E 383 .fl23 Copy 2 Qass _ _t-_"53SJi5 Book g^Olx r AN ADDRESS, IOC THE PEOPI.E OF MARYLAND, THEIR DELEGATES IN THE LATE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION MADE IN OBEDIENCE TO A RESOLUTION OP THAT BODY. Baltimore: PRINTED BY SANDS & NEILSON, S. £. corntr of Calvert and. Market-streets. 1832, ^\ 1 o '^ <^o) iTO THE PEOPLE OF M^RTL^JTD. f* Fellow -Citizens : 111 compliance with a resolution of the Na- tional Republican Convention lately held in Baltimore, re- questing its Delegates to address the people of their rela- J/ tive states on the subject of the next Presidency, we ask leave most respectfully, to oiler you our views on this all- important question. It is a pleasing reflection for every American mind, that under our happy form of government, every citizen is enti- tled to equal political rights. In the body politic of the U- nited States, the owner of tliousands can exercise no larger voice at the polls, than the labourer, who honestly maintains his family by the sweat of his brow. Our social compact is based on tlie purest principles of human liberty, and our laws in recognising the equal division of property, secure io us a guaranty of free government, in opposition to the odious primogeniture system of tlie mother country, which legalizes an exclusive right to estate, and impoverishes eve- ry man's family in the kingdom, that his first born in the male line, may support the pomp and pride of a court. We have had the good fortune to be born under the wisest gov- ernment, and the freest institutions, that have ever been de- vised by tlie capacity of man through the lapse of ages, and while the innocence of our character has won the hearts of fall nations in our favor, the political blessings we enjoy in our own land, are unexampled in the history of the world. Our constitutinn, laws and principles, are admired abroad and revered at lio.nc, and while they constitute the richest treasures of a great aud nourishing people, they seem des- tined by the force of example^ to effect a political regenera- tion among the nations of the old world. France in imita- tion of our history, has expelled a tyrant from her throne, and she has since determined on a step of equal importance to her liberties — the necessity of abolishing hereditary peer- age from her government, or the odious injustice of making one man superior to another by law. England in obedi- ence to the force of the same moral and political truths, is still engaged in the good work of national reform, and her monarch in lending his assent to its necessity, has admitted the important truth, that the voice of the people is every where superior, to the sceptre and the diadem. But although the American people may justly boast of their national blessings, they cannot be too careful of their political purity. Innovations dangerous to human liberty, have crept imperceptibly into the freest and wisest govern- ments, and have swept away their boasted institutions, and their sternest patriots. It is true our political principles are firmly implanted in the hearts of our countrymen, but let it be remembered, that the governments of Rome, and Greece, and Sparta and Venice, once the pride and boast of a people as brave and as free as ours, have all past aAvay and perished, after deeds of glory and valour, that almost astonish the modern patriot. Happily for us, we live under a government of pure and virtuous contrast to the tottering monarchies of Europe ; a government founded by the wisdom and patriotism of our forefathers ; sustained by the devotion of a free and enlight- ened people after half a century of successful experience, *nd securing to all its citizens, equal political, civil, and re- ligious rights. To maintain these blessings in their origin- al pnrity, to guard them as the choicest gifts of Heaven, and to bequeath them as a rich and unsullied inheritance to their S children^ are the imperious duties of the American people individually and collectively. In connection with the great principles upon which our government is formed, and in reference to the political insti- tutions derived from it, there is no one subject of equal im- portance With that of tlie Presidential election. The great power which our Chief Magistrate derives from the charter of our liberties, enables him if he be not wise and virtuous, to exercise an authority, in direct opposition to the wishes of a majority of the people, without, strictly speaking, violat- ing the express letter of the constitution. Our government is worthy of every eulogy ; hut purely republican as it is, the President is clothed with vast and extensive powers, and his individual will and opinion, are snperior to the voice of the whole people, as expressed through their constitutional representatives in both houses of the National Legislature. Every appointment, therefore, of our first Executive officer, is of deep and vital importance to the country — it furnishes to the nation, and to the whole world, a clear and undeniable evidence of the moral and political character of our people. If the head of the nation be high-minded, just and honora- ble ; if he be a republican in principle and a true patriot at heart ; if he be wedded not only to the form of our govern- ment, but to the true policy of its administration ; if he be wise, enlightened and experienced ; and above all, if he be devoted to the public interest, to the exclusion of every other consideration, it may with justice be affirmed, that the Ame- rican people in placing their government under his auspices, have done their duty to themselves, to their country and to their posterity. But if the chief magistrate thus regularly appointed by the sovereign power of the country, should prove recreant to these great principles, and destitute of those exalted traits both of character, and mind, which alone are worthy the respect and confidence of the American na- tion, it may with equal truth be advanced, that the appaint- ment of such an officer to the Executive department of the government, is not only dangerous to our liberties as a na- tion, but iH a direct reilection upon our character as a people. In a country like ours, party and personal prejudices should be avoided ; and tlie elective franchise should be exercised, with the strictest inspection, into the character, capacity and principles of men. No people have ever been free from the machinations of ignorant and unprincipled spirits, and though still in the purity of our infancy, trials even for high treason, have already been recorded in the history of our own. It is, therefore, that the American peojde cannot be too watchful of their liberties, least a false or mistaken con- fidence in their rulers, or even in themselves, may endanger their political existence, and ultimately place them on a le- vel with the fallen nations of the earth. The great questions which now agitate the American pub- lic are these: has Gen. Jackson, the present incumbent of the presidency, fulliUed the expectations and promises of his friends: has he administered the federal government upon just, enlightened and national principles; and should he again be exalted to the high station which he now fills ? For ourselves, after the most deliberate and unj)rejud)ced enquiries, wei^oleninly declare our sincere belief in the truth, and justice of the following opinions. We believe that Gen. Jackson lias administered the gov- ernment upon unjust, anti-republican, and dangerous prin- ciples — that he has sacrificed the national interest, and with it both moral and political justice, in removing from public employment, the most experienced and meritorious civil offi- cers, for the purpose of bestowing official rewards, on his own personal and political friends. That he has by this act of injustice violated the true spirit, if not the express let- ter of the constitution. That his conduct and practice a« chief magistrate of the Union, being in direct opposition to his own opinions as pMhlirly avowed, previously to his elec- tion, indicate a dereliction of nioial aud political hunestVj uu* worthy the President of the UiiittHl Stales, and derogatory to the character of a disinterested patriot. That his unqua- lified opposition to internal improvement in 1829, after hav- ing supported both the expediency and constitutionality of the principle, through the whole course of his public life, de- notes a wayward and unsettled condition of political opinioji, or an uncandid and deceptions concealment of sentiment, unbecoming the reputation of an enlightened and virtuous statesman, and subversive of one of the most important ob- jects of our domestic policy. That his opposition to the Bank of the United States, an institution founded and ap- proved by the purest patriots, and the wisest statesmen of the country, is calculated to do much injury to our commer- cial and fiscal regulations, to destroy our circulating medi- um, and to embarrass the pecuniary and business transac- tions, of every individual in the United States. That hia absurd and monstrous project of a Government, or Treasury Bank, is calculated to alarm the friends of free government of all parties, and in every section of the Union. Aud that the discord which prevailed in his cabinet, and the peculiar circumstances of its dissolution, unexampled in the history of refined aud enlightened nations, have mortified the virtu- ous pride of all parties, inflicted a deep stain on the inno- cence of our national character^ and diminished the high re- spect, which the American people, have heretofore cherish- ed for those at the head of their government. In giving this public expression to our opinions, it is but right and proper, that we should lay before you, the reasons which have impelled us to these conclusions; and while we invoke your patience in adverting to many facts, which must of necessity be familiar to many of you, we neither ask or claim for these opinions any further respect or influence, than is due to tlieir truth, sincerity and justice. In 1816 Gen. Jackson professed in tl.e warmest terms, to depreeate the eril tendency of party animosity in a govern- ment like onrs. It was his opinion then, that the exercise of party spirit in our national councils, was calculated not only to weaken the administration of the Federal Government, but to circumscribe the operation of its utility and justice. In exhibiting his views upon this subject, he thus writes to Mr. Monroe on the 12th of November 1816: "Everything depends on the selection of your ministry. In every selec- tion, jparty and jp arty feelings should be avoided. Now is the time to exterminate that monster called jjarty spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity, vir- tue, capacity, and firmness, without any regard to party ^ you will go far to, if not entirely eradicate those feelings, which on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government: and perhaps have tlie pleasure of unit- ing a people heretofore politically divided. The chief ma- gistrate of a great and poiverf id nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and dis- interested, always bearing in mind, that he acts for the whole, and not for a part of the community. ^^ Mr. Monroe in the patriotic feeling Avliich characterised his whole life, promptly assented to the correctness of these sentiments, and reduced them to practice, during the eight years of his peaceful and enlightened administration. In 1824 and '28 the friends of Gen. Jackson, very properly con- tended for the honorable and patriotic character of this cele- brated correspondence, and in recommending him to the peo- ple as a proper candidate for the presidency, the liberality and soundness of his opinions, in regard to the administration of the national government, as illustrated in this correspon- dence, constituted one of the principal themes of their dis- course. Tlie whole of his letters to Mr. Monroe in testimo- ny of the political doctrines we have quoted, were paraded before tlie people, and it is well known, that thousands sup- ported his election, from impressions received from this cor- respondence alone. Political parties are either real or personal, — real when en- tertaining different opinions on the form of a government — or opposite views as to the best mode of administering it — and personal, when characterized by a blind devotion to a man, or any combination of men. Gen. Jackson in his correspon- dence with Mr. Monroe had reference to the old Federal and Democratic parties.whose political wars, were almost co-ex- istent Avith our government. The contest between these par- ti^, involved many urgent questions of principle, connected with the general and state governments, and with the domes- tic and foreign policy of the country. While one of these great parties was at tlie head of the general government, the power of the other prevailed in many of the states. What the great body politic enacted from principle, and with a sin- cere regard for the public interest, a constituent part with equal patriotic feeling, in many instances attempted to op- pose, till in the end so bitter became the contest, and so nearly balanced its relative forces, as not only to embarrass the operations of the government, but almost to endanger our national union. Yet still it was a struggle for principle and not for men, and many important questions of difi'erence con- nected with it, remain unsettled even to this day. But al- though these parties were real, and from the origin of our government,had contended for great fundamental principles, it was still Gen. Jackson's opinion, at the epoch of his let- ters to Mr. Monroe, that they were " monsters that ought to be exterminated," and that 'the President of the United States, for the good of the country, should appoint his cabi- net, and fill all the great offices of the government, without regard to political distinctions or party prejudices. It was then Gen. Jackson's opinion, that the President by ^'con- sulting no partij, ivould exalt the national character, and acquire for himself a name as imperishable as monumental marble." The liberal and patriotic sentijnents professed by Gen. 10 Jackson, in these celebrated letters were sources of triiimijlt to his friends. It was publicly declared by his personal and political advocates, that his election to the Presidency, would secure to the nation, an able, honest and enlightened Executive ; it was every wliere asserted upon the evidence of this correspondence, that the bold disinterestedness of his character, would draw into our national councils, the wisest and purest patriots of the land, without regard to party po- litics or sectional prejudices ; it was universally proclaimed by the friends of Gen. Jackson, that his elevation to the ex- ecutive chair, would secure to the people a President of the whole nation ; and it was as confidently advanced, that un- der his auspices, the government would be administered up- on liberal and magnanimous principles. So thoroughgoing were his friends, and ,eo fruitful were their promises, as air most to convince an impartial observer, that they had actual- ly discovered in the character of Gen. Jackson, the Philoso- pher's stone in politics, or the true and infallible secret of successful government. To make room for this rara avis in Terris, this incomparable statesman of the age, in the lan- guage of his partizans in Congress, the administration of his opponent must be put down, ^^even tho' it were as pure as the angels in Heaven.'' For this object it was necessary to expel Mr. Adams, the wise, the patriotic and the good, for the same reason, Ave presume, m hich induced the Athenian burgher to vote for the banishment of Aristides, because he was "Uired of hearing him called the Just." But how far Gen. Jack- son was sincere and honest, in the expression of his opinions to Mr. Monroe, and how far his theory coincides with his practice, are easily ascertained by a reference to his conduct as Chief Magistrate, and to the principles upon which he has administered the government. In the Fall of 1828, Gen. Jackson was elected to the Presi- dency, and on the 4th of March following, we find this liberal, disinterested and anti-party president,takinghis official oath» 11 and almost in the same breatli in his inaugural speech, im- peaching the political integrity of those, who had preceded him in the administration of the government. It was a no- vel spectacle; and the first instance in the history of the na- tion, of the President of the United States being arrayed in the attitude of public accuser. The cabinet ministers of Mr. Adams, a part of whom had served under Mr. Monroe, retired like broken troops before a conquering despot, and on the 26th of March following, by public annunciation in the official paper of the government, the President in viola- tion of his expressed principles, filled his cabinet exclusive- ly with his own personal and political friends, and thus, in direct opposition to his own declarations, and to the sulemu promises of his friends, his adrainisti ation went into opera- tion. But the entire change of the cabinet on party grounds, did not satisfy the political animosity of Gen. Jackson. Imme- diately on his elevation to the Executive chair, he whp would "consult no party" commented a cruel warfare against all those in public office, who had by the expression of their opinions at the ballot-box, or in any other manner opposed his election. In entering on his official duties. Gen. Jackson seemed to act upon the principle, that no one who had merited respect or received appointment from his pre- decessor, was worthy of his confidence. In the first quar- ter of his administration, three of our foreign ministers were recalled, leaving unfinished their respective missions, and in one instance, before the government of the United States had received any information, of the minister's arrival at the place of his destination. We make particular reference to the case of Gen. Hai-rison, who had been appointed minis- ter to Colombia, and of whose arrival at his post, General Jackson had received no official intelligence, and conse- quently it was impossible he could have taken any umbrage at his ministerial conduct, when he was recalled so early a» i2 the middle of March, and Mr. T. P. Moore of Kentucky, a violent political friend of the President, was appointed to succeed him.* Gen. Harrison Avas distinguished for emi- nent worth, both in private and public life. He was well known as one of the most gallant officers in the army. Up- on various occasions, but especially at the battle of Tippe- canoo, that dreadful contest where civilized man was oppos- ed to the merciless savage, without screen or shelter. Gen. Harrison, in the midst of blood-shed and slaughter, himself severely wounded, led on his countrymen to honor and to glory. It was true, the minister was not attached to the po- litical party of the President, but when we remember that Gen. Jackson in his letter to Mr. George Kremer of May, 1824, expressed the opinion, that ^' names were mere bau- blesy'^ and that ^^ he who would abandon his fire-side and the comforts of home, and continue in the defence of his country through ivar, tiierited the confidence of the government let him bear ivhat name of party he mighty'^ — we cannot resist the conclusion, that Gen. Jackson, in recalling this distin- guished soldier, not only sacrificed his own character for honor and consistency, but some of the best interests of the country.! — Next followed the executive mandate, recalling Mr. James Barbour our minister at the court of St. James, and almost simultaneously with it, that of Mr. Alexander H. Everett from the representation in Spain. Each of these gentlemen, as in the case of Gen. Harrison, had opposed the election of Gen. Jackson; but they stood high in the estima- tion of the country for talents and patriotism. They had each been distinguished in their respective States — and the ♦Better known as "Free Tom Moore", which was the minister's manner of franking liis letters— all io the same line. fWe notice from the official Gazette of Bogota, the following complimentary commimication of Gen. Harrison's arrival in that capital—" Wf rongrii.ulule Colombia on beholding the interest, which is ma- nifested by the government of the United States, to cultivate the most friendly relations with this re- public, by pending among us so distinguished a citizen as Ocn. Harrison. The government has a full confidence, that his permanent residence in this capital, will contribnte generally to strengthen the har- mony and good understanding which happily exist between the two nations." Could there be a more fa- vorable augury than this of the success ol Gen. Harrison's mission 7 13 former gentleman had filled with honor to himself the Ex- ecutive chair of Virginia. — As politicians they were well known to be devoted to the republican principles of our gov- ernment, and to the foreign and domestic policy upon which it was administered, and upon their nomination as national Envoys, they had but recently received the marked confi- dence of the American Senate. Yet all these claims to pub- lic respect, were insufficient to conciliate the good opinion of Gen. Jackson. Without even an intimation of any derelic- tion of official duty, — or any reason whatever being assigned to justify their recall, they were abruptly displaced, and two of the president's most influential political friends, Mr. Lou- is McLane, of Delaware, and Mr. Cornelius P. Van Ness, of Vermont, were appointed to supersede them. Among the candid and enlightened throughout the United States, there was but little diiference of opinion as to the motives of the president in making these appointments, and however we may respect both Mr. McLane and Mr. Van Ness, a sense of common honesty and justice, and a due regard for the political character of the country, will not permit us to allow, that they were appointed in conformity with the true principles of political justice, or that they have made us abler or better representatives abroad, for the simple reason of their being attached to the person, to the fortunes, or to the party of Gren. Jackson. Next followed the recall of Mr. Middleton, our worthy and efficient Minister at St. Petersburg, and to the astonish- ment of the whole nation — the appointment of Mr. John Randolph of Virginia, to succeed him at that court.* Happi- ly for the president, the voluntary retirement of Mr. Brown, our minister to France, opened for his use a fifth diplomatic *John Randolph, Esq. of Roanoke, the advocate of common sense, and political consistency; the opponent of all parties, men, and measures. — The politician who thought '-Mr. John Adams' administration the lowest state of degradation;" — but that Mr. Adams " was a good set off against Mr. Madison." — Thesegentlemen, in the opinion of Mr. Randolph in 181 4, " were of such equal weight, that the trembling balance" reminded him 14 iield, and immediately succeeded the appointment of Mr. Rives of Virginia, another of his political friends. It cannot be too forcibly impressed on the public mind, that these foreign emissaries thus unjustly and abruptly re- " of that passage in Pope, where Jove weighs the beaux's wits against tho lady's hair :" " Tlie doubtful beam, long nods from side to side, At length the wits mount up, the hairs subside." The democrat who pronounced Mr. Jeflerson's embargo, " unconstitu- tional and oppressive, an engine of tyranny, fraud and favoritism," and that "Then was the time to resist." Who declared in reference to Mr. Jef- ferson's administration, that "Atheists and madmen had been our lawgiv- ers." — The republican, who in 1812, thought Mr. Madison's war, "contra- ry to the interests and honor of the American people, and an idolatrous sa- crifice of both, on the altar of French rapacity — perfidy and ambition." Who gave it as his opinion, that the nation under the auspices of Mr. Mad- ison " was cursed with a weak and wicked administration;" that "its luck was in the inverse ratio of its better judgment," and that Mr. Madison iiira- self " was the destroyer of his country." The shrevk'd representative who thought Mr. Monroe " unfit for a Statesman •," that " his administration was feeble and distracted ;" that he had " attempted a conscription on the model of Bonaparte;" and that "he sat as an Jncubus on the State." See Mr. Randolph's appeal, "To the Freeholders of Charlotte, Prince Edward, Buckingham, and Cumberland,". of May SOth, 131-2, published in Niles' Register, vol. 2d. page 258. — And also his letter addressed " To a gentle- man in Boston, late a member of the Senate ofthe United States, from Ma.s- sachusctts," — dated, Philadelphia, Dec. 15th, 1814, and published in the United States Gazette, and in Niles' Register, vol. 7, p. 288. Mr. Randolph — the consistent opponent, in whose estimation the ad- ministration of the late President, Mr. Adams, was superlatively contempti- ble. Who "would not touch the present Secretary of State, (Mr. Livings- ton) even with a pair of tongs." The champion of strict republican princi- ples, yet the sworn enemy of free suffrage. Who, when his native State in 1824, desired to alter her constitution, and establish the elective franchise upon the free white basis, wrote to his constituents that " the people of Virginia would be mad to call a convention," and that for himself, "lie had lived and hoped to die a freeholder, and when he lost that distinction, he should no longer have any motive in toeing their faithful servant." The disinterested minister to St, Petersburg, who was for 14 months in the pay of the government, for sojouring 1 1 days only, at the court of his destina- tion, and who, on his return to the United States, most studiously avoided an interview with the government. Mr. Randolph, the sagacious patriot, who in 1823 denounced Mr. Calhoun as " the army candidate" for the Presidency ; who implored his constituents on that account "to look to it or they were lost forever," and the consistent Senator,whoin 1828 declar- ed on the floor of Congress that "he should vote for Andrew Jackson for President" even "if he were a profligate — because he was the first milita- ry man in the country." See Mr. Randolph's letter of a later date address- ed "To the freeholders of the counties of Charlotte, Buckingham, Prince 15 called by Gren. Jackson, were known to have been opposed to his election, — while, it was a matter of equal notoriety, that all those appointed to succeed them, were among the number of his personal and political friends. Such a sys- tem of proscription for opinion's sake, very clearly estab- lished the partizan character of the administration. — The system itself was new in the history of our country, and no candid and intelligent mind will hesitate to admit, that it furnished a sad commentary, on the memorable sentiment expressed by Gen. Jackson to Mr. Monroe, *' that the presi- dent in the selection of his ministers should consult no par- ty." In tlie character of an upright and virtuous statesman, there is no difference between his theory and his practice. Duplicity is incompatible with private or oiBcial honor. — The path of political honesty, is like the bridge from Earth to Heaven in the Mahometan creed, if you once deviate from the right line, you merit the fatal consequences of human er- ror. This total change, however, in the foreign representation of the country, and the president's determination to indulge in party and personal feelings, to the exclusion of the great national policy he had so recently recommended, have given rise to many estimates of the probable expence^ to which the country has in consequence been subjected. Taking into view theoutiitsof the newly appointed ministers, the amounts William, and Cumberland, and commonwealth of Virginia," dated May I7tli, 182 1 — and also his speech in the Senate in 1820, on the bill for adding to the number of Circuit Judges, in which he spoko for two hours without ever touching the subject in debate. If any one wishes to see a stale collection of worn-out adages — a satire on Internal Im- provement — a dissertation on slavery and the slave trade — scraps from Miss Edgeworth,and the Waverly Novels — a lamentation on the worn- out condition of the Virginia lands — an account of English magnificence — a eulogy upon Lord Londonderry — a glance at the Panama mission — a history of Irish misery, and altogether, a collection of wretched puns, such as '-the tariff, tariffed the South," and a hodge podge, run mad, rho- domontade, let him refer to this speech, delivered on the floor of the Unit- ed States Senate by Mr. J. Randolph, of Roanoke, the Hon. gentleman whom the President of the United States selected to represent the Ameri- can people near the court of the most extensive empire in Europe. 16 allowed by the usage of the government for the return of their predecessors, the necessary delay in the public busi- ness, consequent upon a cliange of representatives, and the expense of employing national ships in conveying the favor- ite envoys to their respective points of destination, and un- der the fairest estimates the nett loss to the government must exceed the sum of S250,000. But all this squandering of the public treasure, was done in the name of " reform,'' and the popular term translated from the president's inaugural speech, became an apology for every species of injustice, till the official dismissals practised in its name, became too nu- merous for the belief of the most prejudiced and credulous. Of all parties the most dangerous to free and enlightened go- vernment is that, which appropriates exclusive excellence to itself, and persecutes its opponents as unworthy and im- pure. Political intolerance has been the enemy of the hu- man family from the earliest ages of the world, and General Jackson's administration is entitled to the peculiar distinc- tion, of being the iirst to introduce this evil into the Ameri- can Republic. Next on the catalogue of executive persecution, followed the removal of a host of foreign Consuls, and an indiscrimi- nate discharge of such government officers at home, who in the exercise of the elective franchise, and the riglits and pri- vileges of free government, had refused in the recent contest for the presidency, to record their votes in favor of Gen. Jack- son. All this was done, under the specious necessity of <' rotation in office," and the pretext was every where ad- vanced by the government presses, in justification of these persecutions. But this plea too, like that of ^^reforra," was soon after abandoned by the perpetrators of injustice ; for it soon became manifest to the intelligent of all parties, that these removals from office were invariably restricted to those who had opposed the president's election — while his private and political friends — unmolested and secure, without a sol- IT itavy exception, were still retained in the public service. ^'Rotation in office" was defined by its practice, to be aa expulsion of the president's opponents, in favor of his party friends. Personal or political attachment to Gen. .Tackson, was made the sole test of merit or unworthiness. The gov- ernment became administered exclusively on personal and party principles, and in all the attempts to excuse the in- justice which followed as a natural conseq\ience, not even an allusion was made, to any difference of opinion upon the great political questions of the country. The government of the United States was established for the good of the whole nation. It was organized to secure the rights of independent opinion, political justice, and civil and religious liberty to all its citizens, and the administra- tion of the government in the language of Mr. Jefferson* ^^should dispense equal and exact justice to all men, of whatsoever state or persuasion, religious ov political.^^ When, therefore, the organs of this government originally consti- tuted for the benefit of the whole, are prostituted to subserve the interests of a party, it amounts tp a violation of the most sacred principles upon which it was formed. When a gov- ernment is successfully established, and a party arises under it adverse to the principles upon which it is formed, or to the policy by Avhich it is administered, we admit that it then becomes justifiable, both in morals and politics, for the ma- jority to exclude from their public councils, all those whose political sentiments upon these points, differ from those of the constituted authorities — and who, if placed in official stations might operate to the prejudice of the prevailing go- vernment. But happily for tlie United Strtes, no such po- litical parties exist among us now. W^e are all equally at- ached to the great principles of our government ; and al- though a partial contrariety of opinion may prevail as to some particular points of its domestic policy, the President, *Mi-. Jefferson's Inaugural Addrcs*. 18 so far fl'om allowing these differences of opinion to influence his appointments, has himself upon several occasions advo- cated the distinct interests of each. These facts are familiar to every enquiring mind, and since all the President's party friends are still retained in the public service ; since none others have received political favor at his hands: since no in- timation of any official dereliction has been advanced against one in five hundred of the repudiated officers, and since it is well known that all those who were dismissed, were op- posed to the election of the President, we cannot resist the conclusion that every one must believe, they were discharg- ed for refusing to support him, and consequently that Gfen. Jackson and his minions, in the exercise of such a system of t-^ranny and injustice, have violated the true spirit, intentions and principles of the Constitution. The party presses devoted to the President, did not hesi- tate to acknowledge the career of political injustice we have attempted to expose ; tiie public offices were compared to the >^ Augean stable,^' and those who were not true to Genl. Jackson, were to be swept out by this political Hercules — and the official paper of the government, in openly justifying the practice, contended that the national good required at the hands of the President, to use his own language, such a sys- tem of " rewards and punishments." For a while, howev- ever, the General Post-office seemed to be exempt from the fell influence of persecution. Mr. McLane, a man alike dis- tinguished for talents and for the purity of his pu])lic and private character, was at the liead of that department. Un- iler his official sagacity and industry, the general Post-office had reached a condition of prosperity unexampled in the previous history of the country; and this able and practical officer would still have remained at its head, could he have consented to the odious practice of proscription, which had polluted ihe various other deaprtraents of the government, and was now required to be enforced in the high office subject 19 to iiis controul. Between injustice and persecution, and the prospect of future honor to himself, from the further success of the post-office department, Mr. McLean did not hesitate for a moment. He promptly and indignantly refused his acquiescence, and signified a desire to relinquish his high trust, while the whole nation was still resounding his praise, rather than be the foul organ of persecuting honest and ca- pable men, for the sake of personal or political opinions, entertained towards the President of the United States. The flourishing and prosperous condition to wliich the ge- neral post-office had attained, under the auspices of Mr. McLean, could not stay the hand of the President and his party, in their system of ^^ rewards and punishments." — Mr. McLean^s wish to retire was promptly complied with, and he was immediately translated to the bench of the Su- preme Court, where the honesty of his principles could not affect the patronage of appointment, and Mr. Wm. T. Barry, a gentleman of more orthodox political creed, and fresh from the gubernatorial contest in Kentucky, as the Jackson can- didate, was placed at the head of the post-office department. So far as regards Judge McLean's motive in wishing to re- tire from the general post-office, and the indignation and ab- horrence with which he contemplated the causes, that ren- dered his withdrawal necessary, we entertain no kind of doubt, as to the correctness of this statement. Mr. Barry being now installed in the general post-office, the work of proscription commenced its operation there with- out let or hindrance. The Messrs. Bradley's were among the most capable and meritorious officers of the department; they had served with judge McLean, during the whole course of his administration; and that officer, forseeing the iniquitous system that was about to be enforced, in retiring from the department, expressed a hope in writing, that the Messrs. Bradley's might be retained; for such in the opinion of Judge McLean were their experience, industry and integri- 20 ty, to use his own language, lie did not think the 'Hlepartment could get on as well without them."* But the President and Mr. Barry discovered in less than a month, that this opinion of Judge McLean, though it was deliherately iormed after seven years of arduous and successful association with the Bradley's in office, was unworthy of their respect or con- fidence, and with too true a knowledge of the political senti- ments of all, — the Bradley's were among the first to be dis- charged, from the post-office department. Next followed the dismissal of Mr. Monroe, the post- master of Washington; and immediately after, a host of clerks and minor officers, for the same mean and nefiirious purpose of making room for party and personal friends. Nearly every post-masterf in the Union, whose office was worth holding, and who had not de- clared for General Jackson, was expelled, without regard to merit or capability, — and even the petty patronage of ad- vertising dead letters, was taken from such newspapers as refused to advocate his cause, and given to others, more de- voted to his service. There Wcis no department of the gov- ernment that was not ransacked in search of political victims. Even the national Librarian, J Mr. Waterson, who was a- menalde to congress for the faithful discharge of his duty, was abruptly dismissed by the President, without any cause being assigned for his removal; and an underling clerk from the print-shop of the government paper at Washington, was * See Judge McLean's letter. t By the Post Master General's official repnit, in the 1st year of Gen. Jackson's administration 491 dismissals were made from the Post Oflicc Department alone i The law it is true, gives tin; appointment of ilie Librarian to the President, but the Library was purchased " for both houses of Congress," and, therefore, they were the proper judges of the propriety of its iiianaacment. Mr. Waterson was highly esteemed by all parties in Congress, and his dismissal regretted. He has informed the public that during the whole time he was national Librarian, only one book was lost ; but he had opposed by an honest vote the election of Gen. Jackson, for which sin, liis faithful discharge of an important public trust, could not atone. The late Gen. Harper, in his reply lo certain interrogations, in a case wherein Aaron Burr was plaintif}', and James Cheetham defendant, tried at New York, touching the famous presidential election in 1801, gave it as his opinion, that if Aa- ron Burr would have consented to pay off his political supporters, by the bcstowment of public office, he would have been elected in preference to Mr. Jefferson.— It seems by Gen. Harper's answers to the.inter- rogatories in this case, that Burr would not consent to use such means, and therefore in this n ?pert, he was more honest than Gen. Jackson. See Gen Harper's answers as furnished by hiuiself— Nile;.' Reg ^ter, vol. 23, page 282. 2i appointed to succeed him. Wherever political service had been rendered in aid of General Jackson's election, the otti- cial patronage of the government has been lavislily scatter- ed. Thirty odd editors of newspapers, wlio supported his cause, no matter how shamelessly, have been appointed to public office,* and in some instances the double duty of Jack- son editor and government officer, is performed by tlie same * Mr. Noah, editor of the New York Enquirer, in announcing his own appointment to ilie office of Surveyor of the Port, says — " Our new duties not interfering witli tlie duties and obligations we owe to tlie party, will not abate the attention hitherto paid to the columns of the Enquirer, wliicli we hope to improve in every department." Should not the knowledge of this fact, and a thousand others like it in principle, bring a blush on the cheek of the Hon. Seuator, Mr. Marcy— who but lately detlnred on tlie floor of llie Senate, that the otficers dismissed from the pubUc service, had been loo zealous in the cause of the preceding administration, [n the Senator's own words the proscribed were " partisans in the struggle, paragraph writers for newspapers, distributors of political handbills;" and therefore the President is justified by the Hon. Senator in his monstrous course of Injustice and persecution. We ask these simple questions, and appeal to the honesty and justice of the people ;~Ha3 the President dis- missed any of his own " partizans" who " took part in the struggle"?" Has he proscribed any " para- graph writers" who advocated his election? Has he " punished" any " distributors of political hand-, bil.s" in ;iid of his cause? But on the contrary, does he not hold them all " snug" in oftic" ; and has nut an increase of salary, in many Instances, been asked for them ? And have not thirty odd or forty edi- tors of newspapers, wholesale " writers of paragraplis" been appointed to office ? And has not the pub- lic priming throughout the Union, been taken from such newspapers as had not support' d Uen. Jack- son's election and given to such as did 1 In our own State and in the District of Columbia, was it not taken from the National Intelligencer and given to the United States Telegraph, and again taken from this latter press, when it became too independent to be Van ISurenized, and awarded to the Globe ; and likewise was it not transferred from the Baltimore Patriot to the Baltimore Republican, a press got up avowedly for the purpose of supporting Gen. Jackson's election ? The removals and appointments are now estimated at about three tliousand. The dismissed were " punished" for being the friends of the late administration ; the appointed rewarded, for being the " partizans" of Gen. Jackson Wliat was infamous in the friends of the late administration, is political virtue in those of the present. What a man does for Gen. Jackson is all right and proper; but ff he does the same thing for any one else it is downright treason— and yet such political logic as this is gravely advanced m tlie American Senate. O tempora 1 O mores I It is true, while Mr. Clay was in the State Department the public printing was taken from one or two papers, but the reasons were boldly and honestly avowed.— It was taken for example from that just, enlightened and gentlemanly press, the National Intelligencer, because it could not, or did not af- ford room for all the public printing. Not so with the present administration; no reasons are given- all is veiled in darkness, for injustice loaths the light. Even on the application of a United States Sena- tor, politely enquiring of the Post Master General, the reasons why an officer, whose character stood high in the State he represented, had been dismissed from the department,-an abrupt answer was returned by Mr. Barry, stating that the Senator, " was not permitted to know the reasons." Upon one occasion indeed. Major Eaton did condescend to e.vplain the cause of one of his dismissals.— Major Nourse was informed by letter from the Secretary-" that the chief clerk in his department must be a confidential friend"— and for this reason he must leave the office ; and in the same letter of dismissal, Mr. Nourse was informed by Major Eaton—" that nothing had transpired to which he could take the slightest objection to him, nor had he any to suggest." This was a pretty ba/efaced avowal of the Jackson principle, that the government was made f(M him and his friends and the friends of his friends. Upon this ground a most meritorious officer was discharged and his place filled by one of Major Eaton's " confidential friends" Doctor Randolph-the same gentleman whom Mr. [ugliam charges with an attempt to assassinate liim as he passed to and from liis official duties— If tlie=e things are to ba e.\cused on the floor of the Senate, God save the Republic. 22 iudividiKil. "Kev/ards and puiushments" are openly and shamelessly dispensed^Avherever the public business requires agency. Partizan wrath lights its torch from the firebrand of the furies. In the first eighteen months of General Jack- son's administration, fourteen hundred and seventy-one of- ficers were dismissed from the public service on party grounds.* A pretty good beginning indeed, for a President who had preached a crusade against political parties, and. held them up to public detestation, as ^* monsters that ought to be exterminated!" We do not make a comparison be- tween the men, but never did Nero, in his prodigal despo- tism, deal out to his praetorian guards, more br itiful re- wards and honors, than General Jackson has done to his personal and political partizans.f With the virtues and ta- * See the estirHnte of removals in Mr. Holmes' speech in the Senate, never contradicted. t The follovying is a list of the removals under the several administrations of the government : — V.'ASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION commrncBd 25lh May, 1T8S — ended 3d March, 1797 — number of removals 11 — as follows : — 19lh Nov. 1792.— John Aimiaiead was nominated Siuveyor of Plymouth, North Carolina, vice Tho- mas Davis Freeman, superseded. 6th March, 1794. — Lawrence Muse, of Virginia, nominated Collector of Tappahannock, viuc Hudson Muse, superseded. 21st Nov. 1794. — Joseph Piic.iirn, N. Y. nominated Vice-Consui at Paris, vice Alexander Duvernet, tuperseiUd. lOth Dec. 1794. — Wm. Reynolds, Va. Collector of Hampton, vice .'\braham Archer, superseded. 24th Feb. 179->. — Consi'ntit Somers, Collector at Egg Harbor, N. J. vice Daniel Benezat, superseded. 23th June. 1795. — Dudley Atkins Tyng, Collector at Newburyport, Mass. vice Edward Wigglesworth, superseded. lUth Dec. 1795. — Joeeph Grayson, Colitclor at Beaufort, S. C. vice Andiew Agnew, superseded. Vlst Dec. 179S. — (::har)es C. Piiickney, S. C. Minister to France, vie* Jnmes Monroe. 2oth Jan. 1707.— David Russell, Vt. Collector at South Hero, Vermont, vice Stephen Keyes, superse- ded. JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION commenced 4'Ji March, 1797, ended 4lh March, ISOI—numbar of removals 11— as follows : 19th May, 17517 —Joshua Sands, Collector at New-York, vice John Lamb, dismissed— deJauUer, 24th Nov. 1797.— Ebe:irzer Storer, Mass. Inspector, vice Leonard Jarvis, dismissed. 30th Nov. 1797.— Chauncey Wiiittlesey, Collector at Midelctown, Conn, vice George Phillips, sTiper- seded. 4th Dec. 1797.— Thomas Craft.v, Mass, Consul at Bordeaux, vice Joseph Fenwick, dismi.osed. Tench Co.xe, of Phliadflphia, Commissioner of the Kevenuc-, was disiiiissed about this time. 14th Feb. 179hn Fierce, removed. Gardner had been removed by Mr. Adams, and Pierce appointed. Joseph Whipple of New Hampshire, Collector at Portsmouth, vice Thonies Martin, remofed. Whip- ple had been removed by Mr Adams, and Martin appointed. Joseph Scott, Marshal Eastein District of Virginia, vice Daviii M. Randolph, rrmave.d. Kandolph was appoint ' by Washington in December 1795, and re-appointed by Mr. Adams, December 1799. John Smit.i, .Marshal Eastern District of Pennsylvania, vice John Hall, rcmnvcd. Hjllwas appointed by Mr. Adams in December 1799. Joseph Crockett, Marshal of Kentucky, vice Samuel M'Dowcl!, remorsrf, M'Dowell was appciuted by Washington, September 1789, re-appoinled in December 1793 re appointed January 1708. David Fay, District Attorney for Vermont, vice A. Marsh; removed. Marsli was appointed by Wash- iiigroa June 1794, and re appointed by Mr. Adams. Daniel Marsh, Collector, >S-c. at Perth Amboy, New- Jersey, vice Andrew Bell, removed. John Hal- stead was removed 3d March 1800, and Bell appointed. James Lynn, of New-Jersey; Supervisor; vice A. Durham, removed. Durham was appointed hy Washington 4th March 1791. Mount Edward Chisman. Collector at Hampton, Virginia, vice ICirby, removed. Kirhjr wat appointed by Washington, 2ist December 1796. Thomas de Mattos Johnson, Collector, Savannah, Georgia, vice Jnmce Powell, removed. Powell wai appointed by Adams, 27th December 1797. Isaac Smith, Collector Cherrystone, Virginia; vice Nathaniel Wilkins, removcfZ. Wilkins wa« ap- pointed by Wa.shington, 2Jf!j May 1750. George W. Irwin, of Massachusetts, Consul at London, vice Samuel Williams, remou«rf. Williams was transfe'red firom Hamburg to London, 5th December 1797. Joseph Hook, Collector at Penobscot, Massachusetts, vice John Lee, removed. Lee was appointed by Washington, 3d August 1789. Reuben Ettiug, Marshal of Maryland, vic« David Hopkins, removed. H.pkins was appointed by Adams, 5tb December 1600. John Heard, Marsha! of New Jersey, vice Thom.ns Lowry, removed. Lowrj' had been twice a p pointed by Washington, and last by Adams, on the lOth January 1798. John Swartwout, Marshal District New York; vice Aquillu Giles, removed. Giles v.-aw twice ap- jKiinted by Washington, and once by Adams, 22d December 1800. Ephraim Klrby, Connecticut, Supervisor, vice J. Chester, removed. Chester was appointed by Wash- ington, 4th March 1791. Alexander Wolcott, Collector, Middletown, Connecticut, vice Chauncey Whittlesey, removed. Whit- tle.'Jey was appointed by Adams, 33th November 1797, vioe George Philips, Dupemediyl. Samuel Osgood, Supervisor, New- York, vice Nicholas Fish, 7-fjiioi.'cice Roswell Tousclcy removed. 25 The sublime moral spectacle of a great and virtuous people, selecting their first executive officer, by the exercise of en- lightened judgment, and independent opinion, has heretofore been contemplated with pride and gratification, wherever the blessings of free government were known or appreciat- ed; but if ever the American people shall deliberately sanc- MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION commenced •1th Rlarcli 1817, and ended 4tli March 18^5 — number of removals nine— of these th« causes of the removal of seven arc ascertained — Two Foreign Consuls failed as merchants and therefore forfeited tlieir consular offices. Another Consul, Auldjo, for insanity. The removal of the Consul at Glasgow was demanded by the British Government. Another Consul was recalled on the complaint of American merchants. A District Attorney for Florida was removed for abandoning his office, and staying in Maryland. D. R. Mitchell, Creek agent, was removed on a charge of conniving at an illegal transportation of 12th December 1817. George G Barroll, Consul at Malaga, vice Wm. Kirkpatrick, removed. Wm. Crawford, Receiver of Public money, .Mississippi Territory, vice Samuel Smith, removed. 26th January 1819. John Nicholson, Marshal Louisiana, vice Michael Reynolds, removed. 20th February 1821. John Crowell, Indian agent, Creek Nation, vice David B. Mitchell, removed. 21st December 1821. Henry Janson, Jun. Consul at Christiansand, Norway, vice Peter Isaacson, removed. 3d January 1823. Robert R. Hunter, New-York, Consul at Cowes, England, vice Thomas Auldjo, removed. 22d February 1824. David Walker, of Pennsylvania, Consul at Glasgow, Scotland, vice Harvey Strong, removed. 16th December 1824. Wm McKee, Surveyor of Public Lands in Illinois and Missouri, vice William Rector, removed. 2tith February 1823. Albert J. Clagett, of Maryland, District Attorney, West Florida, vioe William P. Steele, removed. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION commenced 4th Marcli, 182.5, and ended 4th March 1829 — number of removals two. One of these was on a charge of violation fifteen years ago, of the embargo laws. ANDREW JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION commenced on the 4th March 1829, and in the first eighteen months of his administration fourteen hun- dred and seventy-one public officers were dismissed !— of these two hundred and thirty-nine were ex- pelled directly by the President, chiefly in the recess, more than three times the number removed by all the former Presidents for forty years. Four hundred and ninety-one were reiiioved from the post of- fice department— -as officially reported. Likewise one hundred and flfty-one subordinate officers from the customs, and deputy clerks and collectors; deputy marshals; private secretaries of foreign ministers; clerks inland and other offices; surveyors and others; estimated at six hundred — as was asserted in the Senate of the United States and neycr contradicted. See Mr. Holmes Speech in the Senate. It would be almost impossible to arrive at the whole number of removals since Gen. Jackson came into office. The inquisitive reader may form some idea of the corrupt system by referring to Niles' Register— vol. 36. pages 34. 67. 119. 133, 149. 163. 181. 199. 234. 377. 410, and vol. 37. pages 67. 87. 149. 164. 275. 327. 412, 433. vol. 38. pagesS. 49. .'50. 97. 105 112. 142. 216. 229. 254. 270. 301. 325. .3.55. vol. 39. pages 121. 188. 218. 217. 391. 332. 333. vol. 40. pages 26. .55. 59. 63. 95. 131. 220. 222. 223. 254. 294, 337. 394l 401. 433. etc. There is no end to the private distress which the party animosity of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Bu- ren has brought upon the coinitry — General Jack.son's administration has been compared with Mr. Jef- ferson's, but witii wliat trnth, let the reader decide by reference to the facts we have stated. 26 tion the system of favoritism and corruption, which has marked the administration of General Jackson, it will effec- tually destroy the political purity, freedom of opinion, and national security of the country. In two instances, out of the whole number of dismissals we have enumerated, the ad- ministration has attempted to excuse its injustice, by prose- cuting its innocent victims as public defaulters; but to the honor of our nature and to the political institutions of the country, in each instance the triumph of the accused has been signal and complete.* But so much for the President's practical commentary up- on his theory in regard to appointments; and such has been the fulfilment of his solemn pledge, that if he were chief magistrate he would put in practice the advice he had recom- mended to others. Yet there was a time in the history of Gen. Jackson when he was peculiarly sensitive on the subject of appointments. Since he has been President he has forced an appointment on the Senate contrary to the expressed opinions of a major- ity of that body.f But in former times, if a government *Mr. N'ourse, chief clerk of the Treasury department, and Mr. PhiMcbrown, were prosecuted by the go- vernment as public defaulters; the former to ii heavy amount. The cases were brought to trial, and a court audjury on their oaths, gave verdicts in favor ofthe defendants— to wit; that the government owed Mr. Nourse 13000 and odd dollars, and Mr. Phillebrown 400 and odd dollars. Ft is rather strange that Gen. Jackson should wage war against presumed defaulters, when it is known he has appointed many o office, knowing them to be such— Mr. Livingston the present Secretary of State.^vas for.twenty-flve years a public defaulter — and prosecuted Mr. Jefferson for ordering the Marshal to seize his property for the debt— It has been stated that his account stands settled with the Treasury, but how and whether the government Ijas received the wholeof the original debt, amounting to $50,000 witli interest for more than twenty years, is not ascertained— Mr. Barry was appointed to the General Post office, owing the government, as admitted in the defence published in the Globe §10,000, but it was not recoverable, ow- ing to some chicanery in the law— the prosecution was not legally conducted, and Mr. Barry escaped by law and not by justice, as the criminal sometimes does, from an error in the indictment. Major Lee who was appointed Consul General to Algiers, was a defaulter for §3500— and unless the amount has been retained out of his pay It is now lost to the government. There is a very singular circumstance connected with the present administration— When General Washington was retiring from tlie Presidency, it was proposed in Congress to transmit him a vote of thanks, in testimony of the high respect which the coordinate departments of the government enter- tained for hi- zealous and patriotic public services. Three distinguished members of Ccmgress voted against the proposition— Andrew Jack.«on of Tennessee, Edward Livingston of New York and Wm. B. Giles of Virginia. It is still more surpiising, that the only two survivors who opposed this affectionate proceeding, in reference to the father of his country— He, of whom it has been justly said "his fame was whiter than it was brilliant," are now at the head of the government— Geh. Jackson and Mr. Livingston. t Noah was nominated and rejected, agnin nominated during the absence of dissenting Senators and 27 agent was disagreeable to himself or his friends, Gen. Jack- son was the most infuriate complainant in the United States. We have reference particularly to the General's far-famed philippic against Silas Dinsmore, who was agent of the Choctaw Indians;, under the administration of Mr. Madi- son. Mr. Dinsmore it seems, became obnoxious to the He- ro, and his friends ; he had refused a passage to a family through the Indian nation, Avho came unprovided with a passport, and for this exercise of his duty, Gen. Jackson became so enraged, as to write immediately to the govern- ment, (through the Hon. G. W. Ca,rapbell) in a style, and temper, and grammar, which we hesitate not to say, would do but little credit to one of the Chiefs themselves. Lest you may have forgotten something if the manner and matter of this famous epistle, and in orde.' to show Gen. Jackson's extreme impatience, and violent tenper, under appointments that did not please him, we wouH refer you to his letter to the Hon. G. W. Campbell, indirectly addressed to the Se- cretary at War, and which is low on file in the Depart- ment.* ^^ When 1 received your lette.' of the 10th of April,'' says Gen, Jackson, ^^I, nor the citizens of West Tennessee, he- sitated not to believe, that, S:las Dinsmore would cease to exercise, over our citizens, such lawless tyranny, as he had been in the habit of." And speaking of the detention of the family by the agent, the writer continues : ^' And for what ? the want of a passport : and my God is it come to this? are we freemen, or, are wc slaves P is this real : or is it a dream P for what are we involved in a war with Great Britain ? is it not for the support of our rights as an independent people and a nation, secured to us by nature, and natures God, as well as solemn treaties, and the law of the nomination confirmed. ThiiisGen. Jackson's democracy, making the minority superior to the majority. , * Se« Niles' Register, vol. 34. page 1 12. 28 nations ? and can tlie Secretary at war for one moment re- tain the idea, that we will permit this petty tyrant to sport with our rights, secured to us hy treaty, and which by the Imv of nature ive do -possess? and sport with our feelings, by publishing his lawless tyrminy exercised over a helpless and unprotected femaU ? Were we base enough to surren- der our independent ris;lits secured to us hy the bravery and the blood of our forefxthers, we would be unworthy the name of freemen. Tile indignation of our citizens are * only restrained by agsui'ances that government, so soon as they are notified, of this unwarrantable insult, added to ma- ny injuries that Silas Ijinsmore has heaped upon our hon- est citizens, that he will be removed. Should we be de- ceived in this, he frank With the Secretary of War, that we ai'e freemen J and thai we will support the supremacy of the laws, and that the Urath and indignation of our citi- z-ens ivill sweep from th, Earth the invader of their legal rights, and involve Silai Dinsmore in the flames of his agency house J^ And agaii^ ^' Should not the source of the evil be removed, our right secured l)y treaty restored to our citizens, the agent and his iouse will be demolished." The General thus concludes : *^*^\his may be thought strong lan- guage, but it is the language\ that freemen, when they are claiming a fulfilment of their rights, ought to use : it is the language that they ought to be taught to lisp from their cra- * In this beautiful specimen of diction and punrtuation, we find the President of the United States indulging liimself in repeated attacks on the Iving's English.— In addition to the examples above, we would refer the curious to the following from [he same letter — We, have made these quotations with ^reat care, giving the wording, pointing, &c. precisely as they were published from the original: "Neither can we the citizens of Teimessee, believe, witbout better proof, that the hair of the head of one of the murderers of Manley's family, and Crawley's, at the mouth of Duck river, are disturbed by the Creeks, when we have proof that they have lately passed near Hnskashia,fifteen in number to join the Prophet." Again, " pardon the trouble I have given you in this long letter ; it relates to the two subjects that has for some time irritated the public mind, and is now ready to burst forth in vengeance." These aie ei amplesofthe grossest violation of the plainest and simplest rule in grannuar ; and yet there are those who profess to believe that the late messages to Congress were dictated by the same head. We shouM like to know the political legerdemain by which this wonderful transformation is effected. 29 (lies, and never when they are claiming rights from any other nation ever to abandon.''* Pretty language this, truly, and most discreet sentiments from one who has since been chosen President of the Unit- ed States. The agency houses of the government were to be set on fire, and the agent himself burnt to death in them, and the whole ^^swept from the Earth," and yet the govern- ment was gravely informed, that all this outrage was "sup- porting the supremacy of the laws." The friends of Gen- eral Jackson cannot excuse this coarse and incendiary at- tempt to bully the government. He was then upwards of fifty years of age — quite too old to learn. Indeed, we may witJi truth apply to Gen. Jackson, what Napoleon said of the Bourbons---he has '^^learnt nothing, he has forgotten no- thing." In every instance where we can arrive at a written ex- pression of General Jackson's opinions, no two principles in all nature are more diametrically opposed, than his pro- fessions and his practice. In that very remarkable docu- ment of inexplicable opinion, and most ridiculous composi- tion, his letter of resignation to the legislature of Tennessee, of Oct. 1825, we find the following grave and formal an- nouncement of his sentiments in relation to the appointment of members of Congress to oiRce. ^'^I would impose," says Gen. Jackson, ''n provision rendering any member of Con- gress ineligible to office under the general government, dur- ing the term for which he was elected, and for two years thereafter, except in cases of judicial office. The effect of such a constitutional provision is obvious. By it Congress in a considerable degree would be free from that connexion * We wonder if tlie Presiilent was governeJ by this rule when he insisted on the late instructions being given to our minister at the English court. Perhaps the same magic wand wliich couTd convert arson and murder into "a support of the supremacy of tlie laws" might transform a rash and furious demand, info a fawning, pciiitent, supiiMcaliiig prayir, and make them mean the one and the kiuj* tiling. Tlie temper and ignorance ^' Gtn. Jackson an ?i> manifest it s<'enis like an act of supt-mroga- tion to attempt to expose tlicin 30 with the executive departments which at present gives strong ground of apprehension and jealousy to the people. Mem- bers instead of being liable to be withdrawn from legislating on the great interests of the nation, through prospects of ex- ecutive patronage, would be liberally confided in by their constituents, while their vigilance would be less interrupted by party feelings and party excitement. Calculations from intrigue or management would fail, nor would their delibera- tions or their investigation of subjects consume so much time. The morals of the country would be improved, and virtue uniting with the labours of the representatives, and with the official ministers of the law, would tend to perpetuate the hon- or and glory of the government. But if this change in the Constitution should not be obtained, and important appoint- ments should continue to devolve on the representatives in Congress, it requires no depth of thought to be convinced that corruption will become the order of the day, and evils of serious importance to the freedom and prosperity of the republic must arise. It is through this channel thai the peo- ple may expect to be attacked in their constitutional sover- eignty, — and where tyranny may well be apprehended to spring up in some favorable emergency.^'' Now had any one predicted at the epoch of these solemn assurances, that in 1829, when Gen. Jackson should be elect- ed to the Presidency, the very first of his official acts would be to fill his cabinet, and the great diplomatic offices of the country almost exclusively with members of Congress, we venture to assert that his most prejudiced political opponent,, would scarcely have credited the prophecy. No one would then have believed, that regardless of the perilous conse- quences that were likely to result from the odious practice he pretended to deprecate, and in violation of the solemn pledge given on the same occasion, declaring he felt it "as due to himself to practice on the maxims recommended to oth- ers," that in two years after his election, Gren. Jackson would 31 have appointed nineteen inem])ers of Congress to office.* Taking this letter in connexion with those to Mr. Mon- roe, no one would have supposed, that the writer so soon as he became President himself, would have sacrificed our best and wisest agents for patty purposes, and with the view of increasing the very system of appointments, the practice of which, in his opinion, ^^madecorruption the order of the day, and was an evil of serious importance to the freedom and prosperity of the Republic." In a government like ours no difference should be admitted between moral and political honesty. The man whose character is not fiiir and upright in public life, is rarely ever esteemed in his private associa- •Martin Van Buren, Senator from V. V., Secretary of Slate. John H. Eaton, Senator from Tennessee, Secretery of War. John Branch, Senator from North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy. Samuel D. Ingham, Member of the House of Representatives, from Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury. J. M. Berrien, Senator from Georgia, Attorney General. Louis McLane, Senator from Delaware, Minister to England. Wm. E. Rives, Member of the House of Representatives from Virginia, Minister to France. Thos. P. Moore, Member of the House of Representatives from Kentucky, Minis- ter to Colombia. George W. Owen, Member of the House of Representatives from Alabama, Col- kctor at Mobile. John Chandler, Senator from Maine, Collector at Portland. Jcromus Johnson, Member of the House of Repressntatives from New York, Ap- praiser of Goods. Mr. Stower, Member elect frcmi New York, U. S. District Attorney for Florida. Levi Woodbury, Member of the Senate from New Hampshire, Secretary of the Navy. Edward Livingston, Member of the Senate from Louisiana, Secretary of State. James Buchannan, Member of the House of Representatives from Pennsylvania, Minister to St. Petersburg. P. P. Barbour, Member of the House of Representatives from Virginia, Judge of District Court of Va. John Randolph, Member of the House of Representatives from Virginia, Minister to St. Petersburg. Lerah L. Hobbie, member of the House of Representatives from New York, Assis- tant Post Master, N. Y. Jonathan Harvey, Member of the House of Representatives, appointed Navy Agent at Portsmouth, N. H. — declined. 32 tions. Hut such has been the theory and such the practice of Gen. Jackson ; in precept a saint^ in practice a political puritan. We candidly admit we never did concur with the Presi- dent, as to the danger or impropriety of giving appointments to members of the National Legislature. In tilling the great oiRces of the nation, it was always our opinion, that the best talents and the puresi virtue of the country, should be commanded without restriction, and if tliose whom the people have chosen to represent them, are to be considered (ex officio) unworthy of public conildence, it m ould be a stain upon our national character, Avhicli a senator ought never to have admitted. But if in denouncing the practice of ap- pointing members of Congress to office,as being fraught with fatal consequences to the ^^freedom of the republic," Gen. Jackson was not sincere in the expression of his opinion, we ask, is he worthy the confidence of the American people? And if he was sincere, after violating his own sense of pro- priety, and in his opinion, the most sacred interests of the country, we again ask is he worthy of further confidence ? Upon theimportantsubject of internal improvement, Gen. Jackson's inconsistently has been equally gross and absurd. Almost from the origin of our political, existence, tlie expe- diency and constitutionality of opening post-roads, military roads, and the exercise of the power of internal improve- ment upon its broadest principles, have received the sanction of our government. So early as 1784 an ordinance was passed, making provision for a grant of lands to the states, with 5 per cent, of the money arising from the sale of those lands, for the purpose of constructing high-ways within the old states, and for the further ol)ject of connecting them more intimately with the new states, by the establishment of pub- lic roads, and other means of intercommunication. In 1809 Congress passed an act in confirmation of the same principle; and in 1811, anotlieract received its sanction, for the opening 33 bf public roads from Kasliville in Tennessee, to tlie town of Natchez, in Mississippij and from the rapids of the river Miami, to the western line of the Connecticut reserve. In 1826, President Madison, upon his own executive authority, without the sanction of Congress, or even the assent of the State through which it was to pass, caused a military road to be constructed from Plattsburg, or its immediate vicinity, to Sackett's liarbour. In 1817, tlie question as to the power of the general gov- ernment under the Constitution, to engage in works of in- ternal improvement, was discussed in Congress by the a- blest and most brilliant statesmen of the nation, and after the most elaborate investigation, and a debate that would have done honor to the wisest and brightest age of the world, it was ^^resolved" by a vote of 90 to 75, ^^ that Congress had the power under the Constitution, to appropriate money for the construction of post-roads, military and other roads and canals, and for the improvement of water courses.'' The gi'eat principle being thus settled, the government continued to appropriate its surplus funds, to objects of internal im- provement, in almost every State in the Union. Under its wise and benign auspices, the great Cumberland road on its rout to St. Louis, m as commenced; harbors were deepened; the beds of rivers cleaned out; break waters were constructed; light-houses erected; and every CxTort was made consistent with prudence and propriety, to connect and improve every part of the country. Upon this all-absorbing question. Gen. Jackson upon every occasion up to 1825, wliile he Avas a member of tlie national legislature, voted in favor of the ex- pediency of Internal improvement, tlie constitutional power of Congress to engage in it, and invariably supported in its broadest sense, the most liberal construction of the constitu- tion. If there was any subject upon which the General's opinions seemed to be firm and conclusive, it was on this in- teresting question. But that you may form a more accurate 34 estimate of his sentiments^ and understand how thoroughly he advocated the principle in its most extended application, we insert from the public records an extract of his votes in Congress touching this particular question. Extract. 1824 — April 23. — The Senate resumed the bill "to procure the ne- .cessary surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject of Roads and Ca- nals." Mr. SflUTH, of Maryland, moved that there be inserted, at the end of the first section, the following proviso: " Provided, That notliing herein contained, shall be construed to affirm or admit a power in Congress, on their own authority, to make Koads or Canals within any of the States of the Union." Mr. Van Dyke moved to add to this amendment the following: ^^ And provided, also, That previous to making any of the aforesaid sur- veys, the consent of the States through which the said surveys are to be made, shall first be obtained by the President, from the Legislatures of the States respectively, agreeing that such surveys may be made." The question upon agreeing to this motion of Mr. Van Dyke, was decid- ed as follows : Feas— Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Chandler, Elliott, Gaillard,King of N. Y,, Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Van Dyke, Ware — 15. JVays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Branch, Brown, Clayton, D'Wolf, Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Me. Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Flenry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, King of Ala. Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Buggies, Seymour, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 28. The question was then taken upon agreeing to the amendment of Mr. Smith, as above stated, and decided as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, D'Wolf, El- liott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of Ala. King of N. Y. Lloyd, of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Smith, Taylor of Va.Van Buren, Van Dyke, Ware — 21. JSTays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, Edwards, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Ruggles, Seymour, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. Mr. Holmes of Mame, then moved to add to the first section the fdl' lowing : 35 '^^Provided^ And the faith of the United States is hereby pledged, that rid tnoney shall ever be expended for Roads or Canals, except it shall be a- hiong the several States, and in the same proportions as direct taxes are laid and assessed by the provisions of the constitution." And the question being taken upon said motion, it was decided as fol- lows: Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, DHVolf, Elliott, Find- lay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me., King of N. Y., Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Ware — 19, JVays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Clayton, Dickerson, Eaton, Ed- wards, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, King of Ala. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Buggies, Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Van Dyke, Williams— 27. No farther amendment being proposed, the question upon the third reading of the bill was decided as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, Findlay, Hayne f Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. John- ston, Kelly, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, No- ble, Buggies, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams— 25. JVays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, D'Wolf, Ed-- Wards, Elliott, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of Ala. King of N. Y. Knight, Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, Taylor of Va. Van Buren^ Van Dyke, Ware — 21. 1824 — May 19 — On the question of passing to a third reading the bill "To improve the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers," the votes were as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, D'Wolf, Dickerson, Eaton, Find- lay, Holmes of Miss. Jackso.v, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Par- i-ott. Buggies, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, WiUiams — 25. JSTays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, Edwards, El- liott, Gaillard, Hayne, Holmes of Me. King of Ala. King of N. Y, Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Van Dyke, Ware — 20. 1826 — Feb. 24 — On the passage of the bill authorising a subscription of stock in the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, the rotes were as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Bouligny, Brown, D'Wolf, Dickerson, Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, Jacksox, Johnson of Ky. Johnston of Lou. Kelly, Lan-^ man, Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Parrott, Buggies, Smithy Talbot, Thomas, Van Dyke, Williams — "24. 36 Aays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, El- liott, Hayne, liolnies, of Me. liolmei ofMiss. King of Ala. King of N. Y. Knight, McLean, JIacon, Seymour, Tazewell, Van Buren — 18. But General Jackson by the sanction of his vote, has car- pied the principle of internal improvement still farther than his, and has exceeded the limit of prudence and propriety, advocated by many of the warmest friends of the measure. In 1824 — '25, an extraordinary bill was submitted to Con- gress for the purpose of opening a national road through the State of Missouri, and for three hundred miles into the Mexican territory. The propriety and constitutionality of this bill, were very vehemently opposed by many of the firm- est friends of internal improvement; but Gen. Jackson in opposition to the wisest admonitions, and the most conclu- sive reasoning, gave his deliberate vote in favor of appropri- ating the public funds, for the opening of a government road through the territory of an adjoining nation.* In further illustration of Gen. Jackson's opinions on the subject of internal improvement, the legislature of Indiana in 1828 passed a resolution, requiring to be informed as to the General's sentiments, in regard to the expediancy and constitutionality of constructing roads and canals, out of the funds of the United States: and desiring to know, in the e- vent of his being elected President, if he Avould foster and encourage a system of internal improvement. Gen. Jackson in reply to Gov. Ray, who addressed him in virtue of this resolution, thus expresses his opinion: '^ I pray you. Sir, respectfully to state to the Senate of Indiana, that my opi- nions at present are precisely what they were in 1823 and '24, when I voted for the present tariif, and appropriations for internal improvements." And in another part of this reply the General continues : ^'I will further observe to * Upon this bill tho following were the yeas :— Messrs. Barton, Benton, Uouligny, Brows, Dg Wolfe, Eatan, Edwards, Elliot, Holmes of Mississippi, Juckson, Johnson of Kentucky, Johnston of Louisiana, Kelly, Knig-ht, Lanman, Loydof Massachusetts, I>ourie, Mellvaine, r.fcl.anc, Neble, Palmer, I'arrotl' Kuggles, Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor, Thomas, Fan Burcn, V'aiiDyke. 37 your excellency, that my views of constitutional power, and American policy, were imbibed in no small degree, in times and from the sages of the Revolution; and that my experi- ence has not disposed me to forget their lessons, and in con- clusion I will repeat, my opinions remain as they were in '23 and '24." In 1829 we have continued evidence of Gen. Jackson's attachment to the wisdom of the policy, as well as to the constitutionality of internal improvement. At this epoch of his administration he gave his sanction to various bills, in- volving the principle in its fullest extent — for example, the bills appropriating 825,688 for the improvement of the na- vigation of Cape Fear river, in the State of North Carolina; 8000 and odd dollars for removing bars at or near the mouth of Black river, in the State of Ohio; ^^15,000 for removing obstructions at or near the mouth of Big Sodus bay, in the State of New York; ^^6000 for improving the navigation of Conneaut creek, in the same state; and ^f 500,000 for the purpose of surveying the Indian lands, and in furtherance of the views of Georgia, in connexion with this afflicted and persecuted race. But for tliese historical facts, it Vv^ould be difficult to ima- gine, liow any man, Avho has the honor of presiding in the Executive chair of the United States, could in the short pe- z'iod of a year from the date of these bills, throw a- side opinions Avhich he had niaintained for half a cen- tury, and Avhich he gravely declares, he had '* imbibe ed from the sages of the Ilcvolution." But extraordinary as it may seem, the revolution at Washington which followed upon the election of Gen. Jackson, produced a correspon- dent change in his opinions. The m hole principle of inter- nal improvement was then abandoned, and tlie entire system stigmatized as an assumption of power, by the wise and con- sistent sftatesman, who had learned to support its constitu- tionality from the spirits of '76; Avho had but recently ad- vocated the propriety of constructing a national road for three hundred uiiles beyond the limits of the United States^ and who, only two years before, in his letter to the Gover- nor of Indiana, had expressly declared, that ^^ internal im- provement and the tariff, embraced the leading objects of any system which aspired to the name of American.'' Notwithstanding all this public evidence of Gen- Jack- son's previous opinions, on this great national question, we find him in the spring of 1830, in opposition to a large ma- jority of the people's representatives in both houses of Con- gress, putting his veto on the bills making appropriations for the Rockville and Maysville roads, and for the Louis- Tille and Portland canal.* The first of these great works would have connected the seat of government with paved roads to the town of Cincinnati in the State of Ohio. The Maysville road, if we credit the report of the United States' Engineers, Col. Long and Major Trimble, was one of the greatest thoroughfares in Kentucky, being the route of the great mail between the Atlantic States, through Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and on to New Orleans, while such was the wretched condition of this road, at the time of the Engineers' report, that the government was paying 880 per mile for the transportation of the mail upon it. The Lou- isville and Portland Canal was the only obstruction, in the great high- way of the West, which in its course traverses more than 2000 miles, and is directly connected with the commerce of thirteen States, and territories large enough for •everal more. Yet Gen. Jackson, m ho had been the invet- erate advocate of internal improvement for more than fifty years, rejected these important works on the ground that his • It has always been ciTBtomary with our Presidents to sign any bill which passed both houses of Congress, and the propriety of this acquiescence upon the part of the Chief Magistrate has never been doubted, and such has heretofove been considered as his bounden duty, unless the case was an extrema one and involved dangerous principles — Will Gen. Jackson contend that a bill for Internal Improve- ment ii such a csseT Louis Philippe, King of the French, has lately put his Veto on some bill which passed both Legislative Chambers. The refusal of the Royal assent has produced great commotion in France, and may have an influence on the monarchies of Europe — yet in the United States, General Jackaon haa taught his supporters to regard' the rejecting privilege as one of trifling importunee. 39 opinions had undergone a change, and that the works them- selves were not of a national character, — hut with what claim to wisdom or consistency, let every intelligent and re- flecting mind determine, from a reference to his former o- pinions, and with a knowledge of Uie fact, that only a year hefore, he had given his sanction to bills embracing the same principle, and making appropriations for comparatively di- minutive and local objects. But Gen. Jackson's consisten- cy does not stop here. In the following Spring of 1831, forgetful of his own declaration but a year before, that his opinions had undergone a change as to the power of the go- vernment to engage in works of internal improvement, we find him taking another political somerset, and signing va- rious bills making appropriations for internal improvement to the full extent of the principle, without regard to the lo- cation or nationality of tlie works, till the executive sanc- tion to bills for this object, exceeded the sum of one million of dollars. With all due deference to the opinions of our fellow citizens who differ from us, as to the character and qualifications of Gen. Jackson, we ask, with all these facts before them, have we ventured too far in saying, that his wayward, contradictory and ignorant notions, and follies, totally disqualify him for the office of President of the Unit- ed States? Yet we must pursue Gen. Jackson's duplicity and incon- sistency still further. In his first message to Congress we find him with every show of sincerity, recommending an a- mendment to the constitution of the United States, so as to restrict the presidential service to one term, and in his let- ter of resignation to the Legislature of Tennessee, in refer- ence to this change, he says that it involved ''great inter- ests with the people of the United States, on which the se- curity of our republican system may depend." In the same letter too, Gen. Jackson declares, while he was in the very act of violating the sentiment, by surrendering his appoint^ 40 ment, that it had ever been a rule with Iiim, ^^ neither to seek after, or to decline office/' And we recollect also, upon the strength of these assurances, it was every where admitted by Gren. Jackson's friends, previously to his election, and seldom, if ever,contradicted by his opponents, that his exec- utive service would be restricted to one term. Upon the faith reposed in common honesty, and Avith a due regard for the declarations of men, it seemed to be conceded by all, that the president was not again to be a candidate for public office. But at the very time when this disinterested patriot was flat- tering the credulity of a sovereign State, by professions of independence and political virtue, he and his major domo, Gen. Eaton, as has been proved by the publication of their own letters to their very particular friend, Mr. Stephen Simpson^ were engaged in schemes of petty electioneering, that would mortify the pride, and disgrace the character of a county Sheriff. And however incredible it may seem, scarcely was Gen. Jackson seated in the presidency, when we find him in the midst of political intrigue and stratagem, with the view of helping Mr. Yan Buren to the presidency, or of securing his own re-election. From the mansion of the disinterested patriot, who never "sought after office," a private letter was w ritten by his Secretary, franked by the President's own hand, and dispatched on a political pilgrim- age to Mr. Kreps, a member of the Pennsylvania legislature, urging him to induce that body to nominate Gen. Jackson for re-election. An application from a member of the Pre- sident's family, under the sanction of his own franking pri- vilege, asking such a boon of a whole state, may be proper and natural to him who never '^ seeks after office," but sure- ly it can never be worthy of the high office which he fills. But even this political ruse de guerre, did not place Gen. Jack- son sufficiently before the public for re-election, and conse- quently in 1831 we find the editor of the United States' Tel- egraph, pompously announcing to the country, by the per- 4t missiou of tlie President, "tliat if it slrould be the will of the nation, to call on him to serve a second term as the Chief Magistrate, he will not decline the summons." Such an annunciation was new and unprecedented in the history of the government ; but such was Gen. Jackson's theory, and such is his practice. Bat of all the opinions now entertained by Gen. Jackson, there are none that promise greater injury to the true inter- ests of the country, than his inveterate hostility to the Bank of the United States. There is not an individual in the Avholc community, who either buys or sells, no matter to how small an amount, but has a aeep and permanent inter- est in the continued existence, and success of this institution. Every one remembers the deplorable inconvenience and dis- tress, to which the country was subjected by the suspension of specie payments, and the consequent refusal of tlie banks to discount, or to throw their funds into public circulation, produced a scarcity of meuey that was severely felt by the commercial and working classes, of moderate means, and particularly by the poor, in every part of the United States. The absence of metallic currency produced a depreciation of bank notes, and a correspondent embarrassment, in our fis- cal, commercial, and business operations, unknown to the country since the memorable revolution in our continental money. We possessed no means of equalizing our domes- tic exchange, or even the taxes and duties necessary for the operations of the government. In Boston, for example, where the Banks paid specie, paper currency was twenty per cent, more valuable, than in Baltimore where they did not, so that in the payment of duties, and taxes, in the nom- inal medium of the latter city, one-lifth might be said to be saved by the payer. The difference of exchange between Philadelphia and Boston was 17 per cent. — Vvith New York 9| per cent. — with Baltimore 4| per cent. — with Washing- ton 7 percent. — with CSKuleston 6| percent.; and in 1817, 42 before the Bank of the United States went into operation, bills of exchange on Europe were 10 per cent, above par in Philadelphia, and 20 per cent, in Baltimore. Nothing could exceed the distracted state of our currency as it rested on the monied institutions of the states, which were obliged to resort to heavy and immediate curtailments as a means of self-defence. The whole nation felt the evil in common with individuals. During the last war, when the country was invaded by the most powerful nation in Europe, the diifi-^ culty of obtaining loans for the maintenance of the strife, was unexampled in the history of well-established governments. In 1814 a tender of loans, exceeding five millions of dollars, was made by capitalists of New York and Baltimore, to Mr, Secretary Campbell, "receiving one hundred nett per cent, stock for eighty dollars paid in." The only persons bene- fitted by a wretched depreciated currency, are money chang- ers, money-lenders and stock-jobbers,* Every part of the country .and particularly tine southern, middle, and western states, suffered under the oppressive evils arising from an inconvertible paper currency. The commercial exchanges between different states, and even dif- ferent neighbourhoods, were embarrassed by the evils of an unsound and fluctuating representative of money, and even the government of the United States, in the midst of its no- minal revenue, was severely harrassed by the great difficul- ty of converting its funds, received in one section of the country, into available means in another. The public lost all confidence in the adulterated currency of the state banks, the only monied institutions in the country, commerce languished, and universal distrust and embar- rassment prevailed. To remedy all these evils, and a thousand others too nu- * The poor are always most oppressed by a depreciated nominal currency— for example, the laborer receives the amount of his weekly wages in a representative of money, subject to discount — he sustain^ ^ije loss, and not the wealthy who pay it. 48 Bierous for this appeal, Mr. Madison in his message of De- cember, 1815, recommeuded to Congress the propriety of es- tablishing a national bank, and Mr. Secretary Dallas of the treasury department, one of our ablest financiers, proposed at the same time, the incorporation of the present institution. Congress, in a manner highly honorable to the wisdom, and patriotism, of that body, promptly granted the charter, and the first step of the bank in going into operation, was the im- portation of seven millions of specie, and by an immediate and extensive issue of its notes, which, upon the faith of the government, were every where equal in value to the solid coin, the bank by great exertions succeeded in restoring spe- cie payments, in establishing a fair and uniform system of exchange between every section of the union, in furnishing throughout the whole country a sound circulating medium, and in less than eighteen months after its establishment, fo- reign bills were down to one and a half per cent, in all our commercial cities. The institution immediately acquired a high character abroad, and by its foreign credit, it was ena- bled in a great measure to sustain the state banks, by taking a large share in the foreign exchanges of the country, with- out exporting its own specie. Our trade to China and In- dia where we could send no product in exchange, frequent- ly required several millions of dollars in specie annually, and it was in a great degree owing to this cause, that the state banks in order to preserve their metallic treasure, wei'e often compelled to enforce sudden and extensive curtail- ments of their issues, which never failed to produce great embarrassment to our commercial and business transactions. The Bank of the United States from its high credit abroad, frequently substituted its own bills on Europe, for these ru- inous shipments of coin, and in the China and India mar- kets, these bills were often more valuable than the specie itself. Our trade to India has declined of late years, but within the last twelve month«, the Bank of the United States 44 has furnished bills to the amount of a million of dollars, for the China, India, and South American trades.* The effects of the Eank of the United States have been, to throw into active circulation a sound and responsible cur- rency, amounting to twenty odd millions of dollars. It transports funds to any part of the United States in most in- stances free of all expense, and at all times, not exceeding one half per cent. It affords the surest means of collecting the public funds, and is the only safe depository of the rev- enue of the government. It furnishes throughout the Unit- ed States a healthful circulating medium, everywhere equal, if not superior to specie, and by receiving freely the notes of the solvent state banks, and requiring frequent settlements from them, it holds a benelicial check over all those monied institutions, and by preventing tliem from making improvi- dent issues of paper currency, it purifies every where the circulating medium, and by making it a safe representative of the precious metals, public confidence is restored, to the great benefit of our commercial and business operations, and to the successful advancement of the industry, entei'prise, and general prosperity of tlie country. But in the face of all the public evidence of benefit, deriv- ed from this invaluable institution. Gen. Jackson pretends to have discovered, that the bank has failed to accomplisli tlie objects for which it was established, and that the institution itself is unconstitutional!. To enter into the full reasoning as to the constitutionality of the question, would tax exceed the limits of this appeal. In 1790 and 91, the Bank ques- tion was most ably and thoroughly discussed in Congress, and a decision given in favor Jbotli of its utility and constitu- tionality, by the purest and Avisest statesmen of that day. Gen. Washington after the most mature and deliberate inves- tigation, with a full consultation with Jefferson, Madison, * Scf the late Ropon ol'llip Pank. 45 and Hamilton, and other worthies of ancient and distin- giuslied renown, after viewinii; thesnbject in all its relations and bearings, and with a full knowledge of all the arguments, advanced in favor of, and against the propriety of the mea- sure, gave his unequivocal sanction, to the expediency and constitutionality, of establishing a national bank. Subse- quent laws were enacted in favor of the same principle, ap- proved of by Mr. Jeiferson,and sanctioned by the decisions, both of the Supreme and the State Courts. In 1817, the Bank of the United States received the approbation, of Ma- dison, Lowndes, Clay, Calhoun and tlie entire democracy of that day, and after forty years of public sanction, and successful operation, is it not a late hour for Gen. Jackson, who is not himself a veryprofound constitutional lawyer,* to be incommoded by doubts and scruples, on this great national question, which has been so often decided, by the wisest lawgi- vers of the country, and by some of the framers of tlie constitu- tion itself. In the debate upon the constitutionality of the bank to which we have made reference, great stress was laid by Congress, on the last clause of the 8th section of the 1st ar- tide of the constitution, empowering Congress ^^ to make all laws, which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution all the express powers, and all other powers vest- ed by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or oflice thereof." The wisest and most cautious statesmen of the nation, were of opinion, that this clause gave to Congress every incidental power "neces- sary and proper*' for executing the powers more strictly ex- pressed in the constitution. Tlie implication was not con- sidered as clothing Congress with new powers, but merely as a declaration, that it possessed the means of executing those expressly included in the old grant. The decision was one of deep and vital interest to the country, for unless it be * See Gen. Jackson's letter to Mr . Monroe, in which he says he would have hung all the members ftf the Connecticut Convention, under the 2d section of the Rules and Articles of war. 46 understood, that Congress does possess certain implied pow- ers under the constitution, the government in establishing a military school, in appropriating the public funds for objects of internal improvement, in laying an embaTgo, in imposing duties and prohibitions for the protection of American in- dustry, in the acquisition of Louisiana, in the purchase of a National library, or paintings for the capital, or even in the employment of a chaplain, has usurped the most unlawful powers, and every administration, from the adoption of the government to the present day, has grossly violated the con- stitution ; for in the whole instrument, there is no direct ex- pression of any such power being given to Congress. Un- less indeed Congress does possess certain implied or inci- dental powers under the constitution, it would reduce our whole scheme of government to a dead letter, and the people would be divested of more than half the blessings derived from a pure and enlightened constitution. If we judge from past events. Gen. Jackson is the friend of all the other im- plied powers of the constitution, and yet his political con- science, is sorely troubled about the bank. In a national point of view, the bank had clearly developed its public be- nefits, and from the administration of Washington, to the election of Gen. Jackson, the purest patriots of the country, had given evidence in favor of its constitutionality ; but all this was not enough to allay the deep rooted hostility of Gen. Jackson. At the instance of the Secretary of State* the bank was severely attacked in three repeated communica- tions to Congress, while the official paper of the government at Washington, a press establishedninder the auspices, and subject to the immediate controul of the President, was em- ployed in a perpetual political cannonade against the propri- ety of re-chartering the bank. In order to destroy the well earned popularity of this institution, the grossest misstate- * The Secretary had set New York all in rommotion with his ridiculous schemes about banks, dur- ing his quarter's service as governor, &:r. 47 ments and falsehoods have been promulgated by the admin- istration presses, in every part of the United States. Among the political artifices of the day, to excite the popular indig- nation against the bank, it is publicly declared to be an aris- tocratic institution, while other electioneering tricks, equal- ly low and dishonest, are resorted to, in order to justify the President in his crusade against the best interests of the country. The Bank of the United States, wag created by Congress, is responsible to that body, and is dependent on the government for the renewal of its charter, we therefore can scarcely understand what is meant by the charge of its being an aristocratic bank, unless it is intended to convey the idea that its stock is held principally by the affluent. But in order to show how little reliance ought to be placed on the political statements of the administration presses, we have informed ourselves fully on this point. The following is the true statement of the domestic and foreign interests in the Bank of the United States, and the division of its stock. DOMESTIC. FOREIGN. Holders ot i snare ;, liJ», owi iing Ii2« lie )lders CI 1 sha re, 5, ownin2 5 2 159, 318 2 0, 3 111, 333 3 1, 3 4 121, 484 4 2, 8 5 235, 1,175 5 6, SO between 5 & 10, 656, 5,ti85 between 5 St 1 0, 25, 209 10 &, 20, 688, 10,978 10 & 20, 37, 614 20 & 30, 336, 8,838 20 & 30, 32, 854 30 & 40, 207, 7,494 SO & 40, 34, 1,291 40 & 50, 224, 10,583 40 & 50, 51, 2,415 50 & 100, 435, 32,6S9 50 & 100, 104, 7,403 100 & 200, 194, 29,075 100 & 200, 72, 10,730' above 200, 1S5, 93,061 above 200, 97, 55,597 3679, 200,841 466, 79,159- Of these are- — Domi estic — Femal es, 832, holding ' 22,896 shares.' Fore ign- a 69, -" 6,117 (( 901 29,013 Domestic trusts, executors for orphans, &c. 315, holding 17,081 share* Foreign " " " " 14, " 3,365 « 329, 20,446 Domestic Societies, Corporations, Stc. 126, holding 14,309 shares. Foreign '^ " none. none. / 48 From this it appears that out of 3,679 domestic stock- holders, 598 are holders of sliares of from 100 to 300 dol- lars ; 766 are holders of shares of and under 500 dollars — that 1447 are holders of sums of and under 1000 dollars — ■ and that 2865 are holders of sums of and under 5000 dollars, amountins; amons; these small stockholders to the sum of 84,601,600, being nearly one-fourth of the whole domestic stock of the bank. It further appears that 54,286 shares, being upwards of one-fourth of the Avhole domestic stock of the bank, are own- ed by females, trustees, executors, orphans, and by religious^ benevoleni), and other associations. The bank has stockholders in every state in the union, and its capital is divided among twenty-five branches, in dif- ferent parts of the United States, so that its benefits, may be every where impartially dispensed. But in lieu of this great national institution, G en. Jack- son would establish on its ruins, a government bank at Wash- ington, without branches, in which the whole revenue of the country is to be deposited, under the immetliate controul of the President, and subject we presume to his exclusive au- thority in the appointment of its officers. A more visionary and dangerous sclieme has never yet been proposed, for the consideration of Congress, but to the honor of that enlight- ened body it has thus far refused even to consider it. In relation to the unfortunate Cherokees, the President in his decision, has violated all the compacts and treaties, which tlie government of the United Stat(js has heretofore made with the Indian tribes, and which we as a just peo- ple, were bound to .respect. In every part of the United States we have hunted down this wretched remnant of un- civilized humanity, taken possession of the territory which God and nature seemed to have consigned to tlieir use, and now when they are almost banished from the face of the earth, we refuse to adhere to the most solemn compacts made 49 in the spint of national forbearance, to guard tliera from rum, and inevitable extinction. It is not for us to moralize on the offended justice of Providence; but it is surely a sin- s;ular spectacle, to see a whole people in tears about the Greeks, sending their money abroad in aid of the Poles, and even to France, in relief of the families of those, Avho fell in tlie glorious cause, of exchanging a legitimate monarch, for a citizen king, while their own government at home, is wag- ing a system of persecution and oppression, against a poor miserable race of beings, dependent upon our mercy, ne- glected by nature, without friends or advocates, and while we are turning them into the wilderness, in violation of law, justice, and luimanity,to perish in savage warfare, with their brethren of the desert. The next objection to the administration of Gen. Jackson which we shall urge, is the unprecedented and sudden disso- lution of his cabinet. At the outset of his administration, all will remember, the great public benefits that were ex- pectefd to result, from the judicious selection of men, whom the President in liis wisdom, had associated with him in the administration of the government. Official harmony among tlie heads of department was every where promised. To use a bright idea of Gen. Jackson himself, his cabinet came in- to office as a ^'unit,'' and among the partizans of the day, every eulogy which heated zeal could invent was bestowed upon its Avisdom, patriotism and purity. Political hosan- nas were every where chauntedby the government presses, in praise of the People's President, and in honor of the vir- tue and unanimity of his public ministers. But scarcely was this immaculate cabinet inducted into office, when discord and dissention prevailed in its councils. The President though at the zenitli of human honor, was not content with his liigh office. He must needs imitate the example of some of the British kings, and resort to political contrivances, with the hope of reigning hereafter in the person of a successor. 50 Mr. Van Buren, the President's prime minister, had coii^ ciliated his warmest regard, and that high functionary, who *^ never sought after office'' himself, was soon detected in the deepest plans for securing the Executive chair to his favor- ite minister.* In his imprudent zeal to accomplish this ob- ject, Gen. Jackson seemed to have forgotten, that it was pro- moting, in the cant phrase of his party, the very " Secreta- ry Dynasty" which he and they had so recently, and so fu- riously denounced. But the court favorite was desirous of political advancement,and toeifect his objects, the President of the United States descended from his high official digni- ty, to dabble in a paltry scheme of cabinet electioneering, in favor of Mr. Martin Yan Buren. To the honor of the coun- try, however, there was still some public virtue left in the cabinet, a portion of its members could not brook this inter- ference on the part of the Chief Magistrate, and on boldly refusing to permit his dictatorship, an open quarrel was the consequence between the President and his ministers. But this was not all, Gen. Jackson conceiving, that the high es^ teem iii which the Vice-President Avas held, by a portion of his cabinet, and probably a disposition on their part to ad- vance him to the Presidency, had alienated their good opin- ions from his intended successor, he commenced an angry attack on Mr. Calhoun, raking up some antiquated tittle-tat- tle, connected with Mr. Monroe's administration, as an apo- logy for this disgraceful rupture. Yet this was not the worst, matters of a private character, connected with the family of one of the cabinet ministers, and touching the private opin- ions, and social intercourse, prevailing among the families of the entire cabinet, were next attempted to be controlled and regulated, by the President of the United States. It was indeed an office worthy of the high agent. But this pet- ty interference on the part of the President, failing likewise, * Gen. Jackgon's first object was to secure the Presidency to Mr. Van Buren, failing in this, he deter- Jnjned to k«ep it himself. 51 tlie variance betAveen liim and his ministers became too bit- ter for endurance, and the entire dissolution of the cabinet, resulted as a natural consequence. The whole nation was astonished, but the President was consoled. — Asa ^^unit" his cabinet Avas born, and as a " unit" it died. Tlie public is in possession of the plainest evidence of the truth of this statement, and yet we have the President's as- surance, that his ministers liad all done their duty, that he had every tiling to compliment, and nothing to complain of in such men, — and even at the moment when he was com- manding them to leave him, he pretended to lament their de- parture. Tlie cabinet ministers, we were told, were the best and the wisest. — They had served the country most faithfully and eminently, and yet while we were gravely in- formed, that neither discord or dissention, had prevailed among them, one of its own members, was actually publish- ing to the world a contrary statement, and publicly declar- ing that in the exercise of his oflBcial duties, a party of the President's friends, some of them connected with the gov- ernment itself, had made an attempt to assassinate him.* But the President by his own admission, stands convicted of the grossest absurdity. — He tells us, the whole of his ca- binet ministers, had executed their official duties to his en- tire satisfaction ; but his Secretary of State chose to retire, and for this reason, it was necessary to dismiss all his min- isters. The country could not furnish abler or better men. But Mr. Van Buren, the Aurora Borealis of the cabinet, did not choose to remain, and for this reason, and the still more idle one, of having a cabinet "as a unit," the President deemed it expedient, to dismiss all the heads of department, re-organize an entire new cabinet, recall a foreign minister, appoint another in his place, and convulse the whole nation. The plain truth is, stripped of all its official mystery, Gren* * See tlie President's letter to Iiis dismiesed Secretary, and Mr. Ingham's statement. 5 52 Jackson and Mr. Van Biiren entered into a deep and artful scheme, by which the latter gentleman, was to be made Pre- sident of the United States. Mr. Van Buren to ingratiate himself with the -President, consented to acquiesce with him in all his prejudices and partialities in relation to an impor- tant question at Court, connected with the family of his per- sonal friend in the cabinet. A dark and cunning contrivance was arranged by the Hero, and the "Magician, '' by which the dealer in the black art, was to be elevated to the Presi- dency. But there were members in the cabinet who would neither concur in this scheme of political intrigue, or con- strain their families at the command of thePresident,to visit where their inclination or sense of propriety did notprompt.* And thus the President and his Secretary being foiled in their plans, the latter with an understanding from the Presi- dent,thathe was to receive a foreign embassy, f threw up his commission, which by a further political Ijargain, was to be made an apology for the immediate dismissal of all the re- bellious members of the cabinet, who would not voluntarily withdraw. Such a system of petty mancetivering, political shuffling, and degrading artifices, were perhaps never prac- ticed before, by the government of any refined and enlighten- ed people. But what errors and vices will not military fame, and a blind popularity forgive and excuse. — All these things ^vere done by Gen. Jackson, and passion and official interest combined, have given him apologists in every part of the United States. Unfortunately for the country, the facts we have detailed have become a part of our national history. — They are too broad for concealment ; but it is yet hoped, they may be remembered as a lesson, and avoided forever as an evil example. The next and last objection we shall make to Gen. Jack- son is this: — Notwithstanding the developements at Wash- * See Mr. Ingliam'a letter. t In addition to other testimony now public on this subject, see Sir. Van Buren's letter to Mr. Ritchie Of the Richmond Enquirer, in which the Secretary tells /n.* friend, the pultlisher of the East Room falsehood, " that he was tired of the slang about inlrlRuc and management, and to get rid of it— Hurt JOfU nv other way Ihan by going fur the usual period of four years out of the country. J 53 ingtou, and the national dishonor^ which many of his best friends admit they have brought upon the country^ he still continues the sworn friend and political partizan of Mr. Van Buren. — Evidence has been brought to light sufficient to convince the oldest supporters of the President, that the late Secretary of State was principally instrumental, in ad- vising the great system of political injustice, we have at- tempted to expose, and which we sincerely believe, every national American heart most sincerely deplores — yet still Gen. Jackson and Mr. Yan Buren, are inseparable friends. And then the disgraceful instructions, given to Mr. McLane, our minister to England, so new inthehistory of our own coun- try, so unprecedented in the annals of any other. Even the friends of Mr. Van Buren in the Senate, under all the ex- citement of debate, have uot ventured a single word, in jus- tification of these instructions, and therefore we hope to be thought sincere, in condemning them as being incompatible with the genius of our government, as unworthy the high character of our people, and injurious to the reputation of the whole country. And yet for all. Gen. Jackson is still devot- ed to Mr. Van Buren, and by taking on himself the respon- sibility of his ojffence, he would excuse this artful politician, not only at the hazard of his own character, but of the hon- or and independence of the Republic. Our minister to England whose duty it was, respectfully yet boldly and inflexibly, to represent the national lionor and rei)ublican character of our people, was instructed to in- form the British King, that our claims upon the justice of his government, which we had zealously contended for, from the origin of our own, were, mere empty "pretensions" — that our government was "assailable upon three grounds" — that we had " too long and too tenaciously resisted the right of Great Britain to lay duties" — tliat in order to .prevent ^^ un- favorable impressions" being made upon tlie British King, our minister was instructed to "possess himself of all the ex- / 54 planatory and mitigatms; circumstances/' which were to be laid before his majesty in extenuation of our offence, and it "was urgently hoped that ^' the past pretensions of our govern- ment would have no adverse influence upon the feelings and conduct of Great Britain.'' A shrewd politician, like a wise lawyer, should never make an admission. But the late Se- cretary was not content with assuring the British King that iEngland was right, and America was wrong, that her claims were just and proper, and that ours were "pretensions," on- y — that the late administration of the country was not a po- pular one, and that political parties had distracted our na- tional councils ; but it seems it was fondly expected, that these humiliating admissions, were to operate as "mitigating circumstances" and by extenuating our offence,it was hoped they might appease the wrath of an offended monarch, andin- cline him to forgive us. Yet the advocates of the President in the Senate, saw nothing in all this, to object to Mr. Van Buren's nomination as minister to England. It is true, one of the Senators* from Maryland, (a warm and intrepid advocate of tlie administration, yet represent- ing an appointing power, with nearly four to one, heart and soul opposed to it) did admit in his speech that the excep- tionable items we have quoted, "might as well have been left out," or in other words, it was a matter of no material consequence, it was just as well they should be tliere. Now, in the name of common honesty we ask, if Mr. Van Buren's friends see nothing reprehensible in these instructions, why were they not boldly justified ; and if they could not be sus- tained upon correct principle, we again ask, why was the no- mination supported? The dilemma is a very difficult one, but the advocates of Mr. Van Buren, have sought to evade * Gen. Smith, a ilemocrat of the old school. — What would the democracy of 1812, '13, and '14, have «aid, ifone of their representatives in Congress, had refused to support Mr. Madison's administration, yet itill retained his seat— or what would they have said, had Mr. Monroe, the Secretary of State, giv- en to our minister to England, such instructions as those of fllr. Van Burcn to Mr. McLane, and which •ur Senator thinks " hiight as well have been left out ?" 55 u, by attempting to throw the odium, which their own silence admitted, on the Atlas shoulders of the President. And do they indeed, think the less of Gen. Jackson for committing an act, which tlieir consciences could not excuse in Mr. Van Bu- ren? By no means,heis still as worthy as ever, equally good and great, harm cannot reach him ; like the Grecian hero, he is invulnerable from the crown of his head to the sole of his foot. The instructions given to Mr. M'^Lane could not be ex- cused by Mr. Van Buren's own friends in the Senate, but the distinguished Secretary had been appointed by the Pre- sident who was willing to assume the responsibility-— he had been most graciously admitted to the table of the British monarch, and therefore he was worthy to represent the high character of the American people, near the very court at whose feet, through the cringing subserviency of Mr. Van Buren, the American people had fawned and supplicated. It is true the Secretary had affixed his own name to these dis- graceful instructions; yet still it was gravely contended by his friends in the Senate, that they ha Jemanated exclusively from the President, and therefofe, the Secretary was in no respect responsible for them'. We will not say that such rea- soning as this, is unwol'thy the dignity of the American Sen- ate, but if it should ever prevail as an established principle of the government, let the President command, and there is noth- ing which the Secretary may not do, without the fear of odium or responsibility. In committing an act which brought dis- honor upon the nation, it was no apology for the Secretary of State, that the President required it. . Mr. Van Buren was no vassal of the crown, and therefore under no ob- ligation to obey any requisition which threw a stain upon the high character of the country. Upon an occa- sion like this, a high-minded and patriotic Secretary would have suffered political martyrdom, rather than have beeiv the means of degrading the pure and independent characteV 56 of the republic. He would have said to the Presid^t, "if your excellency desires to transmit such instructions as these, you must seek some other agency than mine. I had rather relinquish my high office, than surrender to a foreign potentate the unsullied honor of my country." A position like this, would have given Mr. Van Buren a just claim to the affection and confidence of the whole nation ; but there were selfish objects to attain, and the Secretary was found to be the ready and willing means of prostrating ^^ the American Eagle at the foot of the British Lion,'^ and so was Mr. M^Lane, the minister, for he stands in the same relative attitude, and however ingenuity may attempt to evade or divide the re- sponsibility, even under its own construction, it is after all a family concern, in which the whole and each, are equally and alike involved, and amenable, to the American people. If it were true indeed, that the Secretary at the command of the President, was justified in transmitting instructions to our minister, which tended to compromit the honor and dig- nity of the country, it would only serve to show, that Gen. Jackson has an influence in the government incompatible with our republican principles, and it would add another reason to the thousand already advanced against the propri- ety of his re-election. Mr. Van Buren's friends may attempt to shuffle the odium from him, with the hope of placing it on the shoulders of the President,where they believe it can do no harm — the great magician too, may summon his host of spirits from the vasty deep, but it all will not do, the excep- tionable character of these instructions is now a matter of re- cord, the confirming power of the government has set the in- delible seal of national disapprobation upon it, and the pub- lic stigma will follow Mr. Van Buren through life, insepa- rable and indivisible. But divest this matter of all the political machinery which obscures the light, and the plain truth is this. The publi- cation of the instructions to Mr. M^Lane, produced such a 57 general burst of indignation, as convinced Mr. Van Buren's friends, that his popularity could not be sustained under the oppressive burthen. It was therefore essentially necessary to give a different direction to the public disapprobation. — Fortunately for the cause, Gen. Jackson was strong enough, and willing to bear the responsibility, which he well knew was too great for the reputation of his Secretary. The friends of Mr. Van Bucen seized with avidity the only al- ternative to save his expiring popularity. The Secretary was declared to be innocent, and the President solely ac- countable, for the instructions to Mr. M'^Lane. All this was in strict conformity with the bold attempt now in operation, to make Mr.VanBuren Vice President, that he may take his chance of the death, resignation, or ignorance of Gen. Jack- son, to be virtually the President. Mr. Van Buren is now held up to the nation as the persecuted victim of the Senate, and efforts are every where making by his party, to enlist the sympathy of the whole country, and particularly of Pennsyl- vania, in his cause, by exciting ancient prejudices and predi- lections, and by such doleful lamentations and incitements, as Mark Antony declaimed over the body of Caesar. Wiles and stratagems and every species of political manoeuvering, are re- sorted to, to gratify the ambition of Mr. Van Buren.* The in- *This is the age of error in the politics of the United States. Never until Gen. Jackson became president, was the purity of the American Senate, and its patriotic devotion to the true interests of the country, ever doubted by any one professing American principles. By the constitution under which we exist as a nation, the Senate is a co-ordinate branch of the exec- utive power of the government. In public appointments its authority 13 co-equal and co-existent with that of thePresident,and the head of the na- tion cannot make appointments in conformity with the constitution, save and except, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The members of the United States' Senate in connexion with the public ap- pointments, stand in the same moral and political obligation to the Ame- rican people with the President himself, and they are bound by the same solemn oath for the strict performance of their duties. Heretofore the high and patriotic claims of this body to the esteem and confidence of the American people were universally admitted, and whenever in the history of the government, from its origin to the present day, the Senate did not' 58 ierested partizans of the present incumbent well know, that of all men in the union, Mr. Van Buren is best calculated, concur with the President in matters of appointment, it was every where conceded to be an honest and patriotic difference of opinion, and so far from its being the occasion of ill blood and rancorous vituperation among our people, in every instance where this difference of opinion prevailed, it was promptly and generously acquiesced in by the Presidents themselves. But now every thing and every one must yield obedience to the ascendan- cy of Gen. Jackson. His infallibility cannot brook the constitutional ex- ercise of power in a co-ordinate department of the government. For the first time in the history of the country, public meetings have been called and the confirming power charged with political corruption for disagree- ing with the President upon the propriety of a nomination. A body 06 patriots of pure and exemplary public and private character, whose best efforts have been devoted to the public service, some of them politically friendly to the President himaelf, and all acting upon their oaths, have been coarsely censured and reviled by the partizans of Gen. Jackson, for interposing their constitutional dissent to the appointment of a minister. In the opinion of his party. Gen. Jackson is pre-eminent, and when brought in competition with other men, all must be indiscriminately tmcrificed for him. The President's constitutional advisers are now required to lay their consciences at his feet, and yield a servile obedience to his will, or else incur the penalty of public execration. According to the monstrous claims of his party, it is disgraceful and corrupt in the constituted authori- ties, to refuse obedience to the command of Gen. Jackson, — he is the ab- solute head of the nation, and his authority and power are without check or balance. Can any thing more than this be claimed for a monarch.'' If the people submit to it, they have less liberty to boast of, than the sub- jects of foreign potentates. If they surrender one iota of their political rights, or yield the slightest principle of the constitution, this proud na- tion may retain its republican name, but its soul will have fled. In New-York, the friends of Mr. Van Buren in the legislature of that state, styling themselves its "Republican members," have lately held a meeting, and transmitted a letter replete with fulsome flattery and the most extravagant compliment to the President of the U. States. The Par- ftament of England, or the Deputies of France in addressing their respec- tive monarchs, would spurn such gross adulation as is found in this "re- publican" letter. It informs the President, that his "Excellency," and Mr. Van Buren, "New Y ork's favourite son," are exclusively good and great, and that all those who happen not to think so favorably of their incomparable at- tributes, are described by these "republican gentlemen," as being enemies to "Gen. Jackson's principles, to "Gen. Jackson's government," and to 'Gen. Jackson's person." The members of the late cabinet, who were butlately so pure and excellent, arc reproached by this "republican" meeting, as being "unfaithful servants" to the President-^ and as composing a combination to "destroy his peace." The President and Mr.Van Buren appear in this letter of condolence, to be the sun, moon and stars of the age,and in the opinion of these self-called democrats, the wisdom and merit of all mcnmustbegradua- ted by the scale of devotion to"Gen. Jackson's person." The President of the United States is informed that this meeting could "not restrain an expres- sion of indignation," on the subject of Mr. Van Buren's rejection. lie ig 59 to mature the system of injustice, proscription, anil persecu- tioii, which has marked the presence of the intriguer's hand, gravely told that this rejection was "unprecedented in the annals of the country;" that it "has impaired the hitherto exalted character of the Sen- ate," that it is "an insult offered to New-York," that "New-"? ork is ca- pable of avenging the indignity," " and the Senate of the United States, (hitherto exalted, until it presumed to differ from Gen. Jackson,) is de- nounced by these "republican members of the New York Legislature" for refusing to concur in the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. And what is still more remarkable, the President is further informed by this meeting, that his constitutional advisers belonged to a class of American citizens "who could justify the surrender of free trade and sailors' rights; who could calculate the value of the union, and who could laugh at our calamities in a period of war and general distress." A high-minded and enlightened executive would have regarded these assurances as a reproach to his sta- tion — he would have informed the New-York meeting, that the proceed- ing in the senate was in conformity with the constitution and the rights of that body; that it was neither consistent with his duty or his dignity ,to ques- tion the purity of its motive; and that it did not become him to sanction invectives against those with whom it was his duty to co-operate. But did not the "members of the New-York Legislature" know they were telling tlie President what was not correct.? Did they not know that the senate has always exercised its constitutional right to reject nom- inations.-" Were they not aware, that in 1S09 Mr. Jefferson nominated Mr. Short as minister to St. Petersburg, and when the appointment which ^vas made during the recess, was six months afterwards, as in the case of Mr. Van Buren, taken up for consideration by the senate, it was re- jected by that body; the state of New-York as represented in the senate, voting against it? The concurrent power of the President, and the co- operatingauthority of the senate, were better understood by Gen. Washing- ton — he went in person to the senate chamber and consulted freely with the confirming power, and took their advice and consent, by mingling counsels with them. But now in striking contrast to this practice, and the invaria- ble usage of the government, for the first time since its origin, we find the senate of the United States censured and reviled for the exercise of its official duty, and what is still worse, we see this denunciation in the form of a public appeal to the President of the United States, and instead of rebuking the unjust imputation against his constitutional advisers, we find [ the head of the nation in a written answer concurring in sentiment. — When therefore the official paper of the nation, edited at the seat of gov- ernment, and established by the President and his immediate friends.gives publicity to the sentiment, that the "Senate should be cut down to two years, and stripped of the power of confirming and rejecting nomina- tions," and consequently the whole authority thrown into the hands of Gen. Jackson. — can any one longer doubt its high responsibility ? The imprudence and injustice of Gen. Jackson, and the extravagant claims of his partizans, have alienated many of his former supporters. Let the friends of free government in every part of the Union, invoke the people to deliberate maturely, and impartially, upon the unprecedented powers now claimed for the first time for the President of the United Stales. Had Washington demanded as much, with all his patriotic devotion, his char- acter would have been sacrificed. 60 in the existing administration of the government.* The class of politicians who have sacrificed the great interests of then* country to personal and party considerations, are now de- termined for the consummation of their objects, to make Mr. Van Buren President of the United States. But it is im- possible the scheme can succeed ; common honesty will op- pose it; political justice will resist it; and the virtue, intelli- gence and patriotism of the people, will condemn it. And now fellow citizens, in place of a President so noto- riously incompetent, and imprudent as Gen. Jackson, — a President who is admitted by many of his best friends, to be incapable even of writing his own messages to Congress —a President of whom your grave Senators in their seats, have expressed the opinion, that he does not even read the in- structions given to your foreign ministers — a President whose whole political career,is distinguished by ignorance, inconsis- tency,imbecility,injustice and folly; we would most earnestly invite your support of a man of a very different character — of one who has risen by his own exertions, who has made him- self what he is, a civilian and a scholar, a statesman, a patriot and a gentleman. We would ask your suffrage in favor of a man, who has devoted the prime, and vigor of his days, to the legislative business of his country — one whose whole life is identified with the great national enactments, which have proclaimed to the people of the world, the wisdom, and glory of the American name — a man whose political sagaci- ty, has originated or sustained, every important proceeding, connected with your government for more than twenty years — a man whose talents every one admires — whose republi- can principles are displayed, in every feature of your polit- ical history — whose untiring devotion to the public service, none have ever seriously doubted, and whose toils and la- bars in support of the dearest interests of the American peo- ple, are unsurpassed if equalled, by those of any other man *Solon being asked what form of governnionl was the freest— that, replied the illustrious law-give^ 'which makes iajustice to tlic poorcbt individual an insult to the whole nation." 61 now living. We would ask your good opinion in favor of a man, who is frank, generous and honest in his private life — who fearlessly expresses whatever he thinks orhelieves, and with whom it is a matter of conscience, invariably to practice, whatever he professes to be right. A man who is- honored for his public services; who is devoted to the wise policy of government on which the future prosperity of the country depends, and in whose wisdom, prudence, industry and patriotism, the American people will always find a sure guaranty, for the protection of their rights and principles. Such a man, Fellow Citizens, is HENRY CLAY. If you desire to know more of him than is consistent with the limits of this appeal, you must look to the history of your coun- try. You cannot put the volume into the hands of your chil- dren, without teaching them to esteem and admire Mr. Clay — the American patriot, the sagacious statesman, and the champion of liberty, wherever the human family is known to exist. Almost upon every page of the public records you will find the plainest evidence of his claims to ihd distin- guished regard of the American People. For the Vice Presidency, we would recommend to you, JOHN SERGEANT, of Pennsylvania, a gentleman who has been honorably distinguished in your national councils, who is well known as a conspicuous and learned member of the American Bar — and who in private and public life, is equally admired for the attributes of his mind, and the feel- ings of his heart. And fellow citizens, we earnestly invoke you, to put the seal of your awful condemnation upon the system of injus- tice which has marked the administration of the present in- cumbent — a system which throngs your capital with appli- cants for public favor; which wages war against the exer- cise of independent opinion; which converts the great offices of the nation into partizan rewards and bounties. A sys- tem distinguished for a blind and furious zeal, imparting power and influence to corrupt and sinister designs, rally- .■r-i^. 62 ing around it the worst passions of our nature, and giving force and activity to all the reckless resolves and prejudices of party devotion, injustice and persecution. Examine the record of our government, and ascertain for yourselves if we have given ii fair and honest liistory of the facts, and we con- jure you to repudiate the foul and unprincipled slanders, which are every where circulated, by prostituted presses un- der the immediate control and patronage of the government, and which are paid either directly or indirectly, to abuse the members of your national Senate, to revile the character of your best and wisest patriots, and to denounce every one else in the whole nation, wlio does not support Gen. Jackson for the next Presidency. JOSEPH KENT, Prijice George's County. SOLOMON DICKINSON, Talbot County. JOHN TILGHMAN, Qiieen Ann's County. JAMES THOMxiS, St. Mary's County. ■ JAMES SEWALL, Cecil County. JOHN N. STEELE, Dorchester County. JOSEPH I. MERRICK, Washington Co.' WM. PRICE, Washington County. HENRY WILLIS, Frederick County. JOHN B. MORRIS, Baltimore City. HENRY V. SOMERVILLE, Baltimore Co. Errita.— In page 26 first line of the note, for "chief clerk of the Treasury department," read "re- gister of the Treasury department." In the 20th line of the note, in page 21, after '.' Baltimore Patriot," add 'f Baltimore American."