will serve them for a day, 
 they have not a heavy load of provisions to carry. More than 
 one or two spoonfuls at one meal is dangerous, for it is apt 
 to swell in the stomach or bowels, as when heated over a fire. 
 Their meat they either boil, roast or broil. Their roasting is 
 done by running a wooden spit through the meat, sharpened at 
 each end, which they place near the fire and occasionally turn. 
 They broil on clean coals drawn off from the fire for that pur- 
 pose. They often laugh at the white hunters for baking their 
 bread in dirty ashes, and being alike careless of cleanliness when 
 they broil their meat. They are fond of dried venison pounded 
 in a mortar and dipped in bear's oil. The Delawares, Mohicans 
 and Shawanese are very particular in their choice of meats, and 
 nothing short of the most pressing hunger can induce them to eat 
 of certain animals, such as the horse, dog, wild cat, panther, fox, 
 muskrat, wolf, &c. There was but little of the animal life in the 
 forest or in the waters but what was used as food by the Indians. 
 Young wasps white in the comb were regarded as a dainty mor- 
 sel. Fawns in the womb were esteemed a great delicacy. Be- 
 sides the common fruits and vegetables, the tuberous roots of the 
 smilax were dug up and while still fresh and full of juice were 
 chopped up and macerated well in wooden mortars. When thor- 
 oughly beaten, this pulpy mass was put in earthen vessels contain- 
 
I76 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 ing- clean water. Here it was stirred with wooden paddles, or 
 with the hands. The lighter particles floating on the top were 
 poured off. A farinaceous matter was left at the bottom of the 
 vessel, which, when taken out and dried, remained an impalpable 
 powder or farina of a reddish color. Boiled in water this pow- 
 der formed a beautiful jelly, which, when sweetened, was both 
 agreeable and nourishing. In combination with corn flour and 
 when fried in fresh bear's grease it made excellent fritters. 
 
 "Walnuts and hickory nuts were diligently collected, cracked 
 and boiled in vessels, when the oil, which rose to the surface, was 
 skimmed off and carefully preserved in covered earthen jars. 
 This oil was highly esteemed in the preparation of corn cakes. 
 Of the seeds of the sunflower they also made bread. The amex- 
 ias was freely eaten and ripe persimmons were pressed into cakes 
 and stored away for consumption during the winter months. 
 Grapes were dried in the sun and collected in the public and pri- 
 vate storehouses. Wild honey was also gathered. Captain Ro- 
 mans asserts that the Indians never ate salt meats or boiled their 
 food with salt. Yet they used salt in abundance." 
 
 Preparation of skins : "They first soaked them in water. 
 The hair was then removed by the aid of a bone or stone scraper. 
 Deer's brains were next dissolved in water, and in this mixture 
 the skins were allowed to remain until they became thoroughly 
 saturated. They were then gently dried, and while drying were 
 continually worked by hand and scraped with an oyster shell, or 
 some suitable stone implement, to free them from every impurity 
 and render them soft and pliable. In order that they might not 
 become hard, when exposed to rain, they were cured in smoke, 
 and tanned with the bark of trees. Young Indian corn beaten to 
 a pulp answered the same purpose as the deer's brains." 
 
 Captain John Smith's description of Indian costumes : "For 
 their apparel they are sometimes covered with the skins of wild 
 beasts, which in winter are dressed with the hair, but in summer 
 without. The better sort use large mantels of deer skins, not 
 much differing in fashion from the Irish mantles. Some em- 
 broidered with white beads, some with copper, others painted 
 after their manner. 
 
 "But the common sort have scarce to cover their nakedness 
 but with grass, the leaves of trees, and the like. We have seen 
 si ime mantels made of turkey feathers so prettily wrought and 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. 1/7 
 
 woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feath- 
 ers. That was exceeding warm and handsome. But the women 
 are always covered about their loins with a skin, and very shame- 
 fast to be seen bare. They adorn themselves most with copper 
 beads and paintings. Some have their legs, hands, breast and 
 face cunningly embroidered with diverse works as beasts, ser- 
 pents, artificially wrought into their flesh with black spots. In 
 each ear they commonly have three great holes whereat they hang 
 chains, bracelets or copper. Some of the men wear in those holes 
 a small green and yellow colored snake nearly half a yard in 
 length, which crawling and lapping itself about his neck often- 
 times would familiarly kiss his lips. Others wore a dead rat tied 
 by the tail. Some on their heads wear the wing of a bird or some 
 large feather with a rattle. Those rattles are somewhat the shape 
 of a rapier but less, which they take from the tail of a snake. 
 Many have the whole skin of a hawk or some strange fowl stuffed 
 with the wings abroad. Others, a broad piece of copper, and 
 some the hand of their enemy dried. Their heads and shoulders 
 are painted red with the root pocone brayed to powder mixed 
 with oil ; this they hold in summer to preserve them from the heat, 
 and in winter from the cold. Many other forms of painting they 
 use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to be- 
 hold. 
 
 "The cloaks of the women were made of the bark of the mul- 
 berry tree, or of the feathers of swans, ducks and turkeys. The 
 bark of young mulberry shoots were first dried in the sun and then 
 beaten so as to cause all the woody parts to fall off. The remain- 
 ing threads were then beaten the second time, and bleached by ex- 
 posure to the dew. When well whitened they were spun and 
 twisted into thread. Garments were woven in the following 
 manner : Two stakes were planted in the ground about a yard 
 and a half a part. A cord was then stretched from one to the 
 other, to which were fastened double threads of bark. By hand 
 other threads were curiously interwoven so as in the end to form 
 a cloak about a yard square with wrought borders about the 
 edges. 
 
 "Young men vied with one another in the decorations upon 
 their vestments, painting themselves profusely with vermillion, 
 wearing bracelets of the ribs of deer, softened in boiling water, 
 then bent into the required shape and finally polished so that they 
 
 12 
 
 
I7S THE INDIAN AT Jlo.MK. 
 
 resembled ivory, fancy necklaces like the women, carrying fans in 
 their hands, clipping off the hair from the crowns of their heads 
 and substituting a piece of swan's skin with the down upon it, fas- 
 tening the finest white feathers to the hairs which remained, and 
 suffering a part of their hair to grow long so that they could 
 weave it into a cue hanging over the left ear. The dress of the 
 Indians in peace and war is quite different. When they go to 
 war their hair is combed out by the women and done over very 
 much with bear's grease and red root, with feathers, wings, rings, 
 copper and paak or wampum in their ears. They buy vermillion 
 of the Indian traders, wherewith they paint their faces all over 
 red, and commonly make a circle of black about one eye and an- 
 other circle of white about the other, whilst others bedaub their 
 faces with tobacco-pipe clay, lampblack, black lead and divers 
 other colors, which they make with the several sorts of minerals 
 and earths which they get in different parts of the country where 
 they hunt and travel. When they are thus painted they make the 
 most frightful figures that can be imitated by men, and seem more 
 like devils than human beings. In all the hostilities against the 
 English at any time, the savages always appeared in this dis- 
 guise, whereby they might never after be discovered or known by 
 any of the Christians that should happen to see them after they 
 had made their escape ; for it is impossible ever to know an Indian 
 under these colors, although he had been at your house a thousand 
 times. As for their women they never paint their faces. 
 
 "In ancient times the dress of the Indians was made of the 
 skins of animals, and feathers. This clothing they say was not 
 <nily warmer, but lasted much longer than any woolen goods pur- 
 chased of the white people. They can dress any skin, even that of 
 the buffalo, so that it becomes quite soft and supple, and a good 
 buffalo or bear skin blanket will serve them many years without 
 wearing out. Beaver and raccoon skin blankets are also pliant, 
 warm and durable. They sew together as many of these skins as 
 are necessary, carefully setting the hair, or fur, all the same way, 
 so that the blanket or covering be smooth, and the rain do not 
 penetrate, but run off. Tn wearing these fur blankets, they are 
 regulated by the weather. If it is cold and dry. the fur is placed 
 next the body, but in warm and wet weather they have it outside. 
 Some made themselves frocks of fine fur, and the women's petti- 
 coats in the winter season were also made of them, otherwise of 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. 1/9 
 
 dressed deer skin, the same as their shirts, leggings and shoes. 
 They say that shoes made of dressed bear skin with the hair on, 
 and turned inside, are very warm, and in dry weather, durable. 
 With the large rib bones of the elk and buffalo, they shaved the 
 hair off the skins they dressed, and even now they say that they 
 can clean a skin as well with a well prepared rib bone as with a 
 knife. The blankets made from feathers were also warm and 
 durable. They were the work of the women, particularly of the 
 old, who delight in such work, and indeed in any work which 
 shows that they are able to do their part and be useful to society. 
 It requires great patience, being the most tedious kind of work I 
 have ever seen them perform, yet they do it in a most ingenious 
 manner. The feathers, generally those of the turkey and goose, 
 are so curiously arranged and interwoven together with threads 
 or twine, which they prepare from the rind or bark of the wild 
 hemp and nettle, that ingenuity and skill cannot be denied them. 
 They show the same talent in making their 'Happis,' the bands 
 with which they carry their bags and other burdens. They make 
 these very strong and lasting. The present dress of the Indians 
 is well known to consist in blankets, plain or ruffled shirts, and 
 leggings for the men, and petticoats for the women, made of cloth, 
 generally red, blue or black. The wealthy adorn themselves be- 
 sides with ribbons and garterings of various colors, beads and sil- 
 ver broaches. These ornaments are arranged by the women, 
 who, as well as the men, know how to dress themselves in style. 
 Those of the men principally consist in the painting of themselves, 
 their head and face principally, shaving, of good clean garments, 
 silver arm spangles and breast plates, and a belt or two of wam- 
 pum hanging to their necks. The women, at the expense of their 
 husbands or lovers, line their petticoat and blue or scarlet cloth- 
 blanket or covering, with choice ribbons of various colors or with 
 garterings on which they fix a number of silver broaches or small 
 round buckles. They adorn their leggings in the same manner 
 with colored porcupine quills, and are besides almost entirely cov- 
 ered with trinkets. They have, moreover, a number of little bells 
 and brass thimbles fixed around their ankles, which, when they 
 walk, make a tinkling noise which is heard at some distance; this 
 is intended to draw the attention of those who pass by, that they 
 may look at and admire them. The women make use of Vermil- 
 lion in painting themselves for dances, but they are very careful 
 
l8o THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 and circumspect in applying- the paint, so that it does not offend 
 or create suspicion in their husbands : there is a mode of painting 
 which is left entirely to loose women and prostitutes. 
 
 "The men have deer's claws fixed to their braced garters or 
 knee bands, and also to their shoes, for they consider jingling and 
 rattling as indispensably necessary to their performances in the 
 way of dancing. 
 
 '"The notion that the Indians are beardless by nature and have 
 no hair on their bodies is now laid aside; they pluck out their 
 beards with tweezers made expressly for that purpose. Before 
 the Europeans came, their apparatus for performing this work 
 consisted of a pair of muscle shells sharpened on a gritty stone 
 somewhat like pincers. But now they always carry with them 
 brass wire tweezers, and when at leisure pluck out their beards or 
 the hair above their foreheads. The principal reason which they 
 give for doing this is. that they may have a clean skin to lay the 
 paint on when they dress for their festivals and dances, and to fa- 
 cilitate the tattooing, a custom formerly much in use amongst 
 them, especially with those who had distinguished themselves by 
 their valor and acquired celebrity. They say that either painting 
 or tattooing on a hairy face or body would appear disgusting." 
 
 Indian Pottery. 
 
 In manufacturing their pottery for cooking and domestic 
 purposes, they collect tough clay, beat it into powder, temper it 
 with water, and then spread it over blocks of wood which have 
 been formed into shapes to suit their convenience or fancy. 
 When sufficiently dry they are removed from the moulds, placed 
 in proper situations, and burned to a hardness suitable to their in- 
 tended uses. Ornamentation was accomplished in one of the fol- 
 lowing ways : 
 
 i. By modelling the vessel inside of a network, rush-basket, 
 or frame made of twigs or split cane, or within a gourd, or over 
 blocks of wood, or forms of dried clay. It seems, mi >re iver, fn 'in 
 the delicacy of some of the impressions, that a sort of cloth must 
 have been first spread against the sides of the enclosing basket or 
 framework, before the clay was put in and pressed against it. 
 Perhaps, in some instances, the interior walls of the gourd may 
 have been carved, so as to leave raised figures and lines upon the 
 vessel m< >ulded within it. 
 
 2. By shaping the kneeded clay into the desired form, with 
 
^gg&m, 
 
 r OY r 0i) , ■ 'f.o> 
 l \ i 1 
 
 Specimens of Pottery from the collection of J. M. M. Gernard, 
 Muncy, Pa. 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. l8l 
 
 the hand, leaving the outer surface smooth, and, when the pot was 
 dry, with a sharp flint-flake or bone carving straight, curved and 
 zigzag lines with greater or less uniformity according to the care, 
 patience and skill of the artificer. 
 
 3. The circular and semi-circular depressions — with or with- 
 out elevated centers — could have been made by means of a hollow 
 reed cut off at or near a joint, as might indicate the artist's pres- 
 ent fancy. It is not improbable that some of the indentations 
 formed while the clay was still in a plastic state, were clone with 
 the finger nail, which the Indians, in some cases, and for certain 
 purposes, permitted to grow very long. Lines were impressed 
 with the aid of a thong, while the more complicated figures may 
 have been perpetuated with the assistance of a wooden or soap- 
 stone die, in which the desired pattern was cut. Repeated appli- 
 cations of the same die to all the exterior portions of the vessel 
 gave a uniform ornamentation. The use of several dies of differ- 
 ent designs materially enhanced the variety. 
 
 4. Frequently raised mouldings near the rims, and elevated 
 ornaments were added while the vessel was still soft, and when 
 the adhesion of these new parts could be readily compassed. 
 
 5. The sides of the vessels were sometimes beautified by the 
 insertion of diamond and square-shaped parallelogramic and cir- 
 cular pieces of mica and shell. Over the edges of these inserted 
 or impressed ornaments the clay was slightly curved, so that when 
 the ware was thoroughly dry, these pieces of mica and shell re- 
 mained permanently imbedded. 
 
 6. The ornamentation of this earthenware was further ac- 
 complished by means of red, blue and black pigment. 
 
 When completed the newly-formed vessel was either exposed 
 in the sun, baked in a kiln or open fire, or inverted over burning 
 coals of some hard wood, such as oak or hickory, piled up so as to 
 fill as nearly as possible the whole interior. In the manner last 
 mentioned was the baking process often conducted, the bed of 
 coals being at intervals renewed, and arranged in conical form, so 
 as to distribute the heat equally to every part of the pot. So in- 
 tense at times was the heat employed, that the vessel glowed, and 
 a fusion of the particles on the inner surface occurred. When 
 sufficiently baked, the vessel was allowed to cool gradually, in its 
 hardened condition permanently retaining the impressions which 
 had at first been made upon its plastic form. 
 
l82 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 Shad Fishing. 
 
 "&• 
 
 When the shad fish come up the rivers the Indians run up a 
 dam of stones across the stream where its depth will admit of it, 
 not on a straight line but in two parts verging towards each other 
 in an angle. An opening is left in the middle for the water to 
 run off. At this opening they place a large box, the bottom of 
 which is full of holes. They then make a rope of the twigs of the 
 wild vine, reaching across the stream upon which boughs of about 
 six feet in length are fastened at the distance of about two fath- 
 oms from each other. A party is detached about a mile above 
 the dam with this rope and its appendages, who begin to move 
 gently down the current some guiding one, some the opposite end, 
 while others keep the branches from sinking by supporting the 
 rope in the middle with wooden forks. Thus they proceed fright- 
 ening the fishes into the opening left in the middle of the dam, 
 where a number of Indians are placed on each side, who, stand- 
 ing upon the two legs of the angles drive the fish with poles and 
 an hideous noise through the opening into the above mentioned 
 box or chest. There they lie, the water running off through the 
 holes in the bottom, and other Indians stationed on either side of 
 the chest take them out, kill them, and fill their canoes. 
 
 Another method of fishing is as follows : When they see 
 large fish near the surface of the water, they fire directly upon 
 them, sometimes only with powder, which noise and surprise, 
 however, so stupifies them that they instantly turn up their bellies 
 and float atop, when the fishermen secure them. If they shoot at 
 fish not deep in the water either with an arrow or a bullet, they 
 aim at the lower part of the belly if they are near; and lower in 
 like manner according to the distance, which seldom fails of kill- 
 ing. In a dry summer season they gather horse chestnuts and 
 different sorts of roots, which having pounded pretty fine and 
 steeped a while in a trough, they scatter this mixture over the sur- 
 face of a middle-sized pond, and stir it about with poles, till the 
 water is sufficiently impregnated with the intoxicating bittern. 
 The fish are soon inebriated, and make to the surface of the water 
 with their bellies uppermost. The fishers gather them in baskets 
 and barbecue the largest, covering them carefully over at night to 
 preserve them from the supposed putrifying influence of the moon. 
 It seems thai fish caught in this manner are not poisoned, but only 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. I§3 
 
 stupified ; for they prove very wholesome food. When they are 
 speedily moved into good water they revive in a few minutes. 
 
 "They have a square piece of ground well cleaned and with 
 white sand carefully strewed over it when requisite, to promote a 
 swifter motion to what they throw along the surface. Only one 
 or two on a side play this game. They have a stone about two 
 inches broad at the edge, and two spans round ; each party has a 
 pole of about eight feet long, smooth and tapering at each end, 
 the points flat. They set off abreast of each other at six yards 
 from the end of the playground ; then one of them hurls the stone 
 on its edge in as direct a line as he can a considerable distance to- 
 ward the middle of the other end of the square. When they have 
 run a few yards each darts his pole, annointed with bear's oil, with 
 a proper force, as near as he can guess, in proportion to the mo- 
 tion of the stone, that the end may lie close to the stone. When 
 this is the case the person counts two of the game, and in propor- 
 tion to the nearness of the poles to the mark, one is counted, un- 
 less by measuring both are found to be at an equal distance from 
 the stone.. In this manner the players will keep running most of 
 the day at half speed under the violent heat of the sun, staking 
 their silver ornaments, their nose, finger and ear rings, their 
 breast, arm and wrist plates, and even all their wearing apparel, 
 except that which barely covers their loins. The hurling stones 
 were rubbed smooth on the rocks and with prodigious labor ; they 
 are kept with the strictest religious care from one generation to 
 another, and are exempted from being buried with the dead. They 
 belong to the town, where they are used and are. carefully pre- 
 served." 
 
 Indian Dances. 
 
 "Mr. Bartram asserts that the Southern Indians were all 
 fond of music and dancing, the music being both vocal and in- 
 strumental. Among the musical instruments he enumerates the 
 tambour, the rattle gourd, and a kind of flute made of the joint of 
 a reed, or of a deer's tibia. The last he pronounces a howling in- 
 strument, producing, instead of harmony, a hideous melancholy 
 discord. With the tambour and rattle, however, accompanied 
 by sweet low voices, he confesses himself well pleased. These 
 
1 84 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 gourd rattles contained corn, beans or small pebbles, and were 
 shaken by hand or struck against the ornamental posts which 
 marked the dancing ring, in exact time with the movements of 
 the performers. Large earthen pots, tightly covered with dress- 
 ed deer skin, answered as drums. The shells of terrapins were 
 also fastened to the ankles, or suspended from the waist belts. 
 These being partially filled with small stones or beans, with every 
 motion of the body gave utterance to rattling sounds. The 
 leather stockings of the y< >ung dancing women of the Creeks were 
 hung full of the hoofs of the roe-deer in form of bells, in so much 
 as to make them sound exactly like castagnettes. Captain Ro- 
 mans counted four hundred and ninety-three of these horn bells 
 attached to one pair of stockings. Nine women, whose hose was 
 similarly furnished, were present at the dance. Allowing the 
 same number of these tinkling ornaments to each, one thousand 
 one hundred and ten deers must have been killed to furnish them. 
 These musical instruments were supplemented by voices plaintive 
 or vehement, slow or rapid, as best accorded with the character of 
 the dance. Their songs, whether of war, or devotion, harvest or 
 hunting, consisted of but few words and scanty intonations re- 
 peated in the most monotonous way. In the vicinity of the vil- 
 lage was a spot specially prepared for, and devoted to the dance. 
 Here a fire was nightly kindled, ami all who had a mind to be 
 merry assembled each evening. The place was a level spot in the 
 midst of a broad plain, circular in shape, about which are planted 
 in the ground posts carved with heads like the faces of nuns cov- 
 ered with their veils, the center being occupied by three of the 
 fairest virgins of the company, which, embracing one another, do, 
 as it were, turn about in their dancing. Around these, and follow- 
 ing the line of the posts, fancifully attired and bearing in their 
 hands the branches of trees and gourd rattles, with which they 
 keep time by striking them against the po>t<. are. wildly singing 
 and dancing in the cool of the evening, the natives assembled for 
 the celebration of their solemn feasts. 
 
 "Many of these dances were of a purely social character and 
 were participated in every night by way of amusement. Others 
 were designated by violent exercise to prepare the actors to en- 
 dure fatigue and improve their wind. Others still were had in 
 commemoration of war. of peace and of hunting. Others in the 
 early spring, when the seed was sown, others when the harvest 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. I §5 
 
 was ended; others — wild and terrible — in presence of captured 
 victims, doomed to torture and death ; while others, with slow and 
 solemn movement, and carefully observed ceremonies, were con- 
 ducted in honor of some religious festival. Every occasion was 
 provocative of this amusement. The most admired and prac- 
 tised step is a slow, shuffling, alternate step ; both feet move for- 
 ward, one after the other, in opposite circles; first a circle of 
 young men, and within, a circle of young women moving together 
 opposite ways, the men with the course of the sun, and the females 
 contrary to it ; the men strike their arm with the open hand, and 
 the girls clap hands and raise their shrill sweet voices, answering 
 an elevated shout of the men at stated times of termination of the 
 stanzas ; and the girls perform an interlude or chorus separately. 
 To accompany their dances they have songs of different classes as 
 martial, bacchanalian, amorous and moral, which seem to be the 
 most esteemed and practised, and answer the purpose of religious 
 lectures. 
 
 "The occasion of which they availed themselves to perform 
 the ceremony of conferring upon young Morris his new name, was 
 a religious observance when the whole sixteen hundred Indians 
 present at the treaty united in an offering to the moon, then being 
 at her full. The ceremonies were performed in the evening. It 
 was a clear night and the moon shone with uncommon brilliancy. 
 The host of Indians anil their neophyte were all seated upon the 
 ground in an extended circle on one side of which a large fire was 
 kept burning. The aged Cayuga chieftain, Fish-Carrier, who 
 was held in exalted veneration for his wisdom, and who had been 
 greatly distinguished for his bravery from his youth up, officiated 
 as the High Priest of the occasion, making a long speech to the 
 luminary, occasionally throwing tobacco into the fire as incense. 
 On the conclusion of the address, the whole assembly prostrated 
 themselves upon the bosom of their parent earth, and a grunting 
 sound of approbation was uttered from mouth to mouth around 
 the entire circle. At a short distance from the fire a post had been 
 planted in the earth — intended to represent the stake of torture to 
 which captives are bound for execution. After the ceremonies in 
 favor of Madame Luna had been ended, they commenced a war 
 dance around the post, and the spectacle must have been as pic- 
 turesque as it was animating and wild. The young braves en- 
 gaged in the dance were naked excepting the breech-clout about 
 
1 86 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 the loins. They were painted frightfully — their backs being 
 chalked white with irregular streaks of red denoting the stream- 
 ing of blood. Frequently would they cease from dancing while 
 one of their number ran to the fire snatching thence a blazing 
 stick placed there for that purpose, which he would thrust at the 
 post, as though inflicting torture upon a prisoner. In the course 
 of the dance they sang their songs and made the forest ring with 
 their wild screams and shouts, as they boasted of their deeds of 
 war, and told the number of scalps they had respectively taken or 
 which had been taken by their nation. During the dance those 
 engaged in it — as did others also — partook freely of unmixed 
 rum; and by consequence of the natural excitement of the occa- 
 sion, and the artificial excitement of the liquor, the festival had 
 well nigh turned out a tragedy. It happened that among the dan- 
 cers was an Oneida warrior, who, in striking the post, boasted of 
 the number of scalps taken by his nation during the war of the 
 Revolution. The Oneidas had espoused the cause of the Colonies 
 in that contest, while the rest of the Iroquois confederacy had es- 
 poused that of the Crown. The boasting of the Oneida warrior, 
 therefore, was like striking a spark into a keg of gunpowder. 
 The ire of the Senecas was kindled in an instant, and they in turn 
 boasted of the number of scalps taken by them from the Oneidas 
 in that contest. They moreover taunted the Oneidas as cowards. 
 Quick as lightning the hands of the latter were upon their weap- 
 ons, and in turn the knives and tomahawks of the Senecas began 
 to glitter in the moonbeams as they were hastily drawn forth. For 
 an instant it was a scene of anxious and almost breathless sus- 
 pense, a death struggle seeming inevitable, when the storm was 
 hushed by the interposition of old Fish Carrier, who rushed for- 
 ward and striking the post with violence exclaimed. 'You are all 
 of you a parcel of boys ; when you have attained my age. and per- 
 formed the warlike deeds that I have performed, you may boast 
 what you have done ; not till then.' Saying which he threw down 
 the post, put an end to the dance, and caused the assembly to re- 
 tire. The scene in its reality must have been one of absorbing and 
 peculiar interest. An assembly of nearly two thousand inhabi- 
 tants of the forest grotesquely clad in skins and strouds, with 
 shining ornaments of silver, and their coarse raven hair falling 
 over their shoulders and playing wildly in the wind as it swept 
 past, sighing mourn fully among the branches of the trees above. 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. 1 87 
 
 such a group gathered in a broad circle in an opening of the wil- 
 derness, the starry canopy of heaven glittering above them, the 
 moon casting her silver mantle around their dusky forms, and a 
 large fire blazing in the midst of them, before which they were 
 working their spells and performing their savage rites, must have 
 presented a spectacle of long and vivid remembrance. 
 
 "It is a pleasing spectacle to see the Indian dances when in- 
 tended merely for social diversion and innocent amusement. 
 Their songs are by no means harmonious. They sing in chorus, 
 first the men and then the women. At times the women join in the 
 general song or repeat the strain which the men have just finish- 
 ed. It seems like two parties singing in questions and answers, 
 and is upon the whole very agreeable and livening. After thus 
 singing for about a quarter of an hour they conclude each song 
 with a loud yell, which is not in accord with the rest of the music. 
 It is not unlike the cat bird which closes its pretty song with mew- 
 ing like a cat. The singing always begins by one person only, 
 but others soon fall in successively, until the general chorus be- 
 gins, the drum beating all the while to mark the time. The voices 
 of the women are full and clear, and their intonations generally 
 correct. 
 
 "Their war dances have nothing engaging; their object on 
 the contrary, is to strike terror to the beholder. They are dressed 
 and painted, or rather bedaubed with paint in a manner suitable to 
 the occasion. They hold the murderous weapon in their hand 
 and imitate in their dance all the warlike attitudes, motions and 
 actions which are usual in an engagement with the enemy, and 
 strive to excel each other by their terrific looks and gestures. 
 They generally perform round a painted post set up for that pur- 
 pose, in a large room, or place enclosed or surrounded with posts 
 and roofed with the bark of trees; sometimes this dance is exe- 
 cuted in the open air. There every man presents himself in war- 
 rior's array, contemptuously looking upon the painted post as if 
 it was the enemy whom he is about to engage ; as he passes by it 
 he strikes, stabs, grasps, pretends to scalp, to cut, to run through ; 
 in short, shows what he would do to a real enemy if he had him 
 in his power. It was an ancient custom to perform this dance 
 round a prisoner, and as they danced to make him undergo every 
 kind of torture previous to putting him to death. The prisoner 
 appeared to partake in the merriment, contemptuously scoffing at 
 
l88 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 his executioner as being unskilled in the art of inflicting torments ; 
 strange as this condtfet may appear, it was not without a sufficient 
 motive. It was to rouse his relentless tormentors to such a pitch 
 of fury that some of them might at an unguarded moment give 
 him the finishing stroke and put him out of his pain. Previous 
 to going out on a warlike campaign the war dance is performed. 
 It is their mode of recruiting. Whoever joins the dance is 
 obliged to go with the party. After returning from a successful 
 expedition a dance of thanksgiving is always performed, which 
 partakes of the character of a religious ceremony. It is accom- 
 panied with singing and choruses, in which the women join. But 
 they take no part in the rest of the performance. At the end of 
 every song the scalp yell is shouted as many times as there have 
 been scalps taken from the enemy. 
 
 "The Indians also meet occasionally to recount their warlike 
 exploits, which is done in a kind of half singing or recitative. 
 The oldest warrior recites first, then they go on in rotation and in 
 order of seniority, the drum beating all the time as it were to give 
 to the relation the greater appearance of reality. 
 
 "Their songs are of the warlike, or of the tender and the 
 pathetic kind. They are sung in short sentences, not without 
 some kind of measure, harmonious to an Indian ear. Their ac- 
 cent is very pathetic." 
 
 Song of the Lenape warriors going against the enemy : 
 
 O poor me ! 
 
 Who am going out to fight the enemy, 
 And know not whether I shall return again 
 To enjoy the embraces of my children 
 And my wife. 
 
 O poor creature ! 
 
 Whose life is not in his own hands, 
 
 Who has no power over his own body, 
 
 But tries to do his duty 
 
 For the welfare of his nation. 
 
 O ! thou Great Spirit above ! 
 
 Take pity on my children 
 
 And on my wife ! 
 
 Prevent their mourning on my account ! 
 
 Grant that T may be successful in this attempt — 
 
 That I may slay mine enemy. 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. 1 89 
 
 And bring home the trophies of war 
 To my dear family and friends, 
 That we may rejoice together. 
 ! Take pity on me ! 
 
 Give me strength and courage to meet my enemy, 
 
 Surfer me to return again to my children, 
 
 To my wife, 
 
 And to my relations ! 
 
 Take pity on me and preserve my life, 
 
 And I will make to thee a sacrifice. 
 
 "There are some animals, which, though they are not consid- 
 ered as invested with power over them, yet are believed to be 
 placed as guardians over their lives; and entitled to some notice 
 and tokens of gratitude. Thus when in the night an owl is heard 
 sounding its note or calling to its mate some person in the camp 
 will rise and take some Glicanican, or Indian tobacco, will strew 
 it on the fire, thinking that the ascending smoke will reach the 
 bird, and that he will see that they are not unmindful of his ser- 
 vices and of his kindness to them and their ancestors. This cus- 
 tom originated from the following incident, which tradition has 
 handed down : It happened at one time when they were engaged 
 in a war with a distant and powerful nation, that a body of their 
 warriors were in the camp fast asleep, no kind of danger at that 
 moment being apprehended. Suddenly the great Sentinel over 
 mankind, the Owl, sounded the alarm ; all the birds of the species 
 were alert at their posts, all at once calling out as if saying : 'Up ! 
 Up! Danger! Danger!' Obedient to their call, every man 
 jumped up in an instant, when, to their surprise, they found that 
 their enemy was in the very act of surrounding them, and that 
 they would all have been killed in their sleep if the owl had not 
 given them this timely warning. 
 
 "After a successful war the Indians never fail to offer up a 
 sacrifice to the great Being, to return him thanks for having given 
 them courage and strength to destroy or conquer their enemies. 
 Previous to entering upon the solemnity of their sacrifice they 
 prepare themselves by vomiting, fasting and drinking decoctions 
 from certain described plants. They do this to expel the evil 
 which is within them and that they may with a pure conscience at- 
 tend to the sacred performance. There are sacrifices of prayer 
 and sacrifices of thanksgiving, some for all the favors received by 
 
 
I90 THE INDIAN AT HOME. 
 
 them and their ancestors, others for special or particular benefits. 
 Warriors think it necessary to bring home the scalps of those they 
 have killed or disabled, as visible proofs of their valor; otherwise 
 they are afraid that their relation of the combat and the account 
 they give of their individual prowess might be doubted or disbe- 
 lieved. These scalps are dried up, painted and preserved as tro- 
 phies, and a warrior is esteemed in proportion to the number of 
 them that he can show. It is a well known fact that the Indians 
 pluck out all their hair except one tuft on the crown of their heads, 
 which is that they might take off each other's scalps with the 
 greater facility. 'When we go to fight an enemy,' say they, 'we 
 meet on equal ground, and we take off each other's scalps if we 
 can. The conquerer, whoever he may be, is entitled to have 
 something to show his bravery and his triumph, and it would be 
 ungenerous in a warrior to deprive an enemy of the means of ac- 
 quiring that glory of which he himself is in pursuit.' A warrior's 
 conduct ought to be manly, else he is no man. As this custom 
 prevails among all the Indian nations, it would seem to be the re- 
 sult of a tacit agreement among them to leave the usual trophies 
 of victory accessible to the contending warriors on all sides. It is 
 an awful spectacle to see the Indian warriors return home from a 
 successful expedition with their prisoners and the scalps taken in 
 battle. It is not unlike the return of a victorious army from the 
 field with the prisoners and the colors taken from the enemy, but 
 the appearance is far more frightful and terrific. The scalps are 
 carried in front fixed on the end of a thin pole about five or six 
 inches in length; the prisoners follow and the warriors advance 
 shouting the dreadful scalp yell which has been called by some the 
 death halloo. For every head taken dead or alive a separate shout 
 is given. In this yell or whoop there is a mixture of triumph and 
 terror ; its elements seem to be glory and fear so as to express at 
 once the feelings of the shouting warriors and those which they 
 have inspired in their enemies. 
 
 "Different from this yell is the alarm whoop, which is never 
 sounded but when danger is near. It is performed in quick 
 succession. Both this and the scalp yell consist of the sounds aw, 
 and oh, successively uttered, the last more accented and sounded 
 higher than the first; but in the scalp yell this last sound is drawn 
 oul at great length, as long, indeed, as the breath will hold, and is 
 raised about an octave higher than the former, while in the alarm 
 
THE INDIAN AT HOME. I<?I 
 
 whoop, it is rapidly struck on, as it were, and only a few notes 
 above the other. These yells or whoops are dreadful indeed, and 
 well calculated to strike with terror those whom long habit has 
 not accustomed to them. It is difficult to describe the impression 
 which the scalp yell makes on a person who hears it for the first 
 time." 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 SOCIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 Account of Indian Money, by John Lazcson. 
 
 THEIR MONEY is of different sorts, but all made of shells, 
 which are found on the coast of Carolina, being very large 
 and hard and difficult to cut. Some English smiths have 
 tried to drill this sort of shell money, and thereby thought to get 
 an advantage, but it proved so hard that nothing could be gained. 
 The Indians often make of the same kind of shells as those of 
 which their money is made, a sort of gorget, which they wear 
 about their necks in a string ; so it hangs on their collar, whereon 
 is sometimes engraven a cross, or some odd sort of figure which 
 comes next in their fancy. There are other sorts valued at a doe 
 skin, yet the gorgets will sometimes sell for three or four buck- 
 skins ready dressed. There be others that eight of them go read- 
 ily for a doe skin, but the general and current species of all the 
 Indians in Carolina, and I believe, all over the continent, as far as 
 the bay of Mexico, is that which we call Peak and Ronoak, but 
 Peak more especially. This is that which at New York is called 
 Wampum. Five cubits of this purchase a dressed doe skin, and 
 seven or eight buy a dressed buck skin. To make this Peak it 
 cost the English five or ten times as much as they could get for it, 
 whereas it cost the Indians nothing, because they set no value 
 upon their time, and therefore, have no competition to fear, or 
 that others will take its manufacture out of their hands. It is 
 made by grinding the pieces of shell upon stone, and is smaller 
 that the small end of a tobacco pipe or large wheat straw. Four 
 or five of these make an inch, and every one is to be drilled 
 through and made as smooth as glass and so strung as beads are. 
 A cubit of the Indian measure contains as much in length as will 
 reach from the elbow to the end of the little finger. They never 
 stand b> question whether it he a tall man or a short one that mea- 
 sure- it. I f thi> Wampum — Peak be black or purple as some part 
 
a 
 
 
 Specimens of Pipes found by J. M. M. Gernard, of Muncy, Pa. 
 
SOCIAL EDUCATION. 193 
 
 of that shell is, then it is twice the value. The drilling is the 
 most tedious and difficult part of the manufacture. It is done by 
 sticking a nail in a cane or reed which they roll upon their thighs 
 with their right hand, while with the left they apply the bit of 
 shell to the iron point. For this money they will do anything. 
 
 "Their belts of wampum are of different dimensions both as 
 to the length and breadth. White and black wampum are the 
 kinds they use, the former denoting that which is good, as peace, 
 friendship, good will, &c, the latter, the reverse; yet, occasionally, 
 the black also is made use of on peace errands when the white can- 
 not be procured ; but previous to its being produced for such pur- 
 pose, it must be daubed all over with chalk, white clay, or any- 
 thing which changes the color from black to white. The pipe of 
 peace being either made of a black or red stone, must also be whit- 
 ened before it is produced and smoked out of on such occasions. 
 Roads from one friendly nation to another are generally marked 
 on the belt by one or two rows of white wampum interwoven in 
 the black and running through the middle, and from end to end. 
 It means that they are on good terms, and keep up a friendly in- 
 tercourse with each other. A black belt with the mark of a 
 hatchet made on it with red paint, is a war belt, which when sent 
 to a nation, together with a twist or roll of tobacco is an invitation 
 to join in a war. If the nation so invited smoke of this tobacco 
 and say it smokes well, they have given their consent, and are 
 from that moment allies. If, however, they decline smoking, all 
 further persuasion would be of no effect ; yet it once happened 
 that war messengers endeavored to persuade and compel a nation 
 to accept the belt by laying it on the shoulders or thigh of the 
 chief, who, however, after shaking it off without touching it with 
 his hands, afterwards, with a stick, threw it after them as if he 
 threw a snake or a toad out of his way. 
 
 "They have proper names, not only for all towns, villages, 
 mountains, valleys, rivers and streams, but for all remarkable 
 spots, as, for instance, those infested with gnats, mosquitoes, 
 snakes, &c. To strangers, white men, for instance, they will give 
 names derived from some remarkable quality they have observed 
 in them, or from some circumstance which strikes them. They 
 called Win, Penn 'Miquon,' which means feather, or quill. The 
 Iroquois called him 'Onas,' which in their idiom, means the same 
 thing. The first name given. to the Europeans who landed in 
 13 
 
 
194 SOCIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 Virginia, was 'Wapsid Lenape,' meaning white people. When, 
 however, they began to slaughter the Indians, the name 'Mechan- 
 schicau' (long knives), was given. In New England they at first 
 endeavored to imitate the sound of the national name of the Eng- 
 lish, which they pronounced 'Yengees.' They also called them 
 'Chauquaquock' (men of knives), for having imported those in- 
 struments into the country which they gave in presents to the na- 
 tives. They thought them better men than the Virginians, but 
 when they were afterward cruelly treated by them, and their men 
 shipped off to sea, the Mohicans of that country called them 
 'Tschachgoos,' and next when the people of the middle colonies 
 began to murder them, and called on the Iroquois to insult them, 
 and assist in depriving them of their lands, then they dropped 
 that name, and called the whites, by way of derision, 'Schwan- 
 nack,' which signifies salt beings, or bitter things, for in their lan- 
 guage, the word Schawn is in general applied to things that have 
 a salt, sharp, bitter or sour taste. The object of this name, as 
 well as of that which the Mohicans gave to the Eastern people, 
 was to express contempt, as well as hatred or dislike, and to hold 
 up the white inhabitants of the country as hateful and despicable 
 beings. 
 
 "I do not believe that there exists a people more attentive to 
 paying common civilities to each other, but this, from a want of 
 understanding their language, as well as their customs and man- 
 ners generally, escapes the notice of travellers. In more than a 
 hundred instances, I have, with astonishment and delight, wit- 
 nessed the attention paid to a person entering the house of an- 
 other, where, in the first instance, he is desired to seat himself 
 with the words, 'sit down, my friend!' if he is a stranger, or no 
 relation; but if a relation, the proper title is added. A person is 
 never left standing, there are seats for all; and if a dozen should 
 follow each other in succession, all are provided with seats, and a 
 stranger, if a white person, with the best. The tobacco pouch is 
 next handed round ; it is the first treat as with us a glass of wine, 
 or brandy. Without a single word passing between the man and 
 his wife, she will go about preparing some victuals for the com- 
 pany, and having served the visitors, will retire to a neighbor's 
 house to inform the family of the visit with which her husband is 
 honored, never grumbling on account of their eating up the pro- 
 visions, even if it were what she had cooked for her own family, 
 
SOCIAL EDUCATION. i 195 
 
 considering the friendly visit well worth this small trouble and ex- 
 pense. 
 
 "Marriages among the Indians are not contracted for life; 
 it is understood on both sides that the parties are not to live to- 
 gether any longer than they shall be pleased with each other. The 
 husband may put away his wife whenever he pleases, and the wo- 
 man in like manner may abandon her husband. Therefore, the 
 connection is not attended with any vows, promises or ceremonies 
 of any kind. An Indian takes a wife, as it were, on trial, deter- 
 mined, however, in his own mind not to forsake her if she behaves 
 well, and particularly if they have children. The woman, sensi- 
 ble of this, does on her part everything in her power to please her 
 husband, particularly if he is a good hunter or trapper, capable of 
 maintaining her by his skill and industry, and protecting her by 
 his strength and courage. "When a marriage takes place the duties 
 and labors incumbent on each party are well known to both. It 
 is understood that the husband is to build a house for them to 
 dwell in, to find the necessary implements of husbandry, as axes, 
 hoes, &c, to provide a canoe, and also dishes, bowls, and other 
 necessary vessels for housekeeping. The woman generally has a 
 kettle or two, and some other articles of kitchen furniture which 
 she brings with her. The husband, as master of the family, con- 
 siders himself bound to support it by his bodily exertions, as hunt- 
 ing, trapping, &c. The woman, as his help-mate, takes upon her- 
 self the labors of the field, and is far from considering them as 
 more important than those to which her husband is subjected, be- 
 ing well satisfied that with his guns and traps he can maintain a 
 family in any place where game is to be found ; nor do they think 
 it any hardship imposed upon them ; for they themselves say, that 
 while their field labor employs them at most six weeks of the year, 
 that of the men continues the whole year round. 
 
 "The work of the women is not hard or difficult. They are 
 both able and willing to do it, and always perform it with cheer- 
 fulness. Within doors their labor is trifling. There is seldom 
 more than one pot or kettle to attend to. There is no scrubbing 
 of the house, and but little to wash, and that not often. Their 
 principal occupations are to cut and fetch in the fire wood, till the 
 ground, sow and reap the grain, and pound the corn in mortars 
 for their pottage, and to make bread, which they bake in the 
 ashes. When going on a journey, or to hunting camps with their 
 
196 SOCIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 husbands, they carry a pack on their backs which often appears 
 heavier than it really is. It generally consists of a blanket, a 
 dressed deer skin for moccasins, a few articles of kitchen furni- 
 ture, as a kettle, bowl, or dish, with spoons and some bread, salt, 
 corn, &c. The tilling of the ground at home, getting of the fire 
 wood, and pounding of corn in mortars, is frequently done by fe- 
 male parties in the manner of huskings. &c, among the white 
 people. In the beginning of March they go to the sugar camps, 
 and while the women make the sugar, the men lookout for meat, 
 generally fat bears, which are still in their winter quarters. 
 
 "The husband generally leaves the skins and pel fry which he 
 has procured by hunting to the care of his wife, who sells or bar- 
 ters them away to the best advantage. An Indian loves to see 
 his wife well dressed. While she is bartering the skins, he will 
 seat himself at some distance to observe her choice, and how she 
 and the trader agree together. When she finds an article which 
 she thinks will suit or please her husband, she never fails to pur- 
 chase it for him ; she tells him that it is her choice, and he is never 
 dissatisfied. The more a man does for his wife, the more he is 
 esteemed, especially by the women. Some men at their leisure 
 make bowls and ladles, which, when finished, are at the wife's dis- 
 posal. 
 
 "The first step that Indian parents take towards the educa- 
 tion of their children is to prepare them for future happiness by 
 impressing upon their tender minds that they are indebted for 
 their existence to a great, good, and benevolent Spirit, who not 
 only has given them life, but has ordained them for certain great 
 purposes. That he has given them a fertile, extensive country, 
 well stocked with game of every kind for their subsistence, and 
 that by one of his inferior spirits he has also sent down to them 
 from above, corn, pumpkins, squashes, beans and other vegeta- 
 bles for their nourishment, all which blessings their ancestors have 
 enjoyed for a great number of ages. That this great Spirit 1< « >ks 
 down upon the Indians to see whether they are grateful to him 
 and make him a due return for the many benefits he has bestowed, 
 and therefore that it is their duty to show their thankfulness by 
 worshipping him and doing that which is pleasing in his sight. 
 They are told that they were made the superiors of all other crea- 
 tures, and are to have power over them. Great pains are taken to 
 make this feeling take early root, and it becomes, in fact, their 
 
 
A Trader's Camp. 
 

 SOCIAL EDUCATION. 197 
 
 ruling passion through life. No pains are spared to instill into 
 them that by following the advice of the most admired and ex- 
 tolled hunter, trapper or warrior, they will, at a future day, ac- 
 quire a degree of fame and reputation equal to that which he pos- 
 sesses. They are taught that if they respect the aged and infirm 
 and are kind and obliging to them, they will be treated in the same 
 manner when they become old. They are taught that good ac- 
 tions come from the Good Spirit, and that bad actions come from 
 the bad spirit. The Good Spirit gives them every thing that is 
 good, but the bad spirit can give them nothing for he has nothing, 
 but envies the Good Spirit. The parent does not use compulsive 
 means, but rather the art of persuasion. The child's pride is ap- 
 pealed to. A father needs only to say, 'I want this done, who will 
 be the good child to do it?' and the word good acts like magic. 
 The entire community second the efforts of the parent in training, 
 and takes pride in the virtues of the young. Thus has been main- 
 tained for ages without convulsions and without civil discords 
 this traditional government, of which the world, perhaps, does 
 not offer another example; a government in which there are no 
 positive laws, but only long established habits and customs, no 
 code of jurisprudence, but the experience of former times, no 
 magistrates, but advisers to whom the people nevertheless pay a 
 willing and implicit obedience, in which age confers rank, wisdom 
 gives power, and moral goodness secures a title to universal re- 
 spect. All this seems to be effected by the simple means of an ex- 
 cellent mode of education, by which a strong attachment to an- 
 cient customs, respect for age, and the love of virtue are indelibly 
 impressed upon the minds of youth, so that these impressions ac- 
 quire strength as time pursues its course, and as they pass through 
 successive generations. 
 
 "There is no nation in the world that pays greater respect to 
 old age than the American Indians. From their infancy they are 
 taught to be kind and attentive to aged persons, and never let them 
 suffer for want of necessaries or comforts. The parents spare no 
 pains to impress upon the minds of their children the conviction 
 that they would draw upon themselves the anger of the Great 
 Spirit were they to neglect those whom in his goodness he had per- 
 mitted to attain to advanced age. It is indeed a moving spectacle 
 to see the tender and delicate attentions which on every occasion 
 they lavish upon aged and decrepit persons. When going out a 
 
 
I98 SOCIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 hunting- they will put them on a horse, or in a canoe, and take 
 them into the woods to their hunting grounds, in order to revive 
 their spirits by making them enjoy the sight of a sport in which 
 they can no longer participate. They place them in particular 
 situations, where they are sure the game they are in pursuit of will 
 pass, taking proper measures at the same time to prevent its es- 
 cape, so that their aged parents and friends may at least be in at 
 the death. At home the old are as well treated and taken care of 
 as if they were favorite children. On every occasion and in every 
 situation through life, age takes the lead among the Indians. 
 Even little boys, when going on parties of pleasure, were it only 
 to catch butterflies, strictly adhere to this rule, and submit to the 
 direction of the oldest of the party. If they are accosted on the 
 way and asked where they are going, no one will presume to an- 
 swer but their leader, the oldest. 
 
 "Indians who have not adopted the vices of the white people 
 live to a good age — from seventy to ninety. Few arrive at the age 
 of one hundred. I have known old men among them who had 
 lost their memory, sight and teeth. I have also seen them at 
 eighty in their second childhood, and not able to help themselves. 
 The women in general live longer than the men." 
 
 The Calumet. 
 
 "No tribial organization, no solemn assembly, was complete 
 without the calumet, and the ceremonies observed in its honor 
 were impressive and conducted with the utmost care and regular- 
 ity. 
 
 ' 'This calumet,' says Father Hennepin, 'is the most myste- 
 rious thing in the world, among the savages of the Continent of 
 Northern America, for it is used in all their important transac- 
 tions. However, it is nothing else than a large tobacco pipe made 
 of red, black or white marble. The head is finely polished, and 
 the quill, which is commonly two feet and a half long, is made of 
 a pretty strong reed, or cane, adorned with feathers of all colors 
 interlaced with locks of women's hair. They tie to it two wings 
 of the most curious birds they can find. They sheath that reed 
 into the neck of birds they call Huars. which are as big as geese, 
 and spotted with black and white; or else of a sort of ducks who 
 make their nests upon trees, though water be their ordinary ele- 
 
SOCIAL EDUCATION. 199 
 
 merit, and whose feathers are of many different colors. Such a 
 pipe is a pass and safe conduct amongst all the allies of the nation 
 that has given it, and in all embassies the Ambassadors carry that 
 calumet as the symbol of peace, which is always respected ; for the 
 savages are generally persuaded that a great misfortune would be- 
 fall them if they violated the public faith of the calumet. All 
 their enterprises, declarations of war, or conclusions of peace, as 
 well as all the rest of their ceremonies are sealed with this calu- 
 met. They fill that pipe with the best tobacco they have, and then 
 present it to those with whom they have concluded any great af- 
 fair, and smoke out of the same after them." 
 
 Dablon says : " It now remains for me to speak of the calu- 
 met, than which there is nothing among them more mysterious or 
 more esteemed. Men do not pay to the crowns and sceptres of 
 Kings the honor they pay to it ; it seems to be the god of peace and 
 war, the arbiter of life and death. Carry it about you, and show 
 it, and you can march fearlessly amid enemies who even in the 
 heat of battle lay down their arms when it is shown. Hence the 
 Illinois gave me one to serve as my safeguard amid all the nations 
 that I had to pass on my voyage. There is a calumet for peace 
 and one for war, distinguished only by the color of the feathers 
 with which they are adorned, red being the sign of war. They 
 esteem it particularly because they regard it as the calumet of the 
 sun ; and, in fact, they present it to him to smoke when they wish 
 to obtain calm, or rain, or fair weather. They scruple to bathe at 
 the beginning of summer or to eat new fruits till they have danced 
 to it. 
 
 "The Calumet dance, which is very famous among these In- 
 dians, is performed only for important matters; sometimes to 
 strengthen a peace, or to assemble for some great war ; at other 
 times for public rejoicing; sometimes they do this honor to a na- 
 tion which is invited to be present ; sometimes they use it to receive 
 some important personage, as if they wished to give him the en- 
 tertainment of a ball or comedy. In winter the ceremony is per- 
 formed in a cabin, in summer in the open fields. They select a 
 place surrounded with trees so as to be sheltered beneath their fol- 
 iage against the heat of the sun. In the middle of the space they 
 spread out a large parti-colored mat of rushes ; this serves as a 
 carpet on which to place with honor the god of the one who gives 
 the dance; for every one has his own god, or manitou, as they call 
 
200 ' SOCIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 it. which is a snake, a bird, or something of the kind, which they 
 have dreamed in their sleep, and in which they put all their trust 
 for the success of their wars, fishing and hunting. Near this 
 manitou, and at its right, they put the calumet in honor of which 
 the feast is given, making around about it a kind of trophy, 
 spreading there the arms used by the warriors of these tribes, 
 namely, the war club, bow, hatchet, quiver and arrows. Things 
 being thus arranged and the hour for dancing having arrived, 
 those who are to sing take the most honorable place under the fol- 
 iage. They are the men and women who have the finest voices 
 and who perfectly accord. The spectators then come and take 
 their places around under the branches ; but each one on arriving, 
 must salute the manitou, which he does by inhaling the smoke and 
 then puffing it from his mouth upon it as if offering incense. Each 
 one goes first and takes the calumet respectfully, and supporting 
 it with both hands, makes it dance in cadence, suiting himself to 
 the air of the song. He makes it go through various figures, 
 sometimes showing it to the whole assembly by turning it from 
 side to side. After this he who is to begin the dance appears in 
 the midst of the assembly, and goes first ; sometimes he presents it 
 to the sun, as if he wished it to smoke; sometimes he inclines it to 
 the earth, and at other times he spreads its wings as if for it to fly ; 
 at other times he approaches it to the mouths of the spectators for 
 them to smoke, the whole in cadence. This is the first scene of 
 the ballet. 
 
 ' 'The second consists in a combat to the sound of a kind of 
 drum which succeeds the songs, or rather joins them, harmoniz- 
 ing quite well. The dancer beckons to some brave to come and 
 take the arms on the mat, and challenges him to fight to the sound 
 of the drums; the other approaches, takes his bow and arrow, and 
 begins a duel against the dancer, who has no defence but the calu- 
 met. One attacks, the other defends; one strikes, the other par- 
 ries ; one flies, the other pursues ; then he who fled faces and puts 
 his enemy to flight. This is all done with measured steps and the 
 regular sound of voices and drums. 
 
 ' 'The third scene consists of a speech delivered by the holder 
 of the calumet, for, the combat being ended without bloodshed, he 
 relates the battles he was in, the victories he has gained ; he names 
 the nations, the places, the captives he has taken and as a reward, 
 he who presides at the dance, presents him with a beautiful beaver 
 
SOCIAL EDUCATION. 201 
 
 robe, or something else, which he receives, and then he presents the 
 calumet to another, who hands it to a third, and so to all the rest, 
 till all having done their duty, the presiding chief presents the cal- 
 umet itself to the nation invited to this ceremony, in token of the 
 eternal peace which shall reign between the two tribes. 
 
 " 'The greatest care was bestowed upon the construction and 
 ornamentation of the stems of the calumets and medicine pipes. 
 No inconsiderable official dignity attached to the bearer of them, 
 and their preservation was a matter of earnest solicitude.' " 
 
 Feasts and Months. 
 
 "The great feast of the year among the Creeks was the Boos- 
 ke-tau. It was celebrated in July or August, and partook of the 
 character of a sacred festival, during which universal thanks were 
 offered to the Great Spirit for the incoming harvest. All fires 
 were then extinguished, and were new lighted from the spark 
 kindled by the High Priest. It was an occasion of general puri- 
 fication and of universal amnesty for all crimes committed during 
 the year, murder excepted. 
 
 "Almost every month had its peculiar feast or festival. 
 Among the Natchez the year began with our month of March, 
 and was divided into thirteen moons. With each new moon a 
 feast was celebrated receiving its name from the principal fruits 
 gathered, or animals hunted. Thus the first moon was called the 
 deer moon, and was observed with universal joy as the commence- 
 ment of the year. This was followed by the festival of straw- 
 berries. The third moon ushered in the small corn, and was im- 
 patiently expected, because the crop of large corn seldom lasted 
 from one harvest to the other. The watermelon feast occurred 
 during the fourth moon, answering to our month of June. The 
 fifth moon was that of the fishes. At this time grapes were gath- 
 ered. The sixth moon was known as the mulberry moon. The 
 maize or green corn moon succeeded, and was rendered remarka- 
 ble by the most noted festival of the year. The turkey moon an- 
 swered to our October, while the ninth and tenth moons were 
 known respectively as the buffalo and bear moons. It was then 
 these animals were hunted. The eleventh month was called the 
 cold-meal moon; the twelfth, the chestnut moon, and the thir- 
 teenth, the walnut moon." (The word walnut evidently refers to 
 
202 SOCIAL EDUCATION. 
 
 nuts in general, and not the single variety which we call by that 
 name. ) 
 
 "Names of months by the Delawares : i. January. — Squir- 
 rel month. Chipmunks come out of their holes. 2. February. — 
 The frogs begin to croak. 3. March. — Shad fish month. 4. 
 April. — Month for planting. 5. May. — Hoeing Indian corn. 
 6. June. — The deer become red. 7. July. — The time to hill corn. 
 8. August. — The corn is in the milk. 9. September. — Autumn. 
 10. October. — Harvest month. 11. November. — Time for hunt- 
 12. December. — Bucks cast their horns. 
 
 "Names by the Onondagas : January. — Month of longer 
 days. February. — Winter leaves remaining now fall. March. 
 — Winter leaves fall and fill the larger holes in the ground. April. 
 — Warm good days, but not yet planting time. May. — Straw- 
 berries are ripe. June. — The sun goes for long days. July. — 
 The sun goes for longer days. August. — The deer sheds its hair. 
 September. — The deer is in its natural fur. October. — A little 
 cold. November. — It is large cold. December. — The month of 
 little long days. The Indian months did not begin with January 
 but with October. 
 
 "The Indian considers himself as a being created by an all- 
 powerful, wise and benevolent Manitto ; all that he possesses, all 
 that he enjoys, he looks upon as given to him or allotted for his 
 use by the Great Spirit, who gave him life. He, therefore, be- 
 lieves it to be his duty to adore and worship his Creator and bene- 
 factor; to acknowledge with gratitude his past favors, thank him 
 for present blessings, and solicit the continuation of his good will. 
 As beings who have control over all beasts and living creatures, 
 they feel their importance; beforetheysaw the white people. or men 
 of a different color from their own, they considered themselves as 
 God's favorites, and believed that if the Great Manitto could re- 
 side on earth, he would associate with them and be their chief. 
 He also believes that he is highly favored by his maker, not only 
 in having been created different in shape and in mental and bod- 
 ily powers from other animals, but in being able to control and 
 master them all. even those o\ an enormous size and of the most 
 ferocious kinds; and therefore when he worships his Creator in 
 his way, he does not omit in his supplications to pray that he may 
 be endowed with courage to fight and conquer his enemies, among 
 whom he includes all savage beasts: and when he has performed 
 
SOCIAL EDUCATION. 203 
 
 some heroic act he will not forget to acknowledge it as a mark of 
 divine favor, by making a sacrifice to the great and good Manitto, 
 or by publicly announcing that his success was entirely owing to 
 the courage given him by the all-powerful Spirit. Thus, habitual 
 devotion to the great First Cause, and a strong feeling of grati- 
 tude for the benefit he confers, is one of the prominent traits 
 which characterize the mind of the Indian. 
 
 "Not satisfied with paying this first of duties to the Lord of 
 all. in the best manner they are able, the Indians also endeavor to 
 fulfill the views which they suppose he had in creating the world. 
 They think that he made the earth and all that it contains for the 
 common good of mankind ; when he stocked the country, that he 
 gave them with plenty of game, it was not for the benefit of the 
 few, but of all. Every thing was given in common to the sons of 
 men. Whatever liveth on the land, whatsoever groweth out of the 
 earth, and all that is in the rivers and waters flowing through the 
 same was given jointly to all and everyone is entitled to his share. 
 From this principle hospitality flows as from its source. With 
 them it is not a virtue but a strict duty. Hence they are never in 
 search of excuses to avoid giving, but freely supply their neigh- 
 bors' wants from the stock prepared for their own use. They 
 give and are hospitable to all without exception, and will always 
 share with each other, and often with the stranger, even to their 
 last morsel. They rather would lie clown themselves on an empty 
 stomach, than have it laid to their charge that they had neglected 
 their duty by not satisfying the wants of the stranger, the sick, or 
 the needy. The stranger has a claim to their hospitality, partly 
 on account of his being at a distance from his family and friends, 
 and partly because he has honored them by his visit, and ought to 
 leave them with a good impression on his mind ; the sick and the 
 poor, because they have a right to be helped out of the common 
 stock ; for if the meat they have been served with was taken from 
 the woods, it was common to all before the hunter took it ; if corn 
 or vegetables, it had grown out of the common ground, yet not by 
 the power of man, but by that of the Great Spirit. Besides on the 
 principle that all are descended from one parent, they look upon 
 themselves as but one great family, who therefore ought, at all 
 times, and on all occasions, to be serviceable and kind to each 
 other, and by that means make themselves acceptable to the head 
 of the universal family, the good Mannitto." 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 IN THE opinion of Mr. Bartram the Southern Indians depended 
 more upon regimen and abstinence than they did upon medi- 
 cines in the treatment of diseases. The Cherokees used the 
 Lobelia syphilitica, and endeavored to conceal from the whites all 
 knowledge of its virtues and of the localities in which it grew. 
 A decoction of the Bignonia crucigera and of the roots of the 
 China briar and the sassafras was freely employed for the purifi- 
 cation of the blood. The caustic and detergent properties of the 
 roots of the white nettle (Jatropha urens) were utilized in cleans- 
 ing - old ulcers and consuming proud flesh, while the dissolvent and 
 diuretent powers of the root of the Convolvulus panduratus were 
 highly esteemed as a remedy in nephritic complaints. The emol- 
 lient and discutient power of the swamp-lily (Saururus cernius) 
 and the virtues of the hypo or May apple (Podophyllum peltatum) 
 were both communicated to the Europeans by the Indians. The 
 roots of the Panax ginseng and Norida or white root were held in 
 the highest esteem among the Indians. The virtues of the former 
 are well known, and the friendly carminative qualities of the latter 
 were constantly invoked for relieving all disorders of the stomach 
 and intestines. The patient chewed the root and swallowed the 
 juice, or smoked it when dry, with tobacco. Even the smell of 
 the root exerted a beneficial effect. The Lower Creeks, in whose 
 country it did not grow, gladly exchanged two or three buckskins 
 for a single root of it. 
 
 "The Materia Medica of the Indians consists of various 
 foods and plants known to themselves, the properties of which 
 they are not fond of disclosing to strangers. They make consid- 
 erable use of the barks of trees, such as the white and black oak, 
 the white walnut of which they make pills, the cherry, dogwood, 
 maple, birch and others. Their method of compounding they 
 keep a profound secret. When an emetic is to be administered, 
 the water in which the potion is mixed must be drawn up a 
 
SICKNESS AND D^ATH. 205 
 
 stream, and if for a cathartic downwards. I saw an emetic once 
 given to a man who had poisoned himself with the May apple root, 
 it consisted of a piece of a raccoon skin burned with the hair on, 
 and finely powdered, pounded dried beans and gunpowder, these 
 three ingredients were mixed with water and poured down the pa- 
 tient's throat; this brought on a severe vomiting, the poisonous 
 root was entirely discharged, and the man cured. In other com- 
 plaints, particularly those that proceed from rheumatic affections, 
 bleeding and sweating are always the first remedies applied. The 
 sweat oven is the first thing that an Indian has recourse to when 
 he feels the least indisposed ; it is the place to which the wearied 
 traveller, hunter or warrior looks for relief from the fatigues he 
 has endured, the cold he has caught, or the restoration of his lost 
 appetite. 
 
 "This oven is made of different sizes, so as to accommodate 
 from two to six persons at a time, or according to the number of 
 men in the village, so that they may all be successively served. It 
 is generally built on a bank or slope, one-half within and the other 
 above ground. It is well covered on the top with split plank and 
 earth, and has a door in front where the ground is level, to go, or 
 rather to creep, in. Here on the outside, stones, generally of 
 about the size of a large turnip, are heated by one or more men 
 appointed each day for that purpose. While the oven is heating, 
 decoctions from roots or plants are prepared either by the person 
 himself, who intends to sweat, or by one of the men of the village, 
 who boils a large kettle full for the general use, so that when the 
 public cryer goes his rounds calling out, 'Pimook!' (go to sweat) 
 every one brings his small kettle, w r hich is filled for him with the 
 potion which at the same time serves him for a medicine, pro- 
 motes a profuse perspiration and quenches his thirst. As soon as 
 a sufficient number have come to the oven a number of the hot 
 stones are rolled into the middle of it, and the sweaters go in, seat- 
 ing themselves, or rather squatting round these stones, and there 
 they remain until the sweat ceases to flow; then they come out 
 throwing a blanket or two about them, that they may not catch 
 cold. In the meanwhile fresh heated stones are thrown in for 
 those who follow them. While they are in the oven, water is now 
 and then poured on the hot stones to produce a steam which they 
 say increases the heat and gives suppleness to their limbs and 
 joints. In rheumatic complaints the steam is produced by a de- 
 
206 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 coction of boiled roots, and the patient during the operation is 
 well wrapped up in blankets to keep the cold air from him and 
 promote perspiration at the same time. The sweat ovens are gen- 
 erally at some distance from the village where wood and water is 
 always at hand. The best order is preserved. The women have 
 their separate oven at a place in a different direction from that of 
 the men, and subjected to the same rules. The men generally 
 sweat themselves once or sometimes twice a week, the women 
 have no fixed day for this exercise, nor do they use it as often as 
 the men. 
 
 "The theory was that all distempers were caused by the evil 
 spirits; consequently none of their physicians attempted a cure 
 until he had conversed with the Good Spirit, and ascertained 
 whether his aid could be secured in the effort to exorcise the ad- 
 verse demon. As soon as the doctor comes into the cabin the 
 sick person is placed on a mat, or skin, stark naked, lying on his 
 back, and all uncovered except some trifle about the loins. The 
 king of the nation comes to attend the conjurer with a rattle made 
 of a gourd with peas in it. This the king delivers into the con- 
 jurer's hand, while another brings a bowl of water and sets it 
 down. Then the doctor begins, and utters a few words very soft- 
 ly ; afterwards he smells of the patient's navel and belly, and some- 
 times scarifies him a little with a flint or an instrument made of 
 rattlesnake's teeth for that purpose ; then he sucks the patient and 
 gets out a mouthful of blood and serum, but serum chiefly, which 
 he spits in the bowl of water. Then he begins to mutter and talk 
 apace, and at last to cut capers and clap his hands on his breech 
 and sides till he gets into a sweat so that a stranger would think he 
 was running mad ; now and then sucking the patient, and so at 
 times keeps sucking till he has got a great quantity of very ill-col- 
 ored matter out of the belly, arms, breast, forehead, temples, neck 
 and most parts, still continuing his grimaces and antic postures. 
 At last you will see the doctor all over a drooping sweat and 
 scarce able to utter a word, having quite spent himself; then he 
 will cease for a while, and so begin again, till he comes to that 
 same pitch of raving and seeming madness as before. At last he 
 ceases, and tells whether the patient will live or die, then one who 
 waits at this ceremony takes the blood away and buries it in the 
 gr< >und in a place unknown to any one but he that inters it. When 
 the juggler has succeeded in convincing his patient that his dis- 
 

 
 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 2C>7 
 
 order is such that no common physician has it in his power to re- 
 lieve, he will next endeavor to convince him of the necessity of 
 making him very strong, which means, giving him a large fee, 
 which he will say is justly due to a man who like himself is able 
 to perform such difficult things. If the patient who applies is 
 rich, the doctor will never fail whatever the complaint may be, to 
 ascribe it to the powers of witchcraft, and recommend himself as 
 the only person capable of giving relief in such a hard and compli- 
 cated a case. The. poor patient, therefore, if he will have the 
 benefit of the great man's advice and assistance, must immediately 
 give him his honorarium, which is commonly either a fine horse, 
 a good rifle gun, a considerable quantity of wampum, or goods to 
 a handsome amount. When this fee is well secured, and not be- 
 fore, the doctor prepares for the hard task that he has undertaken, 
 with as much apparent labor as if he were going to remove a 
 mountain. He casts his eyes all around him to attract notice, 
 puts on grave and important looks, appears wrapped in thought 
 and meditation, and enjoys for awhile the admiration of the spec- 
 tators. At last he begins his operation. Attired in a frightful 
 dress he approaches his patient with a variety of contortions and 
 jestures, and performs by his side and over him all the antic tricks 
 that his imagination can suggest. He breathes on him, blows in 
 his mouth, and squirts some medicine which he has prepared, in 
 his face, mouth and nose; he rattles his gourd filled with dried 
 beans or pebbles, pulls out and handles about a variety of sticks 
 and bundles in which he appears to be seeking for the proper rem- 
 edy, all which is accompanied with the most horrid gesticu- 
 lations, by which he endeavors to frighten the spirit or the disor- 
 der away, he continues in this manner until he is out of 
 breath and exhausted, when he retires to await the issue. The 
 juggler's dress consisted of an entire garment or outside covering 
 made of one or more bear skins as black as jet, so well fitted and 
 sewed together that the man was not in any place to be perceived. 
 The whole head of the bear, including the mouth, nose, teeth, ears, 
 &c, appeared the same as when the animal was living; so did the 
 legs with long claws ; to this were added a huge pair of horns on 
 the head, and behind a large bushy tail moving as he walked, as 
 though it were on springs ; but for these accompaniments the man 
 walking on all fours might have been taken for a bear of extraor- 
 dinary size. Underneath where his hands were, holes had been 
 
208 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 cut, though not visible to the eye, being covered with the long 
 hair, through which he held and managed his implements, and he 
 saw through two holes set with glass. 
 
 "It is well known that the Indians pay great respect to the 
 memory of the dead and commit their remains to the ground with 
 becoming ceremonies. In the death of a principal chief, the vil- 
 lage resounds from one end to the other with the loud lamenta- 
 tions of the women, among whom those who sit by the corpse dis- 
 tinguish themselves by the shrillness of their -cries, and the frantic 
 expression of their sorrow ; the scene of mourning over the dead 
 body continues by day and by night until it is interred, the mourn- 
 ers being relieved from time to time by other women. I was pres- 
 ent in the year 1762, at the funeral of a woman of the highest 
 rank and respectability, the wife of the valiant Delaware chief 
 Shingask; at the moment that she died her death was announced 
 through the village by women specially appointed for that pur- 
 pose, who went through the streets crying, 'She is no more ! She 
 is no more !' The place on a sudden exhibited a scene of univer- 
 sal mourning; cries and lamentations were heard from all quar- 
 ters ; it was truly the expression of the general feeling for a gen- 
 eral loss. 
 
 "The day passed in this manner amidst sorrow and desola- 
 tion. The next morning, between nine and ten o'clock, we were 
 desired to assist at the funeral. We found her corpse lying in a 
 coffin, dressed and painted in the most superb Indian style. Her 
 garments, all new, were set off with rows of silver broaches, one 
 row joining the other. Over the sleeves of her new ruffled shirt 
 were broad silver arm spangles from her shoulder down to her 
 wrist, on which were bands forming a kind of mittens worked to- 
 gether of wampum, in the same manner as the belts which they 
 use when they deliver speeches; her long plaited hair was confined 
 by broad bands of silver, one band joining the other, yet not of 
 the same size, but tapering from the head downwards and running 
 at the lower end to a point ; on the neck were hanging five broad 
 belts of wampum tied together at the ends, each of a size smaller 
 than the other, the largest of which reached below her breast, the 
 next largest reaching a few inches of it, and so on, the uppermost 
 < me being the smallest. Her scarlet leggings were decorated with 
 different colored ribbons sewed on the outer edges, being finished 
 off with small beads, also of various colors. Her moccasins were 
 
SICKNESS AND DEATH. 200, 
 
 ornamented with the most striking figures, wrought on the leather 
 with colored porcupine quills, on the borders of which round the 
 ankles were fastened a number of small round silver bells of about 
 the size of a musket ball. All these things together, with the ver- 
 million paint judiciously laid on so as to set her off in the highest 
 style, decorated her person in such a manner that perhaps nothing 
 of the kind could exceed it; the spectators having retired, a num- 
 ber of articles were brought out of the house and placed in the cof- 
 fin, wherever there was room to put them on, among which were 
 a new shirt, a dressed deer skin for shoes, a pair of scissors, nee- 
 dles, thread, pewter basin and spoon, pint cup and other simi- 
 lar things, with a number of trinkets and other small articles, 
 which she was fond of while living ; the lid was then fastened on 
 the coffin with three straps, and three handsome round poles, five 
 or six feet long, were laid across it near each other, and one in 
 the middle, which were also fastened with straps cut up from a 
 tanned elk hide; and a small bag of vermillion paint, with some 
 flannel to lay it on, was then thrust into the coffin through the 
 hole cut out of the head of it ; this hole the Indians say is for the 
 spirit of the deceased to go in and out at pleasure until it has 
 found the place of its future residence. 
 
 "Everything being ready, the bearers of the corpse took their 
 places. Several women from a house about thirty yards off, now 
 started off carrying large kettles, dishes, spoons and elk meat in 
 baskets, for the burial place. The signal being given for us to 
 move with the body, the women who acted as chief mourners 
 made the air resound with their shrill cries. The order of pro- 
 cession was as follows : 
 
 "First, a leader, or guide, from the spot where we were to 
 the place of interment. Next followed the corpse, and close to it 
 the husband of the deceased. He was followed by the principal 
 war chiefs and counsellors of the nation, after whom came men 
 of all ranks and descriptions. Then followed the women and the 
 children, and lastly two stout men carrying loads of goods upon 
 their backs. The chief mourners on the woman's side not having 
 joined in the ranks, took their own course to the right at the dis- 
 tance of about fifteen or twenty yards from us, but always oppo- 
 site the corpse. Arrived at the grave the lid of the coffin was 
 again taken off, and the body exposed to view. The whole train 
 formed themselves into a kind of semilunar circle on the south 
 
210 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 side of the grave, and seated themselves on the ground, while the 
 disconsolate husband retired by himself to a spot at some distance, 
 where he was seen weeping with his head bowed to the ground. 
 The female mourners seated themselves promiscuously near to 
 each other, among some low bushes that were at a distance of 
 from twelve to fifteen yards from the grave. 
 
 "In this situation we remained for more than two hours; not 
 a sound was heard from any quarter, though the numbers that at- 
 tended were very great ; nor did any person move from his seat to 
 view the body, which had been lightly covered over with a clean 
 white sheet. All appeared to be in profound reflection and sol- 
 emn mourning. Sighs and sobs were now and then heard from 
 the female mourners, so uttered as not to disturb the assembly ; it 
 seemed rather as if intended to keep the feeling of sorrow alive in 
 a manner becoming the occasion. At length, about one o'clock, 
 six men stepped forward to put the lid upon the coffin and let 
 down the body into the grave, when suddenly three of the women 
 mourners rushed from their seats, and forcing themselves between 
 these men and the corpse, loudly called out to the deceased to arise 
 and go with them and not to forsake them. They even took hold 
 of her arms and legs, at first it seemed as if they were caressing 
 her, afterwards they appeared to pull with more violence, as if 
 they intended to run away with the body, crying out all the while, 
 Arise! Arise! Come with us ! Don't leave us ! Don't abandon 
 us!' At last they retired plucking at their garments, pulling 
 their hair, and uttering loud cries and lamentations with all the 
 appearance of frantic despair. After they were seated on the 
 ground, they continued in the same manner crying and sobbing, 
 and pulling at the grass and shrubs, as if their minds were totally 
 bewildered and they did not know what they were doing. Then 
 the men let down the coffin into the earth and laid two thin poles 
 of about four inches diameter from which the bark had been taken 
 off, lengthwise and close together over the grave, after which they 
 retired. Then the husband advanced witli a very slow pace, and 
 when he came to the grave walked over it on these poles and pro- 
 ceeded forward in the same manner into an extensive adjoining 
 prairie which commenced at this spot. When the chief had ad- 
 vanced so far that he could not hear what was doing at the grave, 
 a painted post on which were drawn various flgres emblematic 
 of the deceased's situation in life, and of her having been the wife 
 
SICKNESS AND DEATH. 211 
 
 of a valiant warrior, was brought by two men and delivered to a 
 third, a man of note, who placed it in such a manner that it rested 
 on the coffin at the head of the grave, and took great care that a 
 certain part of the drawings should be exposed to the east or ris- 
 ing of the sun; then, while he held the post erect and properly sit- 
 uated, some women filled up the grave with hoes, and having 
 placed dry leaves and pieces of bark over it so that none of the 
 fresh ground was visible, they retired, and some men with timbers, 
 fitted beforehand for the purpose, enclosed the grave about breast 
 high so as to secure it from the approach of the wild beasts. Then 
 every one was served with victuals that had been cooked at some 
 distance from the spot. After the repast was over the articles of 
 merchandise that had been brought were distributed among all 
 present ; no one from the oldest to the youngest was exempted. In 
 about six hours the procession ended, and the people retired to 
 their homes. At dusk a kettle of victuals was carried to the 
 grave and placed upon it, and the same was done every evening 
 for the space of three weeks, at the end of which it was supposed 
 that the traveller had found her place of residence. During that 
 time* the lamentations of the women mourners were heard on the 
 evenings of each day, though not so loud nor so violent as before. 
 
 "The Nanticokes had the singular custom of removing the 
 bones of their deceased friends from the burial place to a place of 
 deposit in the country they dwell in. In earlier times they were 
 known to go from Wyoming to Chemenk to fetch the bones of 
 their dead from the Eastern Shore of Maryland, even when the 
 bodies were in a putrid state, so that they had to take off the flesh 
 and scrape the bones clean, before they could carry them along. 
 As they passed through Bethlehem, between 1750 and 1760, load- 
 ed with such bones, they being still fresh, caused a disagreeable 
 stench. 
 
 "The description of the Indians by William Penn will give as 
 correct a view of them as we can obtain. 'He says : 'They are 
 generally tall, straight in their persons, well built, and of singular 
 proportion ; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with 
 a lofty chin. Of complexion black, but by design as the gypsies 
 of England. They grease themselves with bear's fat clarified, 
 and using no defence against sun and weather, their skins must be 
 swarthy. Their eye is livid and black, not unlike a straight-look- 
 ed Jew. The thick lips and flat nose so frequent with the East 
 
212 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 Indians and the blacks, are not common to them, for I have 
 seen as comely European like faces among them of both sexes as 
 on your side of the sea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not 
 more of the white ; and the noses of several of them have as much 
 of the Roman. Their language is lofty yet narrow ; but like the 
 Hebrew, in signification full. Like shorthand in writing, one 
 word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the 
 understanding of the hearer ; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in 
 their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions and interjections. 
 I have made it my business to understand it, that I might not want 
 an interpreter on any occasion ; and I must say that I know not a 
 language spoken in Europe that hath words of more sweetness or 
 greatness in accent and emphasis than theirs. Of their customs 
 and manners there is much to be said. I will begin with children. 
 So soon as they are born they are washed in water and while very 
 young and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them in the 
 river to harden and embolden them. Having wrapped them in a 
 clout, they lay them on a straight thin board, a little more than 
 the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the 
 board to make it straight ; wherefore all Indians have flat he"ads ; 
 and thus they carry them at their backs. The children will walk 
 very young, at nine months commonly. They wear only a small 
 clout about their waist until they are big. If boys, they go a 
 fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen. There they 
 hunt, and having given some proofs of their manhood by a good 
 return of skins, they marry. Else it is a shame to think of a wife. 
 The girls stay with their mothers and help to hoe the ground, 
 plant corn, and bear burdens, and they do well to use them to that 
 while young, which they must do when they are old. For the 
 wives are the true servants of the husbands ; otherwise the men are 
 very affectionate to them. When the young women are fit for 
 marriage they wear something upon their heads for an advertise- 
 ment, but so as their -faces are hardly to be seen but when they 
 please. The age they marry at, if they are women, is about thir- 
 teen or fourteen, if men seventeen or eighteen. They are rarely 
 older. 
 
 "Their houses are mats, or barks of trees set on poles in the 
 fashion of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for 
 they are hardly higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. 
 In travel they lodge in the woods about a great fire with the man- 
 
SICKNESS AND DEATH. 2I3 
 
 tie of duffils they wear in the day wrapped about them, and a few 
 boughs stuck round them. Their diet is maize or Indian corn, 
 divers ways prepared, sometimes roasted in the ashes, sometimes 
 beaten and boiled with water, which they call homonie. They 
 also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They have likewise sev- 
 eral sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment, and the 
 woods and rivers owe their larder. If an European comes to see 
 them or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him 
 the best place and first cut. If they come to visit us they salute 
 us with an 'Itah !' which is as much as to say, 'Good be to you !' 
 and set them down, which is mostly on the ground close to their 
 heels, their legs upright ; it may be they speak not a word, but ob- 
 serve all that passes. If you give them anything to eat or drink, 
 well, for they will not ask; and, be it little or much, if it be with 
 kindness, they are well pleased ; else they go away sullen, but say 
 nothing. They are great concealers of their own resentment, 
 brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practised 
 among them. In either of these they are not exceeded by the 
 Italians. In liberality they excel ; nothing is too good for their 
 friend ; give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass 
 through twenty hands before it sticks. Light of heart, strong 
 affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that live, 
 feast and dance perpetualy ; they never have much, nor never want 
 much ; wealth circulateth like the blood ; all parts partake, and 
 though none shall want what another hath, yet exact observers of 
 property. Some Kings have sold, others presented me with sev- 
 eral parcels of land ; the pay or presents I made them were not 
 hoarded by the particular owners ; but the neighboring Kings and 
 their clans being present when the goods were brought out, the 
 parties chiefly concerned consulted what and to whom they 
 should give them. To every King then, by the hands of a person 
 for that work appointed, is a proportion sent, so sorted and folded, 
 and with that gravity that is admirable. Then that King sub- 
 divideth it in like manner among his dependents, they hardly leav- 
 ing themselves an equal share with one of their subjects ; and be it 
 on such occasions or festivals, or at their common meals, the 
 Kings distribute, and to themselves last. They care for little, 
 because they want for little, and the reason is a little contents 
 them. In this they are sufficiently revenged on us ; if they are 
 ignorant of our pleasures, they are also free from our pains. 
 
214 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 
 
 "Since the Europeans came into these parts they are grown 
 great lovers of strong liquors, rum especially, and for it they ex- 
 change the richest of their skins and furs. If they are heated 
 with liquors they are restless till they have enough to sleep, that 
 is their cry, 'some more and I will go to sleep;' but when drunk, 
 one of the most wretched spectacles in the world. In sickness, 
 impatient to be cured, and for it give anything, especially for 
 their children, to whom they are extremely natural. They drink 
 a decoction of some roots in spring water; and if they eat any 
 flesh it must be of the female of any creature. If they die they 
 bury them with their apparel, be they man or woman, and the 
 nearest of kin fling in something precious with them as a token of 
 love. Their mourning is blackening of their faces, which they 
 continue for a year. They are choice of the graves of their dead, 
 for, lest they should be lost by time and fall to common use they 
 pick of! the grass that grows upon them, and heap up the fallen 
 earth with great care and exactness. 
 
 "These poor people are under a dark night in things relating 
 to religion. Yet they believe in a God and immortality without 
 the help of metaphysics, for they say, 'There is a great King that 
 made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward of 
 them, and that the souls of the good shall go thither where they 
 shall live again.' Their worship consists of two parts, sacrifice 
 and cantico. Their sacrifice is their first fruits; the first and fat- 
 test buck they kill goeth to the fire, where he is all burnt, witli a 
 mournful ditty of him that performeth the ceremony, but with 
 such marvelous fervency and labor of body that he will even sweat 
 to a foam. The other part is their cantico. performed by round 
 dances, sometimes words, sometimes songs, then shouts, two being 
 in the middle that begin, and by singing and dancing on a board 
 direct the chorus. Their postures in the dance are very antic and 
 different, but all keep measure. This is done with equal earnest- 
 ness and labor, but great appearance of joy. In the fall when 
 the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another. There have 
 been two great t\-asts already, to which all come that will. I was 
 at one myself; their entertainment was a great seat by a spring 
 under some shady trees, and twenty bucks with hot cakes of new 
 corn, both wheat and beans, which they make up in a square form 
 in the leaves of the stem and bake them in the ashes, and after that 
 they fall to dance. But they that go must carry a small present in 
 
SICKNESS AND DEATH. 215 
 
 their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made of the bone of the 
 fish; the black is with them as gold, the white silver; they call it 
 wampum. 
 
 "Their government is by kings, whom they call Sachems, 
 and these by succession, but always on the mother's side. The 
 reason they render for this way of descent is, that their issue may 
 not be spurious. Every king hath his council, and that consists 
 of all the old and wise men of the nation, which, perhaps, is two 
 hundred people. Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, 
 peace, selling of land or traffic, without advising with them, and 
 which is more, with the young men, too. It is admirable to con- 
 sider how powerful the kings are, and yet how they move by the 
 breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in council with 
 them upon treaties of land and to adjust the terms of trade. Their 
 order is this : The King sits in the middle of a half moon and 
 hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand ; behind them, or 
 at a little distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. Hav- 
 ing consulted and resolved their business, the King ordered one of 
 them to speak to me ; he stood up, came to me, and in the name of 
 his King saluted me ; then took me by the hand and told me he 
 was ordered by his King to speak to me, and that now it was not 
 he but the King that spoke ; because what he should say was the 
 King's mind. He first prayed me to excuse them that they had 
 not complied with me last time; he feared there might be some 
 fault with the interpreter being neither Indian nor English ; be- 
 sides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take much time in 
 council before they resolve, and that if the young people and own- 
 ers of the land had been as ready as he, I had not met with so 
 much delay. Having thus introduced the matter, he fell to the 
 bounds of the land they had agreed to dispose of and the price, 
 which now is little and dear, that which would have bought twen- 
 ty miles, not buying now two. During the time that this man 
 spoke not a man of them was seen to whisper or smile ; the old were 
 grave, the young reverent in their deportment. They speak lit- 
 tle, but fervently and with elegance. I have never seen more 
 natural sagacity, considering them without the help of tradition, 
 and he will deserve the name of wise that outwits them in any 
 treaty about a thing they understand.' " 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE PIONEERS. 
 
 IN OUR study of these olden times we have seen the coming to 
 our shores of the needy immigrants, who, released from the 
 
 confinement of weary ship life, fled into the wilderness, and 
 were lost to view never again to appear as they were on the day 
 of their landing before the caves of the infant Philadelphia. 
 
 We have also made ourselves acquainted with the native in- 
 habitants of these endless stretches of forest and mountains, both 
 as they were before the coming of the white strangers, and after 
 they became disheartened and poor through the deceit so relent- 
 lessly practised upon them by these, at first, welcome strangers. 
 
 Of one class of immigrants we have merely caught a glimpse, 
 but they will now receive our attention, for they are the true pio- 
 neers of our history. They were the people who took a peculiar 
 delight in felling trees, or Indians, if they came in their way, and 
 when the woods began to disappear beneath their steady strokes, 
 they packed up their few belongings and plunged deeper into the 
 mysterious wilderness, to seek a still wilder life. 
 
 These men are interesting characters. They laid the foun- 
 dations for the prosperity that we enjoy. With all their faults 
 we can honor them for what they were. In them we see the na- 
 tive strength of character which has become refined and gentle as 
 we see it in their posterity, our neighbors. It has become refined 
 under the favoring influences of more gentle surroundings. 
 
 We are not left to guessing at the experiences of these fath- 
 ers. Their surroundings are clearly portrayed in such works as 
 Winterbotham's three volumed history, published in the last cen- 
 tury; in Dodridge's notes, written from personal observation, and 
 in the fireside tales and recorded conversations of many aged men 
 who have lived their experiences over again, in fancy, as to grand- 
 children and great-grandchildren they have told of the days when 
 they \\ ere In >vs. 
 
THE PIONEERS. 217 
 
 We will begin by quoting from "The Winning of the West/' 
 by Roosevelt : 
 
 "The backwoodsmen of America were by birth and parent- 
 age of mixed race. But the dominant strain in their blood was 
 that of the Presbyterian Irish — the Scotch Irish as they were of- 
 ten called. Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and the 
 Cavalier for their leadership in our history ; nor have we been alto- 
 gether blind to the deeds of the Hollander and the Huguenot; 
 but it is doubtful if we have wholly realized the importance of the 
 part played by that stern and virile people, the Irish, whose 
 preachers taught the creed of Knox and Calvin. These Irish rep- 
 resentatives of the Covenanters were in the West almost what the 
 Puritans were in the northeast, and more than the Cavaliers were 
 in the South. Mingled with the descendants of many other races, 
 they nevertheless formed the kernel of the distinctively and in- 
 tensely American stock, who were the pioneers of our people in 
 their march westward, the vanguard of the army of fighting set- 
 tlers, who with axe and rifle won their way from the Alleghenies 
 to the Rio Grande and the Pacific. The Presbyterian Irish were 
 themselves already a mixed people. Though mainly descended 
 from Scotch ancestors — who came originally from both lowlands 
 and highlands from among both the Scotch-Saxon and the 
 Scotch-Celts — many of them were of English, a few of French 
 Huguenot, and quite a number of true old Milesian Irish extrac- 
 tion. They were the Protestants of the Protestants ; they detest- 
 ed and despised the Catholics, whom their ancestors had conquer- 
 ed, and regarded the Episcopalians, by whom they themselves had 
 been oppressed, with a more sullen but scarcely less intense hatred. 
 They were a truculent and obstinate people, and gloried in the 
 warlike renown of their forefathers, the men who had followed 
 Cromwell, and who had shared in the defence of Derry, and in 
 the victories of the Boyne and Aughrim. They did not begin to 
 come to America in any numbers till after the opening of the 
 eighteenth century; by 1730 they were fairly swarming across the 
 ocean, for the most part in two streams, the larger going to the 
 port of Philadelphia, the smaller to the port of Charleston. 
 Pushing through the long settled lowlands of the seacoast they at 
 once made their abode at the foot of the mountains and became 
 the outposts of civilization. From Pennsylvania, whither the 
 great majority had come, they drifted south along the foot hills 
 
2l8 THE PIONEERS. 
 
 and down the long valleys till they met their brethren from 
 Charleston, who had pushed up into the Carolina back country. 
 In this land of hills, covered by unbroken forest, they took root 
 and flourished, stretching in broad belt from north to south a 
 shield of sinewy men thrust in between the people of the seacoast 
 and the red warriors of the wilderness. All through this region 
 they werealike; they had as little kinship with the Cavalier as with 
 the Quaker; the west was won by those who have been rightly 
 called the Roundheads of the south, the same men who. before any 
 others, declared for American independence. 
 
 "The two facts of most importance to remember, in dealing 
 with our pioneer history, are, first, that the western portions of 
 \ n-ginia and the Carolinas were peopled by an entirely different 
 stock from that which had long existed in the tide-water regions 
 of those colonies ; and. secondly, that except for those in the Caro- 
 linas, who came from Charleston, the immigrants of this stock 
 were mostly from the north, from their great breeding ground 
 and nursery in western Pennsylvania. That the Irish Presbyte- 
 rians were a bold and hardy race is proved by their at once push- 
 ing past the settled regions and plunging into the wilderness as 
 the leaders of the white advance. They were the first and last 
 set of immigrants to do this ; all others have merely followed in 
 the wake of their predecessors. But, indeed, they were fitted to 
 be Americans from the very start ; they were kinsfolk of the cove- 
 nanters; they deemed it a religious duty to interpret their own 
 Bible, and held for a divine right the election of their own clergy. 
 For generations their whole ecclesiastic and sch< dastic systems had 
 been fundamentally democratic. In the hard life of the frontier 
 they lost much of their religion and they had but scant opportun- 
 ity to give their children the schooling in which they believed, but 
 what few meeting houses and school houses there were on the bor- 
 der were theirs. The numerous families of colonial English who 
 came among them adopted their religion, if they adopted any. 
 The creed of the backw< >< »dsman, who had a creed at all. was Pres- 
 byterianism ; for the Episcopacy of the tide-water land obtained 
 no foothold in the mountains, and the Methodists and the Baptists 
 had but just begun to appear in the west when the Revolution 
 broke out. 
 
 "These Presbyterian Irish were, however, far from being the 
 only settlers on the border, although more than any others thev 
 
THE PIONEERS. 219 
 
 impressed the stamp of their peculiar character on the pioneer civ- 
 ilization of the west and the southwest. Great numbers of im- 
 migrants of English descent came among them from the settled 
 districts on the east; and though these later arrivals soon became 
 indistinguishable from the people among whom they settled, yet 
 thev certainly sometimes added a tone of their own to backwoods 
 society, giving it here and there a slight dash of what we are ac- 
 customed to consider the distinctively southern or cavalier spirit. 
 There was. likewise, a large German admixture, not only from the 
 Germans of Pennsylvania, but also from those of the Carolinas. 
 A good many Huguenots, likewise came, and a few Hollanders, 
 and even Swedes, from the banks of the Delaware, or, perhaps, 
 from farther off still. 
 
 "A single generation passed under the hard conditions of life 
 in the wilderness was enough to weld together into one people 
 the representatives of these numerous and widely different races, 
 and the children of the next generation became indistinguishable 
 from one another. Long before the first Continental Congress 
 assembled, the backwoodsmen, whatever their blood, had become 
 Americans, one in speech, thought and character, clutching firmly 
 the land in which their fathers and grandfathers had lived" before 
 them. They had lost all remembrance of Europe, and all sympa- 
 thy with things European ; they had become as emphatically pro- 
 ducts native to the soil as were the tough and supple hickories out 
 of which they fashioned the handles of their long light axes. 
 Their grim, harsh, narrow lives were yet strangely fascinating, 
 and full of adventurous toil and danger ; none but natures as 
 strong, as freedom loving, and as full of bold defiance as theirs, 
 could have endured existence on the terms which these men found 
 pleasureable. Their iron surroundings made a mould which 
 turned out all alike in the same shape. They resembled one an- 
 other, and they differed from the rest of the world — even the 
 world of America, and infinitely more the world of Europe— in 
 dress, in customs, and in mode of life. 
 
 "When their lands abutted on the more settled districts to 
 the eastward, the population was of course thickest and their pe- 
 culiarities least. Here and there at such points they built small 
 backwoods burgs or towns, rude, straggling, unkempt villages, 
 with a store or two, a tavern — sometimes good, often a scandalous 
 hogsty, where travellers were devoured by fleas, and every one ate 
 
220 THE PIONEERS. 
 
 and slept in one room — a small log house, and a little church pre- 
 sided over by a hard-featured Presbyterian preacher, gloomy, 
 earnest and zealous, probably bigoted and narrow-minded, but, 
 nevertheless, a great power for good in the community. 
 
 "However, the backwoodsmen as a class, neither built towns 
 nor loved to dwell therein. They were to be seen at their best in 
 the vast interminable forests that formed their chosen home. 
 They won and kept their lands by force and ever lived either at 
 war or in dread of war. Hence they settled always in groups of 
 several families, each all banded together for mutual protection. 
 Their red foes were strong and terrible, cunning in council, dread- 
 ful in battle, merciless beyond belief in victory. The men of the 
 border did not overcome and dispossess cowards and weaklings ; 
 they marched forth to spoil the stout-hearted, and to take for prey 
 the possession of the men of might. Every acre, every rood of 
 ground which they claimed, had to be cleared by the axe and held 
 by the rifle. Not only was the chopping down of the forest the 
 first preliminary to cultivation, but it was also the surest means of 
 subduing the Indians, to whom the unending stretches of choked 
 woodland were an impenetrable cover behind which to hide un- 
 seen, a shield in making assaults, and a strong tower of defence 
 in repelling counter-attacks. In the conquest of the west the 
 backwoods axe, shapely, well poised, with long haft and light head 
 was a servant hardly second to the rifle ; the two were the national 
 weapons of the American backwoodsman, and in their use he has 
 never been excelled. 
 
 "When a group of families moved out into the wilderness 
 they built themselves a station or stockade fort ; square palisades 
 of upright logs, loop-holed with strong block houses as bastions 
 at the corners. One side, at least, was generally formed by the 
 backs of the cabins themselves, all standing in a row; andtherewas 
 a great door or gate that could be strongly barred in case of need. 
 Often no iron whatever was employed in any of the buildings. 
 The square inside contained the provision sheds, and frequently a 
 strong central blockhouse as well. These forts of course could 
 nut stand against cannon, and they were always in danger when 
 attacked with fire; but save for this risk of burning they were 
 very effectual defences against men without artillery, and were 
 rarely taken, whether by whites or Indians, except by surprise 
 
The Settler's Lonely Home. 
 
THE PIONEERS. 221 
 
 Few other buildings have played so important a part in our his- 
 tory as the rough stockade fort of the backwoods. 
 
 "The families only lived in the fort when there was war with 
 the Indians, and even then not in the winter. At other times 
 they all separated out to their own farms, universally called clear- 
 ings, as they were always made by first cutting off the timber. 
 The stumps were left to dot the field of grain and Indian corn. 
 The corn was in especial the stand-by and invariable resource of 
 the western settlers ; it was the crop on which he relied to feed his 
 family, and when hunting or on a war trail the parched grains 
 were carried in his leather wallet to serve often as his "only food. 
 But he planted orchards and raised melons, potatoes, and many 
 other fruits and vegetables as well ; and he had usually a horse 
 or two, cows, and perhaps hogs and sheep, if the wolves and bears 
 did not interfere. If he was poor his cabin was made of unhewn 
 logs, and held but a single room ; if well to do, the logs were 
 neatly hewed, and besides the large living and eating room with 
 its huge stone fire place, there was also a small bed room and a 
 kitchen, while a ladder led to the loft above in which the boys 
 slept. The floor was made of puncheons, great slabs of wood 
 hewed carefully out, and the roof of clapboard. Pegs of wood 
 were thrust into the sides of the house to serve instead of a ward- 
 robe; and buck antlehs thrust into joists held the ever ready rifles. 
 The table was a great clapboard set on four wooden legs ; there 
 were three legged stools, and in the better sort of houses old fash- 
 ioned rocking chairs. The couch or bed was warmly covered 
 with blankets, bear skins and deer hides. 
 
 "These clearings lay far apart from one another in the wil- 
 derness. Up to the door sills of the log huts stretched the sol- 
 emn and mysterious forest. There were no openings to break 
 its continuity ; nothing but endless leagues on leagues of shadowy 
 wolf-haunted woodland. The great trees towered aloft till 
 their separate heads were lost in the mass of foliage above, and 
 the rank underbrush choked the spaces between the trunks. On 
 the higher peaks and ridge crests of the mountains there 
 were straggling birches and pines, hemlock and balsam firs; 
 elsewhere, oaks, chestnuts, hickories, maples, beeches, walnuts, 
 and great tulip trees grew side by side with many other kinds. 
 The sunlight could not penetrate the roofed archway of murmur- 
 ing leaves ; through the gray aisles of the forest men walked al- 
 
222 THE PIONEERS. 
 
 ways in a kind of mid-day gloaming. Those who had lived in 
 the open plains felt when they came to the backwoods as if their 
 heads were hooded. Save on the border of a lake, from a cliff 
 top, or on a bald knob — that is. a bare hill shoulder — they could 
 not anywhere look out f< >r any distance. 
 
 "All the land was shrouded in one vast forest. It covered 
 the mountains from crest to river bed, filled the plains, and 
 stretched in sombre and melancholy wastes towards the Mississ- 
 ippi. All that it contained, all that lay hid within it and beyond 
 it, none could tell ; men only knew that their boldest hunters. h< >w- 
 ever deeply they had penetrated, had not yet gone through it, that 
 it was the home of the game they followed, and the wild beasts 
 that preyed on their flocks, and that deep in its tangled depths 
 lurked their red foes, hawk-eyed and wolf-hearted. Backwoods 
 society was simple and the duties and rights of each member of the 
 family were plain and clear. The man was the armed protector 
 and provider, the bread winner; the woman was the house wife 
 and child bearer. They married young, and their families were 
 large, for they were strong and healthy and their success in life 
 depended on their own stout arms and willing hearts. There was 
 everywhere great equality of conditions. Land was plenty and 
 all else was scarce. So courage, thrift and industry were sure of 
 their reward. All had small farms, with the few stock necessary 
 to cultivate them ; the farms being generally placed in the hollows, 
 the division lines between them, if they were close together, being 
 the tops of the ridges and the water courses, especially the former. 
 The buildings of each farm were usually at its lowest point, as if 
 in the centre of an amphitheatre. Each was on an average of 
 about four hundred acres, "but sometimes more. Tracts of low. 
 swampy grounds, possibly smiie miles from the cabin, were clear- 
 ed for meadows, the fodder being stacked and hauled home for 
 winter. 
 
 "Each backwoodsman was not only a small farmer but also 
 a hunter; for his wife and children depended for their meat upon 
 the venison and bear's flesh procured by his rifle. The people were 
 restless and always on the move. After being a little while in a 
 place, some of the men would settle down permanently, while oth- 
 ers would again drift off. farming and hunting alternately to sup- 
 port their families. The backwoodman's dress was in great part 
 borrowed from his Indian foes. He wore a fur cap, or felt hat. 
 
THE PIONEERS. 223 
 
 moccasins, and either loose thin trousers, or else simply leggings 
 of buckskin or elkhide, and the Indian breech clout. He was al- 
 ways clad in the hunting shirt, (fringed) of homespun or buck- 
 skin, the most picturesque and distinctively national dress ever 
 worn in America. It was a loose smock or tunic, reaching nearly 
 to the knees, and held in at the waist by a broad belt from which 
 hung the tomahawk and scalping knife. His weapon was the 
 long small bore flint lock rifle, clumsy and ill-balanced, but ex- 
 ceedingly accurate. It was very heavy, and when upright reach- 
 ed to the chin of a tall man. for the barrel of thick soft iron was 
 four feet in length, while the stock was short and the butt scooped 
 out. Sometimes it was plain, sometimes ornamented. It was 
 generally bored out — or, as the expression then was, sawed out — 
 to carry a ball of seventy, more rarely of thirty or forty to the 
 pound, and was usually of backwoods manufacture. The marks- 
 man almost always fired from a rest, and rarely at a very long 
 range, and the shooting was marvellously accurate. 
 
 "In the backwoods there was very little money; barter was 
 the common form of exchange and peltries were often used as a 
 circulating medium, a beaver, otter, fisher, dressed buckskin or 
 large bear skin, being reckoned as equal to two foxes or wildcats, 
 four coon or eight minks. A young man inherited nothing from 
 his father but his strong frame and eager heart ; but before him 
 lay a whole continent wherein to pitch his farm, and he felt ready 
 to marry as soon as he became of age, even though he had nothing 
 but his clothes, his horses, his axe and his rifle. If a girl was well 
 off, and had been careful and industrious, she might herself bring 
 a dowry of a cow and a calf, a brood mare, a bed well stocked with 
 blankets, and a chest containing her clothes, the latter not very 
 elaborate, for a woman's dress consisted of a hat or poke bonnet, 
 a bed gown, perhaps a jacket, and a linsey petticoat, while her 
 feet were thrust into coarse shoepacks or moccasins. Fine clothes 
 were rare ; a suit of such cost more than two hundred acres of 
 good land. 
 
 ''The first lesson the backwoodsman learnt was the necessity 
 of self help; the next, that such a community could only thrive if 
 all joined in helping one another. Log-rollings, house-raisings, 
 house-warmings, corn-shuckings, quiltings, and the like were oc- 
 casions when all the neighbors came together to do what the fam- 
 ily itself could hardly accomplish alone. Every such meeting 
 
-'-'4 
 
 THE PIONEERS. 
 
 was the occasion of a frolic and a dance for the young people, 
 whiskey and nun being plentiful, and the host exerting his utmost 
 power to spread the table with backwoods delicacies, bear meat 
 and venison, vegetables from the truck patch, where squashes, 
 melons, beans and the like were grown, wild fruits, bowls of milk 
 and apple pies, which were the acknowledged standard of luxury. 
 At the better houses there was metheglin or small beer, cider, 
 cheese and biscuits. Tea was so little known that many of the 
 backwoods people were not aware it was a beverage, and at first 
 attempted to eat the leaves with salt and butter. 
 
 "The young men prided themselves on their bodily strength, 
 and were always eager to contend against one another in athletic 
 games, such as wrestling, racing, jumping and lifting flour bar- 
 rels ; and they also sought distinction in vieing with one another 
 at their work. Sometimes they strove against one another singly, 
 sometimes they divided into parties, each bending all its energies 
 to be first in shucking a given heap of corn, or cutting with sickles 
 an allotted patch of wheat. Among the men the bravos or bul- 
 lies often were dandies also in the backwoods fashion, wearing 
 their hair long and delighting in the rude finery of hunting shirts 
 embroidered with porcupine quills ; they were loud, boastful and 
 profane, given to coarsely bantering one another. Brutally sav- 
 age fights were frequent ; the combatants, who were surrounded 
 by rings of interested spectators, striking, kicking, biting, and 
 gouging. The fall of one of them did not stop the fight, for the 
 man who was down was maltreated without mercy until he called 
 enough. The victor always bragged savagely of his prowess, 
 often leaping on a stump, crowing and flapping his arms. De- 
 feat was not necessarily considered disgrace, a man often fight- 
 ing when he was certain to be beaten, while the onlookers neither 
 hooted nor pelted the conquered. Fights were specially frequent 
 when the backwoodsmen went into the little frontier town to see 
 horse races or fairs. 
 
 "A wedding was always a time of festival. The groom and 
 his friends, all armed, rode to the house of the bride's father, plen- 
 ty of whisky being drunk, and the men racing recklessly along the 
 narrow bridle paths, for there were few roads or wheeled vehi- 
 cles in the backwoods. At the bride's house the ceremony was 
 performed, and then a huge dinner was eaten, after which the fid- 
 dling and dancing began, and were continued all the afternoon, 
 
THE PIONEERS. 225 
 
 and most of the night as well. A party of girls stole off 
 the bride and put her to bed in the loft above, and a party of 
 young men performed the like service for the groom. The fun 
 was hearty and coarse, and the toasts always included one to the 
 young couple, with the wish that they might have many big chil- 
 dren, for as long as they could remember, the backwoodsman had 
 lived at war, while looking ahead they saw no chance of its ever 
 stopping, and so each son was regarded as a future warrior, a 
 help to the whole community. The neighbors all joined again in 
 chopping and rolling the logs for the young couple's future house, 
 then in raising the house itself, and finally in feasting and dancing 
 at the house warming. 
 
 "Funerals were simple, the dead body being carried to the 
 grave in a coffin slung on poles and carried by four men. 
 
 "Each family did everything that could be done for itself. 
 The father and sons worked with axe, hoe and sickle. Almost 
 every house contained a loom, and almost every woman was a 
 weaver. Linsey woolsey made from flax grown near the cabin 
 and from wool from the backs of the few sheep was the warmest 
 and most substantial cloth ; and when the flax crop failed and the 
 flocks were destroyed by wolves the children had but scanty 
 covering to hide their nakedness. The man tanned the buck- 
 skin, the woman was tailor and shoemaker, and made the deer 
 skin sifters to be used instead of bolting cloths. There were a 
 few pewter spoons in use; but the table furniture consisted 
 mainly of hand-made trenchers, platters, noggins and bowls. The 
 cradle was of peeled hickory bark. Ploughshares had to be im- 
 ported, but harrows and sleds were made without difficulty, and 
 the cooper work was well done. Chaff beds were thrown on the 
 floor of the loft, if the house owner was well off. Each cabin 
 had a hand mill and a hominy block ; the last was borrowed from 
 the Indians and was only a large block of wood with a hole 
 burned in the top as a mortar where the pestle was worked. If 
 there were any sugar maples accessible they were tapped every 
 year. 
 
 "In order to get salt and iron each family collected during 
 the year all the furs possible, these being valuable, and carried 
 on pack horses, the sole means of transport. Then, after seeding 
 time in the Fall, the people of a neighborhood ordinarily joined 
 in sending down a train of peltry-laden pack horses to " some 
 J 5 
 
226 THE PIONEERS. 
 
 large sea coast or tidal river trading town, where their burdens 
 were bartered for the needed iron and salt. The unshod horses 
 all had bells hung round their necks; the clappers were stopped 
 during the day, but when the train was halted for the night and 
 the horses were hobbled and turned loose, the bells were once 
 more unstopped. Several men accompanied each little caravan, 
 and sometimes they drove with them steers and hogs to sell on 
 the sea coast. A bushel of alum salt was worth a good cow and 
 a calf, and as each of the poorly fed undersized pack animals 
 could carry but two bushels, the mountaineers prized it greatly, 
 and instead of salting or pickling their venison they jerked it by 
 drying it in the sun or smoking it over a fire. 
 
 "The life of the backwoodsman was one long struggle. The 
 forest had to be felled, droughts, deep snows, freshets, cloud 
 bursts, forest fires, and all the other dangers of a wilderness life 
 faced. Swarms of deer-flies, mosquitoes and midges rendered 
 life a torment in the weeks of hot weather. Rattlesnakes and 
 copperheads were very plentiful and, the former especially, con- 
 stant sources of danger and death. Wolves and bears were in- 
 cessant and the inveterate foes of the live stock, and the cougar, 
 or panther, occasionally attacked man as well. More terrible 
 still, the wolves sometimes went mad. and the men who then en- 
 countered them were almost certain to be bitten and to die of the 
 hydrophobia. 
 
 "Every true backwoodsman was a hunter. Wild turkeys 
 were plentiful. The pigeons at times filled the woods with clouds 
 that hid the sun, and broke down the branches on their roosting 
 grounds as if a whirlwind had passed. The black and grey 
 squirrels swarmed, devastating the corn fields and at times gath- 
 ering in immense companies and migrating across mountain and 
 river. The hunter's ordinary game was the deer, and after that 
 the bear ; the elk was already growing uncommon. No form 
 of labor is harder than the chase, and none is so fascinating uor so 
 excellent as a training school for war. The successful still hunter 
 of necessity possessed skill in hiding and in creeping noiselessly up- 
 on the wary quarry, as well as in imitating the notes and calls of 
 the different beasts and birds; skill in the use of the rifie and in 
 throwing the tomahawk he already had; and he perforce ac- 
 quired keenness of eye, thorough acquaintance with wood craft, 
 and the power of standing the severest strains of fatigue, hard- 
 
Savage Wolves at the Cabin Door. 
 
THE PIONEERS. 227 
 
 ship and exposure. He lived out in the woods for many months 
 with no food but meat and no shelter whatever, unless he made a 
 lean-to of brush or crawled into a hollow sycamore. 
 
 "Such training stood the frontier folk in good stead when 
 they were pitted against the Indians; without it they could not 
 even have held their own, and the white advance would have 
 been absolutely checked. Our frontiers were pushed westward 
 by the warlike skill and the personal prowess of the individual 
 settlers. For one square mile the regular armies added to our 
 domain, the settlers added ten — a hundred would probably be 
 nearer the truth. A race of peaceful unwarlike farmers would 
 have been helpless before such foes as the red Indians, and no 
 auxiliary military force could have protected them or enabled 
 them to have moved westward. Colonists fresh from the old 
 world, no matter how thrifty, steady-going and industrious, could 
 not hold their own on the frontier ; they had to settle where they 
 were protected from the Indians by a living barrier of bold and 
 self-reliant American borderers. The West would never have 
 been settled save for the fierce courage and the eager desire to 
 brave danger so characteristic of the stalwart backwoodsman. 
 These armed hunters, woodchoppers and farmers were their own 
 soldiers. They built and manned their own forts; they did their 
 own fighting under their own commanders. There were no 
 regiments of regular troops along the frontier. In the advent of 
 an Indian inroad each borderer had to defend himself until there 
 was time for them all to gather together to repel or to avenge it. 
 Every man was accustomed to the use of arms from his child- 
 hood ; when a boy was twelve years old he was given a rifle and 
 made a foot soldier, with a loophole where he w T as to stand if the 
 station was attacked. The war was never ending, for even the 
 times of so-called peace were broken by forays and murders; a 
 man might grow from babyhood to middle age on the border and 
 yet never remember a year in which some one of his neighbors 
 did not fall a victim to the Indians. 
 
 "There was everywhere a rude military organization, which 
 included all the able-bodied men in the community. Every set- 
 tlement had its colonels and captains; but these officers, both in 
 their training and in the authority they exercised, corresponded 
 much more nearly to Indian chiefs than to the regular army 
 whose titles they bore. Thev had no means whatever of en- 
 
228 THE PIOXEERS. 
 
 forcing their orders, and their tumultuous and disorderly levies 
 of sinewy riflemen were hardly as well disciplined as the Indians 
 themselves. The superior officer could advise, entreat, lead and 
 influence his men, but he could not command them, or if he did, 
 the men obeyed him only just so far as it suited them. If an 
 officer planned a scout or campaign, those who thought proper 
 accompanied him. and the others stayed at home, and even those 
 who went came back if the fit seized them, or perchance followed 
 the lead of an insubordinate junior officer whom they liked bet- 
 ter than they did his superior. There was no compulsion to per- 
 form military duties beyond dread of being disgraced in the eyes 
 of the neighbors and there was no pecuniary reward for per- 
 forming them : nevertheless, the moral sentiment of a backwoods 
 community was too robust to tolerate habitual remissness in 
 military affairs, and the coward and laggard were treated with 
 utter scorn, and were generally in the end either laughed or hated 
 out of the community, or else got rid of in a more summary 
 manner. 
 
 "All qualities, good and bad, are intensified and accentuated 
 in the life of the wilderness. The man who in civilization is 
 merely sullen and bad tempered becomes a murderous, treacherous 
 ruffian, when transplanted to the wilds ; while on the other hand 
 his cheery, quiet neighbor developes into a hero, ready, uncom- 
 plainingly to lay down his life for his friend. One who in an 
 eastern city is merely a backbiter and slanderer, in the western 
 woods lies in wait for his foe with a rifle; sharp practice in the 
 east becomes highway robbery in the west ; but at the same time 
 negative good nature becomes active self sacrifice, and a general 
 belief in virtue is translated into a prompt and determined war 
 upon vice. The ne'er do well of a family who in one place has 
 his debts paid a couple of times and is then forced to resign 
 from his clubs and lead a cloudy but innocuous existence on a 
 small pension, in the other abruptly finishes his career by being 
 hung for horse stealing. In the backwoods the lawless led lives 
 of abandoned wickedness; they hated good for good's sake, and 
 did their utmost to destroy it. Where the bad element was 
 large, gangs of horse thieves, highwaymen and other criminals 
 often united with the uncontrollable young men of vicious tastes 
 who were given to gambling, fighting and the like. Thev then 
 formed half secret organizations, often of great extent and of 
 
THE PIONEERS. 229 
 
 wide ramifications, and if they could control a community they 
 established a reign of terror, driving out both ministers and 
 magistrates, and killing without scruple those who interfered 
 with them. The good men in such a case banded themselves to- 
 gether as regulators and put down the wicked with ruthless 
 severity by the exercise of lynch law, shooting or hanging the 
 worst off-hand. 
 
 "The excesses so often committed by the whites, when, after 
 many checks and failures, they at last grasped victory, are causes 
 for shame and regret; yet it is only fair to keep in mind the 
 terrible provocations they had endured. Mercy, pity, mag- 
 nanimity to the fallen could not be expected from the frontiers- 
 men gathered together to war against an Indian tribe. Almost 
 every man of such a band had bitter personal wrongs to avenge. 
 He was not taking part in a war against a civilized foe ; he was 
 fighting in a contest where women and children suffered the fate 
 of the strong man, and instead of the enthusiasm for his coun- 
 try's flag and a general national animosity toward its enemies, 
 he was actuated by a furious flame of hot anger, and was goaded 
 on by memories of which merely to think was madness. His 
 friends had been treacherously slain while on messages of peace ; 
 his house had been burned, his cattle driven off, and all he had in 
 the world destroyed before he knew that war existed, and when 
 he felt quite guiltless of all offence; his sweetheart or wife had 
 been carried off, ravished and was at the moment the slave and con- 
 cubine of some dirty and brutal Indian warrior ; his son, the stay 
 of his house, had been burned at the stake with torments too hor- 
 rible to mention ; his sister, when ransomed and returned to him, 
 had told of the weary journey through the woods, when she 
 carried round her neck as a horrible necklace the bloody scalps 
 of her husband and children. Seared into his eyeballs, into his 
 very brain, he bore ever with him, waking or sleeping, the sight 
 of the skinned, mutilated, hideous body of the baby who had just 
 grown old enough to recognize him and to crow T and laugh when 
 taken in his arms. It was small wonder that men who had thus 
 lost everything should sometimes be fairly crazed by their 
 wrongs and devote the remainder of their wretched lives to the one 
 object of taking vengeance on the whole race of the men who 
 had darkened their days forever. Too often the squaws and pap- 
 pooses fell victims of the vengeance that should have come only 
 
23O THE PIONEERS. 
 
 on warriors; for the whites regarded their foes as beasts rather 
 than men, and knew that the squaws were more cruel than others 
 in torturing prisoners and that the very children took part there- 
 in, being held up by their fathers to tomahawk the dying victims 
 at the stake.'" 
 
 Daniel Webster says : " It did not happen to me to be born 
 in a log cabin, but my elder brothers and sisters were — in a log 
 cabin raised amidst the snow drifts of New Hampshire, at a 
 period so early as that when the smoke first rose from its rude 
 chimney and curled over the frozen hills, there was no similar 
 evidence of a white man's habitation between it and the settle- 
 ments on the rivers of Canada. Its remains still exist, and I 
 make to it an annual visit. I carry my children to it to inspire 
 like sentiments in them and to teach them the hardships endured 
 by the generations which have gone before them. Taunt and 
 scoffing at the humble condition of early life affect nobody in 
 this country but those who are foolish enough to indulge in them. 
 For myself I love to dwell on the tender recollections, the kindred 
 ties, the early affection and the touching narratives and inci- 
 dents which mingle with all I know of this primitive family 
 abode. I weep to think that none of those who inhabited it are 
 now among the living; and if ever I am ashamed of it, or if I 
 ever fail in affectionate veneration for him who reared it. and 
 defended it against savage violence and destruction, cherished 
 by all the domestic virtues beneath its roof, and through the 
 fire and blood of a seven years' Revolutionary War shrunk from 
 no danger, no toil, no sacrifice to serve his country and to raise 
 his children to a condition better than his own, may the name 
 of my posterity be blotted forever from the memory of man." 
 
Fort Augusta, at Shamokin. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 FORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 IF a people were seeking an ideal location to build a city 
 where there were presented the various forms of attractions 
 
 essential to the requirements of a community, possibly no 
 better place could be discovered in the State of Pennsylvania than 
 the spacious plain at the confluence of the north and west branches 
 of the Susquehanna. Two great rivers here combine to form 
 a greater, each of them bearing the commerce of extensive dis- 
 tricts in which all the riches of nature are bountifully produced. 
 The one branch reaching into the region of great forests and 
 wells of flowing oil ; the other into immense plains of grain and 
 beds of salt; both of them touching ramifications extending on 
 the one hand to the mighty Mississippi, on the other to the ma- 
 jestic St. Lawrence. At the junction of these streams the lofty 
 and rugged mountains come to a sudden termination and in one 
 bold spur stand guard over the waters and plain in majestic re- 
 pose. Back of the plain is a country of beautiful fertility, where 
 nature readily responds to the toil of man and produces a variety 
 of grains, vegetables, fruits and flowers sufficient to gratify and 
 satisfy the most exacting craving of the appetite of man. And 
 over all this there reigns a climatic condition that gives to the 
 inhabitants the prospect of a hearty and enjoyable career reach- 
 ing into a vigorous old age. 
 
 With such an impression upon their minds many men of 
 noted abilities chose this place to build home and fortune as the 
 country harmoniously increased in production and population. 
 Among these were Dr. Priestly, the world famous scientific 
 scholar, and Col. Plunket, the soldier, and Frederick Antes, the 
 democrat. Each of these men represented a class that grew in 
 numbers as the country was opened to the inarch of improvement 
 and civilization. 
 
 Previous to the incursion of the permanent settlers, this 
 place had been recognized as a notable location. It was the most 
 
232 
 
 FORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 important Indian town in Pennsylvania. The Six Nations held 
 this as a strategic point at an early day, and made it the seat of 
 a viceroy, who ruled for them the tributary tribes that dwelt 
 along the waters of the winding river. Here the Iroquois war- 
 riors on their return from predatory expeditions against the 
 Cherokees and Catawbas would make a halt and hold carousals 
 for the last time before reaching Onondaga. 
 
 It was Shikellimy's home, and here he ruled as Viceroy the 
 branches of the Six Nations. This was the boyhood home of 
 Logan, and here he learned the beneficient spirit of the Mora- 
 vians in their kind dealing with the red men. Here Conrad 
 Weiser was accustomed to stop and rest himself when on long 
 journeys from the provincial governors to the Indian headquar- 
 ters at Onondaga. Here Zinzendorf rested and met some of' 
 the chiefs; here Martin Mack and his wife settled in 1745 as the 
 first of the Moravian missionaries to the seat of Indian power. 
 At this time it was in all its glory as an Indian place of carousals. 
 Mack says of it: " In September of 1745, my wife and I were 
 sent to Shamokin, the very seat of the Prince of Darkness. Dur- 
 ing the four months that we resided there we were in constant 
 danger, and there was scarcely a night but we were compelled to 
 leave our hut and hide in the woods from fear of the drunken 
 savages." 
 
 David Brainerd visited Shamokin in the same year and 
 wrote of it : " The town lies partly on the east and west shores 
 of the river, and partly on the island. It contains upwards of 
 fifty houses and three hundred inhabitants. The Indians of this 
 place are accounted the most drunken, mischievous and ruffian- 
 like fellows of any in these parts ; and Satan seems to have his 
 seat in this town in an eminent manner. About one-half are 
 Delawares, the others Senecas and Tutelars." 
 
 Allummapees, the Delaware King, was quite old and in- 
 firm and some wanted him to give up his position to a successor, 
 but he would not agree to it. Conrad Weiser said of him : 
 "Allummapees would have given up the crown before now but 
 as he had the keeping of the public treasure (that is to say, of the 
 council bag), consisting of belts of wampum, for which he buys 
 liquor, and lias been drunk for these two or three years almost 
 constantly, it is thought that he won't die so long as there is one 
 single wampum left in the bag." The old chief died in 1747. 
 
FORT AUGUSTA. • 233 
 
 and Shikellimy, his neighbor, showing directly the opposite kind 
 of a character, died in 1748. 
 
 Fort Augusta stood at about forty yards distance from the 
 river on a bank twenty-four feet from the surface of the water; 
 the side toward the water was a strong palisade, the bases of the 
 logs being sunk four feet in the earth, the top holed and spiked 
 into strong ribbons which ran transversely and were morticed 
 into several logs at twelve feet distance from each other, which 
 were larger and higher than the rest; the joints between each pal- 
 isade broke with firm logs well fitted on the inside and supported 
 by the platform. The other three sides were composed of logs 
 laid horizontally, neatly done, dovetailed and trunnelled down. 
 They were squared. Some of the lower ends were three feet in 
 diameter, the least from two and a half feet to eighteen inches, 
 and were mostly of white oak. There were six four-pound 
 cannon mounted, one in the side of each bastion fronting the 
 river bank, and one in the flank of each of the opposite bastions. 
 The woods were cleared to the distance of three hundred yards, 
 and some progress had been made in cutting the bank of the 
 river into a glacis. 
 
 Inventory of Fort Augusta December 6th, 1758: Twelve 
 pieces of cannon in good order, two swivels in good order, four 
 blunderbusses in good order, seven hundred rounds of cannon 
 balls, one hundred and twenty-three bags of grape shot, three 
 hundred and eighty-three cartridges of powder made for cannon, 
 one hundred and twelve cartridges made for swivels, twelve 
 barrels of powder, forty-six hand grenades, twenty-nine rounds 
 of cut shot. 
 
 There are many traditions centering at the confluence of the 
 great branches of the Susquehanna. During the French and 
 English war it was quite certain that the principals of both na- 
 tions had their eyes upon it. The fact that the Indians had made 
 it the dwelling place of their viceroy, and that all parties travel- 
 ling up and down the river found it a convenient stopping place, 
 gave the suggestion of its importance. There is a tradition that 
 a French party came to the top of Blue Hill opposite and care- 
 fully examined the fort to see if it would be possible for them 
 to capture it. But that this could not be done without cannon 
 was evident, and after harassing the garrison in a petty way 
 they departed. 
 
234 
 
 FORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 The advent of the French was a serious matter, for they 
 had boasted that they would show no quarter to the garrison if 
 ther captured them. For months the garrison was kept in a 
 state of alarm by the reports that came to them. On one occa- 
 sion Job Chilloway arrived from Onondaga with the informa- 
 tion that the Six Nations were holding a Grand Council at which 
 he was present. It was opened by four chiefs who sang the 
 war song and passed around an uncommonly large war belt. 
 They had given permission to the French to pass through their 
 towns and to erect a fort on the Susquehanna, from which point 
 they could descend in batteaux. Nearly a thousand warriors 
 were ready and waiting for the word to begin their slaughter of 
 the settlers and the devastation of their homes. In July Chil- 
 loway reported the descent of various bands of Indians on the 
 Juniata but who were stopped by friendly Indians. The con- 
 stant prowling about of the Indians led the commander of the 
 fort to resort to a device which was practiced by the ancient 
 armies of Rome and other nations. It was to strew caltrops in 
 the woods and swamps and wherever 
 prowlers might try to steal a march, and 
 thus render the dark and hidden places more 
 
 open front of the fort would be. Some of 
 these caltrops had been brought from Eng- 
 land, but it was easy for the blacksmith of 
 the fort to make any quantity of them. 
 They were madeof iron, or wire, by welding- 
 two pieces together crosswise, then bending the prongs, which 
 were from one and a half to two inches long, so that no matter 
 how dropped one prong with its sharp point would always stand 
 erect and pierce the foot or leg of the one who stepped upon it. 
 As the prongs were barbed like a fish-hook it was a difficult mat- 
 ter to take them out, and would often cause lockjaw. 
 
 After the war was ended cattle often stepped upon these cal- 
 trops, and man}- died from the effect of the wound, hence search- 
 ing parties were sent out to hunt for them, and several barrels 
 of them were gathered and placed for safe keeping in the maga- 
 zine of the fort. 
 
 The diary of Colonel James Burd, the commander of Fort 
 Augusta during these troublesome times, reveals the daily an- 
 
FORT AUGUSTA. 235 
 
 noyances to which they were subjected. It was a dangerous place 
 for so small a number of soldiers to be in, when no one could 
 know what the next combination of French and Indians might 
 be, or how soon a flotilla of boats might appear on the North 
 Branch, or the West Branch, manned by fierce savages in war 
 paint and scalping knives sharpened for action. It was heroic 
 to hold the place, and as long as the soldiers were able to do that 
 it was a demonstration to the Indians of the power and the suc- 
 cess of the English speaking white man. 
 
 The charm of the forests to the soldiers of the province 
 was apparent when the officers of the First and Second Battal- 
 ions, before they reached their homes from the expedition against 
 the Indians at Fort DuQuesne, held a meeting at Bedford and 
 determined to apply to the Proprietaries for a tract of land upon 
 which they might settle as a community and establish homes. In 
 their request they declared that they proposed to embody them- 
 selves in a compact settlement on some good lands at some dis- 
 tance from the inhabited part of the province, where, by their 
 industry, they might procure a comfortable subsistence for them- 
 selves, and by their arms, union and increase, become a powerful 
 barrier to the province. They further represented that the land 
 already purchased did not . afford any situation convenient for 
 their purpose ; but the confluence of the two branches of the Sus- 
 quehanna at Shamokin did, and they, therefore, prayed the 
 Proprietaries to make the purchase, and make them a grant of 
 forty thousand acres of arable land on the West Branch of the 
 Susquehanna. Their request was received with approval, and ac- 
 cordingly Thomas and Richard Penn held a treaty with the Six 
 Nations at Fort Stanwix, on the 5th of November, 1768, and 
 made the purchase which is known as the New Purchase. 
 
 " In consideration of ten thousand dollars, they (the Six 
 Nations) grant to Thomas and Richard Penn, all that part of the 
 Province of Pennsylvania not heretofore purchased of the Indians 
 within the said boundary line, and beginning in the same 
 boundary line on the east side of the East Branch of the Sus- 
 quehanna river, at a place called Owegy, and running with the 
 said boundary line down the said branch on the east side thereof 
 till it comes opposite the mouth of a creek called by the Indians 
 Awandac, and across the river and up the said creek on the south 
 side thereof and along the range of hills called Burnett's Hills 
 
236 
 
 PORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 GREIXE 
 
 The New Purchase of 1768. 
 
 by the English on the north side of them to the heads of a creek 
 which runs into the West Branch of the Susquehanna, which 
 creek is by the Indians called Tiadaghton, and down the said 
 creek on the south side thereof to the said West Branch of the 
 
 uehanna, then crossing the said river and running up the 
 the same on the south side thereof the several courses thereof 
 to the fork of the same river which lies nearest to a place on the 
 river Ohio called the Kittanning. and from the the said fork by 
 a straight line to Kittanning aforesaid, and then down the said 
 river Ohio by the several courses thereof to where the western 
 bounds of the said Province of Pennsylvania cross the said river, 
 and then with the said western bounds to the south boundary 
 thereof, and with the south boundary aforesaid to the east side 
 of the Allegheny hills, and with the said hills on the east side 
 of them to the west line of a tract of land purchased by the said 
 proprietors from the Six Nations and confirmed October 23rd. 
 
 : and then with the northern bounds of that tract to the 
 river Susquehanna and crossing the river Susquehanna to the 
 northern boundary line of another tract of land purchased of the 
 
FORT AUGUSTA. 237 
 
 Indians by deed August 22nd, 1749; and then with that boundary 
 line to the river Delaware at the north side of the mouth of a 
 creek called Lechawachsein, then up the said river Delaware on 
 the west side thereof to the intersection of it by an east line to be 
 drawn from Owege aforesaid to the river Delaware, and then 
 with that east line to the beginning at Owege aforesaid." 
 
 Xo sooner was this purchase made known than a crowd of 
 Scotch-Irish adventurers who had been among those who roamed 
 the forest for game, either of animals or Indians, and others 
 who were speculators with a view to securing favorable settle- 
 ment, and young men who as surveyors had already seen these 
 lands and had been anxious to secure a foothold upon them, 
 besieged the land office in the following April and presented their 
 claims as having prior right because of improvements which 
 they alleged to have made. So great was the number of appli- 
 cants that it was deemed necessary to decide by lottery the prior- 
 ity of location. The purchasers were limited to three hundred 
 acres for each individual, at five pounds per one hundred acres, 
 and one penny per acre quit rent. An allotment was made of 
 one hundred and four thousand acres to the officers of the pro- 
 vincial regiments who had served during the previous Indian 
 campaigns, and who were desirous of settling together. Samuel 
 Wall is, who was the greatest land speculator on the frontier, 
 secured a tract of five thousand acres which extended from 
 Larry's Creek, on the north side of the Susquehanna, to Pine 
 Creek. His land was surveyed in June, 1772. But he had re- 
 ceived his deed April 3rd, 1769. 
 
 In the public newspapers appeared the following Land 
 Office advertisement : 
 
 " The Land Office will be open on the third day of April 
 next, at ten o'clock in the morning, to receive applications from all 
 persons inclinable to take up lands in the Xew Purchase, upon 
 terms of five pounds sterling per hundred acres, and one penny 
 per acre per annum quit-rent. No person will be allowed to 
 take up more than three hundred acres without a special license 
 from the Proprietaries or Governor. The surveys made upon all 
 applications are to be made and returned within six months, and 
 the whole purchase money paid at one payment, and patent taken 
 out within twelve months from the dateof the application, with in- 
 terest and quit-rent from six months after the application. If there 
 
238 FORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 be a failure oft the side of the party applying in either proving his 
 survey and return to be made, or in paying the purchase money 
 and obtaining the patent, the application and the survey will be 
 utterly void and the Proprietaries will be at liberty to dispose of 
 the land to any other person whatever. And as these terms will 
 be strictly adhered to by the Proprietaries all persons are hereby 
 warned and cautioned not to apply for more land than they will 
 be able to pay for in the time hereby given for that purpose. 
 
 " By order of the Governor. James Tilghman, Secretary of 
 the Land Office. 
 
 " Philadelphia Land Office, February 23rd, 1769/' 
 
 On the first day the office was open there was a rush of ap- 
 plicants and two thousand seven hundred and eighty-two appli- 
 cations were issued and directed to the deputy surveyors in their 
 respective districts in the purchase of 1768, including the north 
 side of the river from Lycoming to Pine Creek. As soon as the 
 applications were accepted surveyors were set to work to run the 
 lines. In the same month they were in White Deer Hole Valley 
 making surveys, and on the first of July in Black Hole Bottom, and 
 on the 4th, 5th and 6th in Nippenose. The first survey in this 
 Bottom was made on the application of Elizabeth Brown, num- 
 bered 44. and included the mouth of the creek. It was made 
 July 4th. 1769. This became the home of Colonel Antes. On the 
 7th the first survey was made in Nippenose Valley for Ralph 
 Foster. 
 
 One settler, Robert Martin, a native of New Jersey, has the 
 distinction of building the first house at Sunbury. and this years 
 before the town was surveyed by William Maclay. He was also 
 the first to open a public house or tavern. After the New Pur- 
 chase of 1768 Martin's tavern became the resort of all the land 
 speculators and the center of public life. 
 
 In such places and at such times the reckless and improvident 
 came to the front. The granting of lands to the officers of the 
 late war brought them to the place of their riches and with them 
 more or less of those who had served under them, to gather what 
 crumbs might fall from the favors of these fortunate men. There 
 also came many of that class who are ever on the lookout for ad- 
 venture, who live on the excitement that is well spiced with 
 hairbreadth escapes and beset by dangers from which men of 
 
FORT AUGUSTA. 239 
 
 social delights would flee. They were not troubled with over- 
 much conscience, and easily gave themselves to the inordinate 
 use of whiskey, gambling, and brawls that often ended in horrible 
 gouging and other mutilations. They were here to shear the 
 lambs and to carry away the fleece. They defied everybody and 
 were always ready for a battle. They made splendid Indian 
 fighters, but were not adapted to the quiet of family life or the 
 sobriety of a civilized community. With such men came the 
 surveyors, mostly young men of good families, seeking their for- 
 tunes where brains and courage were esteemed. These men went 
 boldly into the depths of the forests and measured out the boun- 
 daries that were destined to be the foundation of order and home 
 to the people whom they served. 
 
 In 1772 so many people had come to the new country that 
 a new county was formed, called Northumberland county, and 
 the old Indian town of Shamokin, called Fort Augusta, after- 
 ward Sunbury, was made the county seat, and a new era began. 
 
 The new stage was not marked merely by the erection of 
 buildings for dispensing justice and the care of criminals and the 
 staking out of land grants, but also the formation of parties and 
 the adoption or issues upon which the people might choose the 
 men to serve them. 
 
 In Philadelphia at this time the burning question of the 
 day was the effort of the Proprietary family to escape from pay- 
 ing taxes on their lands on the same basis as that exacted of the 
 people. Dr. Benjamin Franklin was the leader of the peoples' 
 movement and was pressing vigorously the cause against the 
 Penns. The Whig party was divided into two camps, the one 
 desiring the King of England to resume direct authority over the 
 province and annul the charter to the Penns, while the other 
 party hoped that the question might be settled and the government 
 remain under its present form and control. The great political 
 upheaval that was destined to so soon manifest its vigor was not 
 yet apparent to even the most astute of the leaders of public opin- 
 ion. 
 
 The political questions were not confined to the seat of gov- 
 ernment but were taken up by the liberty loving people all through 
 the colonies. The formation of the new county and the conse- 
 quent rivalries of the leading men gave the occasion for these 
 public questions to be placed in the fore-front and to lay the foun- 
 
2-IO 
 
 FORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 elation of parties that have endured to the present day. Dr. William 
 Plunket was chosen Judgeof the Court, and William Cooke, Sher- 
 iff. Three years later John Henry Antes received an appointment 
 as Justice, and in company with these men began a career of public 
 service that has rendered the names of all of them honorable be- 
 cause of the brave performance of duty in the most trying- circum- 
 stances that could have fallen to them. During these days 
 strong men were needed to guide public affairs. Important 
 questions were at issue requiring the utmost courage and dis- 
 crimination. The universal use of whiskey, and the habit of 
 gambling, produced a class of cases that swelled the criminal 
 calendar and called for prompt and severe punishment. There 
 were mistakes in settlements of accounts because of the tangled 
 currency of the colony. There were questions of rights brought 
 out by the encroachments of those whose land boundaries seemed 
 to conflict. 
 
 In the appointment of Antes to the Judiciary there was 
 a recognition of moral force in the dispensing of justice, as well 
 as mental acumen. The adaptability of Antes to this position 
 was apparent when it was remembered that from early childhood 
 he had been accustomed to decisions touching questions of col- 
 onial law, and that his father's house was the resort of those 
 most deeply interested in the development of the rights of the 
 people within the scope of the common law. Thus there had been 
 laid in his mind a foundation for legal reasoning that now served 
 him well in the settlement of the complicated questions that nat- 
 urally and frequently came before the bench of Justices. 
 
 While these prominent men dwelt in Sunbury or Northum- 
 berland during the time of their public service, they had their 
 homes in various parts of the county, and were thus in touch 
 with the thoughts and wishes of all the men on the frontier. 
 During this time the best places of the valleys were being occupied 
 by the men who distinguished themselves in the coming troubles. 
 They comprised a race of heroes. In 1769 John Brady pur- 
 chased a tract of land at Muncy. The same year Samuel Wallis 
 took up seven thousand acres along the river, and as the repre- 
 sentative of the Holland Land Company, secured some kind of 
 a hold (in nearly all the good lands as far up the river as the 
 in luth of Pine Creek. In 1770 John Fleming purchased the land 
 where Lock Haven stands, and Nathan Slough the site of Wil- 
 
FORT AUGUSTA. -24 : 
 
 liamsport. At the same time Casper Weitzel settled in Sunbury 
 and John Weitzel opened a store in the same town. In 1771 
 Walter Clarke bought one hundred and fifteen acres in Buffalo 
 Valley. In 1772 John Lowden took up his abode in Buffalo 
 Valley with slaves. John McCormick settled at Loyalsock, and 
 Turbott Nesbit purchased Deer Park, on which the Park Hotel 
 of Williamsport now stands. In 1773 James Alexander settled 
 on Pine Creek as the first settler there, Andrew Culbertson set- 
 'tled in Mosquito Valley, William Reed settled at Lock Haven, 
 Bratton Caldwell setttled at Pine Run, John Montgomery in 
 Turbott Township and Matthew Brown in White Deer. These 
 were some of the men who have made the West Branch Valley 
 famous. They were the friends and neighbors of John Henry 
 Antes — the men with whom he worked to make that beauti- 
 ful valley the abode of righteousness and peace. They com- 
 prise the roll of honor from which no mutations of events can ever 
 displace them. 
 
 So rapidly did the people come that it soon became neces- 
 sary to change from a backwoods settlement to that of a town. 
 Therefore, on the 1 6th of June, 1772, the Governor and the 
 Council issued an order to Surveyor General Lukens to repair to 
 Fort Augusta, and, with the assistance of William Maclay, lay out 
 a town for the county of Northumberland, to be called by the 
 name of Sunbury, at the most commodious place between the 
 forks of the river and the mouth of Shamokin Creek. The 
 streets were arranged on the plan of Philadelphia, that is, at right 
 angles. Here and there, in choice parts of the town, lots were 
 specially reserved for the Proprietaries. The streets were named 
 suggestively of their surroundings as follows : Deer, Fawn, 
 Elderberry, Hurtleberry, Pokeberry, Blackberry, etc. 
 
 Among the lot holders are the names of the men who soon 
 became prominent in the affairs of the county in the beginning 
 of its existence, although many of those who at a later period 
 were prominent settled across the river in the more aristocratic 
 town of Northumberland. Several of the lot holders of Sun- 
 bury were prominent as pioneers in the surrounding valleys. Such 
 was Elias Yungman, from Berks county, whose brother-in-law 
 was the Sheriff of Berks county, and whose grandson married 
 Amelia, the granddaughter of Colonel Henry Antes. His lot was 
 No. 26, on Shamokin street. 
 
 16 
 
242 FORT AUGUSTA. 
 
 April 2nd. 1773. William Maclay wrote as follows: 
 •" To J. Tilghman. Sir: I inclose you a letter from three of 
 the Trustees for the publick buildings of this County, respecting 
 some measures which we have lately fallen on to rescue us from 
 the scandal of living intirely without any Place of confinement 
 or punishment for Villains. Captain Hunter had address enough 
 to render abortive every attempt that was made last summer for 
 keeping a regular Jail, even after I had been at considerable ex- 
 pense in fitting up the Magazine, under which there is a small ' 
 but compleat Dungeon. I am sorry to inform you That he has 
 given our present Measures the most Obstinate Resistance in his 
 power and impeded Us with every embarrassment in the Com- 
 pass of his Invention. \Ye know nothing of the Footing on 
 which Captain Hunter has possession of these Buildings, but 
 only beg that the County may be accommodated with this old 
 Magazine, with the addition proposed to be made to it. and with 
 the House in which I now live, to hold our courts in : I have re- 
 paired the House in which I now live. But expect to have an 
 House ready to remove to in Sunbury before our November 
 Court. As the present repairs are done intirely by subscription, 
 you will readily guess that Captain Hunter is not among the 
 number of subscribers. As there are many pieces of old Iron, 
 &c, which formerly belonged to the fort, not of any use at pres- 
 ent, the Trustees propose using any of them which can be con- 
 verted to any advantage for Grates. &c., for our temporary Goal, 
 unless they receive contrary directions from Philadelphia. If 
 Hell is justly considered as the rendivous of rascals, we cannot 
 entertain a doubt of YYioming being the place. Burn'd hands. 
 cut Ears. &c, are considered as the certain certificates of super- 
 ior merit : we have certain Accounts of their having had several 
 meetings lately to chuse a Sovereign and settle the State. &c, 
 for it seems they have not now any Dependence on the Govern- 
 ment of Connecticut. The Time of the Descent on the West 
 Branch. Fort Augusta. &c, is now fixed for May next: I have no 
 Doubt but the Desperate Tempers of these People will hurry them 
 into some tragical affair which will at last rouse our Govern- 
 ment when it may be too late to repair the mischief done by them. 
 At the same time I am told that there are some among them who 
 would willingly become quiet subjects, and are afraid to own 
 their sentiments. Patters. ,n has the other day been offered 
 
FORT AUGUSTA. 243 
 
 1,200.00 for the same number of acres not far from your land. 
 I would not have you sell. Dr. Plunkit goes down in a few 
 days ; 'tis likely I may send another letter by him. 
 
 " And am with the greatest Esteem, Sir. Your most Obedi- 
 ent humble Servant. Wm. Maclay." 
 
 On the 23rd of July. 1774. the Colonial Legislature passed 
 an act for lending the sum of eight hundred pounds to the coun- 
 ty of Northumberland for building a Court House and Prison. 
 It was finished in 1776. It was a stone and brick structure, one 
 part being used for a court house and the other for a prison. It 
 cost $4,000. On the green in front of it the whipping post was 
 set up. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 FROM IXX-IIOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 
 
 THE roads leading from the country settlements into Philadel- 
 phia were oftentimes so miry that the method of travel was 
 to leave the wagons at some hostelry at Chestnut Hill or 
 Frankford, and proceed to the city on horseback, with panniers at 
 the sides, laden with the goods for sale or exchange. This was be- 
 fore the day of turnpikes, and the condition of the roads affected 
 the methods of trading to a great extent. At Chestnut Hill, Abra- 
 ham Rex was one of a number who established stores, or ware- 
 houses, from which the country people could get the supplies 
 the}- needed, and not wait until the condition of the roads made 
 it possible for them to go into Philadelphia. There was a large 
 profit at this time to Rex and men of his trade, which quickly dis- 
 appeared when the day of turnpikes came. But by that time they 
 were rich in this world's goods. Next to these stores the ones 
 that profitted were the inn-keepers, who furnished entertain- 
 ment for the farmers, and stabling for their wagons. At Chest- 
 nut Hill particularly, and along the Germantown Road, these 
 inns were supplied with immense yards, into which the farmers 
 drove their wagons, and kept them until they were ready to re- 
 turn to their homes. The worse the weather the more the profit 
 ti i the inn-keeper. It was this kind of a place that attracted the 
 attention of Henry Antes, and as he had no difficulty in borrow- 
 ing the necessary money from Abraham Rex, he was soon es- 
 tablished in the business of attending to the needs of the travel- 
 ling public. 
 
 The inn was on the thoroughfare along which all the travel 
 from Bethlehem to Philadelphia passed, and also the main line 
 to the northern part of New York State. The public post with 
 the regular stage relays, the Indian embassies and the officials 
 of the frontier, the Germans from the Tolpehocking country, and 
 the Sc<>tch-Trish from the Minisink valleys all came to the city 
 by this road. The inn was on one of the main arteries of the 
 
FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 245 
 
 Province and second to none in the variety and quantity of its 
 travel. The German people were clannish and fond of their own 
 race. To them there was a desire to rest where their mother 
 tongue was spoken. They realized the charm of consanguin- 
 ity. Antes was the son of one of their great leaders. No Ger- 
 man in the province had a better name than he. The associa- 
 tions with the Bethlehem school and the Moravian community 
 won that class to his support. The wife of Antes was the daugh- 
 ter of an honored German, whose inn at Hanover had won a repu- 
 tation and where she had cultivated acquaintances that were now 
 renewed with pleasure under these new circumstances. For 
 many reasons, we may suppose, a large and profitable patronage 
 would be given to the daughter of the well-known inn-holder. 
 Moreover, Antes was connected with one of the most prominent 
 and wealthy of the Germantown families. Justice Dewees was 
 his uncle. The Crefield Paper and Flour Mills had at one time 
 belonged to the father and grandfather of Antes. Thirty years 
 before there was no name higher in the religious circles of Ger- 
 mantown than that of Antes. His brother Frederick was at this 
 time one of the Justices of the county, and there was everything 
 to assure him prosperity in the establishment he had opened. 
 Daily his large yard was filled with the wagons of former neigh- 
 bors and friends, and news from Bethlehem and Tulpehocking 
 and Hanover was gladly given and received. In this employment 
 there was abundant opportunity for the manifestation of that 
 cordiality and generous hospitality so natural to the German 
 heart. Thus Mine Host was able to keep a place in the hearts 
 of his people that made it a pleasure to them to stop at his inn and 
 rest before they finished the journey to the city, where the lan- 
 guage and the customs of the people were so strange to them. 
 These Germans felt safer in the city because Antes directed them 
 to the hostelries where Germans were not imposed upon and they 
 could get the entertainment needed in the true country German ' 
 fashion. 
 
 Watson says : " The late Indian King Tavern, in High 
 street near Third street, was the oldest inn in the city. When 
 kept by Mr. Biddle it was a famous house. There the Junto 
 held their club and assembled such men as Doctor Franklin, Hugh 
 Roberts. Charles Thomson, &c. The Crooked Billet Inn was 
 the first house entered by Benjamin Franklin when he came to 
 
246 FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 
 
 Philadelphia in [723. The Pewter Platter Inn was at the cor- 
 ner of Front and Jones alley. The inn called the Three Crowns 
 was where Richard Penn and other governors, generals and 
 gentry feasted. Pegg -Mullen's Beef Steak House, on the east 
 side of Water street, was the usual stopping place of persons 
 from Boston to Georgia. Mrs. Graydon's Boarding House, on 
 Front street, was where the officers of the English army and 
 such members of noble families as came to the city boarded. The 
 Conestoga Inn. on Market street near Fourth, was the resort of 
 military and western men. The Black Bear, an old two-story 
 frame building on High street near Fifth, was a great resort of 
 the western people who came with their wagons. There was a 
 large wagon yard attached to it. Other taverns were named 
 Admiral Warren, The Turk's Head. The Rattlesnake, The Queen 
 of Hungary, The Queen's Head, The Blue Lion, and the Alan 
 Loaded With Mischief — the sign being a man carrying his wife 
 on his hack. Far out of town, on the north side of Vine street, 
 between Seventh and Eighth, was a tavern built of wood and 
 painted red. It was for years the great rendezvous for the en- 
 listments for the army in the Revolution, and for the Indian wars 
 afterward. Then it became the resort of the drovers. Between 
 it and the city were extensive green commons and fields for sheep 
 grazing. At the corner of Front and High streets was the Lon- 
 don Coffee House, where the Governor and other distinguished 
 persons were accustomed to meet and sip coffee. It was here 
 that slaves were sold. In 1 780 Gifford Daly leased it from the 
 owner and in the lease stipulated that he ' covenants and agrees 
 and promises that he will exert his endeavor as a Christian to pre- 
 serve decency and order in said house, and to discourage the 
 profanation r^\ the sacred name of God Almighty by cursing, 
 swearing, &c, and that the house on the First day of the week 
 shall always be kept closed from public use. that so regard and 
 reverence may be manifested for retirement and worship of God; 
 he further covenants that under a penalty (^i one hundred pounds 
 he will not allow or suffer any person to use. play at, or divert 
 themselves with cards, dice, back-gammon, or any other un- 
 lawful game.' 
 
 Clarke's Inn was where the voters cast their ballots. 
 After the Revolution it was called the Half Moon. Watson 
 -ays of it : " In the colonial days it was long known as Clarke's 
 
FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. J47 
 
 Inn, at which he had the sign of the coach and horses. All that 
 we can say of mine host is that he prepared dogs — real dogs — 
 for cooking the meat of the epicures and gentry. In 1745 he 
 advertises in the public prints that he has for sale several dogs 
 and wheels much preferable to any jacks for roasting any joint 
 of meat. He trained little dogs, bow-legged dogs, called spit 
 dogs, to run in a hollow cylinder like a squirrel, by which im- 
 pulse was given to a turn-jack which kept the meat in motion 
 suspended before the kitchen fire." 
 
 Previously to the Revolution the city of Philadelphia was 
 within the limit bounded by Catherine street on the south. 
 Seventh street on the west and Race street on the north. Out- 
 side of these limits there were occasional houses and clusters of 
 houses, but the general expanse was in woods, fields, orchards and 
 gardens. Germantown was one street, lined on both sides with 
 peach trees, and the main travel through it had all the incon- 
 veniences of mud and mire except in dry seasons. The road 
 was up and down hill, and hard to travel, thus either going or 
 coming the farmers were glad to rest their horses and refresh 
 themselves at the inn kept by the genial and progressive Henry 
 Antes. 
 
 At this time every traveler that returned from the frontier 
 had tales to tell of the marvellous opportunities afforded settlers 
 there. In the tap room of the inn these tales were listened to 
 with avidity, and the accounts lost nothing in interest in the tell- 
 ing. To a man of means and prosperous like Antes these presented 
 an opening which prudence dictated he should follow. When 
 he took a trip through the described lands his mind was con- 
 vinced, and he made preparations to leave the settled lands and 
 become one of the advance guard on the frontier. At that time 
 everything had a roseate hue. The Indians were peaceable ; mul- 
 titudes were going, and the emigrating fever was well nigh uni- 
 versal. 
 
 It may also have been that by this time he was heartily tired 
 of the business into which he had entered. His training and nat- 
 ural tastes did not lie in this direction. However good an inn- 
 keeper might be, in those clays, when drinking was universal, there 
 was a great deal of drunkenness. To see such depravity about 
 his place was contrary to all his antecedents and training. For 
 awhile the strangeness of it could be tolerated because it was a 
 
248 FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 
 
 branch of legitimate business. The inn-holders were prominent 
 in the community and they had influence in all public affairs. 
 There was a charm in being looked up to by the men of the 
 community as well as the traveling public. There was also a 
 delight in being saluted as a friend by all the great men and 
 prominent men that passed over the leading highways of the 
 province. 
 
 To minister to their wants, and be called "Mine Host." was 
 flattering to say the least. To break away from this was a severe 
 trial of strength of character. The more so, as it led to the op- 
 posite experience, setting up a home in a log cabin, where neigh- 
 bors were few and solitude was almost supreme. Yet this was 
 what Henry Antes did. In this he was encouraged by his 
 brothers, lor we find that his brother William joined with him to 
 purchase a place on the West Branch of the Susquehanna. There 
 was a tract of land opposite the Great Island which had on it 
 two springs that lay close to the mountain. There was also on 
 it a cabin and a blacksmith shop. There were also eight acres of 
 it cleared and fenced. It was the home of Nicholas Bonner, a 
 blacksmith, who had settled there on the first opening of the Xew 
 Purchase, as an advance servant of the public, with a courage 
 that deserved the greatest praise. He had not obtained his deed 
 from the Proprietaries, but trusting in the right being done, as 
 so many of the settlers were compelled to do. went forward with 
 his improvements. When Antes, in his journeying, saw this 
 place and learned that Bonner was tired of his work and wished 
 to sell, he bought from him. with the understanding that he was 
 to pay thirty-five pounds currency, and if a deed cpuld be ob- 
 tained from the Proprietaries the payment should be sixty-live 
 pounds. The article of agreement was signed September 29th, 
 
 1773- 
 
 Henry Antes also united with William and John Dunn, who 
 had settled on Bigg Island, and purchased land lying on the west 
 side of the river near the Bigg Island. They retained this land 
 until November, 1776, when they sold it to John Read, of Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 The place chosen by Henry Antes for his home was one of 
 the most favored locations along the Susquehanna river. The 
 greal mountain range rose steep and high along the south bank of 
 the river, with here and there a break in the mountain, through 
 
FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 249 
 
 which a stream, gathering the waters of the springs and rivulets, 
 flowed to the river. The strongest of these streams from Muncy 
 to Great Island was that which flowed from the valley, named 
 after an old Indian, Nippenucy, Nippenose. 
 
 The valley is oval in shape, about ten miles long and from 
 two to three miles wide. It is surrounded by a series of moun- 
 tain peaks, each about four hundred feet high, and outside of these 
 the chains of unbroken mountains appear. There is but one outlet 
 for this valley and that is through the gap forming the bed of the 
 creek which Henry Antes named after himself, Antes Creek. The 
 Indians had three paths by which they entered or departed from 
 the valley, one being over the mountain from White Deer Valley, 
 another by Love's Gap toward the Great Island, and the other 
 by the gap along Antes Creek. The valley was evidently at one 
 time an inland lake, which finally burst through the mountain 
 and swept by the force of the waters the soil from its place down 
 upon the bank of the river. The soil thus swept away now forms the 
 great headland that compelled the river to bend in its course, and 
 furnished a hill from which the valley of the West Branch, from 
 Loyalsock creek to Bald Eagle creek, could be kept in view. 
 The sides of the gap through which this mighty rush of waters 
 passed is an expanse of bare stones, broken and steep, but now 
 tree covered, yet a perpetual reminder of the manner in which 
 the inland lake lost its existence. When the earliest settlers came 
 they found this valley free from great trees and covered only 
 with brush and bushes, and they hastened to settle in a spot from 
 which the forest was already removed. The valley is a great 
 bed of limestone, forming a rich and fertile soil. All the waters 
 that flow into it from the girdle of the hills are lost in the bed 
 of the valley and reappear in a great spring at the head of the 
 gap, and flow through the gap in a broad stream. The entire 
 length of this stream became the property of the Antes family, 
 and at the mouth of it Henry Antes determined to build his 
 home. From the hill above his cabin there was an extensive view 
 of the beautiful valley on the other side of the river, on which 
 were a number of squatters who framed a code of laws for their 
 own government, called the Fair Play Code. 
 
 When the treaty was made with the Indians concerning 
 the New Purchase, there was a misunderstanding concerning one 
 of the boundary lines, which affected the ownership of a remark- 
 
_ : : IXX-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 
 
 the boundary line was 
 
 her it was 
 • . 
 
 - that by it the Indians 
 saw the ui 
 
 - bargain, and with - : cunning that 
 
 - that 
 geography of the coun- 
 - 
 
 been able to have t 
 
 - there 
 - true that the 
 ell favored spots 
 ad, but there was still enough 
 ::ade a claim a g 
 
 ted there were - _ral claim- 
 
 ssible > of the 
 
 land had the prior right. In this case they 
 
 decide the favored claimant. 
 
 ims and then sold thei -. thus 
 
 advantage to themse 
 
 ke up more than a 
 
 g I ther men to take up 
 
 teir names, and thus 
 
 ;h actuated 
 
 th the people. But there were 
 
 : a home, and when they 
 
 had chosen 
 
 ■ 
 
 the river and saw the valley in 
 lure, they could not be other- 
 ng the river a) 
 
 - y a steep and high mountain. 
 
 ed with a 
 -. While - r side lisputed 
 
 el plains a: I hills, and every ap- 
 
 pear- In fact the Indians still claimed 
 
 ranch. The Indians called it 
 1. and n< 1 dispute but that it was 
 
FROM IXX-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 2$I 
 
 a choice place for hunting, but the white man had come to build 
 a more lasting structure than a hunter's lodge: he had come to 
 build a home. It was c nature for the white man to 
 
 take to the rocky mountain side with such a plain before him un- 
 occupied, particularly when the special presentation of that human 
 nature was enclosed within a Celtic skin. The consequence was 
 that the settlers bade defiance to the treaty and the pr tests : 
 the Indians and the frowns of the people who were law-abiding. 
 and struck their axes into the walnut and oak trees on the plain, 
 and built themselves cabins or dug themselves caves, where they 
 might lay their hearth-stones, and say to their wives and little 
 ones. "This is our home!" 
 
 In the meantime the Indians did not behold this with com- 
 placency. When they found that the settlers were determined 
 to continue their aggressions, they made their complaints to the 
 provincial government so sharply that the Penns were alarmed, 
 and the Council of State was called together to consider the 
 best means of averting evil consequences, such as the previous 
 wars with the Indians gave them to understand might be opened 
 again. They remembered the advice of the Indians at the 
 Easton conference in 1758. in regard to honest dealing in their 
 treaty obligations. It was not enough for them to say that these 
 white men had no rights there, and that their lands would not be 
 surveyed, and thus they could have no deeds or lawful ownership. 
 They were there, and the Indians demanded that they should 
 remove from thence. Their presence ruined the good hunting. 
 
 On September iSth. 1773. the Governor informed the 
 of Council that he had received information that several fami 
 had lately squatted themselves on lands on the north side of the 
 West Branch of the Susquehanna, beyond the boundaries of the 
 late purchase made of the Indians at the treat; - 
 and it being considered that the ma'/. . - :'.ie Indian- 
 
 lands would create great uneasiness among them, and if not im- 
 mediately removed, and prevented for the future, might be 
 tended with fatal consequences, it was the opinion of the Board 
 that a proclamation commanding the magistrates and other 
 peace officers to enforce and carry the laws for preventing per- 
 sons settling on any of the unpurchased lands in this pro 
 into execution against all persons who had already made - 
 settlements, or should hereafter transs • e same law: the sec- 
 
252 PROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 
 
 retary was accordingly directed to prepare a draft of a procla- 
 mation for that purpose. In accordance with this decision the 
 proclamation was immediately drawn by the secretary and ap- 
 proved by John Penn September 20th, 1773. Then it was pro- 
 claimed throughout the entire province. The proclamation must 
 have been as oil to the wounded feelings of the Indians, for it 
 recited that any person settling on these lands, making surveys, 
 cutting or marking trees, with the intention of appropriating the 
 land, should be apprehended and tried in the Court of Quarter 
 Sessions, and if convicted should pay a fine of five hundred 
 pounds, and suffer imprisonment for twelve months, without 
 bail or mainprize, and give surety for good behaviour during the 
 space of twelve months from and after the expiration of the term 
 of such imprisonment. 
 
 These squatters, however, held the rights of the Indians in 
 supreme contempt, and paid no heed to the mandates of the law. 
 With rifles and axes in hand they feared neither a civilized nor 
 an uncivilized foe, and they boldly stuck to the land they had 
 appropriated as their own. 
 
 But there was more of a law-abiding spirit among them than 
 such conduct would indicate, for they recognized the need and the 
 benefit of an organized community, and in their own way pro- 
 ceeded to put it into effect. They annually elected a tribunal 
 in rotation of three of their number, whom they called Fair Play 
 men. These men were to decide all controversies and settle dis- 
 puted boundaries. From their decisions there was no appeal. 
 There could be no resistance. The decree was enforced by the 
 whole body, who started up in mass at the mandate of the court. 
 and execution and eviction were as sudden and as irresistible as 
 the judgment. Every new comer was obliged to apply to this 
 powerful tribunal, and upon his solemn engagement to submit 
 in all respects to the law of the land he was permitted to take pos- 
 session of some vacant spot. When any person refused to com- 
 ply with the decree, under the code of fair play, he was placed in a 
 canoe, rowed down to the month of Lycoming creek, the boun- 
 dary of civilization, and there set adrift. 
 
 The seat of justice of the Fair Play men was at Chatham's 
 Mill, near the mouth of Chatham's run. 
 
 The following story was related by Joseph Antes, the son 
 of Henry Antes: "A squatter named Andrew Clark, who set- 
 
FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 253 
 
 tied a short distance above the present location of Jersey Shore, 
 got possession of a dog that belonged to an Indian. On learn- 
 ing who had his dog, the Indian complained to the Fair Play 
 men that Clark had stolen his dog. They forthwith ordered 
 his arrest and trial for the theft. He was convicted and sen- 
 tenced to receive a certain number of lashes, and it was decided 
 by lot who should flog him. As many grains' of corn as there 
 were men were placed in a bag, one of the grains being red, and 
 the men drew therefrom. The man who drew the red grain 
 should do the flogging. Joseph Antes drew the red grain. 
 When the punishment was about to be administered, the Indian, 
 who was magnanimous and sympathetic, made the proposition 
 that if Clark would abandon the land where he had settled the 
 punishment should be remitted. Clark accepted the conditions 
 and left the community." 
 
 One of the leading Fair Play men of that time was Bratton 
 Caldwell. On the breaking out of Indian hostilities he fled with 
 his wife to Lancaster county. When peace was restored they 
 returned. On May 2nd, 1785, he took out a pre-emption warrant 
 and had three hundred and fifteen acres of land surveyed on the 
 tract where he first settled. 
 
 The Fair Play courts were composed of three commis- 
 sioners, as they were termed, and after hearing a case and making 
 a decision there was no appeal. Bratton Caldwell was one of 
 the commissioners, and according to tradition rendered good 
 service. There was a law among the Fair Play men by which 
 any man who absented himself for the space of six weeks lost 
 his right to his improvement. In a case in court Caldwell testi- 
 fied : "In May, 1774, I was in company with William Greer 
 and James Greer and helped to build a cabin on William Greer's 
 place. (That was a mile north of the river and a half mile west 
 of Lycoming creek.) Greer went into the army in 1776, and 
 was a wagon master till the fall of 1778. He wrote to me to 
 sell his cattle. In July, 1778, the runaway, John Martin, had 
 came on the land in his absence. The Fair Play men put Greer 
 in possession. If a man went into the army the Fair Play men 
 protected his property. Greer came back in 1784." 
 
 William King testified as follows: " In 1775 I came on the 
 land in question. I was informed that Joseph Haines claimed 
 the land. He asked thirty pounds for it, which I would not give. 
 
254 FROM INN-HOEDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 
 
 He said he was going to New Jersey and would leave it in the 
 care of his nephew, Isaiah Sutton. Some time after I heard 
 that Sutton was offering it for sale. I had heard much dis- 
 puting about the Indian land and thought I would go up to Sut- 
 ton's neighbors and inquire if he had any right. They told me 
 Joseph Haines had once a right to it but had forfeited his right 
 by the Fair Play law. and advised me to purchase. Huff showed 
 me the consentable line between Haines and him. Huff's land 
 lay above Haines' on the river. I purchased of Sutton and was 
 to give him nine pounds for the land. I did not come to live 
 on the land for some weeks. One night at a husking of corn, 
 one Thomas Bond told me I was a fine fellow to be at a husking 
 while a man was taking possession of my plantation. I quit the 
 husking, and Bond and I came over to the place and went into 
 a cave, the only tenement then on the land, except where Sut- 
 ton lived, and found some trifling articles in the cave which I 
 threw out. I went to the men who advised me to go on the 
 land, all except Huff and Kemplen ; they advised me to go on, 
 turn him off and beat him if I was able. The next morning I 
 got some of my friends and raised a cabin of some logs which I 
 understood Haines had hauled. When we got it up to the square 
 we heard a noise of people coming. The first person I saw was 
 Edmund Huff foremost with a keg of whiskey, William Paul 
 was next with an axe, and many more. They got on the cabin, 
 raised the Indian yell, and dispossessed me and put William Paul 
 in possession. I and my party went off. Samuel Dougherty 
 followed me and told me to come back and come on terms with 
 Paul, who had money and would not take it from me for noth- 
 ing. I w( >uld not go back but waited for Dougherty, who went for 
 Paul. The whole party came and brought the keg along. After 
 some conversation William Paul agreed to give me thirteen 
 pounds for my right. He pulled out the money, gave it to Huff 
 to keep until I would assign my right. I afterwards signed the 
 conveyance and got the money. William Paul went on the land 
 and finished his cabin. Soon after a party brought Robert 
 Arthur and built a cabin near Paul's in which Arthur lived. 
 Paul applied to the Fair Play men who decided in favor of Paul. 
 Arthur would not go off. Paul made a complaint to the com- 
 pany at a muster at (now Linden) that Arthur still lived on the 
 land and would not go off, although the Fair Play men had de- 
 
FROM INN-HOLDER TO FRONTIERSMAN. 255 
 
 cided against him. I was one of the officers at that time and 
 we agreed to come and run him off. The most of the company 
 went down as far as Edmund Huff's, who kept stills. We got 
 a keg of whiskey and proceeded to Arthur's cabin. He was at 
 home with his rifle in his hand, and his wife had a bayonet 
 on a stick, and they treatened death to the first person who should 
 enter the house. The door was shut, and Thomas Kemplin, our 
 captain, made a run at the door, burst it open, and instantly 
 seized Arthur by the neck. We pulled down the cabin, threw 
 it into the river, lashed two canoes together and put Arthur and 
 his family and his goods into them and sent them down the river. 
 William Paul then lived undisturbed on the land until the In- 
 dians drove us all awav." 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 PIOXEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 WHEX T Henry Antes returned to his home in Germantown, 
 he related his experiences in the most enthusiastic man- 
 ner, and awakened such an echo in the minds of his 
 sons, that they were ready to brave all the dangers and discom- 
 forts of the journey in order to be in the midst of such surround- 
 ings. They began at once to make traps for catching wild ani- 
 mals, and braiding horse hairs for fishing lines, and sharpened 
 their axes for cutting down trees. 
 
 Henry, the eldest, was fifteen years of age, and was thought- 
 ful, like his father. He was of a proud nature, and felt the dig- 
 nity that belonged to a family holding the prominence accorded 
 to the Antes family by the people of the community. Philip, his 
 .brother, was thirteen, and already gave evidence of that deeply 
 religious tendency that afterward made him the standard bearer 
 of Methodism in the forests of Center county. These were 
 the only living children, but there were four little graves in the 
 old family graveyard which were hard to leave, as also the grave 
 of the mother of these boys, and the grave of the sainted grand- 
 father. But when the fever of emigration seized upon the peo- 
 ple of that day all other considerations were put aside, and hope 
 lent strength to their every desire. 
 
 The summer days were rapidly passing when the prepara- 
 tions were completed and the adventurous family were on their 
 way. The two horses were laden with what they could bear, 
 comprising only the most necessary things, while the older 
 brother stored in the huge market wagons the balance of their 
 goods. Thus they started, and traveled over the well w< »rn 
 public highway to the landing place at the mouth of the Swatara, 
 on the bank of the Susquehanna. From this point the horses 
 were sent on overland, while the family with the goods entered 
 into boats and were slowly propelled Up the river. At this 
 early day the roads through the forests were almost impassable 
 

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 JZVSQUEHANNA RIVER 
 
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PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 257 
 
 for wagons, and the usual mode of transportation was by horse- 
 back or by boats. 
 
 The journey seemed long, but the constant novelties of the 
 scenery and the changes in vegetation and in animal life kept 
 them from weariness. Nor were they alone, for there were 
 others travelling to the New Purchase to found homes and try 
 the perils of the frontier. The weather was warm and the nights 
 cool, so the sleeping in the open air was pleasant, and the days 
 passed without their experiencing any of the accidents so com- 
 mon to those traveling in a strange country. They had no 
 trouble as to food, for the boys fished every day as they passed 
 along, sometimes meeting shoals of fish so thickly crowded that 
 they could dip them into the boat by a bucket. They had brought 
 corn with them, and when the boat stopped for the night they 
 made a fire and cooked their food and baked their fish, or roasted 
 them on an improvised skewer, until their appetites could crave 
 no more. 
 
 At length they reached the spot chosen for a landing, and 
 there found a party of neighbors who had come from their set- 
 tlements to welcome them and extend whatever assistance might 
 be necessary to fix them in their new home. 
 
 The introduction to these neighbors was in the way of help- 
 fulness, for a house was to be built and a start to be made. The 
 neighbors all lived in front of the place selected by Antes for 
 his cabin. Back of it was the stern and steep mountain, thickly 
 covered with virgin forests. Early in the morning he could 
 look over the valley and see the smoke arising from the homes 
 of all who had been brave enough to come into this wilderness. 
 There was a little curiosity as to the friendliness of the neigh- 
 bors, because all whose cabins were within sight were ostensibly 
 settlers in violation of law. The ground on the south side of the 
 river was not in dispute, but the mountain came so closely to the 
 river that there was little attractiveness to the settler except on 
 such a point as that secured by Antes. 
 
 There were not many within immediate reach of the stranger 
 to welcome him, but among these were Samuel Long, the recently 
 appointed constable of the new county, and William McElhattan, 
 who was settled about three miles up the river, and Geary Camp- 
 bell, the notoriously lazy man. who was located on the hill above 
 the Great Island, and John Harris, the son of Samuel Harris, 
 
 17 
 
258 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 the founder of Harrisburg, who lived across the river from 
 Great Island. There were also James Armstrong, who lived just 
 across from Long Island on the flats, and James Alexander, who 
 had settled on Pine creek, and Alexander Hamilton, who was 
 also on Pine creek, and Simon Cool, who occupied the place once 
 held by Larry Burt, the Indian trader, at the mouth of Larry's 
 creek. Besides these there was Campbell, from Bald Eagle 
 creek, and Tourney, the Frenchman, and Antoine White, the 
 Catholic, and Nathaniel Davis, the Moravian from Quenischas- 
 chachki. These men were the outlying guards of civilization. 
 They welcomed the coming strangers and helped them put up 
 their cabins, and formed the backwoods communities. Alex- 
 ander Hamilton was not only one of the nearest of the neigh- 
 bors, but one of the most useful. He had within the shelter of 
 his own cabin eight sons and one daughter. The coming of 
 other children to the community would afford them the society 
 which they naturally craved. Tourney, the Frenchman, and 
 White, the Catholic, had little children, which kept the mothers 
 at home, but they could sympathize with the strangers, for before 
 the leaves of the trees were colored by the October frosts, there 
 came a little daughter into the Antes fold. 
 
 The Antes homestead, at Falckner Swamp, was built in the 
 old Dutch style of architecture. The lower part was of stone 
 and the upper part of wood, with the sides projecting. There 
 were large gables to the house, and plenty of room and comfort. 
 But in the wilderness the most ordinary shelter of logs, with one 
 st> iry and a loft, had to do for a home, the one story being divided 
 into two rooms, and serving all the purposes of the most exten- 
 sive mansion. The furniture was all hand made, and very little 
 at that. There were no stoves and no window glass ; by a steep 
 ladder the boys found access to the loft. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton was the genius of the neighborhood, 
 and was equally familiar with all the tools required for the work 
 of putting up a house, a piece of furniture or an implement to 
 cultivate the soil. When he was at a building, the women knew 
 that the household requirements would be started right. But in 
 this case he had to do for one who was as great a genius as him- 
 self. The Antes family were by nature mechanics, and Antes 
 was by trade a wheelwright, which included evervthinsr. from 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 259 
 
 making spinning wheels for the cabin housewife to the building 
 of mills for grinding grain or cutting timber. 
 
 There were three stages in the work of putting up a cabin. 
 The first day the architect selected the timber in the woods suit- 
 able for the dwelling, and it was cut down and drawn to the 
 place intended for the cabin. The second day the house was 
 put together and covered with the roof. The third day the win- 
 dow frames and doors were put in, and the table and chairs, or 
 stools, made. Then the neighbors had a festive jollification and 
 feast, in which they showed their love of pleasure and gave the 
 opportunity to the young people to show their rivalry in con- 
 tests of strength and skill. Then began in earnest the every day 
 work of making the home. 
 
 Some two miles away, on the banks of Pine creek, was a 
 long, level spot, from which all traces of trees had long ago dis- 
 appeared, and which was now covered with high grass. It was 
 where the Indians had built their town before the advent of the 
 white man, or the repeated early frosts had destroyed their crops 
 and compelled them to leave the valley for a more favorable 
 location. With this exception, and the few places where settlers 
 had broken the face of the forest, there were woods everywhere. 
 The uniformity was interrupted only by the curling smoke of the 
 cabin fire, and the steady ringing sound of the axe as the settlers 
 encroached more and more upon the wealth of woods. Thus 
 Antes and his boys began their work, for the time was at hand 
 to plant the wheat for the next year's gathering, and in the 
 midst of stumps, where the grain could only be gathered by the 
 knife or the sickle, the first test of their faith was made. When 
 this was done the work of cutting down the trees and making 
 the fields, of building shelter for the horses and the cattle claimed 
 their attention. 
 
 The year 1772 was full of events of importance to the peo- 
 ple of the frontier. Antes had no sooner put up the buildings 
 to shelter his family than he found it necessary to go down the 
 river to Sunbury, and put himself in proper civil relations with the 
 authorities of the county. 
 
 Northumberland county was erected on March 27th. 1772. 
 from parts of Lancaster. Cumberland, Berks, Northampton and 
 Bedford. The first court of the county was held in a small log 
 building near Fort Augusta, and was presided over by Dr. \Yil- 
 
260 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 Ham Plunket. The associate justices were Turbutt Francis, 
 Samuel Hunter. James Potter. William Maclay, John Low-don, 
 Thomas Lemmon. Ellis Hughes and Benjamin Weiser. Wil- 
 liam Maclay was the prothonotary and clerk of the several courts. 
 Alexander Hunter was county treasurer, and Walter Clarke, 
 Jonathan Lodge, Peter Hosterman, James Harrison, Nicholas 
 Miller, Jacob Heverling and Samuel Weimer the assessors. 
 Joshua Elder, James Potter. Jesse Lukens and William Schull 
 were appointed to run the boundary line of the county. These 
 were the men who had the making of the county in their hands. 
 and their acquaintance was a desirable matter for the new settler. 
 Besides these, there were the officers of the First and Second Bat- 
 talions of Pennsylvania Regulars, who, because of services ren- 
 dered in the previous Indian war, were allowed twenty-four thou- 
 sand acres of land to be taken up in three tracts on the waters 
 of the Susquehanna and to be divided amongst themselves. This 
 gave them the choice of all the country. One of these tracts was 
 surveyed near Chillisquaque creek, another in Buffalo Valley, 
 and the third on Bald Eagle creek. 
 
 On the 16th of June, 1772, the Governor and Council or- 
 dered Surveyor General Lukens, assisted by William Maclay, to 
 lay out the town of Sunbury, which was immediately done. Thus 
 when Antes entered Sunbury it was a regularly laid out town, 
 with proper officers of the county, and a number of prominent 
 men who had cast their fortunes in the midst of these almost 
 unbroken wilds. The newcomer was received with cordial wel- 
 come, for his name and the prominence of his father and brothers 
 were well known to all those who had to do with the government 
 at Philadelphia. 
 
 \\ hatever may have been the experience of the Antes boys 
 in Frederick-town, or in Germantown, there was much to learn 
 on every hand in this new country. Sometimes neighboring set- 
 tlers would call at their cabin and the conversation would be 
 on the varied incidents meeting them daily. There would be 
 stories of battles with wild animals, wonderful shots, perils in 
 the flood, size of trees, plans for the next year, and the latest 
 arrivals as settlers. Then the boys would return these visits, 
 and into the attentive ears of their neighbors tell of Philadelphia. 
 Germantown. and the stages that stopped at their inn while on 
 the way to Bethlehem or Xew York City. Thev would also 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 261 
 
 describe their visits to the paper mill that was the property at 
 one time of their grandfather, and the flour mills along- Creasam 
 creek, and awaken the astonishment of the neighbor's children. 
 who had never seen anything better than the primitive wilder- 
 ness methods of turning the grain into flour. But the days were 
 passed quickly when they went out into the forest to select trees 
 to cut down and transport to the side of their cabin and turn into 
 the various uses for which they were adapted. The forest was 
 richly burdened with useful trees, and the boys soon learned how 
 to use them. 
 
 There is an old book in three volumes, published in 1795, 
 that gives a description of the trees found in this section of the 
 country and the uses to which they were put. It is quite likely 
 that Henry Antes taught his boys the very facts recorded in 
 this book. We will imagine ourselves in the forest with the 
 father and his two sons, as he points out the different trees and 
 defines their qualities. But we will let the language be Winter- 
 botham's. He first tells us of the beginning of the homestead, 
 clearing the land, then of work and wages, then the trees. 
 
 "When a settler fixes on a spot of land which he usually 
 buys, paying for it in gales, his first care is to cut down a few 
 trees to build his log house. A man can cut down and lop from 
 twenty to thirty in a day of the size proper for the purpose. 
 These form the walls of the building. In general the log cabins 
 of this kind are such as half a dozen men will easily finish in three 
 or four days. Ten guineas worth of labor thus employed will 
 lodge a family quite as comfortably as in the better kind of cot- 
 tages in England. He then proceeds to grub the land, that is, 
 to take up the small trees, shoots and underwood by the roots; 
 these are burnt upon the ground. In a general way this may 
 be contracted for at about twenty shillings an acre. It is gener- 
 ally reckoned to cost usually five days work of a man. to whom, 
 as it is very hard work, the pay is three shillings a day, finding 
 him in victuals and allowing him a dram of whiskey morning 
 and evening. The price of this kind of work varies according 
 to circumstances. Where land is heavily timbered with trees 
 of two or three feet diameter, as it is about the heads of the 
 creeks and on the islands of the Susquehanna, the underwood 
 is in small proportion, but the expense of clearing much greater. 
 The land being grubbed, the trees immediately about the house 
 
_ _ PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 are cut down, and for the present another portion is girdled only. 
 This proa ying the vegetation of the branches, lets in 
 
 the light and air sufficiently to ensure a crop the next season. 
 The trees cut down are cut into a kind of rail for fences, which 
 are made by laying these pieces angular-wise, one on the top of 
 another, to the height of six or seven in number, much in the 
 same way the logs of a house are laid on each other, but slanting 
 in alternate directions. In new land, after grubbing and gird- 
 ling, he plows about two inches and a half deep, then across; 
 then sows the seed and harrows it. Upon the average of his 
 land his crop of wheat is not above twelve bushels per acre, of 
 oats from fifteen to thirty. The trees cut down are never rooted 
 up. The value of the land gained will not pay the expense of 
 doing this. They are cut oft" about eighteen inches to two feet 
 from the ground. The side roots are obstructions to the plow 
 for about two years when they are completely rotted. The ex- 
 pense of clearing heavily timbered land is considerable, some- 
 times to the amount of five or six pounds to the acre, but the 
 great fertility of this kind of land affords ample recompense. 
 In general, the whole expense is not forty shillings per acre. 
 Part of the expense is met by the sale of the potash obtained 
 in burning the wood. The land surveyors have four pounds per 
 thousand acres for surveying a tract of land and making return 
 of it. but as the owner finds laborers and provisions, these, with 
 other incidental expenses, will make the cost of surveying alto- 
 gether about twenty shillings per one hundred acres. Planters 
 of any consequence frequently have a small distillery as a part 
 of their establishment. A Mr. White, on the banks of the Sus- 
 quehanna, near Sunbury. has one which may serve as a speci- 
 men of this kind. lie has two stills, the one holding sixty and 
 the other one hundred and fifteen gallons. To a bushel and a 
 half of rye. coarsely ground, he adds a gallon of malt and a hand- 
 ful of hops : then he pours on fifteen gallons of hot water, and 
 lets it remain four hours, then adds fifteen gallons and a half 
 more of hot water, making together a barrel of thirty-one gallons 
 and a half: this is fermented with about two quarts of yeast. In 
 r-ummer the fermentation lasts four days, in winter six. Of 
 this wash he puts to the amount of a hogshead in the larger still 
 and draws off about fifteen gallons of weak spirit, which is after- 
 ward rectified in the smaller still seldom more than once. One 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 263 
 
 bushel of rye will produce about eleven quarts of saleable whiskey, 
 which fetches per gallon four shillings and sixpence by the 
 barrel. The prices of produce and labor are, to husbandmen, 
 twenty-five pounds a year with board, washing and lodging; 
 or six dollars a month, or two shillings and sixpence a day in 
 common, and three shillings in harvest time. For mowing an 
 acre there is paid three shillings, finding victuals and a pint of 
 whiskey, or four and sixpence without finding anything else. 
 Women in reaping have as much wages as men, but at hay 
 making only fifteen pence a day and their victuals. The price 
 of wheat is six shillings and sixpence a bushel ; maize, three 
 shillings and ninepence; rye, four to five shillings: oats, two to 
 two and sixpence ; buckwheat, two shillings and sixpence : salted 
 pork, thirty-three shillings per cwt." 
 
 When the cabin was put in proper condition for sheltering 
 the household. Antes took his sons out into the woods to select 
 trees for the various purposes required to make their home com- 
 fortable, and to supply the necessities which they had been ac- 
 customed to in the home life near Philadelphia. The training 
 Antes had received from his father in the use of tools, involving 
 the nature of woods, was now of good service. He knew just 
 what was wanted and the uses to which it could be put. and this 
 knowledge he taught to his boys. From the top of the hill above 
 the cabin the view of the forests, river, mountain and valley re- 
 vealed the nature of the soil from the size and quality of the 
 trees. The colors of the leaves and the density of the groves 
 also revealed the presence of streams, or springs, or swamps, 
 or gravelly soil, or rocky bluffs, or dry lands. From this van- 
 tage height they saw the groves of similar trees, and also where 
 a stray tree of one kind had crept into the fold of other kinds. 
 Seeing where these strangers were struggling victoriously for an 
 existence, they marked the locality and determined to visit them 
 and see their value from a mechanical standpoint. The lads were 
 net ignorant of trees, or the uses of woods, but the great richness 
 of the supply here captivated them and they formed great plans 
 as to what they would do. 
 
 Looking below them at the bed of the creek from where it 
 came out of the mountain gap to the border of the cleared land, 
 they saw a swamp filled with birch, and beech, and elms, and 
 groves of sugar maple. Farther in the gap there was an abun- 
 
_>(>4 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 dance of oaks, while all along- the mountain were huge pines. 
 In the level lands across the river were quantities of walnut and 
 butternut trees. Thus there was the prospect of material for 
 every necessity. The first thing to do was to see that their axes 
 were sharp. Then, when they had partaken of a good breakfast 
 of corn bread and bear's meat, they sallied forth. 
 
 The first tree they selected was an elm. the inner rind of 
 which they wanted to make into chair bottoms, because it was 
 stringy and tough, and the}' also wanted some of the wood for 
 cart wheel naves, because it would not easily split. Near the 
 elm was a sassafras tree, which delighted the boys, for the bark 
 of the root made such a delicious beverage. It was a tonic to the 
 blood and pleasant to the taste. The body of the tree was cut 
 into lengths to make bedsteads, for the wood was not only hand- 
 some, but also that bugs had an extreme aversion to the wood 
 and positively declined to harbor about it. Not far from the 
 sassafras was a wild cherry tree, which could not be neglected, 
 for the bark soaked in water furnished a tonic that helped the 
 appetite and restored the declining strength. Moreover, the 
 color, texture and smooth grain of the wood made it possible for 
 its use in cabinet work, such as cupboards and boxes. 
 
 As they passed to a soil that was more of the nature of gravel 
 they came to locust trees. These they wanted for posts to make 
 sheds for the protection of their cattle, for they would resist the 
 influences of the soil better than other woods and were easily 
 split into the size and shape they wanted. As the boys sought 
 a spring to quench their thirst they came to some birch trees. 
 and the quantity and size of them suggested the uses to which 
 the Indians put these trees. These men of the forest made 
 dishes and boxes and canoes of the bark of the birch. The pecu- 
 liarity of this bark was that it would not rot. The wood within 
 it often completely fell away by rotting, but the bark stood en- 
 tire. • The boys remembered that they could split the lamina of 
 the bark and write upon it with the ink they would make from 
 the puff balls found on the scrub oaks. Also the leaves of one 
 variety, and the twigs, tot., made an excellent beverage that was 
 even more pleasant than sassafras. 'When the Indians made 
 canoes of the birch bark they sewed the strips together with the 
 slender tough filaments of spruce and cedar roots and cemented 
 the joints with turpentine from the pine. Soon after they came 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 265 
 
 to a grove of beech trees, of which they got material for withes 
 and switches. These served them in the place of ropes in many 
 uses about their stables and sleds and carts. 
 
 The next time they went tree hunting they looked for the 
 large white pines which so handsomely graced the sides of the 
 mountain. This tree was considered the property of the King., 
 and no one dared cut one down without permission. But that 
 rule was done away with at the beginning of the Revolution. 
 Then the man who owned the ground also owned the trees upon 
 it, and cut down what he pleased. The great pines were the 
 pride of the forests. They rose to a commanding height, and 
 their topmost branches spread out and were visible from a long 
 distance. The wood was soft and spongy and easily worked. 
 It could be made into all kinds of things that any other tree 
 could be used for, and was the favorite tree for boards. The 
 larger trees were cut down and shaped into canoes. Some 
 of them were large enough to hold a score of people. In after 
 years the pines that were in the fields where the grain was sown 
 were cut down and the roots were dug up and placed on edge 
 around the fields, making an impenetrable and durable fence. 
 They were hideous to see, being suggestive of an infinite number 
 of huge serpents in various contortions, their white surface ap- 
 pearing almost ghastly in the bright light of the full moon. Tur- 
 pentine was made from the pitch pine, which was smaller than 
 the white pine, and much harder in texture. The knots of the 
 pitch pine furnished them with the best of fuel. The boys 
 learned where the old trees, having died and fallen, were rotting 
 away, leaving the knots hard and full of pitch. These they car- 
 ried to the cabin, and in the evenings, lighting them, were able 
 to see as well and even better than when candles were used. As 
 a fuel the pine knots lasted much longer and gave more heat than 
 the other woods of the forest. In the making of canoes tur- 
 pentine was essential to calk them and make them water-tight. 
 The boys were soon inducted into the method of making turpen- 
 tine. It was this : They selected a place that was level, about 
 fifteen feet in diameter, which they raised in the middle and made 
 circular in form, and tramped the clay surface until it was 
 smooth and hard. They cut the wood in long thin pieces and 
 stood them upright in a conical pile, and covered it all over with 
 heavy sod, leaving a hole at the top. Then the wood was set on 
 
266 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 fire, and the confined heat melted the resinous juices of the wood, 
 which il( >wed i >nt into the gutter at the bottorrl of the pile. It was 
 then put into barrels and was ready for use. 
 
 The next time the lads were taken into the woods it was 
 to obtain some spruce to add to the birch and still further im- 
 prove the quality of the home-made beverage that was perfectly 
 safe for the women and children to drink. When they had car- 
 ried the branches home, they howled the young twigs until they 
 could easily strip the bark, and this they sweetened with the 
 molasses made from the sugar maple. They found plenty of 
 alder by the side of the creek, which they turned into charcoal 
 and used to produce an intense heat for melting metals in the 
 blacksmith shop. They found excellent oak trees on the hill 
 side above the creek, which they cut into lengths for barrel staves 
 and buckets which were always needed. In low wet places they 
 found the swamp oak, which was more elastic than that found 
 on dry ground. The lads were pleased when they found some 
 tall straight trees of white ash. They had found so many rat- 
 tlesnakes in the course of their travels through the woods that 
 they feared being bitten. They knew if they were that the 
 leaves and bark of the white ash was an excellent antidote. Of 
 the body of the tree they made oars for their boats, and frames 
 for their carts, and beams for their plows, and handspikes by 
 which they rolled the logs they had cut. They took the black 
 ash and pounded it with a maul until it was a mass of splints, and 
 these they tied with withes, and thus had excellent brooms, to the 
 delight of the housewife. The chestnut tree they used for staves 
 and headings for casks, and gathered the nuts for food. But 
 the nut they valued most of all was the walnut, with its rich, oily 
 taste, and with it the butternut, and then the hickory nut. The 
 butternut they gathered for their mother as the family doctor. It 
 was a benefit to them all when sick. Out of the bark of the tree 
 she made a decoction that was mild as a purgative, and did not 
 leave the system in a weakened condition; and no family was 
 equipped for sickness without plenty of it on hand. Thus day 
 after day they went into the woods and came home with some- 
 thing new to add to their comfort or their power of subduing 
 the land or mastering the waters. 
 
 Once in Philadelphia the lads had seen the great clubs car- 
 ried by the constables as they watched the safetv of the city. 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 20/ 
 
 One day the boys came in from the woods, each of them carry- 
 ing a club made of hickory, which they declared was the proper 
 weapon with which to meet snakes or even bears. If a club could 
 subdue a man. why was it not sufficient to subdue a wild beast? 
 Out of the same hickory they made bows like the Indians car- 
 ried, and arrows of ash. and strings of the entrails of animals. 
 Thus they prepared themselves for their forest life. 
 
 In regard to trees their father said to them : " All woods 
 which grow on high land are more firm and solid and better for 
 timber and fuel than that which grows in swamps. The same is 
 true of that which grows in the open, and that which grows in the 
 thick shade of the forest. The pine is an exception. The wood 
 of trees stripped of their bark in the spring and left to dry stand- 
 ing till they are dead is harder, heavier and stronger, more solid 
 and durable, than that of trees felled in their bark ; and that the 
 sappy part of wood without bark is not only stronger than the 
 common but much more so than the heart of wood in bark, 
 though less heavy. This is because trees increase in size 
 by additional coats of new wood which is formed from the run- 
 ning sap between the bark and the old wood. Trees stripped of 
 their bark form none of these new coats, and though they live 
 after the bark is taken off they do not grow. The substance 
 destined to form the new wood, finding itself stopped and ob- 
 liged to fix in the void places, both of the sap and the heart, aug- 
 ments the solidity and consequently the strength of the wood." 
 
 But of all the trees there was none that interested the boys 
 so much as the sugar maple. From this all the sugar they could 
 have for household use must be obtained. Being in the forest 
 and away from the conveniences of civilization did not suppress 
 their love of sweets. The sugar maples were their confectionery 
 stores, and also the supply of sweets for their tea, or coffee, or 
 chocolate, or home-made beer or cider. 
 
 When the boys were rambling in the woods they slaked 
 their thirst at springs of purest water, but when they returned to 
 the cabin or to the camp, if they were on a hunting or survey- 
 ing excursion, they wanted a prepared drink. One of the 
 charming features of home life then, as now. was in the delicacies 
 of the table. The skill of the housewife is often measured by 
 her viands prepared to suit the taste of her family or guests. 
 
 Among the notes left bv Samuel Wallis is a statement of 
 
268 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 the supplies forwarded to John Adlum for the use of his sur- 
 veying party. This gives us an insight as to the tastes and cus- 
 toms of the people who, in the wild woods, carried the tastes of 
 civilization with them. Among the articles were the following: 
 
 Ten barrels of brown sugar, five loaves of loaf sugar, one 
 thousand live hundred pounds of chocolate, ten pounds of Schos- 
 hong tea, four barrels of split peas, twelve pounds of coffee. 
 
 This, as well as almost every bill of groceries and provisions 
 found among Wallis's papers, indicates that chocolate was then, 
 in this section at least, a more common beverage than tea or cof- 
 fee. Though a more common drink than either tea or coffee, yet 
 it was not by any means the most common table beverage on the 
 frontier in that era. The great majority of the first settlers 
 were unable to indulge in luxuries, and they soon fi mud many 
 substitutes for imported tea and coffee and chocolate. Store 
 tea and coffee and chocolate, when they were fortunate enough 
 to have a supply, were often kept in reserve, like the silver spoons, 
 best dishes and table cloths, for company. Sage, thyme, pepper- 
 mint, spicebush. spearmint and wintergreens were among the 
 substitutes for tea. while browned corn. rye. bran, bread, chicory, 
 dandelion roots, chestnuts, beechnuts and peas were among the 
 resources that took the place of coffee and chocolate. 
 
 The position of the wife in the frontier cabin was not less 
 important than that of her husband. She was. indeed, his help- 
 meet. Her duties were to attend, not only to the preparatii in 
 of the daily food and keeping the home in condition, but also to 
 make the clothing that they wore. She was the milliner, and 
 mantua maker, and dressmaker, and clothier, and weaver, and 
 knitter, and tailor, and hatter, and manufacturer of staple goods 
 from the first condition of raw material. In every cabin there 
 was the distaff and the spinning wheel. The evenings were not 
 spent in idleness, but while the room was lighted by the flames 
 from the pine knots the spinning wheel sung its buzzing song. 
 and the loom rapidly changed the yarn into warm and bright 
 cloth. 
 
 When a place for a home was selected the wishes of the 
 housewife were consulted. There must be a good piece of dry 
 land that could be leveled and pulverized so that no great lumps 
 or -tones would mar its surface, where the flax could be planted 
 early in the spring, so that the plants in growing might have 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 269 
 
 such a start of the weeds that the latter enemy would be left 
 far behind in the struggle for an existence. Then when the 
 warm days of mid-summer came, the stalks, having reached the 
 right hue, showing just the degree of ripeness to make the best 
 quality of thread, were pulled by hand and the dirt was knocked 
 from the roots and the roots kept evenly together and assorted 
 so as to put the same lengths and the same colors in the same 
 piles. In the meantime a trench had been dug near the creek 
 and running parallel with it, about forty feet long and six feet 
 wide, into which the creek water had been run and left stand- 
 ing until the warm rays of the sun had taken the chilling fresh- 
 ness from it and it had become the pleasure ground of innumer- 
 able little polliwogs. Then the stalks of flax were fastened even- 
 ly, and with their seed ends down in the water and their whole 
 surface under the water, so that the water would wash them 
 thoroughly, the whole was covered from the glaring beams of 
 the sun. Here it was left for days and weeks until all the mu- 
 cilaginous matter was swept from the stalks and the fibres could 
 be separated from each other without breaking or in any way in- 
 juring the stalks. When this process had reached a satisfac- 
 tory stage the Max was taken carefully out of the water and 
 loosely and thinly spread on a grassy surface where there would 
 be an evenness of sun that all parts might be affected alike. Here it 
 was turned over when ready, until it became properly whitened and 
 ready for the next stage of preparation, when it was subjected 
 to pounding with a mallet across the fibre, thus separating the 
 useless woody part or the core from the harle, or bark, which was 
 the flax. The scutching, as this process was called, had to be 
 done carefully so as to keep all parts in the same condition. 
 When the flax was thus prepared, the quality of it depended 
 upon the care and skill that had been exercised from the be- 
 ginning. Thus the housewife felt a pride in the success that 
 attended her exertions. As in the most primitive times, a rod of 
 wood about ten inches in length, rounded and tapering toward 
 both ends, with a notch at the upper extremity and a perfor- 
 ated disc in the middle, was now used to gather the yarn as the 
 spinning was done. The spindle, and flier, and bobbin were 
 valuable implements, and as the mother used the foot treadle 
 and with both hands worked two spindles simultaneously, 
 one in her right hand and one in her left, she aroused the ad- 
 
270 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 miration of the husband, who, through with the work out of 
 d< m >rs, was resting and watching the roll of yarn grow larger 
 and larger. Those were the days when the people who met in 
 the grove for worship, or at the village store for barter, or by 
 the liberty pule to express their political sentiments, wore home- 
 spun, and thus by the clothing of the members of her household 
 the housewife gained a reputation in the public eye by an evi- 
 dence that was beyond cavil and dispute. In the appearance of 
 her family, Sophia Antes had no occasion to be ashamed. 
 
 The following ([notation from the history of Montgomery 
 county will add interest to our study of the life of the early set- 
 tlers : 
 
 " From the force of circumstances the early settlers were 
 generally compelled to lead what would now be considered a 
 rugged and laborious life. To clear the land and bring it under 
 tillage and to provide comfortable buildings against the inclem- 
 encies of the seasons must have required considerable effort. 
 Roads had to be opened, streams bridged, or made passable, so as 
 to allow of communication with the mill, the market or the 
 metropolis. Toil alone could accomplish this, but continued toil 
 would not content man with his condition. A change would 
 bring recreation which leads to amusement or diversion. The 
 latter, when properly pursued and directed, must lead to en- 
 joyment. Our ancestors had their sports and pastimes to vary 
 the monotony of existence, though they may have been few and 
 rude, yet they were adapted to their condition and unquestion- 
 ably gave them pleasure. Among the sports of the past, the fox- 
 hunt figured prominently. This animal, it appears, was toler- 
 ably abundant and often destructive to lambs and poultry in gen- 
 eral. From the minutes of the County Commissioners we ascer- 
 tain, under date of July 27th, 1719, that it is 'Ordered that the 
 treasurer reserve and keep in his hands out of the present tax 
 the sum of fifty pounds, to be applied as the law directs for wolves 
 and foxes heads.' Peter Matson, who resided at Matson's Ford 
 (now West Conshohocken) during the Revolution, was an in- 
 veterate fox hunter, who kept a number of hounds for this pur- 
 pose and gave considerable time in their pursuit. Dr. Archi- 
 bald McClean. of Horsham, also kept his hounds and was ad- 
 dicted to this sport." 
 
 Nearly all kinds of labor would be frequently performed 
 
PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 27 1 
 
 and lightened through 'frolics' in which nearly the whole neigh- 
 borhood would be invited to join. Thus they had their grub- 
 bings, house-raisings, log-rollings, wood-choppings, flax-pullings, 
 corn-huskings, apple-cuttings, apple butter boilings, quiltings 
 and other gatherings which tended to encourage and enliven in- 
 tercourse. Shad and herring fishing in the rivers gave them 
 both food and sport. The pursuit of the deer, the wolf, the bear, 
 the turkey and the pheasant also gave them diversion. Raccoon 
 and possum hunting by moonlight were not neglected, and at 
 times in the spring, and fall wild pigeons were captured in nets 
 in great numbers. All these tended to divert and were looked 
 upon as sport and pastime from the general labors of the farm 
 . or workshop. Even in the gloomy hours of the Revolution, 
 when contending armies would occasionally meet in conflict with- 
 in the territory of our present county, recreation was not en- 
 tirely forgotten from the numerous incidents that tradition has 
 preserved. Dr. Benjamin Rush, in his biographical sketch of 
 Mrs. Ferguson, of Graeme Park, mentions that she was fond 
 of spinning flax and thread for linen, as was the common cus- 
 tom. For one of those occasions of rustic simplicity and merry- 
 making, a neighboring spinning frolic, she was requested to 
 compose a song, which was duly furnished and became popular. 
 This was copied by the writer many years ago from her manu- 
 scripts. She mentions that it was the custom of the owner of 
 the flax to distribute a hand or a dozen of the cuts apiece among 
 the young women of the neighborhood, which they would spin 
 and reel at their homes, and on an appointed day return to his 
 house. Here they were provided with refreshments and a sup- 
 per, when in the evening the young men joined them. Here is 
 the song: 
 
 "THE PENNSYLVANIA SPINNER'S SONG. 
 
 Since Fate has ordained us these rural abodes, 
 Far distant from honor and fortune's high roads, 
 Let us cheerfully pass through life's innocent vale, 
 Nor look up to the mountain since fixed in the dale ; 
 When storms rage the forest and mighty trees fall, 
 The low shrub is sheltered that clings to the wall. 
 So let our wheels and reels go merrily round. 
 While health, peace and virtue among us are found. 
 
l~2 PIONEER EXPERIENCES. 
 
 Tho' the great deem us little and do us des 
 Let them know it is wise to make little suffice. 
 In this we will teach them, altho' they are great, 
 It is always true wisdom to bend to our fate ; 
 For tho' King or Congress should carry the day, 
 We farmers and spinners at least must obey. 
 Then let our wheels and reels go merrily round, 
 While health, peace and virtue among us are found. 
 
 Our flax has its beauties, an elegant green, 
 When it shoots from the earth enamels the scene; 
 When broken and moistened in filaments fine,. 
 Our maidens they draw the flexible line ; 
 Some fine as a cobweb, while others more coarse, 
 To wear but of week days, of substance and force. 
 Then let our wheels and reels go merrily 'round, 
 While health, peace and virtue among us are found. 
 
 Since all here assembled to card and to spin, 
 Then, girls, be nimble, and quickly begin 
 To help Neighbor Friendly, and when we have done 
 The boys they shall join us at set of the sun: 
 Perhaps as brisk partners shall lead us thro' life. 
 And the dance of the night end in husband and wife. 
 So let our wheels and reels go merrily round. 
 While health, peace and virtue among us are found." 
 
Grandmother's Spinning Wheel. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 HOME LIEE OE THE SETTLERS. 
 
 AT THIS day when there are so many aspirants for public 
 favor, in picturing the daily living of our ancestors there 
 is a tendency to win applause by throwing the glamor of 
 the refinement of to-day over the nakedness of that time. Too 
 often it is beautiful reading but it is not history. 
 
 In order to avoid that result, let us look at the daily life of 
 the settlers as depicted by one who was among them, and one of 
 them, and has given his observations simply to convey to his 
 readers the truth concerning his neighbors. The writer, to 
 whom we will now attend, is the Reverend Samuel Doddridge, 
 whose notes are pronounced by Hon. Theodore Roosevelt to be 
 the best and most reliable of all books on this subject. 
 
 Hunting. — It was no uncommon thing for families to live 
 several months without a mouthful of bread. It frequently hap- 
 pened that there was no breakfast until it was obtained from the 
 woods. Fur and peltry w T ere the people's money. They had 
 nothing else to give in exchange for rifles, salt, and iron on the 
 other side of the mountains. The fall and early part of the win- 
 ter was the season for hunting deer, and the whole of the 
 winter, including part of the spring, for bears and fur-skinned 
 animals. It was a customary saying that fur is good during 
 every month in the name of which the letter R occurs. The 
 class of hunters with whom I was best acquainted were those 
 whose hunting ranges were on the eastern side of the river, and 
 at the distance of eight or nine miles from it. As soon as the 
 leaves were pretty well down and the weather became rainy, 
 accompanied with light snows, these men, after acting the part 
 of husbandmen so far as the state of warfare permitted them to 
 do so, soon began to feel that they were hunters. They became 
 uneasy at home. Everything about them became disagreeable. 
 The house was too warm. The feather bed too soft, and even 
 the good wife was not thought, for the time being, a proper com- 
 
 18 
 
-74 
 
 HOME LIFE oE THE SETTLERS. 
 
 panion. The mind of the hunter was wholly occupied with the 
 camp and chase. I have often seen them get up early in the 
 morning at this season, walk hastily out, and look anxiously to 
 the woods and snuff the autumnal winds with the highest rap- 
 ture, then return into the house and cast a quick and attentive 
 look at the rifle, which was always suspended to a joist by a couple 
 of buck horns, or little forks. His hunting dog, understanding 
 the intentions of his master, would wag his tail and by every 
 blandishment in his power express his readiness to accompany 
 him to the woods. 
 
 A day was soon appointed for the march of the little cav- 
 alcade to the camp. Two or three horses furnished with pack- 
 saddles were loaded with flour, Indian meal, blankets and every- 
 thing else requisite for the use of the hunter. A hunting camp, or 
 what was called a half-faced cabin, was of the following form : 
 The back part of it was sometimes a large log; at the distance of 
 eight or ten feet from this two stakes were set in the ground a 
 few inches apart, and at the distance of eight or ten feet fr< »m 
 these two more, to receive the ends of the poles for the sides of 
 the camp. The whole slope of the roof was from the front to 
 the back. The covering was made of slabs, skins or blankets, 
 or, if in the spring of the year, the bark of hickory or ash trees. 
 The front was entirely open. The Are was built directly be- 
 fore this opening. The cracks between the logs were filled with 
 moss. Dry leaves served for a bed. It is thus that a couple of 
 men in a few hours will construct for themselves a temporary 
 but comfortable defense from the inclemencies of the weather. 
 A little more pains would have made a hunting camp a defense 
 against the Indians. A cabin, ten feet square, bullet proof and 
 furnished with port holes, would have enabled two or three hun- 
 ters to hold twenty Indians at bay for any length of time. But 
 this precaution, I believe, was never attended to ; hence the hun- 
 ters were often surprised and killed in their camps. The site 
 for the cam]) was selected with all the sagacity of the woodsman, 
 as to have it sheltered by the surrounding hills from every 
 wind, but more especially from those of the north and west. 
 
 Hunting was not a mere rambling in pursuit of game, in 
 which there was nothing of skill and calculation ; on the contrary. 
 the hunter, before he set out in the morning, was informed by 
 the state of the weather in what situation he might reasonably 
 
HOME LIFE 0E THE SETTLERS. 275 
 
 expect to meet with his game — whether on the bottom, sides or 
 tops of the hills. In stormy weather the deer always seek the 
 most sheltered places, and the leeward side of the hills. In rainy 
 weather, in which there is not much wind, they keep in the open 
 woods on the highest ground. In every situation it was requi- 
 site for the hunter to ascertain the course of the wind, so as to 
 get the leeward of the game. This he affected by putting his 
 finger in his mouth and holding it there until it became warm, 
 then holding it above his head ; the side which first becomes cold 
 shows which way the wind blows. As it was requisite, too, for 
 the hunter to know the cardinal points, he had only to observe 
 the trees to ascertain them. The bark of an aged tree is thicker 
 and much rougher on the north than on the south side. The 
 same thing may be said of the moss. It is much thicker and 
 stronger on the north side than on the south side of the trees. 
 
 The whole business of the hunter consists in a succession 
 of intrigues. From morning till night he is on the alert to gain 
 the wind of his game, and approach them without being discov- 
 ered. If he succeeds in killing a deer, he skins it and hangs it 
 up out of the reach of the wolves, and immediately resumes the 
 chase till the close of the evening, when he bends his course to- 
 wards the camp. When he arrives there he kindles up his fire, 
 and, together with his fellow hunter, cooks his supper. The 
 supper finished, the adventures of the day furnish the tales for 
 the evening. The spike buck, the two and three pronged buck 
 figure through their anecdotes with great advantage. After 
 hunting awhile on the same ground , the hunters become ac- 
 quainted with nearly all the gangs of deer within their range, 
 so as to know each flock of them when they see them. Often 
 some old buck, by the means of his superior sagacity and watch- 
 fulness, saves his little gang from the hunter's skill by giving 
 timely notice of his approach. The cunning of the hunter and 
 that of the old buck are staked against each other, and it fre- 
 quently happens that at the close of the hunting season the old 
 fellow is left the free, uninjured tenant of his forest. Many of 
 the hunters rest from their labors on the Sabbath day ; some from 
 a motive of piety : others say that whenever they hunt on Sun- 
 day they are sure to have bad luck all the rest of the week. 
 
 The House Warming. — A spot was selected on a piece of 
 land of one of the parents for their habitation. A day was ap- 
 
2/6 HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 pointed shortly after their marriage for commencing the work 
 of building the cabin. The fatigue party consisted of choppers, 
 whose business it was to fell the trees and cut them off at proper 
 lengths. A man with a team for hauling them to the place and 
 arranging them, properly assorted, at the sides and ends of the 
 building; a carpenter, if such he might be called, whose business 
 it was to search the woods for a proper tree for making clap- 
 boards for the roof. The tree for this purpose must be straight- 
 grained, and from three to four feet in diameter. The boards 
 were split four feet long, with a large frow, and as wide as the 
 timber would allow ; they were used without planing or shaving. 
 Another division were employed in getting puncheons for the 
 floor of the cabin ; this was done by splitting trees about eigh- 
 teen inches in diameter, and hewing the face of them with a broad- 
 axe. They were half the length of the floor they were intended 
 to make. The materials for the cabin were mostly prepared on 
 the first day, and sometimes the foundation laid in the evening. 
 The second day was allotted for the raising. In the morning 
 of the next day the neighbors collected for the raising. The first 
 thing to be clone was the election of four corner men. whose busi- 
 ness it was to notch and place the logs. The rest of the com- 
 pany furnished them with the timbers. In the meantime the 
 boards and puncheons were collecting for the floor and roof, 
 so that by the time the cabin was a few rounds high the sleepers 
 and floor began to be laid. The door was made by sawing or 
 cutting the logs in one side so as to make an opening about three 
 feet wide. This opening was secured by upright pieces of tim- 
 ber about three inches thick, through which holes were bored 
 into the ends of the logs for the purpose of pinning them fast. 
 A similar opening, but wider, was made at the end for the chim- 
 ney. This was built of logs, and made large, to admit of a back 
 and jambs of stone. At the square, two end logs projected a foot 
 or eighteen inches beyond the walls to receive the butting poles, 
 as they were called, against which the ends of the first row of 
 clapboards were supported. The roof was formed by making the 
 end logs shorter, until a single log formed the comb of the roof; 
 on these logs the clapboards were placed, the ranges of them 
 lapping some distance over those next below them, and kept in 
 their places by logs placed at proper distances upon them. The 
 roof, and sometimes the floor, were furnished on the same day 
 
HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 277 
 
 as the raising. A third day was commonly spent by a few car- 
 penters in leveling off the floor, making a clapboard door and a 
 table. This last was made of a split slab and supported by four 
 round legs set in augur holes. Some three-legged stools were 
 made in the same manner. Some pins stuck in the logs at the 
 back of the house supported some clapboards which served for 
 shelves for the table furniture. A single fork, placed with its 
 lower end in a hole in the floor and the upper end fastened to a 
 joist, served for a bedstead, by placing a pole in the fork with 
 one end through a crack between the logs of the wall. This 
 front pole was crossed by a shorter one within the fork, with its 
 outer end through another crack. From the front pole, through 
 a crack between the logs of the end of the house, the boards were 
 put on which formed the bottom of the bed. Sometimes other 
 poles were pinned to the fork a little distance above these for the 
 purpose of supporting the front and foot of the bed. while the 
 walls were the support of its back and head. A few pegs around 
 the walls for the display of the coats of the women and the hunt- 
 ing shirts of the men, and two small forks or buck horns to a 
 joist for the rifle and shot-pouch completed the carpenter work. 
 In the meantime the masons were at work. With the heart 
 pieces of the timber, of which the clapboards were made, they 
 made billets for chunking up the cracks between the logs of the 
 cabin and the chimney ; a large bed of mortar was made for 
 daubing up these cracks ; a few stones formed the back and jambs 
 of the chimney. The cabin being furnished, the ceremony of 
 house-warming took place before the young couple were per- 
 mitted to move into it. The house-warming was a dance of a 
 whole night's continuance, made up of relations of the bride and 
 groom, and their neighbors. On the day following the young 
 couple took possession of their new mansion. 
 
 Ill nd ozv Glass. — The story of this luxury forms a most in- 
 teresting episode in our local history. The present century was 
 well advanced before the cost of window glass became low enough 
 to displace the use of oiled paper except among the well-to-do 
 inhabitants. In his autobiography, Tunison Coryell relates that 
 during the year 1803, while he lived in Buffalo Valley, the asses- 
 sor would count the panes of glass in a house; when the old 
 ladies, upon hearing him approach, would often remove the glass 
 and substitute oiled paper until after the returns were made, in 
 
2yS HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 order to escape the tax, which was very unpopular. The earliest 
 mention of window glass, at least west of the Muncy hills, oc- 
 curs in an original paper, yet in existence, giving a "Rough plann 
 of the scite of Mr. Samuel Wallis' Mill at Muncy," dated Novem- 
 ber, 1785, over the name of George Hunter, who was doubtless 
 the architect. The plan is laid down by a scale of eight feet to 
 an inch and describes a building to be twenty by twenty-four 
 feet, evidently a grist mill, though the method of grinding is 
 not mentioned. It was built on Carpenter's Run, not far from 
 the river. Mr. Antes is referred to in a manner that would in- 
 dicate that he was the mill-wright. The specifications call for 
 two glass windows in the second story and attic. In the ap- 
 praisement of the personal property of Samuel Wallis, November 
 20th, 1798, mention is made of seventy-two panes window glass 
 at 8d ; five hundred panes Bull's eye do. at 2d. The Bull's eye 
 may be described as follows : "The panes are not exactly square, 
 though almost seven by seven inches, and from three-sixteenths 
 of an inch in thickness at the edge to three-quarters of an inch 
 at the bull's eye. which was rarely in the middle and which was 
 doubtless the gate in the casting. Though smooth and quite 
 clear the glass is not entirely flat. The color was a pale green, 
 and the concentric rings upon the surface would indicate that it 
 had been flattened by centrifugal force. The edges appear to 
 have been sheared off while still soft." — (/. //. McMinn.) 
 
 Mills for Grinding Grain. — The hominy block and hand 
 mills were in general use. The first was made of a large block 
 of wood about three feet long with an excavation burned in one 
 end. wide at the top and narrow at the bottom, so that the action 
 of the pestle on the bottom threw the corn up to the sides to- 
 ward the top of it, from whence it continually fell down into the 
 center. In consequence of this movement the whole mass of the 
 grain was pretty equally subjected to the strokes of the pestle. In 
 the fall of the year, while the Indian corn was soft, the block 
 and pestle did very well for making meal for Johnny-cake and 
 mush, but were rather slow when the corn became hard. The 
 sweep was sometimes used to lessen the toil of pounding grain 
 into meal. This was a pole of some springy, elastic wood, thirty 
 feet long or more; the butt end was placed under the side of a 
 house or a large stum]); this pole was supported by two forks 
 placed about one-third of its length from the butt end, so as to 
 
home; life of the settlers. 279 
 
 elevate the small end about fifteen feet from the ground ; to this 
 was attached, by a large mortice, a piece of sapling about five or 
 six inches in diameter, and eight or ten feet long. The lower 
 end of this was shaped so as to answer for a pestle. A pin of 
 wood was put through it, at a proper height, so that two persons 
 could work at the sweep at once. 
 
 A machine still more simple than the mortar and pestle was 
 used for making meal while the corn was too soft to be beaten. 
 It was called a grater. This was a half-circular piece of tin, per- 
 forated with a punch from the concave side and nailed by its 
 edges to a block of wood. The ears of corn were rubbed on the 
 rough edge of the holes, while the meal fell through them on 
 the board or block to which the grater was nailed, which being in 
 a" slanting direction discharged the meal into a cloth or bowl 
 placed for its reception. This, to be sure, was a slow way of 
 making meal, but necessity has no law. 
 
 The hand mill was better than the mortar and grater. It 
 was made of two circular stones, the lowest of which was called 
 the bed stone, the upper one the runner. These were placed in 
 a hoop with a spout for discharging the meal. A staff was let 
 into a hole in the upper surface of the runner near the outer edge, 
 and its upper end through a hole in a board fastened to a joist - 
 above, so that two persons could be employed in turning the 
 mill at the same time. The grain was put into the opening in 
 the runner by hand. The first water mills were called tub mills. 
 It was a circular shaft to the lower end of which an horizontal 
 wheel of about four or five feet diameter was attached, the up- 
 per end passing through the bed stone and carrying the runner, 
 after the manner of a trundlehead. Instead of bolting cloths, 
 sifters were in general use. They were made of deer skins in the 
 state of parchment, stretched over a hoop and perforated with a 
 hot wire. 
 
 The method employed by the natives to bruise a few grains 
 of maize consisted of a flatfish sort of stone slightly hollowed 
 out, upon which another stone was used, and by dint of rubbing 
 and pounding, the grains were reduced to a coarse meal. The early 
 white settler improved upon this method by cutting a depression 
 of some depth into the top of a stump and suspending a stone 
 over it from the limb of a tree, which acted as a spring pole, by 
 which means the grain was reduced to meal with some deo-ree of 
 
280 HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 speed. The descendants of Amariah Sutton distinctly remember 
 such a stump that stood near the site of the present barn of R. J. 
 C. Walker, on the hank of Lycoming creek, which was the family 
 mill a hundred years ago. 
 
 Later on coffee mills were occasionally brought into the 
 valley and used for grinding grain, the most notable example 
 being the mill used at Antes' Fort during the construction of the 
 water-power mill, in 1776. Tradition informs us that this coffee 
 mill was kept going day and night, by willing hands relieving the 
 wearied ones from time to time, in order to supply meal to the 
 garrison. The bran was removed by means of a home-made 
 horse hair sieve. After this millstones came to be used ; these 
 were cut from selected boulders of conglomerate, such as occur 
 near Ralston, or at times from the hard red sandstone that is 
 f< tund on the Bald Eagle Mountain. These millstones were run 
 by crude, cumbersome cog-gearing, operated by an overshot 
 water wheel. With the millstones came bolting cloth, and each 
 customer had to take his place in turning the bolter to remove 
 the bran before his grist was ready to be taken home. 
 
 Previous to the erection of grist mills, the settlers endured 
 serious hardships in obtaining flour for their families. It was 
 a general custom for many years to load up a grist of wheat 
 in a canoe, take it to Grant's Mill, in Dry Valley, about four 
 miles above Northumberland, await their turn for the grain to 
 be ground, and afterward pole up the river home, sometimes a 
 distance of fifty miles. Later on, when bridle paths were cut 
 through the wilderness, grain would be packed on horseback over 
 mountains and through dense forests thirty or forty miles and 
 return. On these occasions the distillery, which was insepar- 
 able from the grist mill, would yield its cheer to the assembled 
 inhabitants, and this, with the old-fashioned games, visiting, ex- 
 change of news. &c, the time passed pleasantly while the grist 
 was being ground. 
 
 Probably the first grist mill erected in the West Branch Val- 
 ley was by Ludwig Derr, on the present site of Lewisburg. This 
 was about 1770. Grant's Mill, in Dry Valley, may have been 
 the oldest. About 1772 or 1773. John Alwood is said to have 
 erected a grist mill near the present site of Muncy. In 177^ or 
 1774. Andrew Culbertson settled at the mouth of Mosquito Run 
 and built a grist mill, which was probably destroyed by the In- 
 
HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 28 1 
 
 dians in 1778. It was rebuilt in 1787, upon the return of the 
 settlers after the Big Runaway. The next mill in point of date was 
 Antes' Mill, built in 1776, and rebuilt in 1790. The next mill 
 was built near the mouth of Lycoming creek, by Robert Martin, 
 before 1789. The Millport mill, in Xippenose Valley, was built 
 in 18 1 6. Muncy Mill was erected by John Alwood in 1772, 
 and was a small log structure, one story high, and had but one 
 run of stone. On June 17th, 1779, the Indians burned all the 
 houses in Muncy Township, and Ahvood's mill fell a prey to 
 the flames, but the gearings being secreted were saved and used 
 for the next mill, which was built upon the site of the present 
 five-story structure. Previous to the building of Alwood's mill 
 the people used querns to grind grain. These consisted of rude- 
 ly rounded stones, slightly hollowed, and were carried from place 
 to place and were a very crude and laborious way in which to 
 make meal. Nearly every family had a block for pounding 
 corn into meal or samp, and this was also a very laborious man- 
 ner in which to prepare this article of diet, and these rude ma- 
 chines were gladly laid aside when John Alwood's water-power 
 mill was erected, and people came from far and near to see the 
 wonderful invention, bringing upon horseback the grist to be 
 ground, while the owner led the horse and kept a lookout for the 
 savage foe, who lurked behind the bush ready for murder and 
 plunder. In those days the man that built a mill was considered 
 of great importance, and he was, too. 
 
 Sickness in the Cabin. — In the larger cities the medical 
 practitioners compounded their own medicines, and attributed 
 mysterious virtues to the few drugs, or formulas, which they 
 received from abroad. Beyond the cities there was not suffi- 
 cient encouragement for one educated in the healing art to set- 
 tle and rely for a living upon the people whose homes were so 
 far distant from one another. The housewives learned to rely 
 upon their own judgment in the treating of diseases and the care 
 of the sick. The frequent calls at the homes of the white set- 
 tlers by Indian squaws made it possible for the whites to learn 
 .many little things in common cases, although the Indians did not 
 reveal much of what was known to their people of the virtues of 
 plants for saving the sick. Sometimes there were people pecu- 
 liarly qualified to discover the effects of plant preparations, and 
 they were called in when the case of sickness got beyond the 
 
jXj HOME WFE OE THE SETTLERS. 
 
 control of the housewife. Such a one was Mrs. Claudius Boat- 
 man, who removed with her husband and family near Derr's 
 Landing to a place up Pine creek, in 1786. She was a large, 
 
 fleshy woman, weighing more than two hundred pounds, but she 
 was the only one at that time on the frontier of the West Branch 
 that could he called a physician, and her knowledge was entirely 
 the result of her observations and experiments. 
 
 It was a dreadful day m a household when the physician 
 was sent for. It indicated that the loving friends so anxiously 
 watching by the sufferer could do no more in the way of heal- 
 ing. Often at this time the disease had progressed so far that 
 death was assured, the treatment of the physician being hemic, 
 and failing because of the lack of strength on the part of the 
 patient to endure farther. Cupping and leeching was then uni- 
 versal, and mercurial compounds were given until the lips turned 
 blue and the gums fell away from the teeth. It was the uni- 
 versal rule in the spring that the blood must be purified, the 
 bowels purged, the kidneys excited and the system emptied of 
 bile. Children early learned to hate the remedies given them, 
 and only when too weak to resist would come under the pre- 
 scribed treatment. 
 
 On the frontier the diseases were different from those to 
 which the refined society of the present day are liable. Then the 
 people lived out of doors. They had no glass in their windows. 
 They did not have the dainties to tempt the appetite that are now 
 almost universal. They were extremely active, both in hunting 
 and in farming. Fevers were common, and the streams were 
 lined with fever-breeding vapors. Thev drank from springs and 
 streams wherever they came to them. They knew nothing of the 
 germs of disease, such as microbes, bacteria, bacilla, etc. 
 
 Small-pox was prevalent, and at times swept away large 
 numbers. In Philadelphia the dreaded scourge was yellow fever. 
 Surgery was rough and poor, and yet accidents were common. 
 There were accidents from falling trees, and contests with wild 
 animals, and wounds from conflicts with their fellow men. The 
 most important service was that of a mid-wife, and even in this 
 they often had to do the best they could without any of the 
 resources of modern skill. They had no anesthetics. Extract- 
 ing a tooth that had ceased to he endurable was a severe and pain- 
 ful operation. To allow the body to get out of condition in 
 
HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 283 
 
 any respect was a misfortune. If they were careless of the de- 
 mands of the body they suffered the consequences. Thus, with 
 all their seeming exposure, they were not indifferent to observance 
 of the laws of nature. 
 
 In every cabin there were stored in the loft bundles of choice 
 herbs which the housewife prized for their remedial virtues. 
 Some of these were flowering plants from the garden ; some were 
 gathered from the swamps; some were eagerly searched for 
 among the rocks on the tops of the mountains ; some were brought 
 from afar by those who had been to the city and had obtained 
 them from incoming vessels, or from some herb doctor famous 
 for his successful cures. 
 
 The Pioneer Preacher. — In the hearts of the bold pioneers 
 who pushed their way into the forests primeval lingered a 
 hereditary inclination toward religious worship. The battling 
 for religious liberty by their fathers in Ireland had shaped their 
 characters, and all the privations, and labor, and danger, and 
 lonesomeness of the frontier life could not eradicate this posi- 
 tive inclination to look to God for His mercies and blessing. 
 On the frontier, individuals acquired reputations for prowess in 
 various direction. And honors were given only when, by succes- 
 sive trials, they had proved their superiority to their fellows. 
 Men were not allowed to possess unchallenged the claim to posi- 
 tions of honor. Thus some were considered as great warriors, 
 others as skillful guides, or bold scouts, or successful hunters. 
 There were mechanics who could build the best houses, and sur- 
 veyors and boatmen and merchants who were unsurpassed. 
 Some men were skilled in untangling the knots of the land office, 
 and some were masters in the political chess board of the times. 
 With these there came another class who became honored be- 
 cause of their ability in preaching the Gospel. 
 
 As early as 1775, Philip V. Fithian preached at the ^'ar- 
 rior's Run Church, but the log structure where he called to souls 
 to serve the Lord was consumed by the flames started by the 
 angry Indians. This building was replaced by one close to 
 Fort Freeland, in 1789. It stood on the public highway leading 
 to Muncy. in a lovely grove of forest trees near to a spring of 
 pure cold water. It was a large building, having three entrances 
 on the first floor, and two by which the gallery was reached from 
 the outside. The central aisle and the space before the pulpit 
 
284 HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 
 
 was broad enough to accommodate the tallies where the com- 
 municants sat. The pulpit was very high, and over the place 
 where the minister stood was the sounding board. At the foot 
 of the pulpit stairs was the clerk's desk. The gallery extended 
 around three sides of the room. Here the Rev. John Bryson 
 preached for many years, beginning in June. 1791. In 1792 
 Isaac Grier, a classmate of John Bryson, was appointed to mis- 
 sionate in the West Branch Valley. These men were reputed 
 to he profoundly versed in the Greek and Latin languages, and 
 their fame became as great as that of the men who desired to ex- 
 cel in athletics. As they began to tread thebridlepathsof the forest 
 to preach the word of God, they gave the message in the plain de- 
 cisive Calvinism that once planted in the hearts of the people c< >uld 
 never be eradicated. These pioneer preachers were strong char- 
 acters. They did not shirk their work. System and method 
 characterized their preparation. Their sermons were replete 
 with scriptural quotations, and they aimed to commit as much 
 of the Bible to memory as was possible. They were also gifted 
 in prayer, and used burning words in all the eloquence that stirred 
 men's souls. As the pioneer preacher went from cabin to cabin 
 he accepted the fare placed before him, as did any of the hardy 
 settlers, and by this appreciative fellowship won the esteem of 
 those whom he sought to serve. 
 
 At the first the meetings would be in the log cabin of the 
 one who invited him to accept of his hospitality. The neighbors 
 were invited to come in. and they accepted the opportunity to 
 meet the stranger and later on the chosen friend. The men 
 came with rifles and dogs as if they were only hunters; the 
 women came in their homespun, and wept with joy in hearing 
 the words that went straight to their hearts, giving them the 
 proclamation of grace and glory. The stately rhythm of Psalm 
 tunes, the words lined out by the preacher, arose from every 
 tongue and the forests became vocal with reverberations of 
 praise. 
 
 But the log cabins were too small to contain the people. 
 and the meetings were held in the woods, under the protecting 
 shade of giant oaks of the forest, and the hearts of the worship- 
 pers thrilled with enthusiasm as they learned that in this way their 
 forefathers in Ireland. Scotland, England and in the Walden- 
 sian Mountains had worshipped God. 
 
HOME LIFE OF THE SETTLERS. 285 
 
 Every meeting for worship was a camp-meeting. Because 
 of the length of the circuit, the itinerating minister could waste 
 no time in the follies of merely social delight. There were 
 funeral sermons to be preached, in memory of those who had 
 died, and births to be honored by the consecration of the children 
 to the Lord, and baptism of those who had changed the tenor 
 of their lives, and communion for those in the church. There 
 were children to be catechized and instruction to be given. 
 There were prayers to be offered that would touch the hearts of 
 the people, as also to find acceptance at the throne of grace, and 
 sermons to be preached that would teach the people the way of 
 life and refute the arguments of the infidel and careless. The 
 work of the minister was arduous and solemn, and his priestly 
 character touched the hearts of the settlers, and brought to the 
 surface the noblest and the best that was within them. The 
 preacher, like Paul, worked with his own hands. He, too, was 
 a settler, and had trees to cut down, and stumps to take out, and 
 lands to till, and more than this, he became school teacher, and 
 attracted to his home the young people who desired education 
 in the broader sense and reached out to the fields of learning. 
 The preacher had the learning in his head and the fire in his 
 heart, and in his career duty to God went hand in hand with 
 love to his fellow men. Thus all men saw in his life that he 
 was a man called of God and set apart by the Holy Spirit to turn 
 men from death to life. 
 
 The Antes family were just as religious as their Scotch-Irish 
 Presbyterian neighbors. The daily family worship of the 
 Moravian system and the Reformed Church had left a mark 
 upon every one of them, and from their cabin by the Susque- 
 hanna the songs of the church ascended at the beginning and 
 close of every day. Henry Antes, the eldest son of Col. Antes, 
 was such an intense adherent to the faith of the Reformed 
 Church, that when his brother Philip became an ardent Metho- 
 dist a breach was caused between them that was not healed for 
 many years. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 EARLY METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 IT MAY be difficult for us to imagine a period so recent in our 
 thriving country when there were no railroads nor steam ves- 
 sels, nor any of the various tools and implements which 
 these modes of transportation have called into existence. Yet 
 to understand the life of the men of that early day, when our 
 country was still under the rule of England, we must conceive 
 of them making their own tools and providing their own helps 
 in all the affairs of life. At that time the greater part of their 
 traveling with burdens was done in the winter, because of the 
 comparative ease with which burdens could be hauled over the 
 snow and the streams could be crossed on the ice. There were 
 no roads, only paths. At first these were only wide enough for 
 the Indian to meander his way through the woods. There was 
 no cutting down of trees to make the traveling easier, but going 
 around those which stood in the way. Then when horses came 
 to be used there was necessarily seeking a wider passage, but this 
 was seriously interfered with by the overhanging branches of 
 the trees and the great knolls at the roots. The forest was so 
 thick and the ground so uneven that the best means of travel was 
 seen to be on the streams, when the waters were deep enough to 
 transport them. In the woods there was an abundance of ma- 
 terial for vessels and the ingenuity of man soon devised a way 
 to use the material. The variation in the condition of the streams 
 required vessels or boats to meet these changes, for the trickling 
 rivulet ran into the rushing river. 
 
 The Indian began his traveling on the water in a sort of skin 
 tub, which was a skeleton of flexible poles lashed together with 
 roots, withes, bark or any other available material, and covered 
 with the hide of some large animal sewed into shape with the 
 sinews of a deer. These skin boats had the hair left on the 
 outside until it wore off by use. When the boat was taken from 
 the water it was turned over and used as a sheltering tent from 
 
EARLY METHODS OE TRANSPORTATION. 2iSJ 
 
 the storms. The skin was generally smoked and greased in order 
 to preserve it as long as possible. This, however, was an Indian 
 mode of traveling and was not adopted by the white men. 
 
 The canoe was the usual means of traveling by water, and 
 these boats were constructed with an effort to combine art and 
 efficiency. Lightness, buoyancy and speed were qualities that 
 could not be ignored. These were often made of birch bark, 
 and often a boat would be the rind of one tree ingeniously sewed 
 together with the roots of the tamarack and made water-tight. 
 Under the management of one skilled at it the boat was both 
 graceful and speedy. Canoes were also made of logs, and were 
 then called dug-outs. In making these the Indians usually 
 selected a tree near the stream and built a fire at the roots and 
 burnt it until it fell. Then by burning it, and by their stone im- 
 plements gouging out the charred portions, they reduced it to the 
 shape desired, both on the inside and the outside. Some of these 
 were made very large so as to carry a great troop of warriors. 
 When the white men settled along the streams they used their 
 axes and chisels and thus soon made boats to suit their purposes. 
 Along the river and the larger streams every settler had his 
 boat or boats, and by this means carried on traffic with the other 
 members of the settlement. Every one in the family learned to 
 manage the canoe. When they went from home and wished to 
 maintain secrecy, as was often the case in the times of Indian 
 troubles, or to preserve their boats from being stolen, they sunk 
 them beneath the stream, and marked the hiding place, until they 
 again wished to use their boat. In this way the Indians, in 
 their raids, were able to cross rivers and pass up or down their 
 waters, having hidden boats at various places where they ex- 
 pected they might be under the necessity of using them. 
 
 Sometimes, when families were moving, they lashed canoes 
 together and loaded them with their household effects, and thus 
 passed to their destination. In this manner also the traveling 
 peddler or merchant disposed of his goods. It was quite con- 
 venient for Mr. Weitzel to send from his store in Sunbury a 
 floating stock of merchandise from landing to landing, and thus 
 save the people the necessity of going down to the distant town. 
 The canoe was the medium of communication between the set- 
 tlers, and thus one of the most prominent of the civilizing agen- 
 cies of that earlv dav. 
 
288 EARLY METHODS (»!• TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 The batteau was am tther form of boat, larger than the canoe, 
 and used for carrying larger burdens. It carried generally as 
 much as two tons weight and required three men to manage it. 
 It was made of sawed lumber, and to have them required the 
 building of a saw mill. There was such a mill at Fort Augusta. 
 It was not at all like the saw mills of our day, but was a pit in 
 the ground, oxer which there was a platform on which the log 
 was placed. Two men above and two men below dragged a 
 long saw, with a handle in each end. up and down, until it passed 
 through the log and produced a piece of timber of the desired 
 thickness. When Fort Augusta was built, the Government used 
 batteaux to transport the material. To do this there were em- 
 ployed forty-eight men. who were called Battoe men. These 
 men were enamored with the country through which they passed 
 and became settlers along the shores of the river. 
 
 The Susquehanna has always been a shallow stream ex- 
 cept in flood time. This made it an easy way for small boats 
 like the canoe and safe for those who were not skilled in breast- 
 ing the raging torrents. But there were times when the river 
 lost this placidity and became a current of raging and foaming 
 waters, sweeping away everything that came within its grasp. 
 There was an Indian tradition that a great flood occurred every 
 fourteen years at regular intervals. In these floods, which are 
 not to be classed with the ordinary freshets, the waters rose to 
 a height exceeding that of the usual freshets six or seven feet. 
 The settlers found this tradition to be verified. The first flood 
 that they recorded was in 1744; the second in T758; the third in 
 1772. In 1786 occurred the great pumpkin flood. In the 
 Spring of 1800, after a heavy rain of three days and three nights, 
 a deep snow was carried off and thus made a great flood. In 
 August of 1814 was another flood of the same character. Some- 
 times the flood was in the spring; sometimes in the fall, but the 
 rule seemed to hold good. This was a time when the settlers 
 had to look after their boats and often their buildings, too. In 
 these flood times no small or light craft could bear the force of 
 the stream and all traffic and traveling was for the time sus- 
 pended. 
 
 Then came the skill, which was a batteau reduced in size 
 to that of a canoe, and adorned with the inventions of men who 
 were seeking easier ways of doing things. To-day. with all the 
 
EARLY METHODS OE TRANSPORTATION. 250, 
 
 march of civilization, the usual boat along the Susquehanna is 
 the skiff. It was a Connecticut invention, and like the settlers 
 from that State came to stay. 
 
 If the men on the frontier could not have saw mills and 
 thus build batteaux when they had large loads to move, they 
 were not left helpless, for they soon saw a simple and easy way 
 to remove their difficulty. They simply cut down trees of the 
 size they needed and lashed them together and thus made a 
 raft. This could be of any size they wished and would carry 
 all they desired. Then when it had served its purpose it could 
 be used in building a log house, or a fence, or for firewood. As 
 the riches of the forest became better known, and the claims of 
 commerce increased, the settlers cut down great trees and 
 lashing them together floated them down the river until they 
 came to the avenues of manufacture that were established by 
 men from the great cities. This was a method of down-the- 
 river transportation. Sometimes the current of the river was 
 too strong for the men in charge of the raft and it would be 
 driven on the rocks and broken apart, causing the loss not only 
 of the raft but also of everything that was upon it, the rafts- 
 man being fortunate to escape with his life. The flat boat was 
 used by the settlers where families were conveyed, or farm 
 stock. It was such a boat as has held its place in ferries until 
 this present day. The flat boat has a reputation on large rivers, 
 because it was capable of carrying such great burdens. More- 
 over the youthful experience of Abraham Lincoln on a flat- 
 boat down the Mississippi has given it a national reputation. 
 Then came the Durham boat, and keel boat, which were pushed 
 by poles up the river, and sometimes forced up against the cur- 
 rent by the use of windlasses fastened to trees along the bank 
 of the stream. There were also team boats, and arks. The 
 ark was a short raft, or flat-boat, with a stearing horn at one 
 end. They were used to carry flour, etc. 
 
 Traveling in the Olden Times. 
 
 The foundations of the roads that were ultimately made 
 were the Indian paths over which the red man swiftly trotted, 
 or led his pony, not minding the trees or the rocks which the 
 white man could not so easily surmount. When the white man 
 
 J 9 
 
29O EARLY METHODS OE TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 began to use these paths, he had to freely use the axe and the 
 grubbing hoe, and widen and level for the huge wagons that 
 were necessary in conveying his goods. The entire household 
 possessions of the Indian could be put in a small load for man, 
 woman or beast to carry, but not so with the white man. His 
 manner of living required the accumulation of many things to 
 make life comfortable, hence one of the first considerations was 
 the nature of the roads, and as prosperity advanced the roads 
 improved until they have reached the breadth, solidity and 
 smoothness such as we see at this day, reaching the climax in 
 the avenues of our large cities. 
 
 In the account of Zinzendorf's journey to Wyoming, in 
 1742, we have a picture of some of the difficulties of early trav- 
 eling: "We traveled on and soon struck the lovely Susque- 
 hanna. Riding along its bank we came to the boundary of 
 Shamokin, a precipitous hill, such as I scarce ever saw. I was 
 reminded by it of Wenzel Neisser's experience in Italy. Anna 
 Nitschman, who is the most courageous of our number, and 
 a heroine, led in the descent. I took the train of her riding 
 habit in my hand to steady me in the saddle. Conrad held to 
 the skirt of my overcoat, and Bohler to Conrad's. In this way 
 we mutually supported each other, and the Saviour assisted us 
 in descending the hill in safety." 
 
 Near Montoursville, the place is described as follows : 
 " The Sachem pointed out the ford over the Susquehanna. 
 The river here is much broader than the Delaware, the water 
 beautifully transparent, and were it not for smooth rocks in its 
 bed it would be easily fordable. In crossing we had, therefore, 
 to pull up our horses, and keep a tight rein. The high banks 
 of American rivers render their passage on horseback extremely 
 difficult. To the left of the path, after crossing the river, a 
 large cave in a rocky hill in the widerness was shown us. 
 From it, the surrounding country and, the west branch of the 
 Susquehanna are called Otzinachson, i. e., the " Demon's 
 Den," for here the evil spirits, say the Indians, have their seats 
 and hold their revels. 
 
 " The country through which we were now riding, al- 
 though a wilderness, showed indications of extreme fertility. 
 As soon as we left the path we trod on swampy ground, over 
 which traveling on horseback was altogether impracticable. 
 
EARLY METHODS OE TRANSPORTATION. 29 1 
 
 We halted half an hour while Conrad rode along the river bank 
 in search of a ford. The foliage of the forest at this season of 
 the year, blending all conceivable shades of green, red and yel- 
 low, was truly gorgeous, and lent a richness to the landscape 
 that would have charmed an artist. At times we wound 
 through a continuous growth of diminutive oaks reaching 
 no higher than our horses' girths, in a perfect sea of scarlet, 
 purple and gold, bounded along the horizon by the gigantic 
 evergreens of the forest. During the journey thus far I have 
 not seen any snakes, although the banks of the Susquehanna 
 are said to be the resort of a species which lie on the tops of 
 of the low bushes in wait to spring upon the passing traveler. 
 The country generally abounded in reptiles, bears, and other 
 wild animals. Leaving Otstonwakin, our way lay through the 
 forest, over rocks and frightful mountains, and across streams 
 swollen by the recent heavy rains. This was a fatiguing and 
 dangerous journey, and on several occasions we imperiled our 
 lives in fording the creeks which ran with impetuous current." 
 
 Mack says : "I once rode out with the Disciple (Zinzen- 
 dorf) and Anna. There was a creek in our way in a swampy 
 piece of ground. Anna and myself led in crossing, and with 
 difficulty succeeded in ascending the farther bank, which was 
 steep and muddy. But the Disciple was less fortunate, for 
 on attempting to land, his horse plunged, broke the girth and 
 his rider rolled off backwards into the water, and the saddle 
 upon him. It required much effort on my part to extricate 
 him, and when I at last had succeeded, he kissed me and said, 
 'My poor brother ! I am an endless source of trouble.' Being 
 without change, we were necessitated to dry our clothes at the 
 fire and then brush off the mud. Adventures of this kind befell 
 us more than once." 
 
 In Biographical Annals of the West Branch is this account 
 of a road up the Loyalsock : " There seems to have been no 
 wagon road through this or perhaps any other part of Sullivan 
 county at this time, at least no public road. Joseph J. Wallis, 
 who was then the Deputy Surveyor of the first district, had 
 several years before, in 1784, cut out and. opened a pack-horse 
 road, to supply himself and men with provisions whilst engaged 
 with his official duties, which path had been somewhat im- 
 proved by the settlers, but was still by no means a road. It was, 
 
292 EARLY METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 however, the only means of thoroughfare or medium of ex- 
 change for the new settlement, and horses and oxen driven 
 tandem were the motive power. To meet the emergency. Mr. 
 Eldred procured three oxen, and belling the leader, learned the 
 others to follow him. With this team he made several trips 
 to and from Muncy, encamping in the woods when night over- 
 took him, and releasing the oxen of their burthen ; the green 
 leaves and shrubbery around generally supplied them with suffi- 
 cient provender before lying down to rest. The scream of the 
 panther and the howl of wolves was often a horrid serenade 
 around him, but the camp fire and bell of the ox deterred those 
 animals from a closer interview, and his dreams were never dis- 
 turbed by either." 
 
 The necessity of a wagon road, however, soon obliged the 
 owners of the unimproved land, as well as the settlers, to have 
 one constructed, and in 1802-3 those thus interested, by sub- 
 scriptions of money and work, opened up for travel a private 
 thoroughfare from Muncy to Towanda. which was soon 
 thronged with travel. It was for several years the main route 
 for emigrants to western New York from southern Pennsyl- 
 vania and Maryland, particularly to the Genesee country, 
 which gave it the name of the ''Genesee Road." Mr. Eldred, who 
 had erected a log house near it, was soon overrun with appli- 
 cations for lodging, meals and provender for beasts. It was 
 not unfrequent that from twenty to thirty wagons, with mov- 
 ing families, encamped around him. and eagerly bought such 
 supplies as he had. What could be done to provide accommo- 
 dations? No bricks were to be had in thirty miles, and no 
 lime for stone work in like distance. Timber was plenty, but 
 there were no saw mills to manufacture it into lumber. The 
 only resource seemed to be a log house, and how to build such 
 an one large enough for the apparent need was the problem. 
 The plan of constructing four houses of hewed logs, corner- 
 ing together and forming the fifth, occurred to him and was 
 adopted. The ground figure of this building was exactly 
 that of a fox and geese board, and whilst on one side of each 
 house the labor and expense of providing the logs were saved, 
 the union forming a fifth resulted as a consequence. The di- 
 mensions of each of these four buildings were about eighteen 
 by twenty-four feet and two stories in height, the middle one 
 
EARLY METHODS OE TRANSPORTATION. 293 
 
 eighteen by eighteen and three stories, with a lookout on 
 top. The spring and summer of 1803 were spent in the erec- 
 tion of this castle. Liberty Hall, as it was called, was no doubt 
 properly conducted, but some of the frontier public places were 
 vile places. 
 
 In 1 810, DeWitt Clinton, with a party, traveled through 
 New York State to investigate a canal route, and thus describes 
 his experience at a typical backwoods tavern: "We found the 
 house, which is kept by one Magie, crowded with noisy, 
 drunken people, and the landlord, wife and son were in the 
 same situation. The house being small and dirty, we took 
 refuge in a room in which were two beds and a weaver's loom, 
 a beaufet and dressers for tea utensils, and furniture, and there 
 we had a very uncomfortable collation. Col. Porter erected 
 his tent and made his fire on the hill, where he was comfortably 
 accommodated with the young gentlemen. I reconnoitered 
 up-stairs ; but in passing to the bed, I saw several dirty villain- 
 ous looking fellows in their bunks and all placed in the same 
 garret. I retreated from the disgusting scene, and left Gen. 
 North, Mr. De^Yitt and Mr. Geddes in the undisputed posses- 
 sion of the attic beds. The Commodore and I took posses- 
 sion of the beds below, but previous to this we were assured 
 by an apparently decent girl that they were free from vermin, 
 and that the beds above were well stored with them. Satis- 
 fied with these assurances, we prepared ourselves for a com- 
 fortable sleep after a fatiguing day. But no sooner were we 
 lodged than our noses were assailed by a thousand villainous 
 smells, meeting our olfactory nerves in all directions, the most 
 potent exhalation arising from boiled pork, which was left 
 close to our heads. Our ears were invaded by a commingled 
 noise of drunken people in an adjacent room, of crickets in the 
 hearth, of rats in the walls, of dogs under the beds, by the 
 whizzing of mosquitoes about our heads, and the flying of bats 
 about the room. The women in the house were continually 
 pushing open the door, and pacing the room for plates, and 
 knives, and spoons; and the dogs would avail themselves of 
 such opportunities to come in under our beds. Under these 
 circumstances sleep was impracticable ; and, after the family had 
 retired to rest, we heard our companions above rolling about 
 restless in their beds. This we set down to the credit of the 
 
294 EARLY METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 bugs, and we hugged ourselves on our superior comforts. YVe 
 were, however, soon driven up by the annoyance of vermin. 
 On lighting a candle and examining the beds, we found that we 
 had been assailed by an army of bed bugs, aided by a body of 
 light infantry in the shape of fleas and a regiment of mosquito 
 cavalry. I retreated from the disgusting scene and imme- 
 diately dressed myself and took refuge in a segar. Leaving 
 the Commodore to his meditations, I went out on the Point. 
 The moon was in its full orb and blaze of unclouded majesty. 
 Here my feelings were not only relieved, but my mind was ele- 
 vated by the scenery before me. The ground on which I 
 stood was elevated ; below me flowed the Oneida river, and on 
 my left the Seneca poured its waters, and uniting together they 
 formed a majestic stream. Flocks of white geese were sporting 
 on the water — a number of boats lying moored to the banks, a 
 white tent erected on the right, enlivened by a blazing fire, an 
 Indian hut on the opposite bank, displaying the red man of the 
 forest and his family preparing for the sports of the day — the 
 bellowing of thousands of frogs in the water, and the roaring 
 of bloodhounds in pursuit of deer and foxes, added to the singu- 
 larity of the scene. My mind became tranquilized, and I 
 availed myself of a vacant mattress in the tent and enjoyed a 
 comfortable sleep of two hours." 
 
 We can see the evolution of roads from the account of the 
 Lancaster turnpike by Futhey, who says : "The first turnpike 
 in America was built through Chester county. The Philadel- 
 phia and Lancaster Turnpike Road Company was chartered 
 April 9, 1792. The road was immediately commenced and was 
 completed in 1794, at a cost of $465,000, or about $7,516 per 
 mile. It was formed of three highways between the terminal 
 points, the King's Highway of Lancaster county being ex- 
 tended thirty-two miles to join the two lower sections which 
 were previously laid out. It was opened to travel in 1795. and 
 at once became a leading thoroughfare between Philadelphia 
 and the West. The travel and transportation of merchandise 
 upon it for many years was enormous. It was lined with pub- 
 lic houses, averaging in some parts of its course, in Chester 
 county, one for every mile. At night the yards of these taverns 
 would be filled with teams, the horses standing on each side of 
 the tongue, on which a trough was placed. The teamsters car- 
 
EARLY METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION. 295 
 
 ried their beds with them, and at night spread them on the bar- 
 room floors or in rooms appropriated for that purpose. Some 
 of these public houses were known as stage-taverns, and others 
 as wagon-taverns, the stage-taverns being somewhat more pre- 
 tentious than the others. It may be observed of these public 
 houses that they were as a rule remarkably well kept, and had 
 a good class of landlords, generally the owners.'' 
 
 Contrast this with the first road in the wilderness. When 
 the New Purchase was consummated, and the people flocking 
 into the new lands were struggling for an existence, the need 
 of a road was manifested by a petition presented to the Court 
 in 1772 to have a road located. In the August session of the 
 Northumberland County Court, the road was authorized, and 
 John Henry Antes and others were appointed to view, and if 
 they saw cause, to lay out a bridle path or trail to the mouth of 
 Bald Eagle creek. They marked out this road thirty-three 
 feet in width. They did not imagine that in a few years it 
 would be a trail of blood. This road followed somewhat the 
 path that Zinzendorf had traveled. 
 
 The settlers coming into the new country brought with 
 them such wagons as they had, and adapted to carrying their 
 goods and serving as shelters for their families. We may form 
 an idea of what these wagons were like from the description of 
 those ordered by the Government to be furnished by the coun- 
 ties for an expedition to Pittsburg in 1758-9. The specifica- 
 tions were as follows : 
 
 "Each wagon to be fitted in the following manner, viz: 
 With four good strong horses, properly harnessed ; the wagon 
 to be complete in everything, large and strong, having a drag 
 chain eleven feet in length, with a hook at each end ; a knife for 
 cutting grass, falling axe and shovel, two setts of clouts, and 
 five setts of nails, an iron hoop to the end of every axle-tree, a 
 linen mangoe, a two-gallon keg of tar and oil mixed together, a 
 slip bell, hopples, two setts of shoes and four setts of shoe nails 
 for each horse ; eight setts of spare hames and five setts of hame- 
 strings, a bag to receive their provisions, a spare sett of linch 
 pins, and a hand-screw for every three wagons. The drivers 
 to be able-bodied men, capable of loading and unloading, and 
 assisting one another in case of accident." 
 
 De Witt Clinton tells us of the wagons used between Gen- 
 
296 EARLY METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION. 
 
 eva and Albany using" five horses, and carrying forty or fifty 
 hundred weight. The rims of the wagons were six inches 
 broad, and one that he saw had rims nine inches broad and used 
 six horses. 
 
 But in the new country the river was the great highway. The 
 settlers soon learned to be expert in the management of various 
 kinds of craft, and found a keen delight in the motion on the 
 waters. 
 
 The Indians were expert watermen, and the white men could 
 be no less. The Indian had his canoe made of birch bark, or a 
 single tree hollowed out by means of fire and stone axe. The 
 white man, with his superior implements, in a short time could 
 make boats and canoes of patterns to suit his convenience, and of 
 sizes that met his needs. The family uses required only small 
 boats, but traffic needed large ones. The advantage of being a 
 master of transportation was apparent to John Henry Antes, and, 
 with his sons, he soon became one of the most expert of the river 
 merchants. At this time there was comparatively free naviga- 
 tion as far down the river as Middletown, at the mouth of the 
 Swatara. Below this there were rapids and great masses of rocks 
 in the stream that threatened destruction to navigation. Hence 
 the trade between Philadelphia and the West Branch was by way 
 of the Highway to Lancaster, and thence to river at Middletown. 
 
 In 1762, David Rittenhouse and Dr. William Smith surveyed 
 and leveled a route for a canal to connect the waters of the Sus- 
 quehanna and the Schuylkill rivers by means of the Swatara and 
 Tolpehocken creeks. This was a part of an immense plan to con- 
 nect Lake Erie, the Ohio and the Delaware. It would have made 
 a continuous waterway of 582 miles. The various wars that 
 burst on the country prevented their plan from being carried out. 
 In 1 791, however, a company was formed to accomplish it, but 
 the financial distresses of the country caused its failure. 
 
 In 1796, a German miller named Krieder built an ark at 
 Huntingdon, on the Juniata, which he freighted with flour, and 
 determined to test the rapids below the mouth of the Swatara. 
 lie was successful and safely landed his cargo in the city of Balti- 
 more. This caused a revolution in the carrying business and 
 threatened to divert the entire trade of the interior from Philadel- 
 phia to Baltimore. 
 
 Owego. in Xew York State, became the head of the river 
 
EARLY METHODS OE TRANSPORTATION. 297 
 
 trade on the North Branch, and from it arks carrying as many as 
 250 barrels of flour, or salt, carried their loads to Baltimore in ten 
 or twelve days. The ark cost $75 at Owego, and was sold for 
 about half that at Baltimore. It was impossible for trade to come 
 up the river on account of the rapids, but the lumber was profit- 
 able at the lower end of the line. Great rafts were made of logs 
 and floated down the stream until there was a class of men who 
 were noted as raftsmen. It required the establishment of stop- 
 ping places along the river, hence there came into existence a class 
 of taverns in which all the violence and immorality of the roughest 
 classes from the frontier found vent, aided by the drinking of 
 immoderate quantities of the vilest whisky that could be manu- 
 factured. 
 
 Above the rapids there was the transportation of goods up 
 the river by poling. This was a slow way and laborious, but a 
 batteau carried safely the large load that was committed to it. 
 In this way families found their way into the wilderness more 
 securely and with less damage than by treading the rough roads 
 along the shore. When the boat stuck fast on a sand bar, or a 
 shoal, the men and women, both, would get into the water and 
 push the boat into deeper water again. 
 
 The, river shore at Sunbury was an interesting place for ob- 
 servation in those days, for they could see all the craft and learn 
 all the news from the North Branch and from the West Branch, 
 and the streams flowing into them. What the canals and rail- 
 roads are to our day, the river was to the people of that day. The 
 most wonderful flotilla, however, that was ever seen on the Sus- 
 quehanna, was that which appeared at Sunbury at the time of the 
 Big Runaway, with Colonel Antes bringing up the rear. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 BEGINNING OE THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 IN THE month of July, 171 8. William Perm, the founder of the 
 government, which he said was to be a free colony for all 
 
 mankind, ended his earthly career, and left to his three sons, 
 John, Thomas and Richard, the task of completing his designs. 
 His estates were vast and valuable, but were encumbered with 
 debts. Pennsylvania was governed by them, or by their deputies, 
 until the year 1779, when the entire claims of the Penn family to 
 the soil and jurisdiction of Pennsylvania' were purchased by the 
 State Legislature for a hundred and thirty thousand pounds ster- 
 ling. Ridpath, the historian, says : "It is doubtful whether the 
 history of any other colony in the world is touched with so many 
 traits of innocence and truth." At the time of the beginning of 
 the series of troubles to which we need to give our attention, 
 James Hamilton was the Deputy Governor. He received his ap- 
 pointment in 1748. The next year an alarming crisis developed. 
 The peaceful relations with the Indians, which had been inaugu- 
 rated by William Penn, were broken by the series of wrongs per- 
 petrated upon them from time to time. The fruits of these wrong 
 doings were now about to reveal themselves. Along the borders 
 of the great lakes the French improved every opportunity to win 
 the Indians and separate them from the English. They soon won 
 over the Shawanese, and the Dela wares were nursing their in- 
 jured feelings and only waiting for a favorable opportunity to 
 unite with them. At the Indian confederacy in the region be- 
 tween the lakes and the rivers, the Onondagas, Cayugas and 
 Senecas were wavering. The French were aggressive, and were 
 building a line of forts on the strong points from the lakes down 
 the Ohio. 
 
 It was found to be necessary to make many presents to the 
 Indians and show a constant interest in them, and at the same 
 time to construct forts along the frontier, and to maintain a mili- 
 tary force to man these forts and to protect the ground between 
 
BEGINNING OE THE REVOLUTION. 299 
 
 them. All this required a heavy expenditure of money, and rais- 
 ing this caused the complications that finally changed the entire 
 form of government. It is an interesting review to see how, un- 
 der varied conditions, the same spirit of independence and equality 
 operated in the development of the social and political life of the 
 people. Dr. Benjamin Franklin was the leader in the Assembly, 
 and was rising to a position of great power by his uncommon 
 shrewdness and mental force. He was one of the people, and rep- 
 resented the needs and thoughts of the people. His identity with 
 them can be seen in the nature of the books he produced, such as 
 "Poor Richard's Almanac," &c. He has been called the many 
 sided Franklin. This is true of him, because he was capable of 
 representing every class of people and to be in sympathy with the 
 poor man in his hut, the frontiersman in his cabin, and the courtly 
 lords and ladies in the salons of the European Capitals. 
 
 In Pennsylvania there were the aristocratic Englishmen of 
 the Governor's Court, and the Quakers, who were strongly averse 
 to such fantastic displays as the social elegance of the authorities 
 called for. There were also the sturdy Germans rapidly settling 
 in the best farm lands and resenting the sneers of the more stylish 
 English-speaking classes. The Quakers, and Dunkards, and 
 Mennonites, and Schwenkfelders, with pacific principles, had little 
 sympathy with the methods of the authorities and prudently kept 
 themselves aloof from public affairs and attended to the develop- 
 ment of their farms and shops. 
 
 To meet the expenses incurred the people were taxed, and 
 herein lay the foundation for strife. The Proprietaries were will- 
 ing that the common people should be taxed, but wished to evade 
 it themselves. Through their Deputies they refused and pleaded 
 prerogative, charter and law ; the Assembly pleaded in turn equity, 
 common danger and common benefit requiring a common expense. 
 The Proprietaries offered bounties in lands which were still in the 
 possession of the Indians, and the privilege of issuing more paper 
 money. This did not satisfy the people ; they wanted something 
 more tangible. The Assembly passed laws laying taxes and grant- 
 ing supplies, but annexed conditions which the Governor opposed. 
 While these disputes were being indulged the danger on the fron- 
 tier was increasing and the people were helpless. 
 
 Concerning the contest between the Assemblv and the Gov- 
 
300 BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 ernor, and the defences of the Province, Charles J. Stille writes 
 as follows in the 1896 vol. of '"The Pennsylvania Magazine :" 
 
 "These volumes (The Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania) em- 
 body the result of the investigations of a Commission appointed 
 by the Governor * * providing for ascertaining the sites of 
 the Provincial forts. ::: :;: * They are valuable not only be- 
 cause they tell us why the Provincial map of the State along the 
 Blue Mountains and on the frontier farther westward is dotted 
 with fortified posts to secure easy eligible position, and because 
 they tell us what service these posts rendered, but also because 
 they refute the commonly received opinion that the Quakers, who 
 were supposed to have held a majority in the Assembly prior to 
 the Revolution, refused to erect forts or raise troops for the de- 
 fence of the inhabitants of the frontier against the hostile French 
 and Indians. * * * * It would appear from these volumes 
 that, so far from the Province having been defenceless during 
 the French and Indian wars, that there were erected during the 
 campaigns of 1755-58, and that of 1763 (Pontiac's war), no less 
 than two hundred and seven forts, large and small, on the fron- 
 tier, by the order and at the expense of the Assembly of the Prov- 
 ince, and that these were garrisoned by troops in its pay." 
 
 This statement is so greatly at variance with that made in a 
 petition presented in 1756 to the English Board of Trade, and 
 signed by some of the most respectable inhabitants of Philadel- 
 phia, which asserts that the colony was then in a naked and de- 
 fenceless state, and that it had not armed a single man, nor at the 
 public expense provided a single fortification, that it calls for a 
 careful scrutiny. * * :;: * It will be observed on examining 
 these maps (made by the Commission), that this chain of forts 
 formed two distinct barriers to an enemy coming from the west. 
 the outer one guarding what was the frontier against the French, 
 in 1763, along the east bank of the Ohio (Allegheny) river from 
 Kittanning to the southwestern corner of the State, and the other 
 extending along the Kittatinny Hills, or Blue Mountains, from 
 Easton to the Susquehanna, at Harrisburg. The latter, or in- 
 terior, line was specially intended to guard against Indian raids. 
 Pet ween the outer or western line and that on the Blue Moun- 
 tains was .another chain of forts, of which the principal were 
 Lowther, at Carlisle. Morris and Franklin, at Shippensburg, Gran- 
 ville, at Lewistown, Shirley and Littleton, at Bedford, and Lou- 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 3OI 
 
 doun, in Franklin county. The frontier was thus guarded by 
 these three lines in Pontiac's war in 1763, and, although the posts 
 were in reasonable proximity to each other, it was found impossi- 
 ble, notwithstanding the efforts of their garrisons, to prevent 
 many murders by the Indians of the inhabitants scattered around 
 them. Other colonies beside Pennsylvania were unfortunately in 
 the same condition. Virginia lost more by Indian murders than 
 ourselves, and, with all their efforts, the inhabitants on the Xew 
 England frontier suffered greatly, as is well known, from scalping 
 Indians. 
 
 The Indian war broke out shortly after Braddock's defeat, 
 in July, 1755, and the first murderous raids of the savages occur- 
 red at various times from October, 1755, and during the year 
 1756. The settlements along the Blue Mountains were, as we 
 have said, very much scattered, and the miserable inhabitants fell 
 victims to the merciless savages, even when forts, intended for 
 their protection, were not far distant from their habitations. The 
 hope of their serving as places of refuge to those who were ex- 
 posed had been one of the chief reasons for their establishment. 
 The forts in this respect do not seem to have answered the ex- 
 pectations of those who erected them. It must not be forgotten 
 that the incursions of the Indians, which were on the most exten- 
 sive scale, and the most successful, were made at points not far 
 distant from some of the principal forts, the invaders not being 
 deterred by the defence they presented. Thus, the attack upon 
 the Harris party was made at a point not far from Fort Hunter ; 
 that upon Gnaddenhutten, near Fort Allen and Fort Norris ; and 
 that upon Tulpehocken, at a point near Fort North-kill. At this 
 time the Province had two regiments amounting to eleven hun- 
 dred men in commission, the one commanded by Dr. Franklin, on 
 the northeastern frontier, and the other by Conrad \Yeiser, lie- 
 sides a large number of men composing the garrisons of the dif- 
 ferent posts. The cost of these fortifications on the frontier was 
 said to have been more than eighty thousand pounds, and the 
 equipment and subsistence of the men necessarily a large sum. 
 One reason, perhaps, of the ill success of the Provincial troops in 
 protecting the inhabitants was the want of a proper discipline and 
 training of the soldiers. It was the opinion of those who had 
 had the longest experience in Indian warfare that the troops 
 should not have been cooped up in garrisons, but should have been 
 
302 BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 employed as rangers, and kept actively engaged in patrolling the 
 exposed districts. The forts formed a barrier, however, which 
 neither the French nor the Indians ever could pass so as to retain 
 a permanent footing to the eastward. They seemed to have 
 failed in accomplishing the end for which they were built, owing 
 to the peculiar mode of warfare adopted by the Indians. 
 
 The story of the employment of the Provincial troops and 
 the methods which were adopted to secure money for their pay 
 and subsistence forms one of the most interesting chapters in our 
 Provincial history, and one which embodies, perhaps, more fully 
 than any other the nature and outcome of the perpetual dispute 
 between the Proprietary and the Assembly of the province as to 
 their respective rights and powers in the government of the prov- 
 ince. The unexpected result of Braddock's expedition had driven 
 the inhabitants of the province — not merely those on the frontier 
 (at that time hardly more than a hundred miles from the chief 
 city), but also throughout the whole province — into a panic, which 
 demanded efficient and immediate armed protection. A contro- 
 versy had long existed between the Governor (Morris) and the 
 Assembly on fundamental questions in regard to their respective 
 powers, which it became necessary to settle without delay, in order 
 to ascertain to which of the two departments of government — the 
 executive or the legislative — the power of raising and equipping 
 an army and of providing money for their pay and subsistence 
 belonged. Of course, all parties agreed that something should be 
 done to protect the inhabitants on the frontier, made defenceless 
 by the defeat of Braddock, and the only question between the Gov- 
 ernor, supported by the Proprietary party, and those who opposed 
 the measures proposed by him to prevent further incursions of the 
 Indians was, that the Governor proposed that the troops should 
 form a provincial militia, over which the provincial authorities, 
 that is, the Governor and his friends, should have complete con- 
 trol, especially in the appointment of all the officers, and that the 
 money for their pay and equipment should be raised by a tax, 
 from the payment of which the Proprietary estates should be ex- 
 empted ; while their opponents contended that the military force 
 should be composed of volunteers, and that the tax imposed to 
 raise money to support them should be levied upon all the estates 
 in the province, those of the Proprietaries not excepted. 
 
 The defeat of Braddock occurred on the ioth of July. 1755. 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 303 
 
 On the arrival of the news at Philadelphia, the Governor, on 
 July 26th, convened the Assembly. On the second day of the 
 session the Assembly granted an aid to the Crown of fifty thou- 
 sand pounds, to be repaid by a tax upon all the estates in the 
 Province, including those of the Proprietaries. The Governor 
 insisted the latter should be exempt, but the Assembly was obsti- 
 nate, resting upon its rights under the charter, and insisting 
 that it taxed the Proprietaries estates as private and not as offi- 
 cial property. These discussions caused great delay. Various 
 schemes were proposed to induce the Governor to agree to the 
 action of the Assembly, when, on November 22, 1755, the Pro- 
 prietaries in England having sent word that if the Assembly 
 would refrain from taxing their estates they would make the 
 Province a present of five thousand pounds, the bill granting 
 fifty thousand pounds for the use of the Crown and exempting 
 the Proprietary estates from taxation was at last passed. It 
 would appear, therefore, that the Assembly was perfectly will- 
 ing to vote a general tax for this purpose, but that the Proprie- 
 taries — by far the largest private landholders in the Province — 
 had instructed their Governor not to agree to any laws, no mat- 
 ter how essential to the safety of the Province they might be, 
 by which the returns from their lands might be lessened. 
 
 At the same time was passed, " An act for the bet- 
 ter ordering and regulating such as are willing and desirous of 
 being united for military purposes." This act was also very 
 distasteful to the Governor, who desired that a cumpulsory mi- 
 litia bill should be enacted, giving him the sole power of the ap- 
 pointment of the officers and of the disbursement of the money 
 provided for military purposes. However, the Assembly per- 
 sisted, and the Governor was obliged to depend upon such a 
 military force as the Assembly could be induced to give him. 
 We are told in the petition, to which we have referred, of certain 
 members of the Proprietary party in Pennsylvania, which was 
 argued before the Lords of Trade on the 26th of February, 
 1756, that notwithstanding these acts adopted by the Assembly, 
 "that Pennsylvania is the only one of the Colonies which has not 
 armed a single man, nor at the public expense provided a single 
 fortification to shelter the unhappy inhabitants from the contin- 
 ual inroads of a merciless enemy." This statement is the basis 
 of the old calumny against the Assembly. And yet, on the 3d 
 
304 BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 of February. 1756, Governor Morris, the deputy and agent of 
 the Penns during the whole course of this dispute, sent a mes- 
 sage to the Assembly, in which he says, "that everything possi- 
 ble (of course, by virtue of these acts) had been done for the se- 
 curity of the Province, that a chain of forts and block-houses 
 extending from the River Delaware along the Kittatinny Hills 
 to the Maryland line was then almost complete, that they were 
 placed at the most important passes, at convenient distances, 
 and were all garrisoned with detachments in the pay of the 
 Province, and he believed, in case the officers and men posted 
 in them did their duty, they would prove a protection against 
 such parties as had hitherto appeared on their borders." 
 
 And yet the Board of Trade had the hardihood to declare 
 that the measures taken by the Assembly for the defence of the 
 Province were improper, inadequate, and ineffectual ! It may 
 be that the persons who signed this petition, when they affixed 
 their names to it. sincerely believed that the state of the Prov- 
 ince was so deplorable that it justified the request made in the 
 petition that the Quakers should be disqualified from sitting 
 any longer as members of the Assembly, because they would 
 not vote for warlike measures, but on the 26th of February. 
 1756. when the Penns. their agents and lawyers in London, 
 must have known that the allegations in the petition had been 
 proved false by the event, it is hard to understand what defence 
 can be made for imposing such absurd falsehoods on the Board 
 of Trade. 
 
 The Board, misled by such statements, was forced to con- 
 clude "that there was no cause to hope for other measures while 
 the majority of the Assembly consisted of persons whose avow- 
 ed principles were against military service." This allegation. 
 equally unfounded with that concerning the inadequacy of the 
 measures adopted by the Assembly for the defence of the Prov- 
 ince, leads to the inquiry how far the Quakers were concerned 
 in the legislation of the period. 
 
 Vi "hile many Quakers have, as is well known, conscientious 
 scruples against bearing arms for any purpose, yet it is equally 
 well known that on many occasions in the history of the Prov- 
 ince they voted, while members of the Assembly, large sums 
 for the "King's" use — that is. for purposes more or less of a 
 military character. At this particular crisis they voted for the 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 3°5 
 
 '•Supply Bill," granting fifty-five thousand pounds, to supply 
 General Braddock's forces, and the same sum to be expended 
 in provisions for the New York and New England forces under 
 General Shirley, at Crown Point. 
 
 Although' the Quakers did not hesitate to proclaim their 
 well known principles in regard to war at this time, and 
 although they had a very deep conviction of the wrong done to 
 the Delawares and Shawanese by the Proprietary government, 
 they were not able to induce the Assembly to adopt their views, 
 that body having indefinitely postponed a proposition to delay, 
 at least, a war against these tribes. It is not to be forgotten, 
 too, that it was owing to the kindly intervention and conciliation 
 of these people that peace with the Indians was at last secured. 
 But the conduct of the Quakers, for another reason, deserves 
 credit rather than reproach from those who urged that the In- 
 dians should be crushed by force of arms. A number of them 
 voluntarily quitted their seats in the Assembly of 1756. The 
 most scrupulous among them did not desire to be concerned in 
 the war declared by the Governor against the Delawares and 
 the Shawanese. but they were not disposed to obstruct military 
 measures in time of war. Hence a number of them voluntarily 
 gave up their seats in 1756: others requested their friends not 
 to vote for them at the ensuing election, nor did any Quaker 
 stand as a candidate, or request any one to vote for him at that 
 election. Four Quakers were, nevertheless, chosen, but they 
 refused to serve. The result was, that in a House composed of 
 thirty-six members, there were but twelve Quakers, and they 
 held the opinion that the government should be supported in 
 the defence of the country ; so that the Quaker majority in the 
 Assembly was then lost, and, it may be added, was never re- 
 gained. Such is the true story of the line of defence along the 
 Blue Mountains which our fathers established for the protec- 
 tion of those who dwelt on the frontiers. * * * * We 
 trust that we have shown that our fathers did not allow their 
 fellow subjects on the frontier to perish by Indian raids for want 
 of such aid as their money could give them, and that the Quak- 
 ers, especially, are chargeable with no such cold-blooded 
 cruelty."' 
 
 Party politics in Pennsylvania in 1764. From Life of 
 Benjamin Franklin. At the regular session of the Assembly, in 
 
 20 
 
306 BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 1764, Governor Perm refused his assent to two bills most essential 
 to the peace of the Province. One of which was an act for rais- 
 ing £50,000 to defray the expense of the coming campaign against 
 the Indians. In accordance with the decision of the King in 
 council, this act laid an equal tax on the located lands of the 
 Province, making no distinction whatever between the estate of 
 the Perms and the lands of the resident owners. The Governor 
 refused to sign this bill unless a distinction was made in favor of 
 the Penn estate, rating its best uncultivated lands at the rate paid 
 by other owners for their worst. Indignation and despair filled 
 the hearts of the liberal majority of the Assembly. The struggle 
 of a generation was still to be renewed. And, when in the very 
 proprietary council, composed of staunch friends of the family 
 and chosen for their attachment to it, it was observed that the old 
 men withdrew themselves, finding their opinion slighted, and that 
 all measures were taken by the advice of two or three young men. 
 * * * * They, therefore, after a thorough debate and 
 making no less than twenty-five unanimous resolves, expressing 
 the many grievances this Province had long labored under 
 through the Proprietary government, came to the following reso- 
 lution, viz. : Resolved, nemine contradicente, that this house will 
 adjourn in order to consult their constituents whether an humble 
 address should be drawn up and submitted to his Majesty, pray- 
 ing that he would be graciously pleased to take the people of this 
 Province under his immediate protection and government by com- 
 pleting the agreement heretofore made with the first Proprietary 
 for the sale of the Government to the crown, or otherwise, as to 
 his wisdom and goodness shall seem meet. 
 
 This adjournment occurred on the 20th of March. Meet- 
 ings were held in many of the townships, and there was a great 
 signing of petitions in all parts of the Province. When the legis- 
 lature reassembled, on the 14th of May, three thousand names 
 were found appended to the various petitions for a change of gov- 
 ernment, and not three hundred to those of a contrary tenor. 
 
 There could be no mistaking the desire of the people. After 
 a long and warm debate the resolution to petition the King to con- 
 vert Pennsylvania into a royal Province was carried by a large 
 majority. The document set forth: That the Proprietary gov- 
 ernment is weak, unable to support its own authority and main- 
 tain the common internal peace of the Province ; great riots have 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. ^°7 
 
 lately arisen therein, armed mobs marching from place to place 
 (Paxton Rangers) and committing violent outrages and insults 
 on the government with impunity, to the great terror of your 
 Majesty's subjects. And these evils are not likely to receive any 
 remedy here, the continual disputes between the Proprietaries and 
 the people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes preventing. 
 We do, therefore, most humbly pray that your Majesty would be 
 graciously pleased to resume the government of this Province, 
 making such compensation to the Proprietaries for the same as to 
 your Majesty's wisdom and goodness shall appear just and equit- 
 able. 
 
 The Assembly adjourned early in the summer, not to re- 
 assemble until after the fall elections. Now came the tug of war. 
 All parties seemed to feel that the issues of the next election would 
 either terminate the Proprietary government or give it a new 
 lease of power. Mr. John Dickinson was opposed to a change of 
 government, and published soon after the adjournment the speech 
 he had delivered in the Assembly against the petition to the King. 
 Joseph Galloway published a speech in support of the petition, 
 which Dr. Franklin prefaced with a withering review of the policy 
 of the Proprietaries. 
 
 In the election the Old ticket was headed by Franklin and 
 Galloway. Mr. Pettit, of Philadelphia, an Old ticket man, writes 
 to his friend, Joseph Reed, who is in London, as follows : Our 
 late election, which was really a hard fought one, was managed 
 with more decency and good manners than would have been ex- 
 pected from such irritated partisans as appeared as the champions 
 oh each side. The Dutch Calvinists and the Presbyterians of both 
 houses, I believe, to a man assisted the New ticket. The Church 
 were divided, and so were the Dutch Lutherans ; the Moravians 
 and most of the Quakers were the grand supporters of the Old ; 
 the McClenaghanites were divided, though chiefly of the Old side. 
 The poll was opened about nine in the morning the first of Octo- 
 ber, and the steps so crowded till between eleven and twelve at 
 night that at no time a person could get up in less than a quarter 
 of an hour from his entrance at the bottom, for they could go no 
 faster than the whole column moved. About three in the morn- 
 ing the advocates for the new ticket moved for a close, but ( O ! 
 fatal mistake!) the Old hands kept it open, as they had a reserve 
 of the aged and lame which could not come in the crowd, and were 
 
308 BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 called up and brought out in chairs and litters, and some, who 
 needed no help, between three and six o'clock, about 200 voters. 
 As both sides took care to have spies all night, the alarm was given 
 to the New ticket men ; horsemen and footmen were immediately 
 despatched to Germantown and elsewhere; and by 9 or 10 o'clock 
 they began to pour in so that after the move for a close seven or 
 eight hundred votes were procured ; and about five hundred, or 
 near it, of which were for the Xew ticket, and they did not close 
 till three of the afternoon, and it took them till one of the next 
 day to count them off. 
 
 The Xew ticket carried all but Harrison and Antes, and Fox 
 and Hughes came in their room ; but it is surprising that from up- 
 wards of three thousand nine hundred votes they should be so 
 near each other. Mr. Willing and Mr. Bryon were elected Bur- 
 gesses by a majority of upwards of one hundred votes, though the 
 whole number was about one thousand three hundred. Mr. 
 Franklin died like a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway agonizes in 
 death like a Mortal Deist who has no hopes of a future existence. 
 * * * * So Franklin and Galloway were defeated. In 
 a vote of nearly four thousand there was a majority against Dr. 
 Franklin of twenty-five. 
 
 But for all this Franklin was not rendered inoperative against 
 the Proprietaries. The very first application to the Assembly for 
 supplies revived the old controversy. It was assured that the es- 
 tates of the Proprietaries must be taxed, but the dispute was as 
 to the manner and the basis of assessment. The necessities of the 
 Province compelled the Assembly to grant the supplies asked, but 
 the conduct of the Governor so angered the Assembly and their 
 following that the movement to petition the King to purchase the 
 jurisdiction of the Province from the Proprietaries and vest the 
 government directly in the crown, became very popular. Frank- 
 lin drew up the petition. He set forth in a strong light the in- 
 crease in the valuation of the property held by them and the ac- 
 c< impanying increase of power. He presented in a strong manner 
 the danger of such a third power operating between the people 
 and the crown, able to thwart both, and robbing both, because re- 
 fusing to bear the burdens belonging to it. 
 
 The zeal of Franklin aroused the friends of the Proprietaries, 
 who were not in any sense weaklings, and they put forth a brave 
 effort to hold the people back from the step that clearly fore- 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 309 
 
 shadowed revolution. The Quakers stood with Franklin. Sev- 
 eral successive assemblies also favored his side of the question. 
 Against these were John Dickinson, of whom it may be said there 
 was not a clearer thinker or more able reasoner in the Province; 
 Isaac Norris, the venerable speaker of the Assembly ; Rev. Gilbert 
 Tennant, and Rev. Francis Allison, men of great power among 
 the Presbyterians, and William Allen, the Chief Justice, and after- 
 ward father-in-law of Governor Penn. The contest was one of 
 great interest among the people, because of the strength, both in 
 character and ability, of the men who were leading both sides of 
 the debate. Dr. Franklin was appointed Provincial Agent to urge 
 the measure before the ministry in London. With high hopes he 
 set sail November ist, 1764. When he reached London he was 
 horrified to discover that there was no sympathy for his views 
 in the minds of the counsellors of the King. The presentation 
 of the question of the growing wealth of the colonies had attract- 
 ed their attention and had aroused their cupidity. From this 
 source they saw the means of replenishing their exhausted coffers 
 and of making more valuable the monopolies in trade and manu- 
 facture of the interests in which they were personally concerned. 
 In pushing these measures they were contemplating measures that 
 were directly antagonistic to every heart-throb of the Americans. 
 Franklin saw with clearness of vision the result, and put forth 
 all his power to prevent so great a political blunder and calamity. 
 He knew that the temper of his people would not tolerate the 
 method of taxation suggested. But the ministry were deaf to his 
 appeals, and even insulting in their treatment of him. 
 
 On the 22d of March, 1765, the stamp act was passed. Then 
 Franklin wrote to his friend, Charles Thompson, in Philadelphia : 
 "The sun of liberty is set; you must light up the candles of indus- 
 try and economy." Mr. Thompson went farther than Franklin 
 in expression, and expressed the apprehension that other lights 
 would be the consequence. Franklin was anxious to reduce the 
 trouble as far as possible, and secured the appointment of his 
 friend, John Hughes, to the position of stamp officer for Philadel- 
 phia. When the vessel bearing Mr. Hughes and the stamps ar- 
 rived at Philadelphia, in October, 1765, all the vessels in the har- 
 bor displayed their flags at half mast, the bells of the city were 
 muffled and thus rung, and thousands of the citizens gathered on 
 the bank of the river, and in great excitement watched the vessel 
 
3IO BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 as it threw out its anchors. The resignation of Mr. Hughes was 
 immediately demanded. This he refused to do, but agreed not to 
 perform the duties of his office at the present time. The next step 
 of the people was to determine that they would not purchase goods 
 manufactured by the English monopolies, but would set up fac- 
 tories of their own. This bold step caused a revulsion of feeling 
 among the masses in England, and they compelled their ministry 
 to recede from its position toward the colonies and repeal the 
 act that had produced the disturbance. This was, however, done 
 so ungraciously that with it the right to tax by Parliament was 
 reaffirmed, and the cause of disturbance was thus continued. 
 
 Franklin now had a still greater work to perform. On the 
 1 6th of December the news reached England of the destruction of 
 the tea in Boston harbor. At this time, because of certain letters 
 which Franklin had published, he was made the target for rude 
 and barbarous attacks and insults, which no man but a philosopher 
 could have peacefully endured. Franklin was the mouth-piece of 
 the American people, who were acting so outrageously toward the 
 mother country, and the English people joined with the King and 
 the ministry to show their contempt for these colonial upstarts. 
 A series of measures were rushed through Parliament, opposed by 
 only a few men who were able to see the drift of the times. Lord 
 North introduced and carried through without objection the Bos- 
 ton Port Bill, by which the port of Boston was closed until the 
 King was satisfied of the submission of the rebellious towns, and 
 the East India Company had been indemnified for the tea des- 
 troyed. General Gage was appointed Civil Governor, and with 
 four regiments of soldiers was sent to Boston to carry out the 
 provisions of the bill, and to arrest and punish' the leaders of the 
 Americans. A second measure was, changing the charter of 
 Masssachusetts and destroying the right of town meetings, and 
 placing out of the hands of the people the appointments of mem- 
 bers of councils, sheriffs and jurors. This measure was s< > tyrani- 
 cal that it was vigorously opposed by Burke, Fox, Conway, and 
 most of the Rockingham Whigs. Some men saw that the results 
 were bound to be evil, and they disputed the measure with all the 
 eloquence at their command. The measure was a revelation to 
 the thinking people of the colonies. In it they saw the danger 
 to their rights and liberties. What was done to Massachusetts 
 might, at the whim of Parliament, be done to any one of them. 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 3II 
 
 They realized the time had come to make common cause for their 
 rights. Thus from every colony there was sent to the men of 
 Massachusetts words of encouragement, and promises of support 
 in the struggle that they must now wage for an existence. Even 
 on the frontier of Pennsylvania the neighbors and companions of 
 Justice Antes listened to the call and heard it as Patrick Henry, in 
 Virginia, heard it, and responded, not by a splendid display of 
 oratory in the Assembly halls, but as plain men, armed themselves 
 with their trusty rifles and what ammunition they could gather, 
 and under the name of Captain Louden's Riflemen, bade farewell 
 to their wives and children and cabin homes, and marched to Bos- 
 ton to greet with patriotic fervor the newly appointed Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, George Washington, of Virginia. 
 
 But this insult and wrong did not exhaust the power for evil 
 of the English ministry. They passed a measure that any soldier 
 or crown officer indicted for murder, or other capital offence, 
 should be transferred to Nova Scotia, or England, for trial. 
 Another act was the quartering of the English troops on the citi- 
 zens of Boston. Still another act gave toleration to the Roman 
 Catholics, erected an arbitrary government with boundaries ex- 
 tending to the Ohio, which threatened the territories of Pennsyl- 
 vania and Virginia. Thus the strong power of Parliament was 
 asserted, and the rights of the colonists were denied. These col- 
 onists were not of the material that makes slaves. They were 
 free men with all the vigor and pride of freemen. The threats of 
 the mother nation only served to unite them, and the current of 
 thought was changed from the question of whether the Proprie- 
 taries or the Crown should rule them to the conviction that they 
 should be their own rulers. 
 
 The one man in America who had a comprehension of the 
 times was Benjamin Franklin. While Washington, an ardent 
 and capable young man, was in the border warfare -near the 
 French line of forts on the western frontier, Franklin was grap- 
 pling with the deepest questions of statesmanship, and framing 
 methods of union and government th,at would be adopted by the 
 people before his earthly career ended. 
 
 The aggressions of the French, and the danger of the Iro- 
 quois being alienated from the English, led to a convention 
 meeting in Albany, to see what steps could be taken to unite 
 all the colonies in one body for mutual protection and interest. 
 
312 BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 On the ioth of July. 1754. Franklin laid before the Com- 
 missioners the draft of a federal constitution. He saw that 
 what was needed was a central government, and his quick 
 thought easily framed the plan upon which such a union could 
 be consummated. The Commissioners listened, and were 
 swayed by his words, and adopted his plan. It was then sub- 
 mitted to the colonies before it could be of any account. But 
 it was rejected by all of them, mostly on the ground that too 
 much power was given to the Governor-General. The Eng- 
 lish Board of Trade also rejected it. on the ground that the 
 Americans were trying to set up a government of their own. 
 In the meantime the French were aggressive, and were winning 
 victories in Western Pennsylvania. 
 
 This document of Franklin's should be read side by side 
 with the Articles of Confederation, and thus show how his plans 
 were ultimately grasped by the people. This was at a time 
 when all the colonies were thoroughly loyal to Great Britain. 
 The adoption of this plan of union might have changed the his- 
 tory of the world. The war between France and England lin- 
 gered on until the ioth of February, 1763, when a treaty of 
 peace was signed at Paris. But while there was peace on the 
 surface, the French never ceased to foment the spirit of dissat- 
 isfaction on the part of the colonies with the mother country. 
 and thus sowed seeds of discord that helped open the way for 
 the final separation of the colonies from their mother country. 
 England insisted on a spirit of arbitrary rule that became ex- 
 ceedingly hard to bear. This created friction all along the line. 
 and awakened the ambition of the thoughtful men to secure a 
 government even better than that suggested by Franklin. In 
 1755, John Adams wrote: "In another century all Europe will 
 not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting 
 up for ourselves is to disunite us." \\ nile people were talking 
 in this way in private, the majority never were ready to declare 
 for independence until war thrust the question upon them. 
 
 Finally the treatment the colonies were receiving from the 
 King of England and his counsellors led the calling of the sec- 
 ond Colonial Congress, which met in Philadelphia in Septem- 
 ber. 1774. Eleven colonies were represented. It was unani- 
 mously agreed to sustain Massachusetts in her struggle for her 
 rights. Three addresses were sent forth : one to the King, one 
 
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 3 T 3 
 
 to the people of England, and one to the people of Canada. A 
 resolution was adopted recommending the suspension of all 
 commercial intercourse with Great Britain until the wrongs of 
 the colonies should be redressed. The answer of England was 
 to send a fleet and an army of ten thousand men to subdue the 
 rebels. This was the beginning of the war. 
 
 The next Congress of the colonies met in the following 
 May, in Philadelphia. Most of the delegates had been chosen 
 before the battle at Lexington had been fought, and the condi- 
 tions were entirely altered by the shedding of the blood of the 
 men of Massachusetts. Congress thus became the organ of 
 common resistance to the foe. An army was ordered to be 
 raised and Washington was appointed as the Commander-in- 
 Chief. The phrase "United Colonies," was first used in his 
 commission. At this Congress a continental currency was 
 created, a general treasury and post-office established, and the 
 whole management of Indian affairs was assumed by the Con- 
 gress. 
 
 On June 7th, 1776, a resolution of independence was in- 
 troduced, which was adopted the 4th of July, and the same day 
 a committee was appointed to prepare articles of confederation, 
 which, however, did not report until November, 1777, and in- 
 deed the articles of confederation were not adopted by all the 
 colonies until 1781. During this interim war was being waged 
 with England, and the question of the life of the Colonial Union 
 was suspended in the balance. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 RUMORS OF 1 WAR. 
 
 BEING IN the wilderness and distant from the head- 
 center of public life did not prevent the people from tak- 
 ing an interest in all that concerned the government of 
 the country. If the statesmen of England had understood how 
 the people of the colonies watched every movement with a per- 
 sonal interest, and a feeling that they had the right of participa- 
 tion, they would have moved more carefully in their measures 
 touching the possessions of the colonists. There was a sense 
 of manhood and independence developing in the forests of the, 
 colonies that was the true foundation for the liberty and equal- 
 ity that was bound to prevail in this land. There could not by 
 any possibility be reproduced the old forms of English social 
 life, with its distinctions, and its inferior and superior classes. 
 A man felling a tree in the forest realized a sense of manhood 
 that defied the assumptions of those who had more money or 
 more education than himself. As to money he would earn it 
 by the sweat of his face ; as to education, he would pay a school- 
 master to give it to his children and place them in the fore-front 
 of progress. Hence these men were alive to everything that 
 called for new conditions, or affected the old conditions of life 
 about them. Y\ nen the post brought the news, there were 
 crowds of people who had come in their canoes from miles up 
 the river and down the river, to learn the news and discuss it in 
 their own peculiar, forcible way. The boat landing by the mill 
 was their gathering place, and the shore was lined with the 
 boats that represented every settler's home. When the man of 
 the family returned to his home, he found the women and chil- 
 dren as eager to learn the news as he bad been when he started 
 for the news-center, the landing at the mill. 
 
 The visits of strangers were welcomed, because they broke 
 the monotony of the life in solitude, and brought to mind the 
 experiences of the towns, or of the lower country where they 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 3 X 5 
 
 had once lived. The best the house afforded was placed before 
 the stranger, and he soon learned that the special business ex- 
 pected of him was to talk. One popular class of visitors was the 
 peddler with his pack, containing an assortment of every kind, 
 and agents with clocks, both small and family clocks, and tour- 
 ists from Philadelphia, and occasionally a clergyman on a tour 
 of preaching. Such was Rev. Mr. Fithian, from New Jersey, 
 who found a cordial welcome wherever he stopped, because he 
 was a preacher of the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ. When 
 he came to the Susquehanna Valley, in 1775, instead of there 
 being but one house in Northumberland, as there had been 
 when Antes came, there was a thriving town with cultured peo- 
 ple, and a rivalry existing between it and Sunbury that threat- 
 ened to have the distinction of the aristocracy on the gentle 
 slopes of the latter town. Here were dwelling Reuben Haines, 
 the proprietor of the town; Mr. McCartney, Mr. Cooke, the 
 Sheriff; Mr. John Barker, a lawyer; Mr. Scull, the Deputy Sur- 
 veyor General ; Mr. Martin, the owner of the tavern, and others. 
 The town was also the resort of a number of boatmen who were 
 employed in going up and down the river to Middletown. Mrs. 
 Scull had a pleasant garden and summer house in it, and her 
 parlor was decorated with handsome oil paintings, and a library 
 that was stocked with the books of the day. Mr. Fithian speaks 
 of a congregation in the woods a few miles up the West Branch 
 from Northumberland as the silk-gowned congregation, because 
 all the ladies wore silk. 
 
 At this time there was an increase of excitement pervading 
 the entire country, extending to the remotest frontier, on ac- 
 count of the growing opposition to the rule of England over 
 the colonies. Thirty young men from the West Branch, preced- 
 ed by a fife and drum, marched down the river to Sunbury, on 
 their way to the seat of war. They were all expert riflemen, 
 under the command of Captain Louden. 
 
 The description of one of the companies of riflemen, com- 
 manded by Captain George Nagle, the brother-in-law of Elias 
 Youngman, will give a fair idea of this branch of the Colonial 
 army : 
 
 "It consisted of one captain, three lieutenants, four ser- 
 geants, four corporals, one drummer and sixty-five privates. 
 They are remarkably stout and hardy men, many of them ex- 
 
316 RUMORS OF WAR. 
 
 ceeding six feet in height. They are dressed in white frocks 
 or rifle shirts and round hats. These men are remarkable for 
 the accuracy of their aim, striking a mark with great certainty 
 at two hundred yards distance. At a review, while on a quick 
 advance, a company of them fired their balls into objects of 
 seven inches diameter, at the distance of two hundred and fifty 
 yards. They are now stationed in our lines, and their shots 
 have frequently proved fatal to British officers and soldiers who 
 expose themselves to view, even at more than double the dis- 
 tance of common musket shot. Each man bore a rifle-barrel- 
 ed gun, a tomahawk or small axe, and a long knife, usually 
 called a scalping knife, which served for all purposes in the 
 woods. His underdress, by no means in military style, was cov- 
 ered by a deep ash-colored hunting-shirt, leggins and mocca- 
 sins, if the latter could be procured. It was the silly fashion of 
 those times for riflemen to ape the manner of savages." 
 
 We can be sure that if the West Branch riflemen did not 
 reach Boston as soon as Captain Nagle's men from Reading, 
 they were not behind them in their rustic backwoods accoutre- 
 ment. 
 
 On the 20th of July there was held a Continental Fast, and 
 sermons were preached on the subject of the grave difficulties 
 agitating the country. On the 29th of July, Henry Antes was 
 appointed one of the Judges of Quarter Sessions; the other 
 members appointed at the same time were Samuel Hunter, 
 James Potter, William Maclay, Robert Moodie, John Loudon, 
 Benjamin Weiser and John Simpson. On the 28th of Novem- 
 ber of this year, by the election of Thomas Wharton, President 
 of the Council of State, the reign of the Penn family ceased for- 
 ever in Pennsylvania. Henry Antes began his public life un- 
 der the new regime. 
 
 At this time all the houses in Sunbury were built of logs, 
 except the one erected by Mr. Maclay, which was of stone. 
 The residence of Samuel Wallis was the only one, along the 
 West Branch that was not built of logs. In this particular 
 there was the most absolute equality of rich and poor. The 
 style of architecture was on one plan, the difference being in 
 the size of the structure. The matter of inside adornment, and 
 the garden surroundings, was different according to the taste 
 or the means of the owners. Mr. Fithian was surprised, not 
 
Settlers Home at Muncy in 1770. 
 
 --lifjiw" 1 " 
 
 Maclay's House in Sunbury 1773. 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 3 X 7 
 
 only at the number of people who wore silk when they came to 
 the preaching services, but also at the varieties that appeared. 
 In those days one silk gown was expected to last a lifetime, and 
 the dressmaker could not be allowed to cut and alter it to suit 
 any passing styles. There were no Parisian fashion plates to 
 stir the pride of the ladies into the adoption of new modes of 
 dress. As to the men, they found a ready use of the skins of 
 the animals they killed. They had their own way of dressing 
 these skins and transforming them into clothes which were 
 warm and serviceable. Besides, flax was one of the crops that 
 every housewife raised, and out of this spun the thread and 
 made the garments needed by the family. The loom and dis- 
 taff were in every cabin, and this constituted the greater part of 
 the work of the women indoors. In the Antes cabin young 
 Henry was his father's assistant in the out-of-door work, and 
 Philip served as his mother's helper in the garden and at the 
 loom, while the baby grew and learned to prattle in English 
 the language of the neighborhood, and also in German, the lan- 
 guage they loved so well as the language of their home. On 
 the 6th of March, 1775, there came into the Antes household 
 another daughter, whom they named Anna Maria. The in- 
 creased responsibilities brought with them increased happiness, 
 and drove away the lonesomeness engendered by the dark shad- 
 ows of the overhanging woods. 
 
 We can see the family in the evening, after the work of the 
 day has been done, and the cattle and pigs and fowls are safely 
 housed against the attack of ravenous wild beasts, lying on the 
 floor on bear skins, watching the flickering of the fire in the 
 huge fire place, while the father takes down the prized violin, 
 which was made by his brother John, now a missionary in 
 Egypt, and the whole family join in singing hymns, accompan- 
 ied by the sweet-voiced instrument. We can imagine the pan- 
 ther in the forest, creeping toward the light of the cabin fire, so 
 softly that not a leaf even is stirred by her tread, and stopping, 
 in amazement, at the strange sounds so different from anything 
 ever heard on mountain or plain. Over the river the sound 
 goes, for the atmosphere is not burdened with thousands of 
 noises such as a great multitude constantly makes, and the lit- 
 tle band of Indians camping on the Island, their favorite camp- 
 ing ground, stop their talking and lie still and listen to the me- 
 
318 RUMORS OF WAR. 
 
 lodious sounds. What an instrument, and what a quartette! 
 The man's deep bass, the woman's treble, the tenor of young 
 Henry, and the alto of Philip. Never did the songs of the Mo- 
 ravian faith sound sweeter than here in this lonely mountain 
 outpost of human habitation. When the singing ceased the 
 peace of God rested on the valley. 
 
 During this year the courage of the family was put to a 
 severe test. The posts from Philadelphia brought news of the 
 conflicts between the English and the Americans. On the 19th 
 of April the battle of Lexington was fought. On the 9th of 
 Alay, Ethan Allen captured Fort Ticonderoga, as he said, "In 
 the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress !" 
 although at that time the Continental Congress was not in ex- 
 istence. It met six hours later than the anticipatory announce- 
 ment. On the 17th of June came the battle of Bunker Hill, 
 while on the 15th of June, Washington was appointed the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the American armies. During the year 
 1775 the King's authority was overthrown in all the colonies. 
 
 The reports of these events spread like wild fire through 
 all sections of the country, and on the frontier men waited with 
 anxiety to hear of the latest step toward freedom. When Cap- 
 tain Louden gathered together the most expert riflemen in the 
 valley and marched to Boston to help General Washington, the 
 frontier was depleted of its best defenders ; but patriotism was 
 in the air, and thought of the safety of home was forgotten. 
 
 At this time the illegal settlers on the Indian hunting 
 grounds, according to the proclamation of the Governor and 
 Council, should have been arrested and tried before the Court of 
 Quarter Sessions and punished. Henry Antes, their neighbor, 
 was the justice before whom the complaints should be made. 
 Would he order them? But the spirit of patriotism that was in 
 the valley flamed in the hearts of these brave men, and some of 
 them went to the war as heroically as any men in the land. Henry 
 .Antes could not think of arresting men of the families who had 
 sent their sons, because of their expertness as riflemen, to the de- 
 fence of the greater and broader liberties of the land simply to 
 gratify hungry land speculators. Hence the proclamation at this 
 time was a dead letter. 
 
 But not so in the lower part of the county in regard to the 
 Connecticut men. There were reports that the men of Wyoming 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 319 
 
 were coming down the river in force to capture Fort Augusta, 
 and seize the lands along the West Branch. There were men at 
 Northumberland who were not averse to leading the people in bat- 
 tle array, and who were not in sympathy with the revolt against 
 England. Martin had his grudge to fill against the people of 
 Wyoming. Dr. Plunket thirsted for a renewal of military pres- 
 tige, and the Sheriff was anxious to prove his ability to cope with 
 all the requirements of his position. Hence a military expedition 
 was called for to go up the river and clean out the nest of Con- 
 necticut invaders. The call stirred every home in the valley. The 
 spirit of war was in the air. Seven hundred men, the full equip- 
 ment of the valley, assembled at Fort Augusta for the expedition. 
 Antes shouldered his rifle and went to stand beside the honorable 
 and valiant justice, Dr. Plunket. Samuel Wallis was there with 
 his money to help pay the cost of transportation, as also to give his 
 personal influence. John Brady was there, the representative of 
 one of the bravest families that ever lived on the West Branch. 
 When Dr. Plunket looked over his little army he might well be 
 proud, for the best and the bravest men in the county were at his 
 service. The year was almost at a close when they made their 
 advance, and in the meantime there was anxiety in every cabin 
 home as to the result of this affair. It was the beginning of a 
 terrible anxiety that for several years robbed them of their sleep 
 by night and their joy by day, and did not end until their homes 
 went up in smoke and the graveyards became fat with their torn 
 and mangled bodies. 
 
 But the expedition came to naught. There was one battle in 
 which the Connecticut men had the victory, and then it was 
 thought best to resort to other measures, and the men marched 
 back again and disbanded, to return to their homes. Besides, it 
 was the Christmas season, and the men were needed to brighten 
 their pioneer homes with the gladness of the occasion. After all, 
 they did not care so much about the matter, for it was apparent 
 that there had been more talk than fact in the reports of the pur- 
 poses of the Wyoming people. They were fellow-settlers and 
 already displayed a spirit of allegiance to the Continental Con- 
 gress that put the boys of the West Branch by the side of the 
 boys of the North Branch in battlefield and in suffering camp for 
 the attainment of the liberties of their land. If the great land 
 owners wanted to fight the battle, let them do it, but the common 
 
2)20 RUMORS OF WAR. 
 
 people had better things now to occupy their minds. 
 
 Henry Antes hastened home to celebrate Christmas with his 
 family in their comfortable log cabin, and to continue the work of 
 building the mill. 
 
 In other cabins the thought of war for the time gave way to 
 thoughts of peace. Bratton Caldwell was one of the illegal set- 
 tlers on the Indian happy hunting grounds. His home was on 
 Pine Run. a few miles below Long Island. He could not resist 
 the attractions of the daughter of one of his neighbors, and soon 
 secured her promise to become his wife. The winter had set in 
 with great cold, and the river was frozen from shore to shore. 
 But the party did not mind this, and with a numerous band to ac- 
 company them, went up the river, past Long Island, and crossed 
 the river on the ice and came to the cabin of Justice Antes. The 
 knot was soon tied, and then the jollification began. It was true, 
 many of the young men were from home, at Boston in the army, 
 but there were enough at home to give a vent to their love of 
 sport. This was the first wedding in the Fair Play community, 
 and it must be an example for the others to follow. There were 
 trials of skill, and gladsome games, and royal feasting on deer 
 and bear. We can imagine the scene from the following descrip- 
 tion by Doddridge : 
 
 An 01 d -Time Wedding. For a long time after the first set- 
 tlement of this country the inhabitants in general married young. 
 There was no distinction of rank, and very little of fortune. On 
 these accounts the first impression of love resulted in marriage, 
 and a family establishment cost but little labor and nothing else. 
 A description of a wedding from beginning to end will serve to 
 show the manners of our forefathers, and mark the grade of civili- 
 zation which has succeeded to their rude state of society in the 
 course of a few years. At an early period the practice of celebrat- 
 ing the marriage at the house of the bride began, and, it would 
 seem, with great propriety. She also has the choice of the priest 
 to perform the ceremony. 
 
 A wedding engaged the attention of a whole neighborhood, 
 and the frolic was anticipated by old and young with eager ex- 
 pectation. This is not to be wondered at when it is told that a 
 wedding was almost the only gathering which was not accom- 
 panied with the labor of reaping, log-rolling, building a cabin, or 
 planning some scout or campaign. 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 32 1 
 
 In the morning of the wedding clay the groom and his attend- 
 ants assembled at the house of his father for the purpose of reach- 
 ing the mansion of his bride by noon, which was the usual time 
 for celebrating the nuptuals, which, for certain, must take place 
 before dinner. 
 
 Let the reader imagine an assemblage of people without a 
 store, tailor, or mantua-maker within a hundred miles, and an 
 assemblage of horses without a blacksmith, or saddler within an 
 equal distance. The gentlemen dressed in shoe-packs, moccasins, 
 leather breeches, leggings, linsey hunting shirts, and all home- 
 made. The ladies dressed in linsey petticoats and linsey or linen 
 bed-gowns, coarse shoes, stockings, handkerchiefs, and buckskin 
 gloves, if any. If there were any buckles, rings, buttons or ruffles 
 they were the relics of old times ; family pieces from parents or 
 grandparents. The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, 
 old bridles or halters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or blanket 
 thrown over them; a rope, or string as often constituted the girth 
 as a piece of leather. 
 
 The march in double file was often interrupted by the nar- 
 rowness and obstructions of our horse-paths, as they were 
 called, for we had no roads ; and these difficulties were often in- 
 creased, sometimes by the good and sometimes by the ill-will 
 of neighbors, by falling trees, and tying grape vines across the 
 way. Sometimes an ambuscade was formed by the wayside, 
 and an unexpected discharge of several guns took place so as 
 to cover the wedding party with smoke. Let the reader imag- 
 ine the scene which followed this discharge ; the sudden spring 
 of the horses, the shrieks of the girls, and the chivalric bustle of 
 their partners to save them from falling. Sometimes, in spite 
 of all that could be done to prevent it, some were thrown to the 
 ground. If a wrist, elbow or ankle happened to be sprained, 
 it was tied with a handkerchief, and little more was thought or 
 said about it. 
 
 Another ceremony commonly took place before the party 
 reached the house of the bride, after the practice of making 
 whiskey began, which was at an early period. When the party 
 were about a mile from the place of their destination, two young- 
 men would single out to run for the bottle ; the worse the path, 
 the more logs, brush, and deep hollows, the better, as these ob- 
 stacles afforded an opportunity for the greater display of in- 
 21 
 
322 RUMORS OF WAR. 
 
 trepidity and horsemanship. The English fox chase, in point 
 of danger to the horses and their riders, is nothing to this race 
 for the bottle. The start was announced by an Indian yell; 
 logs, brush, muddy hollows, hill and glen, were speedily passed 
 by the rival ponies. The bottle was always filled for the occa- 
 sion, so that there was no use for judges ; for the first who reach- 
 ed the door was presented with a prize, with which he returned 
 in triumph to the company. On approaching them he an- 
 nounced his victory over his rival by a shrill whoop. At the 
 head of the troop he gave the bottle, first to the groom and his 
 attendants, and then to each pair in succession to the rear of 
 the line, giving each a dram, and then, putting the bottle in the 
 bosom of his hunting-shirt, took his station in the company. 
 
 The ceremony of the marriage preceded the dinner, which 
 was a substantial backwoods feast of beef, pork, fowls, and 
 sometimes venison and bear meat, roasted and boiled, with 
 plenty of potatoes, cabbage and other vegetables. During the 
 dinner the greatest hilarity always prevailed, although the table 
 might be a large sized slab of timber, hewed out with a broad- 
 axe, supported by four sticks set in auger holes, and the furniture 
 some old pewter dishes and plates ; the rest, wooden bowls and 
 trenchers ; a few pewter spoons, much battered about the edges, 
 were to be seen at some tables. The rest were made of horns. 
 If knives were scarce, the deficiency was made up by the scalp- 
 ing knives, which were carried in sheaths suspended to the belt 
 of the hunting shirt. 
 
 After dinner the dancing commenced, and generally lasted 
 till the next morning. The figures of the dances were three 
 and four-handed reels, or square setts and jiggs. The com- 
 mencement was always a square four, which was followed by 
 what was called jigging it off, that is, two of the four would 
 single out for a jig, and were followed by the remaining couple. 
 The jigs were often accompanied with what was called cutting 
 out, that is, when either of the parties became tired of the dance, 
 on intimation, the place was supplied by some one of the com- 
 pany without any interruption of the dance. In this way, a 
 dance was often continued till the musician was heartily tired 
 (if his situation. Towards the latter part of the night, if any of 
 the company, through weariness, attempted to conceal them- 
 selves, for the purpose of sleeping, they were hunted up, paraded 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 323 
 
 on the floor, and the fiddler ordered to play ''Hang out till to- 
 morrow morning." 
 
 About nine or ten o'clock, a deputation of the young ladies 
 stole off the bride, and put her to bed. In doing this, it fre- 
 quently happened that they had to ascend a ladder instead of a 
 pair of stairs, leading from the dining and ball room to the loft, 
 the floor of which was made of clapboards, lying loose, and 
 without nails. As the foot of the ladder was commonly behind 
 the door, which was purposely opened for the occasion, and its 
 rounds at the inner ends were well hung with hunting-shirts, 
 petticoats and other articles of clothing, the candles being on 
 the opposite side of the house, the exit of the bride was noticed 
 but by few. This done, a deputation of young men, in like 
 manner, stole off the groom, and placed him snugly by the side 
 of his bride. The dance still continued, and if seats happened 
 to be scarce, which was often the case, every young man, when 
 not engaged in the dance, was obliged to offer his lap as a seat 
 for one of the girls, and the offer was sure to be accepted. In 
 the midst of their hilarity the bride and groom were not forgot- 
 ten. Pretty late in the night, someone would remind the com- 
 pany that the new couple must stand in need of some refresh- 
 ment ; Black Betty, which was the name of the bottle, was called 
 for, and sent up theladder. But sometimes, Black Betty did 
 not go alone. I have many times seen as much bread, beef, 
 pork and cabbage, sent along with her as would afford a good 
 meal for half a dozen hungry men. The young couple were 
 compelled to eat and drink, more or less, of whatever was of- 
 fered them. 
 
 It often happened that some neighbors or relations not 
 being asked to the wedding took offence, and the mode of re- 
 venge adopted by them on such occasions was that of cutting 
 off the manes, foretops and tails of the wedding company's 
 horses. On returning to the infair, the order of procession 
 and the race for Black Betty was the same as before. The 
 feasting and dancing often lasted for several days, at the end of 
 which the whole company was so exhausted with loss of sleep 
 that several days' rest were requisite to fit them to return to 
 their ordinary labors. 
 
 In the universal burst of patriotism that swept through the 
 valley there was no one more thoroughly alive to the spirit of 
 
3^4 
 
 RUMORS OF WAR. 
 
 the hour than Henry Antes. Yet no one saw more clearly that 
 there was as much patriotism in remaining at home to meet the 
 Indians if they should rise in anger against the whites, as there 
 was in going to Boston to help the colony of Massachusetts in 
 her struggle against the wrongs thrust upon her, and, through 
 her. upon all the colonies. 
 
 There was another reason why Antes should not leave the 
 valley. He was the one who provided them with their bread- 
 stuffs. Xo one could forget the great old coffee mill that had 
 served its day in the Inn at Germantown, and then proved a 
 greater blessing to the settlers, nor the relief to the entire valley 
 when Antes invested time, money and labor in building the mill 
 to which every one resorted. Even the demands of patriotism 
 would not warrant the closing of that mill. We do not know 
 the size of the mill, but in Wallis' papers there is the statement 
 that in 1785 he had a grist mill built on Carpenter's Run, for 
 which the irons were to be repaired and altered according to 
 the directions given by Henry Antes. 
 
 The specifications called for a size of twenty by twenty-four 
 feet. There were to be glass windows, two doors four by six 
 and one-half feet, chimney clear, five by six and one-half feet, 
 nine inch. Light hibs and shutters, two and one-half feet by 
 two feet. Water house, cog pit, gate hole, mantel piece, and 
 shaft. For the machinery, one hundred and twenty cogs, three 
 inches square, thirteen inches long, and forty round cogs, three 
 inches square by sixteen inches long, all of good tough hickory, 
 well seasoned. Twelve oak boards, one inch thick, seventeen 
 boards, fifteen feet long, for water wheel buckets, eight hun- 
 dred feet well seasoned pine boards, six pieces pine scantling. 
 four by three and one-half inches square, sixteen feet long. 
 
 The mill was near the point where the creek entered the river, 
 just below the high bluff that rose like a watch tower above it. 
 Below the mill was the landing, to which the settlers from the level 
 plains on the other side came, and the resort of the people com- 
 prising the Fair Play community. There was no more popular 
 place in the valley than this, and here the awful portents of the 
 times were fully discussed. 
 
 When the grist mill was completed the settlers flocked to it 
 from all parts of the Fair Play community, and from the valleys 
 bordering the Susquehanna for a distance of forty and fifty miles. 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 325 
 
 It became the general rendezvous of the settlers. Nowhere in the 
 valley north of Northumberland could the news be learned quicker 
 than here. There was an additional certainty in the reliability of 
 the news, because Frederick Antes, in the Assembly at Philadel- 
 phia, knew that it was to the interest of the cause he represented to 
 keep his brother, and through him his neighbors and friends, thor- 
 oughly posted as to the events so rapidly maturing at the seat of 
 government. Here, too, the fathers of the young men who had 
 gone to the seat of war with Captain Louden learned of the prog- 
 ress they were making, and the rising of the spirit of patriotism 
 they were witnessing throughout the country. Here, too, the busy, 
 practical people, feeling the advantage of the state of affairs to the 
 marketing of their produce, learned the prices current for game, 
 skins, flax, salt, timber, powder, shot, rifles, and even the wished 
 for, but unattainable, dress goods. In the meantime, while the 
 neighbors were discussing these affairs, the mill kept on grinding 
 their grain, and when the grist was ready they ceased their con- 
 versation and hurried home with the flour and the grist of new 
 ideas of the turmoil the country was seething in. It was thus 
 that the miller became the leading man of the frontier, and it was 
 easy for him to duplicate the offices thrust upon him. For Miller 
 Antes was also their Magistrate, and the one they looked to as 
 their leader in peace and in war. 
 
 When the information came to the Antes mill that the Col- 
 onial Congress was about to take the last step in the progress of 
 freedom, and declare the colonies free from the rule of England, 
 there was a wild burst of enthusiasm that swept into every cabin, 
 both of the lawful and the unlawful settlers. It was particularly 
 pleasing to the occupants of the Fair Play territory. It seemed 
 to be a vindication of their course. The great heads of the col- 
 onies were filled with a spirit that could be understood by them. 
 England was to them what the Proprietary Government had been 
 to the poor settlers. They arranged for a public meeting on the 
 level plain, above Pine creek. Here, with patriotism surging on 
 every side, and after speeches expressing their ardor and patriot- 
 ism, they passed a series of resolutions absolving themselves from 
 all allegiance to England and declaring themselves free and inde- 
 pendent. Some of the men who signed this document were 
 Thomas Frances, John Clark, Alexander Donaldson, William 
 Campbell, Alexander Hamilton, John Jackson, Adam Carson, 
 
RUMORS OF WAR. 
 
 Henry McCracken, Adam Dewitt, Robert Love and Hugh 
 Nichols. 
 
 The date of this meeting was July fourth. 1776. At the 
 same hour, more than two hundred miles away, the same spirit 
 was manifested, and the representatives of the colonies were pass- 
 ing similar resolutions. It is a remarkable historical fact, reveal- 
 ing how thoroughly the men of the frontier were in sympathy 
 with the throbbing life of the whole country, and that the spirit 
 thus manifested was not to be overcome as long as there was a 
 man left to shout the cry of freedom. 
 
 It was in the midst of such surroundings, and in the midst 
 of such influences, that the sons of Henry Antes were reared. At 
 this time young Henry was nineteen years of age, and his father's 
 helper in the mill and at the home, the reliable stand-by, as his 
 father journeyed here and there among the settlements gathering 
 men for that army and attending to the peace of the country as a 
 faithful Magistrate. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 
 
 AT THE very time the clouds of strife were gathering the 
 thickest, the prospects for the settlement of the valley were 
 the brightest. There were numbers of immigrants daily 
 arriving, mostly from New Jersey, and they lost no time in be- 
 ginning their attack upon the lofty trees of the forest. The dis- 
 turbance at Boston seemed afar off, and even the coming of the 
 soldiers of England to Philadelphia did not appear to be within 
 the reach of the frontier they had chosen for their homes. There 
 were some, however, who saw the relation of things in a better 
 light. They realized that war in one part of the country meant 
 war in all parts of it, and that there would be no place free from 
 danger. One of these men was Captain John Brady, who had 
 won fame in the French and Indian war. He well understood 
 the nature of the red man, and the danger to be apprehended from 
 his uniting with the enemies of the colonists. He knew that the 
 Delawares were now the foes of the white people speaking the 
 English language. There were also the Seneca and Monsey tribes, 
 who were not friendly with the Delawares. These latter were in 
 considerable force along the creeks coming from the north and 
 emptying into the Suscmehanna. In a short time they could come 
 from their strongholds at the head waters of these streams in their 
 canoes and ravage the country before them. If the favor of these 
 Indians could be secured, they would be a safeguard against the 
 Delawares, and a barrier against all forest rangers thirsting for 
 blood. 
 
 Captain Hunter, the commander at Fort Augusta, had only 
 about fifty men at the Fort. The fear of an Indian uprising was 
 making the people timid all over the valley, and at every little 
 alarm, crowds of women and children rushed to the Fort for pro- 
 tection. In this state of feeling it was difficult for the settlers to 
 gather in their harvests. This was the first blow at the prosperity 
 of the valley. 
 
328 BEGINNING OE THE WAR. 
 
 Captain Brady suggested that the Seneca and Monsey chiefs 
 be called to a conference at the Fort, and that a treaty be made 
 with them that would insure their peaceful attitude. 
 
 The consent of the Provincial authorities was secured, and 
 the Indians were invited. At the time appointed one hundred 
 warriors, dressed in the full panoply of war, and accompanied by 
 their wives and children, came down the river in their canoes and 
 encamped at the Fort. It was a thrilling time for the little garri- 
 son. They made as brave an appearance as possible, but could not 
 conceal their poverty from the keen eyes of the covetous savages. 
 When the Indians, who were always accustomed to receive large 
 gifts at treaties, saw that there were no valuable gifts for them, 
 they declined to enter into the treaty, and departed. The sight 
 of this large party of warriors in their canoes with their families, 
 radiant in the brilliant colors so dear to the taste of the red man, 
 was a spectacle that the white man must have admired, yet dread- 
 ed to see again. The soldiers had not been careless. They saw 
 every glance of the Indians, and realized the contempt with which 
 they withdrew. They did not doubt but that they would remove 
 only out of sight, and then treacherously return under the cover 
 of darkness to destroy the Fort and take the scalps of its defend- 
 ers. 
 
 A few miles up the river, where Lewisburg now stands, the 
 German, Frederick Derr, had a mill and a store, or traders' outfit, 
 where he sold the Indians powder, lead, tobacco and rum. It oc- 
 curred to Brady that the Indians would proceed to his place and 
 fill themselves with rum. This would awaken the worst passions 
 within them, and then no sentiments of mercy would have any 
 effect in restraining them from cruel deeds. Brad)' mounted a 
 small mare he had at the Fort and crossed the North Branch of 
 the river, and hurriedly rode after the Indians. When he reach- 
 ed the point opposite Derr's he saw the canoes of the savages and 
 the squaws exerting* themselves to the utmost to bring the canoes 
 to the side of the river where he was, and hide them in the bush- 
 lined banks. Then he saw that they carried out of the canoes 
 rifles, tomahawks, and knives, and hid them in the sumac bushes. 
 He immediately jumped into a canoe and hastened across to Derr's 
 trading house, where he found a barrel of rum standing on end 
 with the head out, and the Indians becoming brutally drunk. In 
 a nn iment Brady upset the barrel, and the rum was lost as it spread 
 
 
BEGINNING OF THE WAR. T> 2 9 
 
 over the ground. Then he turned to Derr, in his indignation, and 
 said : 
 
 "My God, Frederick, what have you done?" 
 
 Derr replied, "Dey dells me you giv em no dreet town on de 
 Fort, so I dinks as I giv urn one here, als he go home in beace.'' 
 
 The Indians were too drunk to prevent the upsetting of the 
 rum, and, as their weapons had been taken away, they could not 
 punish the brave white man on the spot. One of them, however, 
 told Brady that he would regret it, which was a covert threat of 
 death for interfering with them. This made Brady watchful for 
 years, lest the Indian should carry into effect his threat. 
 
 The courage of this deed has seldom been excelled. But 
 there were' no braver men in the world than the members of the 
 Brady family. 
 
 The Indians did not, at this time, wreak their vengeance, 
 but the entire valley was in a state of apprehension. The settlers 
 at once began building stockade forts at various points for gather- 
 ing places in case of an attack. 
 
 Fort Jenkins was built near where Bloomsburg stands. Fort 
 Bosley was on the Chilisquaqua, near "Washington. Boon's Fort 
 was on Muddy Run, two miles above Milton. Fort Swartz was 
 one mile above Milton. Fort Menninger was at the mouth of 
 Warriors Run. Freeland's Fort was four miles up the run. 
 Fort Muncy was between Pennsboro and the mouth of Muncy 
 creek. At Pine was Samuel Horn's Fort. At Lock Haven was 
 the Blockhouse, commanded by Colonel Long. On the bluff, 
 above his mill, Henry Antes gathered the settlers of his section of 
 the valley, and built the spacious stockade that has from that time 
 to this marked the locality as Antes Fort. 
 
 The fame of the men of the West Branch spread far and 
 wide, and from various counties recruiting officers came, offering 
 bribes to these men to enlist under their command for the defence 
 of the country. This threatened to deplete the frontier of its de- 
 fenders, and a meeting was called to protest against such men be- 
 ing permitted to thus rob the country. The following communi- 
 cation was sent to the Committee of Safety, in Philadelphia : 
 
 March 13th. 1776. "We are now. gentlemen, to inform you 
 of what we think a grievance to this young and thinly inhabited 
 country, viz. : a constant succession of recruiting officers from 
 different counties in this province. Our zeal for the cause of 
 
330 BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 
 
 American liberty has hitherto prevented our taking any steps to 
 hinder the raising of men for its service; but finding the evil in- 
 creasing so fast upon us as almost to threaten the depopulation 
 of the country, we cannot help appealing to the wisdom and jus- 
 tice of your committee to know whether the quota of men that 
 may he demanded from this county, under their own officers, is 
 not as much as can reasonably he expected from it. Whether, at 
 a time when we are uncertain of peace with the Indians (well 
 knowing that our enemies are tampering with them), and a claim 
 is set up to the greatest part of the province by a neighboring 
 colony, who have their hostile abettors at our very breasts, as well 
 as their emissaries among us, is it prudent to drain an infant 
 frontier county ofits strength of men? And whether the safety 
 of the interior parts of the province would not be better secured 
 by adding strength to the frontier? "Whether our honorable As- 
 sembly, by disposing of commissions to gentlemen in different 
 counties to raise companies, which are to form the number of bat- 
 talions thought necessary for the defense of this province, did not 
 intend that the respective captains should raise their companies 
 where they were appointed, and not distress one county by taking 
 from it all the men necessary for the business of agriculture, as 
 well as the defence of the same. From our knowledge of the 
 state of this county we make free to give our opinion of what 
 would be most for its advantage, as well as that of the province 
 (between which we hope there will never be a difference) ; and 
 first, are to inform you of the poverty of the people, many of 
 whom came bare and naked here, being plundered by a banditty 
 who called themselves Yankees; and those who brought some 
 property with them, from the necessary delay of cultivating a 
 wilderness before they could have any produce to live upon, to- 
 gether with the necessity of still continuing the closest application 
 to labor and industry for their support, renders it morally improb- 
 able that a well disciplined militia can be established here, as the 
 distance which some men are obliged to go to muster is the loss 
 of two days to them; which, not being paid for, they will not, nor 
 indeed can they, so often attend as is necessary to complete them 
 even in the manual exercise. We would recommend that two or 
 more companies be raised and put on pay for the use of the prov- 
 ince to be ready to march, when and where the service may re- 
 quire them, and when not wanted for the service of the public at 
 
BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 33 1 
 
 any particular place, to be stationed in this county, in order to be 
 near and to defend our frontiers should they be attacked by our 
 enemies of any denomination, the good effects of which we imag- 
 ine would be considerable, as, though they may be too few to 
 repel, they may stop the progress of an enemy until the militia 
 could be raised to assist them. Should this proposal appear to be 
 eligible, please to inform us thereof, and we will recommend such 
 gentlemen for officers as we think most suitable for the service 
 and agreeable to the people. Signed by John Hambright, chair- 
 man of the meeting." 
 
 On the 1 2th day of September, 1775, the representatives 
 of the people met at Derr's, because it was a central place, and 
 elected the officers whom they desired to lead them in the defence 
 of their homes. James Potter was elected Colonel; Robert 
 Moodie, Lieutenant Colonel; John Kelly, First Major; John 
 Brady, Second Major, and eleven captains of companies. Henry 
 Antes was elected the Captain of Company 8, which consisted 
 of fifty-eight men. The captains were to receive twenty-nine 
 dollars a month, and to find their own arms and clothes. 
 
 When the call came for the soldiers to leave the valley and 
 go to the army below Philadelphia, there was a re-arrangement 
 of the troops, which caused Captain Antes to be transferred to 
 the regiment of the Second Battalion of Northumberland 
 County Associators, of which William Plunket was Colonel, and 
 Antes was placed at the head of the First Company. 
 
 There was a great difference between Captain Antes and 
 the colonel of the regiment. The sympathies of the colonel 
 were with the English. He was thoroughly filled with the 
 pride of an English-born subject. He was only an immigrant 
 in America, and some represented that he was forced to emi- 
 grate because of certain unlawful deeds that he had committed. 
 Be that as it may, he was a brave man and a capable officer un- 
 til the question of loyalty to England was called into decision. 
 Captain Antes, on the other hand, was a native born American, 
 and was filled with the deepest loyalty to his land. It therefore 
 soon happened that Colonel Plunket dropped out of the army, 
 and Captain Antes received a commission as lieutenant colonel, 
 with command of the forces on the extreme frontier, and head- 
 quarters at the Stockade, called Antes' Fort. 
 
 Antes' Fort was in one of the most exposed places on the 
 
332 ' BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 
 
 frontier. It stood overlooking the mouth of Pine Creek and 
 the ancient fortifications of the Indians, the origin of which was 
 so far in the past that no one knew their history. 
 
 If there was to be an invasion by the Indians in force, it 
 was probable that they would descend Pine Creek, hence it was 
 essential to the security of the whole valley that from the walls 
 of Antes' Fort the keenest and most vigilant watch should un- 
 remittingly be kept. 
 
 The logs set upright in the ground, making the walls of the 
 fort, were eighteen feet long. Inside the stockade, cabins were 
 built for the families to dwell in. and before them the yards for 
 their cattle. On the summit of the hill there was a grazing 
 clearing for the cattle. On the side of the hill, below the walls. 
 was a good strong spring of water. The creek was just below 
 the walls, and the four-pounder threatened destruction to any 
 one who dared to interfere with the mill. 
 
 The view from the fort, looking up the river, commanded 
 the river up to the mouth of Pine creek, and no flotilla of ca- 
 noes could secretly come from that quarter. If the battling 
 was to be in the open field, there would be no question of the 
 success of the brave white settlers. They would delight to thus 
 match themselves as men against men and prove to the world 
 the quality of their patriotism. 
 
 Indians, however, did not fight in the open. They crept 
 through the woods and high grass, and watched as a cat watches 
 for a bird, and then when the victim, unconscious of danger or 
 the presence of a foe, was carelessly attending to the duties of 
 his position, the Indian crashed a tomahawk into his brain, and 
 the first sign of his presence to the people of the fort, or neigh- 
 borhood, would be the sound of his dreadful war whoop, or 
 triumphant shout that meant he had secured a scalp. 
 
 The presence of one troop of Indians in the valley placed 
 all the people in terror, for no one knew where they might ap- 
 pear, or at whose doors they were lurking. Even when the 
 guarding soldiers left the fort to seek the foe. no one knew 
 whether the foe was watching their departure, intending to 
 wreak vengeance on the feeble ones left in the enclosure, or 
 were following with the scent of deatli the soldiers, to pick them 
 off, one by one, as they, perchance, might straggle from the main 
 body. And at night, when they encamped, the closest watch 
 
BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 333 
 
 had to be maintained, lest their weapons be stolen, and they 
 themselves tomahawked while asleep. An Indian could creep 
 through the bushes and over the leaves with the silence of the 
 serpent, and the great stretch of forest gave no signs of his pres- 
 ence within. Along the rivers and creeks, at the most unex- 
 pected places, they had their canoes hidden under the water, 
 ever ready for service, and these they propelled with a skill that 
 could be admired, but not imitated. They were familiar with 
 every part of the shores of the West Branch, and the location 
 of the ripples and the eddies, the sunken rocks and the sand 
 bars, and the islands where there were hiding places in times of 
 pursuit. Like the snake, or the bird, or the fish, they were at 
 home in the haunts of nature, and while this was their delight, 
 it was the terror of the white people. 
 
 At the time Henry Antes was showing his patriotism on 
 the Susquehanna, Frederick Antes was elected Colonel of the 
 Sixth Battalion, Philadelphia County Associators,, by the com- 
 panies from Limerick, Douglas, Marlborough, New Hanover, 
 L'pper Hanover, and Frederick townships. His commission 
 was dated May 6th, 1777. 
 
 The Supreme Executive Council gave the following order 
 on September nth, 1777: "Ordered, that Colonel Heister, 
 Correy, Antes, and Dean's respective battalions do imme- 
 diately rendezvous at the Swedes Ford; Col. Moore and Mc- 
 Veagh, at Falls of Schuylkill, and Col. Warner's at Darby. As 
 the enemy is near at hand, and this minute engaging our army 
 under command of his Excellency, General Washington." 
 
 Ridpath says : "On the 25th of August, the British landed 
 at Elk River, in Maryland, and nine days afterward began their 
 march toward Philadelphia. After a council of war and some 
 changes in the arrangement of his forces, Washington selected 
 the left bank of the Brandywine as his line of defence. The left 
 wing of the American army was stationed at Chadd's Ford to 
 dispute the passage, while the right wing, under General Sulli- 
 van, was extended for three miles up the river. On the nth of 
 September, the British reached the opposite bank and began 
 battle. What seemed to be their principal attack was made by 
 the Hessians under Knyphausen, at the Ford ; and here Wayne's 
 division held the enemy in check. But the onset of Knyp- 
 
334 BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 
 
 hausen was only a feint to keep the Americans engaged until a 
 stronger column of the British, led by Cornwallis and Howe, 
 could march up the south bank of the Brandywine and cross at 
 a point above the American right. In this way. Sullivan, who 
 was not on the alert, allowed himself to be outflanked. Wash- 
 ington was misled by false information ; the right wing, though 
 the men under Lafayette and Stirling fought with great cour- 
 age, was crushed in by Cornwallis, and the day was hopelessly 
 lost. 
 
 During the night the defeated patriots retreated to West- 
 chester. Greene brought up the rear in good order; through his 
 efforts, and those of the Commander-in-Chief, the army was saved 
 from destruction. The loss of the Americans in killed, wounded 
 and missing amounted to fully a thousand men ; that of the Brit- 
 ish, to five hundred and eighty-four. The gallant Lafayette 
 was severely wounded; Count Pulaski, a brave Pole, who had 
 espoused the patriotic cause, so distinguished himself in this en- 
 gagement that Congress honored him with the rank of Brigadier, 
 and gave him command of the cavalry. On the day after the bat- 
 tle Washington continued his retreat to Philadelphia, and then 
 took post at Germantown, a few miles miles from the city. Un- 
 dismayed by his reverse, he resolved to risk another engagement. 
 Accordingly, on the 15th of the month, he recrossed the Schuyl- 
 kill and marched towards the British camp. Twenty miles below 
 Philadelphia he met Howe at Warren's tavern. For a while the 
 two armies manoeuvered, the enemy gaining the better position; 
 then a spirited skirmish ensued and a great battle was imminent. 
 But just as the conflict was beginning, a violent tempest of wind 
 and rain swept over the field. The combatants were deluged, their 
 cartridges soaked, and fighting made impossible. Washington 
 recrossed the river and confronted his antagonist, who had march- 
 ed down the Schuylkill. Howe turned suddenly about and hur- 
 ried up stream along the right bank in the direction of Reading. 
 Washington, fearing for his stores, pressed forward up the left 
 bank to Pottstown. But the movement of the British westward 
 was only feigned; again Howe wheeled, marched rapidly to the 
 ford, above Norristown, crossed the river, and hastened to Phila- 
 delphia. When the British saw the fortifications which the mili- 
 tia had thrown up at Swedes Ford, they passed on up to Fatland 
 Ford, where they crossed. In this the militia had done good 
 
BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 335 
 
 work. On December 13th, Washington crossed the river with 
 his army at Swedes Ford, on the way to Valley Forge. They 
 made a bridge by placing wagons together, backed against each 
 other, and for lack of boards used fence rails for a flooring. 
 
 It was about this time that General Howe set a price of £200 
 on the head of Frederick Antes, which compelled the patriot to 
 emigrate to Northumberland, when the tories began to obtain 
 power again about Philadelphia, but time has beautified the order 
 as a crown of honor to the man who bore it for his country's sake. 
 
 The spectacle of Washington and the American soldiers suf- 
 fering privations and want at Valley Forge, during the winter of 
 1777, has touched the hearts of their descendants, and evoked 
 a tenderness that has thrown into the shade the condition of many 
 others of that same time. The fact is, the barefooted soldiers, 
 with bleeding feet, were not alone in suffering during that stormy 
 and severe winter. 
 
 As soon as it was known that the British were ascending the 
 Elk river, with the purpose of attacking Philadelphia, the Ameri- 
 can Congress and the Assembly of Pennsylvania united to strip 
 the city of everything that would contribute to the comfort of the 
 British. All manner of provisions were ordered to be transport- 
 ed out of the city, and this was being done, even until the British 
 troops entered. When Colonel Frederick Antes and his militia, 
 and the other officers with their militia, were trying to prevent the 
 British from crossing the Schuylkill, the wagons of goods from 
 the city were back of them on the way out into the interior. When 
 the British entered Philadelphia they found it largely stripped of 
 food and fuel, and an army, beside the twenty thousand inhabi- 
 tants, to feed. Instead of being a glorious victory for the British, 
 it was a tight place they were in, thanks to the wise plans of Gen- 
 eral Washington, and those who so ably assisted him. It is true, 
 there was gaiety in Philadelphia that winter among the officers 
 of the British army and the higher classes of the tories, but there 
 was the most awful poverty and want, also, and such want that 
 exceeded the suffering at Valley Forge. Women of Philadel- 
 phia went to the outer lines of the Americans and begged to be 
 allowed to leave Philadelphia to save themselves from starving. 
 
 General Potter, in charge of the militia numbering six hun- 
 dred, scoured the country between the Schuylkill and Chester to 
 see that no provisions from that section went into the city. Gen- 
 
T,T,6 BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 
 
 eral Lacy had charge of those above the Schuylkill to see that 
 nnthing went to the relief of the besieged. General Lacy wanted 
 to entirely depopulate the country about Philadelphia for a dis- 
 tance of fifteen miles, to render it absolutely a desert to the in- 
 vaders. If any one for a distance of thirty miles about the city 
 was discovered with provisions for the beseiged, he was shot and 
 left in the road with his provisions as an example to deter all 
 others. The entire country was continually scoured by the militia 
 and the light horse to see that no aid was given the foe. Truly, 
 the vengeance of the suffering army at Valley Forge was awful. 
 In Philadelphia there was very little silver and gold, even among 
 those who were considered wealthy, and the traders who accom- 
 panied the British army refused to accept the paper currency of 
 the State, which was the only money the people had. On the 16th 
 of December, 1777, the Quakers in Philadelphia who were loyal- 
 ists addressed a letter to the Quakers in Ireland, begging them to 
 send food to them. At that time flour was worth three guineas per 
 hundred, and ship bread more. Beef and pork and fuel were in 
 proportion. Potatoes were sixteen shillings a bushel, beef was 
 seven shillings and sixpence a pound. A single chicken was 
 worth ten shillings, and even at these prices gold or silver only 
 was accepted. This was the glorious victory of the British in 
 occupying Philadelphia. 
 
 At this time Colonel Henry Antes was desperately trying to 
 hold the extreme frontier on the West Branch of the Susquehanna 
 against the Indians. Colonel Frederick Antes was scouring the 
 country in the neighborhood of the Scippack to prevent relief 
 reaching Philadelphia. His own home and land were stripped of 
 everything to help the soldiers at Valley Forge. Colonel William 
 Antes was busy trying to convert the estates of tories into funds 
 for the use of the State, and as Sub-Lieutenant of Philadelphia 
 County, keep the soldiers of his district in their places. Henry 
 Shoemaker, who was afterward the father-in-law of Colonel 
 Henry Antes' eldest son, was conveying provisions from the back 
 country in his great wagons to the relief of the army at Valley 
 Forge. William Dewees, the uncle of Colonel Henry Antes, was 
 entertaining Washington and his wife in his home at Valley 
 Forge. David Rittenhouse, the second cousin of the Antes 
 brothers, was the Treasurer of Pennsylvania, and was doing his 
 utmost to solve the difficult financial problem of the day. The 
 
BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 337 
 
 army had stripped the mills of Dewees and Paul, so that nothing 
 was there for anyone to use, and they were too near the British 
 lines to be safely operated. At the battle of Germantown the 
 American soldiers swarmed about them, and later the visits of the 
 Light Horse made it unsafe for anyone to make a harboring place 
 of them. The beautiful farms of the Paulings were just across 
 the river from Valley Forge, and throughout that entire section 
 everything that was raised was placed at the disposal of the army. 
 Men then willingly made themselves poor that the army might 
 live. These men had no sympathy with the infamous cabal that 
 was fomented to displace General Washington, but, as they laid 
 all upon the altar of their country, they could weep with the Gen- 
 eral at the sufferings of the soldiers, and strain their utmost to 
 obtain money to render uncalled for the mutiny of those who, 
 through the poverty of the government, had not received their 
 well-earned pay. Just the year before, Frederick Antes, David 
 Rittenhouse and Charles Shoemaker sat together as members of 
 the convention that gave to Pennsylvania her Constitution. After 
 the war Rittenhouse was State Treasurer a part of the time that 
 Frederick Antes was Treasurer of Northumberland county, and 
 Colonel Henry Antes was untangling the mixed affairs of the set- 
 tlers in Wyoming. Rittenhouse was not only an ardent patriot, 
 but was one of the foremost scholars of his day. 
 22 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 IN MAY, 1777, John Henry Antes was commissioned Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel of the Second Battalion of Associators. and 
 
 stationed at the fort he had built as the rallying place for 
 the settlers of the western part of the West Branch Valley. 
 The fort was on the hill overlooking the entire section of coun- 
 try settled by the squatters known as the Fair Play men. Also 
 the rendezvous of the lawful settlers on the south side of the 
 river and the X T ippenose Valley. Meginnes says : "The set- 
 tlers were obliged to abandon their rude cabins, their little fields 
 of grain, and seek refuge within these enclosures (the stockade 
 forts) from the scalping knife of the savage. The women and 
 children remained in the forts, whilst the men. in armed com- 
 panies, would venture to their fields and houses and cut their 
 crops. Those who refused to seek the forts generally paid for 
 their rashness with their lives." 
 
 The danger grew more alarming from day to day. One 
 fine Sunday morning in June, 1777, Zephaniah Miller, Abel 
 Cady, James Armstrong and Isaac Bouser left Antes' Fort with 
 two women and crossed the river into the disputed territory 
 for the purpose of milking a number of cows that were pasturing 
 on that side. When they landed, all the cows were found, but 
 the one that wore the bell was heard some distance back in the 
 bushes. It did not occur to the party that Indians might be 
 lurking in the bushes. They were there, however, and had 
 managed to keep this cow back for the purpose of luring the 
 party on. Cady, Armstrong and Miller started to secure the 
 cow. As soon as they entered the bushes they were fired on by 
 the concealed foe, and two of them fell severely wounded 
 Miller and Cady were scalped immediately, but Armstrong, 
 who was also injured in the back of the head, succeeded in get- 
 ting away. 
 
 As soon as the firing commenced, the women ran with 
 
7 ^k- i&£ 
 
 A Stockade Fort to protect Settlei's from Indians. 
 
 The Weapons of a Frontier Scout 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 339 
 
 Bouser and secreted themselves in a rye field. The garrison in 
 the fort were alarmed., and rushed forth immediately, regard- 
 less of the orders of Colonel Antes., who feared it might be a 
 decoy to draw them away from the fort, when it would be as- 
 sailed from the other side. They paid no attention to his or- 
 ders, however, and seizing the car. >sed the river imme- 
 diately to the relief of their comrades. They found Miller and 
 Cady where they fell : Cady was not dead. They carried him 
 to the river bank where his wife met him. On seeing her he 
 reached out his hand and immediately expired. He had re- 
 cently returned from the army, and was one of the original set- 
 tlers on the river. Armstrong was taken over to the fort, 
 where he lingered in great agony until Monday night, when he 
 expired. A party immediately pursued the Indians, and com- 
 ing up with them at a place called the Race Ground, they stood 
 and fired, then broke and fled, pursued by the whites. They 
 ran across what is now the upper part of the town of Jersey 
 Shore, and escaped into the swamp. The whites fired upon 
 them several times, and probably did some execution, as marks 
 of blood were plainly visible where they had apparently dragged 
 away their killed and wounded. 
 
 In the winter of the same year three men left Horn's Fort 
 and proceeded across the river to the Monseytown flats, above 
 L.ockport. They were fired upon by a lurking party of Indians 
 and one man was killed near Sugar Run. The other two fled 
 and were pursued across the ice. One of them, named Dewitt. 
 in the hurry of the flight, ran into an air hole. He caught hold 
 of the edge of the ice. however, and managed to keep his head 
 above water. The Indians were afraid to venture too near. 
 They commenced firing at his head, but watching the flash of 
 the gun. he dodged under the water like a duck and eluded the 
 ball. Several shots were fired at him. when, thinking he wa^ 
 dead, they left. Dewitt. in an exhausted state, succeeded in 
 crawling from the water on the ice and escaped to the fort. 
 
 The other man. having crossed to the south side of the 
 river, was pursued by a single Indian, who gained on him rap- 
 idly. He had a gun which was supposed to be worthless, but 
 as the Indian neared him he turned and pointed it at him. think- 
 ing to intimidate him. but didn't pull the trigger. This he re- 
 peated several times, when the savage, thinking it was unload- 
 
3-J.O INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 ed. would point his tomahawk at him in derision and exclaim, 
 'Pooh ! Pooh !' The pursuit continued, and the Indian came 
 up close, feeling certain of his victim. As a last resort, he in- 
 stinctively raised his gun and pulled the trigger, when, to his 
 astonishment, it went off, and shot the Indian dead. He es- 
 caped to the fort in safety. A party turned out and pursued 
 the Indians as far as Youngwoman's Creek. They noticed 
 that they had carried and dragged the body of the dead Indian 
 all the way with them, from the marks in the snow. 
 
 The next attack made by the Indians in the autumn of 
 1777, was near Loyalsock Creek, on the families of Brown and 
 Benjamin. Daniel Brown settled at a very early period at 
 this place. He had two daughters married to two brothers 
 named Benjamin. On the alarm of the approaching Indians 
 being given, the Benjamins, with their wives and children, took 
 refuge at the house of Mr. Brown, and made preparations to 
 defend themselves. The enemy came and assaulted the house. 
 A brisk resistance was maintained for some time, during which 
 an Indian was killed from Benjamin's rifle. Finding they 
 could not dislodge them they set the house on fire. The flames 
 spread rapidly, and a horrible death stared the inmates in the 
 face. What was to be done? Remain inside and be burned, 
 or come forth to be dispatched by the tomahawks of the sav- 
 ages? Either alternative was a fearful one. 
 
 The Benjamins at length determined to come forth and 
 trust themselves to the mercy of the Indians. Brown refused, 
 and remained in the burning building with his wife and daugh- 
 ter, and was consumed with them, preferring to meet death in 
 this way rather than to fall into the hands of the enemy and be 
 tortured. 
 
 When the Benjamins with their families came forth one 
 of them was carrying his youngest child in his arms. The sav- 
 ages received them at the door. A big Indian brandished his 
 tomahawk, and with a fiendish yell buried the glittering steel 
 in his brain. As he fell forward his wife with a shriek caught 
 the little child in her arms. His scalp was immediately torn 
 from his head and shook exultingly in her face. The remainder 
 of the survivors were carried into captivity. This bloody mas- 
 sacre occurred on what was long known as the Buckley farm 
 on Lovalsock. 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 34I 
 
 About the close of the year the Indians killed a man named - 
 Saltzman, on the Sinnemahoning. At the same time Daniel 
 Jones, who owned what the settlers called the little mill, on a 
 stream this side of Farrandsville, was murdered, also another 
 man. His wife escaped to the Fort. These settlers had been 
 warned to leave, but refused to do so, claiming there was no dan- 
 ger. Their lives paid for their incredulity. 
 
 At this time Colonel Cookson Long gathered a company of 
 about twenty men, and went up to Youngwoman's creek to look 
 for Indians. They suddenly espied a number of warriors on the 
 opposite side marching along in single file, painted and dressed in 
 war costume. The whites, being undiscovered, concealed them- 
 selves. The men were very anxious to select each his man and 
 fire upon them, but the Colonel refused. There were not more 
 than twenty or thirty Indians, and the whites could undoubtedly 
 have done good execution. The Colonel remained in his conceal- 
 ed position until they had passed, when he returned to the Fort 
 and reported that a large body of savages were approaching. 
 
 Notwithstanding the utmost vigilance, a man was tomahawk- 
 ed on the 23d of December, 1777, near the mouth of Pine creek; 
 and about the 1st of July, 1778, another man was killed two 
 miles above the Great Island. 
 
 Petitions having been sent to the Council, praying for some 
 plan to be devised for the defense of the inhabitants of the valley, 
 instructions were forwarded to Colonel Hunter, ordering out the 
 fifth class of the militia of the county. On the 14th of January, 
 1778, Colonel Hunter writes to President Wharton and informs 
 him what orders he had given. Colonel Antes also came down to 
 Fort Augusta to consult as to what was best to be done, as parties 
 of Indians were constantly prowling around. Three companies 
 of Colonel Long's Battalion were ordered to hold themselves in 
 readiness at a moment's warning, subject to the order of Colonel 
 Antes. 
 
 The party of Indians that murdered the man about the 1st 
 of January, above Great Island, were eleven in number. They 
 were pursued by Antes' command, and as a light snow had fallen. 
 were tracked easily. The whites came up with them and succeed- 
 ed in killing two. The rest fled and could not be overtaken, 
 although followed for a long distance. 
 
 Arms were very scarce. Colonel Hunter informed Presi- 
 
34- IXDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 dent Wharton, on the 28th of March, 1778, that he had endeav- 
 ored to purchase some good guns, but could get none. Two rifles 
 and sixty ordinary muskets were all the public arms in the county 
 at that time. It is supposed, however, that nearly all the settlers 
 had weapons of their own. All the guns worth repairing were 
 being put in order, and, remarks Colonel Hunter, I have promised 
 the gunsmiths their pay for so doing. 
 
 It appears that the fifth class of militia, as they were called, 
 were only to serve two months. As soon as their term expired 
 the sixth class were ordered to relieve them. The people com- 
 plained that if no troops were stationed above Muncy they would 
 be obliged to abandon their settlements and go down the river. 
 
 On the 5th of May Colonel Hunter writes that he could get 
 no provisions to buy for them. All that could be obtained was 
 some beef and pork that had been purchased by Colonel Hugh 
 White for the Continental stores. Of flour, there was a small 
 quantity. About this time Colonel John Kelly's battalion was or- 
 dered to Penn's Valley to perform duty for two months, where 
 Jacob Stanford, his wife and daughter were inhumanly killed and 
 scalped, and his son, a lad of ten years, carried into captivity. A 
 party of Indians having penetrated into Buffalo Valley and secur- 
 ed a large amount of plunder, were hotly pursued by Lieutenant 
 Moses Van Campen with a party of men. They were so close 
 upon them that they were obliged to abandon their ill-gotten booty 
 at a large spring back of Jersey Shore. It is stated that several 
 valuable articles, such as silver tankards, etc., were recovered at 
 this place by the pursuing party. 
 
 In May, the 6th and 7th classes of Colonel Long's battalion 
 were ordered to be consolidated by Colonel Hunter and scout 
 along the frontier until the sixth and seventh classes of Colonel 
 Murray's and Hosterman's battalions should arrive at the Great 
 Island to cover the frontier there. 
 
 Colonel Hunter writes to Mr. Wharton, President of the 
 Council, under date of May 14th, 1778, as follows concerning 
 these detachments : "These last classes would have marched be- 
 fore this time only for want of provisions; as for meat, there is 
 very little to be had in this County, and that very dear; Bacon 
 sells at 4s 6d (6 pound, and flour at three pounds ten shillings @ 
 Hundred wt. I have ordered some people that lives nigh the 
 Great Island to preserve Shad and Barrel them up for the use of 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 343 
 
 the Militia that will be stationed there this summer. Colonel 
 William Cooke will undertake to provide Provisions for the Mili- 
 tia of this County, in case he was supplied with Cash at this pres- 
 ent time, as he would go to some other County to purchase some 
 meat, for I am certain it will be very much wanted in case the 
 Savages Commence a war with the frontiers, all must turn out to 
 prevent, if possible, such a Cruel Enemy from Makeing inroads 
 into our part of the country. We are scarce of' Guns, not more 
 than one-half of the Militia is provided with Arms, and a number 
 of them Very Ordinary ; Our Powder is Exceeding Bad, and not 
 fit for Rifles in any shape. And as for Flints, we can get none 
 to Buy; All this I think proper to acquaint the Council with, &c." 
 
 On the 1 6th of May, near the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, 
 three men, who were at work putting in a small field of corn, were 
 attacked by a party of Indians, killed and scalped. Two days 
 following, near Pine creek, a man, woman and child were taken 
 prisoners, probably by the same party, and carried off. On the 
 20th of the same month, two men and seven women and children 
 were taken from one house, near Lycoming creek. They were all 
 carried away as prisoners. About the same time three families, 
 consisting of sixteen in number, were killed and carried away from 
 Loyalsock. A party that went up from Wallis' only found two 
 dead bodies, from which they supposed the remainder were taken 
 prisoners. Their houses were all reduced to ashes. About this 
 time Andrew Armstrong, who settled at the big spring below 
 where Linden now stands, was visited by a party of Indians. 
 They came very suddenly. On the alarm being given, Mrs. Arm- 
 strong, who was enciente, slipped under the bed. The Indians 
 entered the house, and seizing Armstrong, his little son and a 
 woman named Xancy Bundy, made preparations to carry them 
 away. Armstrong told his wife to lie still, which she did. and 
 escaped. They were in a great hurry on account of a small body of 
 men being stationed a short distance below, and did not take time 
 to fire the building. They turned up the creek with their pris- 
 oners. Mrs. Armstrong crawled from her hiding place, and look- 
 ing out of the window, beheld her husband and little son disappear 
 in the forest with them. 
 
 About this time four men, Robert Fleming, Robert Donald- 
 son, James McMichael and John Hamilton, started down the river 
 from Horn's to Antes' Fort in canoes to arrange for crafts to 
 
344 INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 transport their families and effects down the river. Having en- 
 gaged a flat, they started on their return, and had passed through 
 the Pine creek ripples, when they pushed over to the south side 
 of the river to rest and wait for their comrades, who were follow- 
 ing with the flat. As they were about to land they were suddenly 
 fired on by a small party of Indians concealed on the shore. Don- 
 aldson jumped out of the canoe, fired, and cried to the others, 
 "Come on, boys !" Hamilton saw the Indians rise from behind 
 a small bluff, and at the same time noticed the blood spurting from 
 Donaldson's back as he was trying to reload his gun. Hamilton 
 immediately gave his canoe a shove from the shore, jumped in, 
 fell flat on the bottom, and then, by a sudden whirl of his body, 
 landed in the water, and holding the canoe with one hand between 
 himself and the Indians, he paddled across the river with the other 
 hand. Several bullets flew around him, but he escaped unharmed. 
 When he landed his woolen clothes were so heavy from being 
 saturated with water that his progress was greatly impeded. He 
 therefore stripped himself of everything but his shirt and started 
 on a run up the river. His route was by a path which led through 
 the Gallagher and Cook farms, which were then grown up with 
 bushes. He ran for life, and at the flutter of a bird or other noise, 
 he would clear the brush at every bound. In this way he ran f< li- 
 nearly three miles, until he came opposite Horn's Fort, which was 
 on the south side of the river, when he was discovered and taken 
 across. 
 
 The men in the flat pushed over, landed and crossed Pine 
 creek a short distance above the mouth, and hurried up the river 
 to the main party at Horn's. James Jackson, who was with the 
 party on the flat, found a horse pasturing on the Pine creek clear- 
 ing, which he caught, mounted, and rode to the settlement above. 
 
 After the excitement of this tragic affair had subsided a party 
 started down the river and secured the dead bodies of Donaldson. 
 McMichael and Fleming, which they carried to Antes Fort, and 
 buried them in the little cemetery which had been started on the 
 hill, near the Fort. John Hamilton was only about sixteen years 
 of age. His escape and flight were regarded as little less than 
 marvelous. 
 
 The same day this bloody affair occurred a party of men were 
 driving a lot of cattle down the river from above the Great Island. 
 Crossing the plains near where Liberty now stands, they were 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 345 
 
 fired upon by a party of Indians. The whites immediately re- 
 turned the fire, when an Indian was observed to fall, and was car- 
 ried off. A man named Samuel Fleming was shot through the 
 shoulder. The Indians fled very precipitately and abandoned a 
 big lot of plunder, consisting largely of blankets, which fell into 
 the hands of the whites. 
 
 Between Lycoming creek and Antes' Fort there was no pro- 
 tection for the settlers. Some brave spirits, among whom were 
 William King, Robert Covenhoven and James Armstrong, were 
 engaged in building a stockade enclosure, at Lycoming, formed 
 of logs eight or ten feet in length, planted in the ground side by 
 side, with the tops leaning outward, so as not to be easily scaled. 
 It covered perhaps half an acre, and was located near what is now 
 Fourth and Stevens streets, Williamsport. 
 
 The rumors of a descent by the tories and the Indians on the 
 North Branch had aroused a fear for the safety of Northumber- 
 land, and some of the settlers thought their families would be 
 safer in the new stockade than below; so they went down to 
 Northumberland, loaded up their goods and started back for the 
 new refuge. They requested Mrs. King to accompany them, but 
 she did not wish to disobey her husband's orders, and refused. 
 Finally they overcame her scruples by showing her that he would 
 have to travel all the way down in a canoe for her and the chil- 
 dren and take them up the river alone, which would expose them 
 to much more danger than would befall a party traveling together. 
 The long, tedious, rough ride up the river passed drearily until 
 towards the evening of the second or third day, when the man in 
 charge of the team said : "Here is the last stream we will cross 
 before reaching the Fort, and we will stop and water." The 
 horses had no sooner halted than unerring rifles cracked and the 
 utmost confusion at once ensued. 
 
 The following graphic account of the terrible massacre that 
 followed is given in a letter by Colonel Hosterman to Colonel 
 Winter, from Fort Muncy, June ioth, 1778 : On this clay Colonel 
 Hosterman, Captain Reynolds and thirteen men set out for Antes' 
 mill with ammunition for that place and Big Island. The same 
 day Peter Smith, his wife and six children ; William King's wife 
 and two children; Michael Smith, Michael Campbell and David 
 Chambers, belonging to Captain Reynold's company, and Snod- 
 grass and Hammond, being six men. two women and eight chil- 
 
34^ INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 dren, were going with a wagon to Lycoming. When they reach- 
 ed Loyalsock, John Harris met them and said he had heard firing 
 up the creek and desired them to return, as to go forward was 
 dangerous. But Peter Smith said that firing would not stop 
 them. Harris then proceeded to Fort Muncy, and Smith and 
 party continued up the river. Upon Harris' information a party 
 of fifteen started from the Fort in the direction of where the firing- 
 had been heard. When Smith with his party and wagon had got 
 within half a mile of Lycoming creek the Indians fired on them, 
 and at the first fire Snodgrass fell dead, being shot through the 
 temple. The Indians first fired two guns, when they gave a yell 
 and ran towards the wagon. The men with the wagon, who did 
 not see the Indians until they fired and approached them, immed- 
 iately took to trees and returned the fire. A little boy and a girl 
 made off at this time and escaped. The Indians closed in on the 
 party and tried to surround them. This caused all the men to flee 
 as fast as possible but Campbell, who was last seen fighting at close 
 quarters with his rifle, and an Indian gun was afterwards found 
 on the spot broken to pieces. Before they were out of sight of 
 the wagon they saw the Indians attacking the women and chil- 
 dren with their tomahawks. The number of Indians Chambers 
 thought to be about twenty. 
 
 This bloody affair began just before sundown. The boy 
 who escaped pushed on to Lycoming Creek and informed the 
 men there what had happened. They started immediately, 
 but mistaking the intelligence the boy gave, went to the river 
 to the place where they lived, thinking that it was the canoe that 
 was attacked. In the meantime. Captain Hepburn, with the 
 party that had started from Fort Muncy, came up and found 
 the dead bodies of Snodgrass and another man, but it being 
 dark, they could not distinguish who they were. They contin- 
 ued on to Lycoming, where they met the other party, and wait- 
 ed until the next day, as it was too late to do anything that 
 night. 
 
 On the morning of June nth, they returned and found the 
 bodies of the following persons: Peter Smith's wife, shot 
 through and stabbed, scalped, and a knife left by her side: Wil- 
 liam King's wife, tomahawked and scalped. She had dragged 
 herself near the stream, and rested with her hand under her 
 head, with her brains oozing through her fingers; she leaned on 
 

 
Escape of William King. 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 347 
 
 her husband when he came to her, but expired almost imme- 
 diately. She was conscious when they came, but could not 
 speak. A little girl was killed and scalped — also a little boy. 
 Snodgrass was found shot through the head, tomahawked and 
 scalped. Campbell was shot in the back, tomahawked, stab- 
 bed, scalped and a knife left sticking in his body. They had 
 taken his rifle, but nothing was removed from the wagon but a 
 few trifling articles. 
 
 This bloody affair took place at the point where West 
 Fourth street, Williamsport, crosses the stream which flows 
 down Cemetery street. The road was merely a widening out of 
 the old Indian trail, and was cut through a thicket of wild plums 
 here ; the boughs with the leaves dried upon them being thrown 
 into the bushes formed a safe place for the concealment of lurk- 
 ing savages. 
 
 In September, nearly three months after this massacre, 
 William Winters came up from Berks county with several men 
 to cut hay in a meadow near the mouth of Lycoming Creek, for 
 the purpose of feeding the cattle he proposed to bring up late in 
 the fall. While William Winters, who led the party, was pre- 
 paring dinner at the cabin he had previously built near the cor- 
 ner of the present Third and Rose streets, William King and 
 others stood their guns against a tree and started in to cut the 
 grass. They had got but two and a half swaths cut, when the 
 Indians, who had stealthily crept around between them and 
 their arms, opened fire upon the party, killing three or four at 
 the first round. King quickly ran to the river and swam to the 
 opposite shore, dodging under the water whenever the Indians 
 fired. One man dropped in the grass and lay concealed until 
 dark, when he made his way to the river, raised one of the sunk- 
 en canoes, and quietly paddled to Northumberland, where he 
 reported that all had been killed but himself. While he was re- 
 lating his sorrowful tale, and the families of the unfortunates 
 were bewailing their loss. King suddenly stepped among them 
 in an almost nude condition, having torn his clothing from his 
 body in his rapid flight over the mountains and through the 
 bushes. Winters, and those who were with him, on hearing 
 the firing, concealed themselves until the Indians had departed, 
 when they went to where their comrades had been killed, gath- 
 ered their bodies together, and covered them with freshly mown 
 
348 INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 hay, and then hurried down the river. In the following spring 
 they returned to bury them. They were buried on the site of 
 an old Indian burying ground near where the previous massa- 
 cre had taken place in the plum tree thicket. 
 
 Andrew Fleming settled on Pine Creek, in the vicinity of 
 where Matthew McKinney's house stands. On Christmas Day. 
 1778, he took down his rifle and observed to his wife that he 
 would go and kill a deer. He started up the ravine and had 
 not been gone long before the report of a gun was heard. The 
 day wore away and he did not return. His wife became alarm- 
 ed at his protracted absence, and feared that evil might have be- 
 fallen him. Proceeding up the ravine to look for him, she sud- 
 denly perceived three savages skulking in the bushes and her 
 worst suspicions were at once aroused, 
 she gave the alarm, 
 proceeded to search for her husband. They had gone but a 
 short distance when they came to his dead body. Three balls 
 had passed through him, one having entered his eye; the scalp 
 was removed. 
 
 The danger soon became so great that a panic seized the 
 inhabitants, and nearly all of them about Muncy fled to Brady*s 
 Fort. Those above and up to Lycoming Creek took refuge at 
 Wallis". All above Lycoming and Pine Creeks were at Antes' 
 and Horn's Forts. The inhabitants -of Penn's Valley gathered 
 at Potter's Fort. Those below Muncy hill to Chillisquaque, 
 were assembled at Freeland's and Boone's Forts and Sunbury. 
 Those in White Deer and Buffalo Valleys fled to the river and 
 fortified themselves at various points. This took place in the 
 summer of 1778. Colonel Hunter, in a letter to John Ham- 
 bright, says that it was very distressing to see the poor settlers 
 flying and leaving their homes. The immigrants from New 
 Jersey, who had come that spring and winter, set off again as 
 rapidly as they could travel to their old homes. Colonel Hep- 
 burn, afterwards Judge Hepburn, was stationed for awhile at 
 Muncy Fort and commanded it. Colonel Hosterman, Captain 
 Reynolds. Captain Berry and others were sent up soon after to 
 assist in protecting the frontier. 
 
 ( >n the intelligence of the barbarities already described 
 reaching Colonel Hunter, at Fort Augusta, he became greatly 
 alarmed for the safety of those who remained above Fort Muncy 
 

 INDIAN MASSACRES. 349 
 
 and sent word to Colonel Hepburn to order them to abandon 
 the country and retire below. He did this, he claimed, because 
 there was not a sufficiency of troops to guard the whole fron- 
 tier, and Congress had taken no action to furnish him with men 
 and supplies. Colonel Hepburn had some trouble to get a 
 messenger to carry the order up to Colonel Antes, so panic- 
 stricken were the people on account of the ravages of the In- 
 dians. At length Robert Covenhoven and a young millwright 
 in the employ of Andrew Culbertson volunteered their services, 
 and started on the dangerous mission. They crossed the river, 
 ascended Bald Eagle Mountain, and kept along the summit till 
 they came to the gap opposite Antes' Fort. They then cau- 
 tiously descended at the head of Nippenose Bottom and pro- 
 ceeded to the fort. It was in the evening, and as they neared the 
 fort the report of a rifle rang upon their ears. A girl had gone 
 outside to milk a cow, and an Indian lying in ambush fired on 
 her. The ball fortunately passed through her clothes, and she 
 escaped unharmed. 
 
 The coming of these messengers was sufficient to complete 
 the fright of the people. There was an uncertainty as to the 
 number of the Indians. They did not know but that the entire 
 force of the Iroquois was scattered through the woods, on the 
 mountains and along the river. 
 
 The brave messengers delivered the command from Col- 
 onel Hunter, that all persons should evacuate within a week, 
 thus showing the extreme fear of those in command at the cen- 
 tral point of refuge. The messengers again took to the moun- 
 tains and passed up to Horn's Fort, where they delivered the 
 same message. 
 
 There was no delay on the part of the settlers in obeying 
 orders. They hastily selected from their goods what could be 
 carried and packed it into portable bundles, and buried in the 
 ground other valuable things that they could not take with 
 them. Then they gathered along the river and the flight be- 
 gan. Every sort of floating vessel they possessed was used to 
 transport them. The women, children, animals, poultry, bed- 
 ding, cooking utensils, spinning wheels, keepsakes, clothing, 
 &c, were placed on the boats for security against the devastat- 
 ing foe. There were flat boats, batteaux, canoes, rafts, pig- 
 troughs — all moving in a flotilla that represented the resources 
 
350 INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 and the mechanical skill of all the settlements on the 'West 
 Branch. 
 
 The men formed into two columns and marched down the 
 banks of the river abreast of the flotilla to prevent any attack 
 from savages lurking in the forests. Considering the ignorance 
 of the numbers or proximity of the Indians, the courage of 
 these men was worthy of all praise. To realize the extent of 
 it one needs to look at the map of the river and note the topog- 
 raphy, showing the streams that had to be waded, and the 
 swamps to be passed, and the lagoons to be swum, and the 
 mountain spurs to be climbed. It was a hard journey, requir- 
 ing attention to their footsteps as well as to the lurking places 
 that might conceal a foe. 
 
 As the flotilla passed down the river and came to shoals 
 and ripples, the women jumped out of the boats into the water 
 and with their shoulders pushed their crafts into the current 
 again. In this way they went down the river and at night saw 
 the flames of their burning homes lighting the skies back of 
 them and cutting off all hopes of soon returning to find things 
 as they had been. But tears and grief were of no avail ; they 
 were all suffering alike ; it was the destruction of the valley. Cov- 
 enhoven, the messenger who had warned the others, got his 
 own family and bedding in his boat and was proceeding down 
 the river just below Fort Menninger when he saw a woman on 
 the shore fleeing from an Indian. She jumped down the river 
 bank and fell. The Indian, in a second, was at her side, and as 
 quick as thought grasped her hair and lifted her scalp. He did 
 not tarry to strike her, but leaped back into the shelter of the 
 bushes and escaped. Some men from the fort found her and 
 carried her to safety. It was Airs. Durham. She lived after 
 this event near "Warrior's Run for seventy years, dying in 1S48. 
 
 The entire flotilla reached Fort Augusta in safety. Here 
 they found that Colonel Hunter and others had sent their fam- 
 ilies farther down the river for safety, and were themselves ready 
 to flee if the danger increased. Many of the settlers did not 
 unload their boats, but continued down the river until they 
 came into the more thickly populated counties and beyond the 
 reach of Indian alarms. One such scare was enough for their 
 lifetime. The others made the best arrangement of their goods 
 that was possible and waited until relief should come. 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 35 I 
 
 There were some Indians who were friendly to the whites. 
 The various tribes did not always agree, and there was consid- 
 erable internecine rivalry among them. There was one In- 
 dian who had always been the friend of the white men, and at 
 these times proved himself to be especially useful. For more 
 than twenty years Job Chilloway had served the white men as 
 a scout. In 1759, the Provincial authorities employed him as 
 a spy and guide. He served, during this fearful time of alarms, 
 the various officers of the colonial cause. He went with Col- 
 onel Potter's regiment to the front, and was in the battle at Red 
 Bank. He returned to his favorite haunts along the Susque- 
 hanna, and was with Colonel Kelly, at Great Island. He loiter- 
 ed about his favorite hunting grounds in Nippenose Valley, and 
 was under the immediate attention of Colonel Antes. All the 
 settlers knew him and fully trusted him as a true friend and 
 faithful watchman. The red face of Job Chilloway never 
 brought fear to the unprotected cabin of a white man. Wo- 
 men and children alike welcomed him, for he was a safeguard. 
 
 Job was thoroughly loyal to Colonel Antes. He kept well 
 informed of the movements of the Indians, and in time apprised 
 his patron so that he was saved from many an ambush or sud- 
 den attack. He knew the woods thoroughly, and while the sol- 
 diers were guarding the stockades he rambled hither and thither 
 fearlessly and contentedly. On one occasion, when Job came 
 into the fort, he appeared to be very greatly amused and laugh- 
 ed heartily. As there did not seem to be any cause for this, 
 Colonel Antes asked him why he was so merry. At first he 
 would not tell, but upon frequent solicitation, told the cause, 
 which was this : As he was loitering in the woods, near the 
 fort, he discovered that the sentinel placed to watch the woods 
 was leaning against a tree asleep. Job stealthily slipped about 
 the tree and seized the man. Suddenly awakened and finding 
 himself in the grasp of an Indian, the soldier was greatly scared. 
 He struggled hard to get loose, but the tall muscular Indian 
 held him firmly. At length Job revealed himself, and the sen- 
 tinel begged him not to tell Colonel Antes. Job rebuked him 
 for his neglect of duty and said, "You might have been killed 
 and scalped." 
 
 "Yes," replied the sentinel, "I might have been caught by 
 
3^2 INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 an Indian, and killed, and scalped, before I had known anything 
 about it." 
 
 "It was an Indian that caught you," replied Job, with a 
 grin, "but you may thank God he was your friend." 
 
 Job would not tell the Colonel who it was that gave him 
 cause for amusement, but said that if he would watch the coun- 
 tenances of the soldiers when parading he would learn who it 
 was. 
 
 Colonel Antes drew the men up on parade, and closely 
 scrutinized the faces of them all. The guilty man was unable 
 to conceal his apprehensions and freely confessed the whole af- 
 fair to his commander. The Colonel did not punish him, but 
 warned him as to the results of such dereliction of duty. 
 
 Job Chilloway had a cabin in Nippenose Valley, which he 
 made his home when hunting. He had lived so much among the 
 white people that he adopted their manner of building a perma- 
 nent home, instead of merely a bower of tree branches or the trou- 
 blesome pharaphernalia of a wigwam to carry about with him. 
 This cabin was of the most simple kind, and was only a hunter's 
 lodge, but it served his purpose well and was a place that he could 
 call home. The hunting facilities of the valley were peculiarly 
 favorable. The valley at one time had been a lake, until the ris- 
 ing streams burst through the mountains and formed the outlet. 
 the creek that ran by the home of Antes. The bed of the valley 
 never was covered with trees, as were the -mountains all about it, 
 but with grass and bushes, such as formed a favorable lair for 
 wild animals. In this the panther could hide securely. Along 
 the creek by the entrance to the valley here was a safe harboring 
 resort for bears, while the deer could graze in the grass and grow 
 fat. All the smaller game also could here resort, and by the skill 
 that nature gave them, hide from each other and fight out the 
 question of an existence. While it was a specially favorable spot 
 for them to feed in, there were so many antagonisms amongst 
 themselves that the dangers were increased in proportion. Job's 
 cabin was far enough away from the white people for him to feel 
 free from their interference in the peculiar habits of his race. 
 When he wanted them he could easily go to them, but the Indian 
 had his own life as an Indian, which demanded expression in its 
 own way. 
 
 Chilloway had a wife whom the white people called Betsy, who 
 
Betsy Chilloway. 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 353 
 
 was a good representative of the Indian character. In the Indian 
 customs the wife lived with her husband only so long as she chose 
 to do so. If he neglected her, or abused her, or became disagree- 
 able to her, she left him, and either lived alone or secured another 
 husband more to her liking. This was according to their code of 
 morals, and as it was a disgrace for a man to lose his wife, it led 
 the men to be kind and loving and provident. There was a great 
 deal of domestic felicity among the Indians, and also life long 
 companionship, but it was more a matter of choice and affinity 
 than social compulsion. 
 
 Betsy Chilloway was a handsome young squaw who had been 
 praised so often that she realized her charms and made them the 
 means of securing favors in which she delighted. She loved the 
 wildwoods life as a true Indian, and the hunting cabin was her 
 favorite place. Here, with the companionship of her husband 
 alone, she dressed the skins of the animals he killed and feasted 
 on the products of nature. In the hot ashes on the bed of stones 
 before the cabin she could bake the most delicious corn cake and 
 roast the birds, or the fish, or the rabbits, as they were brought to 
 her door. The creek near by was the home of the most delicious 
 trout that could be found in all the streams of the mountain. 
 There were great quantities of them there, and they grew to a 
 large size. Thus no one had better or more delicious living than 
 this Indian family in their forest home. The cabin was made 
 warm by the abundance of the furs or skins which they were ac- 
 cumulating all the time. Betsy had her traps for the smaller and 
 more highly prized skins, and these she carried on her trips to 
 exchange for the trinkets with which she adorned her person. In 
 the warm mornings of the early autumn, when she had taken her 
 bath in the clear water of the deep stream, and had thrown around 
 her a deer skin of softest texture, and had put her ornaments of 
 colored glass around her neck and hanging over her bared bosom, 
 while her black hair, shaken out lightly, was falling over her shoul- 
 ders, with arms and legs bare, and a bright smile of health and 
 joy on her face, she was a realization of grace and loveliness that 
 would have captivated any one of the old Greek artists. She 
 knew that she was beautiful, and as her husband grunted his ap- 
 proval, she felt the happiness that comes from the innocent enjoy- 
 ment of the charms with which nature had endowed her. If the 
 white man had never come near with his temptations and allure- 
 
 23 
 
354 INDIAN MASSACRES. 
 
 merits this happiness would have continued, and the children of 
 nature would have enjoyed the blessing of simple existence to the 
 length of their days. 
 
 Out of this Eden of purity and joy, Betsy rambled until she 
 came to the cities of men. She could manage her own canoe, and 
 bidding her husband farewell and leaving him to take care of him- 
 self and ramble as he chose, she floated down the river with her 
 bundle of skins and medicinal roots and strange mountain herbs to 
 enjoy the praise of the white men and to get from them more orna- 
 ments. To her there was a strange charm in touching the life of a 
 city. The elegance of the dress of the fashionable ladies of Phila- 
 delphia charmed her, and she loved to watch the expression of their 
 faces as they dickered with her. She became well known to many 
 of them, and the}- took her into their parlors and showed her their 
 pretty things and awoke the spirit of envy in her heart. She 
 seemed to be but a simple child of the forest. But Betsy was not 
 the innocent child they supposed. She loved her own people. She 
 loved the freedom and freshness of the forest. She loved to catch 
 the fish in the warbling brook, and snatch from the trap the lynx. 
 or otter, or fox. She loved to stand over the deer that had been 
 brought down by her own hand and see the stream of blood flow 
 from its throat as she plunged the knife deep into it. She loved to 
 put her dainty little foot on the neck of the panther as its eyes were 
 glazed in death when she had out-generaled it. and enticed it to its 
 doom. She loved to recount her adventures to the more peace- 
 ful Indian women camping in Philadelphia, or Bethlehem, and 
 hear their words of praise. But above all she delighted in the 
 praise of the warriors of her own tribe as they looked approvingly 
 at her, and she knew in her heart they would be willing to do 
 anything for her if she would only remain in their wigwams. 
 Then she felt a spirit of hatred for the whites enter her heart, and 
 the spirit of jealousy, because her own husband seemed to love the 
 white people more than those of his own race. Then she became 
 as treacherous as the panther she had slain. She did not like the 
 Moravians overmuch. Their system of morality was too rigid 
 and exacting for her. She enjoyed doing as she pleased and be- 
 ing answerable to no one. She was as free as the birds in the 
 trees, or the fish in the streams, and as unconfined as the wind that 
 waved the leaves of the forest. Hence, out of the cities of the 
 white people, she fled back to her forest cabin to look at herself 
 
INDIAN MASSACRES. 355 
 
 in the mirror of the mountain spring, and to prove her freedom 
 by spending days rambling whither her fancy led, supplying her- 
 self with food by her bow and arrows, or her quickly improvised 
 traps, then resting on thick beds of moss, feeling that in all the 
 range of mountains and woods there was nothing for her to fear, 
 for it was her freedom and her home. When she felt like it she 
 returned to the side of Chilloway, and then cooked his meals and 
 helped dress his furs and deer skins. 
 
 \\ nen the war broke over the land and the Indian tribes 
 threatened the extinction of the settlements, Chilloway remained 
 true to the white people. He went to the Delaware with Colonel 
 Potter's riflemen, and was in the height of his glory in the battle 
 of Red Bank. Then he came home and served as a faithful scout 
 for Colonel Kelly and Colonel Antes, and was as eyes for them 
 in the desperately waged intrigues for life and home. But Betsy 
 did not agree with her husband, and as Delilah of old, she sought 
 from him what he knew, and then rambled to the chiefs of her 
 race and gave them the news. She would rather have the scalps 
 of the fairest dames and maids of Philadelphia hanging at her 
 girdle than all the highly colored ornaments they could give her. 
 These city ladies would have been utterly appalled if they could 
 have looked within the passionate heart of the demure Indian 
 beauty and have seen there the seething caldron of hate and thirst 
 for blood that filled every part of her being. At length she ceas- 
 ed the double life she was living, and left her husband to go and 
 live entirely with her own people. She would have a husband 
 with a heart that was free from friendship for the white race. 
 Thus she passed out of the valley and into the distant west, and 
 the streams where she had fished, and the woods where she had 
 hunted, knew her no more. 
 
 A\ nen the war was over and the white men began to come 
 into the hunting grounds by the cabin of the lonely Indian, Chil- 
 loway went down to the Indiana and there built another cabin. 
 But the charm of life was gone, and about the beginning of the 
 new century some hunters found him lying dead in his cabin, 
 alone. This was the penalty he had to pay for being true to the 
 white people. No one but those acquainted with the strength of 
 affection in the heart of an Indian can realize how great, to him. 
 was the sacrifice. 
 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 AFTER THE Big Runaway, Colonel Hunter sent an appeal 
 to the Executive Council of the State for assistance, and in 
 response Colonel Broadhead hurried up the river to Fort 
 Muncy and took possession of the deserted country. The pres- 
 ence of an armed force encouraged many of the settlers to return 
 and gather their harvests. Samuel Wallis, whose house stood 
 within a few hundred yards of the Fort, returned with Colonel 
 Broadhead to look after his crops on the Muncy farm. He wrote 
 to Colonel Matlack, on the 24th of July, and complained bitterly 
 of the conduct of Colonel Hunter in causing the panic and flight 
 from the valley. He stated that Hunter, on hearing of the massa- 
 cre at Wyoming, became so much alarmed that he ordered all the 
 troops off the West Branch. This order resulted in the Big Run- 
 away, as all the inhabitants became panic stricken immediately. 
 abandoned their homes and fled. Wallis says that when he reach- 
 ed Sunbury with his family, he found that Hunter had removed 
 his family and. effects from Fort Augusta to a point further down 
 the river, and was ready to fly himself at the slightest alarm. 
 And had it not been for the arrival of Colonel Broadhead. Wallis 
 was of the opinion that not ten families would have remained in 
 the country. He was exceedingly anxious to have a few regular 
 troops sent up the river, as he reposed but little confidence in the 
 militia. Concerning them he wrote as follows : "Such confusion 
 lias already happened by trusting to the militia here that I can and 
 do declare for myself that I will not stay a single moment longer 
 than I can help after being assured that we are to be protected by 
 them only. We were amused some time ago by a resolve of G in- 
 gress for raising one hundred six months men in this county, and 
 Colonel Hunter was pleased to assure the Council that the men 
 would be readily raised, when he, at the same time, knew and was 
 pleased to declare, in private conversation, that it was impossible 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 357 
 
 to raise one hundred men amongst people so much confused and 
 alarmed. This kind of conduct from Colonel Hunter, as well as 
 a number of other leading men, has brought us to the pass you 
 now find us, and unless some speedy interposition in our behalf, I 
 do again, with great confidence, assure you that we shall be no 
 longer a people in this county, and when the matter will end God 
 only knows. 
 
 The loss to the country by the Big Runaway was estimated 
 to be £40,000. 
 
 The heroism of the women of the frontier is worthy of the 
 finest strains of the poet's praise. They were worthy of the brav- 
 est men that ever shouldered a rifle for the defence of their house- 
 holds. They performed such deeds as belong to the history of 
 the noblest race. In three short years they were plunged from 
 comfortable homes and prosperous seasons to the depths of desola- 
 tion and ruin. The awful burden began to be laid on them when 
 their expert riflemen went to Boston to aid the cause of Massachu- 
 setts in the rising against the oppressions of England. The 
 greater number of those who thus went away left their bones to 
 bleach on the various battlefields of the Revolution. Then, when 
 the Indian alarms were sounded, there was the necessity for every 
 man to shoulder his rifle and be a guardsman for the valley; this 
 took them away from their homes, except as for a few hours they 
 returned to see their wives and little ones, and then hurry away 
 to the post of duty. All this time the larder was shriveling and 
 the prospect growing gloomier. 
 
 In February, 1777, the Council of Safety for the county 
 found it necessary to order that, "no stiller in Bald Eagle township 
 shall buy any more grain, or still any more than he has by him 
 during the season." This shows the scarcity of food, for men 
 will demand drink, though all else fail. This prohibitory law re- 
 veals the keen distress of the people. In May, 1778, Colonel 
 Hunter writes to the President of the State in regard to the 
 marching of certain classes of troops as follows : "These last 
 classes would have marched before this only for want of provis- 
 ions ; as for meat there is very little to be had in this county, and 
 that very dear. Bacon sells at 4s 6d @ pound, and flour at three 
 pounds, ten shillings @ Hundred wt. We are scarce of Guns, 
 not more than one-half the militia is provided with arms, and a 
 number of them very ordinary. Our powder is exceeding bad, 
 
35§ VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 and not fit for rifles in any shape. And as for flints, we can get 
 none to buy." * * * This reveals the difficulty the settlers 
 had in meeting the foe. Oftentimes the only use they could make 
 of their rifles was to use them as clubs, and this was a poor weapon 
 against the bow and arrow of the Indian, or the skillful throwing 
 of the tomahawk, and yet these brave men did the best they could 
 and died bravely battling for their own. 
 
 In many cabins there was a household experience similar 
 to that which prevailed in the Antes home. In January of 1777, 
 their son William was born. The baby was only six months 
 old when the first murder by the Indians was perpetrated just 
 across the river from the fort, and brought distress to the 
 hearts of them all. Miller, Cady and Armstrong were killed, 
 and their bodies formed the beginning of the graveyard that is 
 still there on the top of the hill, and at that time just outside the 
 walls of the fort, on a spot of ground overlooking the field on 
 which they fell. In December following, one of the white men 
 on Pine Creek, just in sight of the fort, was killed by the Indians 
 and at the same time the little girl, Anna Maria, scarcely three 
 years old, died within the stockade, and was laid away by the 
 side of the slaughtered men, and thus marked this spot as the 
 Antes burial ground for generations. 
 
 As the need of ammunition grew faster than the ability of 
 the government to supply it, the settlers took the leaden weights 
 from their clocks and melted them for bullets. The silent faces 
 of these clocks told a pathetic story, and forecasted the silence 
 that would brood over that entire valley for awhile. But the 
 women never faltered. When the men were called away to 
 stand as defenders, the women took down the sickles and went 
 • 'in into the fields and cut the grain, and threshed it, and made 
 their own flour. They gathered the apples and the nuts, and 
 stowed away the corn and hay for the cattle. They housed the 
 stock, and tended them, and kept the place as if they were men. 
 They learned practically something of the way the Indian wo- 
 men lived, and they did not hesitate, because they were the chil- 
 dren of a different civilization. They did all that could be done 
 to keep their homes and their little ones. In the valley, at this 
 time, there were neither clergymen nor physicians: the house- 
 wife had all of it in her own hands. But they were brave and 
 faced all these troubles with fortitude. They never gave up 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 359 
 
 until the command came from Colonel Hunter, at Fort Augus- 
 ta, to abandon every thing and flee to the fort for life. Then 
 they gathered what they could into their canoes, and on rafts, 
 and in a body left the valley to the fury of the savages. What 
 the results would have been to the inhabitants of the West 
 Branch if they had not all left and fled, can be surmised from the 
 next step of the Indians. While the Indians loved plunder and 
 desolation, they were more eager for scalps than for all else. 
 Hence when the people were gone, they had no sufficient in- 
 centive to remain, particularly since there were other places in 
 which the people yet remained. 
 
 Immediately, the Indians left the West Branch and con- 
 centrated for an attack upon the settlements in the Wyoming 
 Valley, where the Connecticut people had come in great num- 
 bers. Out of the Wyoming district a thousand men had gone 
 to help fight the battles for the liberties of the country. At 
 home there were left the aged, the children, and the disloyal 
 Tories. One of the forts was garrisoned by Tories, who has- 
 tened to make common cause with the invading Indians. On 
 the third of July the battle began, which ended in the most cruel 
 and bloodthirsty massacre that had yet been known. A thou- 
 sand homes were made desolate, and three hundred persons 
 were either killed or taken prisoners. Such would have been 
 the fate of the people on the West Branch if they had remained. 
 When the news of this terrible calamity reached Fort Augusta, 
 there was a panic that led many of the people to at once remove 
 down the river to Paxtang and Donegal. Colonel Hunter, 
 even, was greatly alarmed, and sent his family clown the river 
 and prepared to follow at a moment's notice. There were 
 some men whose money was invested in lands, and who would 
 be utterly ruined by giving up the valley to the enemy, who 
 complained about the orders and fears of Colonel Hunter. But 
 he had not a sufficiency of troops to stand an attack from a vic- 
 torious foe, as the Indians on the North Branch, and the uncer- 
 tainties of the Indian campaign had thus far proved that all was 
 guesswork as to their numbers and nearness. There came the 
 story of horrible cruelty and thirst for blood from every point 
 on the frontier. It was not a time to dally with suppositions, 
 but to preserve the lives of the people, if possible. On the 12th 
 of July, Colonel Hunter sent the following appeal for aid, which 
 
360 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 truly presents the terrible condition of the portion of the fron- 
 tier that was under his charge. 
 
 "To His Excellency, the President and the Honorable the Ex- 
 ecutive Council of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 
 "The calamities so long dreaded, and of which ye have 
 been more than once informed, must fall upon this county if not 
 assisted by Continental troop, or the militia of the neighboring 
 counties, now appear with all the horrors attendant on an In- 
 dian war ; at this date the towns of Sunbury and Northumber- 
 land, on the frontiers, where a few virtuous inhabitants and fugi- 
 tives seem determined to stand, though doubtful whether to- 
 morrow's sun will rise on them, freemen, captives or in eternity. 
 Yet, relying on that being who never forsakes the virtuous, and 
 the timely assistance of the government which they have with 
 zeal and vigor endeavored to support, the}' say they will remain 
 so long as they can without incurring the censure of suicide. 
 The carnage at Wyoming, the devastations and murders on the 
 'West Branch of Susquehanna, on Bald Eagle Creek, and. in 
 short, throughout the whole county, to within a few miles of 
 these towns, (the recital of which must be shocking) I suppose 
 must have before now reached your ears ; if not. you may figure 
 yourselves men, women and children butchered and scalped, 
 many of them after being promised quarter, and some scalped 
 alive, of which we have miserable instances among us : people 
 in crowds driven from their farms and habitations, many of 
 whom have not money enough to purchase one day's provisions 
 for their families, which must and has already obliged many of 
 them to plunder and lay waste the farms as they pass along. 
 These calamities must, if not speedily remedied by a reinforce- 
 ment of men from below, inevitably ruin the frontier, and in- 
 cumber the interior counties with such numbers of indigent 
 fugitives, unable to support themselves, as will, like locusts, de- 
 vour all before them. If we are assisted to stand and save our 
 crops, we will have enough for ourselves and to spare : you need 
 be under no apprehension of any troops you send here suffer- 
 ing for want of provisions if they come in time, before the few 
 who yet remain are obliged to give way. With men it will be 
 necessary to send arms and ammunition, as we are ill-provided 
 with them. Gentlemen, ye must all know that this county can- 
 not be strong in men after the number it has furnished the 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 36 I 
 
 United States. Their applications to us for men were always 
 complied with to the utmost of our abilities and with the greatest 
 alacrity; should our supplications now be rejected, I think the sur- 
 vivors of us, if any, may safely say that virtue is not rewarded. 
 I have only to add that a few hundreds of men, well armed and 
 immediately sent to our relief, would prevent much bloodshed, 
 confusion and devastation through many counties of this State, 
 as the appearance of being supported would call back many of our 
 fugitives to save their harvest for their subsistence, rather than 
 suffer the inconvenience which reason tells me they do down the 
 country and their, with their families, return must ease the people 
 below of a heavy and unprofitable burden. These opinions I sub- 
 mit to your serious consideration. Signed, Samuel Hunter." 
 
 This appeal was heeded. How could it have been otherwise ? 
 It was not a fancy sketch, but the truth. Colonel Broadhead had 
 been ordered to the relief of Wyoming. When he came to Sun- 
 bury and learned the condition of affairs, he saw that he could be 
 of no service with his small number in the now desolated valley. 
 He therefore hurried up to Fort Muncy and there stationed men 
 at various points to protect the harvesters. He also sent out par- 
 ties and scoured the country in search of any bands of Indians. 
 He only had one hundred and fifty men, but with these he made 
 such a disposition as to put new courage in the hearts of the set- 
 tlers. Early in August Colonel Hartley arrived with three hun- 
 dred of the State militia to guard the harvesters. Thus the peo- 
 ple were encouraged to return and gather their crops. The sights 
 that greeted the people on their return may be seen in that of the 
 Antes family as an example. 
 
 The first to venture were small troups of armed men, who 
 endeavored to secure the horses and cattle that had been left. They 
 found small bands of Indians still in the valley burning cabins, 
 barns and outbuildings, and pillaging wherever they could. When 
 they came to Level Corner they found the ruins of Robert King's 
 home still smoking. When they came to Antes Fort they found 
 that the Indians had failed to injure the stockade to any great ex- 
 tent, for the walls had been made so strong that the Indians dared 
 not take the time to demolish them. From the stockade the 
 smoke of the burning and burned homes along the valley could be 
 plainly seen. The smoke stood over the fields of golden grain like 
 pillars of cloud. The cabin home of Henry Antes, with the barns, 
 
362 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 sheds, bins and mill, were all in ruins. There was not a building 
 left standing. The atmosphere was laden with the odor of the 
 burning wheat, of which there had been a large quantity stored in 
 the mill. The scene was that of ruin — ruin, utter and complete. 
 Antes had made so many improvements, and had filled his mill so 
 full of grain, that the amount of capital invested was far greater 
 than that of any other settler in the valley, and his loss was a »n- 
 sequently greater. For all his labor and expense there was now 
 nothing to show but blackened embers. But life was spared and 
 courage remained, and the only course was to clear away the ruins 
 and build again. 
 
 This, however, could not be done at once, for there was no 
 security to those who had returned to harvest their crops. There 
 were many of the settlers who made the attempt to save the prod- 
 ucts of the fields, for these the Indians could not take with them. 
 They might burn them and thus deny the settlers the possession of 
 them, but they could not carry them away. What the Indians 
 wanted was scalps and prisoners. These graced their triumph 
 when they returned to their native villages. An Indian might 
 tell of the cabins he had burned and the fields he had destroyed, 
 and his people would not know whether he was telling the truth 
 or bragging. But when he exhibited the scalps, or the bodies of 
 the prisoners, then the others had evidence which they could not 
 dispute, and they honored their warrior according to the scalps 
 that hung at his belt. These were the certificates of victor)-. 
 
 Under the protection of the soldiers some of the settlers went 
 into their grain fields all too soon. The fate of young James 
 Brady, one of the brightest of the young men in the valley, shows 
 the dangers that lurked in every thicket and grove. The story is 
 as follows : 
 
 John Brady, one of the captains in the same battalion with 
 Henry Antes, built the fort at Muncy creek. He was one of the 
 best men in the valley, and of unimpeachable patriotism. He 
 was not afraid of any foe, as the affair with the Indians at Derr's 
 shows. He had six stalwart sons, each one of them six feet in 
 height and strong. One of these sons was James, and he was a 
 representative young men, full of youthful spirit and daring. He 
 was only twenty one years of age. and something of a sport ami »ng 
 the young gallants of the valley. He had a heavy head of re- 
 markably red hair, of which he was very proud, and did it up with 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 363 
 
 great care. His strength, beauty and manliness made him a fa- 
 vorite with everyone. Whether as a warrior fighting the wily 
 Indian foe, or a gallant paying attention to the ladies, he was 
 equally a leader among the young men of the frontier. 
 
 On the eighth of August, 1778, Colonel Hartley, who was 
 the commander of the soldiers that had been sent to the valley to 
 protect it against the savages, sent eight men from Fort Muncy 
 to a place near the mouth of the Loyalsock to reap the crops on 
 the farm of Peter Smith. About a month previously the savages 
 had made a descent on the home of Smith, and had brutally mur- 
 dered his wife and four children. The crops were valuable, and 
 the settlers cooped up in the forts were in need of them, hence the 
 importance of saving them if possible. James Brady was one of 
 the party that went to do the reaping. On account of his shrewd- 
 ness and daring he was selected to be the leader of the party. 
 They arrived at the field on Friday, and after posting their sen- 
 tinels, proceeded to work. Everything was so quiet that they 
 ceased to consider danger as imminent, and that night allowed 
 four of the soldiers to return to the Fort. The next morning 
 was quite foggy, but the men went into the field at an early hour 
 and proceeded to their work, after stacking their guns where they 
 could easily get them in case of need. They had been working 
 about an hour when the sentinels were surprised to see a band of 
 Indians steathily approaching out of the fog-hidden woods. The 
 sentinels fired their guns and ran towards the reapers, who were 
 seized with a panic, and fled into the foggy forest away from the 
 foe. Brady, however, did not flee, but sprang toward the place 
 where the guns were stacked. Three Indians followed him, and 
 one of them shot him in the arm as he was running. Another 
 Indian fired at him, and would have shot him, but he fell over a 
 sheaf of wheat and thus escaped the bullet. By this time he had 
 reached the guns, and catching up one, shot the nearest Indian 
 dead. Throwing the gun down he seized another, and killed an- 
 other of the foe. By this time the other savages had come up 
 and they surrounded him, yelling fiercely their terrible war 
 whoops. For a few moments he fought them all, until one struck 
 him in the head with a tomahawk, and another thrust a spear into 
 him, then, stunned into almost insensibility, he fell, and they 
 sprang upon him, and in a second had his scalp of beautiful red 
 hair dripping with blood in their hands. It was a trophy of which 
 
364 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 they were very proud. Then they had a lad who was with them 
 strike a tomahawk in his head four times. After this, fearing 
 pursuit, they fled. 
 
 An old man by the name of Jerome Yanness had come with 
 the party to cook for them, and was in a cabin near the river 
 side. He had hidden himself when he heard the firing, know- 
 ing that his life would not be spared if the Indians discovered 
 him. Soon after the Indians fled, Brady recovered conscious- 
 ness, and succeeded, by walking and creeping, in reaching the 
 cabin of the old man. When he saw Brady coming and so ter- 
 ribly wounded, he came out from his place of concealment and 
 devoted himself to dressing his wounds. Brady generously 
 begged the old man to flee and save his life, but he refused to 
 leave his companion, and helped him down to the river bank, 
 where he brought him water to drink, which the wounded man 
 constantly craved. Brady asked his friend to give him his rifle, 
 and with this in his hand sunk down into sleep, while his friend 
 watched over him. 
 
 As soon as the news of the affair reached the fort. Captain 
 Walker mustered a party and they came to the scene of the trag- 
 edy. Brady heard them coming, and supposing they were In- 
 dians, sprang up, cocked his rifle and stood in the attitude of 
 defence. It was a joyful discovery that friends had come. Then 
 his strength gave way. and he begged them to take him to his 
 mother at Sunbury. The entire party entered the canoe, and 
 as rapidly as possible paddled down the river. Never was there 
 a sadder party on the water than that. He lay in the bottom of 
 the canoe with his head bandaged as the old man had fixed it, 
 and his mind wandering in delirium. His one cry was for 
 water, which he kept drinking with an insatiable thirst. While 
 it gave him some degree of temporary relief, it could not meet 
 the relentless drain that the constant outflow of blood was caus- 
 ing. The day gave way to the evening, and the evening to 
 night, and yet they paddled on. It was about midnight when 
 they reached the landing before the fort. 
 
 That day had been one of great anxiety to Mrs. Brady. 
 She felt that some trouble was impending, and when the canoe 
 was discerned on the water, realized that it bore sad news for 
 her. She met it at the landing, and assisted in carrying her 
 wounded son into the fort. It was one of the scenes so fre- 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 365 
 
 quent on the frontier during those terrible days of Indian war- 
 fare. 
 
 Five days the young- man lingered, most of the time in the 
 ravings of delirium. Then his consciousness returned, and he 
 told them all about the attack and how the Indians had over- 
 come him, then he died. 
 
 While every white man in the valley was ready to utter the 
 vow of vengeance for this appalling murder, it was the strong 
 arm and keen sight of his brother Samuel, that sent the bullet 
 crashing into the brains of the red men, until this death was 
 avenged many times over, and the avenger was recognized by 
 the Indians as a scourge to their people. 
 
 Colonel Hartley was a brave soldier and a wise strategist. 
 He saw the utter futility of fighting in this way. The way to 
 clear the valley of Indians was to wage the war on them in their 
 own country — life for life; home for home; squaw for squaw; 
 this only would bring them to their senses. It was a desperate 
 undertaking, following the successes the Indians had secured 
 in their raids. But the brave officer marched his troops from 
 Fort Muncy along the Sheshequin path up Bonser's Run, just 
 below where Williamsport now stands, through Blooming 
 Grove to Lycoming Creek, and up this creek until he reached 
 the town of the Indian Queen, Esther, whose cruelty had been 
 so signally manifested in the Wyoming massacre. The troops, 
 led by Colonel Hartley, burned her town and blotted out her 
 home, and carried back with them all her cattle and canoes. 
 There were fifty head of cattle and thirty canoes. In his official 
 report, Colonel Hartley said: "We waded or swam the river 
 Lycoming upwards of twenty times. I cannot help observing 
 that I imagine the difficulties in crossing the Alps or passing up 
 Kennipeck could not have been greater than those our men ex- 
 perienced for the time. I have the pleasure to say they sur- 
 mounted them with great resolution and fortitude. * * * 
 In lonely woods and groves we found the haunts and lurking 
 places of the savage murderers who had desolated our frontier. 
 We saw the huts where they had dressed and dried the scalps of 
 the helpless women and children who had fell in their hands." 
 
 Still this did not restore safety. The Indians continued 
 to lurk in the woods. The need continuing, there was a meet- 
 ing called of the principal people of the valley, and Colonel 
 
366 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 Hartley was requested to send a special commission to lay the 
 case before the Executive Council. This was done, and Col- 
 onel Antes, Captain Chambers and Air. Moffit were sent on 
 that errand. As a result, early the following year there was or- 
 ganized and sent into the Indian country the expedition under 
 the command of General Sullivan. 
 
 The following notes will show how thoroughly the soldiers 
 avenged the lost homes of the white settlers, and taught the In- 
 dians the real consequences of predatory warfare. 
 
 In the officers' journals of General John Sullivan's expedi- 
 tion against the Indians in 1779, we find the following: 
 
 Lieutenant William Barton says: "Shamong, August 
 12th, 1779. An Indian town lying on the north of the creek, 
 consisting of about thirty huts covered with bark. The Indians 
 who inhabit it raise large fields of corn, beans, squashes, pota- 
 toes and pumpkins in abundance, which they subsist on in the 
 winter season, with what deer and bears they kill, with other 
 beasts of the woods. Our troops, after destroying their huts 
 and fields of corn, (which we suppose contain about a thousand 
 bushels,) returned unmolested to Tioga. September 5th, Ken- 
 dai, (Seneca Lake, N. Y.) appeared to be the oldest town we 
 have yet passed : here being considerable orchard — trees very 
 old. Monday, September 6th. Here a great plenty of pea 
 vines." 
 
 Lieutenant Erkuries Beatty says : "July 30, 1779. (Che- 
 mung and Tioga.) Nearly half of the army out to-day cutting 
 up corn, which is in great abundance. Our brigade destroyed 
 one hundred and fifty acres of the best corn that I ever saw. 
 (some of the stalks grew sixteen feet high) besides great quan- 
 tities of beans, potatoes, pumpkins, encumbers, squashes and 
 water melons. August 5th, Seneca Lake. The apple trees, 
 which is a good number and very old, was either cut down or 
 killed; likewise the peach trees, but there was not many of 
 them." 
 
 Major John Burrows says: "Shemung, August 26th, 
 1770. The field contains about one hundred acres. Beans, 
 cucumbers, simblens, water melons and pumpkins in such quan- 
 tities, were it represented in the manner it should be. would be 
 almost incredible to a civilized people. The corn grows such 
 as cannot be equalled in Jersey. Middletown, August 3d. 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 367 
 
 The army don't march this day, but are employed in cutting 
 down the corn at this place, which being about one hundred and 
 fifty acres, and superior to any I ever saw. Some corn stalks 
 measure eighteen feet, and one cob a foot and a half long. 
 French Catharines, September 3d. There is a number of peach, 
 apple and plum trees at this place. Six miles from Chemung, 
 September 15th. It is judged that we have burnt and destroy- 
 ed about sixty thousand bushels of corn and two or three thou- 
 sand bushels of beans on this expedition." 
 
 Surgeon Jabes Campfield says: "September 13th, 1779. 
 Black walnuts are very large and well shaped. The quantity 
 of corn in the town is far beyond what anybody has imagined. 
 I fear the method taken will be ineffectual for its destruction. 
 Some of their houses are full of it hanging up to dry." 
 
 Major Jeremiah Fogg says: "September 1st, Seneca 
 Lake. Night coming on we were obliged again to encamp 
 without forage, excepting wild beans, of which our horses were 
 very fond, and kind nature has been very bountiful in dispensing 
 them throughout this country. The village has twenty houses 
 and eighty large apple trees. September 6th. Encamped 
 amidst a great plenty of pea vines." 
 
 Ensign Daniel Gookin says: "September 5th. 1779. 
 Marched to T. This is an old settled place. A number of two 
 hundred old apple trees and peach trees plenty." 
 
 Sergeant-Major George Grant says : "September 24th, 
 1779. Near Caiuga. This morning went to destroying corn, 
 beans and orchards. Destroyed about fifteen hundred peach 
 trees, besides apple trees and other fruit trees." 
 
 Rev. David Craft says in his historical address : "In this 
 expedition the army destroyed two hundred thousand bushels 
 of corn, besides thousands of fruit trees and great quantities of 
 beans and potatoes." 
 
 "Thursday, September 14th. Previous to our march this 
 morning parties were ordered out to destroy the corn, which 
 they did, plucking and throwing it into the river. About 
 eleven o'clock we took up our line of march and proceeded for 
 Jenise, the last and capital settlement of the Seneca country; 
 the whole crossed a branch of the Jenise River, and moved 
 through a considerable swamp and formed on a plain the other 
 side, the most extensive I ever saw, containing not less than 
 
368 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 six thousand acres of the richest soil that can be conceived, not 
 having a bush standing, but tilled with grass considerably 
 higher than a man. We moved up this plain for about three 
 miles in our regular line of march, which was a beautiful sight, 
 as a view of the whole could be had at one look, and then came 
 to Jenise River, which we crossed, being about forty yards over, 
 and near middle deep, and then ascended a rising ground, which 
 afforded a prospect which was so beautiful that to attempt a 
 comparison would be doing an injury, as we had a view as far 
 as our eye could carry us of another plain beside the one we 
 crossed, through which the Jenise River formed a most beau- 
 tiful winding, and at intervals, cataracts, which rolled from the 
 rocks, and emptied into the river. We then marched on 
 through a rough country, but rich, until we arrived at the capi- 
 tal town, which is much the largest which we have yet met with 
 in our whole route, and encamped about the same. 
 
 "At this place we found the body of the brave, but unfor- 
 tunate Lieutenant Boyd, and one rifleman, massacred in the 
 most cruel and barbarous manner that the human mind can 
 possibly conceive, the savages having put them to the most ex- 
 cruciating torments possible, by first plucking their nails from 
 their hands, then spearing, cutting, and whipping them and 
 mangling their bodies, then cutting off the flesh from their 
 shoulders by pieces, tomahawking and severing their heads 
 from their bodies, and then leaving them a prey to their dogs. 
 May his fate await those who have been the cause of his. Oh! 
 Britain, behold and blush." 
 
 Jenise town, the capital of the Seneca Nation, is pleasantly 
 situated on a rich and extensive flat, the soil remarkably rich 
 and great parts well improved with fields of corn, beans, pota- 
 toes, and all kinds of vegetables. It contained one hundred 
 and seven well finished houses. 
 
 "September 15th. This morning the whole army, except- 
 ing a covering party, were engaged in destroying the corn, 
 beans, potatoes, and other vegetables, which were in quantity 
 immense, and in goodness unequalled by any I ever yet saw. 
 Agreeable to a moderate calculation, there was not less than two 
 hundred acres, the whole of which was pulled and piled up in 
 heaps, mixed with dry wood, taken from the houses, and con- 
 sinned to ashes. .About three o'clock P. M., the business was 
 
vengeance: exacted. 369 
 
 finished, and the immediate objects of this expedition accom- 
 plished, viz., the total ruin of the Indian settlements, and the de- 
 struction of their crops." 
 
 The imposing appearance of this expedition filled the set- 
 tlers with hope, and the story of its grandeur was told along all 
 the streams of the frontier valleys. General Sullivan had a hun- 
 dred and twenty boats that moved up the river in order as a 
 fleet of war, and two thousand pack horses that were led along 
 the shore in single file. They succeeded in breaking the Indian 
 power in that part of the country forever. The Indians never 
 recovered from the desolation inflicted on them. In the course 
 of these expeditions it was discovered that the Indians were un- 
 der the influence and direction of the Tories, and that these rec- 
 reant white men displayed a cruelty that was not exceeded by 
 the savages. 
 
 The later history of this part of Pennsylvania shows how 
 deeply the minds of the settlers were affected by this fact. It 
 laid the foundation for antagonism to these hated men that led 
 to virulent opposition to even General Washington, when he 
 seemed to favor their return to power or influence in the poli- 
 tics of the country. The political leaders who clasped hands 
 with the returning Tories were regarded with distrust. Upon 
 this distrust the people of the frontier turned from the patriotic 
 Federalists and gave their voices to the Anti-Federalist cause, 
 as it was expounded by their most brilliant leader, Thomas Jef- 
 ferson. 
 
 These were terrible times throughout the whole country, and 
 one part was not able to afford the assistance needed in another 
 part. On September nth, 1777, the battle of Brandywine was 
 fought, and the army of General Washington was defeated. This 
 enabled the British to enter and hold the city of Philadelphia. On 
 October 3d the battle of Germantown was fought, and Washing- 
 ton was compelled to withdraw his forces. On December nth 
 Washington drew his army into winter quarters at Valley Forge. 
 It was not until June, 1778, that the British left Philadelphia and 
 transferred the seat of war to New York and to the States of the 
 South. Hence, in the poverty and distress of the country, the 
 demands for assistance from the frontier could not be heeded to 
 any large extent. The people simply had to fight it out the best 
 the)- could, and we have seen how they staked all rather than be- 
 
 24 
 
370 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 come Tories, and thus save their property and lives. When the 
 exodus down the river began there was no place of absolute safety 
 to which they could go. They might run right into the arms of 
 the British army, and find their condition but little, if any, better 
 than on the frontier. Yet the Tulpehocking country seemed to 
 be safe, and here many of the frightened ones found a temporary 
 home. 
 
 The troubles that destroyed the home and resources of Henry 
 Antes were at the same time as the troubles that drove his brothers 
 from their homes toward the frontier, for the rage of the Tories 
 in and about Philadelphia against the patriots was so strong that 
 it was no longer safe for Colonel Frederick and William Antes 
 to remain among them. Hence they turned their faces toward 
 the north, and found a place to renew their public career at 
 Northumberland. Here, in the reconstruction of affairs, they 
 were at once found in the front, and commissions involving the 
 greatest responsibilities were placed in their hands. 
 
 To realize the state of the valley, we must remember that the 
 Indians destroyed everything that they could not remove. When 
 the settlers fled, they carried with them what they could, which 
 was not much but the essential things. The other things they 
 buried, or hid in other ways, hoping thus to save them, but they 
 could not efface the signs from the sharp eyed Indians, and thus 
 these even were not safe except when the Indians were in too 
 great a hurry to wreak vengeance upon them. When the set- 
 tlers first came to the valley they brought the essential implements 
 for housekeeping. They could do this, for then there was peace 
 in the valley. But now, these were destroyed, and there were 
 no neighbors to lend to them, and no stores to supply them, and 
 no roaming peddlers to bring to them. If ever the ingenuity of 
 man was required to solve the question of existence it was at this 
 time. The rifle and the axe were the implements and tools and 
 defences of the people. When they came at first, they had the 
 chance of helping one another to build their cabins, but now they 
 could not extend that help because they were all needing at once. 
 and every man had his own family to shelter and at the same 
 time dreading a return of the foe. 
 
 At the same time the finances of the country were absolutely 
 untrustworthy. Paper money was comparatively worthless, and 
 there was but little silver or gold in the country. The settlers 
 
VENGEANCE EXACTED. 37 I 
 
 who had bought their farms and had spent everything they conld 
 beg or borrow to put them in shape for cultivation, were now bur- 
 dened with debt and no resources in sight. They were poorer 
 than they ever thought it possible for them to be. At first the 
 most common forms of shelter had to suffice. Then the rudest 
 cabins put together in a hurry to keep out the rain and the cold. 
 Then came various devices to furnish cooking utensils, and cloth- 
 ing. The rehabilitation of the West Branch settlements tried 
 the souls of men and women and proved the inherent greatness 
 of their characters. While this was advancing, Henry Antes, 
 as poor as his neighbors, cleared away the debris of the old mill 
 and built another on the same foundation, and then, while he 
 built his cabin, attended to the necessities of the people and gave 
 them flour for their grain. As it had been, the Antes mill be- 
 came the favorite resort of all people from far and near, where 
 they transacted their business and learned the news of the march 
 of events in the outside world. 
 
 The poverty of the county is revealed in the report of the 
 Commissioners to the Assembly, in 1780. William Clark and 
 William Antes were the Commissioners. At the same time Fred- 
 erick Antes was the Purchasing Agent for Northumberland coun- 
 ty, with stations at Sunbury and Wyoming. William Antes had 
 been a sub-lieutenant for Philadelphia county, and in the tho- 
 roughness and correctness of his accounts had proven to be so 
 efficient that the difficult task of acting as Commissioner here 
 was committed to him. The Assembly passed a law for furnish- 
 ing supplies and the levying of a tax on each county to raise 
 revenues for this purpose. To the consternation of the people 
 it was found that the sale of all the personal property in the coun- 
 ty would not be sufficient to pay the quota that had been laid on the 
 county. Hence the Commissioners wrote the following letter 
 to President Reed : 
 
 " Believe us, sir, it is with the utmost pain, and yet the 
 greatest truth, that we are obliged to declare our utter inability 
 to comply with the demands of that law. We now know that all 
 the inhabitants in this county are not equal in number to those of 
 some townships in the interior counties. Those who have prop- 
 erty sufficient to support themselves are removed and gone. 
 Shall, then, the quota of the county be levied on the miserable few 
 that remain. Their whole personal property, if removed to a 
 
^2 VENGEANCE EXACTED. 
 
 place where hard cash could be had for it, and sold, would not pay 
 the tax. The old returns will not do, as a rule, to lay a tax on 
 absentees. The improvements are grown up, burnt or destroyed, 
 the personal property removed, and now paying tax in the lower 
 counties. As to the men for the supply of the Federal Army (if 
 those already enlisted are excepted) they are not to be had here with- 
 out taking the heads of families, and those we well know cannot 
 be had, as no money whatever would induce them to abandon 
 their families in our situation. We sincerely wish to render a 
 ready obedience to all laws of the State, but in our circumstances 
 it entirely puts it out of our power. "We beg you, sir, to con- 
 sider this as the language of Genuine Truth, extorted from us 
 bv Distressing Necessity, &c." 
 

 
 The State House as it was originally. 
 
 
 INDEPENDENCE HALL, 1776. 
 
 In the room to the left, on entering the hall, the Declaration of Independence was tigned. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 THE DEVELOPMENT of freedom of speech, as a result 
 of the mixture of races, is seen in the progress of social 
 life in Philadelphia. The original idea of William Penn 
 that his colony was to be a place where all men might have 
 equality of rights and privileges, was never lost sight of by the 
 people. The assumptions of those more favored in worldly 
 goods than their fellows could not blind the people to their 
 promised privileges. That one fundamental thought rested in 
 the very substratum of the colony, and every ship load of human 
 beings that came somehow absorbed it with the air they breath- 
 ed. Some spoke the English language, some the German, some 
 "Welsh, some French, but the language of freedom they all 
 spoke. 
 
 The State House was begun in 1729, out in the fields, be- 
 yond the built up portion of the city, and represented the pro- 
 gressive spirit of the colony. The next year Franklin returned 
 from Europe and began the Pennsylvania Gazette, that what 
 he knew might be known by the people. These two appeals 
 to the thought of the people brought forth a large harvest in the 
 cause of freedom. About the State House there was plenty of 
 room. Men could shout and fling their arms about them and 
 dance to their own ardor, and grasp the hands of their friends 
 in the fellowship of interest. There was room to breathe the 
 air of freedom and speak its praises, and sing its glories. "When 
 great questions came up, the people assembled in the State 
 House yard, and there gave vent to their feelings. The aristo- 
 cratic land barons were made to realize that the people were to 
 be counted in all measures affecting the state. The cultured 
 and courtly Governors found that Franklin, the leader of the 
 people, was not inferior to any of them in the breadth of intel- 
 lect or in the power to apply the principles of philosophy to 
 public affairs. 
 
374 TH E CONFEDERATION. 
 
 The State House yard frequently held strangely assorted 
 crowds of men. In one part there would be some Germans 
 from the Perkioming, still wearing- the loose, heavy garments 
 they had purchased on the other side of the sea. They were 
 talking in the language of the fatherland, and were a curiosity 
 to those, who, though fellow-citizens, could not understand 
 their speech. Near them would be a company of ^'elshmen, 
 whose strange use of consonants, and deep-throated enuncia- 
 tion, was as curious to the Germans as the German was to the 
 English. There were Quakers in their plain garb, side by 
 side with the young Englishmen in their frills and scarlet vests, 
 and fantastically arranged scarfs and hats. The Englishmen 
 felt their importance, because they were the merchant class, and 
 held the money power, and with their keener wits were actively 
 engaged in winning to their view the people from the country 
 who did not yet comprehend the English way of looking at pub- 
 lic questions. 
 
 It was interesting in this old State House yard, when the 
 people rose above the ideas of the leaders, and asserted them- 
 selves so as to take possession of the meeting and pass measures 
 that suited their views. They ma}- have been somewhat ignor- 
 ant and perverse, but they were building the foundations of 
 freedom, which, under the leadership of that same Franklin, 
 would sweep away, not only the selfish rule of Proprietary gov- 
 ernment, but also that of King George, and every manner of 
 authority that belonged to the nations beyond the sea. 
 
 The development of that spirit was seen, when in Septem- 
 ber, r 774. the first Continental Congress met in Carpenter's 
 Hall, (which stood south of Chestnut street, between Third and 
 Fourth). Then on January 23d. t 775, a Provincial Convention 
 was held, and after the news came of the battle at Lexington, a 
 Committee of Safety was appointed. Within ten days after 
 the news came of the battle of Bunker Hill, a regiment of rifle- 
 men was on the way to Boston. 
 
 On the 4th of July the Declaration of Independence was 
 adopted, and on the 8th, it was read to the thousands who filled 
 the State House yard. On the 15th of July, a convention was 
 called to prepare a constitution for the State of Pennsylvania, 
 which was presented and ratified by the people on the 28th of 
 September following. One of the members of this convention, 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 375 
 
 who thus revealed his part in the development of freedom, was 
 Frederick Antes, whose influence among the Germans was at 
 that time probably second to none. He was a commanding- 
 figure at this time of excitement and patriotism in the old State 
 House yard. 
 
 It was not left to the States alone to assume the right to 
 have a rule of government, but the exigencies of the times de- 
 manded that the central government should have power and 
 means to win the fight against the strong foe that would oppress 
 the colonies singly or unitedly. On June 12th, 1776, Congress 
 appointed a committee to prepare articles of confederation. 
 Their report was finally adopted November 15th, 1777. It will 
 be noticed that at the time these articles were adopted, the Brit- 
 ish were occupying Philadelphia, the disastrous battles of 
 Brandy wine and Germantown had been fought, and the Conti- 
 nental Congress had been driven from Philadelphia to Lancas- 
 ter, and from Lancaster to York. On November 20th. five 
 days after the articles were adopted, Fort Mercer was abandon- 
 ed to the British, thus giving them the undisputed control of 
 the Delaware River. A few days later the American army went 
 into winter quarters at Valley Forge. This combination of 
 unfortunate and discouraging events shows the bravery and un- 
 yielding determination of the American patriots. The first 
 three articles of the confederation are as follows : 
 
 Article 1. The style of this confederacy shall be The Lmited 
 States of America. 
 
 Article 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and 
 independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is 
 not by this confederation expressly delegated to the L T nited 
 States in Congress assembled. 
 
 Article 3. The said States hereby severally enter into a 
 firm league of friendship with each other for their common de- 
 fence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and gen- 
 eral welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all 
 force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on 
 account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence 
 whatever. 
 
 When the report came that a French fleet was coming to 
 the help of the Americans, the English Admiral withdrew from 
 the Delaware and sailed for New York. Then, on the 18th of 
 
3/6 THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 June, ijyX, the British evacuated Philadelphia. The American 
 Congress lost no time in returning to the place of its beginning. 
 The Articles of Confederation were then taken up and on the 
 9th day of July, 1 yyX, were signed by the representatives of thir- 
 teen States. 
 
 But the Confederation had only the mere semblance of a 
 nation, and its greatest work was in relation to the debts and 
 burdens of the people. It had no power to use compulsion to 
 its decrees ; it had no power of taxation. If the States responded 
 to the demands of Congress and furnished the funds needed, all 
 was well, but if the States refused, there was' no redress for the 
 despised Congress. The Confederation had no adequate con- 
 trol of foreign commerce, and thus revealed its subserviency to 
 the various States. Again, it had no power to arrest and try 
 delinquent individuals and assert its authority in their punish- 
 ment. In all matters that were essential to the continued exis- 
 tence of a central government, the Confederation was entirely 
 subject to the good will of the States. These States were little 
 sovereignties. They were well organized, and possessed the 
 power of compulsion. In the South there were the county or- 
 ganizations, and at the North there were the town meetings. 
 The resources of the people were at the command of the States, 
 and these preserved the peace, and regulated the affairs of their 
 constituencies. 
 
 The war had left a large debt which the people were unwill- 
 ing to pay. There were many reasons for this. In the pro- 
 gress of the war there were some men who thrived on the neces- 
 sities of their fellows. They sold their products at high prices, 
 and quickly turned these into permanent securities that left them 
 rich at the close of the war. During the war the exigencies of 
 the times led to the issue of continental currency, which became 
 such a drag that it was said it required a wagon load of it to buy 
 a wagon load of provisions. Yet at the time this was the money 
 the people were compelled to receive. Of this money, in March, 
 1778, a dollar of coin was worth Si. 75 in paper. In September 
 of the same year it was worth $4.00. In March, 1 770. it was 
 worth $lO.OO. In September of the same year. SrS.oo; in 
 March, 17S0, $40. At the last stage Congress provided for fund- 
 ing the money at the rate of $40.00 to $1.00. 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 377 
 
 In the use of this money the shrewd did not keep it, but im- 
 mediately converted it into real estate or other solid securities. 
 Thus the rich grew richer and brought the masses of the people 
 into their debt. Many of these successful people were Tories and 
 merchants, who had kept out of the battlefields, and Quakers, who 
 were conscientiously opposed to fighting, but not to taking ad- 
 vantage of good bargains. While, on the other hand, the peo- 
 ple who fought for- the freedom of the country, those who were 
 at a distance from the markets, those who believed in the ability 
 of the union to meet all its promises, the poor and the ignorant, 
 those who had sold their farms, or their produce, or their labor, 
 and had hoarded the paper money against a day of need, or had 
 gathered it with the hope of buying a home with it as soon as 
 enough was secured, now found it to be worthless, and their 
 hopes entirely destroyed. This was the time for the lawyers to 
 flourish. By the close of the war the farmers lost the market for 
 their produce, and the soldiers, returning home, found no avenues 
 of employment open, and debts staring them in the face on every 
 hand. Obligations began to accumulate against their small land 
 holdings, and everything was in a deplorably unsettled condition. 
 Shay's rebellion, in Massachusetts, was a revelation of the feelings 
 of the people. As they realized they were losing their homes 
 through the losses consequent on the depreciation of the currency 
 in which they had trusted, they vainly thought that if they closed 
 the courts and kept them closed, process could not be obtained 
 against them. In all the colonies there was the greatest distress, 
 and many of the most patriotic of the people were reduced to a 
 poverty from which they never recovered. History awakens our 
 sympathy for the great men who gave their fortunes to establish 
 the liberties of the country. But with these few, whose names 
 are heralded in every story of the heroes of the Revolution, there 
 were thousands from the coast cities to the most frontier settle- 
 ments who had suffered just as severely, for they had lost all ; and 
 even more, for they had no friendly hands to assist them in re- 
 gaining their homes or their position in society. Naturally this 
 led to a general repudiation of debts, and one commonwealth after 
 another was plunged into the abyss of ruined integrity. It was 
 this condition of affairs that compelled the movement that resulted 
 in the change from a Confederation to a government by Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
37§ THE CONFEDERATION. 
 
 The historian tells us that : "We who are accustomed to but 
 one unit of value, and purchase with dollars and cents, can form 
 but a faint conception of the difficulties that heset our ancestors 
 in their money payments. The Constitution had not yet been 
 framed. There was therefore no supreme authority, and no na- 
 tional currency based upon a universally recognized unit. In 
 every State there were at least two units of value, the English 
 pound and the Spanish milled dollar, which had been adopted by 
 Congress in the early years of the Revolution. But the values 
 of these standards were by no means common ones. The pound 
 in Georgia contained 1547 silver grains ; in Virginia it fell to 1289 
 grains, which was also recognized as the pound in Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island and Connecticut and New Hampshire. In Xew 
 Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania and Maryland, it fell to 103 1 and 
 a quarter grains, while in Xew York and North Carolina it reach- 
 ed the minimum of 966. The pound being divided into shillings, 
 and the shillings into pence, made the value of the penny far from 
 equal in the different States. But the Spanish dollar was also in 
 circulation, and was divided into shillings, Spanish bits or pistar- 
 eens, Spanish half-bits or half-pistareens, coppers or pennies. A 
 pistareen was understood to be the tenth of a dollar, and would 
 correspond to about twenty, and a half-pistareen to about ten cents 
 of our money. But these again were variable in value, for the num- 
 ber of shillings, and consequently the number of pence, to the dol- 
 lar changed with the value of the pound. In 1784 the entire coin 
 of the land, except coppers, was the product of foreign mints. 
 English guineas, crowns, shillings and pence were still paid over 
 the counters of shops and taverns, and with them were mingled 
 many French and Spanish, and some German coins. Indeed, the 
 close connection the colonies had held with the traders of the 
 Spanish Indies and the nearness of the Spanish possessions at the 
 month of the Mississippi and along the Gulf of Mexico, had made 
 Americans familiar with all denominations of Spanish coins. They 
 had long circulated freely among all classes of buyers and sellers. 
 One of them, the Spanish milled dollar, had become as much a 
 unit of value as the pound. Others were of great value, were care- 
 fully stowed away in secret drawers, or rolled in old stockings and 
 hidden in the darkest hole in the attic, or buried under the boards 
 of the floor, whence they emerged only as quarter day came round. 
 or the taxes fell due. Such an one was the Johannes, always called 
 
THE CONFEDERATION. 379 
 
 the joe, a gold coin worth sixteen dollars. Next to the joe in 
 value was the doubloon, worth fifteen dollars. The half joe went 
 for eight dollars, the double Spanish pistole at seven dollars and 
 forty-eight ninety-sixths, and the pistole at half that value. The 
 moidore was a six dollar piece. These, with the English guinea 
 and half-guinea, the French guinea, the carolin, and the chequin, 
 made up the list of gold coins. The small change, in which house- 
 keepers paid for their daily purchases, was of silver, and among 
 the silver coins were the Spanish milled dollar, the Spanish bit 
 and half bit, the pistareen, the shilling piece and the sixpence. 
 The copper coins were pennies, spoken of as coppers, and 
 French sous. The value of the gold was pretty much the same 
 the country over, but the dollar and the silver pieces regarded 
 as fractions of a dollar, had no less than five different values. 
 These values applied to no pieces which were not true and of 
 full weight, for counterfeiters and clippers had long been busy, 
 and had at last brought the coin to such a state that it passed 
 by weight and not by tale. One of the favorite tricks of the 
 counterfeiter was to turn the French sous into Spanish moi- 
 dores. The sou was a small copper piece worth about a cent, so 
 closely resembling the gold moidore that when it was gilded 
 over it readily passed with the careless for the Spanish piece 
 worth thirty-six shillings. Another trick was to wash coppers 
 with silver and pass them off in a handful of change as English 
 sixpences. But the clipping was worse than the counterfeiting, 
 for scarce a«coin, from a joe to a pistareen, could be found which 
 had not at some time been subjected to the shears. 
 
 "In 1782, a great sum of gold coins came as a loan from 
 France, and the Government had them all clipped to bring them 
 to the current weight, and from this time it was not safe to take 
 coin except by having it carefully weighed in the balances." 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 WYOMING. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF Wyoming in July, 1777. Wyoming- 
 stood an extreme frontier — an outpost on the borders 
 of the settlements of the savage enemy. To Sunbury, 
 the nearest inhabited place on the Susquehanna, it was sixty 
 miles; through the great swamp it was sixty miles; a pathless 
 wilderness to Bethlehem or Easton. The warlike and bloody 
 Mohawks, Senecas, and others of the Six Nations occupied all 
 the upper branches of the Susquehanna, and were within a few 
 hours sail of our settlements, which were exposed to constant 
 attacks. Our pathways were ambushed and midnight gleamed 
 with constant conflagration of our dwellings. Thus exposed, 
 we stood as a shield to all the inhabitants below us. In this 
 situation, every man might justly be regarded as on duty con- 
 tinually. Every man might have been considered as enlisted 
 for and during the war. There was no peace nor security at 
 Wyoming. The husbandman took his hoe in one hand and his 
 rifle in the other, to his corn field. Several forts were built and 
 garrisons steadily maintained. Such was the case with Jen- 
 kins' Fort, Forty Fort, and the Fort of Wilkesbarre. This was 
 done by the people, by the militia, by common consent and com- 
 mon exertion. Three hundred miles from Connecticut, it was 
 vain to ask assistance from her, exerting every nerve as she was 
 for the common defence and the protection of her extensive and 
 exposed sea-board. 
 
 Description two years later. The town consists of about 
 seventy houses, chiefly log buildings ; besides these buildings 
 there are sundry larger ones, which were erected by the army 
 for the purpose of receiving stores, large bake and smoke 
 houses. There is likewise a small fort erected in the town, with 
 a strong abatta around it, and a small redoubt to shelter the in- 
 habitants in case of an alarm. This fort is garrisoned by one 
 hundred men, drafted from the Western army, and put tin- 
 
WYOMING. 
 
 mmand of Col. Zebulon Butler. Colonel of the Twen- 
 ty-fourth . [ilitia. Two-thirds of the inhabitants 
 s ind orphans, mace so by the Indians, and totally 
 . /.dent on the public, and absolute - :' charity, being 
 robbed and plundered of all their furniture and clothing. 
 
 in's lescription of Wyoming: "The severe 
 and long continued sti ggl< for the possession of this country. 
 which was sustained by the original Connecticut settlers, and 
 the repeated attempts which were made to dispossess them by 
 arms, sufficient] g e stimation in which it was held 
 
 by all parties. The prize for which the settlers contended was 
 worthy of all the heroism, fortitude, and long suffering perse- 
 ce. which during so many years they displayed — an ex- 
 hibit- ge rarely equalled and never surpassed. 
 
 g themsel es both in a political and personal view I 
 the rightful pr. net rs of the country, they defended it to the 
 death : an now surveys this charming valley can 
 
 wonder that they would not quietly relinquish their claim. 
 
 The s '.-.anger entering at either end. or 
 
 ss g the mountain ridges which divide it from the res 
 the world, fills him with the peculiar pleasure produced by a 
 fine la - ibining richness, beauty, variety and gran- 
 
 deur. From Prospect Hill, on the - immit of the eastern 
 
 barrier, and from Ross Hill, on the west, the Valley of Wyom- 
 d in one view as a charming whole, and its lofty and 
 well-defined boundaries exclude more distant objects from 
 3 ing in the Few Ian that I have seen can 
 
 vie with the Valley of Wyoming. Excepting some rocky preci- 
 mountains are wooded from their summit 
 to their bas ns furnish avenues for roads, and 
 
 the rapid Susquehanna rolls its powerful current through a 
 mountain gap on the northwest, and immediately receives 
 
 na. which - wn the narrow valley of the same 
 
 name. A similar pass between the mountains on the south 
 - Sus uehanna an exit, and in both places a slight ob- 
 
 liquity in the posil -erver pre- - the eye a 
 
 ng lake in the windings of the river, and a barrier of moun- 
 apparently impassable. From the foot of the steep moun- 
 
 ilarly on the eastern side, the valley sv 
 with broad sweeping undulations in the surface, forming 
 
WYOMING. 383 
 
 numerous swelling hills of arable and grazing land; and as 
 we recede from the hills, the fine flats and meadows covered 
 with the richest grass and wheat complete the picture by fea- 
 tures of the gentlest and most luxuriant beauty." 
 
 The Wyoming Controversy. The first grants of land in 
 America by the crown of Great Britain were made with a lavish- 
 ness which can exist only where acquisitions are without cost and 
 their value unknown ; and with a want of precision in regard to 
 boundaries which could result only from entire ignorance of the 
 country. In 1620 King James the First granted to the Plymouth 
 Co., an association in England, a charter for the ruling and gov- 
 erning of New England in America. This charter covered the 
 expanse from the forty-ninth to the forty-sixth degree of north 
 latitude, extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. There 
 was an exception reserving from the grant all territories then 
 actually in possession of the subjects of any other Christian prince 
 or State. This exception operated in favor of the Dutch at Man- 
 hattan and Fort Orange, afterwards Xew York and Albany. The 
 Plymouth Company, in 1628, granted to the Massachusetts colony 
 their territory, and in 1631 to the Connecticut colony theirs; both 
 by formal charters, which made their western boundary the 
 Pacific Ocean. On the restoration of Charles the Second, he 
 granted, in 1662, a new charter to the people of Connecticut, con- 
 firming the previous one and defining the southern one to be at a 
 point on the coast one hundred and twenty miles southwest of the 
 mouth of Narraganset bay in a straight line. In 1676 the same 
 monarch granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the territory 
 then claimed and occupied by the Dutch, and extending westward 
 as far as the Delaware bay. The same year the Duke conquered 
 it from the Dutch and took possession. A dispute arising be- 
 tween Xew York and Connecticut concerning their boundary, it 
 was determined by royal commissioners, in 1683. who fixed upon 
 the present line between those States. This, of course, determined 
 the southernmost point in the boundary of Connecticut, which is 
 not far from forty-one degrees north latitude. This line extend- 
 ing westward would enter Pennsylvania near Stroudsburg, pass 
 through Conyngham. in Luzerne county, and cross the Susque- 
 hanna at Bloomsberg. in Columbia county, cutting off all northern 
 Pennsylvania. In 1691, nineteen years after the date of the Con- 
 necticut charter. Charles II granted to William Penn the memor- 
 
384 WYOMING. 
 
 able charter of Pennsylvania, by which the northern boundary of 
 his province was fixed at the forty-second degree of north latitude, 
 where it is now established. Here, then, was a broad strip of 
 territory granted by the same monarch to different grantees. The 
 lands, however, like other portions of the wilderness, remained in 
 possession of the Indians, and the preemption right only was con- 
 sidered as conveyed by the charters. The different principles in- 
 volved in the charter of the Connecticut colony and this Province 
 necessarily produced an essential difference in the manner of ac- 
 quiring the Indian title to the lands. In the colony the right of 
 preemption was vested in the people ; and the different towns in 
 Connecticut were settled in successive periods by different bands 
 of adventurers, who separately acquired the Indian title, either by 
 purchase or by conquest, and in many instances without the aid or 
 the interference of the commonwealth. In the province the pre- 
 emption right was vested in William Penn, who made no grants 
 of lands until the Indian title had been extinguished, and conse- 
 quently the whole title in Pennsylvania was derived through the 
 Proprietaries. In 1753 an association of persons, principally in- 
 habitants of Connecticut, was formed for the purpose of com- 
 mencing a settlement in that portion of the Connecticut territories 
 which lay toward the province of New York. Agents were ac- 
 cordingly sent out for the purpose of exploring the country and 
 selecting a proper district. The beautiful valley upon the Sus- 
 quehanna river, in which the Indians of the Delaware tribe eleven 
 years before had built their town of Wyoming, attracted the at- 
 tention of the agents ; and as they found the Indians apparently 
 very friendly and a considerable portion of the valley unoccupied, 
 except for purposes of hunting, they reported in favor of com- 
 mencing their settlements at that place, and of purchasing the 
 lands of the Six Nations of Indians residing near the great lakes, 
 who claimed all the lands upon the Susquehanna. This report 
 was adopted by the company; and as a general meeting of com- 
 missioners from all the English-American colonies was to take 
 place at Albany the next year, in pursuance of his Majesty's in- 
 struction, for the purpose of forming a general treaty with the In- 
 dians, it was considered that a favorable opportunity would then 
 be presented for purchasing the Wyoming lands. When the gen- 
 eral congress of Commissioners assembled at Albany, in 1755. the 
 agents appointed by the Susquehanna company attended also ; and 
 
WYOMING. 385 
 
 having successfully attained the objects of their negotiation, ob- 
 tained from the principal chiefs of the Six Nations, on the 1 ith of 
 July, 1754, a deed of the lands upon the Susquehanna, including 
 Wyoming and the country westward to the waters of the Alle- 
 gheny. In the summer of 1755, the Susquehanna company, hav- 
 ing in the month of May preceding procured the consent of the 
 legislature of Connecticut for the establishment of a settlement, 
 and, if his Majesty should consent, of a separate government with- 
 in the limits of their purchase, sent out a number of persons to 
 take possession of their lands at Wyoming; but finding the In- 
 dians in a state of war with the white people, the settlement of the 
 country was at that time deemed impracticable. 
 
 A general truce having been effected with the Indians, a com- 
 pany of about two hundred persons from Connecticut arrived at 
 Wyoming in August, 1762, and commenced their settlement at 
 the mouth of a small stream about one mile above the Indian town 
 of Wyoming. After having cleared land, sowed some wheat 
 and concealed some tools, they returned to Connecticut for the 
 winter. In the following year these adventurers returned to the 
 valley with their families and resumed their labors, the Indians 
 appearing to be perfectly friendly. The Delaware chief, Teedy- 
 uscung, a favorite with his own people and disposed to be on good 
 terms with the whites, had incurred the enmity of the Six Nations. 
 A party of them during this year stole into the valley and mur- 
 dered him, and charged the deed upon the Connecticut settlers. 
 The latter, unconscious of the charge and trusting to the friendly 
 disposition thus far manifested by the Indians, were entirely un- 
 provided with arms. 
 
 In his history of the Lackawanna Valley, Dr. Hollenback 
 says: "The complaints of Teedyuscung, nor the threats of 
 Lieutenant Governor Hamilton were hardly necessary, as the 
 next year (1763) witnessed the murder of the King of the Dela- 
 wares in his simple cabin by the river side, and the flight or 
 massacre of the defenceless yeomanry at Wyoming. When 
 Teedyuscung sank the tomahawk into the skull of the offending 
 Iroquois warrior on his way to Easton, in 175S, unavenged and 
 apparently unnoticed at the time, he wrote his own death-war- 
 rant in the blood of the fallen chief. Indian revenge slumbers 
 only to increase its intensity. Under the garb of friendship, 
 he was visited at his village by some warriors of the Six Nations 
 
 25 
 
386 WYOMING. 
 
 from the upper branches of the Susquehanna, plied bountifully 
 with liquor, of which he was passionately fond, and while thus 
 inebriated in his wigwam, helpless, asleep and alone, the cele- 
 brated and venerable chieftain perished in the flames on the 
 night of April 19th, 1763. His own dwelling and twenty others 
 surrounding it, had been set on lire simultaneously, by these 
 emissaries from the Six Nations, who thus sought and found 
 revenge upon the unforgotten and unresisting offender. 
 
 "Some four months previous to this the Yankees had re- 
 turned to the valley with their families, bringing along cattle, 
 sheep, hogs, and grain sufficient to last them until the coming 
 harvest. Traffic and fur trading had sprung up with the sur- 
 rounding tribes, with whom the most friendly and harmonious 
 relations had hitherto supposed to have existed. .When sud- 
 denly, on the afternoon of the 15th of October, while the farm- 
 ers were hard at work in the field, unconscious of approaching 
 danger, they were surrounded by a party of Indians, who massa- 
 cred about twenty persons, took several prisoners, and having 
 seized upon the live stock drove it toward their town. Those 
 who escaped, hastened to their dwellings, gave the alarm to the 
 families of those who were killed, and the remainder of the col- 
 onists — men, women and children — fled precipitately to the 
 mountains, from whence they beheld the smoke arising from 
 their late habitations, and the savages feasting on the remains 
 of their little property. Thus by one stroke, seldom surpassed 
 in suddenness and atrocity, every living white person was swept 
 from Wyoming in an hour, and the valley again left in the sole 
 occupancy of the Indians. 
 
 "Their removal and destruction at this time, if more vin- 
 dictive and cruel, was no more certain than that vouchsafed 
 them by the Provincial Government, had a few more days of 
 quiet husbandry been allowed them by the hidians. On 
 Tuesday before the massacre, October 17th. T76:;. Major Clay- 
 Inn marched t<> Wyoming to carry out the instructions of the 
 Provincial Government. He met with no Indians, but found 
 the New Kn glanders who had been killed and scalped a day or 
 two before he got there. They buried the dead — nine men and 
 one woman — who had been most cruelly butchered; the woman 
 was roasted, and had two hinges in her hands, supposed to have 
 been put in red hot. and several of the men had awls thrust into 
 
WYOMING. 387 
 
 their eyes, and spears, arrows, pitchforks, &c, sticking in their 
 bodies. Major Clayton's men burned what houses the Indians 
 had left and destroyed a quantity of Indian corn. * * * * 
 Nothing whatever was done by the authorities of Pennsyl- 
 vania toward punishing, or even rebuking, the authors of this 
 preconcerted destruction of life and property." 
 
 It should be remembered that the Indians never gave up 
 their claim to this valley, and hence justified their means used 
 to prevent the white men from occupying it, as they alone were 
 owners of the land. 
 
 "No further settlement was made until the year 1769. In 
 the meantime, the Delaware Indians, those who were still 
 friendly to the whites, removed to Wyalusing, and attached 
 themselves to the Moravian mission there. After the peace 
 between France and Great Britain, in 1763, and a cessation of 
 hostilities on the part of the great nations of northwestern In- 
 dians, in 1764, the opportunity was seized by the English colo- 
 nies to cultivate a more friendly intercourse with the Indians and 
 to fix a definitive boundary to the purchases made at various 
 times. A general treaty was accordingly held for that purpose 
 at Fort Stanwix, near the Oneida Lake, in October, 1768. At 
 this treaty the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania procured a deed 
 from the Six Nations, dated November 5th, 1768, for all the 
 lands lying within the province of Pennsylvania which had not 
 been previously purchased by the Proprietaries. This pur- 
 chase included Wyoming and all the lands previously sold by 
 chiefs of the same nations to the Susquehanna company. 
 
 "After the conclusion of this purchase, the Proprietaries 
 of Pennsylvania sent to Wyoming a party of settlers, who were 
 directed to lay out the lands there into two manors for the use 
 of the Proprietaries. One on the east side of the river, extend- 
 ing from Nanticoke Falls to Monokony Island, and from the 
 river nearly to the foot of the mountain, including the old Wy- 
 oming town, was called the manor of Stoke, and the other on 
 the west side, nearly of the same extent, was called the manor of 
 Sunbury, and a lease of seven years was given to three of the 
 principal persons, whose names were Charles Stewart, Amos 
 Ogden and John Jennings. These persons were directed to 
 take possession of the lands there and to defend themselves and 
 those under them against all enemies whatever. 
 
388 WYOMING. 
 
 "On the 8th of February, 1769, a company of forty persons 
 from Connecticut arrived at Wyoming, and found Stewart, 
 Ogden and Jennings in possession of the improvements which 
 they had previously made there, and in which they had attempt- 
 ed to secure themselves by the erection of a block house at the 
 mouth of the creek. Having ascertained that the Pennsyl- 
 vania party claimed the lands under grants from that province, 
 and that they refused to give up to them their improvements, 
 they built small buildings of logs on different sides of the block 
 house, by which means they intercepted all communication with 
 the surrounding country, and entirely invested the Pennsylvania 
 garrison. Having failed in his hopes of reinforcements, Ogden 
 proposed to the Connecticut people an amicable settlement of 
 their respective claims, and invited some of the leaders of the 
 Connecticut party to the block house to agree upon the terms, 
 three of whom repaired thither for that purpose. They were 
 immediately seized by Jennings, who was Sheriff of Northamp- 
 ton county, and having conducted them to Easton, they were 
 thrown into jail until sufficient bail could be procured for their 
 release. 
 
 And now commenced a bitter civil war. which lasted, with 
 alternate successes of the different parties, for upwards of 
 six years. In vain were the two colonial governments of Connec- 
 ticut and Pennsylvania engaged in negotiations to adjust the ques- 
 tion of jurisdiction. In vain had the Crown been appealed to for 
 the same purpose, and in vain was the interposition of other col- 
 onial authorities invoked for that object. Now the colonists from 
 Connecticut were increased by fresh arrivals and obtained the 
 mastery ; and now again, either by numbers or stratagem, did the 
 Pennsylvanians become lords of the manors. Forts, blockhouses 
 and redoubts were built upon both sides ; some of which sustained 
 regular sieges. The settlements of both parties were alternately 
 broken up, the men led off to prison, the women and children 
 driven away, and other outrages committed. Blood was some- 
 times shed in this strange and civil strife, but, considering the tem- 
 per that was exhibited, in far less quantities than might have been 
 anticipated. Deeds of valor, and of surprising valor, were per- 
 formed. But strange to relate, notwithstanding these troubles, 
 the population of the valley rapidly increased, and as the Con- 
 necticut people waged the contest with the most indomitable reso- 
 
WYOMING. 389 
 
 lution, they, in the long run, came nearest to success. The Penn- 
 sylvanians having sent a large force against the settlement under 
 Colonel Plunket, which was ingloriously defeated, no further mil- 
 itary operations against it were attempted from that quarter until 
 after the Revolution. Meantime the settlements had been greatly 
 extended and several towns designated and surveyed. Until the 
 year 1774, the people had lived under laws of their own enacting, 
 but their population had now become so considerable that a more 
 efficient government was judged expedient. An application to 
 be taken under the immediate government of Connecticut was at- 
 tended with success, and under the general name of Westmore- 
 land the valley of Wyoming was annexed to the county of Litch- 
 field, in the State of Connecticut. Zebulon Butler, Esq., a gentle- 
 man who had served with credit in the French war, and Nathan 
 Dennison, Esq., also a gentlemen of character, were appointed 
 justices of the peace." 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 pluxket's invasion. 
 
 THE BEAUTIFUL lands along the Susquehanna in the 
 Muncy bottoms attracted the attention of surveyors and 
 speculators at an early day, because of the richness of the 
 soil and the ease which it might be improved. The Susquehanna 
 company, in April, 1769, passed a vote to send more than five hun- 
 dred settlers there, of whom three hundred were to have lands as 
 a gratuity, and the surveyors were instructed to lay out several 
 townships on the West Branch for that purpose. In 177 1, two of 
 these townships were surveyed, and called Charlestown and Judea. 
 In May, 1775, John Vincent, who resided on the West Branch, 
 was appointed a justice of the peace for Litchfield county, Con- 
 necticut. In August, with several others, he came to Wyoming 
 and induced a number of persons to go to the West Branch, settle 
 there, and thus extend the jurisdiction and authority of Connecti- 
 cut. In September about eighty went there for the purpose of 
 peaceably settling on these lands. Their coming aroused the fears 
 and the anger of the Penns, and the government ordered Colonel 
 William Plunket, the presiding Magistrate, to gather the militia 
 and break up these intruding settlements. 
 
 At this time the spirit of war was in the land. The battle of 
 Lexington had taken place April 19th, and Bunker Hill, June 
 17th. Washington had been appointed the Commander-in-Chief 
 of the army, and Congress had voted to raise and equip twenty 
 thousand men. Although news traveled slowly, this kind of in- 
 formation went like lightning throughout the land, and all the 
 pe >ple showed a desire to rise against the oppression of the mother 
 country. To the extreme limits of the frontier the militia were 
 called (int. and every man that could bear a rifle, even though not 
 supplied with one, entered into the service of his colony. Thus 
 there was no difficuty in sending an active body of men to drive 
 out the intruders. As to the real merits of the case, the people 
 were not informed ; they acted on what was commanded them 
 
ifSk 
 
 
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 A 
 
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 PI 
 
 ft jT* 
 
 \ 
 
 
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 B 
 
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 Si. ' 
 
PLUNKET' S INVASION. 39I 
 
 from the government. The result was that one life was lost, sev- 
 eral of the Connecticut men were wounded, their buildings were 
 burned, their property was distributed among the conquerers, the 
 women and children were sent to Wyoming, and the men were 
 taken to the jail in Sunbury. This victory whetted the appetites 
 of the valiant militia, and they were ready for more of the war. 
 
 Thus far in the controversy between the colony of Connecti- 
 cut and Pennsylvania, every expedition against Wyoming had 
 been of a civil character. There was a great parade of force, but 
 that was the most of it. The success of Plunket in destroying the 
 settlements on the West Branch revealed the way in which the 
 affair at Wyoming might be settled'. Wyoming at this time is 
 thus described : "Three years of tranquil enjoyment had increas- 
 ed the number of settlers at- Wyoming, while unremitted industry 
 upon a proline soil had diffused throughout the valley most of the 
 necessaries, many of the conveniences and some of the luxuries of 
 life. Abundant food and clothing were enjoyed in every cottage. 
 Numerous herds of cattle grazed upon the mountains. Hill and 
 meadow were spotted with flocks of sheep. The flats, nearly 
 cleared, yielded thirty and forty fold the seed that was sown. 
 School houses were erected in every district. The Sabbath was 
 kept with Puritan strictness. Congregated in convenient places 
 the people listened to sermons from their gospel ministers. Prayer 
 ascended to the Most High for grace in spiritual matters, and His 
 protection in their secular concerns ; while 
 
 They chant their artless notes in simple guise; 
 They tune their hearts, by far the noblest aim: 
 Perhaps Dundee's wild warbling measures rise, 
 Or plaintive Martyrs, worthy of the name." 
 
 Air. Miner says : "The complete, perhaps easy, conquest 
 and desolation of the Muncy settlement, instead of satisfying, 
 only rendered more eager the Pennsylvania land holders to strike 
 a decisive blow against Wyoming. Colonel Plunket had return- 
 ed, his brow wreathed with victory, and a long line of Yankee 
 prisoners graced his triumphal entry into Sunbury; while some 
 of his followers, enriched by so much plunder, obtained with 
 scarce a contest, were desirous of trying their fortunes in a new 
 enterprise on a more extended scale, offering to their successful 
 arms an hundredfold more valuable reward. More elated, per- 
 
392 PLUNKET S INVASION. 
 
 haps, than wisdom would have justified, proud and flattered for 
 what he had already achieved, Colonel Plunket was told by others, 
 and seems not to have doubted himself, that he was the man for 
 whom the honor had been reserved of rescuing Wyoming from 
 the unprincipled encroachments of the moss trooping Yankees. 
 
 "The preparations that were made alarmed the Wyoming- 
 settlers, and they appealed to their government. On Novem- 
 ber 3d, the Governor of Connecticut laid letters before the 
 Council, which stated that the Pennites, on the West Branch of 
 the Susquehanna River, were about to come, five hundred in 
 number, armed, to drive off the Connecticut settlers from the 
 Wyoming country. The Council viewed it as having a most 
 dangerous tendency to break the union of the colonies, and es- 
 teemed it a plan probably concerted by enemies, with that view. 
 The Governor was desired to address Congress on the subject, 
 and endeavor to have the matter quieted. On Saturday, the 
 4th of November, having been apprised of the destruction of 
 Charlestown and Judea, Congress came to the following resolu- 
 tion : The Congress, considering that the most perfect union 
 between all the colonies is essentially necessary for the just 
 rights of North America, and being apprehensive that there is 
 great danger of hostilities being commenced at or near Wyom- 
 ing, between the inhabitants of the colony of Pennsylvania and 
 those of Connecticut: Resolved, That the Assemblies of said 
 colonies be requested to take the most speedy and effectual 
 steps to prevent such hostilities. 
 
 "On the 7th of the month, in reply to the resolution, an 
 evasive verbal answer was made through Mr. Dickinson, 'De- 
 siring to know on what evidence the Congress grounded the ap- 
 prehension therein expressed of hostilities commencing at or 
 near Wyoming between the inhabitants of the colony of Penn- 
 sylvania and those of Connecticut.' 
 
 "During the continuance of the first Pennymite and Yan- 
 kee war. from the commencement of [769 to the close of 1778, 
 it will be remembered that every expedition against Wyoming 
 was of a civil character. Sheriffs Jennings and Nackline be- 
 ing ostensibly the chief officers on duty, merely supported by 
 Captains Ogden, Francis, Dick. Clayton, Morris and Ledlie, 
 with their several military companies, the burnished musket, 
 the -littering bayonet, the four-pounder, the whole martial ar- 
 
pluxket's invasion. 393 
 
 ray being simply an appurtenant to a peace officer, while he 
 should serve a civil process. The same policy was again as- 
 sumed. Colonel Plunket, with his seven hundred armed men, 
 his train of boats, with store of ammunition, the leading and 
 largest one armed with a field-piece ready for action, on board, 
 or to be landed, were the mere accompaniments of William 
 Cook, Esq., the High Sheriff of Northumberland county, whose 
 business at Wyoming was to arrest two or three individuals on 
 civil writs. 
 
 "A high degree of excitement prevailed on both sides. 
 Several boats from Wyoming, trading with the settlements be- 
 low, were seized on passing Fort Augusta, and their cargoes 
 confiscated. Early in December, his preparations having been 
 completed, Colonel Plunket took up his line of march, the 
 weather then being mild, the river free from ice, a matter ex- 
 tremely unusual at that season of the year." 
 
 "Justly alarmed at these formidable preparations, the Wy- 
 oming people dispatched an agent to state the condition of af- 
 fairs before Congress and solicit their friendly interposition. 
 But while calling on Congress the inhabitants were far too wise 
 to omit placing themselves in the best possible posture of de- 
 fence. The military were reviewed. As there was no public 
 magazine of provisions, every man able to bear arms was di- 
 rected to hold himself in readiness to march at a moment's 
 warning, his arms in order, with all the ammunition requisite 
 for a week's muster, and provisions for at least three days. 
 Scouts sent out for the purpose returned, one every day, with 
 information of the advance of the enemy, who were coming up 
 strong and confident of success. The cruelty of the contem- 
 plated attack was sensibly felt, intended, it was not doubted, 
 like that on the Muncy settlement, to effectuate the entire ex- 
 pulsion of the whole people. It being in the midst of winter, 
 those given the least to despondence, looked to the probable 
 issue with extreme inquietude, for defeat would assuredly de- 
 vote the valley to flames, and the inhabitants to famine. Seven 
 hundred men ! nearly double the force Westmoreland could 
 bring into the field. Of those who had taken the Freeman's 
 oath, the whole number amounted to two hundred and eighty- 
 five, and of these several came from the Lackawaxen settle- 
 ment, forty miles east of Wyoming, a few from Coshutunk. on 
 
394 PIXXK1CT S INVASION. 
 
 the Delaware, and many aged men were on the list. There 
 were probably in the valley twenty or thirty persons like David 
 Meade, holding a Connecticut right, yet in heart and hand, if 
 need be, being" secretly Pennsylvania landholders, who, if they 
 took no open part, wished success to the enterprise of Plunket, 
 and at a proper moment would have lent their efficient aid in 
 his behalf. These, of course, never took the Freeman's oath. 
 The young men from fifteen to twenty-one rallied with spirit on 
 the occasion. On the 20th of December, the invading army was 
 announced as having arrived at the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, 
 making their way now more slowly, as the ice was gathering in 
 the river, and checking the passage of their boats. Never did 
 more earnest prayers ascend to Heaven for snows of Lapland 
 to impede the march of the army, and the ice of the Arctic Cir- 
 cle to arrest their voyage." 
 
 Again Congress interposed, and on the 20th of December, 
 adopted the following most important proceedings : "The 
 Congress, taking into consideration the dispute between the 
 people of Pennsylvania and Connecticut, on the waters of the 
 Susquehanna, came to the following resolution: "Whereas, a 
 dispute subsists between some of the inhabitants of the colony 
 of Connecticut, settled under the claim of the said colony, on 
 land near Wyoming, on the Susquehanna River, and in the 
 Delaware country, and the inhabitants settled under the claim 
 of the Proprietors of Pennsylvania, which dispute, it is appre- 
 hended, will, if not suspended during the present troubles in the 
 colonies, be productive of pernicious consequences, which may 
 be very prejudicial to the common interests of the United Col- 
 onies, therefore Resolves, That it is the opinion of this Congress, 
 and it is accordingly recommended, that the contending parties 
 immediately cease .all hostilities and avoid every appearance of 
 force until the dispute cai? be legally decided. That all property 
 taken and detained be immediately restored to the original own- 
 ers; that no interruption be given by either party to the free pass- 
 ing and repassing of persons behaving themselves peaceably 
 through the disputed territory, as well by land as by water, with- 
 out molestation of cither persons or property; that all persons 
 seized and" detained on account of said dispute on either side, be 
 dismissed and permitted to go to their respective homes, and that 
 things being put in the same condition they were before the late 
 
PLUNKET S INVASION. 395 
 
 unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves peaceably on 
 their respective possessions and improvements until a legal de- 
 cision can be had on said dispute, or this Congress shall take 
 further order thereon, and nothing herein done shall be construed 
 in prejudice of the claim of either party." 
 
 "But they came too late to arrest the attack of Col. Plunket, 
 whose force had arrived on the 23d, at the southwestern opening 
 of the valley. Colonel Zebulon Butler, who commanded the 
 Yankees, by the most strenuous exertions had mustered about 
 three hundred men and boys, but there were not guns enough to 
 arm the whole, and several appeared on the ground with scythes 
 fastened on handles, projecting straight as possible — a formidable 
 weapon in the hands of an active soldier if they should be brought 
 to close quarters, but otherwise useless. These weapons the men 
 called, sportively, "the end of time." On the night of the 23d he 
 encamped on a flat near the union of Harvey's creek with the river. 
 From this point he despatched Major Garret, his second in com- 
 mand, to visit Colonel Plunket with a flag, and desire to know the 
 meaning of his extraordinary movements, and to demand his in- 
 tentions in approaching Wyoming with so imposing a military 
 array. The answer given was, that he came peaceably as an at- 
 tendant on Sheriff Cook, who was authorized to arrest several 
 persons at Wyoming for violating the laws of Pennsylvania, and 
 he trusted there would be no opposition to a measure so reasonable 
 and pacific. Major Garret reported that the enemy outnumbered 
 the Yankees more than two to one. 'The conflict will be a 
 sharp one, boys,' said he; 'I, for one, am ready to die, if need be, 
 for my country.' Things wore an aspect different from what 
 they had done formerly. Men, then, were almost the only in- 
 habitants. Now the valley abounded with old men, women and 
 children, brought out by the confidence inspired by three years of 
 peace and prosperity. It was a season of gloomy apprehension." 
 
 "Colonel Butler was humane as he was brave, politic as he was 
 undaunted. Several positions existed below the Nanticoke falls 
 where the river leaves the valley, and takes its way for four or five 
 miles between precipitous mountains, where a stand might have 
 been made with almost certain success. It was thought better, 
 however justifiable as would have been such a course, to await the 
 attack within the valley itself. Orders were also given to this 
 effect, not to take life unless rendered unavoidable in self defence. 
 
396 plunket's invasion. 
 
 Leaving Ensign Mason Fitch Alden, with eighteen men, on the 
 ground where he had bivouacked, Colonel Butler retired in the 
 morning of the 23d, and detached Captain Stewart with twenty 
 men across to the east side of the river, above Nanticoke falls, 
 with orders to lie in ambush and prevent any boat's crew from 
 landing on that shore. On the morning of the 24th, about 11 
 o'clock, Ensign Alden was apprised of the approach of Plunket 
 and his army, and retiring slowly and in order, was followed by 
 their vanguard, who came up with martial music playing. Keep- 
 ing at a respectful distance, no shot was fired from either side, 
 and Alden, joining Colonel Butler, reported the approach of the 
 foe. Displaying his column on the flat just abandoned by the 
 Yankees, Colonel Plunket directed a spirited advance in pursuit of 
 Alden, not doubting but that the main force of the Yankees was 
 near and the hour of battle had come. In less than thirty minutes 
 the advancing line was arrested by the word, 'Halt!' and Plunket, 
 who was in the front a little on the right, observing Colonel But- 
 ler's position, was heard to exclaim : 'My God, what a breast- 
 work !' " 
 
 "Harvey's creek, coining in from the north, cuts the high moun- 
 tain, which here approaches the river, deep to its base. A pre- 
 cipitous ledge of rocks from near the summit runs southerly to 
 the river, presenting to the west by south a loftly natural barrier 
 for a mile along the ravine, and where the defence was not per- 
 fect Colonel Butler had made it so by ramparts of logs, so that it 
 would require a powerful, as well as bold, enemy to dislodge him. 
 Nothing could have been more perfectly military than the selec- 
 tion of the spot and the whole preparation of defence. So it was 
 regarded by his soldiers. Mr. John Carey says in respect to the 
 conduct of Colonel Butler in all that affair : 'I loved the man ; 
 he was an honor to the human species.' Such a declaration speaks 
 the merits of Colonel Butler in language more impressive than the 
 most labored eulogium. To take life was not the object, but or- 
 ders were given for a general discharge all along the line of the 
 defence by platoons, so as to impress Colonel Plunket with a prop- 
 er idea of the strength and spirit of its defenders. No one was 
 hurt, Vjut considerable confusion was seen to prevail in his ranks as 
 Plunket's men recoiled from the formidable breastwork. A boat 
 was forthwith despatched by him, with a number of soldiers, to 
 the opposite shore, it being the intention of the invaders to cross 
 
plunket's invasion. 397 
 
 over and enter the settlement by a way apparently less obstructed, 
 for Sheriff Cook to serve his civil process. The passage of the 
 boat and crew was watched by both parties with intense anxiety. 
 A few minutes decided its fate. As it approached the shore, Cap- 
 tain Stewart opened a fire, which wounded one man and killed a 
 dog that was on board, probably specially aimed at, when, instant- 
 ly pulling their oars with a will, the men gained the suction of 
 the falls, through which they sped among the breakers with the 
 rapid flight of an arrow, fortunately without further injur}'. 
 
 Thus closed the battle for the day. Colonel Plunket retired 
 and encamped on the ground occupied by Colonel Butler two 
 nights previously. Early on the ensuing morning the contest was 
 renewed, Colonel Plunket returning to the attack, and determining 
 to outflank the Yankees, while at the same moment he should 
 storm the breastwork. His troops displayed, they approached the 
 line of Yankee defence, covering themselves by trees and loose 
 rocks which lay below, and opened a spirited fire all along the line. 
 While he thus assailed Colonel Butler in front, a detachment of 
 his most alert and determined men was sent up the mountain on 
 the left by a rapid march, concealed as much as possible, to turn 
 the right flank of the Connecticut people. But this danger having 
 been foreseen and guarded against, the flanking party was re- 
 pelled. During this contest several lives were lost and a number 
 on both sides wounded; how many, no record has been kept. 
 Finding Colonel Butler's position too strong to be carried by 
 storm, Colonel Plunket concluded his rash enterprise by a retreat. 
 On Christmas day he withdrew his troops, they marching as they 
 had come up, on the west side of the river. In the meantime a 
 party of the Yankees followed on the east side with a view to cap- 
 ture one of the boats, but Mr. Harvey, who was a prisoner on 
 board, calling to them not to fire, for they might injure their 
 friends, they returned and left the retreating army to pass down 
 without further pursuit. However zealous Colonel Plunket and 
 some of his troops may have been, the great body of them were 
 extremely indisposed to adopt the harsh measures proposed 
 against the Connecticut people. Though zealous for the rights 
 of Pennsylvania, an impression prevailed that the Connecticut 
 people, though in error, honestly believed their title good, and it 
 was thought by most of them that some peaceable mode of settling 
 the controversy would be preferable to a resort to violence and 
 arms." 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 THE MASSACRE. 
 
 FOUR DAYS after the retreat of Colonel Plunket, the en- 
 tire settlement at Wyoming came together in Town 
 Meeting. This was a system of government that was 
 equal in importance to the Wittenagemote of the ancient 
 Saxons. Although the settlers of Wyoming had a bad 
 name for lawlessness and hilarity, they were the descend- 
 ants of Puritans, and maintained, to a degree that was 
 surprising, the restrictions in social affairs that belonged 
 to the times of their fathers. Few amusements were allow- 
 ed, but there were some that were considered allowable, even 
 though they did test the strength and endurance of the compet- 
 itors. At Town Meeting, while those interested in the affairs of 
 the town soberly gave themselves to law-making and the pub- 
 lic good, the younger men indulged in the sports that tried their 
 strength and nerve. They threw the bar and rolled the bul- 
 let, and wrestled standing face to face, the right hand in each 
 other's collar, the left, hold of each other's elbow, the play with 
 the feet, and the expert trip and twitch, afforded a fine oppor- 
 tunity to display activity and skill. Or the parties took each 
 other round the back, seizing by the waist-band, the hands in- 
 terlocked, and then came the less neat and scientific, but more 
 arduous struggle, the result depending greatly on strength. 
 There was wrestling, rough and tumble, and foot racing by the 
 lads. Of course, there were their heroes, who did wonderful 
 things. One of these was William Hibbard, who would cause 
 a twine to be stretched so high that he could pass under it just 
 touching his hair, then stepping back a rod or two, he would 
 leap like a deer, so light, so airy, as scarcely to touch the earth, 
 and clear it with ease at a bound. The victory over the Penn- 
 sylvania forces was thus turned into especial rejoicing, and the 
 pride of the settlers ran high. But this was only the beginning 
 of their real trouble, for the war was just beginning, and it was 
 
The Massacre. 
 
THE MASSACRE. 399 
 
 destined to drench their fair fields with the blood, not only of 
 their strongest, but of their old men and mothers, and even the 
 tender children in arms." 
 
 We now turn over the pages of the days until we reach the 
 time when the entire frontier was in daily apprehension of a 
 descent of the savage hordes. Let us remember that one thou- 
 sand of the bravest youths of Wyoming, at the call of Congress, 
 had gone to fight for liberty, and that the valley was depleted 
 of its strength. 
 
 "The concentration of the enemy at Newtown and Tioga, 
 and the preparation of boats and canoes being known, every 
 man who could bear arms was called into service and trained. 
 Two deserters from the British army were in the valley, one by 
 the name of Pike, who had fled from Boston several years be- 
 fore ; the other named Boyd, a fine active young fellow, from 
 Canada ; the latter, a sergeant, was particularly useful in train- 
 ing the militia. Large bodies were sent up the river as scouts, 
 and as the Yankee woodsmen, crossing the stream on falling- 
 trees, would run over the roaring flood with the agility of the 
 wild cat, the two foreigners, sitting astride of the log, hitching 
 themselves awkwardly across, excited great merriment among 
 their companions. The forts were now filled with women and 
 children. Every company of the militia was ordered to be 
 ready at a moment's warning — all was bustle and anxiety. 
 Care sat on every brow, and fear on many a heart too firm to 
 allow a breath of apprehension to escape the lips. The one and 
 only cannon, the four-pounder, was in Wilkesbarre Fort. Hav- 
 ing no ball it was kept as an alarm gun. The indispensable la- 
 bors of the field were performed by armed men. Soon and cer- 
 tainly the attack would be made was known ; but the precise 
 time could not be calculated, for the enemy could descend the 
 river, slightly swollen, at the rate of five miles an hour, and 
 could, therefore, be in the settlement in less than a day from 
 leaving their rendezvous. So usually is there a rise of water 
 in summer, that the June fresh is a familiar phrase, and had, it 
 was supposed, been fixed upon for their embarkation. Leav- 
 ing the lovely and unprotected valley in all its beauty, the fields 
 waving with the abundance of a rich harvest, but the people, 
 like a covey of partridges, cowering beneath a flock of blood 
 scenting vultures, that soared above, ready to pounce on their 
 
400 THE -MASSACRE. 
 
 prey; or like a flock of sheep huddled together in their pen, 
 while the prowling wolves already sent their impatient howl 
 across the fields, impatient for their victims, we proceed to state 
 one of the most impudent attempts at treachery and deception 
 ever recorded. It is known the Indian prides himself on his 
 cunning. It is equally honorable to take a scalp by stratagem 
 as by force. So secure were the)' of Wyoming that the whole 
 expedition seems to have been a matter of sport, a holiday gam- 
 ble with the savages. The Senecas were the nation principally 
 concerned in the expedition, although detachments from the 
 Mohawks, and other tribes, accompanied them. While the 
 enemy were concentrating at their rendezvous, a delegation of 
 Seneca chiefs, daringly presuming on the stolidity of Congress, 
 repaired to Philadelphia, ostensibly to negotiate, really to 
 amuse, put them off their guard, and prevent any troops being 
 sent to the threatened frontier. Nor did the bold and dextrous 
 chiefs leave the city until the fatal blow was struck, as an ex- 
 tract from the journals will show. (July 8, 1778. Resolved, 
 , That the Board of War be directed to send for the Seneca chiefs 
 that have lately quitted Philadelphia, and inquire whether the 
 Seneca nation, as such, have committed hostilities against us). 
 The chiefs refused to return. Why should they? Their er- 
 rand was accomplished ! The enemy, numbering about four 
 hundred British Provincials, consisted of Colonel John Butler's 
 Rangers, a detachment of Sir John Johnson's Royal Greens, 
 the rest being Tories from Pennsylvania, Xew Jersey and New 
 York, together with six or seven hundred Indians, under the 
 command of Sakayenguaraghton, (the old King of the Senecas, 
 who directed the entire plan culminating in the massacre.) 
 Having descended the Susquehanna from Tioga Point, they 
 landed not far below Bowman's Creek on the west side of the 
 river, in a north direction, about twenty miles above the val- 
 ley. Securing their boats, they marched across the peninsula, 
 and arrived on the western mountain on the evening of the 29th, 
 or the morning of the 30th of June." 
 
 "The little army of the Americans consisted of six regular 
 companies. In addition to these the Judges of the Court and all 
 the civil officers who were near, went out. Many old men — some 
 of them grandfathers — took their muskets and inarched to the 
 field. For instance, the aged Mr. Searle, of Kingston, was one. 
 
THE MASSACRE. 401 
 
 Having become bald, he wore a wig. Taking out his silver knee 
 buckles, he said to his family, 'If I fall I shall not need them; if 
 I come back they will be safe here.' Nothing could have been 
 more incongruous, more pitiably unfit, than the mingling of such 
 aged men in the rough onset of battle. Dire was the necessity 
 that compelled it. The old gentleman had a number of grand- 
 children. Several boys from fourteen to sixteen are known to have 
 been on the field. There was a company at Pittston of thirty or 
 forty men, under Capt. Blanchard, stationed at the Fort to guard 
 the people there. To leave them and march to Forty Fort would 
 be to expose them to certain destruction, for the enemy was in 
 sight on the opposite bank of the river. Captain Franklin's com- 
 pany, from Huntingdon and Salem, had not arrived. The other 
 companies of the regiment were at Capouse, and at the Lackaway 
 settlement, too far off to afford assistance, so that there were about 
 two hundred and thirty enrolled men and seventy old people, boys, 
 civil magistrates and other volunteers. 
 
 "Everything was judiciously disposed and conducted in a 
 strictly military and prudent manner. Colonel Butler made a 
 very brief address just before he ordered the column to display. 
 'Men, yonder is the enemy. The fate of the Hardings tells us what 
 we have to expect if defeated. We come out to fight, not only for 
 liberty, but for life itself, and what is dearer, to preserve our 
 homes from conflagration, our women and children from the 
 tomahawk. Stand firm the first shock, and the Indians will give 
 way. Every man to his duty.' 
 
 "About four in the afternoon the battle began. Colonel Zebu- 
 Ion Butler ordered his men to fire, and at each discharge to ad- 
 vance a step. Along the whole line the discharges were rapid and 
 steady. It was evident on the more open ground the Yankees 
 were doing most execution. As our men advanced, pouring in 
 their platoon fire with great vivacity, the British line gave way in 
 spite of all their officers' efforts to prevent it. The Indian flank- 
 ing party on our right kept up, from their hiding place, a galling 
 fire. On the British Butler's right, his Indian warriors were 
 sharply engaged. They seemed to be divided into six bands, for 
 a yell would be raised at one end of their line, taken up and carried 
 through six distinct bodies, at each time repeating^the cry. As 
 the battle waxed warmer, that fearful yell was renewed again and 
 again, with more and more spirit. It appeared to be at once their 
 
 26 
 
 
4-02 THE MASSACRE. 
 
 animating shout and their signal of communication. For half an 
 hour a hot fire had been given and sustained, when the vastly su- 
 perior numbers of the enemy began to develop its power. The 
 Indians had thrown into the swamp a large force, which m »w com- 
 pletely out-flanked our left. It was impossible it should be other- 
 wise. That wing was thrown into confusion. Colonel Denni- 
 son gave orders that the company of Whittlesey should wheel 
 back, so as to form an angle with the main line, and thus present 
 his front, instead of his flank, to the enemy. The difficulty of 
 performing evolutions by the bravest militia on the field under a 
 hot fire is well known. On the attempt the savages rushed in 
 with horrid yells. Some had mistaken the order to fall back as 
 one to retreat, and that fatal word ran along the line. Utter con- 
 fusion now prevailed on the left. Seeing the disorder, and his 
 own men beginning to give way. Colonel Zebulon Butler threw 
 himself between the fires of the opposing ranks and rode up and 
 down the line in the most reckless exposure. 'Don't leave me, my 
 children, and the victory is ours.' But it was too late. 
 
 "Still on the fated left men stood their ground. 'See,' said 
 Westover to George Cooper, 'our men are all retreating ; shall we 
 go?' 'I'll have one more shot first,' was the reply. At that mo- 
 ment a ball struck a tree by his head, and an Indian springing to- 
 wards him with his spear, Cooper drew up his rifle and fired ; the 
 Indian sprung several feet from the ground, and fell prostrate on 
 his face. 'Come,' said Westover. Til load first,' replied Cooper, 
 and it is probable this coolness saved them, for the great body of 
 savages had dashed forward after the flying, and were far in their 
 rear. On the right one of his officers said to Captain Hewitt : 
 «'The clay is lost; see, the Indians are sixty rocjs in our rear; shall 
 we retreat?' Til be d — d if I do,' was his answer. 'Drummer 
 strike up,' cried he, and strove to rally his men. Every effort was 
 vain. Thus he fought and there he fell. Every captain that led 
 a company into action was slain, and in every instance fell on or 
 near the line. They died at the head of their men. They fought 
 bravely — every man and officer did his duty — but they were over- 
 powered by three- fold their force. In point of numbers the 
 enemy were overwhelmingly superior. 
 
 "The battle being ended, the massacre began. A portion oi 
 the Indian flanking party pushed forward in the rear of the Con- 
 necticut line. t<> cut off retreat to Forty Fort, and then pressed the 
 
THE MASSACRE. 403 
 
 retreating army towards the river. Monocksy Island afforded 
 the only hope of crossing ; the stream of flight flowed in that di- 
 rection through fields of grain. Cooper and those who remained 
 near the line of battle saw the main body of the Indians hastening 
 after the fugitives. At Forty Fort the bank of the river was lined 
 by anxious wives and mothers awaiting the issue. Hearing the 
 firing sharply continued, now hope arose; but when the shots be- 
 came irregular and approached nearer and nearer, that hope sank 
 in dismay. Lieutenant Gore, whose arm was shattered early in 
 the action, being intercepted in an attempt to retreat the way he 
 had marched up, secreted himself in a thick covert of bushes and 
 briars, near the road, in the descending bank. Indians ran past 
 him, their attention being directed towards those who were flying 
 through the flats. One stood very near, gazed a moment, drew 
 up his rifle and fired. Raising a yell, he rushed forward, prob- 
 ably to scalp his victim. 
 
 "At the river, near the island, the scene was exceedingly dis- 
 tressing. A few swam over and escaped. Closely pressed, many 
 were killed in the river. Sergeant Jeremiah Bigford, a very ac- 
 tive man, was pursued by an Indian into the stream with a spear; 
 Bigford faced him, struck the spear from his hand and seizing 
 him by the neck, dashed him under his feet, where he would have 
 drowned, but another savage rushed forward to his aid and ran 
 his spear through Bigford's breast, who fell dead and floated 
 away. One of the fugitives, by the name of Pensil, sought se- 
 curity by hiding in a cluster of willows on the island. Seeing his 
 Tory brother come up, and recognizing him, he threw himself at 
 his feet, begging for protection, and proffered to serve him for life 
 if he would save him. 'Mighty well !' was the taunting reply. 
 'You darned rebel !' and instantly shot him dead. It was a dread- 
 ful hour ; men seemed transformed into demons. The worst pas- 
 sions raged with wild and desolating fury. All the sweet chari- 
 ties of life seemed extinguished. Lieutenant Shoemaker, one of the 
 most generous and benevolent-hearted of men, whose wealth en- 
 abled him to dispense charity and do goocl, which was a delight to 
 him, fled to the river, when Windecker, who had often fed at 
 his board and drank of his cup, came to the brink. 'Come out, 
 come out,' said he; 'you know I will protect you.' How could 
 he doubt it? Windecker reached out his left hand as if to lead 
 him, much exhausted, ashore, and dashed his tomahawk into the 
 head of his benefactor, who fell back and floated away. 
 
404 THE MASSACRE. 
 
 "A I any prisoners were lured ashore by promise of quarter, 
 and then butchered. The accurate Indian marksmen, sure of 
 their prey, had coolly singled out officers, and broke the thigh 
 bone, it is supposed, as so many are found perforated, so as ef- 
 fectually to disable, but leaving the victim alive for torture. 
 Captain Bidlack was thrown alive on the burning logs of the 
 fort, held down with pitchforks, and there tortured till he ex- 
 pired. Prisoners taken under solemn promise of quarter were 
 gathered together and placed in circles. Sixteen or eighteen 
 were arranged around one large stone, since known as the 
 bloody rock. Surrounded by a body of Indians, Queen Esther, 
 a fury in the form of a woman, assumed the office of executioner 
 with death-maul or tomahawk, for she used the one with both 
 hands, or took up the other with one, and passing around the 
 circle with words, as if singing, or counting with a cadence, she 
 would dash out the brains, or sink the tomahawk into the head 
 of a prisoner. The mangled bodies of fourteen or fifteen were 
 afterward found round the rock where they had fallen, scalped 
 and horribly mangled. Nine more were found in a similar cir- 
 cle some distance above." 
 
 "Colonel Zebulon Butler repaired to the Wilkesbarre Fort 
 and cast himself exhausted on the ground. Colonel Dennison 
 took up his quarters at Forty Fort, gathered the few soldiers 
 who had come in — placed sentinels, and took all the precautions 
 in his power, dictated by prudence, to guard against surprise, 
 and save the women and children. The night throughout the 
 valley was one of inexpressible anguish and despair. Although 
 darkness put an end to the pursuit, and most of the prisoners 
 had been barbarously butchered, some who were supposed to 
 be special objects of hate were selected for slower torture, and 
 the execution of more savage vengeance. It may be some un- 
 guarded word — perhaps the refusal in gone-by years of whis- 
 key to an importunate Indian; some fancied or real wrong; or, 
 it is thought by some, to satiate the revenge of Indians who had 
 1< >st relations in the fight ; whatever may have been the motive 
 the vast depths of hell, boiling with demoniac passions, never 
 could have devised or executed such horrid tortures as many 
 of the Connecticut prisoners were that night doomed to en- 
 dure. On the river bank, on the Pittston side, Captain Blanch- 
 ard, Esquire Whitaker and Ishmael Bennet, attracted bv fires 
 
THE MASSACRE. 
 
 405 
 
 among trees, took their station and witnessed the process of 
 torture. Several naked men in the midst of flames were driven 
 round a stake ; their groans and screams were most piteous, 
 while the shouts and yells of the savages, who danced around, 
 urging the victims on with their spears, were too horrible to be 
 endured. They were powerless to help or avenge, and with- 
 drew heartsick from a view of their horrid orgies — glad that 
 they did not know who were the sufferers. On the battle- 
 ground the work of torture lasted till vengeance, satiated and 
 weary, dropped the knife and torch from exhaustion. In the 
 morning the battlefield was strewn with limbs and bodies torn 
 apart, mangled and partially consumed. The Indians secured' 
 two hundred and thirty-seven scalps of the Connecticut people 
 killed that day, while only one hundred and forty escaped. 
 Squaws followed the Indian warriors, hideously smeared with 
 brains and blood, bringing strings of scalps; of which, with more 
 than a demon's malice, they would smell and exultingly exclaim, 
 "Yankee blood." 
 
 Lazarus Stewart's Block House. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 DURING THE times of adjustment of the varied interests 
 in the colonial regime, there were many cases of injus- 
 tice which were not intended to be such, but arose from 
 misunderstandings concerning the foundation of rights. In 
 the affair of the Connecticut colonists within the border of 
 Pennsylvania, there were the conflicting interests of parties fav- 
 ored by the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and those who claimed 
 rights under the Connecticut charter. In the review of the 
 case, as we will show, the Council of Censors, the final court of 
 appeal in Pennsylvania, rebuked the unfair and unscrupulous 
 haste of the Assembly in their action. But the Assembly sim- 
 ply ignored the judgment of the Censors and thus violated the 
 principles of government under which they were existing. This 
 showed the extremity of their case. There is on record the 
 following : 
 
 ''Proclamation respecting Connecticut Claimants, Janu- 
 ary 6th, 1783: 
 
 "By the President and Supreme Executive Council 
 of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Whereas, the 
 Court of Commissioners, constituted and declared by the 
 United States, in Congress assembled, to hear and finally 
 determine the controversy between this State and the State 
 of Connecticut respecting sundry lands lying within the 
 northern boundary of this State, having heard the said 
 States respectively, thereupon proceeded, on the thirtieth 
 day of December past, to give judgment in the words fol- 
 lowing, to wit: 'We are unanimously of the opinion that 
 the State of Connecticut has no right to the lands in contro- 
 versy. We are also unanimously of opinion that the jurisdic- 
 tion and pre-emption of all the territory lying within the char- 
 ter boundary of Pennsylvania and now claimed by the State of 
 Connecticut do of right belong to the State of Pennsylvania. 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 407 
 
 We have thought lit to make known and proclaim, and do here- 
 by make known and proclaim, the same. And we do hereby 
 charge, enjoin, and require all persons whatsoever, and more 
 especially such person or persons who, under the authority or 
 countenance of the late colony, now State of Connecticut, either 
 before or since the Declaration of Independence, have entered 
 upon and settled lands within the bounds of this State, to take 
 notice of the said judgment, and pay the obedience to the laws of 
 this commonwealth. And whereas, there is reason to fear that 
 the animosities and resentments which may have arisen between 
 the people, who, under the authority or countenance of the said 
 late colony, now State as aforesaid, have made settlements with- 
 in the bounds of this State, and the citizens of Pennsylvania, who 
 claim the lands whereon such settlements have beer* made, may 
 induce some of the latter to endeavor to gain possession of the 
 said lands by force and violence, contrary to law, whereby the 
 peace of the State may be endangered and individuals greatly 
 injured, we do hereby strictly charge, enjoin, and require all 
 persons whatsoever to forbear molesting or in anywise disturb- 
 ing any person or persons who, under the authority or counte- 
 nance of the late colony, now State of Connecticut, as afore- 
 said, have settled lands within the bounds of this State, until the 
 legislature or the courts of justice shall have made laws, or have 
 passed judgment in such case as to right and justice may appear to 
 belong, as such persons offending therein shall answer the con- 
 trary at their peril. And we do hereby charge, enjoin and re- 
 quire all judges, justices, sheriffs and other peace officers, to use 
 their authority to prevent offences and to punish according to law 
 all offences committed, or to be committed, against any of the peo- 
 ple so as aforesaid settled under the authority or countenance of 
 the said late colony, now State of Connecticut, as aforesaid, on 
 lands within this State, and who pay due obedience to the laws 
 thereof as in case of like offences against any citizen of this State. 
 Given in council, under the hand of the president and the seal of 
 the State, at Philadelphia, the sixth day of January, in the year of 
 our Lord 1783. John Dickinson, President." 
 
 The state of feeling throughout the valley was such that re- 
 bellion was manifested by those who felt the injustice of the course 
 pursued toward them. The officers of the law immediately in the 
 district were partisans of the worst type, and were cruel beyond 
 
4-OS STRUGGUNX FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 all endurance. Frederick Antes, the Presiding Judge at North- 
 umberland, was rather friendly to the Wyoming people, and when 
 he was a candidate for the Assembly, voters came sixty miles 
 down the river to the polling place to vote for him. But this 
 caused the Assembly to throw out these votes, thus seating the one 
 who represented the opposition. But at that time Henry Antes, 
 as a candidate for sheriff, had no opposition, and was therefore 
 the unanimous choice of the county, which was a rare testimonial 
 to the man's popularity among all classes on the frontier. The 
 treatment received in the Wyoming district from the Pennsylvania 
 officers is well seen in the following statement of the experience 
 of the famous warrior, Zebulon Butler, the heroic defender of 
 the people against the Indians, when the awful massacre occurred. 
 "Colonel Zebulon Butler (by whom Patterson had, in 1770, 
 been starved out and made a prisoner) returned from the army 
 with his lady, arriving at Wilkesbarre on the 20th of August. 
 How welcome was his presence to friend or foe may be easily im- 
 agined. The licentious soldiery, released from the restraints of 
 discipline, which the presence of an enemy tends to enforce, and 
 encouraged by the civil authority, became extremely rude and 
 oppressive. They took, without leave, whatever they fancied. 
 Several persons had been arrested and brought before Captain 
 Shrawder. Colonel Butler, indignant at the- treatment the in- 
 habitants suffered, expressed his opinion freely, and for himself 
 said he was going to camp, was still a continental officer and swore 
 his soldier oath — "set fire to 'em — they shall not stop me." It was 
 enough. A writ was issued and Colonel Butler arrested on the 
 24th of September, as it was said, for high treason. Surrounded 
 by a guard of soldiers, he was conveyed to the Fort and treated 
 with great indignity. The next day, under a military guard, the 
 gallant veteran was sent, by Esquire Patterson, to Sunburv. a dis- 
 tance of sixty miles. Y\ nen delivered at the jail, lo ! there was no 
 mittimus directing Sheriff Antes to hold the prisoner in custody 
 until more accurate documents could be procured from Justice 
 Patterson. Very soon after, satisfactory bail being offered. Sher- 
 iff Antes set Colonel Butler at liberty, and he returned to his fam- 
 ily. Thus the patriot soldier, who had served with reputation 
 through the war. had periled his life again and again for Wyom- 
 ing, in one short month from his arrival at his home was seized, 
 and, without law. cast into prison as a felon.'* 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 409 
 
 Patterson's explanation of the affair is seen in the following 
 letter, in which he attempts to prevent the commission as sheriff 
 being issued to Henry Antes : 
 
 Justice Patterson to John Dickinson. "Londonderry (Wil- 
 kesbarre), Dec. 20th, 1783. Sir: Since Mr. Meade and I wrote 
 you last, the purport of which was informing the measures taken 
 to have in confinement that flagrant offender, Colonel Zebulon 
 Butler, who has threatened the dissolution of the citizens of this 
 State and its laws. Notwithstanding he was committed from 
 under the hands and seals of three justices of the peace for trea- 
 son, he has found security and is sent back to this place to the ter- 
 ror of the good citizens in this neighborhood. The sheriff has 
 not done his duty, nor do I believe he intends it, being a party man, 
 among which I am sorry to see so little principles of humanity 
 and honor, men who wish for popularity at the expense of the 
 property, and perhaps blood, of their fellow citizens. Strange as 
 it may appear, it is absolutely true, that the banditti at Wyoming 
 have been solicited for their votes at the election, caressed and 
 patronized in their villainy, encouraged in their claims to land 
 which they now hold, in violation of all law, from men who have 
 distinguished themselves and taken a very decided part in the late 
 Revolution. Sure I am that it would be an act of justice not to 
 commissionate Antes; the other person on the return I do not 
 know, but worse he cannot be. Pardon this freedom. Nothing 
 but a wish for the peace of the citizens would have induced me to 
 have said so much upon this head. I have wrote the Chief Justice 
 concerning Butler, and have prevailed upon the bearer, Captain 
 John Dick, to carry these despatches ; he will return to this place 
 and may be depended upon. I am very uneasy, having heard 
 nothing of Major Moore. I wish he was here. I hope your ex- 
 cellency will think it right to order the troops forward as soon 
 as possible. I have the honor to be, with the sentiments of highest 
 esteem. Your most obedient humble servant. Alexander Pat- 
 terson." 
 
 The official record of Antes' action is as follows : 
 
 "Northumberland County, ss. To the sheriff, under sheriff, 
 or goaler [seal] : These are in the name of the Commonwealth 
 of Pennsylvania to require and command you that you receive 
 into your custody in the goal of said county the body of Zebulon 
 Butler, charged of treason and extremely dangerous, as appears 
 
410 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 to us, the subscribers, justices assigned to keep the peace of said 
 county, from sundry depositions and information before us. And 
 that you safely keep the said Zebulon Butler in said goal until he 
 is discharged therefrom by law. Given under our hand and seals, 
 October 9th, 1783. Alexander Patterson, John Seeley, David 
 Mead." 
 
 "Northumberland, November nth, 17S3. Sir: Upon re- 
 consideration of the note I have wrote you by Air. John Mead, 
 I do not wish you to consider it in any manner as a summons 
 to come to Sunbury, and I therefore order John Mead, or any 
 other messenger of mine, who may have you in custody, imme- 
 diately to enlarge you, and suffer you to go home or elsewhere 
 within the county of Northumberland, until Court, or further 
 orders from me. Witness my hand and seal the day and year 
 above. Henry Antes, Sheriff." 
 
 "Northumberland County, ss. John Mead, being at this 
 time a goaler of the county aforesaid, saith : That on the 
 eighth of November last, being sent up to Wyoming by Henry 
 Antes, High Sheriff of the county, the said Sheriff delivered 
 him a paper directing him to apprehend Colonel Zebulon But- 
 ler, and bring him to Sunbury goal, and to keep him safely 
 agreeable to a Mittimus, which the Sheriff acknowledged to be 
 in his hands. This deponent accordingly apprehended the said 
 Butler at Wyoming, and brought him down with him to North- 
 umberland town, where he was met by the Sheriff, General Pot- 
 ter, William Shaw. Esquire, William Boram and Captain Rob- 
 inson. The Sheriff then took the said Butler from him. desir- 
 ing him to let said Butler go and he would clear him for so do- 
 ing. The Sheriff afterward delivered a paper to this deponent, 
 by way of indemnifying the deponent and letting said Butler go. 
 It seems to be a copy of an original by the Sheriff to said But- 
 ler, but was signed by t lie Sheriff himself. John Mead. Sworn 
 and subscribed the 13th of November, 1783, before John Buyers 
 and Christian Gettig, Esquires." 
 
 The following account shows Patterson's manner of doing: 
 "< )n the first of October Captain Franklin was arrested on a 
 charge of trespass for proceeding to farm his land, and brought 
 before Justice Patterson. Mr. F. plead title, and desired a fair 
 trial by Court, and jury might decide the matter. Such course 
 not according with his policy, he was dismissed by the Justice. 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 4 11 
 
 Captain Christie arrived with his company on the 29th of Oc- 
 tober, and forthwith the two companies of soldiers were quar- 
 tered upon the inhabitants ; in some instances, where special op- 
 pression was meditated, eight and ten were placed with one fam- 
 ily. Colonel Butler was particularly distinguished by having 
 twenty billeted upon him, the more distressingly unwelcome 
 as Mrs. Butler was recently confined. The house being small, 
 hastily erected after the conflagration of the savages, the peo- 
 ple poor, and the soldiers insolent, their sufferings were exceed- 
 ingly severe, too great for human nature to patiently bear. But 
 seeing it was the purpose to drive them to some act of despera- 
 tion, the injury and insults were borne with forbearance and 
 fortitude. His strength now being equal to any probable emer- 
 gency, Justice Patterson proceeded to adopt measures of 
 greater energy. October 1st the settlement of Shawney was in- 
 vaded by the military, headed by the Justice in person, and 
 eleven respectable citizens arrested and sent under guard to the 
 fort. Among the prisoners was Major Prince Alden, sixty-live 
 years old, feeble from age and suffering from disease. Com- 
 passion yielded nothing to alleviate his sufferings. Captain 
 James Bidlack was also arrested. He was between sixty and 
 seventy. His son of the same name had fallen at the head of 
 his company in the Indian battle ; another son had served in the 
 army through the Revolutionary war. Mr. B. himself had 
 been taken by the savages and suffered a tedious captivity 
 in Canada. All this availed him nothing. Benjamin Harvey, 
 who had been a prisoner to the Indians, was also arrested. Sam- 
 uel Ransom, son of Captain Ransom, who fell in the massacre, 
 was most rudely treated on being taken. 
 
 " 'Ah, ha!' cried Patterson, 'you are the jockey we wanted; 
 away with him to the guard house, with old Harvey, another 
 damned rascal.' Eleven in ail were taken and driven to the 
 fort, where they were confined in a room with a mud floor, wet 
 and comfortless, with no food, and little fire, which as they were 
 sitting round, Captain Christie came in, ordered them to lie 
 down on the ground, and bade the guard to blow out the brains 
 of anyone who should attempt to rise. Even the staff of the 
 aged Mr. Alden was taken from him. On demanding what 
 was their offence, and if it was intended to starve them, Patter- 
 son tauntingly replied, 'Perhaps in two or three months we 
 
412 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 shall be at leisure, and you may be set at liberty.' At the in- 
 tercession of David Meade, Esquire, three of the elder prisoners 
 the next day were liberated, the remaining eight being kept in 
 their loathsome prison, some a week, others ten days, and then 
 dismissed without arraignment or trial. But the object had 
 been accomplished ; their several families had been turned out 
 of their homes and creatures of Patterson put in possession. 
 It is scarcely possible to conceive the insolence of manner as- 
 sumed by Justice Patterson. Meeting by accident with Cap- 
 tain Caleb Bates and learning his name, 'Why have you not 
 been to see me. sir?' Captain Bates answered that he did not 
 know him. 'I will recommend myself to you, sir. I am Es- 
 quire Patterson, of Pennsylvania !' and almost instantly or- 
 dered a sergeant to take him to the guard house." 
 
 That kind of treatment would not do on the frontier. The 
 men who braved all kinds of dangers to establish their homes 
 where Indians, and floods, and forests, and swamps opposed, 
 were not to be frightened by the blustering of such a man as 
 Patterson. The more he swore, the louder they replied in the 
 same terms. The more bitter were his persecutions, the more 
 sturdy were their acts of resistance. The more they showed 
 the true temper of their stalwart natures, the more determined 
 the State officers were that they should be subdued, for they 
 seemed to listen only to the one side of the question. As a con- 
 sequence of this determination, the following letters were sent 
 to Sheriff Antes, and to Captain Willson, the Lieutenant of the 
 county : 
 
 "John Armstrong, Secretary of Council, to Henry Antes, 
 July 29th, 1784. By the enclosed resolution, you will find it 
 the intention of Government to proceed with the utmost energy 
 against every person, without discrimination, who has outraged 
 the tranquility of the State. By the third resolution you will 
 observe the necessity of going hand in hand with Captain Will- 
 son, and with him awaiting the farther directions provided for 
 by the fourth resolution. The ground opposite the mouth of 
 Xescopeck Creek is assigned as the place of rendezvous. Some 
 of the writs to be executed are enclosed." 
 
 "John Armstrong to Captain Willson, Lieutenant of 
 Northumberland county. July 29th, 1784. Sir: Enclosed, you 
 have a copy of some resolutions of Council of this day. They 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 413 
 
 are of such a nature as to require your greatest possible indus- 
 try and attention. In addition to them I have to tell you that 
 Council, from the confidence they have in your capacity and 
 attachment, wish you to engage for the supply of the troops 
 which may be called forth by your order. The price they pro- 
 pose to give is ten and one-half d. per ration. The quantity 
 to be produced must depend upon your own calculation, for as this 
 business will be subject to much contingency, it is impossible for 
 Council to hazard a single conjecture on that score. I have also 
 to communicate their wishes that you will not only pay the great- 
 est attention to the character of the officers nominated to the com- 
 mand of the men, and by all means avoid such as have been dis- 
 tinguished by their predilections to either side of the ques- 
 tion, but that you will also come on with the troops yourself 
 to the ground opposite the mouth of Nescopeck creek, where 
 w T e will endeavor to meet you with the Northampton detachment. 
 As it is impossible to calculate with much precision upon the move- 
 ments of militia, we cannot venture to name the day on which we 
 shall be there, but the probability is that we shall reach it before 
 you, as it is our intention to move as expeditiously as possible. If 
 so, we will communicate with you by letter or otherwise, and di- 
 rect to what other point you are to shape your movements. The 
 Sheriff of your county will receive orders of Council to co-operate 
 with us, and under the countenance we shall afford be prepared to 
 execute the writs which have been issued by the Judicial Author- 
 ity. You will remember, also, to bring with you whatever am- 
 munition or other public stores that may be deposited at Sunbury ; 
 if you should have no powder, you will make a purchase of such 
 quantity as will be necessary for your party, as it might be im- 
 prudent to come forward without it. I have only to add yet. if 
 you should be at the place of rendezvous before us you will take 
 such steps as will best secure you against disaster of any kind. 
 All this command, however, you are to exercise with great ad- 
 dress, and let it appear to be rather the effect of advice and per- 
 suasion than the result of authority." 
 
 At this same meeting of the Council, Colonel Frederick Antes 
 resigned his position as Presiding Judge of the Court of Common 
 Pleas, of the Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and of the 
 Orphans' Court, to take his seat in the Assembly, to which he had 
 just been elected. 
 
414 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 John Armstrong and Mr. Boyd in due time arrived on the 
 scene and took charge, ignoring the proper officers of the county. 
 Instead of being under the command of the Sheriff, who was the 
 true officer, they took things in their own hands, and, as will be 
 seen, prevented justice being done, and really aided the people who 
 were the most vindictive in the struggle. On their arrival they 
 sent a letter to John Dickinson, the President of the Council, and 
 received from him the following reply, dated August ioth, 
 1784: "Gentlemen: We have received your letter by Captain 
 Schott, and are in hopes that when the insurgents are convinced 
 of the determined resolution of government to insist upon a due 
 submission to the authority of the people of Pennsylvania, they 
 will desist from further violence. As soon as they are in this dis- 
 position you will please to have the proper legal steps taken that 
 those who have disturbed the peace, of whatever party they are, 
 may be rendered answerable for their conduct. It shall be our 
 endeavor, as it is our duty, to impress this principle, that it is ex- 
 treme folly for men to expect they shall promote their real in- 
 terests by a contempt for the laws of their country. The fortifica- 
 tions at Wyoming we would have leveled and totally destroyed, 
 and the cannons, arms, removed to Sunbury and there safely de- 
 posited." 
 
 Writing of the work done by Armstrong and Boyd, John 
 Franklin, one of the leaders of the Connecticut men, records : 
 "August 14th. The Locust Hill party being coupled two and two 
 in irons, and all bound together with ropes, were sent to Easton 
 under guard. As they were marching off, Armstrong gave or- 
 ders to the guard, that if any prisoner attempted to make his es- 
 cape to put the whole immediately to death, and that government 
 would indemnify them for so doing. August 19th. Forty-two 
 others were bound together with ropes in a team and sent under 
 a military guard to Sunbury goal. The Sheriff of the county 
 (Henry Antes) proposed to take charge of the whole that were 
 to be sent to Sunbury before they left Wyoming, and to be ac- 
 countable for them all, but could not be permitted. In a word, 
 during the confinement of the prisoners at Wyoming they were 
 treated in a most cruel and barbarous manner, suffered with hun- 
 ger, and suffocated in a nauseous prison for the want of fresh air, 
 and insulted by a banditti of ruffians; the prisoners were not even 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 41 5 
 
 suffered to go out of their house to perform their most necessary 
 occasions of nature for the term of nine clays. (Franklin.)" 
 
 In the story of the settlement of Northumberland, we re- 
 lated the coming of Robert Martin from the Wyoming Valley, 
 driven out by the aggressions of the Connecticut settlers. His 
 opinions of them were not at all favorable, and he could relate 
 many flagrant instances of their insults and oppressions. At this 
 time he was one of the justices of the county, and was sent to the 
 valley to do his part in restoring order. He witnessed the doings 
 and the arrogance of Armstrong, and was so incensed by it that 
 on August 14th, 1784, he wrote the following letter, explaining 
 what had been done and how the prejudice of men had overruled 
 justice : 
 
 "I beg leave to give you a detail of matters at this place. 
 I must confess I am much disappointed as to the conduct of the 
 Commissioners, to wit, Captain Boyd and Colonel Armstrong. 
 Esquire Mead and myself repaired to this place in obedience to 
 our instructions from Council, a copy of which you will call on 
 Council for, and peruse, whereby you'll find we are required by 
 every legal means in our power to investigate matters and to pro- 
 ceed impartially in order that offenders of every description may 
 be brought to justice. At our arrival we found that both the 
 Pennsylvania and Connecticut parties had actually proceeded to 
 hostilities, which we are well assured began five miles from the 
 garrison, on Shawney Plains, about the 20th of July last. Which 
 party first began the fire at that time we cannot, with certainty, 
 say ; but we view both parties guilty of hostilities. Previous to this 
 it can be proved that numbers of the Connecticut party have been 
 fired upon by the other party when they were about their lawful 
 business. But to return to the subject of our mission or duty, 
 soon after we came to this place we called on the Connecticut party 
 in the name of the Commonwealth to lay down their arms and sub- 
 mit themselves to the laws. Which they accordingly did, which 
 will appear by papers enclosed in our letter to Council of the 6th 
 inst. August, and at the same time declaring their willingness at 
 all times to be law-abiding. We accordingly made a demand of 
 a like nature of Patterson and his party, or in other words, the 
 Pennsylvania party ; their answer was that they would comply, but 
 said they would everyone be murdered by the Connecticut party. 
 We, in answer to them, said we did not apprehend the least 
 
41 6 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 danger from their opponents, as they had solemnly engaged to us 
 they would not molest or hurt one of them on any pretence what- 
 ever. We further assured them that we would not ask them to 
 deliver their arms to us before we put the arms of the Connecticut 
 party on board the boat, within sight of the Garrison; but all our 
 arguments and proposals were to no purpose. Then we returned 
 to the Connecticut party and informed them that they were at 
 liberty to take up their arms and disperse, and go to their habita- 
 tions about their lawful business, which we believe they did, as 
 we were of opinion that it would not be prudent to disarm one 
 party and not the other. Our proposals to both parties were, that 
 if they would submit to the laws and deliver up their arms to us, 
 we would put as many of the leading men of both parties as we 
 should see proper in custody of the Sheriff, to be taken to Sun- 
 bury. Had these proposals been complied with by Patterson and 
 his party, we should have had no use for the Commissioners or 
 militia, which plan we thought most likely to answer the object of 
 government and quiet the minds of the people, and at the same 
 time be acting up to our instructions from Council. We had sol- 
 emnly engaged to the Connecticut party on their submission they 
 should have equal justice with the other party and the benefit of 
 the law, which engagement we made known to the Commissioners 
 on their arrival, who approved of our conduct and assured us that 
 they were sent here to do complete justice, without distinction of 
 parties ; which gave us the highest expectations that matters would 
 soon be settled in such a manner as would do honor to govern- 
 ment; but to our astonishment, no sooner had the Connecticut men 
 yielded themselves prisoners and laid down their arms to the Com- 
 missioners, they were immediately marched under a strong guard 
 and crowded into two small houses unfit for the reception of any 
 human being; at the same time, to the great mortification of those 
 prisoners, and contrary, as they say, to the promise of the Com- 
 missioners, were insulted by the other party with their arms in 
 their hands, which we think by no means accords with the declara- 
 tion of the Commissioners, which was that they were sent here 
 to do complete justice. It appears very clear to us that the pro- 
 ceedings now at this place are carried on so unfairly, partial and 
 unlawful that we despair of establishing peace and good order in 
 this part of the county; therefore, as for my own part, think it 
 not prudent to act for the future in my office unless properly sup- 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 417 
 
 ported, as we are very sure nothing short of law, impartially dis- 
 tributed, without distinction, will ever restore peace and quiet the 
 minds of the people of this place. Sorry we are, and with re- 
 luctance we mention the partial proceedings here by the officers of 
 government, but at the same time think it our indispensable duty 
 to bear testimony against them ; we are much alarmed at the hor- 
 rid abuse of power lodged in the hands of designing and biased 
 men ; we fear eventually it may bring on an intestine war between 
 the States, to prevent which we hope the authority of Pennsyl- 
 vania will execute justice to every citizen thereof. The Connecticut 
 party have generally declared themselves as such by taking the oath 
 of allegiance to this State, as directed by law. God forbid that I 
 should have any desire or inclination to favor the Connecticut 
 party or their claims. I can honestly declare that I should be as 
 well pleased to see them legally removed from this place as any 
 man in the State, as my interests here are under the Pennsylvania 
 right. It must appear to every one acquainted with this circum- 
 stance much to my interest to see them dispossessed. I again say 
 that I have nothing in view respecting the unhappy dispute here, 
 but to do equal justice to every person, as I hope my conduct will 
 at all times stand the test and I be esteemed a faithful servant to 
 government." 
 
 President John Dickinson, whose humanity had been shown 
 in desiring supplies to be sent to the inhabitants suffering from 
 the ice flood, and whose sense of justice, as well as ideas of policy, 
 was shocked by the violences committed on the people, now en- 
 couraged by the proceedings of the Council of Censors, interposed 
 in this feeling and impressive strain on October 5th, 1784: "To 
 the Supreme Executive Council. Gentlemen: Being still indis- 
 posed and unable to attend in Council to-day, I think it my duty, 
 notwithstanding what has been already offered, to request that 
 you will be pleased further to consider the propriety of calling a 
 body of militia into actual service on the intelligence yet received 
 and in the manner proposed. If the intention is that the militia 
 should assist the Pennsylvania claimants in securing the corn 
 planted on the lands from which the settlers were expelled last 
 spring, such a procedure will drive those settlers into absolute des- 
 pair. Thev will have no alternative but to fight for the corn, or 
 suffer, perhaps to perish for want of it in the coming winter. 
 The Commissioners have informed the Council that their deter- 
 
 27 
 
4l8 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 mination on that alternative will most probably be * * * * 
 * * * They will regard this step as the commencement of 
 a war against them, and perhaps others, whose sentiments are of 
 vastly more importance, may be of the same opinion. I am per- 
 fectly convinced of the uncommon merit of Colonel Armstrong, 
 but the appointment of an adjutant general upon this occasion 
 and bestowing that appointment on the secretary of the Council, 
 when it is well known that the settlers view him in the light of an 
 enemy, are circumstances that may promote unfavorable construc- 
 tion of the conduct of government. The public bodies which have 
 lately assembled in this city have fully testified their disapproba- 
 tion of hostilities on account of the disputes at Wyoming; and 
 upon the whole, there is too much reason to be persuaded that the 
 plan now meditated will, if carried into execution, produce very 
 unhappy consequences. Knowing the uprightness of your inten- 
 tions, gentlemen, I feel great pain in dissenting from your judg- 
 ment; and if the measure is pursued, from esteem to you and 
 affection for the Commonwealth, I have only to wish, as I most 
 heartily do, that I may be proved by the event to have been mis- 
 taken." 
 
 This letter did not restrain the Assembly in their course. 
 When the militia were called out, those of Bucks and Berks coun- 
 ties refused to go. On September 15th, 1784, the Assembly pass- 
 ed a resolution, ordering the settlers to have their possessions re- 
 stored to them. 
 
 From this letter it is plainly to be seen the President and 
 the Secretary of the Council were not in accord on the manner 
 of dealing with the recalcitrant settlers. John Dickinson was 
 a thoughtful man, disposed to look honestly and fairly at the 
 questions presented to him. His great heart enabled him to 
 see how the people would suffer from extreme measures, and he 
 had no wish to be thus cruel to them. The Assembly was not 
 as courteous, and they acted according to the spirit of intense 
 partisans, unrestrained by the more judicious and tender heart 
 of their absent President. The attitude of the Assembly laid 
 the foundation for action as indicated in the following letters: 
 
 Secretary John Armstrong to John Weitzel, October 1st, 
 17X4. "Sir: Tt is the desire of Council that you will procure 
 and transport a quantity of provisions, viz: Hour. beef. salt, 
 and rum, as immediately as possible to Wyoming,there to be de- 
 
STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 419 
 
 posited under the care of such persons as you may appoint to 
 receive it. You may calculate upon one hundred men for a 
 fortnight. The emergency which makes this business so ex- 
 tremely interesting to Council and important to the State will 
 not admit of a moment's delay, and makes it necessary again to 
 engage your industry and management in the service of the pub- 
 lic." 
 
 Armstrong to Henry Antes of the same date. "Sir: You 
 are hereby directed to proceed immediately upon the receipt 
 of this to raise the posse-comitatus of the county of North- 
 umberland, and with them proceed under the direction of the 
 Magistracy to apprehend and secure the persons concerned in 
 the late violation of the peace at Wyoming, and more particu- 
 larly the persons whose names are hereafter mentioned." 
 
 We now come to the final act in the Wyoming affair, so 
 far as the Magistracy and the Sheriff of Northumberland county 
 are concerned. In 1785, Justice Meade was awakened from 
 his slumbers by hearing sounds in his meadow. Looking out 
 of his window he saw a number of men mowing in his fields. 
 He expressed his protest as vigorously as was possible for him 
 to do, but the answer he received was to the effect that there 
 was no use trying to fix matters, for it was the old question of 
 Yankee and Pennymite. Justice Meade was thoroughly alarm- 
 ed, and not knowing what might be done further by these law- 
 less neighbors, barricaded his house and prepared to defend his 
 possessions. He also sent to the Sheriff at Sunbury, demand- 
 ing writs for the arrest of those who had invaded his premises. 
 Sheriff Antes did not come in person, but sent his deputy, Ma- 
 jor Crawford, who attempted to serve the writs but could not 
 find the people, for there were nearly forty of them on the lists. 
 Major Crawford left the writs in the hands of Colonel Butler, 
 to give to the persons named, and to request them voluntarily 
 to present themselves at Sunbury and enter bail for their ap- 
 pearance in response to the writs. Justice Meade was so dis- 
 pleased by this way of having his case treated, that he entered 
 complaint before the Executive Council at Philadelphia. The 
 following is the record of their action : 
 
 "Supreme Executive Council, July nth, 1785. A con- 
 ference with the Honorable, the Judges of the Supreme Court, 
 being held, it was resolved, that the Judges of the Supreme 
 
420 STRUGGLING FOR POSSESSION. 
 
 Court be requested forthwith to take the deposition of William 
 Willson, the person sent down by David Meade, Esquire, to is- 
 sue warrants against the rioters and to proceed by way of at- 
 tachment against the Sheriff of Northumberland county for 
 misbehavior." 
 
 Although the President, John Dickinson, had been a per- 
 sonal acquaintance and friend of Henry Antes for many years, 
 the representations that Justice Meade made of the action of the 
 Sheriff seemed to mark them as strange and without excuse. 
 Laboring under this impression, and knowing how the sympa- 
 thies of Sheriff Antes had been with the men now under indict- 
 ment, the following letter is written to Sheriff Antes : 
 
 "In Council, July 12th, 1785. Sir: At a conference yes- 
 terday with the Honorable, the Judges of the Supreme Court, 
 they produced several depositions representing your conduct as 
 very extraordinary and detrimental to the peace of your county. 
 We therefore think it our duty, immediately and in the strong- 
 est manner, to enjoin your instant and effectual execution of 
 any process against offenders at or near Wyoming that has or 
 shall come to your hands, and for this purpose, and also to en- 
 force due obedience to the laws of the State, you forthwith re- 
 pair to that place, where, we understand, many persons are col- 
 lected in a riotous manner, having injured several peaceable citi- 
 zens, and threaten further to injure them. Your own prudence 
 will dictate to you how interesting your behavior on this occa- 
 sion must necessarily be to yourself, as well as to the State. I 
 am, sir, your very humble servant, John Dickinson." 
 
 As a result of these statements, Sheriff Antes found it 
 necessary to go down to Philadelphia and answer in person the 
 charges there presented. Captain Schott was the principal 
 witness on the side of Justice Meade. After the Council had 
 considered the matter, Sheriff Antes returned to his duties as 
 the Sheriff of the county, and Justice Meade returned to his 
 home in Wyoming, to arrange his affairs to leave it forever. It 
 was clearly seen there could be no more peace for him in that 
 place. He had been a faithful servant of the Pennymites in the 
 land troubles, and they did not now desert him. A tract of land 
 was given him in the western part of the State as compensation 
 ft >r his 1< »sses, and he removed to it. There he founded the town 
 of Meadeville, and amassed a considerable fortune from the sale 
 of lots. Thus his misfortunes became his good fortune. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 PROGRESS AND END OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 STATEMENT BY Charles Miner of the Wyoming troubles. 
 "Meanwhile the inhabitants were not idle. Knowing the 
 influence of public opinion, they sent petitions to the 
 Pennsylvania Assembly, to the Assembly of Connecticut and to 
 Congress, setting forth their wrongs and praying for redress. 
 With commendable promptitude, the Pennsylvania Assembly 
 appointed the members from Northampton county, viz., Jacob 
 Arndt, Jacob Stroud, Jonas Hartzel and Robert Brown, Es- 
 quires, a committee to repair to Wyoming and examine into the 
 charges made. Having arrived on the 29th of December, and 
 given notice to accusers and accused, they proceeded to take 
 depositions, remaining in the valley about ten days. Hearing 
 that new and ex parte depositions had been sent clown by Jus- 
 tice Patterson, a second petition was sent forward by the set- 
 tlers declaring their entire submission to the constitution and 
 laws of Pennsylvania, as became good citizens, and beseeching 
 protection. The whole matter was referred to a committee, 
 which reported January 23d, 1784, briefly, that there was noth- 
 ing proved which could not be remedied by process of law, and 
 that there was no evidence that the irregularities were authoriz- 
 ed or sanctioned by Justice Patterson. Daniel Clymer, Esquire, 
 of Berks county, rose, and reading one of the depositions, de- 
 clared there was evidence enough in that to show that Alexan- 
 der Patterson ought to be removed. General Robert Brown 
 said he was certain no member of the house could imagine him 
 in the interests of the people of Wyoming beyond the bounds of 
 truth and a desire to do justice. He had visited Wyoming, as 
 one of the committee upon the subject, and had heard all the evi- 
 dence upon both sides. The wrongs and sufferings of the peo- 
 ple of Wyoming he was constrained to declare were intolera- 
 ble. If there were ever on earth a people deserving redress, it 
 was those people. Let the depositions lying on the table be 
 
422 PROGRESS -VXD END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 read, and afford the House an opportunity to judge. An evi- 
 dent desire was manifested to get rid of the subject; the land- 
 holders' interest predominating-. Speaker Gray somewhat ir- 
 regularly remarked from the chair that Justice Patterson had re- 
 turned to Wyoming; that he could not be prosecuted without 
 being present ; that the session was drawing to a close, and im- 
 portant business pressing, which must be laid over, if this mat- 
 ter was pressed. In accordance with these suggestions the sub- 
 ject was allowed to rest. While these measures were in agita- 
 tion, the policy of Justice Patterson was displayed in causing a 
 petition to be presented, signed by names distinguished among 
 the settlers, complying with his demands, relinquishing the pre- 
 tended claim under Connecticut and soliciting the bounty of the 
 Assembly, which was somewhat ostentatiously extended to the 
 grants being made to Shepherd, Spalding, and a dozen others, 
 of lands in the western part of the State. The gentlemen an- 
 swering to those names among the settlers disavowed the pro- 
 ceedings, and whatever became of those land warrants we have 
 been unable to learn. 
 
 Other influences, in free States ever potent, began now to 
 affect the interests of the settlers. At the preceding fall elec- 
 tion Captain Simon Spaulding and twenty-three others repaired 
 to Northumberland, some of them traveling a hundred miles, 
 and none of them less than sixty, to reach the nearest place for 
 balloting. After taking the oath of allegiance, their ballots 
 were deposited in separate boxes lest they should be deemed ir- 
 regular ; but this caused it to be known for whom they voted. 
 So nearly were parties divided that these twenty-four votes de- 
 cided the election of a member of the Supreme Executive Coun- 
 cil, two Representatives to the Assembly (one of these was 
 Frederick Antes) and the Sheriff. Justice Patterson remon- 
 strated vehemently but unsuccessfully against the commission 
 being given to Henry Antes, Esquire, thus chosen Sheriff of 
 Northumberland county. The Assembly rejected the votes 
 for members, which produced a protest from the minority, brief, 
 but so well drawn, and being the first political Pennsylvania 
 party movement bearing on the affairs of Wyoming, we insert 
 it entire : 
 
 "We, whose names are hereto subscribed, considering the 
 security of elections the only safeguard of public liberty and the 
 
PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 423 
 
 peace of the State, do protest against the determination of the 
 House on the Northumberland election, for the following rea- 
 sons : We conceive the twenty-four votes set aside as illegal 
 were given by legal voters, inasmuch as the persons giving them 
 were in fact in the government (though not in the territory) of 
 Connecticut, which exercised a full jurisdiction over them until 
 the decree at Trenton. We observe that allowing it to be Con- 
 necticut, as was contended, until the decree at Trenton, then 
 they may be deemed persons coming from another. State, who, 
 producing certificates of their having taken the oath to this 
 State, become by law entitled to vote ; this it was fully proved 
 they had done. Of this construction we apprehend there is 
 clear aiid express precedent in the case of the inhabitants of 
 Westmoreland and Washington, on the settlement of the Vir- 
 ginia line, who were admitted to vote immediately as persons 
 coming from another State. 
 
 "We cannot but lament the fatal policy, which, instead of 
 conciliating these people and adopting them as our subjects 
 and citizens, and endearing them to us in political bands, we are 
 straining the laws against them, and the adopted inhabitants 
 of Virginia, and hold ourselves clear of the consequences which 
 must flow from such unadvised proceedings, which, in our judg- 
 ment, has a strong tendency to revive the dispute which may 
 yet do under the Articles of Confederation, and drive them back 
 to the jurisdiction of Connecticut, which will be more ready to 
 receive them, and renew the old claim, when they find the ac- 
 tual settlers excluded from the common privileges of the citi- 
 zens of this State. Therefore, we wish it to be known to our 
 constituents, and to the world at large, that we have borne our 
 testimony against the determination on said election." 
 
 It seemed as if the very elements had conspired to aug- 
 ment the woes, or to try the fortitude of the Wyoming people. 
 After a winter of unusual severity, about the middle of March 
 the weather became suddenly warm, and on the 13th and 14th 
 rain fell in torrents, melting the deep snows throughout all the 
 hills and valleys in the upper regions watered by the Susque- 
 hanna. "The following day," says Chapman, "the ice in the 
 river began to break up and the streams rose with great rapid- 
 ity. The ice first gave way at the different rapids, and floating 
 down in great masses lodged against the frozen surface of the 
 
4^4 PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 more gentle parts of the river, where it remained firm. In this 
 manner several large clams were formed, which caused such an 
 accumulation of water that the river overflowed all its banks, 
 and one general inundation overspread the extensive plains of 
 Wyoming. The inhabitants took refuge on the surrounding 
 heights and saw their property exposed to the fury of the waters. 
 At length the upper dam gave way and the huge masses of ice 
 were scattered in every direction. The deluge bore down upon 
 the dams below — which successively yielded to the insupporta- 
 ble burden, and the whole went off with the noise of contending 
 storms. Houses, barns, fences, stacks of hay and grain were 
 swept off in the general destruction, to be seen no more. The 
 plain on which the village of Wilkesbarre is built, was covered 
 with heaps of ice. which continued a great portion of the follow- 
 ing summer. Reduced by successive visitations of ill-fortune 
 to poverty, this providential infliction sweeping off many dwel- 
 lings with their furniture, rude though they were, hasty substi- 
 tutes for those the savages had destroyed ; the loss of provisions, 
 clothing, cattle and hay, left numbers a prey to extreme suffer- 
 ings, which their neighbors were in no condition to relieve. 
 Learning the distressing event. President Dickinson (with grati- 
 tude and honor be it recorded) sent the following message to 
 the Assembly on the 31st of March: 
 
 "Gentlemen: The late inundation having reduced many of 
 the inhabitants of Wyoming to great distress, we should be glad 
 your honorable House would make some immediate provision 
 for their relief." 
 
 Pennsylvania, in every other instance just to a scruple and 
 generous to profusion, yet under the influence of land specula- 
 tors, the Assembly labored under too deep a prejudice to re- 
 gard the settlers as objects of commiseration or charity, and no 
 aid was afforded. The welcome and abundant shad fishing that 
 ensued, alone prevented actual starvation. \\'itli the opening 
 of spring, the soldiery began to remove fences, disregarding the 
 Connecticut boundaries, and establishing those of the Pennsyl- 
 vania surveys. Resistance was made, and a determination 
 avowed not to submit peaceably to the measure, the people in- 
 sisting on a legal trial, declaring that to a regular and fair judi- 
 cial decision they would yield implicit if not cheerful obedience, 
 forthwith more vigorous and decisive measures were resolved 
 
PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 425 
 
 upon, and Justice Patterson, to prepare the mind of Council, 
 wrote to the President the last of April the following pregnant 
 intimation: "I therefore humbly hope that if any dangerous 
 or seditious commotion should arise in this county, so remote 
 from the seat of government, that it may not be construed into 
 a want of zeal or love for the commonwealth, if we should, 
 through dire necessity, be obliged to do something not strictly 
 consonant to the letter of the law." 
 
 On the 13th and 14th of May the soldiery were sent forth, 
 and at the point of the bayonet, with the most high-handed ar- 
 rogance, dispossessed a hundred and fifty families; in many in- 
 stances set fire to their dwellings, avowing the intention utterly 
 to expel them from the country. Unable to make any effectual 
 resistance, the people implored for leave to remove either up or 
 down the river in boats, as with their wives and children in the 
 state of the roads it would be impossible to travel. A stern re- 
 fusal met this seemingly reasonable request, and they were di- 
 rected to take the Lackawaxen road, as leading most directly to 
 Connecticut. But this way consisted of sixty miles of wilderness 
 with scarcely a house, the roads wholly neglected during the war, 
 and they then begged leave to take the Easton or the Stroudsburg 
 road, where bridges spanned the larger streams still swollen with 
 recent rains. All importunities were in vain, and the people fled 
 toward the Delaware, objects of destitution and pity that should 
 have moved a heart of marble. About five hundred men. women 
 and children, with scarce provisions to sustain life, plodded their 
 weary way, mostly on foot, the road being impassable for wagons ; 
 mothers carrying their infants and pregnant women literally 
 waded streams, the water reaching to their armpits, and at night 
 slept on the naked earth, the Heavens their canopy, with scarce 
 clothes to cover them. A Mr. Gardner and John Jenkins. Esq., 
 (who had been a representative in the Connecticut iVssembly, and 
 was chairman of the town meeting, which, in 1775, had adopted 
 those noble resolutions in favor of liberty), both aged men and 
 lame, sought their way on crutches. Little children, tired with 
 traveling, crying to their mothers for bread, which they had not 
 to give them, sunk from exhaustion into stillness and slumber; 
 while the mothers could only shed tears of sorrow and compassion, 
 till in sleep they forgot their grief and cares. Several of the un- 
 happy sufferers died in the wilderness, others were taken sick from 
 
4^6 PROGRESS AXD EXD OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 excessive fatigue and expired soon after reaching the settlement. 
 A widow, whose husband had been slain in the war, endured in- 
 expressible hardships. One child died, and she buried it as she 
 could beneath a hemlock log, probably to be disinterred from its 
 shallow covering and be devoured by wolves. 
 
 Wherever the news of this outrage extended, not on the 
 Wyi nning settlers alone, but on the common rights of humanity 
 and justice, feelings of indignation were awakened and expressed 
 too emphatic to be disregarded. In no part of the Union were the 
 sympathies of the people more generously aroused than among 
 the just and good people of Pennsylvania. The influence brought 
 to bear on the government produced the instant dismissal of the 
 troops, and Captains Shrawder and Christie were ordered, on the 
 13th of June, to discharge their respective companies. Justice 
 Patterson forthwith, by his own authority, re-enlisted for the land 
 claimants about one-half of the most desperate already in their 
 interest, in whom he could rely, and set at once the settlers and 
 the Commonwealth at defiance. Henry Antes, Sheriff of North- 
 umberland county, on learing the disorders that prevailed, has- 
 tened to Wyoming to restore, if possible, the reign of law. [Mes- 
 sengers were despatched after the exiles with invitations to return 
 and promises of protection. Gladdened by these cheering tidings, 
 the settlers returned, assisted by the never failing benevolence of 
 the people of New Jersey and Pennsylvania along the Delaware ; 
 but on their arrival they found that Sheriff Antes was pi iwerless 
 against the illegal and desperate forces of Patterson. No homes 
 opened their doors to receive them, for their farms were in the 
 possession of others. Thus situated they encamped among the 
 clefts of the rocks on the eastern mountains, where a cave was 
 strengthened for their headquarters, and received the name of 
 Fort Lillope. Justice Patterson, unbroken in spirit and inflamed 
 to the most vengeful resentment by the return of the fugitives, 
 sent a flag of truce and offered to those who had resided in Wil- 
 kesbarre leave to return to their habitations in town, promising 
 them protection. Several men who placed confidence enough in 
 his honor to visit the place, were seized, tied up and cruelly beaten 
 with iron ramrods. Sheriff Antes, being set at defiance by the 
 now lawless garrison, returned to Northumberland, inculcating 
 patience and promising early assistance to the people. Tired of 
 their comfortless residence, Fort Lillope, which had been occupied 
 
PROGRESS AND END OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 427 
 
 since the 30th of May, was abandoned on the 3d of July, and the 
 Yankees removed to Kingston, taking up their quarters at Abra- 
 ham's (now .Turtle's) creek. 
 
 In the meantime a company of thirty young men had asso- 
 ciated to defend the settlers and secure the ripening harvests. 
 Armed and prepared for labor or war, on the 20th of July, they 
 were marching from Kingston to Shawney, when, on Ross Hill, 
 they met a larger party of Patterson's new levies, who opened fire 
 upon the Yankees, by which Elisha Garret and Chester Pierce 
 were slain. The Yankees promptly returned the fire, by which 
 several of Patterson's men were wounded. The dead were buried 
 amid deep execrations at the cruelty of Patterson, which had led 
 to this civil war, mingling with the cries of woe. A general rally 
 of the settlers, able to bear arms, was the consequence. Forty- 
 two effective and twenty old men mustered under Captain John 
 Franklin, at Kingston, marched down the west side of the river 
 to Shawney, dispossessing every Pennsylvania family, except, 
 from humanity, those of the wounded men. Franklin then cross- 
 ed over to Nanticoke and marched up, turning out every settler 
 that did not hold under the Connecticut claim, driving them to the 
 Fort, which was immediately surrounded. Civil war to blood 
 now openly prevailed. With equal spirit and policy the garrison, 
 to dispossess the Yankees of several houses from which they were 
 annoyed, made a sortie and set fire to twenty-three buildings, 
 which were consumed. The Fort mounted four pieces of cannon, 
 the ancient four pounder and three others left by Sullivan's army, 
 but destitute of suitable ammunition. The small arms with cart- 
 ridges, provided for the companies of Shrawder and Christie, 
 amounting to a hundred and thirty, were in good condition and 
 afforded the besieged party, consisting of more than a hundred 
 men, ample means of resistance. From time to time messengers 
 arrived from Northumberland, dissuading from hostilities and 
 promising protection from the civil authorities. Well inclined 
 as the Magistrates doubtless were, they had no authority to em- 
 body an armed force, without which their presence in the existing 
 state of excited passions would, they well imagined, prove wholly 
 inefficacious. Having taken possession of the grist mill at Mill 
 creek, the only one in the settlement, the settlers kept it running 
 night and day to provide flour for themselves and their friends 
 for future emergencies, as well as for present wants. Captain 
 
428 PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 John Franklin was entrusted with the command of the besieging 
 forces, and before storming the Fort sent in the following sum- 
 mons: "Gentlemen: In the name and behalf of the inhabitants 
 of this place who hold their lands under the Conecticut claim, and 
 were lately without law, or even the color of law, driven from 
 their possessions in a hostile and unconstitutional manner, we, in 
 the name of those injured and incensed inhabitants, demand an 
 immediate surrender of your garrison into our hands, together 
 with our possessions and property: which, if complied with, you 
 shall be treated with humanity and commiseration, otherwise the 
 consequences shall prove fatal and bloody to every person found 
 in the garrison. We give you two hours for a decisive answer, 
 and will receive the same at Mr. Bailey's." The summons was 
 received with scorn. A vigorous attack was made on the Fort; 
 several lives were lost, both parties being sufferers, but the Yan- 
 kees were compelled to retire, and took up their former position at 
 Forty Fort. 
 
 Forty of the Pennsylvania party concerned in the expul- 
 sion of the inhabitants, among whom were Justice Patterson 
 and Major James Moore, were indicted by the Grand Jury at 
 Sunbury, and Sheriff Antes was sent to Wyoming to arrest 
 them; but his efforts were unavailing, as Patterson and Moore, 
 secure behind their ramparts, set him and his authority at de- 
 fiance. At a trial subsequently held, Chief Justice McKean 
 presiding, the majesty of the law was nobly vindicated; the riot- 
 ers (who mortifyingly enough had been arrested by Franklin 
 and Swift, Yankee leaders deputed by the Sheriff), severely 
 fined. The charge of the Judge was long remembered for its 
 just sentiments, its deep feeling, and the impressive manner in 
 which it was delivered ; but the fines were never collected. 
 
 In obedience to orders from the Supreme Executive Coun- 
 cil. Thomas Hewitt, Esquire, a Justice of the Peace, accompan- 
 ied by John Scott. Esquire, Coroner for Northumberland 
 county, repaired to Wyoming, where they arrived on the 29th 
 of July. A few days afterward they were joined by Sheriff 
 Antes .-nid Justices Meade and Martin, with directions, by the 
 interposition of the authority of the Commonwealth with both 
 parties, to put a stop to hostilities. But the Yankees, having 
 learned that an armed force, partly collected in Xew Jersey, 
 were assembling at Larner's, under the command of Major 
 
PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 429 
 
 Moore, to reinforce Patterson, had previously detached Captain 
 John Smith, a determined officer, with thirty picked men, to 
 meet,, dislodge and defeat them before they could reach the val- 
 ley. It was certainly unfortunate, for on the 2d of August, the 
 day Sheriff Antes and the Magistrates arrived, Swift met an ad- 
 vanced party at Locust Hill ; a battle ensued, one of Moore's 
 men was killed, and several others wounded on both sides, when 
 both parties retired, Moore to Eastern and Swift to his post at 
 Kingston. In this instance, the Yankees were charged with an 
 unprovoked murder, as the men attacked were in Northamp- 
 ton county, and had not participated in the disturbances at Wy- 
 oming. It was defended as a measure of absolute necessity, 
 and justifiable self-defence, the destination and object of the 
 troops being perfectly understood, and their commander being 
 Major Moore, the active oppressor of the settlers and confiden- 
 tial coadjutor of Patterson's. It afterwards appeared that 
 Moore's company was the advanced guard of a larger force, 
 raised by order of the Supreme Executive Council, and placed 
 under the command of Colonel John Armstrong, Secretary, 
 and the Honorable John Boyd, a member of the Council, who 
 were appointed Commissioners to restore the reign of law and 
 order in the disturbed district. Three hundred infantry and 
 fifteen light dragoons were ordered to be raised from the mi- 
 litia of Northampton and placed at their disposal. Previous to 
 the arrival of Colonel Armstrong, negotiations had been opened 
 by the Magistrates with both contending parties. The letters 
 which passed, their comunications to the President of Council, 
 and their report to Messrs. Boyd and Armstrong, are regarded 
 of great importance, as they show officially and incontestably 
 that the Wyoming people were the suffering party ; willing to 
 pay obedience to the laws, but driven to arms by unendurable 
 oppression. The sufferings of the Connecticut people had ex- 
 cited indignation and pity throughout the whole country, and 
 several Green Mountain boys, who had gone through a similar 
 struggle with the authorities of New York, had come to Wy- 
 oming and volunteered their assistance to the settlers. 
 
 By the first Constitution of Pennsylvania, which was estab- 
 lished immediately after the Declaration of Independence, the 
 government of the Commonwealth was vested in a House of 
 Representatives and a President and Council. Another Conn- 
 
430 PROGRESS AND END OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 cil was also established, called the Council of Censors, who were 
 chosen by the people, and directed to meet every seventh year, 
 "And whose duty it shall be," says the constitution, "to inquire 
 whether the Constitution has been preserved inviolate in every 
 part, and whether the legislative and executive branches of the 
 government have performed their duty as guardians of the peo- 
 ple, or assumed to themselves, or exercised other or greater 
 powers than they are entitled to by the Constitution. They 
 are also to inquire whether the public taxes have been justly 
 laid and collected in all parts of the Commonwealth ; in what 
 manner the public moneys have been disposed of. and whether 
 the laws have been duly executed. For these purposes they 
 shall have power to send for persons, papers and records. They 
 shall have authority to pass public censures, to order impeach- 
 ments, and to recommend to the Legislature the repealing of 
 such laws as appear to them to have been enacted contrary to 
 the principles of the Constitution." 
 
 This Council met in Philadelphia in the summer of 1784, 
 and took up the case of the Wyoming settlers. The Assembly 
 refused to obey their demand for the records of the disturb- 
 ances, and all actions concerning it. Then the Censors made 
 this declaration: 
 
 "It is the opinion of this Council that the decision made at 
 Trenton early in 1783, between the State of Connecticut and 
 this Commonwealth, concerning the territorial rights of both, 
 was favorable to Pennsylvania. It likewise promised the hap- 
 piest consequences to the confederacy, as an example was there- 
 by set of two contending sovereignties adjusting their differ- 
 ences in a court of justice instead of involving themselves, and 
 perhaps their confederates, in war and bloodshed. It is much 
 to be regretted that this happy event was not improved on the 
 part of this State, as it might have been. That the persons 
 claiming lands at and near Wyoming, occupied by the emi- 
 grants from Connecticut, now become subjects of Pennsylvania, 
 were not left to prosecute their claims in the proper course with- 
 out the intervention of Legislature. That a body of troops was 
 enlisted after the Indian war had ceased, and the civil govern- 
 ment had been established, and stationed at Wyoming for no 
 other apparent purpose than that of promoting the interests of 
 the claimants of the former grants of Pennsylvania. That 
 
PROGRESS AND END OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 43 I 
 
 these troops were kept up and continued there without the li- 
 cense of Congress, in violation of the confederation. That they 
 were suffered, without restraint, to injure and oppress the 
 neighboring inhabitants during the course of the last winter. 
 That the injuries done to these people excited the compassion 
 and interposition of the State of Connecticut, who thereupon 
 demanded of Congress another hearing, in order to investigate 
 the private claims of the settlers at Wyoming, formerly inhabi- 
 tants of New England, who from this instance of partiality in 
 our own rulers, have been led to distrust the justice of the 
 State, when in the meantime numbers of these soldiers and 
 other disorderly persons, in a most riotous and inhuman manner 
 expelled the New England settlers before mentioned, and drove 
 them towards the Delaware through unsettled and almost im- 
 passable ways, leaving those unhappy outcasts to suffer every 
 species of misery and distress. That this armed force, station- 
 ed as aforesaid at Wyoming, as far as we can see without any 
 public advantage in view, has cost the Commonwealth the sum 
 of four thousand four hundred and sixty pounds and upwards, 
 for the bare levying, providing, and paying of them, besides 
 other expenditures of public moneys. That the authority for 
 embodying these troops was given privately and unknown to 
 the good people of Pennsylvania, the same being directed by a 
 mere resolve of the House of Assembly, brought in and read the 
 first time on Monday, the 2.2.A of September, 1783, when, on mo- 
 tion and on special order, the same was read the second time 
 and adopted. That the putting of this resolve on the secret 
 journal of the House, and concealing it from the people after 
 the war with the savages had ceased, and the inhabitants of 
 Wyoming had submitted to the government of the State, suffi- 
 ciently marks and fixes the clandestine and partial interests of 
 the armament, no such condition having been thought neces- 
 sary in the defence of the northern and western frontiers during 
 the late war. And lastly, we regret the fatal example which 
 this transaction has set of private persons, at least equally able 
 with their opponents to maintain their own cause, procuring the 
 interest of the commonwealth in their behalf, and the aid of the 
 public treasury. The opprobrium which from hence has re- 
 sulted to this State, and the dissatisfaction and prospect of dis- 
 sension now existing: with one of our sister States, the violation 
 
43-2 PROGRESS AND END OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 of the confederation and the injury hereby done to such of the 
 Pennsylvania claimants of lands at Wyoming, occupied as afore- 
 said, as have given no countenance to but on the contrary 
 have disavowed these extravagant proceedings. In short, we 
 lament that our government has in this business manifested lit- 
 tle wisdom or foresight; nor have acted as guardians of the 
 rights of the people committed to their care. Impressed with 
 the multiplied evils which have sprung from the imprudent man- 
 agement of this business, we hold it up to public censure, to pre- 
 vent, if possible, further instances of bad government which 
 might convulse and distract our new formed nation." 
 
 Frederick A. Muhlenberg was President of the Council. 
 
 The Assembly disregarded this communication. 
 
 The conduct of Sheriff Antes, in the Wyoming affair, can 
 now be judged as a matter of history. Then, in the thickest of 
 the fray, he could not please both sides to the controversy. As 
 an officer of Pennsylvania it was his duty to uphold the laws of 
 the State, and yet he had no right to go beyond the plain legal 
 requirements of the case. What this included was the question 
 for him to meet before the Council of Censors, who would review 
 his entire course. It is gratifying to know that he seemed to act 
 on the line of their judgments, and not on the line of the Assem- 
 bly, which was under the power and control of the great land 
 speculators. After Antes had been so brutally defied by Patter- 
 son and his minions, came the episode of the Green Mountain 
 boys, and the Pennsylvania land grabbers learned that the spirit 
 of freedom, awakened and developed by the Revolution, was not 
 diverted by the ending of the war, but was ready to flame up upon 
 the least provocation. With the influx of such a class the ques- 
 tion of subduing the Connecticut claimants was farther from set- 
 tlement than ever. Nominally the laws of Pennsylvania were ad- 
 ministered by the authorities from Northumberland, but in point 
 of fact the Wyoming people were left largely t« i manage their own 
 affairs. This was the policy that Sheriff Antes pursued, and in 
 it was justified by those most familiar with the case. 
 
 The Sheriff was not interested in the question from a financial 
 standpoint. Thus he was not one of the involved participants, as 
 were Justices Meade and Patterson. Pie was also well enough ac- 
 quainted with the principles of law to comprehend the force of the 
 issue, and the arguments of the Connecticut men for their perse- 
 
PROGRESS AND £ND OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 433 
 
 verence in holding the land and persuading others from their State 
 to settle with them. He also knew the trend of opinion among 
 the frontiersmen, and was too wise to set himself against them 
 without just cause. Moreover, he was one of the justices who 
 held right and justice constantly before his eyes. Hence, in the 
 most painful stages of this controversy, he was recognized by both 
 parties as friendly to the Yankees, and disposed to use his office as 
 little to their injury as was possible. 
 
 There was a party of men on the West Branch who assured 
 the Connecticut men that they would help them as auxiliaries if 
 need be. Who these men were, we do not know. It is not un- 
 reasonable to suppose the Fair Play settlers would take such a 
 position. And also other men, who had felt the heavy hand of 
 the rich men as they deprived them of the chance to secure for 
 their families a good home. 
 
 In these backwoods cabins the prejudice of social position 
 ran high, and the natural abandon of their unsettled way of living 
 encouraged them to engage in a fray of this kind. But these men 
 were the friends and neighbors of the genial Sheriff, and he evi- 
 dently did not discourage their expression of sentiment. The 
 story of the sufferings of those dispossessed by the soldiers, and 
 driven toward the Delaware, would find irrepressible sympathy 
 in nearly every cabin home. Hence, Antes did not pursue the 
 Yankees, who sought to evade his writs, with very much energy, 
 but looked toward the officials of the State for the manifestation of 
 either the spirit of conciliation or the authority for more determin- 
 ed coercion. This latter course the officials were not ready to pur- 
 sue. There were powerful friends back of the Connecticut peo- 
 ple. There were the Wolcotts, Barlows, Hosmers and Judds, 
 of Connecticut (than whom there were no nobler men in the 
 United States), with money and influence to back them. Also 
 the celebrated hero of the Revolution, General Ethan Allen, of 
 Ticonderaga fame, who had come to Wyoming to offer himself, 
 and plenty of Vermont men, to take an active hand in the matter 
 of rights to a home by the common people. Besides, the army 
 of the settlers had increased until there were not less than six 
 hundred effective fighting men. And now there was also a well 
 established form of local government in operation showing that 
 the people were not a horde but a municipality. The authorities 
 plainly saw that the day had gone by for such men as Patterson 
 
 28 
 
434 PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 and Armstrong to rule over them. It was fortunate at this 
 crisis that the Sheriff was a man of prudence and in sympathy 
 with the liberty-loving masses, and that he was disposed to look 
 the other way when some of the hot-heads were so foolish as to 
 infringe the strict letter of the law. 
 
 The Assembly recognized the need of the hour, and made 
 it possible for the people to decide the question of their own local 
 government by erecting a new county covering the disputed ter- 
 ritory, and calling it after the noted French General Luzerne, 
 who had been a staunch friend of the colonies in the Revolution. 
 
 It is true it took some years to reduce everything to the con- 
 dition of peace, but it stopped the spirit of rebellion, and assured 
 the loyalty of the people to the State. It is now evident that if 
 Sheriff Antes had been vindictive, and determined to break the 
 Connecticut people to his will, that the spirit of rebellion would 
 have gathered so many elements around it as to create a rebel- 
 lion far more powerful than that of the Fries or of Shays, and 
 might have disrupted the union of the colonies, and have ren- 
 dered the formation of a Republic impossible. In which case 
 there would have been either the establishment of a kingdom, as 
 many hoped, or a number of independent colonies or republics, 
 which would be constantly clashing and warring with each other. 
 At this day we can scarcely realize the intense feeling in that day 
 regarding the preservation of the rights of the people. It is 
 evident that the safe steering of the ship of State was by a 
 divine providence, and that one of the factors in that complicated 
 problem was the wise and noble-hearted Sheriff of Northumber- 
 land county. With the erection of Luzerne county, September 
 25th, 1786, the authority of Antes ceased in that section, and he 
 was henceforth received as the guest of the men whom it had 
 been his duty in the preceding years to imprison. 
 
 Commission to Henry Antes as Sheriff. John Dickinson, 
 Esq., President of the State of Pennsylvania, to Henry Antes, 
 Sheriff: In the name and by the authority of the freemen of the 
 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the Supreme Executive Council 
 of the said Commonwealth, to Henry Antes, Esquire, of the 
 county of Northumberland, greeting: Know that reposing 
 special trust and confidence in your patriotism, integrity and abil- 
 ity, we have nominated, constitute and appoint, and do by these 
 present^ nominate, constitute ami appoint you, the said Henry 
 
PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 435 
 
 Antes, to be Sheriff of the said county of Northumberland, here- 
 by committing- the said comity of Northumberland, with the ap- 
 purtenances and the peace within the same, to your care and de- 
 fence, authorizing- and commanding you, the said Henry Antes, 
 to dp and perform all the several acts and things in the said 
 county of Northumberland that to the office of Sheriff, accord- 
 ing to the laws of the said Commonwealth, as in anywise be- 
 long, to hold, exercise and enjoy the said office, with all the rights, 
 fees, perquisites, emoluments and advantages from thence law- 
 fully accruing thereunto of right appertaining, until your 
 term thereon, according to the laws of the said Commonwealth, 
 shall, of course, expire, you behaving yourself well so long in the 
 said office. In testimony whereof, we have caused the seal of the 
 said Commonwealth to be hereunto affixed in Council, under the 
 hand of his Excellency, John Dickinson, Esquire, President, and 
 the seal of the State, at Philadelphia, the 12th day of November, 
 1784. Attest, James Trimble, for John Armstrong, Secretary. 
 
 The position of Sheriff in those primitive days of Ameri- 
 can society was accompanied with certain surroundings which 
 were not the choice of the official, but a reflex of the humane 
 sentiment of the times. There were many things which 
 brought men under the strong arm of the law, which to-day are 
 merely inconveniences. The officer of the law was the represen- 
 tative of the public, and was compelled to do its will. The 
 courts prescribed the punishment, and the county the buildings 
 and implements. The Sheriff used these as he was directed by 
 the court. The classes of crime were according to the condi- 
 tions of a new country. There were not only the classes of 
 criminals familiar to our times, but also runaway slaves, dere- 
 lict redemptioners, depredators on the lands of the Indians, 
 squatters on Proprietary lands, and various classes of debtors. 
 The law seemed to be merciless. The idea was vengeance. It 
 was punishment, and not reformation. The good that would 
 accrue to the prisoner was not considered ; he was an enemy to 
 society, and as such must receive the severest inflictions of the 
 law. It often happened that innocent men were caught in the 
 law's embraces, and because of the long delays, suffered unspeak- 
 able miseries. It also became possible for a Justice to wreak 
 his personal vengeance on a personal enemy, and thus strike 
 terror into the hearts of those who would attempt to resist his 
 
436 PROGRESS AND END OE WYOMING TROUBLES. 
 
 will. It gave to his position a power that far exceeded the 
 power to-day ascribed to those known as political bosses. Al- 
 exander Patterson took advantage of this power and attempted 
 to wreak vengeance upon Colonel Zebulon Butler by sending 
 him to prison in the Northumberland county jail at Sunbury. 
 This furnished the opportunity for Colonel Antes to checkmate 
 Patterson by releasing Butler on bail, and thus keep him out of 
 the misery as well as the disgrace of the prison. This, too, was 
 the reason why other men were sent to another jail than that of 
 Sunbury; because the merciful disposition of Sheriff Antes 
 stood in the way of the personal vengeance of Patterson. This 
 was also the reason why Antes was not allowed to convey the 
 troup of prisoners from Wyoming to Sunbury, for it was an as- 
 sured fact that on the way he would allow no brutalities to be 
 inflicted on them. In this respect Antes was superior to his 
 times in the quality of mercy, and the friend of those whom it 
 was his duty to punish. 
 
 Antes was not ignorant of the sufferings of the people con- 
 signed to prison. In Philadelphia at this time, and to a greater 
 or lesser degree in all the prisons of the State, the branding 
 iron, the tread mill, the pillory and stocks, the wheelbarrow, 
 and the weight of clogs and chains hung about the necks of 
 prisoners, the whipping-post, and the knife for clipping the ears, 
 were in constant use. At that time there were only ten Sher- 
 iffs in Pennsylvania, and these were subject to the authority of 
 the Supreme Executive Council, of which John Dickinson was 
 President. Thus there would be a spirit of rivalry as to which 
 could make the better report of the services in his bailiwick to 
 the Council. And also a better opportunity for the Sheriff to 
 be brought to task for failure to do the duties of his office. The 
 court house and jail (being one building) to serve the county of 
 Northumberland, was erected in 1776, at a cost of $4,000. The 
 whipping-posl was set up on the green in front of the prison. 
 
 The description of the prisons of that day are almost in- 
 credible. In Philadelphia the keeps were eighteen feet by twen- 
 ty, and so crowded at night that each prisoner had a space of 
 only six feet by two to lie down in. In some of the jails in Mas- 
 sachusetts the cells were so small that the prisoners were lodged 
 in hammocks one over the other. At Worcester, the cells were 
 only four feet high by eleven feet long, and without a window 
 
PROGRESS AND END OF WYOMING TROUBLES. 437 
 
 or chimney, or even a hole in the wall. At Northampton the 
 cells were scarcely four feet high and were ventilated through 
 the privy vaults which filled the cells with noxious vapors. But 
 the awful life of the criminal sufferers of that day can be imag- 
 . ined from the description of the Newgate prison in an old work- 
 ed out copper mine near Granby, Connecticut. "The only en- 
 trance to it was by means of a ladder down a shaft which led to 
 the caverns under ground. There in little pens of wood, from 
 thirty to one hundred culprits were immured, their feet made 
 fast to iron bars, and their necks chained to beams in the roof. 
 The darkness was intense, the caves reeked with filth, vermin 
 abounded, water trickled from the roof and oozed from the 
 sides of the cavern. Huge masses of earth were perpetually 
 falling off. In the dampness and filth the clothing of the pris- 
 oners grew mouldy and rotted away, and their limbs became 
 stiff with rheumatism." No wonder that Colonel Butler, who 
 had claimed to be a Justice of Connecticut, had a horror of 
 prisons. 
 
 In the larger prisons, such as in Philadelphia, the life of the 
 inmates was in the midst of almost every vileness. Both sexes 
 and all manner of criminals were herded together. There pros- 
 titutes plied their trade. The most disgusting diseases were 
 contagious. Here, subject to these conditions, were decent men 
 and women put in prison because they were unfortunate, be- 
 cause of sickness, or lack of work, or the poverty that came 
 from the loss of investments, or the depreciation of the currency, 
 and consequently were not able to meet their obligations, and 
 the creditor was implacable. To prison these people went, and 
 life ever after was an awful reminder of the tortures the merci- 
 lessness of man could inflict. The law was also terribly severe 
 in regard to certain forms of crime. In Delaware, burglary, 
 rape, sodomy, witchcraft and sixteen other crimes were pun- 
 ished by death. In Massachusetts, ten forms of crime were 
 punished by death. In Rhode Island, several forms of crime 
 were punished by branding, that became a perpetual mark of 
 shame. There a counterfeiter had a piece of his ear cut off, 
 and a large letter C branded on his forehead. In Vermont, an 
 adulteress wore the scarlet letter. Thus, indeed, the fate of one 
 once a criminal was to be always a criminal. But this severity 
 and inhumanity did not stop the commission of these crimes. 
 
438 PROGRESS AND F,.\U Oi- WYOMING TROUB 
 
 While Colonel Ante-, was Sheriff, a notorious thief was ar- 
 
 d and tried, and his sentence was as follows: "He shall 
 receive thirty-nine lashes between eight and nine o'clock to- 
 morrow morning, stand in the pillory one hour, his ear-, shall 
 be cut off and nailed to the post, he shall be imprisoned three 
 months, and shall pay a line of thirty pounds to the President 
 of the State for the use of the government." From these instances 
 it can he readily seen what the fate of the Wyoming prisoners 
 would have been if Colonel Antes had not been their friend. 
 
 We can imagine a meeting of the county Sheriffs of the State 
 in Philadelphia, at the time of receiving their commissions from 
 the Executive Council, and their going to the London Coffee 
 House to have a fraternal dinner, and tell their experiences and 
 contrast their duties as they developed in their respective counties. 
 We listen to the Sheriff of Philadelphia, speaking as follows: 
 
 e people who pass along the street beneath the walls of the 
 prison in their grand clothes and pompous manners, little reck the 
 
 of their fellows only separated from them by the stone walls 
 they arc touching. In the prison no attendance is provided for 
 the sick : no clothes are distributed to the naked; beds are thrown 
 out because they soon become alive with vermin : prisoners go for 
 without washing themselves or cutting their hair; some of 
 have their bodies covered with scabs and lice, and have a 
 horrible odor. There are the most offensive of skin diseases and 
 the death rate is often sixty in one thousand. They are like wild 
 and are as merciless toward each other as the people out- 
 side arc to them. When a newcomer enters, the old pri- 
 rush at him and tear -'ill his clothes from him, and let him stand 
 naked until his clothes are redeemed by drink money. If he 
 hesifc take a blanket, which they have reserved for the 
 
 purpose, and tOSS him up until he is nearly dead, and gives them 
 what they ask. Then they take the drink money and send out 
 for rum. which they drink, .and hold a high carnival that for 
 indecenc; e ceed anything known among civilized people. It 
 is a veritable pandemonium. A Philadelphia prison is where 
 ■ 1 als it -elf." 
 
 With such experiences the Sheriffs of that day felt that they 
 
 doing the pnbi ii 1 ••. hen they inflicted the 
 
 esl penalties of the law upon the men who despised the law and 
 1 for the sake of the evil there was in it. 
 
CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 WHILE Henry Antes was earnestly trying to be just to all, 
 and at the same time true to his oath as Sheriff, the en- 
 tire State was in a political ferment. The election for 
 President and Vice President of the State occurred in October, 
 1785, and the two parties, the Constitutionalists and the Repub- 
 licans, were marshalling their forces so vigorously that many 
 thought the Commonwealth would be torn to pieces by the con- 
 tending factions. At such a time the treatment of the Wyoming 
 settlers called for the most diplomatic skill, and the parties in 
 power were compelled to restrain their selfish aggrandizement 
 for the sake of winning voters to continue them in office. 
 
 In August the announcement was made that Dr. Franklin 
 was coming home from France. He had been absent for ten 
 years, and had clothed himself with honor by the skill with which 
 he had influenced the closing negotiations establishing the liberty 
 of the American Republic. Immediately many of the most prom- 
 inent men looked to him as the one man who could restore peace 
 to the distracted Commonwealth. One of the newspapers con- 
 tained the following article only a week or two before his ar- 
 rival : 
 
 " The expected arrival of that great philosopher, that great 
 politician, and, to add a wreath of glory of a more immortal 
 texture, that truly benevolent citizen of the world. Dr. Franklin, 
 in this State, cannot fail to produce a most sensible effect on the 
 public weal. To doubt of his being chosen President on the 
 vacation of that office, should he fortunately arrive prior thereto, 
 would be to call in question not only the honor and gratitude, 
 but even the common sense of Pennsylvania. With his pro- 
 found penetration, which will instantaneously see through the 
 complicated system of government, and develop the most minute 
 incoherence or irregularity capable of impeding the progress of 
 society toward perfection; with his benevolence, his magnanim- 
 
440 THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 ity and his unbounded patriotism, with his capacious under- 
 standing and enlarged views, which will teach him to despise 
 equally those members of both parties, who, under the false mask 
 of patriotism, have no other views than their own aggrandize- 
 ment, and to select from both parties those whose only object is 
 the safety and well-being of the State, and whose only differ- 
 ence is in the mode of promoting that object, he will authorita- 
 tively command the effectual support of all the real friends of 
 Pennsylvania. Confided in and obeyed by all persons of this 
 description, he will, doubtless, induce our contending parties to 
 bury the war hatchets, to send the belt of peace, and to embrace 
 each other as brethren." 
 
 The election lay with the Executive Council and the Assem- 
 bly, consisting of seventy-seven votes. Frederick Antes was a 
 member of this Assembly, and had the honor of casting his vote 
 for Franklin. In 1776 Franklin was the President of the Con- 
 vention that gave to Pennsylvania its Constitution. From that 
 work he was called to serve his country in Europe. Frederick 
 Antes was a member of that Convention. Now, on Franklin's 
 return to his country and to the Presidency of the State, no one 
 could greet him more warmly than Antes, who from him had so 
 largely imbibed the political sentiments that, in due time, were 
 to so thoroughly affect the prosperity and happiness of the entire 
 land. 
 
 McMaster tells us: "When the year 1784 opened, the Rev- 
 olution had been accomplished. The preliminary articles had 
 been signed on the 30th of November, 1782, and the return of 
 peace everywhere celebrated with bonfires, with rockets, with 
 speeches, and with thanksgiving on the 19th of the following 
 April, the eighth anniversary of the fight at Lexington. The 
 definitive treaty had been signed at Paris on the third of Sep- 
 tember, 1783- and was soon to be ratified by the United States 
 in Congress assembled. The Revolution was at last accomplish- 
 ed. The evils it had removed, being no longer felt, were speedily 
 forgotten. The evils it had brought pressed heavily upon them. 
 They could devise no remedy. They saw 110 way of escape. 
 They soon began to grumble, became sullen, hard to please, dis- 
 satisfied with themselves and with everything done for them. 
 The States, differing in habits, in customs, in occupations, had 
 been (hiring a few years united by a common danger. But the 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 441 
 
 danger was gone; old animosities and jealousies broke forth 
 again with all their strength, and the Union seemed likely to be 
 dissolved. In this state of public discontent the House met at 
 Philadelphia early in January. 1784. The matters relating to 
 the treatment of the Tories were at variance with the feelings 
 of the people and there was a great cry against the concessions 
 offered. The feeling against the Tories was intense. The 
 great Whig party was divided into classes. One of them in- 
 sisted on the most extreme measures against those who had 
 done so much to injure them during the Revolutionary war. 
 Another was for using milder measures and giving to them a 
 welcome back to their homes and a place in the privileges of 
 the country. Vet another section of the party was between 
 these extremes, and disposed to effect a compromise in regard 
 to their rights. The one party would be content with nothing 
 less than the banishment of the Tories. The Tories still hoped 
 for power and place, and nursed the delusion that after awhile 
 all would be forgotten. Yet they were responsible for the bit- 
 terness of the extreme Whigs, for they continued in a strong 
 and openly expressed attachment to Great Britain. Washing- 
 ton had retired to his home at Mount Vernon and the prestige 
 of his name had been removed from the government. 
 
 The open contempt with which, in all parts of the country, 
 the people treated the recommendation of Congress concern- 
 ing the refugees and the payment of the debts, was no more 
 than any man of ordinary sagacity could have foretold. Indeed, 
 the state into which Congress had fallen was most wretched. 
 Rudely formed amid the agonies of a Revolution, the Confed- 
 eration had never been revised and brought nearer to perfec- 
 tion in a season of tranquility. Each of the thirteen States the 
 Union bound together retained all the rights of sovereignty, 
 and asserted them punctiliously against the central govern- 
 ment. Each reserved to itself the right to put up mints, to 
 strike money, to levy taxes, to raise armies, to say what articles 
 should come into its ports free, and what should be made to pay 
 duty. Toward the Continental government they acted pre- 
 cisely as if they were dealing with a foreign power. Every act 
 of that body was scrutinized with the utmost care. The trans- 
 fer of the most trivial authority beyond the borders of the State 
 was made with protestations, with trembling and with fear. 
 
4-M THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Under such circumstances each delegate felt himself to have 
 much the character and to be clothed with very much of the 
 power of ambassadors. He was not responsible to men, he was 
 responsible to a State. To him the smallest interest of the lit- 
 tle patch of earth he called his native State was of far more im- 
 portance than the greatest interest of the Confederation of States. 
 
 There was a difficulty in getting a quorum in their sessions. 
 No occasion, however impressive and important, could call out 
 a large attendance. Seven States, represented by twenty dele- 
 gates, witnessed the resignation of Washington. Twenty- 
 three members sitting for eleven States voted for the ratifica- 
 tion of the treaty. On such questions as came up from day to 
 day : should the accounts of some quartermaster be audited, 
 should a reward be offered for the capture of some highwayman 
 who had robbed the mails, should some cannon be returned to 
 New York, should a committee be appointed to devise plans for 
 cutting up the western lands, who should be geographer for the 
 next year, what should be done with the man who had assaulted 
 the French Minister in Philadelphia, the assent of a majority of 
 the States was sufficient, and, on the largest ballot the House 
 could cast, six votes could make the question pass in the nega- 
 tive. It is not surprising, therefore, that Congress speedily de- 
 generated into a debating club of no very high order. Neglect- 
 ed by its own members, insulted and threatened by its mutinous 
 troops, reviled by the press, and forced to wander from city to 
 city in search of an abiding place, its acts possessed no national 
 importance whatever. 
 
 Patriotism was understood to mean devotion to the inter- 
 ests and welfare of one's native State. 
 
 The great Whig party was split into two sections — the im- 
 post and the non-impost men; the defenders and the detractors 
 of Congress. In the first section, decidedly the more respecta- 
 ble, were to be found the merchants and the importers of the 
 great towns, the holders of loan certificates, the hard money 
 men, and that little band of staunch patriots from which in after 
 years came the heads of the Federal party and the first five 
 Presidents. On the other side was the great body of the mid- 
 dle orders, the farmers, the shop keepers, the supporters of 
 paper money, all those who clamored for State rights and .all 
 those who found themselves steeped in debt and could not pay. 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 443 
 
 With them were associated many good, brave and moderate 
 men, who. while they gave an earnest support to the established 
 government, looked with painful misgiving on every attempt 
 to enlarge its powers as an attack on the independence of the 
 States. 
 
 The same post that brought to New England the news of 
 the adjournment of Congress brought also a startling account 
 of the harsh and savage treatment of the Yankee settlers in 
 Wyoming. 
 
 To oppress the settlers in Wyoming was one thing. To 
 defy the Council of Censors was quite another thing. So long 
 as the Assembly sent its soldiers to drive the hated Yankees 
 from a section of the State far away from the seat of govern- 
 ment, nobody cared. The Pennsylvanians were not harrassed, 
 their fences were not pulled down, their fields were not laid 
 waste, their wives were not abused, their houses were not burn- 
 ed, nor were they sent across the wilderness to die of hunger by 
 the way. But when the Censors were withstood — the Censors, 
 who were the bulwark against the tyranny of officials and the 
 unjust acts of law-makers, the people were greatly alarmed. 
 Then on a sudden much sympathy was felt for the expelled set- 
 tlers. The action of the Assembly was severely criticised. 
 Armstrong and Patterson were pronounced brutes, and were, 
 under the pressure of popular indignation, speedily recalled. At 
 the same time the Legislature commanded that the Connecticut 
 claimants should be restored to the full possession of their prop- 
 erty. 
 
 The progress of the country caused many important ques- 
 tions to arise that needed adjustment and decision. There were 
 the questions of representation at foreign courts, the debt of 
 Congress, the issuing of money, the free navigation of the Miss- 
 issippi and various commercial problems. The country south 
 of the Potomac was affected in a way almost directly opposite 
 to that of the country north of the river. In September, 1785, 
 the Commissioners who met at Annapolis recommended Con- 
 gress to call a Federal Convention, to meet in Philadelphia in 
 the following spring. At Annapolis the attendance was slim. 
 No delegates came from Georgia, from South Carolina, or from 
 any State east of the Hudson. The session was a short one, for 
 the few who came had such limited powers that the delegates 
 
444 TH E CONSTITUTION. 
 
 contented themselves with lamenting the wretched state of na- 
 tional affairs, and urging a new convention of delegates, with en- 
 larged powers, to meet at Philadelphia in May. 
 
 When this Convention met, it was composed of the most 
 noted and able men in all the country. They took up the mat- 
 ter with due gravity and based their discussions upon a plan 
 that had been most carefully prepared and was offered by the 
 delegates from Virginia. When Monday, the 17th of Septem- 
 ber, came, the Convention assembled for the last time, and the 
 Constitution, as we now have it, was laid upon the table for 
 signature. Washington was the first to sign. It was long 
 popularly believed that, as he stood beside the table with his 
 hand upon the Constitution, he held up the pen and said : 
 "Should the States reject this excellent Constitution, the prob- 
 ability is that opportunity will never again offer to cancel an- 
 other in peace; the next will be drawn in blood.'' The Presi- 
 dent was bidden to draw up a letter of transmittal and send it, 
 with the Constitution, to Congress. 
 
 The ship Constitution, as the friends of that instrument de- 
 lighted to call it, was thus fairly launched. From that moment 
 dates the existence of the two great national parties, which, un- 
 der many different names and on many different platforms, have 
 ever since continued to struggle for supremacy in the State. 
 In all parts of the land, it is true, men were, after the return of 
 peace, divided by their political opinions, into two classes. 
 Everywhere were the imposters and the non-imposters; hard 
 money men and soft money men; patriots who favored the 
 strengthening, and State-righters, who urged the weakening 
 of the power of Congress. But these classes were in no sense 
 national parties. They had no organization, they had no lead- 
 ers, no platforms, no watchwords, no names. They were pure- 
 ly local, and the followers of the one as well as of the other would 
 have denied, with vehemence, that they were anything else than 
 staunch and honest Whigs. When, however, the people were 
 bidden to choose between the old Articles of Confederation and 
 the new Constitution, between a sham union of the States and a 
 strung National Government, a change came about. An issue 
 was raised. Something was at stake, and the Whig party was 
 rent in twain. Leaders appeared : standards were set up. The 
 name of Whig fell for a time into disuse, and under the appella- 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 445 
 
 tion of Federalist and Anti-Federalist the two sections of a once 
 harmonious party drew farther and farther apart and began a 
 contest on a national scale. 
 
 The conflict opened in Pennsylvania. Such, indeed, was 
 the zeal that animated the little band of Federalists in that State, 
 that twenty hours after Congress had formally submitted the 
 Constitution to the people, a call for a convention was hurried 
 through the Assembly. The matter had. it is true, been under 
 debate the day before, and had been marked by the first show 
 of party violence. Late in the morning session of Friday, Sep- 
 tember 28th, 1787, Clymer, who sat for Philadelphia, and had 
 been one of the delegates to the Federal Convention, rose in 
 his place, and without previous notice moved a State Conven- 
 tion to consider the Constitution. The Anti-Federalists were 
 astounded. The session of the Assembly was all but over. A 
 new election was at hand, and they had therefore never for a 
 moment supposed that the instrument would be taken up by the 
 House so soon to adjourn. Their plan was to make it a ques- 
 tion in the ensuing canvass, and to secure, if possible, such a 
 majority of men of their own mind in the next Legislature as 
 would prevent the hated document being submitted to the peo- 
 ple. Clymer's motion accordingly found them off their guard, 
 and forced to combat it with such plausible arguments as came 
 to them at the instant. This haste they said was both unseemly 
 and unparliamentary. The Convention had sent the Constitu- 
 tion to Congress. Congress had not yet sent it to the States, 
 and till this was formally done it was simply indecent to know 
 anything about it. It was, too, a constant practice with the 
 members, when any business of great moment was to come up, 
 to give notice and have it made the order of the day some time 
 beforehand. Besides, no bill was ever passed without at least 
 three readings. This was not a loose but a strict rule of the 
 House; so strict, indeed, that not even the building of a 
 bridge or the laying out of a road could be determined till the 
 formality had been gone through with. Yet here were mem- 
 bers clamoring for the passage of a most important bill, sprung 
 upon the House without the usual notice, and without the usual 
 readings. It was all wrong. The House would on the follow- 
 ing day break up, and the whole matter should be left to the 
 next Assembly. But their arguments were of no use. Their 
 
446 THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 voices were drowned amid cries of "question," and when the 
 Speaker put it, of the sixty-two members present, forty-three 
 voted for and nineteen against it. The House then adjourned 
 till four P. M. The rage of the nineteen flamed high. It was 
 impossible for them to find words wherewith to express their in- 
 dignation. They met hastily, declared that if they could not 
 defeat the attempt to call a Convention by their votes they could 
 by their absence, gave a solemn pledge not to return to the House, 
 and kept it. "When four o'clock came, but forty-five, two more 
 than those who had voted for the Convention, were in their seats. 
 This number was two less than a quorum, and till a quorum was 
 assembled no business could be done. After waiting some time, 
 and no more members coming in, the Speaker commanded the 
 Sergeant-at-Arms to go out and summon the absent ones. He 
 went, was gi >ne a long while, and when he came back was ques- 
 tioned at the bar. He had, he said, gone to the house of one 
 Boyd, had there found Whitehill, Smilie, Antes and some other 
 noted Anti-Federalists, had summoned them in the name of the 
 House, and received in reply a firm assurance that they would 
 on no account obey. Nothing was left the Speaker to do but 
 to adjourn the Assembly till Saturday. 
 
 Meanwhile news of what had happened in the State House, 
 and the names of the nineteen seceding members, spread fast 
 through the town. All that evening and till late in the night 
 crowds filled the taverns and coffee houses, or stood on the street 
 corners, angrily discussing the situation and forming plans for 
 the morrow. The anti-Federalists were triumphant and de- 
 fiant. The Federalists were much disheartened. Some were for 
 concession. But a few more zealous than the rest determined 
 that a quorum should be formed, come what might. If two of 
 the dissenters could not be persuaded to go they should be made 
 to go. The two chosen for this treatment were James McCal- 
 mont, who sat for Franklin, and Jacob Miley, who represented 
 I )auphin. Early <>n the morning of Saturday a great crowd gath- 
 ered, accordingly, about their lodgings, broke open the doors, 
 laid hold upon them, and dragged them, cursing and struggling, 
 through the streets to the State House. There they were forced 
 into their places and held down in their seats with clothes dis- 
 ordered and torn, and faces white from rage. Thus having a 
 quorum, the first Tuesday in November was moved as elec- 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 44/ 
 
 tion day, and the thirtieth of the same month for the meeting of 
 the convention. 
 
 The first of October was now come, and the day on which 
 the delegates were to be chosen was but six weeks away. The 
 whole State was in commotion. The inhabitants of ever)- town 
 and hamlet from the Susquehanna to the Ohio were arrayed 
 against each other as Federalists or Anti-Federalists, supporters 
 or detractors of the Constitution. The canvass would under 
 any circumstances have been conducted with much acrimony 
 and zeal. The State was one of the largest and most populous 
 in the Union. Within her borders lay the greatest and richest 
 city of the western world. And that city had for many years 
 been the seat of the National Government. Each party knew, 
 therefore, that the eyes of the whole country were upon it, and 
 that failure or success would be the making or the undoing of its 
 friends in the neighboring States. But a peculiar bitterness was 
 given to the electioneering by the fact that the principles of gov- 
 ernment, as laid down in the Federal Constitution, were almost 
 precisely the opposite of the principles of the government laid 
 down in the State Constitution. Pennsylvania was at that time 
 one of the few Commonwealths of America where men had been 
 bold enough and weak enough to make trial of the wild theory of 
 government Turgot had propagated and Condorcet had praised. 
 The State Constitution provided for but one legislative body. 
 The Federal Constitution provided for two. The President of 
 Pennsylvania was chosen by the Assembly. The President of 
 the United States was to be chosen by electors. The State Gov- 
 ernment was a centralized democracy. The National Govern- 
 ment was to be a Republic of Republics. Every voter, there- 
 fore, who helped to send a Federalist to the Convention declared 
 the Government under which he lived to be bad in form. 
 
 When the election took place the Federalists triumphed, and 
 Antes was one of the defeated. December 12th, 1787, after a 
 sitting of three weeks, the Constitution was ratified by a vote of 
 forty-six to twenty-three.'' 
 
 " The dragging of McCalmont and Miley to the House, and 
 some gross insults offered in the November following to the 
 members at Boyd's, who were most of them those who had left 
 the Legislature in September, was one principal reason of the 
 removal of the seat of Government from Philadelphia. Man}- 
 
44- s THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 of the country members declaring they could not speak their 
 sentiments or give their votes freely without risking their being 
 insulted." — Bid die. 
 
 If the people of Philadelphia had changed their bearing to 
 those from the country, the opposition to meeting in Philadelphia 
 might have passed away, as it was the aristocratic bearing on the 
 one side, and the democratic spirit on the other side that kept up 
 the contest until those from the country were able to accomplish 
 their purpose, and the proud city ceased to be the seat of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 From that day to this there has been a conviction on the part 
 of many that Philadelphia ought to be the place for the legislative 
 halls and the center of authority, but the prejudices of the past 
 have not yet been sufficiently eradicated to bring it about. The 
 conditions, however, are changed. There is social splendor and 
 courtly living in many parts of the State, and the most potent po- 
 litical factors find their brains and energy in these same counties 
 that were once despised by the aristocracy of the only city in the 
 State. It is difficult at this time to realize the pompous arrogance 
 that so deeply touched the feelings of the country members in that 
 day. but the overthrow of the Federalists, and the attainment of 
 supremacy by the Jeffersonian Democrats, was a lesson that was 
 needed in the preservation of the balance of power in the State. 
 
 The spirit of patriotism as it views questions to-day, asks if 
 these nineteen men, opposing all steps toward the change from the 
 Confederation to the Constitution, were lacking in patriotism or 
 in an understanding of the real needs of their land. To answer 
 this question, we must look at the problem as it then presented 
 itself. This can be made evident in the voting of the people 
 tlir: »ugh< ait the States representing the entire Confederation. On 
 the third of December. T787, the little State of Delaware unani- 
 mously gave her voice in favor of the Constitution. She was the 
 first of the States to thus declare. Ten days later came Pennsyl- 
 vania, after the troubles attending it we have narrated, and then 
 only with a vote of forty-six to twenty-three. On the nineteenth 
 of December, Xew Jersey gave a unanimous vote in favor. On 
 the second of January Georgia did the same. On the ninth of 
 January the Connecticut convention adopted it by a vote of one 
 hundred and twenty-eight in favor and forty opposed. In Mas- 
 sachusetts, one hundred and eighty-seven voted in favor and one 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 449 
 
 hundred and sixty-eight opposed. On the twenty-eighth of April, 
 Maryland gave sixty-three votes in favor and twelve against. 
 South Carolina followed, with one hundred and forty in favor and 
 seventy-three opposed. There was a hard struggle in Xew Hamp- 
 shire, and the final vote stood fifty-seven to forty-six. This was 
 June 2ist, 178S. Virginia was almost rent in twain by the struggle 
 Washington and Madison were for the Constitution, and Patrick 
 Henry and Jefferson were opposed. The vote was taken the twen- 
 ty-fifth of June, and was eighty-nine in favor and seventy-nine 
 opposed. New York State was carried in favor of it July 27th, 
 
 1788, with the expectation that New York City would be the seat 
 of the Government. North Carolina adopted it November 13th, 
 
 1789, and Rhode Island only did so May 29th, 1790, and even 
 then only when certain amendments were adopted which the en- 
 lightened spirit of the present age fully approves. These amend- 
 ments show how much was really lacking in the Constitution, and 
 that the men who did not favor it as first presented were justified 
 to that extent, for their contention. Washington and Jefferson, 
 the leaders of the two parties, were both great men and devoted to 
 their country. But they did not see alike as statesmen, and their 
 f< illi >wers, the leaders of the two great parties of to-day, do not see 
 alike, yet they may be equally honored as lovers of their country. 
 
 Because of the benefits that have come from the change of 
 the form of government, we at the present day can hardly appre- 
 ciate the difficulties in the way at the beginning, and the lack of 
 integrity on the part of the men in power, in accomplishing their 
 aims. The parties to the question did not have confidence in each 
 other. It was a battle for position and power, and the high rmd 
 lofty principles seen to-day were then not apparent. The .Arti- 
 cles of Confederation had provided for a perpetual Union. It had 
 been explicitly declared that no alteration should at any time be 
 made in any of them unless such alteration should be confirmed 
 by the Legislature of every State. The Convention of 1787 had 
 been called for the sole purpose of revising the previous articles. 
 Instead of doing this, it proceeded to outline an entirely new form 
 of government; and instead of the ratification by all the States, 
 ordained that the consent of nine of the States should suffice to 
 decide the matter, thus entirely ignoring the voice of the re- 
 maining States. This violation of the law as sacredly determined 
 was in itself a revolution. Some of the statesmen undoubtedly 
 
 29 
 
450 THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 realized all that it involved, and they fought it with all their might 
 but the tide was against them. Yet it was only by the victory of 
 the North in the Civil War, seventy-five years later, that the final 
 decision on the matter was made. 
 
 The leaders of the two sides were Virginians. Washington 
 was the leader of the party that formed the Constitution, and Jef- 
 ferson the leader of those who were opposed to it. The people 
 who ranged themselves under these leaders were not always ac- 
 tuated by the principles of broad statesmanship, but often by per- 
 sonal feelings, the result of the experiences through which they 
 had passed. 
 
 There were reasons why the people of the country became 
 suspicious of the motives influencing the actions of Washington. 
 He was a man of wealth, and while he had done much for the 
 country in the use of his fortune, he had not been impoverished 
 as so many thousands had been. As a man of wealth, he was 
 fond of the display that it permitted, and gathered about him men 
 who were able to make a corresponding display. The poor pa- 
 triots of the Revolutionary army had seen enough of this display 
 by the British officers in New York, and Philadelphia, and Boston 
 during the war, and they had a decided hatred of the people of 
 these cities who had curried the favor of the officers by attendance 
 at their balls and receptions, conducted amidst the most elaborate 
 displays of dress and magnificence. Moreover, these balls had 
 been the place where the Tories entered into the most familiar as- 
 sociations with the men who were striking at the liberties of the 
 American people. These Tories were in all the colonies, from 
 every one of which had come the story of the wrongs and cruel- 
 ties inflicted upon the patriots by the Tories. Now these same 
 Tories ranged themselves in ranks to espouse the Constitution. 
 They were aide to attend the balls and receptions given where 
 wealth and display of dress were necessary. Such a spectacle 
 was a shock to the poverty-stricken patriots, who gnashed their 
 teeth with rage as they saw the majority following \ n that line. 
 The simplicity of Jefferson, contrasted with the elaborate display 
 of Washington, captured the hearts of the common people, and 
 the party in opposition to the Federalists grew stronger until it 
 became the head of the government, and Jefferson sat in the seat 
 of power and honor as the successor of Washington, and Presi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 451 
 
 Frederick Antes, driven from his home by the malice of the 
 Tories, and forced to battle for principle in the wilds of the fron- 
 tier, saw, even there, the same spirit displayed. Several of the 
 prominent men at the seat of government in Northumberland 
 county were Tories. They had wealth. They could buy and sell 
 the properties of their poorer neighbors. They could assist men 
 by loaning money on their small farms and then foreclose when it 
 suited them. Naturally such men were in authority when the 
 voters were silent. But when the masses saw the true nobility of 
 the Antes brothers, they placed them in positions of responsibility 
 and kept them there until the times of trial and contest had set- 
 tled into the routine of peace. 
 
 The fall of the Federal party was because there were in it 
 elements that were entirely contrary to the aspirations of the 
 American people. The class that gathered about those in author- 
 ity not only became very proud in their manners, but did not hesi- 
 tate to express their contempt for the common people. The party 
 had been built up by the personal influence of Washington, and 
 the brilliant writings of the gifted Hamilton, and the favor of the 
 merchant class who desired stability in government, and the co- 
 operation of all the office-seekers and the would-be aristocracy. 
 But it lost its hold and was broken down by its arrogance, its in- 
 sistance upon taxes that the people considered oppressive, its affil- 
 iations with Tories, its attempt to follow English ideals, its mis- 
 taken legislation, such as in the Alien and Sedition laws, its di- 
 vided counsels, its animosities and jealousies, and the persistent 
 opposition of Jefferson, who relentlessly pursued it in its weak- 
 ness, and in the fact of his being the true representative of the 
 wishes and hopes of the patriot classes of American citizens. 
 
 Hamilton, Washington and Adams honored wealth, and 
 gave the impression that they relied upon estates and powers with- 
 in the commonwealth for the perpetuity of power., while 
 Jefferson placed his reliance in the people as the bone and 
 sinew of the land. He objected to the salaries given the officers 
 of government as excessive. He despised the ceremonies that ac- 
 companied affairs of state. He wished for more frequent returns 
 of the badge of office from those holding it to the people. He ex- 
 pressed his contempt for the arrogance of the English spirit to- 
 wards his countrymen, and led them to a greater respect for them- 
 selves as the makers of a Nation. Thus the people grew in their 
 
452 THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 ideas of citizenship, and as they grew turned the Federalists down 
 and placed men of their own aspirations in the highest offices in 
 the land. It was well, however, that the Federalists had prevail- 
 ed, for they laid a foundation broad enough for all future time, 
 and destined, when rid of its follies, to be the best government' for 
 the common people on the face of the earth. 
 
 The influence of Jefferson was augmented by his declarations 
 in regard to taxing the people. He decidedly objected to the use 
 of this power by Congress to any extent. His idea was that the 
 wage earners of the United States should never see a tax collector. 
 In this he was opposed by the whole scheme of government estab- 
 lished by Hamilton. According to the plan of the latter. Con- 
 gress, by act of March 3d. 1791, imposed heavy duties upon spir- 
 its distilled in the United States. This aroused the people to such 
 an extent that there was open rebellion in Western Pennsylvania. 
 At that time whiskey was a common beverage in every house- 
 hold. All classes of people drank it. It was the first thing to 
 offer a guest. It was the last thing the householder partook of 
 before retiring. It was used freely on every public occasion. A 
 certain amount of it was a part of the daily wage of the workman, 
 whatever be his trade. It was pure in quality and considered an 
 essential part of a man's daily living. There were no large dis- 
 tilleries. Many farmers did their own distilling. There were 
 supposed to be three thousand distilleries in Pennsylvania. Those 
 far from the markets unable to transport their grain in bulk, re- 
 duced it to spirits, and thus transported it where they could get a 
 suitable return for their labor. Therefore, when their stills were 
 taxed, and the assessor came to levy on them for the tax, the peo- 
 ple felt that it was gross injustice, and unfair discrimination 
 against them as grain producers, and their cause was argued with 
 considerable heat throughout the entire land. 
 
 The West Branch Valley shared in the excitement with the 
 rest of the State. The advocates of the whiskey producers de- 
 termined to erect a Liberty Pole in Northumberland. When the 
 news spread abroad, there was great excitement, and some of the 
 Judges determined to prevent this act of defiance to the law. 
 Some of the officers of the law were in sympathy with the action, 
 and stoi >d by to see the others raise the pole. Pistols were drawn, 
 threats were made, and there was a general fight, but the whiskey 
 friends succceeded and raised their pole. In order to prevent 
 
THE CONSTITUTION. 453 
 
 the pole from being cut down they drove it full of nails to a dis- 
 tance of ten feet from the ground. They took possession of the 
 public arsenal, and distributed the arms among their companions 
 and kept a guard about the pole night and day. 
 
 The law-abiding people of the community felt the dis- 
 grace of such a rebellion and sent to the Governor for the aid 
 of the State troops. In a few days a company of ninety men 
 came from Lancaster with bayonets on their guns. The Mar- 
 shall commanded the streets to be cleared, but the mob refused 
 to stir. They were well armed and determined to protect their 
 pole. Captain Cooke, commanding the troops, ordered his men 
 to charge bayonets and thus clear the streets. The soldiers ad- 
 vanced, determined to obey their officer. They advanced until 
 their bayonets were at the very breasts of the men opposing them. 
 Then the rioters broke and ran. As the soldiers stood about the 
 pole, the Captain called for an axe to cut down the offensive 
 sign of rebellion. Then the tragedy almost ended in a comedy. 
 
 There were two sisters who were interested in the matter, 
 and spurred their husbands on in their respective sides. One 
 of them had married Barney Hoobley. She was law-abiding. 
 When the demand came for an axe, it was her opportunity. She 
 seized an axe and ran with it to the Captain. Her sister, who 
 was more portly, and less active, saw this deed, and ran to prevent 
 it. The two sisters met in the street, and while the axe lay on 
 the ground beneath them, they fought with their fists until the 
 liberty-loving Mrs. Walker was vanquished, then Mrs. Hoobley 
 in triumph gave the axe to the Captain and the pole was cut 
 down. 
 
 Then came the arrest of the principal offenders, who were 
 taken to Philadelphia and tried for resisting the laws of the 
 United States. Some were fined one hundred pounds each and 
 ordered to be imprisoned for six months. They were taken into 
 the presence of President Washington, whose dignity gave way 
 so far that he shed tears as he talked to them, and then pardoned 
 them all and sent them home to become better citizens. One of 
 them. Robert Irwin, became the Sheriff of the county at the next 
 election. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 JT WAS the policy of William Perm, and it was continued by 
 his heirs until they ceased to be the Proprietaries by the 
 
 sale of their lands to the State, to reserve out of every town- 
 ship of five thousand acres a tract of five hundred acres to be 
 called a Manor after the English custom of establishing family 
 entailed possessions. 
 
 Among these manorial surveys was the one at Muncy, called 
 Muncy Manor. It received the name of " Job's Discovery," be- 
 case Job Chilloway had called attention to it as the finest loca- 
 tion above Sunbury. It was the central point of the great Indian 
 war paths leading east, west, north and south, and from time 
 immemorial had been a favorite camping place for the various 
 tribes that came to Shamokin. Besides this it possessed remark- 
 able richness of soil and a beauty of surrounding scenery that 
 was unsurpassed. The last of the manorial surveys was on the 
 extreme end of the purchases from the Indians at that time, and 
 included that part of the now city of Williamsport on the east 
 side of Lycoming Creek. It was surveyed and patented to Rev. 
 Richard Peters, August nth, 1770, and called Ormes Kirk. 
 November 23d, 1772, it was sold to Turbot Francis. On Janu- 
 ary [<)th, t 772, it was sold to Hawkins Boone, and on July nth, 
 1791, it was divided and about half of it was purchased by Wil- 
 liam Winters and the remainder by Amariah Sutton. 
 
 We cannot refrain from admiring the plans of the great 
 founder of Pennsylvania. Had they been carried into effect just 
 as he inaugurated them, Pennsylvania would have been a social 
 and political paradise. But the coming of the masses whom he 
 aimed \<> benefit caused changes that completely destroyed his pur- 
 poses and threw the development of his colony into lines which 
 prevented the continuance of the social aristocracy he had con- 
 templated, and cut the fine manorial locations into small homes 
 fur bnsv active farmers and mechanics who were to forever sus- 
 
AFTER THE WAR. 455 
 
 tain the declaration that all men in their civil rights were free 
 and equal. 
 
 Soon after the Revolution all the lands in the northern part 
 of the State, then a wilderness, became an object of speculation. 
 Immense tracts were taken up by Robert Morris, John Nichol- 
 son, George Clymer, John Reed, Judge Peters, Tench Francis, 
 Samuel Wallis, Dr. Robert H. Rose and others. 
 
 John Nicholson was Comptroller of the State of Pennsyl- 
 vania from 1782 to 1794. He became the owner of three mil- 
 lion seven hundred thousand acres of land, besides other large 
 possessions. To meet his various pecuniary engagements in 
 these lands, he formed joint stock companies to which he con- 
 veyed a large portion of them. The Commonwealth had an im- 
 mense claim against him for unsettled land warrants, and other 
 things of which the vast amounts of land held in his name 
 throughout thirty-nine counties reverted to the Commonwealth, 
 and were taken up or purchased later by others. Conflicting 
 claims, besides that of the State, were previously existing, and 
 tended greatly to complicate the title to these lands. The mat- 
 ter was several times closed and as often re-opened by legislative 
 enactments, special courts and new lawsuits, and recently a sweep- 
 ing claim was laid by the individual heirs of Nicholson to an im- 
 mense amount of land throughout the whole State, attempting 
 to unsettle titles supposed to be quieted many years since. 
 
 This statement shows why some of the locations of the oldest 
 settlers cannot be traced by the land grants. It also shows why 
 the early settlements needed good surveyors and lawyers, also 
 some of the difficulties that such men as Frederick Antes, as 
 Justice and County Treasurer, had to meet in the arranging of 
 the accounts and taxes of the people. It also throws a beam of 
 light on the question of the poverty of some who were prominent 
 in the early days, but were not fortunate enough to obtain an in- 
 disputable deed to the properties upon which they settled. They 
 did not record the promises made to them, nor how they went 
 on year after year in making improvements, only to lie after- 
 wards turned out, because some great land speculator had ob- 
 tained possession of his land. 
 
 In the inland settlements of New York the first step was 
 to acquire the lands from the Indians. In 1785, the Oneida 
 and Tuscarora tribes, at a treaty held at Fort Herkimer, sold a 
 
456 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 portion of their territory for $11,500, being for the land lying 
 between the Unadilla and Chenango rivers; and in 1778 the 
 Oneidas, at a treaty held at Fort Stanwix, ceded all their lands 
 excepting a few reservations. In 1788, the Onondagas, at a 
 treaty held at Fort Schuyler, sold all their territory to the State 
 of New York, excepting a reservation around their village. The 
 price was one thousand crowns, and two hundred pounds in cloth- 
 ing, and an annuity forever of five hundred dollars. The same 
 year the Oneidas ceded all the remainder of their lands for the 
 consideration of $2,000 in money, $2,000 in clothing, $1,000 in 
 provisions, and an annuity of $600 forever. The Cayugas, by 
 their treaty in Albany in 1789, ceded all their lands in considera- 
 tion of $2,125, an d an annuity of $500 forever. Other similar 
 purchases were made from the Six Nations, the Senecas and Mo- 
 hawks at subsequent periods. 
 
 The principal tracts into which western New York was 
 earliest divided were the Holland Purchase, the Pulteney Estate 
 and the Military Tract. The military lands, set apart as boun- 
 ties during the war to the amount of one hundred and eighty 
 thousand acres, were rapidly taken up by the immigrants who 
 flowed into the western country like a torrent, opening roads 
 and founding villages and townships. Between 1784 and 1800 
 the population of the State doubled in numbers. 
 
 In 1792 Geneva did not contain more than three or four 
 families. During that year Canandaigua had but two frame 
 houses and a few log cabins. At the Big Spring there were only 
 two families in 1800, and at Caledonia eighteen. These settlers 
 purchased their land at three dollars an acre, and received as an 
 allurement to settle the gift of a cow to each family and a supply 
 of wheat for the first year, to be repaid in kind. At the same 
 time the purchase money was deferred for five years without 
 interest. When Schaeffer settled on the Genessee river, in 1788, 
 there were not more than four or five families between him and 
 Fort Schuyler, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. In 
 [792 the road from Geneva to Canandaigua was only an Indian 
 path, on which only two families were settled. 
 
 When Messrs. Hendy, Miller and Marks began their log 
 house settlement at Klniira, in 1789, the only road existing in 
 the country for hundreds of miles round was what was called 
 the Indian pathway, leading from Wilkesbarre to Canada. By 
 
AFTER THE WAR. 457 
 
 this pathway the emigrants from the south were accustomed to 
 reach Niagara. Bath was laid out in 1792. It was not until 
 1795 that the country could supply its inhabitants with food. 
 Till then their flour was brought from Northumberland and their 
 pork from Philadelphia. When David Tripp settled at Manlius 
 in 1790, his nearest neighbor was ten miles off, at Onondaga. At 
 one time the only article of food which his family had for three 
 months, with the exception of wild roots and milk, was a bushel 
 of corn which he had brought from Herkimer, fifty-five miles, 
 on his back. 
 
 When Judge White first began his settlement at Whites- 
 borough, near Utica, his nearest mill was at Palatine, forty miles 
 off, and the whole of this distance was to be traveled by an In- 
 dian path. For lack of animal food they used to salt down the 
 breasts of wild pigeons by a barrel at a time. 
 
 A party of emigrants from New England in 1790-1791, 
 made a road through the woods from the settlements of Whites- 
 town out to Canandaigua. The winter was the season usually 
 chosen for conveying families, because they were then the surest 
 of sleighing and sledding, and passing the streams on ice 
 bridges. 
 
 A gentleman who visited the New England settlers at Can- 
 andaigua in 1797, five years after their beginning, found them 
 contending with numerous difficulties with light hearts and buoy- 
 ant spirits ; while he, as a looker-on, thought most of the mud 
 knee deep and the mosquitoes and gnats so thick as to baffle his 
 breathing. At that time the Indians were all about the settlers, 
 and would make free at all times to visit the cabins of the whites, 
 and set themselves down unasked or help themselves freely to 
 whatever food they saw on the table. It was not always con- 
 venient so to receive them, but it was deemed most politic to over- 
 look their freedom. In the year 1790 there were assembled at 
 Elmira one thousand one hundred Indians to negotiate a treaty 
 with Colonel Pickering. 
 
 The prominent men among the settlers who engaged as 
 merchants to supply the needs of their fellows did not always 
 -have an easy time, as the following account, by General John 
 Burrows, related in "Biographical Annals of the West Branch." 
 shows. Meginnes says : " Disposing of his blacksmithing tools, 
 he took his wife and five children — one of them at the breast — 
 
458 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 and started for Muncy, where he had some relatives living. They 
 arrived there on the 17th of April, 1794. with less than eight 
 dollars in money, and were obliged to take up their residence 
 in a small cabin, about sixteen feet square, with a family of six 
 children, besides his own family, and including a bound boy," 
 This was his beginning. 
 
 A few years later Burrows says : "I received a letter from 
 Dr. Tate, introducing William H. Wells to me. The latter had 
 settled in the woods at Wellsboro, in Tioga county, and applied 
 to me to furnish him with provisions in his new settlement. He 
 had brought a number of negroes with him from the State of 
 Delaware. I put eight thousand eight hundred pounds of pork 
 on two sleds and started to go with it for him. It was fine sled- 
 ding, but dreadfully cold weather. In crossing the mountains, 
 the man I had driving one of the teams froze his feet up to his 
 ankles, and I was obliged to leave him. The next morning I 
 put the four horses to one sled and started for Wells'. I had to 
 cross Pine Creek six times. A man coming into the settlement 
 from that part of the country had frozen to death the day before, 
 and I passed his body lying in the road. The second crossing 
 of t he creek was about fifty yards wide, and when the foremost 
 horses got to the middle of the creek the ice broke with them on 
 it. The water was about mid-side deep, and in their efforts to 
 get on the ice again, drew the other horses and sled, into the 
 creek, and pulled the roller out of the sled. I got the horses 
 asb >re and tied them. I then went back to the sled and found the 
 water running over the pork. I had to go partly under water to 
 get an axe that was tied on the sled to cut a road through the ice 
 to get the sled ashore. Sometimes I was in the water up to my 
 middle, and sometimes was standing on the ice. The water, fol- 
 lowing the stroke of the axe. would fly up and as so in as it 
 touched me would turn into ice. When I had got the road cut to 
 the shore, I went to the sled and got a log chain. I then had to 
 go under water and hook first to one runner and then to the other, 
 and back the horses in through, the road to pull the sled out. It 
 was now dark and 1 had six miles to go. and four times to cross 
 the creek without a roller in my sled to guide it. On descending 
 ground it would often run out of the road, when 1 had difficulty 
 in getting it into the road again. There was not a dry thread 
 on me, .and the outside of my clothes was frozen stiff. It was 
 
AFTER THE WAR. 459 
 
 twelve o'clock before I got to the mill, the first house before me, 
 and there was neither hay nor stable when I got there. I thought 
 my poor horses would freeze to death. Xext morning, as soon 
 as daylight appeared, I cut a stick and put a roller in my sled. I 
 started from there at ten o'clock, and it was fifteen miles to 
 Wells' ; the snow was two feet deep, and there was scarcely a 
 track in the road. I met Mr. .Wells' negro five miles this side 
 of his house coming to meet me on horseback about sunset. He 
 said that there was a by-road that was a mile nearer than the 
 one I was on, and he undertook to pilot me, but he soon lost the 
 path and we wandered about among the trees till at length my 
 sled pitched into a hole and overset. I then unhooked my horses 
 from the sled and asked the negro if he thought he could pilot 
 me to the house, but he acknowledged himself lost. I looked 
 about and took a view of the stars, and started with my four 
 horses, and left the pork in the woods, and fortunately got into 
 Wells'. When I got there he had neither hay nor stable, m >r any 
 kind of feed, nor any place to confine my horses, so I was obliged 
 to tie them to the trees. He had a place dug out in a log that 
 I could feed two of my horses at a time. All the buildings that 
 he had erected were two small cabins adjoining one another — 
 one for himself and family, about sixteen feet square, that I 
 could net stand straight in, built of logs with bark for an upper 
 floor and split logs for the lower floor. The negro cabin was a 
 little larger, but built of the same material. I sat by the fire 
 till morning. It took me all the next day to get my pork to the 
 house and settle. The next day I started for home, without feed 
 for my horses there two nights, and the snow was up to their bel- 
 lies." 
 
 It is a fact that even in the solitudes of the wilderness there 
 were cheats and vampires who preyed on the unfortunates that 
 came their way. The story is told of one, by name Anthonyson, 
 a sort of half French and half Dutchman. He had a tavern a 
 few miles below Blossburg, on the mad leading to the Genessee 
 country. He was boastful, and dilated on his success in oxer- 
 reaching his victims. He did not raise oats, but did charge trav- 
 elers for the use of his troughs and for sleeping before his lire. 
 Whiskey was the staple commodity at his house, serving both 
 for meat and drink. Many of the early emigrants to the Genesee 
 country drove their young cattle along. There was a wide track 
 
460 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 of some fearful tornado not far from Anthony's house, in which 
 he had contrived to cut an open space, with a narrow passage 
 into it, making a kind of unseen pen. To this spot the cattle 
 of his guests were very apt to stray in the night. In the morn- 
 ing the poor emigrants were hunting far and near for their cat- 
 tle, with Anthony for their guide, hut on such occasions he never 
 happened to think of the windfall. The unsuspecting guests, 
 after two or three days of fruitless search, would leave, paying 
 roundly for their detention, and instructing the old scoundrel to 
 hunt the cattle, and when found to write to a certain address, 
 with a promise of reward for his trouble. Anthony never had 
 occasion to write; but it was always remarked that he kept his 
 smokehouse well supplied with what he called elk meat. When 
 or where he caught the elks was never known. Some lone trav- 
 elers, who stopped at his house, never reached their intended 
 destination, and there was grave suspicion that he could explain 
 the cause of it. 
 
 A faithful comparison of affairs in that early day and in our 
 day may impress the mind more clearly with the progress that has 
 been made by the onward march of the years, bearing the in- 
 dustries of the thousands who have made the West Branch Valley 
 their home. We are fortunate in having statistics of that day 
 to refer to, accurately given us by more than one observer. From 
 them we quote as follows : 
 
 Values at Sunbury in 1795. 
 
 The houses here are partly built of logs and partly of frame- 
 work, one or two stories high, sashed and glazed, some of them 
 painted on the outside, all of them neat without and clean within: 
 unf. stable and commodious. The price of building a log house 
 here of four rooms on a floor, each about twelve feet square, one 
 story high, finished within-side with plain wainscoting, panel 
 doors, lock and thumb latches, glazed windows, etc., complete. 
 about one hundred pounds sterling. The log houses are as com- 
 fortable, as clean and as convenient as any brick or stone house 
 in England. They are made by placing logs of trees trans- 
 versely one upon the ends of two others, which are notched to let 
 them in; the interstices are plastered and the outside and in- 
 side frequently cased. If the logs are placed upon stonework 
 
AFTER THE WAR. 46 1 
 
 about a foot from the ground, so as not to be exposed to alternate 
 moisture and drought, they will last half a century or more very 
 well. 
 
 The soil about Sunbury and Northumberland, which, as the 
 river only divides them, we speak of together, is a sandy loam 
 several feet deep near the river and apparently excellent for al- 
 most any kind of vegetation. Their produce here, as in most 
 other parts of Pennsylvania, is corn, wheat, oats, rye, buckwheat, 
 potatoes and some little barley. Prices, wheat per bushel, three 
 shillings and ninepence; oats, two shillings to two shillings and 
 threepence ; rye, three shillings and to sixpence more ; corn, maize, 
 three shillings; buckwheat, one shilling and tenpence; potatoes, 
 in the spring, two and a half shillings to three shillings ninepence; 
 in the autumn, one shilling and twopence to one shilling tenpence 
 a bushel. Cider, per barrel, according to the crops of apples; 
 in 1793, it was from thirteen shillings sixpence to eighteen shil- 
 lings ; 1792, it was from seven and sixpence to nine shillings ; beer, 
 none ; there was a brewery at Northumberland some time ago, 
 but it has been discontinued. While it was carried on, ale sold 
 for eighteeen shillings, and porter for three pounds ber barrel of 
 thirty-one gallons. Wages in the town, two shillings and three- 
 pence a day ; in the country, one shilling and tenpence to two shil- 
 lings and threepence and board. The common drink, cider or 
 whiskey and water. Beef, threepence per pound; mutton, two- 
 pence to threepence; these are bought at the butchers' or the 
 farmers' who bring meat to town for retail ; butter at Christmas, 
 one shilling and sixpence per pound. A cord of oak firewood, 
 three shillings and sixpence ; hickory, seven shillings and six- 
 pence. Produce of wheat, twenty or thirty bushels to the acre. 
 The new lands and the stony rich lands near the river are too 
 rich for wheat, and require to be reduced by corn, Max or to- 
 bacco. Otherwise, unless in a very dry summer, the grain shoots 
 up into straw. Wheat and barley grow best on the tops of the 
 hills, and even in stony ground. Land in the immediate vicinity 
 of Sunbury sells from eighteen to twenty-three pounds an acre. 
 Building lots of one-quarter or half an acre in Northumberland 
 or Sunbury. from $100 to $200 each. Land a few miles distant, 
 uncleared, twenty-two to thirty shillings an acre. Land with a 
 log cabin, a log barn and about one-fourth improved, i. e.. the 
 trees cut clown and the underwood grubbed up, about two 
 
462 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 pounds five shillings, or five shillings more per acre. — Winter- 
 botham. 
 
 Another authority, who was interested sufficiently to notice 
 the affairs of the common people, was the Duke De La Rochefau- 
 cault Liancourt, the French traveler, who visited Northumber- 
 land in 1795, and gave his impressions as follows: 
 
 Sunbury is the chief town of the county. But the small 
 number of public buildings which are necessary for the admin- 
 istration of justice constitutes its only advantage over North- 
 umberland. The number of houses is at this time perhaps a 
 sixth greater at Sunbury than at Northumberland, where it 
 amounts to about one hundred. Sunbury is undoubtedly the 
 worst built town we have hitherto seen. All the houses are of 
 wood, chiefly log; two only are of stone. There is no market 
 place here ; the towns contain no inns, but there are four whiskey 
 houses. We put up in that which is the best of them ; and yet it 
 rains on our beds as well as on our horses in the stable. Ale- 
 thinks there is hardly any place situate more favorably for its be- 
 coming a large city than Northumberland. The slow progress 
 hitherto made by the town. I have heard imputed to the untoward 
 character and little sense of the gentleman who possessed three- 
 fourths of the ground on which the town stands. * * :;: The 
 price of land about Northumberland is at present from twenty 
 to twenty-four dollars per acre near the river ; that situate on the 
 northern arm is still dearer, on account of the better quality of 
 the soil, and because a greater part of the ground is already 
 cleared there than on the eastern arm. Further up the river 
 land is sold from four to six dollars per acre. * * * The 
 inhabitants of Northumberland, as well as the county at large, 
 are Dutchmen. * * :|: Laborers are paid six shillings a day 
 without victuals, or three shillings and ninepence with their en- 
 tertainment. In the country, where they hire themselves by the 
 month, they have eight dollars, for which they are obliged to work 
 twenty-six days. Bricklayers' and carpenters' wages are, in 
 town, one dollar per day. The price of tiles is four dollars per 
 thousand, and very good bricks cost in Northumberland two 
 shillings and sixpence, delivered free of expense. The price of 
 lime is from nine to tenpence per bushel, of deal boards live shil- 
 lings per hundred feel, and of other boards six shillings and six- 
 pence. As there is no market, either in Northumberland or Sun- 
 
AFTER THE WAR. 463 
 
 bury, the inhabitants live for the greater part of the year upon 
 salted meat, unless they keep fowls. The farmers kill at times 
 a cow, but since an epidemic has carried off all the horses they 
 have been obliged to replace these by oxen for the purpose of 
 agriculture, and consequently use less beef than before. Cow 
 beef at this time sold from fivepence to fivepence half penny per 
 pound. The highest house rent in Northumberland is eighty 
 dollars, and there is but one house in the whole town for which so 
 much is paid. It is of brick, large and convenient, and was but 
 lately sold for $5,200. Everything is somewhat dearer at Sun- 
 bury but the difference is not a full sixth. 
 
 The same spirit that led men to defy the Proprietary Gov- 
 ernment and settle on the lands that pleased them, whether pur- 
 chased of the Indians or not, was seen in the selection of their 
 political affinities. It was true that the Federalist party was 
 composed of the learning and wealth and aristocracy of the land, 
 although Washington, during his first administration, was not a 
 party man but tried to be neutral ; but the claim that it w r ould be 
 dangerous to the security of the country to permit the people in 
 common to have equal rights with the more favored aroused a 
 feeling of opposition that drew the attention of every one to the 
 attempt to enforce class distinctions. If the claim of the leaders 
 of the Federalists was conceded there could be no hope for the 
 development of the people coming up from the lowly homes where 
 wealth and culture were alike unknown. Thus there was a deep 
 under-current of antagonism against the ruling party by the 
 masses, and this was seen the most clearly in the growing frontier 
 towns and in the centers of the agricultural interests. To com- 
 plete their alienation from the confidence of the people, the Fed- 
 eralists passed what were called the "Alien and Sedition Acts." 
 These were as follows : 
 
 "1st. The Naturalization Act, by which aliens were required 
 to reside here fourteen years instead of five before they could be- 
 come citizens, while alien enemies could not become naturalized 
 at all. 
 
 "jnd. The Alien Act, by which the President could sum- 
 marily banish any alien in his discretion who was dangerous to the 
 Republic. 
 
 "3rd. The Sedition Act, which laid pains and penalties on 
 any hostile criticism of the Administration or Congress." 
 
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466 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 the boasting of the patriots was relentlessly hurled into the teeth 
 of the angry Federalists. The victory of the "Constitution" over 
 the "Guerriere," and of the "Wasp"' over the "Frolic," and the 
 "United States" over the "Macedonian," and of the "Constitu- 
 tion" over the "Java," stirred the people to such an extent that 
 many went out as Privateersmen. During the war these bold 
 and successful men captured twenty-seven hundred British mer- 
 chantmen, sometimes even in sight of the coast of England, 
 sending a fright through England that revealed itself in exor- 
 bitant rates of marine insurance, and in producing almost a 
 famine for grain. 
 
 William Henry Harrison's victor}- over the English and 
 Indians on the Thames in Canada, and the death of^Tecumseh, 
 and the naval victories on the Lakes, and the victory of Jackson 
 at Xew Orleans, and the story of the Star Spangled Banner at 
 the bombardment of Fort McHenry, were great subjects for the 
 Republicans to boast about. Such were the themes that the men 
 on the frontier freely discussed. They felled the mighty trees of 
 the forests, and sowed their fields, and reaped great harvests, and 
 changed their log cabins into stone houses, or houses built of 
 frames covered with boards, and built mills, and increased their 
 manufacturing, and raised great flocks of sheep, and herds of 
 cattle, and made their own clothes, and grew strong as the arbiters 
 of a Nation's destiny. 
 
 Until his death, in 1801, Frederick Antes was all the time in 
 touch with the life of the Capital of the State, and an active parti- 
 san in every movement. When the war clouds gathered theseo »nd 
 time Colonel Henry Antes was too old to shoulder his rifle and go, 
 but he was not too old to praise the lads that went, or shout over 
 the victories gained. He was one of the men of that day. He 
 was fast descending to the grave when the turn of affairs brought 
 to the front new questions, and there was a reforming of party 
 lines on new issues, and the divisions of the past became a matter 
 of hist' try. 
 
 The last years of Henry Antes were spent while James 
 Monroe was President of the United States. It was a period of 
 State formation and the question of the extension of slavery was 
 agitating the whole country. When Samuel Stewart, the elder, 
 came to Nippenose Valley he brought slaves with him. When 
 he settled at Level Corner he worked his large place with slaves. 
 
AFTER THE WAR. 467 
 
 But even at that time slavery had been practically abolished in 
 Pennsylvania. Slavery did not please the spirit of these people 
 who had fought so hard for liberty. Hence, slavery as a Na- 
 tional question was a subject of conversation that drew crowds 
 of people to the bench before the Antes Mill. 
 
 There was also the Indian question again, for the Govern- 
 ment was purchasing the lands of the Indians west of the Ohio 
 and assigning them to special reservations, with the expectation 
 that if they were surrrounded by white people they would leave 
 their barbarous ways and copy the civilization about them. 
 
 At this same time there was trouble with the Seminole In- 
 dians in Florida, and General Jackson was sent to look after 
 them. This old warrior selected a thousand riflemen from West- 
 ern Tennessee and overran the Seminole country, and completely 
 subdued them. As the news came to the West Branch of the 
 progress of this Indian war, we can imagine the old Colonel re- 
 counting the incidents of a similar contest that had raged all 
 about the homes now resting so peacefully and secure from all 
 harm. 
 
 Then came a great financial crisis, when the business of the 
 whole country was in a precarious condition, and even the Bank 
 of the United States was only with difficulty saved from sus- 
 pension and bankruptcy. 
 
 The last great measure that excited the attention of the pub- 
 lic, that Col. Henry Antes had the pleasure of discussing and 
 hearing his neighbors discuss before the mill bench, was the ad- 
 mission into the Union of Missouri as a slave State. The ap- 
 plication of Maine was presented at the same time as a free 
 State, but the friends of slavery opposed Maine because the foes 
 of slavery opposed Missouri. Finally they were admitted to- 
 gether and then the law was passed called the "Missouri Com- 
 promise," by which slavery should be henceforth and forever ex- 
 cluded from all that part of the United States, Missouri excepted, 
 lying north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty 
 minutes. This measure was carried through by the genius and 
 eloquence of Henry Clay. There was much about Henry Clay 
 to delight the people who had battled for liberty on the Susque- 
 hanna. He was the champion of American industries ; he urged 
 forward internal improvements ; his voice rang clearly for what 
 the American temperament demanded ; he understood what was 
 
468 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 its congenial atmosphere. All over the country his name was on 
 the lips of the people as their political idol. The posts were 
 closely watched to receive every utterance that he delivered on 
 these burning topics. 
 
 While these discussions were stirring the people, the old 
 Revolutionary veteran sank into his last slumber in his cabin near 
 the mill, watched over to the end by his faithful wife Sophia. 
 
 He was the last of his family. His brother Frederick had 
 died in 1801 ; William in 18 10; John in 181 1, and Anna in 1794. 
 Colonel Henry Antes died May 13th, 1820. Colonel Antes was 
 buried in the cemetery on the top of the hill, near the ruins of the 
 old stockade fort, by the side of the soldiers whose early and 
 bloody deaths had made that spot consecrated ground. From 
 that spot he had seen the cabins of the first settlers disappear in 
 fire and smoke; over their ruins he had seen new homes spring 
 up, and prosperity and plenty cluster around them. Now. his 
 own life, once so full of dangers and disappointments, glided into 
 prosperity and rest. With a thankful heart and expressing 
 gratitude to God, he received the summons and went home to his 
 Father's house, where there is no war, but the everlasting reign 
 of righteousness and peace. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 THE descendants of the first German immigrants to Pennsyl- 
 vania have a right to be proud of their ancestry. The 
 historian justifies them because their fathers gave up their 
 homes and their fatherland in order to remain true to their re- 
 ligion, and to know that they were breathing the air of freedom. 
 Many of these families were deeply religious, and their religion 
 was worth- suffering for in the wilds of a new country. The 
 families that we have to do with in this sketch were from the 
 Palatinate. They were the descendants of the ancient Allimanni. 
 In 1688, Louis the XIV undertook to usurp the Electorate for 
 his sister-in-law, the Duchess of Orleans. He invaded the Pal- 
 atinate, pillaged the country, and murdered one hundred thousand 
 of the inhabitants. For this crime against humanity, William 
 of England made war against Louis. This led Louis to invade 
 Ireland. Then Louvois, Louis's general, counselled him to 
 destroy all the cities of the Palatinate that he could not hold. 
 Louis accepted this counsel, and cities, towns, churches and cas- 
 tles were destroyed in great numbers, and the inhabitants were 
 stripped naked, and driven into the snow clad hills and barren 
 fields to perish. Heidelberg was sacked in 1693, and no mercy 
 shown to the inhabitants. This policy continued until the peace 
 of Ryswick, in 1697. 
 
 In 1 70 1 the war of the Spanish Succession broke out and 
 continued until the Peace of Utrecht, in 1730. During this 
 period the Palatinate was overrun repeatedly by hostile armies 
 and the land laid waste. In 1740, a general European war be- 
 gan, which lasted eight years. In 1750, war began between 
 Prussia and Austria, which involved England and France. Dur- 
 ing this war the Palatinate was the arena of camps and battles. 
 
 William Penn's first visit to the Palatinate was in 1671. 
 His second visit was in 1677, and the third in 1683. He was a 
 fine German scholar, and preached to the people a gospel of peace. 
 
4JO MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 He won many converts, and offered to the persecuted people an 
 asylum in his new country. In 1702. Queen Anne succeeded 
 Kins: William on the throne of England. She was a zealous 
 Protestant, and cordially invited the persecuted Palatines to make 
 their homes in her country. The result was a large emigration 
 of Palatines, first to England, and then to America. When they 
 arrived in America, with hearts rilled with gratitude for the 
 refuge before them, they willingly took the oath required, which 
 was as follows : 
 
 '"\Ye. the subscribers, natives and late inhabitants of the 
 Palatinate upon the Rhine, and places adjacent, having trans- 
 ported ourselves and families into this Province of Pennsyl- 
 vania, a Colony subject to the Crown of Great Britain, in hope 
 and expectation of finding a retreat and peaceable settlement 
 therein, do solemnly promise and engage that we will be faith- 
 ful and bear true allegiance to his present Majesty, King George 
 the Second, and his successors. Kings of Great Britain, and will 
 be faithful to the Proprietor of this Province : and that we will 
 demean ourselves peaceably to all his said Majesty's subjects and 
 strictly observe and conform to the laws of England and of the 
 Province to the utmost of our power and the best of our under- 
 standing." 
 
 This oath was drawn up September 21st. 1727. Patrick 
 don being Lieut. Governor. 
 
 When, in 1754. the Germans of Pennsylvania were accused 
 tting with the French and Indians to drive out the English. 
 a memorial was prepared and signed by their most prominent 
 leaders and presented to Governor Xorris. Henry Antes was one 
 :' this d< icument. One sentence in it is as follows : 
 re, can any man of due reason think, much less say. 
 that this same people were any ways inclined to submit them- 
 selves again under a Romish slavery upheld by a French King." 
 This oath and the causes of the Germans coming to America will 
 explain why they were so loyal to the Proprietary Government 
 in the stormy days immediately preceding the War of the Rev< ilu- 
 ■ 
 
 "its many interesting features. 
 The parents of the author of this book were John Matthias Mc- 
 Minn 1 the founder of Wildwood Cemetery. Williamsport, which 
 shall ever be an imperishable monument to his public spirit and 
 
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MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 4/1 
 
 skill as a civil engineer), and Caroline Youngman. The ances- 
 tor of the McMinn family came to America early in the eigh- 
 teenth century from the Scotch-Irish part of Northern Ireland. 
 He was of the Argyleshire clan of Scotland. In 1754 he was 
 a resident of Haverford township, Delaware comity. Pa., and 
 was known as Angus McMan. In 1756 he resided in Marple 
 township, and in 1757 his name was recorded as Muccleman. In 
 1764 he was assessed in Marple township as the owner of three 
 horses, four cattle, and paid a rental to Jonathan Maris of six 
 pounds. His name was recorded as Annis McMin. He died in 
 Upper Providence, Delaware county, and was buried the Second 
 month, ninth day, 1804. His name was then recorded Angus 
 McLemin. This account is interesting, because it shows that 
 names were written phonetically. The undertaker's certificate 
 being, however, the correct way of spelling it. 
 
 The ancestors of J. M. McMinn on the maternal side owned 
 the Gulf Mills, on the Wissahickon, where John R. McMinn, the 
 father of John M., learned the trade of a miller, and which he 
 pursued until he was seventy-six years of age. 
 
 The parents of Mrs. John M. McMinn were Elias P. Young- 
 man and Amelia Antes. 
 
 May 15th, 1732, in the ship Norris, from Boston, came 
 thirteen Palatines with their families, who took the oath at Phila- 
 delphia as soon as they arrived. One of these was Johan Ditrich 
 Youngman. His wife was named Maria Elizabeth. August 
 15th, 1738, their son, Elias, was born. They called their daugh- 
 ter by the name Phillipina. She married Michael B. Blattner. 
 Another son was named Thomas, who became a tanner by trade. 
 In 1776 he was appointed one of the Commissioners of Berks 
 county. Elias Youngman learned the trade of a hatter. Janu- 
 ary nth, 1763, he married Catharine Nagie, the daughter of 
 Joachim Nagle. She was born in Kefferoth, Germany, in T743. 
 The Youngmans were prosperous and owned considerable prop- 
 erty in Reading, Pa. 
 
 Joachim Xagie, the father of Mrs. Youngman, was born in 
 Isenberg, near Coblentz, southern Prussia, and came to Penn- 
 sylvania on the ship "Two Brothers" on September 16th, 1751. 
 He was a miller by trade and settled at Dougiassville, where he 
 built a mill. He died July 26th, 1795. On his tombstone there 
 is recorded : 
 
47-' MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 " My life rests in God's hands, 
 The land Isenberg is my fatherland. 
 There was I born. 
 Christ is my choice." 
 
 When Joachim Xagle came from Europe he brought with 
 him a library chest, in which he kept his books and papers. When 
 he died, this was taken to the house of his son Peter, where it 
 remained until his death, in 1835. Then it was taken to the 
 house of his daughter, Susan Boyer, where it remained until her 
 death, in 1892. Then it was taken into the yard to be burned as 
 rubbish. When the papers were tumbled out on the fire, a small 
 package fell to one side. It was struck with the foot of the one 
 who was superintending the work of destruction, and it fell 
 apart. It was saved from the flames and found to contain two 
 panels of very thin poplar wood, five inches by six in dimensions, 
 and on these beautiful oil paintings of the portraits of Joachim 
 Nagle and his wife. They had been executed in Europe. 
 
 Joachim Xagle had a number of children beside Catherine, 
 the wife of Elias Youngman. George, the eldest, was a distin- 
 guished man in the Revolution. In 1764 he was stationed as an 
 Ensign at one of the frontier forts on the Blue Ridge. June 
 24th, 1775, he was commissioned Captain of a company of expert 
 riflemen, and was' the first of that class of Continental soldiers to 
 reach Washington near Boston. He secured a series of promo- 
 tions until he became Colonel of the Tenth Pennsylvania Line. 
 He married Rebecca Lincoln, the daughter of Mordecai Line iln. 
 She was the sister of the great-grandfather of President Abraham 
 Lincoln. 
 
 Another son was Peter Xagle. He was a Captain in the 
 Second Company of the Fourth Battalion, Pennsylvania Line. 
 After the war he was appointed a Justice and remained in the 
 office until his death, lie was an intimate friend of General 
 Washington, and in his home at Reading gave a public reception 
 to Washington on his visit to Reading after the war. One of 
 the daughters of Peter 'Xagie was the grandmother of William 
 Buehler, of the United States Navy. The first wife of ex-Sena- 
 tor J. Donald Cameron was also a granddaughter of Peter Xagie. 
 The children of Mrs. J. Donald Cameron are Mrs. W. II. Brad- 
 ley, of Newark, X. J. ; Mrs. William Clark, of the family of thread 
 manufacturers, and Mrs. Chandler Hale, daughter-in-law of 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 4/3 
 
 Senator Hale. The McCormicks, of Harrisburg; William Mc- 
 Cormick, of the Reading Herald; the Colemans, of Reading, and 
 Frank D. Nagle, of Reading, are of this branch. 
 
 Elias Youngman was one of the early settlers in Bnffalo 
 Valley, having purchased a part of Dr. Plunket's land allotment, 
 and also a property owner in Snnbnry. He was the proprietor 
 of what is now Mifflinberg. He had two sons and one daugh- 
 ter. Catherine, the daughter, married John Driesbach, the son 
 of Martin Driesbach, the donor of the land on which Driesbach's 
 Church stands. Thomas married Alary Shoemaker, the daugh- 
 ter of Henry Shoemaker, and George W. married the daughter 
 of John Henry Pontius, one of the earliest settlers in Buffalo 
 Valley. George W. was the father of Elias Pontius Youngman, 
 who was the father of Caroline McMinn. The Youngmans, 
 Driesbachs and Pontius were all very active, consecrated church 
 people, and held prominent offices in the church. 
 
 Amelia Antes, the wife of Elias P. Youngman, was the 
 daughter of Henry Antes and Elizabeth Shoemaker. Elizabeth 
 Shoemaker was the sister of Mrs. Thomas Youngman, and the 
 daughter of Henry Shoemaker, of Muncy. She was also the 
 sister of Susan Gobin, the grandmother of General J. P. S. Gobin, 
 the present Lieut. Governor of Pennsylvania (1900). 
 
 The Shoemaker brothers, Henry, Charles and Jacob, came to 
 America at an early day. They came to Berks county from Ger- 
 mantown and bought considerable property. During the Revolu- 
 tionary War they were notable men. Charles Shoemaker was a 
 Colonial Justice, also a delegate from Berks county to the Consti- 
 tutional Conventions of June 18th, 1776, and of July 15th, 1776. 
 He served in the House of Representatives in 1 791- 1802. also 
 1812 and 1813, and in State Senate from 181 3 to 1816. In 1784 
 he was commissioned Judge of Common Pleas. Jacob Shoe- 
 maker was also a Justice in 1777 for Windsor township. Jacob 
 .was naturalized April 12th, 1743. It may be that his brothers 
 were naturalized at the same time. Henry Shoemaker built the 
 large, strong stone house in Shoemakerville that is still standing 
 and marked with the date of its erection in 1768. It was Shoe- 
 maker's Inn, and was a notable hostelry of that day. In 1777. 
 Henry Shoemaker was one of the seven sub-Lieutenants of Berks 
 county. During that year Berks county sent three hundred and 
 fifty immense wagon loads of supplies to the army, which was 
 
4/4 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 needing them so greatly at the time of the battles of Brandywine, 
 Germantown, and the stay at Valley Forge. Henry Shoemaker 
 
 was a miller and erected a grist mill a short distance above Shoe- 
 makervillle. After the war he removed with his family to 
 Muncy, where he purchased the site of the Allwood Mill that had 
 been burned by the Indians, and there he erected first a saw mill 
 to cut the lumber and then a grist mill. From that day to this 
 that site has been occupied by a grist mill. Henry Shoemaker 
 was a religions man, and gave fifteen acres of land for church 
 purposes, upon which was erected the Old Dutch Church, now 
 known as the Emmanuel's Evangelical Lutheran Church. He 
 had a large family and his children married into the Scndder 
 Robb, Kidd, Kirk, Gobin and Youngman families. Henry Shoe- 
 maker was appointed a Justice for Northumberland county in 
 1784.^ 
 
 The father of Amelia Youngman was Henry Antes, son of 
 Colonel Henry Antes, and his father was Henry Antes, the Col- 
 onial Justice, and his father was Frederick Antes. 
 
 On page 19 of this book there is given the ancestry of 
 1 lenry Antes, and on page 22 the ancestry of Christina, the 
 mother of Colonel Henry Antes, showing the relationship to the 
 Dewees and the Rittenhonse families. 
 
 When Henry Antes the elder died, in 1755, among the items 
 of his last will and testament was the following: "Item. And 
 fourthly, I give and bequeath unto my son Henry all that im- 
 plantation in Hanover township :;: * :;: * containing one 
 hundred and fifty-six acres of land, be it more or less, the which 
 I had of my father, Frederick Antes, by Will and Testament. 
 with all ye buildings thereon, and twenty acres alongside ^\ ye 
 same out of ye aforesaid tract of land of ninety-six acres, be- 
 tween ye said line of ye said I lenry Diringer and Joseph Bitting, 
 villi the proviso that he pays one hundred pounds to my son 
 John when he shall be twenty-four years old, and fifty pounds 
 to my daughter Benigna when she shall be twenty-four years 
 old. Likewise, 1 give to this, my son Henry, two horses or 
 mares, ye choice out of the rest of my stock, with their geers, 
 and two milch cows, and one-third part of my sheep, and one- 
 third part of all my husbandry and carpenter tools and iron 
 harrow, and one wagon to be fixed np with ye "Id burned waggon 
 tire to be ::: ::: under the administration of my execu- 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 475 
 
 tors until the said son Henry is twenty-one years old, and then 
 to be delivered to him, and before that time ye said son is to serve 
 his mother without any other further reward. But in case if a 
 sum of money should be lawfully demanded on the said one hun- 
 dred and hfty-six acres I had from my father above said for fault 
 of the deede within fifteen years, such said sum of money shall 
 be equally paid between all my children, but if after fifteen 
 years then the said Henry shall lose it alone.'' 
 
 Adolph Meyer, of Scipack, and Daniel Bishope, of Bethle- 
 hem, were appointed guardians of the children under age. This 
 was signed July 20th, 1754. 
 
 The daughter, Benigna, died at Bethlehem when twelve 
 years of age. John joined the Moravians in 1752, and in 1769 
 was sent as a missionary to Egypt. He was recalled from Egypt 
 to London in 17S1, and died in Bristol, England, December 
 nth, 1811. 
 
 The following is a copy of the will of Frederick Antes, re- 
 ferred to in the will of Henry Antes. It is an interesting docu- 
 ment, showing the nature of the possessions of a prosperous man 
 of that time. The possession of the Old German Bible reveals 
 the fact that as far back as we can trace, this family was devotedly 
 religious : 
 
 "The fifteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord 174^, 
 I. Frederick Antes, of New Hanover township, in the count)' of 
 Philadelphia, yeoman, being aged and infirm in Body but thro 
 the mercy and goodness of God of sound and well disposing mind 
 and memory, Do make this, my Last Will and Testament, of and 
 concerning my Wordly Estate, in mannner following : That is 
 to say, first, it is my mind and desire that my Just Debts and 
 Funeral Expenses shall be duly paid, and I do nominate and ap- 
 point my dear wife, Elizabeth Catharine, and my son, Henry, 
 to be the Executors of this my Last Will and Testament. And 
 I do give and devise unto my said son Henry all that my Mes- 
 suage, Plantation, Tract of land, situate in the said Township, 
 together with the appurtenances, to hold to my said son Henry 
 Antes, his heirs and assigns forever. Provided always, and my 
 further mind is, that my said wife shall have eight bushels of 
 wheat and seven bushels of rye delivered to her use yearly, and 
 every year, at her request, and to have one cow and two sheep 
 kept yearly on the said plantation for her use. and privilege to 
 
4/6 MATTERS INTERESTING TO TIIL-: ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 Raise a Calf to her use till it be one year old. My said wife is 
 only to help with her own labor to make, hay for the keeping of 
 the said stock. My said wife shall have one-quarter of an acre 
 of land sowed with flax on the said plantation to be to her use 
 yearly, and every year; and my said wife shall have one-third 
 part of the fruit of the orchard, and one-fourth part of the ground 
 in the garden to be to her use yearly, and every year; and my 
 said wife shall have my lodging room to dwell in, and her neces- 
 sary use of the fire-place, during all the term of her natural life. 
 if she so long continue Sole and unmarried. To which end I 
 would have the plantation let to farm from year to year. or. 
 otherwise, to the best advantage in the discretion of my said 
 son Henry, or his heirs. But if my said wife shall marry again, 
 then within six months after such her future marriage, I do give 
 unto her, my said wife, the sum of ten pounds in lieu of her 
 dower, or any other part of my estate. And I do give and be- 
 queath unto my daughter, Anna Elizabeth, the sum of fifty 
 pounds, to be paid to her in twelve months next after my de- 
 cease. As for and concerning all the cattle and live stock, with 
 the corn that shall be found upon the said plantation at the time 
 of my decease, whether in held or barn, I give the one full moyety 
 thereof unto my said wife, Elizabeth Catharine, and the other 
 moyety I give unto my said son Henry. Moreover, I give unto un- 
 said wife thebed whereon welie, with the furniture belonging to it: 
 my round Table, my Brandy Still, my Great Iron Kettle, my 
 Great German Bible and Great Hanging Press. And I give to 
 my said son Henry all my Implements of Husbandry whatso- 
 ever, and my Great Copper Kettle, and as for and concerning all 
 the Rest of my Household Goods, and all other my Goods, 
 Chattels, Effects and Estate whatsoever I give and bequeath the 
 one full moyety thereof unto my said wife, Elizabeth Catharine. 
 and the other moyety thereof unto my 'said son, Henry Antes, and 
 I do declare this to be my Last Will and Testament, hereby re- 
 voking all others. In Witness whereof, I, the said Frederick 
 Antes, have hereunto set my Hand and Seal the day and year 
 first within mentioned. Frederick Antes. [SEAL.] Signed. 
 Sealed. Published and Declared by the above and within named 
 Frederick Antes, for and his Fast Will and Testament, in the 
 presence of us, who, at his request and in his presence, have set 
 our names as witnesses hereunto. Jost Bitting. Jacob Bau- 
 mann. 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. -+// 
 
 "Philadelphia, November 26th, 1746. There personally ap- 
 peared Jost Bitting and Jacob Baumann, the witnesses to the 
 foregoing Will ; and the said Jacob Baumann, on his solemn 
 affirmation according to law, and the said Jost Bitting, on his 
 oath respectively, did declare they saw and heard Frederick Antes, 
 the Testator therein named, Sign, Seal and Publish and Declare 
 the same Will for and as his Last Will and Testament, and that 
 at the doing thereof he was of sound mind, memory and under- 
 standing, to the best of their knowledge. Coram. William 
 Plumstead, R. General." 
 
 A few months after his father's death, and while still under 
 age, Henry Antes, Jr., the inheritor of this beautiful property, 
 married Anna Maria Paul, or, as she styled herself, Mary Paulin, 
 according to the German practice of adding the feminine termin- 
 ation to the name. 
 
 On April 23rd, 1752, Jonathan Paul, the miller, died, leav- 
 ing an estate valued at eight hundred and sixty-six pounds sev- 
 enteen shillings and ten and one-fourth pence. There were 
 three children, Jonathan, who was of age; Sarah and Mary, who 
 were under age. John Johnson and John Jones were appointed 
 their guardians. Before they became of age their mother mar- 
 ried J. Woolen. Sarah died, and Mary was sent to school. 
 The estate was charged sixty-five pounds two shillings for her 
 schooling. When she became of age, there was a dispute about 
 the statement of the administrators, and William Dewees, 
 Thomas Yorke and Thomas Livezey were appointed by the Court 
 to adjust the matter. They awarded Mary Paul the sum of one 
 hundred and eight pounds seven shillings and five one-half pence. 
 Plenry Antes and Mary Paul lived together on his farm in New 
 Hanover township for ten years when she died, leaving three 
 children ; the youngest died soon after the mother, and the two 
 sons, Henry and Philip, survived and lived to old age. 
 
 In Whitemarsh township, and that part of Germantown con- 
 tiguous to it, there were several prominent families whose lands 
 not only joined, but whose business was of the same kind, and 
 thus they were particularly intimate. Beginning at a point near 
 the present Flourtown, we find the properties of Edge, Farmer, 
 Robeson, Dewees, Williams, Paul, etc. 
 
 In 1748 James Paul and Jacob Edge purchased a property 
 from Edward and Joseph Burk. In 1762 Sarah, Robert and 
 
4/8 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 John, the children of James Paul, conveyed their share of this 
 property to Edge. 
 
 In 1747 Jonathan Robeson, Esquire, of Whitemarsh, and 
 Peter Robeson, his son, of Philadelphia county, inn-holder, and 
 Joseph Farmer, of Whitemarsh, yeoman, the executors of the 
 estate of Edward Farmer, of Whitemarsh, gentleman, sold to 
 William Dewees, who had married Rachel, the daughter of Ed- 
 ward Farmer, one hundred and ninety-eight and a fraction acres 
 of land. In 1764 William Dewees sold out of this portion the 
 grist mill and seventeen acres of land to Joseph and Richard 
 Mather. At this time William Dewees was an inn-holder in 
 Germantown and an Esquire. In 1769 the heirs of Mathers 
 sold the property to Jonathan Robeson.' In 1772 Robeson pur- 
 chased other property of Michael Crowl, amounting to two hun- 
 dred and two and a fraction acres. In 1789 Peter Robeson, the 
 son of Jonathan, sold this property to Jacob Paul, miller, of 
 Germantown, for one thousand six hundred and fifty pounds in 
 gold and silver. In 1801 Paul sold it to Jesse Jarret for two 
 thousand six hundred pounds in gold and silver. In 1812 the 
 property was sold to Nicholas Klein, and it afterward became 
 the property of Silas and John Cleaver. It belongs to the Cleaver 
 family to-day. 
 
 The record of the families of that time show quite clearly 
 the lines of social affiliations, and the general selections within 
 certain limits of relationship reveal the attention to social equal- 
 ity so carefully preserved. To exhibit this let us look at the 
 relations of those in greatest prominence in that section. 
 
 On the 20th day of .August. 1699, Thomas Potts and Martha 
 Courlin were married in the Abington Friends' Meeting. Peter 
 Keurlis, the bride's father, was one of the twelve original set- 
 tlers of Germantown. In 16S2 Thomas Rutter came to America 
 in the ship "Amity.*' which accompanied the "Welcome," in 
 which William Penn came to Pennsylvania. In 1685 Rutter 
 married Rebecca Staples. In 1705, when Pastorious resigned 
 the head magistracy of Germantown, Thomas Rutter succeeded 
 him in office. In 1717 Rutter, who was a smith, removed to 
 the district forty miles up the Schuylkill, to the Manatawnv 
 tract, where a good quality of iron had been discovered, to open 
 and work iron mines. The discovery of this iron aroused great 
 excitement in England, and in 1719 a bill was introduced in 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 4/9 
 
 Parliament to prevent the erection of rolling and slitting- mills 
 m America. At the time the bill did not pass, but it was adopted 
 in 1750, and served to widen the breach between the colonies and 
 the mother country. Rutter's tract included all that territory 
 known to-day as Colebrookdale, Amity, Dougiassville and 
 Boyerstown. On this Rutter and his sons-in-law, Samuel Sav- 
 age and Samuel Nutt, erected furnaces and forges. Afterward. 
 Samuel Nutt brought skilled workmen from Germany, and at 
 his forges at French Creek made the first steel that was made in 
 America. Thomas Rutter died in 1729. After his death his 
 heirs, in conjunction with Thomas Potts, St., became owners of 
 a large tract of mineral lands, furnaces and forges. Thomas 
 Potts, Jr., married Rebecca, a grandaughter of Thomas Rutter. 
 From that time, by intermarriages and purchases from one an- 
 other, all this property was retained in the possesison of this 
 family. One of their furnaces was that at Warwick, in Ches- 
 ter county. It was built in 1736 as a charcoal blast furnace. 
 In 1 77O it was engaged in casting cannon for the State. Here 
 the first four-pounders cast in America were made, and Colonel 
 Frederick Antes was appointed by the State Council to test these 
 cannon and decide upon their acceptance. The furnace was 
 blown by long wooden bellows, propelled by water-wheels. 
 Five miles from Pottstown was the forge known as Pine Forge. 
 It was the earliest forge erected in Pennsylvania. William 
 Dewees, the brother-in-law of Henry Antes, Sr., married Rachel 
 Farmer. The second wife of Thomas Potts was Grace Farmer. 
 The wife of William Dewees. Jr., was Sarah Potts, the daugh- 
 ter of Thomas Potts. Martha, the sister of Sarah Potts, mar- 
 ried Thomas Yorke. Thomas Potts, the brother of Sarah, mar- 
 ried Magdalen Robeson. John Potts, a brother, was the founder 
 of Pottstown, which he laid out in 1752. John Potts and 
 Thomas Yorke were Judges of the Court of Common Pleas in 
 1 76 1. The will of John Potts, on June 16th, 1768. was wit- 
 nessed by William Dewees, Thomas Dewees and David Potts, all 
 Justices, before Benjamin Chew, the Register General. Henry 
 Pawling was one of the appraisers. Thomas Potts, son of John, 
 was one of the original members of the American Philosophical 
 Society organized by Franklin. During the Revolution he lived 
 in Pottstown, and his house was the temporary home of Wash- 
 ington. Plere Washington and his Generals framed counsels 
 
480 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 and most probably decided to winter at Valley Forge. Thomas 
 Potts was an ardent patriot, a Colonel in the American Army and 
 a member of the Council to frame the government for the State. 
 There were eight members of this convention from each county. 
 Frederick Antes was also a member from Philadelphia county. 
 John, the brother of Thomas, was a Tory, and his property was 
 confiscated by the Government. David, another brother, was a 
 merchant in Philadelphia, and owned a part of the property at 
 Valley Forge. Another brother was Jonathan, who received 
 his medical education in Edinboro, and was prominent as a 
 Surgeon in the American Army. While the army was en- 
 camped at Valley Forge he was made Director General of the 
 Hospitals, of which he had eleven under his care. Another 
 brother was Isaac. He was a Quaker preacher, and did not be- 
 lieve in war. Me also owned a part of Valley Forge. The fol- 
 lowing incident shows how he was converted to patriotism: 
 "During the Revolutionary War he remained at Valley Forge, 
 no doubt superintending the grinding of the grain which Wash- 
 ington ordered the neighboring farmers to bring to his suffering 
 army. These mills were large and in good repute for the qual- 
 ity as well as the quantity of the flour manufactured. One day. 
 as Isaac traversed the dark brown forest, he heard at a distance 
 before him a voice, which as he advanced became more fervid 
 and interested. Approaching with slowness and circumspection, 
 whom should he behold in a dark bower, apparently formed for 
 the purpose, but the Commander in Chief of the United Colonies 
 on his knees in the act of devotion to the Ruler of the universe. 
 At the moment when Friend Potts, concealed by the trees, came 
 up Washington was interceding for his beloved country. With 
 tones of gratitude that labored for adequate expression, he adored 
 that exuberant goodness which from the depth of obscurity had 
 exalted him to the head of a great nation, and that nation fight- 
 ing at fearful odds for all the world holds dear. He utterly 
 disclaimed all ability of his own for this arduous conflict; he 
 wept at the thought ni that irretrievable ruin which his mistakes 
 might bring on his country, and with the patriot's pathos, spread- 
 ing the interests of unborn millions before the eye of eternal 
 mere}-, he implored the aid of thai arm which guides the starry 
 host. Soon as the General had finished his devotions and had 
 retired. Friend Potts returned to his house and threw himself 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 48 1 
 
 into a chair by the side of his wife. 'Hegh! Isaac,' said she, 
 with tenderness, 'thee seems agitated; what's the matter?' 'In- 
 deed, my dear,' quoth he, 'if I appear agitated 'tis no more than 
 what I am. I have seen this day what I shall never forget. 
 Till now I have thought that a Christian and a soldier were 
 characters incompatible; but if George Washington be not a 
 man of God, 1 am mistaken, and still more shall I be disappointed 
 if God do not through him perform some great thing for his 
 country.' " This account is by Ruth Anna, the granddaughter 
 of Isaac Potts, who in 1805 married Joseph M. Paul. 
 
 The wife of Isaac Potts was Martha Bolten; her sister Mary 
 married Jacob Paul. Hanna, the sister of Isaac Potts, mar- 
 ried Thomas Dewees. William Dewees, the husband of Sarah, 
 was Sheriff of Philadelphia county and a Colonel of the Penn- 
 sylvania militia. Mrs. T. P. James says : "I find the following 
 letter from the Board of War to President Wharton, August 
 30th, 1777: 'Sir: There is a large quantity of flour spoiling 
 for want of baking. It lies at Valley Forge. I am directed 
 to request of you that you with the Council will be pleased to 
 order furloughs to be given to six bakers out of the Militia for 
 the purpose of baking the flour into hard biscuit. Col. Dewees 
 will receive your order and endeavor to rind out the bakers. 
 Richard Peters, Sec' It was doubtless at this time — more than 
 three months previous to the army going into winter quarters at 
 Valley Forge — that Colonel Dewees built the large ovens in the 
 cellar of his cousin's house. David Potts had probably removed 
 from his summer home to the city for security, and the house 
 was taken at that time for a bakery and used as such for the 
 greater part of a year. In 1773 Joseph Potts, of Philadelphia, 
 had conveyed to William Dewees an undivided moiety of Mount 
 Joy Forge; and as early as 1771 he appears to have resided at 
 the mansion house belonging to these iron works and to have 
 carried them on in conjunction with David Potts, who, for 
 nearly half a century, had sold in Philadelphia the bar iron made 
 there. When Washington intrenched the army at Valley Forge, 
 Colonel Dewees' family were residing there, and many incidents 
 have come to my notice of the intercourse of this family with the 
 General and his wife during the terrible winter of 1777." 
 
 When the British army, after the battle of Brandywine. was 
 marching through that section, a detachment came to Valley 
 
 3i 
 
4S_> MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 Forge and destroyed all they could. When they came to the 
 Dewees mansion house, Mrs. Dewees had gathered her valu- 
 ables into one of the rooms and told the enemy that they could 
 enter it only over her dead body. This William Dewees was 
 uncle to Colonel Henry Antes. 
 
 Another brother to Sarah Potts Dewees was James Potts, 
 who in 1776 was appointed a Major by Congress, and outranked 
 all other Majors in the army. He was in Cadwallader's Bat- 
 talion. From the high social position of this troop it was called 
 the "Silk Stocking Company.'* He was also a member of the 
 Provincial Conference of June 15th, 1776. James Potts, the 
 son of David Potts, married Anne, the daughter of William 
 Dewees. in 181 1. One of the children of Thomas Dewees and 
 Hanna Potts was William Potts Dewees. Dr. Hugh L. Hodge 
 wrote of him as follows : "Dr. William P. Dewees was one of 
 the most distinguished individuals that have ever graced the 
 annals of our profession in this country. His relative. Dr. Rush, 
 threw his commanding influence in his favor and he soon be- 
 came known. He early devoted his attention to a branch of the 
 profession which had not at that time been reduced to the state 
 of a science, viz., obstetrics, and was the first who attempted 
 to give a full course of lectures upon the subject in America. 
 Pie wrote and published several books upon it. which became 
 at once authority both here and in Europe. In 1825 he was 
 chosen professor in the University of Pennsylvania, and filled 
 his chair with great satisfaction to his pupils. He constantly 
 received tokens of the estimation in which his services were held 
 in this country and in Europe, and was made member of many 
 scientific societies in both hemispheres. He printed a work upon 
 the diseases of women and children, which justly entitled him to 
 a high rank as a physician." Of his live sons four became phy- 
 sicians, and one of his daughters married a physician. 
 
 Joseph M. Paul, who married Ruth Anna Potts, was the son 
 of John and Alary Paul; her brother, Edward Burrows Potts, 
 married Phoebe Williams, of Whitemarsh. 
 
 Thus we see how these few families intermarried and main- 
 tained their position in the political, social and business world. 
 
 Linn says: "The execution of the laws devolved upon the 
 President and the Supreme Executive Council. This consisted 
 of twelve persons, one from the city of Philadelphia and one 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 483 
 
 from each of the eleven counties into which the province was 
 then divided. They were, however, chosen by districts, Bed- 
 ford, Northumberland and Westmoreland constituting one dis- 
 trict, the embryo of the present Senatorial representation. Every 
 member of the Council was a Justice of the Peace for the whole 
 State. The President and the Vice President of the State were 
 chosen of members of the Council in joint convention of the 
 Assembly and the Council. The President had the power of 
 appointing and commissioning judges and of sittting as judges 
 in impeachment cases, and could grant pardon, &c. The judges 
 of the Supreme Court held office seven years. Two or more per- 
 sons were chosen in each township as Justices and the Council 
 commissioned one or more of them for seven years. These Jus- 
 tices held the several courts. Two persons were to be voted fi »r 
 for Sheriff, one of whom was commissioned by the Council. 
 The County Commissioners and Assessors of Taxes were to be 
 elected by the people, thus embodying in the Constitution the 
 principles for which the Revolution was inaugurated, the right 
 of the people to tax themselves. The Convention held Septem- 
 ber 3d created a new Council of Safety, and the following Jus- 
 tices were appointed : Samuel Hunter, William Maclay, Robert 
 Moodie, Henry Antes, John Lowden, Benjamin Weiser and 
 John Simpson. 
 
 These names refer to the appointments in Northumberland 
 county; of course there were similar arrangements in the other 
 counties of the State. 
 
 When the war had actually come to the neighborhood of 
 Philadelphia, and the patriotism of every man was being tested, 
 we find that William Antes is given a position of greatest im- 
 portance to the integrity of the army, that was to be the main 
 support of Washington in his work of driving away the foe. 
 
 Frederick Antes was Colonel of the militia from that part 
 of Philadelphia county where Washington encamped immediately 
 after the disastrous battle of Brandy wine. It is at once apparent 
 that he must have frequently been brought into consultation 
 with his chief on matters pertaining to roadways, and forage, 
 and supplies, and raids, and other matters of purely local interests 
 that would never appear on the records or on the pages of his- 
 tory. No man in that country would be better acquainted with 
 the roads than Antes, and his position as Colonel over the men 
 
4&j :: ::ers interesting to the antes descendants. 
 
 iived. and all their lives had lived there, would make it im- 
 perative that he should be consulted on these matters. 
 
 the nth of September. Antes had his regiment at 
 On the 3rd of October the 
 battle of Germantown was fought, and Washington retired from 
 the - tie. near the Skippack. with his army to 
 
 Whitemarsh. On the nth of December Washington went into 
 winter quarters at Valley V g 
 
 On October 21st. 1 — the very time the British were 
 jsing their forces against the forts along the Delaware, and 
 completing the work of driving out of the vicinity of Philadel- 
 phia the Americans, and the Tories and English sympat' 
 in the city and county- of Philadelphia were rejoicing in the 
 troubles that had come upon the army of their fellow Amer: 
 William Antes received and accepted the appointment : 
 
 milar fearless loyalty, to 
 
 seize the pen te them to the 
 
 cause of American freedom. He was also appointed as one of 
 
 a board of twelve to collect clothing for the s 
 
 and so great v is the ridence placed in him that twice he was 
 
 appointed agent for the Government in regard to forfeited 
 
 : Philadelphia. Thus it was apparent 
 
 that he was placed in a position, not only of greatest benefit to the 
 
 American army in its direst need, but also where he would re- 
 
 the fiercest maledic: the British sympathizers, who 
 
 now had all the sway in the social and business life of the city. 
 
 On the 21st of Jul] 77J Villiam Antes was appointed sub- 
 
 iiiladelphia county. 
 
 Smith Futhey. in 1 'lester county, says: "In 
 
 the Revolutionary War the nece— tganizing and dis- 
 
 cipling the the county who we: .in conquering 
 
 independence and f r the continent led to the creation, 
 
 by the Supreme Executive C ' the responsible post of 
 
 County Lieutenant. This office, whose name and duties were 
 
 King's .ieutenants in the countk- 
 the r untry, gave him. with the rai lonel, the 
 
 char^ g. arming and provisioning the military contin- 
 
 - district, and in every way preparing the troops to take 
 the field. They remained under his command till they were 
 called into active sen-ice. 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 485 
 
 "The militia appears to have been divided into eight classes. 
 When a class was called out, many belonging to it could 1. 
 would not go. The deficiency was made up by the employment 
 of substitutes, either taken from the other classes or from those 
 not subject by law to the performance of military duty. These 
 substitutes were procured by a bounty which was paid by the 
 State, to be remunerated by the fines imposed on delinquents, and 
 varied from fifteen to fifty pounds for two months' service. In 
 some regiments the number of substitutes nearly equalled the 
 number of those regularly drafted." 
 
 In the Colonial Records of the State of Pennsylvania there 
 are recorded the accounts of William Antes as sub-Lieutenant 
 of Philadelphia county. The accounts were audited and ap- 
 proved as correct. They amounted to fourteen thousand four 
 hundred and fifty pounds and nine shillings. His salarv was 
 four hundred and seventy-seven pounds twelve shillings, and clerk 
 hire one hundred and fifty pounds. The responsibilities of his 
 position led William Antes into actions that were bitterly re- 
 sented by the Tories, and it was no longer safe for him to dwell 
 among them. The return of the Americans to power in Phila- 
 delphia did not subdue the Tory sentiment. There were those 
 who destested the victors as heartily as ever. Those who, be- 
 cause of the lack of loyalty, had lost their estates would seek 
 the means to be revenged on the officers of the law. Hence, 
 both of the Antes 'brothers, when their services were no longer 
 required in arming, provisioning and commanding troops — for 
 the seat of war was now transferred from Philadelphia to the 
 South — withdrew to the frontier, where they were in the midst 
 of congenial spirits, and could renew their activity in public 
 affairs. They settled in Northumberland, a sort of parad> 
 cultured men. and here their value as public servants was recog- 
 nized and positions of trust given to them. 
 
 In 1781 William Antes. James Estey and Daniel Mont- 
 gomery were appointed Comm E Northumberland coun- 
 ty. The following paper indicates the complicated nature of 
 their duties : 
 
 Commissioners .umberland County to President 1 
 
 of the Supreme Executive Council. October 2 [78] 
 "Sir: Since the late election this county has almost a new 
 
486 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 Board of Commissioners. The tax business we have in hand, 
 and are determined to proceed with despatch as far as our circum- 
 stances and abilities will possibly admit. Many of the county books 
 and papers are yet in Paxton (being removed thither on the 
 break of Wyoming). We find by such as are in our hands that 
 no credit hath been given in the books to any person since this 
 was a county. But it appears by several settlements with sun- 
 dry collectors since the year 1777 that divers sums remained in 
 the hands of the Treasurer and that the inhabitants generally 
 paid their taxes, and the non-residents none, or but very little. 
 We beg to be informed with respect to the following particu- 
 lars : 
 
 (The answers seem to have been noted for reference.) 
 
 "1. Is all the taxes laid before the Revolution and yet re- 
 main due to be collected in specie? (Yes.) 
 
 "2. Is such taxes as have been laid and not exonorated since 
 the Revolution to be collected agreeable to the table of deprecia- 
 tion and rates of exchange fixed by Assembly? (Yes.) 
 
 "3. What kind of money may be taken, is it State money 
 or hard, or both? ( To be taken in State money except the taxes 
 laid in 1781. the last to be taken agreeable to directions of the 
 act of Assembly. ) 
 
 "4. I low is delinquent treasurers to be dealt with, or to 
 whom is such accountable? (To the Assembly.) 
 
 "Your Excellency will please to indulge Us in these particu- 
 lars with proper directions, as we are so remote from the seat of 
 Government and the practice of other Commissioners in similar 
 cases; and likewise not being furnished with all the tax laws. 
 as well as other acts of Assembly, makes advice necessary. 
 
 "We are. Sir. your Most Obedient and Humble Servants. 
 William Antes. James Hstey. Daniel Montgomery, Commis- 
 sioner^." 
 
 During this period of public service William Antes pursued 
 the business of gunsmith, which was an exceedingly profitable 
 business on the frontier. In the proceedings of the State Coun- 
 cil. August i-t. [785, there is this entry: "An order was drawn 
 on Treasurer for William Antes, for one pound specie, for clean- 
 ing and repairing two rifle guns damaged on their way from 
 Philadelphia to Sunbury, being a present from the Common- 
 wealth to two Indian chiefs, according to treaty of October. 1784. 
 Signed. John Dickinson. President." 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 487 
 
 In the records of March iSth, 1783. under the report of the 
 Comptroller General there is the account of the services of Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel Henry Antes and others for services on a scout 
 in pursuit of Indians, for which they were allowed the pay and 
 rations allowed the militia by the act of December 22nd, 1781. 
 
 The influence of these brothers in the county can be inferred 
 when we see at the same time Frederick, the eldest, was Presid- 
 ing Judge of the Courts, and also sitting as a Judge in each of the 
 courts; William was Commissioner, and Henry was Sheriff. 
 Henry continued in public office for ten years. Frederick was 
 in office for more than twenty years, and died while in the public 
 service. During the times of reconstruction, when the finances 
 of the State were in the most complicated condition ever known, 
 he was County Treasurer, his term beginning October 20th, 
 1783. He possessed the confidence of his fellow citizens to such 
 an extent that they returned him to that position for several 
 successive terms. He held this position during the exasperating 
 period of the troubles in Wyoming, and in this official relation- 
 ship was brought into contact with them on the most important 
 points of law. 
 
 In 1782 William Moore was President of the State, James 
 Potter, Vice President, and Henry Antes, Presiding Judge in 
 Northumberland county. 
 
 At the general election in October, Henry Antes, though 
 not receiving the highest number of votes, was commissioned 
 Sheriff. 
 
 In 1783, October 20th, Frederick Antes was appointed 
 County Treasurer. Henry Antes received four hundred ami 
 forty-seven votes for Sheriff. Frederick Antes was elected to 
 the Assembly, but was thrown out because the vote of the peo- 
 ple of Wyoming was cast for him. This caused the produc- 
 tion of the protest given on page 422. 
 
 In June, 17S3, Frederick \ntes handed in his accounts as 
 Commissioner of Purchases. In the meeting that rejected t he 
 election of Frederick Antes. Henry Antes, as the Sheriff, pre- 
 sented the election returns to the Assembly and was examined 
 under oath concerning the validity of the returns. 
 
 Supreme Executive Council proceedings, May 22d, J ~S / : 
 
 A letter was read from John Buyers, Christian Gettig, Fred- 
 erick Antes and Robert Martin. Tustices of the Peace in North- 
 
488 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 umberland county, informing Council of disturbances by sol- 
 diery at Wyoming, and praying directions from Council. They 
 were instructed to exercise the authority vested in them by law 
 for preserving the peace and committing and punishing those 
 who break the same. 
 
 May 24th, the resignation of Alexander Patterson, as Jus- 
 tice of the Peace of Common Pleas and of Orphans' Court, was 
 accepted. 
 
 In 1784 Frederick Antes was elected to the Assembly, and 
 Henry Antes as Sheriff. 
 
 In 1785 Frederick Antes was elected to the Assembly. 
 
 In 1789 Frederick Antes was elected Treasurer. On Octo- 
 ber 19th, 1789. was appointed a delegate to the convention at 
 Paxton to take measures for the improvement of the Susque- 
 hanna river as a water way. 
 
 April 6th, 1790, Frederick Antes, Reading Howell and Wil- 
 liam Dean were appointed Commissioners to explore the county 
 near the head-waters of the Delaware river and the East Branch 
 of the Susquehanna and Lehigh and Schuylkill, and to survey 
 and examine them. Thomas Mifflin was President of Council. 
 
 In the month of April, 1775, Elizabeth Antes was married 
 to John Schuler, in the German Reformed Church of Philadel- 
 phia. In August, of the same year, and at the same place, Fred- 
 erick .Antes married Catharine Schuler. 
 
 Catharine, the daughter of Frederick Antes, married Simon 
 Snyder, who, during the war of 1812, was Governor of Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 In September, 1801, Frederick Antes went to Lancaster to 
 aw ail the coming of his nephew, Benjamin H. Latrobe, that they 
 might proceed with the work of surveying the Susquehanna for 
 the purpose of increasing its value for navigation, when he was 
 suddenly taken down with sickness, and before his nephew could 
 reach him, died. Almost his last words were in reference to 
 Lord Howe's edict against him. He said. ''Lord Howe would 
 not now value me at two hundred pounds sterling, dead or 
 alive !" 
 
 Among the descendants of Frederick Antes are the families 
 of Bering, Huber, Winther, Hobart, Crane, Riley. Snyder, etc. 
 
 When, by the treaties with the Indians, the Genesee country, 
 in New York State, was opened to settlers. William Antes. Col- 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 489 
 
 onel Henry Antes, John Pontius, Henry Shoemaker, Jr.. and 
 manv others from the neighborhood of Sunbury hastened there 
 to take up the fertile tracts of land. Colonel Henry Antes re- 
 turned to his home at Antes' Fort, and gave power of attorney 
 to his brother William to secure the land he had secured by right 
 of actual and early improvements. The time of this settlement 
 was in 1795; the claim was urged in 1798. 
 
 William Antes did not return. He remained on his new 
 possessions until he died, in 1810. His body lies in the ceme- 
 tery at Canandaigua. It is marked with a simple inscription, 
 giving his name and age and date of his death. 
 
 Among his descendants are several families bearing the 
 name Antes, Chase, Reid, Little, Hayes, Byron, Coleman, Gard- 
 ner, etc. 
 
 Of the American descendants of Anna Margaretta Antes, 
 the eldest sister of Colonel Henry Antes, are the Latrobes, of 
 Baltimore; Cogswell, Loring, McKim. Onderdonk, Vinton, Wes- 
 ton, etc. 
 
 The descendants of his sister Elizabeth are named Duke- 
 hart, Sultzer, Blair, Wickelhausen, McCrea, Branson, Pomp, 
 Kinsey, Stoneback, Green, Haas, Roberts, Berg, Lawall, Max- 
 well, etc. 
 
 The descendants of Colonel Henry Antes are several fami- 
 lies of the name Antes, and Clarke, Bennett, Daniel, Bressett, 
 Metzgar, Sheadle, Reichenbach, Canfield, Jordan, Mehaffey, 
 Youngman, MacMinn, Grier, Mackey, Norris, Archer, Bush- 
 nell, Roberts, Ruhl, Foster, McMicken, Huber, Bardo, Aughen- 
 baugh, Hamilton, Marcus, Schaub, Hollohan, McCormick, Camp- 
 bell, Zimmerman, Probst, Holter, Constance, Van Scoy, Curtin, 
 Walker, Williams, Stone, Irvin, Fulton, Goodfellow, Ruch, 
 Beck, Hippie. Patton, Barnhart, Sellers, Kimport, Davis, Ross, 
 Johnson, Neff, Dopp, Otis, Harsburger, Coburg, Dougherty, 
 Kennedy, Messick, Ellsworth, Latimer, Caswell, Messimer, 
 Leather, and others. 
 
 John Antes left no children, but as an enduring monument 
 to his character and fame there remains a quarto volume of 
 Egypt, which he wrote after several years of residence there, and 
 which attracted the attention of the learned at the time it ap- 
 peared, also a book called "Confidence in God. illustrated in the 
 life of John Antes, a Missionary in Egypt. Extracted from a 
 
49<J MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 Narrative written by himself." This hook, reproduced by Henry 
 S. Dotterer. in the "Perkiomen Region," is a wonderful presen- 
 tation of the strength of character one can attain by being 
 thoroughly consecrated to God. 
 
 The career of Philip Antes, the second son of Colonel Henry 
 Antes, displays that same firmnes? of religious devotion that was 
 the giftof their parentage. In 1780 he married Susanna Williams, 
 daughter of Charles Williams, of Dauphin county, Pa., and while 
 his father was engaged in the duties incumbent on him as Sheriff, 
 came home and took charge of the mill. In 1787, upon his 
 father's return, he lashed two canoes together and placed upon 
 them his household goods, and in this manner removed from the 
 mill at Antes' Creek up the West Branch to Bald Eagle Creek, 
 and up this creek until he came to the place now known as Cur- 
 tin's Iron Works. As soon as his cabin was erected, he began 
 a Methodist class meeting. Then he built a grist mill, and in it 
 preaching was held regularly until the year 1806, when a chapel 
 was erected. In 1829 he gave the ground for and largely aided 
 in building the first Methodist Episcopal Church in Clearfield 
 county. His home was always open to clergymen, and his en- 
 tire life was filled with true spiritual consecration. One of his 
 daughters, Elizabeth, married Moses Boggs, who for seventeen 
 years was the Associate Judge of Center county. His daughter 
 Susan married John Patton, whose father was a member of Gen- 
 eral Washington's Body Guard, and a Colonel of the Sixteenth 
 Additional Continental Regiment. He had charge of the de- 
 fences of the city of Philadelphia, and at the darkest hour of the 
 struggle was one of the patriotic merchants of Philadelphia who, 
 with Robert Morris and others, gave their personal bonds to the 
 amount of two hundred and sixty thousand pounds to provision 
 the army. He declined to receive any pay for his services. When 
 he died, in 1804, he was a Major General of a division of the 
 Stale Militia. The husband of Susan Antes was a Lieutenant 
 in the American Navy, where he served for eight years, a part 
 of the time under Commodore Stephen Decatur. Their son. 
 John Patton, twice represented the Clearfield district in Congress, 
 and was universally honored as one of the most upright, religious 
 and successful men in the State. One of his sons. John Patton, 
 Jr., is a lawyer in ('.rand Rapids, Michigan, and an ex-Senator of 
 the United States. Other sons became their father's succes- 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 49 1 
 
 sors in business in Curwinsville, and display the energy that has 
 come down the line of their ancestry. 
 
 There was great pleasure in the Antes household, at North- 
 umberland, when the following letter was received. The writer 
 was Benjamin Henry Latrobe, the son of Anna Margaretta 
 Antes, who had gone from America to London with Count Zin- 
 zendorf, and after receiving her education had become the wife of 
 Rev. Benjamin Latrobe. Benjamin Henry was the second son, 
 and was born in Yorkshire, May 1st, 1767. He was educated 
 at the University of Leipsic; served in the Prussian army in 1785 ; 
 returned to England ; studied architecture ; became surveyor of 
 public offices in London in 1788; came to the United States in 
 1796; built the Bank of Pennsylvania, the Schuylkill Water- 
 works, the Cathedral and Exchange at Baltimore, completed the 
 Capitol of the United States, and rebuilt it after its destruction 
 in 1815; designed the opening ears of corn decorating the Capi- 
 tol pillars, and thus left his mark as an architect of imperishable 
 renown : 
 
 "Philadelphia, April 8, 1798. 
 "My Dear Uncle: 
 
 "Since my arrival in America, two years ago, it has been 
 my particular wish to see you. Expecting to arrive in winter, 
 I took my passage in a ship bound for Virginia, and intended to 
 travel through the more southerly States previous to my settling 
 in Pennsylvania. A great variety of public business, which was 
 offered me, rendered it impossible to accomplish my desire of 
 settling near you. I came to Philadelphia about a fortnight 
 ago, partly upon business entrusted to me by the Executive of 
 Virginia, partly with the intention of spending a week with you. 
 I have, however, found it out of my power to take a journey to 
 so great a distance without staying so long away from my en- 
 gagements in Virginia as to run the risk of their suffering in- 
 jury in the meantime. I must, therefore, postpone the pleasure 
 of seeing you till another opportunity, which I shall endeavor to 
 procure as early as possible. I have been extremely fortunate 
 in meeting my cousin, Mr. Snyder, here; he will tell you how 
 much I am interested in becoming acquainted with a branch of 
 my family, the only one now remaining. My father, when he 
 died in 17S7, had not a single relation on his side but his chil- 
 dren. I have two brothers, one elder and one younger than my- 
 
492 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 self. The elder is married, and has two or three children in 
 England ; the younger is a physician in Russia. I have also two 
 sisters, the elder of whom is married to a Mr. Foster, and has 
 four children ; whether the younger is married I cannot tell ; it 
 was expected she would be when I last heard from her. I my- 
 self was married seven years ago, but had the misfortune to 
 lose my wife before we had lived three years together. Her 
 loss so afflicted my mother that she survived her not quite a 
 month. I have two children, a boy and a girl. The latter is the 
 eldest and is now six years old. They are in England with my 
 sister. I have written to you at least three letters, but I fear 
 you never received them. I entrusted them to private hands, 
 not knowing how to direct to you by post, and suppose my friends 
 either neglected or found themselves unable to gain intelligence 
 of your abode. I hope to correspond in future with you, when- 
 ever it may be convenient to you. I shall be happy to receive a 
 line from you, but shall think it my duty to write to you as fre- 
 quently as possible. 
 
 "Having received a literary education, I turned my thoughts 
 early to the study of architecture and to receive instruction neces- 
 sary to an engineer, and having improved myself by having trav- 
 eled through a great part of Europe, I commenced business in 
 England a little before my marriage, and was engaged in many 
 public and private works, having been architect to the Police of 
 Middlesex and Westminster, and engineer to three or four 
 canals and harbors. The loss of my wife made business irksome 
 to me, and I therefore resolved to leave a country where every- 
 thing reminded me how happy I had been and how miserable I 
 was. ( )n my arrival in Virginia, however, I so far recovered 
 my spirits and health as to have resolved to recommence my pro- 
 fessional pursuits. I am at present engaged for twelve months 
 by the State of Virginia, but though I have purchased land in that 
 Stale I have bought a lot in the city of Richmond. T have 
 seriously thought of settling in Pennsylvania. I will take the 
 liberty of consulting you upon the subject whenever it becomes 
 a more immediate object to me. In the meantime I hope you 
 will believe that the affection which my mother taught me to 
 hear to yon by her frequent and affectionate mention of you re- 
 mains undiminished and can only be increased by a personal ac- 
 quaintance of your character. I beg you to give my best love 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 493 
 
 to my aunt and my cousins and all my relations when you see 
 
 them, and to believe me, very truly, 
 
 "Your affectionate nephew, Benjamin Henry Latrobe." 
 The following communication will be interesting as a view 
 
 of the branch of the family in Europe : 
 
 DAYS DEVOTED TO RESEARCH ABROAD. 
 
 BY HENRY S. DOTTERER. 
 
 Pennsylvania Family History Found at Neuchatel. 
 
 Neuchatel is charmingly situated on the western side of the 
 lake of the same name in Western Switzerland. The business 
 houses, the market, the public offices, and some residences are 
 located on the margin of the lake; beyond these a sharp acclivity 
 rises, upon whose sides the principal part of the city is built. The 
 cathedral stands out prominently upon a plateau on the mountain- 
 side. The castle stands beside it. They are of the twelfth cen- 
 tury, and are the most striking objects in the view from the lake. 
 Above these are costly and beautiful residences. From the 
 higher elevations a magnificent view spreads out before the ob- 
 server, the city at his feet, the lake lined with picturesque vil- 
 lages and landings beyond, and the snow-covered Alps in the dis- 
 tance. Grapes are cultivated here, and one is reminded of 
 Naples and Capri by the walls and pathways on the mountain- 
 side, and the men and women ascending and descending. A new 
 post-office has recently been erected by the Swiss government. 
 It is built of a local rock, of a rich yellow color. Its architecture 
 is radically different from that in favor with the United States 
 government architects. Several times I stopped to read upon its 
 sides the names of the greatest postal cities of the world, and to 
 admire its beauty of color and design. One could wish that our 
 American postal authorities might break away from the severe 
 lines now in vogue and adopt some of the artistic and graceful 
 conceptions utilized at Neuchatel. 
 
 \Ye reached this interesting city by the lake on the 20th of 
 May, 1896, and at once proceeded to the Hotel du Soleil, a modest 
 but comfortable place of rest, which was to be our home for the 
 succeeding: three days. Before we reached it, the two great- 
 
494 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 great-granddaughters of a Colonial resident of Falkner Swamp, 
 had called and left their cards. This act at once made Airs. Dot- 
 terer and myself feel that we were not without friends in this 
 to us strange place. The kindness we received from these two 
 ladies and their families during our stay we appreciated most 
 heartily and remember most vividly. 
 
 Agnes Louise LaTrobe, wife of Count Peter de Salis-Soglio, 
 and Mary Cecilia LaTrobe. wife of Rev. Prof. Georges Godet, 
 are the first and third children, respectively, of Charles Joseph 
 LaTrobe and Sophie de Montmol'lin; the granddaughters of Rev. 
 Christian Ignatius LaTrobe and Anna Benigna Syms ; the great- 
 granddaughters of Anna Margaretha Antes and Rev. Benjamin 
 LaTrobe; the great-great-granddaughters of Henry Antes and 
 Christina Elizabeth Dewees, of Frederick township. These ladies 
 were glad to meet one familiar with the home of their honored 
 ancestor, and conversant with the character, the career and the 
 environments of that ancestor. 
 
 Madame Godet's home is close to the lake. Prof. Godet 
 is the head of the School of Theology. He is deeply interested 
 in the sufferings of the Armenians in Turkey and the Stundists 
 in Russia ; and has done much by pen and word to raise funds to 
 alleviate their needs. Madame Godet feels a deep interest in 
 the American history of her family. She placed before me a 
 number of relics and souvenirs of her ancestors, and books writ- 
 ten by the LaTrobes and John Antes. One of these was a letter 
 written by B. H. LaTrobe, son of Rev. Benjamin LaTrobe, to 
 Colonel Frederick Antes, his uncle. It was dated at Philadel- 
 phia, April 8, 1798. Young LaTrobe had come from London 
 in 1796 to the United States to pursue his profession of archi- 
 tect, in which he afterwards became famous. Rev. Charles 
 Ignatius LaTrobe was a voluminous author, having written 
 works on sacred music, travel and religion. 
 
 The Countess de S.alis resides in a chateau, named La Plota, 
 on the eminence overlooking the town and lake. Count de Salis 
 is a gentleman of broad culture and is wedded to Art. He is 
 Director of the local Museum of Art and Antiquities. The Coun- 
 tess also has man_\- treasures bearing upon the family history. 
 She has the MS. diary kept by her father, during a visit to the 
 Lnited Stales in 1832. < hie of his fellow-passengers was Wash- 
 ington Irving. Between them a friendship grew, which re- 
 
MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 495 
 
 suited in their making a journey together to the Western States. 
 In June, 1833, he visited Harrisburg, and there called upon 
 Henry Antes, a cousin of his father. He says, "Mr. Antes's 
 father, my father and Mrs. Governor Snyder were first cousins. 
 The old emigrant (Henry Antes) is buried somewhere on the 
 road between Easton and Philadelphia. Snyders lived at Selins, 
 a few miles from the junction of the North and West Branches 
 of the Susquehanna. Am promised before I leave the country 
 a sight of all the family documents that can be procured." 
 
 An interesting relic in Madame Godet's possession is a 
 wooden chest, seven and a half inches wide, five inches deep and 
 seven inches high, with a sloping lid held by two brass hinges. 
 It has an ornamental, raised hand-carved back an inch or two 
 high. On its front is carved 
 
 1 17 m 01 a 
 
 and below this is an arabesque design. The history of this box has 
 been lost ; but it is believed to have been made by Henry Antes, 
 who was a skilled handicraftsman. The figures are the year of 
 his birth, and, as his baptized name was John Henry, it is in- 
 ferred that I A stands for Johann Antes. A full-size crayon 
 drawing of this antique object has been made for me by the 
 Countess Elizabeth Sophie de Salis-Soglio, the daughter of the 
 Count and Countess de Salis. It fills a place in my library. 
 
 The father of the sisters, Charles Joseph LaTrobe, was the 
 first Lieutenant-Governor of Victoria, Australia. In that then 
 new land they spent their childhood. They have many souvenirs 
 of this period in their lives ; among others a series of pencil draw- 
 ings of the house and gardens of their Australian home, made 
 by Edward LaTrobe Bateman, a great-grandson of Henry Antes. 
 Mr. Bateman is most clever as a landscape gardener. He lias 
 made many plans for the Marquis of Bath. The drawings re- 
 ferred to are four inches by six inches and some twice this size, 
 and are twenty-two in number. They are highly prized, as may 
 be readily inferred, by these ladies, one of whom — the Countess 
 de Salis — was born in that antipodal country. 
 
 Madame Godet possesses a silver service — teapot, sugar 
 basin and cream jug — which was presented to the Rev. John 
 
496 MATTERS INTERESTING TO THE ANTES DESCENDANTS. 
 
 Antes LaTrobe, a great-grandson of Henry Antes, and brother 
 to the Lieutenant-Governor. It bears this inscription in old 
 German characters : 
 
 Presented to 
 The Revd. J. A. LaTrobe, M. A., 
 By his Grateful Friends 
 at the close of his highly valued labours 
 as Lecturer of 
 Melton Mowbray, 
 January 1, 1841. 
 Most delightful were the hours spent in these homes of cul- 
 ture, in which are treasured so many memories of the fore- 
 parents. Every word relating to Frederick township, and Falk- 
 ner Swamp, and Bethlehem, and Germantown, and Philadelphia, 
 was eagerly sought. It gave me great pleasure to describe to 
 these appreciative friends, as far as in my power, the landscapic 
 features of the Swamp Creek Valley, the fruitfulness of its soil, 
 and the worth of its inhabitants in the past and in the present. 
 Particularly interested were they in my description of the grave 
 of Henry Antes, their ancestor, in a field on his farm, protected 
 by an American five-rail fence, and overgrown with under- 
 brush and shaded by the indigenous wild cherry and sassafras 
 trees. All this was new and strange to them — the field burial, 
 our fencing, our native trees. My use of American terms, 
 whose meaning was unfamiliar to them, compelled me to stop, 
 now and again, to explain their origin and import. Since my re- 
 turn home it has been my great pleasure to find and forward to 
 Neuchatel a map of Philadelphia and surroundings forty miles 
 north and west, on which is marked the private burial place 
 of the Anteses on Swamp Creek, and the names of places which 
 frequently occur in the history of Henry Antes' career." 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Abraham, the Mohican 48 
 
 Advertisement of Land Office 237 
 
 Age of Indians 198 
 
 Age, Indian respect for 197 
 
 Akanishionegy, meaning of 94 
 
 Albany, treaty at 156 
 
 Algonquin 112 
 
 Alien and Sedition act 462 
 
 Allegewi and Mengwi 129 
 
 Allegiance to Great Britain 19 
 
 Allegiance to Pennsylvania 470 
 
 Allen, George 78 
 
 Allen, William 28 
 
 Allies, Indian 93 
 
 Allimanni, in Europe 469 
 
 Allummapees 232 
 
 Amalgamation of Races ." 15 
 
 American Navy 465 
 
 Amusements of Settlers 270 
 
 Andastes Indians Ill 
 
 Animals Indians used for Food 175 
 
 Annapolis Convention 443 
 
 Antes' Ancestry 19 
 
 Creek 249 
 
 Burial Ground 344 
 
 Fort 329 
 
 Christina, Ancestry of 22 
 
 Frederick, Sr., Will of 475 
 
 Henry, the Elder, Pious Layman 19 
 
 Builds Mill at Crefeld 24 
 
 Call for Conference 20 
 
 Chest of 495 
 
 Consenior Civilis 34 
 
 Daughters of 30 
 
 " Gives Home for School 30 
 
 Investigates Indian Affairs 29 
 
 Marries Christina Dewees 22 
 
 " Sauers' Opinion of 21 
 
 Separates from Moravians 34 
 
 Usefulness 19 
 
 Will of 474 
 
 and Whitefield 20 
 
 Frederick, in Assembly 413 
 
 Anti-Federalist 446 
 
 " in Constitutional Convention 395 
 
 " " County Treasurer 487 
 
 32 
 
498 index. 
 
 Page, 
 
 Antes, Frederick, Colonel of Militia 333 
 
 Defeated at Election 308 
 
 " " Election Rejected 422 
 
 Presiding Judge 413 
 
 " " Price set on his Head 335 
 
 " " Purchasing Commissioner 371 
 
 at Swedes Ford 333 
 
 John Henry, Birth Notice 22 
 
 " " Captain of. Associators 331 
 
 •' " Character of 8 
 
 Commission as Sheriff 434 
 
 Death of 468 
 
 Inn-Keeper 244 
 
 " " Kindness to Exiles 426 
 
 " " Lays out Road 295 
 
 Letter to, from John Dickinson 420 
 
 Marriage 245 
 
 Mill built 324 
 
 Mill destroyed 361 
 
 Mill rebuilt. :;71 
 
 " " Partner with Dunn in Land 248 
 
 " " Removes to West Branch 256 
 
 as Sheriff, defied 414 
 
 Stockade Fort built 332 
 
 John 489 
 
 Joseph 252 
 
 " Maria, marries John Eshbach 19 
 
 Philip, 490 
 
 " " Descendants of 490 
 
 " William, Commissioner of County 371 
 
 " Commissioner on Estates 371 
 
 Gunsmith 4S6 
 
 Letter to Council 4S5 
 
 Sub-Lieutenant 371-485 
 
 Grave 4S9 
 
 Anthonyson, the Tavern-keeper 459 
 
 Anti-Federalists 369 
 
 Arms scarce 341 
 
 Armstrong, John, Secretary of Council 418 
 
 Letter to Col. Antes 412 
 
 at Wyoming 114 
 
 Letter to John Weitzel 418 
 
 Letter to Captain Willson 412 
 
 Army Officers obtain Land 235 
 
 Ascension of Hiawatha 107 
 
 Assembly censured 432 
 
 Athletics on the Frontier 224 
 
 Authority of Officers in Militia 22S 
 
 Axes ;is Ornaments 137 
 
 Backwoods tavern 294 
 
 Baptism of Indians 18 
 
 Bartering by settlers 22:: 
 
 Bartering squaws 196 
 
 Batteaux 2S8 
 
 Battle of Brandywine 333 
 
 Cat and Bear 99 
 
 Good and Bad Minds 109 
 
 Lexington 318 
 
index. 499 
 
 Page. 
 
 Battle of Locust Hill 429 
 
 Muncy Hills 77 
 
 Najiticoke Falls 319 
 
 Beardless Indians ISO 
 
 Bernard, Governor of New Jersey 161 
 
 Bethlehem Road 214 
 
 " Henry Antes leaves 40 
 
 " set on fire 51 
 
 Beverages of Settlers..... 26S 
 
 Big Island, Preaching at 64 
 
 Birch Canoes 264 
 
 Bird of Great Spirit 104 
 
 Black Betty 323 
 
 Black Prince of Onondaga 124 
 
 Boatman, Mrs. Claudius 282 
 
 Boats of Skins .■ 286 
 
 Boats of various Kinds 289 
 
 Boehm, John Philip 25 
 
 Bones of dead removed 211 
 
 Bonner Tract bought 248 
 
 Borderers 227 
 
 Bottle, Running for 321 
 
 Boys, Paxton 52 
 
 Boy Soldiers 227 
 
 Boyd's Massacre 36S 
 
 Braddock's defeat, Results of 302 
 
 Brady, James, Death of 362 
 
 Captain John 240-327 
 
 Samuel, the Avenger 365 
 
 Brainard, David 232 
 
 Bread, Indian 174 
 
 British in Philadelphia 335 
 
 British evacuate Philadelphia 376 
 
 Broadhead, Col 361 
 
 Bryson, Rev. John 2S4 
 
 Buehler Family 472 
 
 Buffaloes, Place of 67 
 
 Building a Cabin --1 
 
 Building a Fort 157 
 
 Burd, Col. James, Dairy of 234 
 
 Burgoyne influencing Indians 11" 
 
 Burrows, Backwoods Merchant 457 
 
 Butler, Col. Zebulon .' 3S2 
 
 " " arrested 408 
 
 humanity of 396 
 
 at Wyoming Massacre 400 
 
 Cabin of Indians 212 
 
 of Settlers 22 
 
 of Settlers being erected 259-276 
 
 of Settlers at eventide 317 
 
 Caldwell, Bratton 320 
 
 Caltrops 234 
 
 Calumet 198 
 
 Calvinism 284 
 
 Cammerhof 35 
 
 as a Diarist 84 
 
 Camp meetings 285 
 
 Canal system 296 
 
 Canandaigua in 1792 456 
 
500 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 < Janasatega, at Albany 125 
 
 claims of 148 
 
 expels Delawares 147 
 
 and Weiser 124 
 
 Canoes 2S7 
 
 Canoe, the Magic 102 
 
 Capitol of State removed 447 
 
 Carlisle School for Indians 12S 
 
 Cause of war 165 
 
 Cayuga Indians 56 
 
 Council of Censors 430 
 
 Charms and Talismans 172 
 
 Character of Settlers 22S 
 
 affected by Frontier Life 229 
 
 " of Indians 171 
 
 " of Indians transformed by rum 171 
 
 Chatham's Run, Fair Play Court 252 
 
 Chestnut Hill 244 
 
 Chilloway, Job as a scout 351 
 
 " his humor 351 
 
 warns English 233 
 
 " his squaw 352 
 
 " at Wyoming 60 
 
 his death 355 
 
 Children, Education of Indian 196 
 
 Children sold in Philadelphia IS 
 
 Chocolate, use of 26S 
 
 Christmas, 1775 319 
 
 Choir houses in Bethlehem 31 
 
 Chunke, Indian game 1S3 
 
 City of the Sun 100 
 
 Claimants for Land 250 
 
 Claims of Settlers 250 
 
 Clay, Henry 467 
 
 Clearing the Land 262 
 
 Clearfield Creek 67 
 
 Cleaver's Mill 24 
 
 Clinton. De Witt, Tour of 293 
 
 Coffee mill used for grain 280 
 
 Coffee, substitute for 268 
 
 Coin dipping 379 
 
 Conference, Unity 20 
 
 Confidence in God, by John Antes 4S9 
 
 Conestoga Indians 112 
 
 " slaughtered 52 
 
 Confederation. Articles of 375 
 
 weakness of 376 
 
 Congress in Philadelphia 12 
 
 of United Colonies 313 
 
 on Wyoming question 392 
 
 Conquest rights 117 
 
 Constitutional Convention opposed :!7I 
 
 revolutionary 449 
 
 and Tories 450 
 
 Convent, Mt. St. Joseph 2.". 
 
 Convention al Annapolis 443 
 
 Philadelphia 41 1 
 
 Converting Indians. Rules for 41 
 
INDEX. 50 I 
 
 Page. 
 
 Corn, a Gift from the Great Spirit 107 
 
 Costumes of Settlers 321 
 
 Council, Indian, at Easton, in 1757 US 
 
 Council at Easton in 175S 160 
 
 at Philadelphia in 1736 27 
 
 in 1742 132 
 
 Count and Countess de Salis 494 
 
 Counterfeiting punished 379 
 
 Courage of Indians 121 
 
 Courage of Indians 121 
 
 Settlers 227 
 
 Court House built 242 
 
 Court Officials in Northumberland county 259 
 
 Covenhoven, Robert :; 4s 
 
 Crown Inn 151 
 
 Cruelty to dispossessed 123 
 
 of squaws 230 
 
 Cunning of Deer 276 
 
 Deer Hunters 276 
 
 Currency, Continental 376 
 
 Daily words of Moravians 32 
 
 Dancing of Indians 199 
 
 on conferring a name 185 
 
 for War 187 
 
 Dandies on Frontier 224 
 
 Debt, Imprisonment for 437 
 
 War 376 
 
 Debts repudiated 377 
 
 Deer Park, Deed for 241 
 
 Delaware Indians unite with French 93 
 
 antagonize Iroquois 93 
 
 " complain against English 133 
 
 " consent to be women 131 
 
 Dewees family 23 
 
 Cornelius 23 
 
 " Courage of Mrs. William 4s2 
 
 Home of William, Sr 24 
 
 " Home of William, Jr., at Valley Forge 4S1 
 
 Mill 32 
 
 Dr. W. P 482 
 
 William 245 
 
 Dickinson, John. Evasion 394 
 
 Letter to J. H. Antes 420 
 
 " Plea for Wyoming Sufferers 418 
 
 Politics of 307 
 
 Diplomacy of Indians 215 
 
 Diseases treated heroically 282 
 
 Dispute with Proprietary 306 
 
 Distillery 262-452 
 
 Doctrines of Moravians 33 
 
 Doddridge' s Notes 27:: 
 
 Dog stealing punished 252 
 
 Dogs cooking meat 217 
 
 Dominion of Five Nations 139 
 
 Dotterer, H. S (93 
 
 Dress of Backwoodsmen 22:; 
 
 " Indians 176 
 
 " Philadelphians 10 
 
502 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Drugs and Physicians 281 
 
 Durham, Mrs., scalped 350 
 
 Dutch ask for Land 138 
 
 Dutch and [roquois 93 
 
 Early Settlers 257 
 
 Education, by Indians 196 
 
 Eldred's Block-house 292 
 
 Election on change of Government 447 
 
 Embargo 465 
 
 English offensiveness 169 
 
 English Laws against Colonial Liberty 310 
 
 Ephrata Methods 30 
 
 Eviction of Fair Play men 250 
 
 Connecticut Settlers 425 
 
 Exodus of Moravian Indians 58 
 
 Extent of Colonial Territory 9 
 
 Fair Play Law Code 250 
 
 Declaration of Independence 325 
 
 False reports about Moravians 153 
 
 Fanaticisms of Moravians 37 
 
 Farmer Ancestry ITS 
 
 Fast, Continental 316 
 
 Feasts, love 31 
 
 Indian sacrificial 189 
 
 Fedei-al Party, Downfall of 451 
 
 " " Unpopular acts of 448 
 
 Ferry at Bethlehem 33 
 
 Fish Carrier 1S5 
 
 Fishing 1S2 
 
 Fist fighting 224 
 
 Fithian, Rev. Philip 283-313 
 
 Five Nations, Origin of 95 
 
 Flax culture 269 
 
 Flight of Settlers 348 
 
 Flint locks 35S 
 
 Floods 288 
 
 Flood of ice 423 
 
 Flying heads 97 
 
 Flotillas 2S8 
 
 Food of Colonists 297 
 
 " Indians 174 
 
 Forests, Density of 221 
 
 Forges at French Creek 479 
 
 Forts, Location of 156-301 
 
 Fort Augusta 233 
 
 Fort Antes 329 
 
 Fort Horn 329 
 
 Forty Fort 388 
 
 Frankfort Company 16 
 
 Franklin builds Stockade Fort 156 
 
 Comprehension of affairs 311 
 
 Defeated at election 30S 
 
 Provincial Agent in England 309 
 
 Drafts Articles of Confederation 312 
 
 " Influence in Philadelphia 12 
 
 " Leader of Assembly 440 
 
 Return from England 12,439 
 
 Captain John, arrested im 
 
 John, storms fort 42S 
 
INDEX. 503 
 
 Page. 
 
 Freedom, Language of 373 
 
 French aid to America 375 
 
 at Blue Hill 233 
 
 and English 159 
 
 Friedenshuetten 55 
 
 Frontier Officers 227 
 
 Frontiersmen, Independent spirit of 314 
 
 Funeral of Indians 209 
 
 of Settlers 225 
 
 Games 224 
 
 Garangula's Address 121 
 
 Genesee Road 292 
 
 Germans, Bible 475 
 
 Invited by Queen Anne 16 
 
 " Memorial of Loyalty 170 
 
 Religious 469 
 
 Germantown established 16 
 
 Main street 247 
 
 Gifts to Indians from Manitta 94 
 
 Giving to the Poor 66 
 
 Glass, window 277 
 
 Gnadenhutten 49, 157 
 
 Gnadenthal 71 
 
 Gobin, General J. P. S 473 
 
 Godet, Professor and Mrs 494 
 
 Goshen Indians 76 
 
 Government of Indians 215 
 
 Governor's promises not kept 73 
 
 Grain cut by women 358 
 
 grinding 279 
 
 Graveyard at Fort Antes 35S 
 
 Great Island 65 
 
 Great Spirit, Indian regard for 196 
 
 Great Tree, Meaning of 105 
 
 Greasing the body 211 
 
 Grier, Rev. Isaac 284 
 
 Grist mills 278 
 
 Antes' 324 
 
 First 2S0 
 
 Wallis' 324 
 
 Grubb's opinion of slain settlers 51 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, Statesman 451 
 
 Settler 25S 
 
 " John, escapes 344 
 
 Hartley, Col. arrives 361 
 
 " " expedition 365 
 
 Harvey's Creek 396 
 
 Heckewelder 69 
 
 Heraldic tokens 172 
 
 Herbs in the loft 2S3 
 
 Hiawatha 102 
 
 Daughter 103 
 
 " Counsel 103 
 
 Grief lul 
 
 Hibbard, high jumper 39S 
 
 Hominy blocks 278 
 
 House warming 276 
 
 Hospitality of Indians 203 
 
 House, first in Sunbury 238 
 
504 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Hunter, Col. appeals to Council 359 
 
 " letter to Council 342 
 
 Hunter's lodge 274 
 
 Hunting grounds of Indians 251 
 
 by Indians 173 
 
 by Settlers 273 
 
 Imitating birds and animals 226 
 
 Immigrants 15 
 
 " miseries of 17 
 
 Imprisonment for debt *37 
 
 Independence, Declaration of 313 
 
 by settlers 325 
 
 Indian, age of 19S 
 
 " amulets 173 
 
 apparel 176 
 
 baptism of 48 
 
 bartering 196 
 
 beardless 180 
 
 belles 184 
 
 " Bethlehem, services for 50 
 
 " bills, will not pay S5 
 
 boasting ' 1S6 
 
 bread 174 
 
 " cabins 171 
 
 Calumet 198 
 
 " capacity of 12S 
 
 character 171 
 
 " charms and talismans 172 
 
 civilities 294 
 
 civilized 47 
 
 " cleanliness in cooking 175 
 
 " cloaks for women 177 
 
 concealment 213 
 
 " conjurors 206 
 
 " corn, uses of 174 
 
 " courtesies 194 
 
 Councils 147-149-215 
 
 cunning 250-400 
 
 " dances 184 
 
 dead, removing bones of 211 
 
 delicacies in eating 176 
 
 domestic utensils 172 
 
 dress, durability of 179 
 
 " dressing the dead l'hs 
 
 " dressing skins 17:) 
 
 dudes 177 
 
 " duties of wives 195 
 
 education ei' children 196 
 
 enticed to drink rum 76 
 
 epicurean dishes 175 
 
 exodus from Wyoming 5S 
 
 faith Of )."» 
 
 feathers used in dress ]76 
 
 lighting method ,,( 333 
 
 " food, us.' of animal 173 
 
 force. 1 to migrate r>s 
 
 fortitude 1S7 
 
 French, why allied to 138 
 
 friendly, warn Moravians 49 
 
INDEX. 505 
 
 Page. 
 
 Indian games 183 
 
 generosity 213 
 
 " grace, miracles of 46 
 
 government 215 
 
 gravity 215 
 
 hospitality 125-203 
 
 hunting when hungry 173 
 
 husbandmen 55-74 
 
 imagination 71 
 
 implements 71 
 
 industry 71 
 
 Irish threaten them 49 
 
 Israel's lost tribes 118-147 
 
 Kings 215 
 
 " • land not sold by them 167 
 
 land sold at Albany to Susquehanna county 150 
 
 land sold at Fort Stanwix 387 
 
 liberality 213 
 
 manitto 202 
 
 " marriage 195 
 
 massacre, refusing to 141 
 
 " medicines 204 
 
 " misapprehension 153 
 
 Mission in N. Y 47 
 
 money 192 
 
 months 202 
 
 " Moravian, treatment of 49 
 
 mourning 214 
 
 " musical instruments 1N3 
 
 names of men and things 193 
 
 needles 172 
 
 " neutrality desired by 140 
 
 " number of, in Revolutionary War 1 in 
 
 " nuts, use of 176 
 
 " obedience of children i;>7 
 
 " old women's work 179 
 
 outing system at Carlisle 12S 
 
 " ovens for sweating 205 
 
 owl cry 1S9 
 
 paths v 2S9 
 
 " painting faces 17S 
 
 peace broken 29S 
 
 pipes 193 
 
 " pottery making ISO 
 
 " prohibitory law 5(5 
 
 religious belief 196-214 
 
 " resemble Jews 118 
 
 respect for the aged 197 
 
 revenge 3S5 
 
 " rum, love for 214 
 
 " sacrifices of thanksgiving 189 
 
 salt, uses of 176 
 
 scalping 141-190 
 
 " scouts keeping warm 159 
 
 shad fishing 1S2 
 
 singing 1S7 
 
 " sickness caused by evil spirits 206 
 
 " sleeping in middle of the day 173 
 
 " snakes as ornaments 177 
 
 " superstitions -.. 172 
 
5o6 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Indian tatooing ISO 
 
 thread making 177 
 
 truthfulness 171 
 
 " vegetables used by 1T3 
 
 " wampum belts 193 
 
 wampum, how made 154 
 
 wardrobe ITT 
 
 water, plunged in cold at birth 212 
 
 weaving ITT 
 
 woman's work 174 
 
 worship 211 
 
 yells 190 
 
 Irish Settlers 217 
 
 Iroquois, oppose Americans 94 
 
 against the Delawares 2S-93-133 
 
 and English 93 
 
 claim lands of Lenape Ill 
 
 meaning of word 107 
 
 mythology 109 
 
 power and sway 10s 
 
 Isaac, the Indian preacher 47 
 
 Jackson, Andrew 467 
 
 Jail needed at Sunbury 242 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas 451 
 
 " model of government 451 
 
 John the Indian, death of 32 
 
 Journeying on the frontier 286 
 
 King, Thomas, speech of 164 
 
 Knowledge of Colonial times S 
 
 Kri sder's Ark 296 
 
 Lancaster, Frederick Antes dies at 4SS 
 
 " massacre at 52 
 
 Land lotteries 237 
 
 Land Office advertisement 237 
 
 Land purchases limited 2:'.7 
 
 of 1736 115 
 
 of 176S 
 
 sales false 2s 
 
 " selling an innovation 115 
 
 speculators 2::7 
 
 titles, basis of 3S4-455 
 
 Latrobe, Benjamin H., Letter of 491 
 
 Joseph, Lieut. Governor of Victoria 495 
 
 Law powerless on frontier 318 
 
 Levering, Bishop. Testimony of 3S 
 
 Lincoln's flat boat 289 
 
 Log rafts 2S9 
 
 Logan, death of 92 
 
 death of his child 89 
 
 family murdered 88 
 
 Maclay's opinion of S9 
 
 named after Governor Logan S8 
 
 and Mrs. Potter's daughter 90 
 
 " speech to Lord Dunmore 91 
 
 tailor cheats him 90 
 
 a warrior in battle 
 
 Long house 56-97 
 
 Long Island 63 
 
 Louis XIV, r of Palatines 469 
 
 Loudon's Riflemen 315 
 
IX HEX. 50/ 
 
 Page. 
 
 Lynch law 229 
 
 Maclay, William 89-241 
 
 letter to Tilghman 242 
 
 opinion of Wyoming 242 
 
 MacMinn ancestry 471 
 
 Mammoth bear 99 
 
 Manitto 94 
 
 Manors of Pennsylvania 4.-,4 
 
 Map of Indian purchases 236 
 
 Maple sugar 268 
 
 Market in Moravian Indian camp 63 
 
 Marshall, Edward 145 
 
 Martin on Wyoming question 415 
 
 Massacre at Antes Fort 33$ 
 
 " Bald Eagle 343 
 
 " Farrandsville :M1 
 
 " Monsey Hill ..'' 79 
 
 " Loyalsock 340 
 
 " " Penn's Valley 342 
 
 " " Pine Creek 34S 
 
 " Sugar Run 339 
 
 " " Williamsport 345 
 
 " " Williamsport, Rose street 347 
 
 " Wyoming 359-402 
 
 Meade at Wyoming 420 
 
 settles at Meadville 420 
 
 Medicinal plants 204 
 
 Measles 60 
 
 Mengwi Confederacy 129 
 
 not allowed among Delawares 130 
 
 Mennonites 16 
 
 Metamorphosis of Delawares 131 
 
 Methodists and Philip Antes 2S5-490 
 
 Michael, the converted Indian 40 
 
 Militia 227 
 
 ' ' uncertain 356 
 
 " refusing to serve lis 
 
 Mill, a general rendezvous : 314 
 
 Mill range purchased 21:' 
 
 Mills for corn 278 
 
 Minquas 112 
 
 Miner's comment 421 
 
 Misrepresentations to Board of Trade 304 
 
 Missouri compromise 407 
 
 Mixed races 15 
 
 Mohawks not in treaties 115 
 
 Money, in the Colonies ::7s 
 
 " English, pounds :!7^ 
 
 shillings 378 
 
 " " pence 37S 
 
 " guineas 378 
 
 " crowns 378 
 
 half-crowns 378 
 
 Spanish, doubloons 378 
 
 milled-dollar 378 
 
 " " pistareens 378 
 
 " Johannes, or Joe :'.7s 
 
 " moidore ::7^ 
 
 pistole 37S 
 
 bit 37S 
 
5 o8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Money, French, guinea 37S 
 
 " carolin 378 
 
 chequin 37S 
 
 sous 37.S 
 
 coppers 37S 
 
 paper 370 
 
 Indian 193 
 
 to pay troops 302 
 
 worthless 370 
 
 Monroe, James, President 466 
 
 Monture 77 
 
 Mosquitoes 100 
 
 Mountain storm 66 
 
 Moravians, doctrines of 33 
 
 educational system 32 
 
 in Georgia 26 
 
 falsely accused 49 
 
 hymns 31 
 
 " and Indians 41 
 
 Indians fleeing to Philadelphia 51 
 
 " Indians at Provence Island 53 
 
 love feasts 31 
 
 methods 41 
 
 slaughtered 158 
 
 not traders 84 
 
 Mt. St. Joseph Convent 25 
 
 Muncy Hills, battle at 79 
 
 Muskingum, prosperity at 74 
 
 massacre at 75 
 
 Nagle, portraits discovered 472 
 
 Captain George's Riflemen 315 
 
 Nain 51-71 
 
 Name conferred by Indians 185 
 
 Nathan, the cripple 65 
 
 Na tional parties formed 444 
 
 National weapons » 220 
 
 Naturalization act 470 
 
 Neighbors in the wilderness 257 
 
 Neuchatel 493 
 
 Newgate prison 437 
 
 New Purchase of 1768 235 
 
 Newlanders 17 
 
 New York State in 1810 293 
 
 " land tracts • 1"' ,; 
 
 Nicoclemus 32 
 
 Nippenose Bottom 249 
 
 Nippenose Valley 249 
 
 Nitschman 40 
 
 Northampton jail 437 
 
 Northumberland county, citizens of 315 
 
 erected 259 
 
 " " poverty of :; ~ 1 
 
 Nursery at Nazareth 30 
 
 Nutimus 151 
 
 Nuts for food 1~6 
 
 Ocean voyage, terrors of 17 
 
 Officers requesl land 235 
 
 i ifncials of Northumberland county 260 
 
 Om Idas' plea for peace l" 1 
 
 Onondagas, pre-eminence of 102 
 
INDJ^X. 5O9 
 
 Page. 
 
 Origin of Five Nations 95 
 
 Otstonwakin 43 
 
 Otzinachson 290 
 
 Outing system 12s 
 
 Ovens for sweating 204 
 
 Owl 1S9 
 
 Pack trains to market 225 
 
 Papenhunk 54 
 
 Paper mills, first in America 22 
 
 Palatine devastated 469 
 
 Party foundations laid 239 
 
 first movement on Wyoming question 422 
 
 " politics in Pennsylvania 305 
 
 Pastorius 23 
 
 Patriotism of the 19 44S 
 
 Patterson' s doings 409 
 
 letter to Dickinson 409 
 
 Patton, John 490 
 
 Paul, Mary 477 
 
 " Dr. Joseph M 482 
 
 Paxton Boys 52 
 
 Penn and the Indians 211 
 
 purchase rights of Indians 113 
 
 promises to Germans 469 
 
 visits the Palatinate 469 
 
 Pennymite war 417 
 
 Pennypacker's Settlement of Germantown 22 
 
 Persecutions of Indians 49 
 
 Pennsylvania Gazette 373 
 
 Philadelphia in Colonial times 9 
 
 extent of 247 
 
 markets in 11 
 
 " prison in 437 
 
 roads about 244 
 
 stripped of provisions 335 
 
 Pine Creek meadows 259 
 
 Pioneers' cabins 225 
 
 described by Roosevelt 225 
 
 " preachers 283 
 
 Plumes from Heavenly Bird 106 
 
 Plunket, William 319 
 
 expedition against Wyoming 397 
 
 Ponkis 6S 
 
 Pontiac's war 50 
 
 Possessions of a settler 223 
 
 Pottery 180 
 
 Potts family 479 
 
 Isaac, and Washington's prayer 480 
 
 Prayers in the wilderness 285 
 
 Presbyterians - s 4 
 
 Prices in 1795 263 
 
 Prison life, horrors of 437 
 
 Proclamation against settlers 252-31S 
 
 Stump SO 
 
 Wyoming people 406 
 
 Prominent men 240 
 
 Provisions, scarcity of 342 
 
 Purchases from Indians 236 
 
 Punishment, methods of 437 
 
 Pyrlaeus 45 
 
5IO INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Quaker, diary of 13 
 
 Quakers' appeal to Ireland for food 336 
 
 in Assembly 305 
 
 Quetzelcaatl 100 
 
 Queen Anne 16 
 
 Queen Esther at Bloody Rock 404 
 
 town burned 365 
 
 Quorum, trouble in getting 446 
 
 Races in Philadelphia 16 
 
 Rattlesnakes 63 
 
 and Zinzendorf 44 
 
 Rauch ordained 48 
 
 Recruiting officers 329 
 
 Redemptioners IT 
 
 Read, Joseph. Letter of 307 
 
 Revolution begun 318 
 
 " accomplished 440 
 
 Rex, Abraham 244 
 
 Riflemen 315 
 
 Rittenhouse, David 22-337 
 
 family 22 
 
 " and Canal system 
 
 River a highway 2S6 
 
 Road from Philadelphia to West Branch 294 
 
 to Genesee country 292 
 
 " near Philadelphia bad ■ 244 
 
 Rules for dealing with Indians 86 
 
 Rum casks destroyed by Zeisberger 76 
 
 Brady 329 
 
 introduced by white men 136 
 
 " made for Indians by Great Spirit 126 
 
 " mystery of it to Indians 127 
 
 " prohibited by Indians 56 
 
 " ruins Indians 75-127 
 
 " saltless food causes desire for it 128 
 
 " smuggled into Indian camp 56 
 
 " traders use it to get bargains 75 
 
 Runaway, Big 349 
 
 Rutter, Thomas 47S 
 
 Safety, Committee of, appointed i 374 
 
 Sakayenquaraghton 400 
 
 Sale of canoes 64 
 
 Salt 226 
 
 Saw mill at Fort Augusta 288 
 
 Scalps, premiums for 141 
 
 Scalps, certificates of victory 362 
 
 Schmidt, Anton S3 
 
 Scotch Irish 217 
 
 Scythes as weapons 395 
 
 Seneca Chiefs in Philadelphia 400 
 
 Capital destroyed 368 
 
 Settlers hardships 226 
 
 " prominent 241 
 
 work 261 
 
 Shad fishing at Wyoming 424 
 
 Shamokin Hill 290 
 
 " Indian headquarters 232 
 
 Shawanese 98 
 
 Zinzendorf a opinion of 45 
 
 Shay's rebellion 377 
 
INDEX. 511 
 
 Page. 
 
 Shebosh slaughtered 75 
 
 Shecomeco 45 
 
 Sheekeny path 232 
 
 Sheshequin path 57 
 
 Shikellimy S2 
 
 " and the Moravians S4 
 
 " Loskiel's opinion of 87 
 
 " a Susquehannock S2 
 
 Shoemaker, Charles IT:; 
 
 Henry 473 
 
 " Jacob '. 173 
 
 Inn at Shoemakerville 473 
 
 " Mill at Muncy 474 
 
 Sickness on frontier 282 
 
 Skins used by the Moravians S4 
 
 Slaves in Pennsylvania 46G 
 
 Small pox 57-2S2 
 
 Snakes as Indian ornaments 177 
 
 Snyder, Sophia, wife of Henry Antes 46S 
 
 Social diversions 270 
 
 Soil indicated by trees 263 
 
 Soldiers quartered on settlers Ill 
 
 Spinning wheels 271 
 
 Stamp Act affair 309 
 
 State House 373 
 
 State House yard 374 
 
 Stilling business stopped by law 357 
 
 Stockade forts 220 
 
 Stonish giants 9S 
 
 Stump, the Indian killer SI 
 
 Stump fences 265 
 
 Sugar from trees 26S 
 
 Sullivan's raid 366 
 
 Sunbury, first house in..: 238 
 
 " names of streets 241 
 
 houses in 316-462 
 
 " made county seat 241 
 
 " settlers ordered to it 349 
 
 " surveyed 241 
 
 Supplies for settlers 268 
 
 Surveyors at work 239 
 
 Susquehanna Company buys land of Indians 385 
 
 Susquehannock Indians 113 
 
 offspring of Mohawks 115 
 
 sold land rights 113 
 
 Susquehanna River, a shallow stream 288 
 
 " floods in 288 
 
 Sympathy of Vermonters 429 
 
 Synod, first Moravian in America 33 
 
 Tagashata, speech of 161 
 
 Tanning leather by Indians 176 
 
 Tarenya wagon 101 
 
 Tavern in backwoods 293 
 
 Taxation 299 
 
 Tea, substitutes for 26S 
 
 Teedyuscung, bold address of 149 
 
 death of 155-385 
 
 eloquence of 153 
 
 made King of Delawares 153 
 
 and Spangenberg 151 
 
512 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Teedyuscung, speech in 1758 161 
 
 winters at Bethlehem 154 
 
 T'girhitonti 83 
 
 Tories, treatment of 441 
 
 Tokaaio, address of 163 
 
 Traders not to be entertained 86 
 
 Traditions of Five Nations 94 
 
 Traffic in human beings 18 
 
 Treaty of 1736 27 
 
 of Utrecht 13S 
 
 at Fort Stanwix , 387 
 
 Trees, ash 266 
 
 alder 266 
 
 beech 265 
 
 birch 264 
 
 butternut 266 
 
 chestnut 266 
 
 elm 264 
 
 hickory 267 
 
 locust 264 
 
 oak 266 
 
 pine 265 
 
 sassafras 264 
 
 spruce 267 
 
 sugar maple 267 
 
 walnut 266 
 
 wild cherry 264 
 
 Tulpehocken 43 
 
 a place of refuge 370 
 
 Turnpikes 294 
 
 Turpentine making 265 
 
 United States, extent of S 
 
 Utrecht, treaty of 138 
 
 Valley Forge 335 
 
 Vanness, Jerome i 364 
 
 Vegetables used by Indians 174 
 
 Victims of massacre in Philadelphia 51 
 
 Violin made by John Antes 317 
 
 Voters carried to polling places 308 
 
 Voters going sixty miles to vote for Antes 408 
 
 Wages in harvest 263-462 
 
 Wagons described 295- 
 
 Wagons used for bridge 335 
 
 Walking purchase 145 
 
 Wallis' purchase 237 
 
 indignation 356 
 
 mill 27S 
 
 Wampum 154-193 
 
 War of 1812 466 
 
 dances of Indians 187 
 
 " debts 443 
 
 " of Revolution begins 318 
 
 Warrior's Run Church 283 
 
 song 188 
 
 Washington's manner 450 
 
 heard In prayer, by Isaac Potts (80 
 
 entertained by Peter Nagle 172 
 
 opposed by Tory haters 441 
 
 Watteville, Bishop 33 
 
 Weaving by Indians 177 
 
INDEX. 513 
 
 Page. 
 
 Webster, Daniel 230 
 
 Wedding on frontier 224-320 
 
 " dinner 322 
 
 Weiser, Conrad 27 
 
 Wequetank 72 
 
 West Branch Valley 23] 
 
 " settlements in 240 
 
 Connecticut settlers in 390 
 
 Whig party split 239-442 
 
 Whipping post 243 
 
 Whiskey, universal use of 452 
 
 war against tax on it 152 
 
 Whitefield 20 
 
 White, Col. Hugh 342 
 
 Whitemarsh, old families in 477 
 
 White men taken for deities 135 
 
 White men need good roads 290 
 
 White, Robert, speech of 163 
 
 White plumes lOfi 
 
 Wigwams 171 
 
 Wild pigeons (57 
 
 Will of Frederick Antes, Sr 47.", 
 
 Henry Antes, Sr 174 
 
 Windlass used in boating 289 
 
 Win terbot ham's book 261 
 
 Wissahickon hermits 16 
 
 Wolves 22i; 
 
 Women's work 268 
 
 Women as mediators 131 
 
 Women gathering harvests 358 
 
 Women's heroism 357 
 
 Worcester jail 436 
 
 Wyoming affair in Assembly 4.".1 
 
 chosen for Christian Indians 56-152 
 
 Civil war begun 388 
 
 controversy about rights 383 
 
 described 381-382-391 
 
 Indians claim it ::s7 
 
 massacre at 155-386 
 
 town meeting sports 398 
 
 Yellow fever in Philadelphia 282 
 
 Yorke, Thomas 24 
 
 Young man genealogy 472 
 
 Elias 241 
 
 Zeal of converted Indians ? 47 
 
 Zeisberger 54 
 
 staving rum kegs 76 
 
 Zinzendorf and Antes 39 
 
 journey of 43 
 
 nearly drowned 291 
 
 " observations lis 
 
 " opinion of Indians 46 
 
 and Serpent II 
 
 stripped by Indians II 
 
 33 
 
BOOKS AND OTHER WRITINGS 
 
 BY 
 
 REV. EDWIN MacMINN. 
 
 I. — Books. 
 
 i. The Breaker Hoy. A story of Pennsylvania coal mines. 
 
 2. The Baglemere's Trio. A story of rescue from ruin. 
 
 3. Brave Hearts IV in. How a poor boy rose to noble manhood. 
 
 4. The Bushkill Social. The boyhood of fifty great men. 
 
 5. The Crystal Club. A scientific story of the earth growing into its present 
 
 form. 
 
 6. Pocket Manual. A compend of curious and instructive information. 
 
 7. Amal. A story of the Israelite exodus. 
 
 8. From Cave to Palace. A story of David and his times. 
 
 9. Ben Ammi. A story of Isaiah and his times. 
 
 10. Thrilling Scenes in the Persian Kingdom. A story of the times of Xerxes 
 
 and Queen Esther. 
 
 11. Judith and Claucia. A story of the times of Paul the Apostle. 
 
 12. Xemoraina. A story of India. 
 
 13. ./ German Hero of Colonial Pennsylvania, or the Life and Times of 
 
 Henry .lutes. 
 
 14. Cleanings from the Fields of the Good Shepherd. A suggestive index to 
 
 the choicest parts of the Bible. 
 
 15. On the Frontier with Coloniel .lutes. A history of the Indians and set- 
 
 tlers in Pennsylvania. 
 
 II. — Serial Treatises and Stories. 
 
 1. The Rangers of the Lycoming. A story of a boys' club with their moun- 
 
 tain ramblings. 
 
 2. The Watch Tower of the Netherlands. A story of adventures and scien- 
 
 tific discovery on Snake Hill, N. J. 
 
 3. Rumbles in the Mineral Fields of Chester County. Pa. Descriptions of 
 
 localities and minerals. 
 
 4. Gladsome Summer Holidays, or a Story of Visits to the Famous Ameri- 
 
 can Summer Resorts. 
 
 5. Fresh Air Work for Children. The daily account of the establishment 
 
 and first year of fresh air work for the children of Jersey City by 
 the Evening Journal Association. 
 
 6. Astronomy. A series of scientific articles. 
 
 7. Botany. A series of scientific articles. 
 
 X. The Faster Lily, and Other Stories for Children. 
 9, Bessie Brine's Christmas Gift. A tenement story. 
 to. The Madonna. \ scries of sketches of the most distinguished religious 
 
 women in history. 
 11. Israel in 1 *ypt. A series of articles on the Penteteuch.