(ilass, i-RESi:NTi-:n uv #1' i ^p*^**-' mmi PRrSKMJ^U BY U o ii> A MANUAL OF ANCIENT HISTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. COMPRISING THE HISTORY OF Chaldcea^ Assyria, Media, Balfjlonia, Lydia, Phmiiicia, Syria, Judcsa, Egypt, Carthage, Persia, Greece, Macedonia, Pai'thia, and Pome. BY GEORGE- RAWLINSON, M.A., CAMDEN PROFESSOP ^-^ ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. PRESENTED BY JUCGE and MSS. ISAAC WASHINGTON, NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 187I. Gift Jn^igs 3n^ Mrs. I R. H|tt June -3 1936 PREFACE The work here given to the public has been contem- plated b}^ the Author for several years. The "Hand- buch " of Professor Heeren, originally published in 1799, and corrected by its writer up to the year 1828, is, so far as he knows, the only modern work of reputation treating in a compendious form the subject of Ancient History generally. Partial works, i. e., works embracing portions of the field, have been put forth more recently, as, partic- ularly, the important " Manuel " of M. Lenormant {Manuel cTMstoire cmcienne de T Orient jiisqiCaux guerres Mediques. Paris, 1868-9; 3 vols. 12mo). But no work with the scope and on the scale of Professor Heeren's has, so far as the present writer is aware, made its appearance since 1828. That work itself, in its English dress, is, he believes, out of print ; and it is one, so great a portion of which has become antiquated by the progress of historical criticism and discovery, that it can not now be recommended to the student, unless with large reserves and numerous cautions. Under these circumstances, it seemed to the present writer desirable to replace the " Handbuch " of Heeren by a Man- ual conceived on the same scale, extending over the same period, and treating (in the main) of the same nations. Heeren's Hand-book always appeared to him admirable in design, and, considering the period at which it was writ- ten, excellent in execution. He has been content to adopt, generally, its scheme and divisions ; merely seeking in ev- G . PREFACE. erj case to bring the history np to the level of our present advanced knowledge, and to embody in his work all the really ascertained results of modern research and discov- ery. He has not suffered himself to be tempted by the example of M. Lenormant to include in the Manual an ac- count of the Arabians or the Indians; since he has not "been able to convince himself that either the native tradi- tions of the former, as reported by Abulfeda, Ibn-Kbal- doun, and others, or the Epic poems of the latter (the Maha-Bharata and Ramaijana), are trustworthy sources of history. With more hesitation he has decided on not in- cluding in his present work the history of the Sassanidae, which is sufficiently authentic, and which in part runs par- allel with a period that the Manual embraces. But, on the whole, it appeared to him that the Sassanidse belonged as much to Modern as to Ancient History — to the Byzan- tine as to the Roman period. And, in a doubtful case, the demands of brevit}^, which he felt to be imperative in such a work as a Manual, seemed entitled to turn the scale. Oxford, Nov. 23, 18G9. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION. PAGB History. — History Proper, its divisions. — Ancient History, hoWbcst dis- tinguished from Modern. — Sources of History: 1. Antiquities; 2. Written Records, including («) Inscriptions, (b) Books. — Importance of Inscriptions. — Coins. — Books, ancient and modern. — Cognate sci- ences to History: 1. Chronology; 2. Geography. — Chief eras. — Chronological Monuments. — Works on Cln-onology. — Works on Ge- ography. — Modes of dividing Ancient History. — Scheme of the Work 13 BOOK I. History of the Ancient Asiatic and African States and Kingdoms from the Earliest Times to the Foundation of the Persian Monarchy by Cy- rus the Great 24 PART I.— Asiatic Nations. Preliminary Remarks on the Geography of Asia 2i Preliminaiy Observations on the General Character of the Early Asiatic Kingdoms 35 History of the Ancient Asiatic Kingdoms previous to Cyrus 38 I. Chaldrean Monarchy 39 II. Assyrian Monarchy 41 III. Median Monarchy 45 IV. Babylonian Monarchy 48 V. Kingdoms in Asia Minor : 1. Phrygia; 2. Cilicia ; 3. Lydia. 50 VI. Phoenicia 52 VII. Syria 58 VIII. Judaja 51) a. From the Exodus to the Establishment of the Monarchy. 01 b. From the Establishment of the Monarchy to the Separa- tion into two Kingdoms G2 c. From the Separation of the Kingdoms to the Captivity under Nebuchadnezzar 65 3 CONTENTS. PART II. — African Nations. PAGE Preliminary Remarks on the Geography of Ancient Africa 69 Historical Sketch of the Ancient African States 74 I. Egypt 74 II. Carthage 92 a. From the Foundation of the City to the Commencement of the "Wars with Syracuse 92 h. From the Commencement of the Wars with Syracuse to the Breaking-out of the first War with Rome 98 BOOK II. History of Persia from the Accession of Cyrus to the Destruction of the Empire by Alexander the Great 102 BOOK III. History of the Grecian States from the Earliest Times to the Accession of Alexander the Great 125 Geographical Outline of Greece 125 FIRST PERIOD. The Ancient Traditional History, from the Earliest Times to the Dorian Occupation of the Peloponnese 137 SECOND PERIOD. History of Greece from the Dorian Conquest of the Peloponnese to the Commencement of the Wars with Persia 143 Part I. History of the principal Hellenic States in Greece Proper 144 I. Sparta 147 II. Athens 152 Part II. History of the other Grecian States 158 I. In the Peloponnese : — a. Achsca 158 h. Arcadia 359 c. Corinth 159 d. Eiis leo e. Sicyon 160 CONTENTS. 9 II. In Central Greece : — paoe a. Megaris Id h. Boeotia 161 c. Phocis 162 d. Locris 162 e. ^tolia 16? f. Acarnania 163 III. In Northern Greece : — a. Thessaly 163 h. Epirus 161 IV. In the Ishmds : — a. Corcyra 164 b. Cephallenia 165 c. Zacynthus 165 d. Mgma 165 e. Euboea 165 /. The Cyclades 166 g. Lemnos 166 h. Thasos 166 i. Crete 166 y. Cyprus 167 V. Greek Colonies 170 i. Colonies of the Eastern Group : — a. The ^olian Colonies 170 h. The Ionian Colonies 171 c. The Dorian Colonies 173 d. Colonies on the North Coast of the ^gean. . 174 e. Colonies of the Propohtis 175 f. Colonies of the Euxine 175 ii. Colonies of the Western Group : — a. Colonies of the Illyrian Coast 177 6. Colonies in Italy 177 c. Colonies in Sicily 182 Syracuse 182 Megara Hyblaia 185 Gela 185 Camarina 186 Agrigentum 186 Selinus 187 Naxos 188 Leontini 188 Catana 188 Zancle or Messana 189 Himera 189 d. Colonies on the Coasts of Gaul and Spain.... 190 e. Colonies on the Coast of Africa 191 1* 10 CONTENTS. THIRD PEEIOD. PAGE History of Greece from the Commencement of the Wars with Persia to the Battle of Chteroneia 193 BOOK IV. History of the Macedonian Monarchy 222 Geographical Outline of Macedonia 222 Historical Sketch of the Monarchy : — FIRST PERIOD. From the Commencement of the Monarchy to the Death of Alexander the Great 223 SECOND PERIOD. From the Death of Alexander the Great to the Battle of Ipsus 238 THIRD PERIOD. History of the States into which the Macedonian Monarchy was broken up after the Battle of Ipsus 247 Part L History of the Syrian Kingdom of the Seleucidie 247 Part II. History of the Egyptian Kingdom of the Ptolemies 261 Part III. History of Macedonia, and of Greece, from the Death of Al- exander to the Roman Conquest 28-t Part IV. History of the Smaller States and Kingdoms formed out of the Fragments of Alexander's Monarchy 314 I. Kingdom ofPergamus 315 II. Kingdom of Bitliynia 320 III. Kingdom of Paphlagonia 325 IV. Kingdom of Pontus 326 V. Kingdom of Cappadocia 834 VI. Kingdom of the Greater Armenia 338 VII. Kingdom of Armenia Minor 341 VIII. Kingdom of Bactria 342 IX. Kingdom of Parthia 345 X. Kingdom of Judasa , 346 a. From the Captivity to the Fall of the Persian Empire .... 346 b. From the Fall of the Persian Empire to the Ee-establish- ment of an Independent Kingdom 350 c. From the lie-establishme:it of an Independent Kingdom to the Full EstHhlishment of the Power of Rome 352 d. From tlie Fi 11 Ksrabiislnnent of Roman Power to the De- ,s:.i;c:i !i ortion is siip- pressed, and History is regarded as falling under the two heads of "Ancient " and " Modern." 3. " Ancient " History is improperly separated from " Modern " by the arbitrary assumption of a particular date. A truer, better, and more convenient division may be made by regarding as ancient all that belongs to a state of things Avhich has completely passed ^ away, and as modern, all that connects itself inseparably with the present. In Western Europe the irruption of the Northern Barbarians, in Eastern Europe, in Asia, and in Africa the Mohammedan conquests, form the line of demarkation between the tw^o portions of the historic field ; since these events brought to a close the old condition of things, and introduced the condition w'hich continues to the present day. 4. The Sources of History fall under the two heads of loritten records^ and antiquities^ or the actual extant remains of ancient times, whether buildings, excavations, sculptures, pictures, vases, or other productions of art. These antiqui- ties exist either in the countries anciently inhabited by the several nations, where they may be seen in situ ; or in mu- seums, to which they have been removed by the moderns, partly for their better preservation, partly for purposes of general study and comparison; or, finally, in private collec- tions, where they are for the most part inaccessible, and sub- serve the vanity of the collectors. No general attempt has ever been made to collect into one work a descrip- tion or representation of all these various remains ; and, indeed, their multi- plicity is so great that such a collection is barely conceivable. Works, how- INTHODUCTIOK 15 ever, on limited portions of the great field of "Antiquities " are numerous; and frequent mention will have to be made of them in speaking of the sources for the history of ditierent states and periods. Here those only will be no- ticed which have something of a general character. Oberlin, Orhis antiqui monumentis siiis illustrati primre lineie. Argen- torati, 1790. Extremely defective, but remarkable, considering the time at which it was written. Caylus, Recueil d'Antiquites Egyptiennes, Etnisques, Grecques et Ro- maines. Paris, 1752-G7. Full of interest, but with engravings of a veiy rude and primitive character. MoNTFAUCON, L' Antiquite expliquee et representee en figures. Paris, 1719-24 ; 15 vols. foho. Smith, Dr. \V., Dictionanj of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London, 2d edition, 1853. Fergusson, James, History of Architecture in all Countries, from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. London, 1865-7. Birch, Samuel, Ancient Pottery. London, 1858. 5. The second source of Ancient History, written recoi^h., is at once more coj^ious and more important than the othc r. It consists of two main classes of documents — 1st, Inscrip- tions on public monuments, generally contemporary with the events recorded in them; and 2 dly. Books, the works of an- cient or modern writers on the subject. 6. Whether Inscriptions were, or were not, the most an- cient kind of written memorial is a point that can never be determined. What is certain is, that the nations of antiqui- ty made use to a very large extent of this mode of commem- orating events. In Egypt, in Assyria, in Babylonia, in Ar- menia, in Persia, in Phoenicia, in Lycia, in Greece, in Italy, historical events of importance were from time to time re- corded in this way — sometimes on the natural rock, which was commonly smoothed for the purpose ; sometimes on ob- elisks o-r pillars ; frequently upon the walls of temples, pal- aces, and tombs ; occasionally upon metal plates, or upon tablets and cylinders of fine clay — hard and durable materi- als all of them, capable of lasting hundreds or even thou- sands of years, and in many cases continuing to the present day. The practice prevailed, as it seems, most widely in Assyria and in Egypt ; it was also in considerable favor in Persia and among the Greeks and Romans. The other na- tions used it more sparingly. It was said about half a cen- tury ago that " of the great mass of inscrijotions still extant, but few comparatively are of any importance as regards his- 16 ANCIENT HISTORY. tory." But this statement, if true Avhen it was made, Avhich may be doubted, at any rate requires modification now. The histories of Egypt and Assyria have been in a great measure reconstructed from the inscriptions of the two coun- tries. The great inscription of Behistun has thrown much light upon the early history of Persia. That on the Delphic tripod has illustrated the most glorious period of Greece. It is now generally felt that inscriptions are among the most important of ancient records, and that their intrinsic value makes up to a great extent for their comparative scan- tiness. General collections of ancient inscriptions do not as yet exist. But the following, which have more or less of a general character, may be here men- tioned : MuRATORi, LuD. Ant. , Novus Thesaurus Veterum Inscrijptionum. Medio- lani, 1739, etc. Together with Donati, Supplementa. Luccse, 1764. Gruter, Inscriptiones antiquce totius orhis Romani, cura J. G. Grjevii. Amstel. 1707 ; 4 A'ols. folio. PococKE, R,, Inscriptionum antiquaruvi Grcecarum et Latinarum liber. Londini, 1752 ; folio. Chandler, R., Inscriptiones antiquce plerceque nondum editce. Oxonii, 1774; folio. OsANN, Fr., Sy'iloge Inscriptionum antiquarum Grcecarum et Latinarum. Lipsice, 1834 ; folio^ A large number of cuneiform inscriptions, Assyrian, Babylonian, and Per- sian, will be found in the Expedition Scientifique en Mesopotamie of M. Jules Oppert. Paris, 1858. The Persian, Babylonian, and Scythian or Turanian transcripts of the great Behistun Inscription are contained in tlie Journal of the Asiatic Society^ vols, x., xiv., and xv., to which they were contributed by Sir H. Rawlinson and Mr. Norris. A small but valuable collection of inscriptions, chiefly cuneiform, is appended to Mr. Rich's Nar- rative of a Journey from Bussora to Persepolis. London, 1839. 7. Under the head of Inscribed Monuments must be in- cluded Coins, which have in most instances a legend, or legends, and which often throw considerable light upon ob- scure points of history. The importance of coins is no doubt the greatest in those portions of ancient history where the information derivable from authors — especially from con- temporary authors — is the scantiest ; their use, however, is not limited to such portions, but extends over as much of the historical field as admits of numismatic illustration. Collections of ancient coins exist in most museums and in many libraries. The collection of the British Museum is among the best in the world. Tlie Bodleian Library has a good collection ; and tliere is one in the library of INTRODUCTION. 1 7 Christ Church, Oxford, possessing many points of iutei-est. In default of access to a good collection, or in further prosecution of numismatic study, the learner may consult the following comprehensive works : Spanheiji, Dissertatio de usu et prcestantia Numisviatum. London and Amsterdam, 170G-17 ; 2 vols, folio. EcKHEL, De Doctrina Nummonim Veterum. Vindebonte, 1792-8; 8 vols. 4to. MiONNET, Description des Medailles. Paris, 180G-37 ; IG vols. 8vo., copiously illustrated, Humphreys, Ancient Coins and Medals, London, 1850. In this work, by means of embossed plates, fac-similes of the obverse and reverse of many coins are produced. Leake, Numismata Hellenica. London, 1854. Works upon coiiis, embracing comparatively narrow fields, are numerous, and often specially valuable. Many such works will be noticed among the sources for the history of particular times and nations. 8. The " Books " from which ancient history may be learnt are of-two kinds — (l) Ancient ; and (2) Modern. Ancient works which treat the subject in a general way are neither numerous, nor (with one excej^tion) very valuable. The chief of those now extant are : DiODORUS SicuLus, BihUotheca Histonca, in forty books, of which only books i.-v. incl. and xi.-xx. inch have come down to us entire. The best editions are those of Wesseling (Bipont. 1793-1800 ; 10 vols. 8vo) and DiNDORF (Farisiis, 1843-4 ; 2 vols. 8vo). This work was a universal his- toiy from the earliest times down to b.c. GO, PoLYBius, Historice, likewise in forty books, of which the first five only are complete. Originally, a universal history of the period commencing b.c. 220 and terminating b.c, 14G. Bad in style, but excellent in criticism and accuracy. The best edition is ScHAVEiGHiEUSER's (Lips. 1789 et seqq. ; 8 vols. 8vo. Reprinted at Oxford, 1823, together with the same scholar's Lex- icon Pohjhianum, in 5 vols. 8vo). A good edition of the mere text has been published by Didot, Paris, 1859. JusTiNus, Historice Philippicce, in forty-four books, extracted, or rather abbreviated, from Trogus Pompeius, a writer of the Augustan age. This is a universal history from the earliest times to Augustus CiEsar, It is a short work, and consequently very slight and sketchy. Of recent editions, the best is that of DuEBNER (Lips. 1831). The best of the old editions is that of Strasburg, 1802, 8vo. ZoNARAS, Chronicon sive Annates, in twelve books, A universal history, extending from the Creation to the death of the Emperor Maximin, a,d. 238. Greatly wanting in criticism. The best edition is that in the Corpus Scrip- torum Historice Byzantince. Bonnse, 1841-4. Besides these, there remain fragments from the universal history of Nico- LAUS Damascenus (Fracjm. Hist. Grcpc. vol. iii. ed, C, Mullek, Parisiis, 1849), which are of very considera))le value. 18 ANCIENT HISTORY. Modern works embracing the whole range of ancient his- tory are numerous and important. They may be divided into two classes : (a) Works on Universal History, of which Ancient History forms only a part ; (b) Works exclusively devoted to Ancient History. (a) To tlie first class belong : The Universal History, Ancient and Modern, with maps and additions. London, 1736-44 ; 7 vols, folio. Reprinted in 8vo in G4 vols, London, 1747-G6 ; again, in 60 vols., Avith omissions and additions. Raleigh, Sir W., History of the World, in his Works. Oxford, Claren- don Press, 1829 ; 8 vols. 8vo. BossuET, Discours stir VHistoire Universelle. Paris, 1681 ; 4to. (Trans- lated into English by Rich. Spencer. London, 1730; 8vo.) MiLLOT, Siemens de VHistoire Generale. Paris, 1772 et seqq. Reprint- ed at Edinburgh, 18S3 ; G vols. 8vo. (Translated into English, 1778 ; 2 vols. 8vo.) EiCHiiORN, Weltgeschichte. Leipsic, 1799-1820 ; 5 vols. 8vo. Keightley, Th., Outlines of History, 8vo, being vol. ix. of Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia. London, 1835 et seqq. A convenient abridgment. Tytler and Nares, Elements of General History. London, 1825. ' 'Owes its reputation and success to the Avant of a better work on the subject."' (Jj) Under the second head may be mentioned : NiEBUHR, B. G., Vortrdge uher alte Geschichte. Berlin, 1847 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Edited after his death by his son, Marcus Niebuhr. (Translated into Eng- lish by Dr. Leonhard Schmitz, with additions and corrections. London, 1852 ; 3 vols. 8vo.) A work of the highest value, embodying all the results of modern discovery up to about the year 1830. Schlosser, Universal-historische Uebersicht der Geschichte der altenWelt. Frankfort, 1826 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Bredow, Handbuch der alte Geschichte. Altona, 1799 ; 8vo. (Trans- lated into English. London, 1827; 8vo.) Smith, Philip, An Ancient History from the Earliest Records to the Fall of the Western Empire. London, 1865 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Embodies the latest results of modem discovery. Heeren, Ideen Uher die Politik, den Verkehr, und den Handel der vor- nehmsten Volker der alten Welt ; 4th edition. " Gottingen, 1824. (Trans- lated into English. Oxford, 1833 et seqq. ; 5 vols. 8vo.) A work which, so far as the commerce of the ancients is concerned, has not baen superseded. A few modern works of a less comprehensive character than those hitherto described, but still belonging rather to general than to particular history, seems also to deserve mention here. Such are — RoLLiN, Histoire Ancienne des Egyptiens, des Carthaginiens, des Assyriens, des Medes et desPerses, des Macedoniens, et des Grecs. Paris, 1824 ; 12 vols. Svo, revue par Letronne. " The last and best edition." (Translated into INTKODUCTION. 19 English. London, 17G8 ; 7 a'oIs. 8vo.) The earlier portion of this work is now antiquated, and must be replaced by writers who liave had tlie advantage of recent discoveries, IIawlinson, G., The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World, or the History, Geography, and Antiquities of Chaldcea, Assyria, Babylonia, Media, and Persia. London, 18G2-7 ; 4 vols. 8vo. . With nu- merous illustrations. 9. The lact that all historical events must occur at a cer- tain time and in a certain place, attaches to History two branches of knowledge as indispensable auxiliaries ; viz., Chronology and Geography. By the universal historian these sciences should be known completely : and a fair knowl- edge of them ought to be acquired by every historical stu- dent. A fixed mode of computing time, and an exact or ap- proximate reckoning of the period occupied by the events narrated, is essential to every methodized history; nor can any history be regarded as complete without a more or less elaborate description of the countries which were the thea- tres of the events recorded in it. 10. Exact Chronology is difficult, and a synchronistic A'iew of history generally is impossible, without the adoption of an era. Nations accordingly, as the desire of exactness or the wish to synchronize arose, invented eras for themselves, which generally remained in use for manj^ hundreds of years. The earliest know^n instance of the formal assumption of a fixed point in time from which to date events belongs to the history of Babylon, where the era of Nabonassar, b.c. 747, appears to have been practically in use from that year. The era of the foundation of Rome, b.c. 752 (according to the best authorities), w^as certainly not adopted by the Romans till after the expulsion of the kings ; nor did that of the Olym- piads, B.C. 776, become current in Greece until the time of Tim pens (about B.C. 300). The Asiatic Greeks, soon after the death of Alexander, adopted the era of the Seleucidae, b.c. 312. The era of Antioch, b.c. 49, was also commonly used in the East from that date till a.d. 600. The Armenian era, a.d. 553, and the Mohammedan, a.d. 622 (the Hegira), are like- wise worthy of notice. The most important chrcnological monuments are the fol- lowing : The Assyrian Canon (discovered by Sir Henry Raavlinson among the 20 ANCIENT IIISTOIIY antiquities in the British Museum, and published by him in the Athenceum, Nos. 1812 and 20G4), an account of Assyrian Chronology from about b.c. 909 to B.C. 680, impressed on a number of clay tablets in the reign of Sar- danapalus, the son of Esarhaddon, all now more or less broken, but supply- ing each other's deficiencies, and yielding by careful comparison a complete chronological scheme, covering a space of 230 years. The chronology of the ^\ hole period is verified by a recorded solar eclipse, which is evidently that of June 15, B.C. 763. The Apis Stel^ (discovered by M. Mariette, close to the Pyramid of Abooseer, near Cairo), published in the Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Mor- genlandes for 1864, and also by M. de Rouge in his Recherches stir les rno- miments qiionpeut attribuer mix six premieres Dynasties de Manethon. Paris, 1866. Most important for Egyptian Chronology. The Parian Marble (brought to England from Smyrna in the year 1627 by an agent of the Earl of Arundel, and presented to the University of Ox- ford by his son; preserved among the "Arundel Marbles "in the Schola Philosoplme Moralis, but in a very decayed condition), a chronological ar- rangement of important events in Greek history from the accession of Ce- crops to the archonship of Callistratus, B.C. 355. Best editions: Marmora Arundeliana, ed. J. Seluen. Londini, 1628. Marmora Oxoniensia, ed. E. Chandler. Oxoniis, 1763 ; folio. Marmor Parium, ed. C. Muller, in vol. i. of the Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecorum. Parisiis, 1846. The in- scription is also given in Boeckii's Corpus Inscriptionum Groecarum, vol. ii. No. 2374. The Fasti Capitolini (discovered at Rome on the site of the ancient Forum, partly in the year 1547, partly in 1817 and 1818, and still preserved in the Museum of the Capitol), a list of the Roman magistrates and triumphs from the commencement of the Republic to the end of the reign of Augustus. Best edition of the fragments discovered in 1547, the second of Sigonius, Venet. 1556. Best edition of the fragments of 1817-8, that of Borgiiesi, Milan, 1818. These Fasti are reproduced in appendices to the first and second volumes of Dr. Arnold's History of Rome, down to the close of the first Punic War. An excellent reprint and arrangement of the fragments will be found in Mommsen's Inscriptiones Latince Antiquissimce. Berlin, 1863. Ancient Avorks on Chronology Avere numerous; but not many have come down to our times. The subject first be- gan to be treated as a science by tlie Alexandrians in the third century before Christ. Eratosthenes, Apollodorus, So- sicrates, and others, undertook the task of arranging the events of past history according to exact chronological schemes, which were no doubt sufficiently arbitrary. These writers were succeeded by Castor (about b.c. 100-50), Ce- phalion, Julius Africanus (a.d. 200), and Hippolytus, of whom the last two were Christians. The earliest work of a purely chronological character which has come down to us is the following: : INTRODUCTION. Edsebius FA-MvnuA,Chronicorutn Canoman Hbri duo. The Greek text is lost ; but the latter book has been preseiTed to us in the Latin translation of Jerome ; and the greater part of both books exists in an Armenian version, which has been rendered into Latin by the Armenian monk, Zoiirab, assist- ed by Cardinal Mai. (Mediolani, 1818 ; folio.) Other chronological works of importance are — Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia^ in the Corpus Hist. Byzant.^ ed. DiNDORF. Bonnse, 1829 ; 2 vols. 8vo, Johannes Malalas, Chronographia, in the same collection, ed. Dindorf. Bonnae, 1831 ; 8vo. Chronicon Paschale, in the same collection. Bonnae, 1832 ; 2 vols. 8vo. SCAI.IGB-R, Jos., De JEmendatione Temporum. Geneva, 1G29. Ideler, Handhuch der Chronologic. Berlin, 1825-6 ; 2 vols. 8vo. L'Art de Verifier les Dates. Paris, 1819-44 ; 36 vols. 8vo. Hales, W., New Analysis of Chronology, explaining the History and An- tiquities of the Primitive Nations of the World. London, 1809-12 ; 3 vols. 4to. New edition, corrected and improA^ed, 1830 ; 4 vols. 8vo. Clinton, H. F., Fasti Hellenici, or The Civil and Literary Chronology of Greece from the Fifty-fifth Olympiad to the Death of Augustus. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1827-30 ; 3 vols 4to. A valuable work, not confined to the chronology of Greece, but embracing that of all the Asiatic kingdoms and empires from the earliest times to Alexander's conquest of Persia. 11. Geography, the other ancillary science to History, was recognized from a very early date as closely connected with it. The History of Herodotus is almost as much geo- graphical as historical: and the geographical element occu- l^ies a considerable space in the histories of many other an- cient writers, as notably Polybius and Diodorus. At the same time the separability of geography, and its claims to be regarded as a distinct branch of knowledge, were per- ceived almost from the first; and works upon it, whereof only fragments remain, were written by Hecataeus of Mile- tus, Scylax of Caryanda, Charon of Lampsacus, Damastes, Eratosthenes, Agatharchides, Scymnus of Chios, and others. The most important of the extant classical works on the subject are — The Periplus Maris Mediterranei, ascribed to Scylax of Caryanda, but really the work of an unknown writer belonging to the time of Philip of Macedon. Ed. D. Hoesciiel, August. Vind. , 1608. Printed also in Hud- son's Geographi Minores, Oxoniis, 1703; and" in C. Muller's Geographi Grceci Minores. Paris, 1855. Strabo, Geographica, in seventeen books, the most important ancient work on the subject. Best editions : that of Is. Casaubon, Parisiis, 1620, fol. ; that of Th. Falconer, Oxoniis, 1807, 2 vols, folio ; that of Sieben- 22 , ANCIENT HISTORY. KEKS, Lipsiiv, ITOu-lSll, vols. 8vo ; ^and that of Kramer, Bevolini, 184:7- 52, 3 vols. 8vo. DiONYSius, Periegesis, written in liexameter verse. Published, with the commentary of Eustathius, by H. Stephanus. Parisiis, 1577. It Avill be found also in the Geographi Grceci Minores of Bernhardt (Leipsic, 1828) and of C. Mltller. Plinius, Historia Naturalis, in thirty-seven books. Best edition, that of SiELiG. Gothce ; 8 vols. 8vo. PxoLEMiEUS, Geographia, in eight books. Ed. Bertius, Amstel., 1618; folio. Po:mponius Mela, Cosjuographia, sive De Situ Orhis, in three books. Edited by H. Stephanus, together with the Periegesis of Dionysius. Pa- risiis, 1577. Best edition, that of Tzschucke. Lipsia;, 1807 ; 7 vols. 8vo. And for the geography of Greece — Pausanias, Periegesis Ilelladis, in ten books. Best editions : that of SiE- 15EL1S, Lipsia;, 1822-8, 5 vols. 8vo; and that of Bekker, Berlin, 182G-7, 2 vols. 8vo. Modern works on the subject of Ancient Geography are r.imieroiis, but only a few are of a general character. Among tliese may be noticed — Cellarius, Notitia Orhis Antiqui. Lipsia?, 1701-G ; 2 vols. 4to. Cum vbservationibus J. C. Schwartzii. Lipsiee, 1771 and 1773. Mannert, Geographie der Griechen und Romer. NUrnberg, 1801-31 ; 10 vols. 8vo. GosSELiN, Recherches sur la Geographie systhnatique et positive des An- ciens. Paris, 1798-1813 ; 4 vols. 4to. Hennell, J., Geography oj" Herodotus. London, 1800; 4to. And the same writer's Treatise on the Comparative Geographj of Asia Minor, with an Atlas. London, 1831 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Hitter, Erdkunde. Berlin, 1832 et seqq. A most copious and learned Avork, embracing all the results of modern discovery up to the date of the ])ublication of each volume. Smith, Dr. W., Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geographj. London, 1854 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Among useful compendiums are — Laurent, P. E,, Introduction to Ancient Geography. Oxford, 1813; Svo. Arroav^mith, A., Comjjendiiim of Ancient and Modern Geography, for the use of Eton School. London, 1830; 8vo. The best Atlases illustrative of Ancient Geography are the following : Kiepert, Atlas von Hellas, with supplcmeutaiy maps. Berlin, 1846-51. Also the same geographer's Atlas Antiquus. Berlin, 1861. MiTLLEi:, C, Maps accompanying the Geographi Gra'ci Minores. Paris, 1855. iNTiU)irL:(rri()x. 2;. Johnston, A. Keith, Atlas 0/ Classical Geography. Edinburgh, 186G ; 4to. Smith, Di'.W., Biblical and Classical Atlas. London, 1868; small folio. 12. The field of Ancient Ilistory may be niai3ped out either synchronistically, according to certain periods and epochs, or ethnographically, according to states and nations. Neither of these two methods is absolutely superior to the other, each having merits in which the other is deficient. It would be embarrassing to have to choose between them ; but, fortunately, this difficulty is obviated by the possibility of combining the two into one system. This combined metliod, which has been ali-eady preferred as most conven- ient by other writers of Manuals, will be adopted in the en- suing pages, where the general division of the subject will be as follows : Book I. — History of the Ancient Asiatic and African States and Kingdoms from the Earliest Times to the Foun- dation of the Persian Monarchy by Cyrus the Great, b.c. 558. Book II. — History of the Persian Monarchy from the Ac- cession of Cyrus to the Death of Darius Codomannus, b.c. 558-330. Book HI. — History of the Grecian States, both in Greece Proper and elsewhere, from the Earliest Times to the Ac- cession of Alexander, B.C. 330. Book IV. — History of the Macedonian Monarchy, and the Kingdoms into which it broke up, until their absorption into the Roman Empire. Book V. — History of Rome from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the Western Empire, a.d. 476, and Parallel His- tory of Parthia. BOOK I HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT ASIATIC AND AFRICAN STATES AND KING- DOMS FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE PERSIAN MONARCHY BY CYRUS THE GREAT. PART L— ASIATIC NATIONS. A. Preliminary MemarJcs on the Geography of Asia. 1. Asia is the largest of the three great divisions of the Eastern Hemisphere. Regarding it as separated from Africa Asia— size ^J the Red Sea and Isthmus of Suez, and from and situation. Europe by the Ural Mountains, the Ural river, the Casj)ian Sea, and the main chain of the Caucasus, its super- ficial contents will amount to 17,500,000 square miles, where- as those of Africa are less than 12,000,000, and those of Eu- rope do not exceed 3,800,000. In climate it unites greater varieties than either of the two other divisions, extending as it does froni the 'ZStli degree of north latitude to within a hundred miles of the equator. It thus lies mainly within the northern temperate zone, but projects northward a distance of eleven degrees beyond the Arctic circle, while southward it throws into the region of the Tropics three long and broad peninsulas. The advantages of Asia over Africa ai'e gi-eat. Note especially the inden- tation of the shores, the numerous littoral islands, the great number of large livers, and the comparative!}' small amount of sandy desert. Its advantages over Europe are less, consisting chiefly in its far larger size, and the greater variety-of its products. 2. Asia consists mainly of a great central table-land, run- ning east and west from the neighborhood of the ^gean to Physical fea- the north- western frontier of China, with low plains tures. surrounding it, which are for the most part fertile and well watered. The high table-land is generally bounded by MOUNTAIN-CHAINS, whicli mostly run parallel to it in lati- tiidinal lines. In places these primary latitudinal chains TAKT I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 25 crive way to others, which run in an opposite or longitudinal direction. Among the latitudinal chains the most important are — in tlie west, Tau- rus, Olympus, and Niphates ; in the central region, Paropamisus (Elburz), and the four parallel chains of the Kuen-lUn, the Himalaya (Imaaus), the Thian-chan, and the Altai ; while in the extreme cast are the Chinese ranges of the In-chan, the Nan-clian, and the Kilian-chan. In the reverse or longi- tudinal direction run the Ural, separating Europe from Asia ; the Zagros range, bounding the Mesopotamian plain on the east ; the Suliman and Hala ranges, shutting in the Indus valley on the west ; the Bolor chain, connecting the Himalaya with the Thian-chan ; the eastern and western Ghauts in the peninsula of Hindustan ; the Dzangbo-tchu of Burmah ; the Yun-ling, Ala- chan, and Khingan of China ; and the Jablonnoi of Siberia, in the region be- tween Kamtchatka and Manchuria. 3. The Rivers of Asia may be divided into two classes — tliose of the central tract, and those of the circumjacent re- gions. The rivers of the central tract are conti- ^^^^^' nental or mediterranean ; i. e., they begin and end without reaching the sea. Either they form after a while salt lakes in which their waters are evaporated, or they grad- ually waste aw^ay and lose themselves in the sands of deserts. The rivers of the circumjacent plains are, on the contrary, oceanic ; I e., the}^ mingle themselves with the waters of the great deep. To the class of continental rivers belong the Ural and the Aras (Ai-axes), which flow into the Caspian ; the Sir-Daria or Syhun (Jaxartes), and the Amoo or Jj^hun (Oxus), whicli fall into the Sea of Aral ; the Heri-rud (Arius), or riv^er of Herat ; the Zende-rud, or river of Isfahan ; the Bendamir, or river of Persepolis ; the Helmend (Etymandrus), the chief stream of Affghanistan ; the Dehas, or river of Balkh ; the Ak-Su, or river of Bokhara ; the Kashgar river; the Jordan, and others. The most important of the Oceanic streams are the Obi or Irtish, the Yenisei, and the Lena, which drain the northern or Siberian plain, and flow into the Arctic Ocean ; the Amoor, the Hoang-Ho, and the Yang-tse-ki?.ng, Avhich drain the eastern plain, and fall into the North Pacific ; the May-kiang or Cambodia, the Meinam, and the Irrawaddy, the rivers of Siam and Burmah ; the Brahmaputra, Ganges, and Indus, the great rivers of India ; and the Tigris and Euphrates, the rivers of Mesopotamia ; which all flow southward into the Indian Ocean. Of these streams only the following were known to the ancients — the Tigris, the Euphrates, the Indus, the Etymandrus, the Arius, the Oxus, the Jaxartes, the Araxes (Aras), and the Jordan. Minor streams important in Ancient History axQ — the Halys (Kizil-Irmak), Hermus (Ghiediz Chai), and Mfeander (Mendeve), in Asia Mi- nor ; the Orontes (Nahr-el-Asy) in Syria ; the Phasis (Rion) in Imeritia and Mingrelia ; and the Pasitigris (Kuran), the Hedypnus (Jerrah^, and tha Oroatis (Tab or Hind van), in Susiana and Persia Proper. 2 2G ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. 4. Asia may conveniently be divided into Northern, Cen- tral, and Southern, the Southern region being again sub- Naturai divis- divided into a Western and an Eastern portion, ions. j^ -g ^yij^]^ South-western Asia that Ancient His- tory is almost exclusively concerned. 5. N'oRTHERN Asia, or the tract lying north of the Cas- pian Sea, the Jaxartes, and the Altai mountain-chain, is for Northern the most part a great grassy plain, of low eleva- ^^^^' tion, destitute of trees, and unproductive, the layer of vegetable soil being thin. Towards the north this plain merges into vast frozen wilds capable of nourishing only a few hunters. In the west the Ural and Altai, in the east the Jablonnoi, and their offshoot the Tukulan, are the only mount- ains. The rivers are numerous, and abound in fish. The Ural and Altai chains are rich in valuable minerals, as gold, silver, platina, copper, and iron. This region was almost unknown to the ancients, who included it under the vague name of Scythia. Some scanty notices of it occur, however, in He- rodotus. 6. Central Asia, or the region bounded on the north by the Altai, on the west by the Caspian, on the south by the Elburz, the Hindu Kush, and the Himalaya, on the east by the Yun-ling and other Chinese ranges, consists, excepting in its more western portion, of an elevated plateau or table-land, which toAvards the south is not less than 10,000 feet, and towards the north is from 4000 to 2G0O feet above the level of the sea. This plateau is intersected by the tAvo great chains of the Thian-chan and the Kuen-liin, and otherwise diversified by important ridges. Towards the north the soil admits of pasturage, and in the west and south are some rich plains and valleys ; but the greater part of th'e region consists of sandy deserts. Outside the western bound- ary of the plateau, which is formed by the Bolor and other "longitudinal" chains, a low plain succeeds, a continuation of the Siberian steppe, which consists also, in the main, of sandy desert, excepting along the courses of the streams. The low deserts between tlie Caspian and tlie Bolor are known under the names of Kharesm and Kizil Koum. The great sandy desert of the elevated central region is called Cobi or Gobi in its western, and Shamoo in its more eastern poiiions. It has a general direction from S.W. by W. to N.E. by E., and is estimated to contain 600,000 square miles, or about three times the PART 1.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 27 area of France. It comprises, however, some oases whei-c there is good pasturage. A small i3ortion only of Central Asia — lying towards the west and the south-west — was known to the ancients. In the low region between the Elbiirz range and the Siberian steppe, upon the courses of the two great streams which flow down from the plateau, were three countries of some impor- tance. These were — i. Chorasmia, to the extreme west, between the Caspian and the lower Oxus — a desolate region, excepting close along the river-bank, known still as Kharesm, and forming part of the Khanat of Khiva. ii. Sogdiana, between the lower Oxus and the lower Jax- artes, resembling Chorasmia in its western portion, but to- wards the east traversed by spurs of the Bolor and the Thian- chan, and watered by numerous streams descending from them. The chief of these was the Polytimetus of the Greeks, on which was Maracanda (Samarkand), the capital. iii. Bactria, on the upper Oxus, between Sogdiana and the Paropamisus (Hindu Kush). Mountainous, fertile, and well watered towards the east, but towards the west descending into the desert. Chief cities, Bactra (Balkh), the- capital, a little south of the Oxus, and Margus (Merv), on a stream of its own, in the western desert. Tradition makes Bactria a country of great importance at a remote date, and there is some reason to believe that Bactra, its capital, was the first great city of the Arian race. Some moderns have reported that the bricks of Balkh bear cuneiform inscriptions ; but as yet the site is very partially explored. 7. Southern Asia, according to the division of the conti- nent which has been here preferred, comprises all the coun- Southeru tries lying north of the Black Sea, the Caucasus, ^^^^- the Caspian, and the Elburz, Hindu Kush, and Himalaya ranges, together with those lying east of the Yun- ling, the Ala-chan, and the Khingan, which form the eastern boundary of the central table-land. A line drawn along the ninety-second meridian (E. from Greenwich) will separate this tract, at the point where it is narrowest, into an Eastern and Western region, the former containing Manchuria, China, and the Siamo-Burmese peninsula, the latter Hindustan, AfFghanistan, Beluchistan, Persia, the Russian Transcaucasian provinces, Turkey in Asia, and Arabia. With the Eastern 28 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. region Ancient History has no concern at all, since it was unknown to the great nations of antiquity, and whatever his- tory it has belongs to the Modern rather than to the Ancient l^eriod. (See Introduction, § 3.) With the Western region Ancient History is, on the contrary, concerned vitally and es- sentially, since this region formed in the early times, if not the sole, yet at any rate the chief, stage on which the his- torical drama w^as exhibited. Revelation, tradition, and the indications derivable from ethnology and comparative philology, agree in pointing to this South-western region as the cradle of the human race. The soil, climate, and natural procluctions are such as would have suited man in his infancy. Here, and in the adjoin- ing part of Africa, large communities were first formed, cities built, and gov- eniments established. Here was the birthplace of agriculture and the arts ; and here trade and commerce first acquired any considerable development. Numerous streams, a rich soil, abundant and most A-aluable natural products, among which the first place must be assigned to the wheat plant, here alone indigenous, rendered this portion of the earth's surface better fitted than per- haps any other for encouraging and promoting civilization. Here, accord- ingly, civil history commenced, the earliest Kingdoms and States being, all of them, in this quarter. 8. SouTH-WESTERX AsiA is naturally divisible into four main regions — viz. (a) Asia Minor, or the peninsula of Ana- . tolia; (b) the adjoining table-land, or the tract South-west- which lies between Asia Minor and the Valley of the Indus; (c) the lowland south of this table- land, which stretches from the base of the mountains to the shores of the Indian Ocean ; and [d) the Indian Penin- sula. (a) Asia Minor consists of a central table-land, of mod- erate elevation, lying between the two parallel chains of Taurus and Olympus, to2;ether w4th three coast- A'^i*! "Minor «/ a / c:» tracts, situated respectively north, west, and south of the plateau. Its chief rivers are the Iris (Yechil Irmak), the Halys (Kizil Irmak), and the Sangarius (Sakkariyeh), wdiich all fall into the Euxine. Its loftiest mountain is Ar- gseus, near Csesaraia (Kaisariyeh), wdiich attains an altitude of 13,000 feet. On the highest part of the plateau, which is towards the south, adjoining Taurus, are a number of salt lakes, into which the rivers of this region empty themselves. The largest is the Palus Tattaius (Touz Ghieul), which ex- tends about forty-five miles in its greatest length. Asia PART I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 20 Minor contained in the times anterior to Cyrus tlic follow- ing countries : — On the plateau, two : Phrygia and Cappa- docia ; boundary between tliem, the Halys. In the northern coast-tract, two : Paphlagonia and Bithynia ; boundary, the Billffius (Filiyas). In the western coast-tract, three : Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, with the JEolian, Ionian, and Dorian Greeks occupying most of the sea-board. In the southern coast- tract, three : Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia. The chief cities were Sardis, the capital of Lydia; Dascyleium, of Bithynia; Gordium, of Phrygia ; Xanthus, of Lycia ; Tarsus, of Cilicia ; and Mazaca (afterwards CaBsargea), of Cappadocia; together with the Grecian settlements of Miletus, Phocaea, Ephesus, Smyrna, Halicarnassus, and Cnidus on the west, and Cyzicus, Heraclea, Sinope, Amisus, Cerasus, and Trapezus upon the north. Islands. The littoral islands belonging to Asia Minor were important and numerous. The principal were Pro- connesus in the Propontis ; Tenedos, Lesbos (capital Myti- lene), Chios, Sanios, and Rhodes, in the JEgean ; and Cyprus in the Levant or Eastern Mediterranean. The chief towns of Cyprus were Salamis, Citium, and Paphos, on the coast ; and, in the interior, Idalium. (b) The GREAT HIGHLAND extending from Asia Minor in the west to the mountains which border the Indus Valley in The central ^^6 east, compHsed Seventeen countries — viz., highland. Armenia, Iberia or Sapeiria, Colchis, Matiene, Me- dia, Persia, Mycia, Sagartia, Cadusia, Hyrcania, Parthia, Aria, Arachosia, Sattagydia, Gandaria, Sarangia, and Ge- drosia or the Eastern Ethiopia. As these countries were mostly of considerable size and importance, a short descrij)- tion will be given of each. i. Armenia lay east of Cappadocia. . It was a lofty region, consisting almost entirely of mountains, and has been well called "the Switzerland of Western Asia." The mountain system culminates in Ararat, which has an elevation of 17,000 feet. Hence all the great rivers of this part of Asia take their rise, viz., the Tigris, the Euphrates, the Halys, the Araxes, and the Cyrus. In the highest part of the region occur two elevated lake-basins, those of LTrumiyeh and Van, each having a distinct and separate water-system of its own. The only town anciently of much importance was one which 30 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. occupied the position of the modern Van, on the east coast of the lake of the same name. ii. Iberia, or Sapeiria, adjoined Armenia to the north-east. It comprised the whole of the modern Georgia, together with some parts of Russian and Turkish Armenia, as espe- cially the region about Kars, Ispir, and Akhaltsik. Its riv- ers were the Cyrus (Kur) and Araxes (Aras), which flow to- gether into the Cas^^ian. It had one lake, Lake Goutcha or Si van, in the mountain region north-east of Ararat. iii. Colc/iis, or the valley of the Phasis, between the Cau- casus and Western Iberia, corresponded to the modern dis- tricts of Imeritia, Mingrelia, and Guriel. Its chief impor- tance lay in its commanding one of tlie main routes of early commerce, which passed by way of the Oxus, Caspian, Aras, and Phasis to the Euxine. (Connect with this the Argonau- tic expedition.) Chief town, Phasis, at the mouth of the Rion river, a Greek settlement. Natives of Colchis, black: believed to be Egyptians. iv. Matime was a strip of mountain land, running south- ward from Sapeiria, and sej^arating between Assyria and Media Magna. It early lost its name, and was reckoned to one or other of the adjoining countries. V. Media, one of the largest and most important of the re- gions belonging to this group, extended from the Araxes on the north to the desert beyond Isfahan on the south. East- ward it reached to the Caspian Gates; westward it was bounded by Matiene, or (when Matiene disappeared) by Ar- menia and Assyria. Its chief rivers were the Araxes (Aras) and the Mardus (Kizil Uzen or Sefid-rud). It consisted of two regions, Northern Media, or Media Atropatene (Azerbi- jan), and Southern Media, or Media Magna. The whole ter- ritory was mountainous, except towards the south-east, where it abutted on the Sagartian desert. The soil was mostly sterile, but some tracts Avere fairly, and a few richly, produc- tive. The chief cities were Ecbatana and Rhages. vi. Persia lay south and south-east of Media, extending from the Median frontier across the Zagros mountain-chain, to the shores of the gulf whereto it gave name. It was bar- ren and unfruitful towards the north and east, where it ran into the Sagartian desert ; mountainous and fairly fertile in the central region ; and a tract of arid sand along the coast. r.vuTi.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 31 Its rivers were few and of small size. Two, the Oroatis (Tab) and Grains (Khisl)t river), flowed southward into the Persian Gulf; one, tlie Araxes (Bendamir), with its tributary the Cy- rus (Puhvar), ran eastward, and terminated in a salt lake (Neyriz or Bakhtigan). The principal cities were Persepolis, Pasargadse, and Carmana, which last was the caj^ital of a district of Persia, called Carmania. vii. 3fycia was a small tract south-east of Persia, on the shores of the Persian Gulf, opposite the island of Kislnn and the promontory of Ras Mussendum. It w^as ultimately ab- sorbed into Persia Proper. viii. Sagartia w^as at once the largest and the most thinly peopled of tlie plateau countries. It comprised the whole of the great desert of Iran, which reaches from Kashan and Koum on the Avest to Sarawan and Quettah towards the east, a distance of above 900 miles. It was bounded on the north by Media, Parthia, and Aria ; on the east by Sarangia and Sattagydia ; on the south by Mycia and the Eastern Ethio- pia ; on the west by Media and Persia. It contained in an- cient times no city of importance, the inhabitants being nomads, whose flocks found a scanty pasturage on the less barren portions of the great u})land. ix. Cadusla, or the country of the Cadusians, w^as a thin strip of territory along the south-eastern and southern shores of the Caspian, corresponding to the modern Gliilali and Ma- zanderan. Strictly speaking, it scarcely belonged to the pla- teau, since it lay outside the Elburz range, on the northern slopes of the chain, and between them and the Caspian Sea. It contained no city of importance, but was fertile, well wooded, and well watered ; and sustained a numerous popu- lation. X. Hyrcanici lay east of Cadusia, at the south-eastern corner of the Caspian, where the name still exists in the modern river Gurgan. The chain of the Elburz here broadens out to a width of 200 miles, and a fertile region is formed contain- ing many rich valleys and high mountain pastures, together wdth some considerable plains. The chief city of Hyrcania was Zadracarta. xi. Parthia lay south and south-east of Hyrcania, including the sunny flank of the Elburz chain, and the flat country at its base as far as the northern edoe of the desert, Avhere it r>2 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. bordered on Sagartia. It was a narrow but fertile territory, watered by the numerous streams which liere descend from the mountains. xii. A7^ia, the modern territory of Herat, adjoined Parthia on the east. It was a small but fertile tract on the river Arius (the Heri-rud), with a capital city, called Aria or Arta- coana (Herat). xiii. Arachosia^ east of Aria, comprised most of Western and Central Affghanistan. Its rivers were the Etymandrus (Helmend) and the Arachotus (Arghand-ab). The capital was Arachotus (Kandahar?). It was an extensive country, mountainous and generally barren, but containing a good deal of fair pasturage, and a few fertile vales. xiv. Sattagydia adjoined Arachosia on the east, correspond- ing to South-eastern Affghanistan, or the tract between Kan- dahar and the Indus valley. In character it closely resem- bled Arachosia, but was on the whole wilder and more rug- ged. XV. Gandaria lay above Sattagydia, comprising the mod- ern Kabul and Kaferistan. It consisted of a mass of tangled mountain-chains, with fertile A^alleys between them, often, however, narrowing to gorges difficult to penetrate. Its principal stream was the Cophen (or river of Kabul), a tribu- tary of the Indus, and its chief town Caspatyrus (Kabul ?). xvi. ScQXingia, or Zarangia, was the tract lying about the salt lake (Hamoon) into which the Etymandrus (Helmend) empties itself This tract is flat, and generally desert, ex- cept along the courses of the many streams which flow into the Hamoon from the north and east. xvii. Gedrosia corresponded to the modern Beluchistan. It lay south of Sarangia, Arachosia, and Sattagydia, and east of Sagartia and Mycia. On the east its boundary was the Indus valley ; on the south it Avas washed by the Indian Ocean. It was a region of alternate rock and sand, very scantily watered, and almost entirely destitute of wood. The chief town was Pura (perhaps Bunpoor). (c) The LOAVLAND to the south, or rather the south-west, The southern ^^ the great West-Asian plateau, comprised five lowland. countries only: viz., Syria, Arabia, Assyria, Susis or Susiana, and Babylonia. Each of these requires a short notice. I'ART 1.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 33 i. Syria, bounded by Cilicia on the north, the Euphrates on the nortli-east, tlie Arabian desert on tlie south-east and south, and by the Levant upon the west, comprised the fol- lowing regions : 1st. Syria Proper, or the tract reaching from Amanus to Hermon and Palmyra. Chief cities in the ante-Cyrus period : CarchemisJi, Hamath, Damascus, Baal- bek, and Tadmor or Palmyra. Chief river, the Orontes. Mountains : Casius, Bargylus, Libanus, and anti-Libanus. 2d. Phoenicia, the coast-tract from the thirty-fifth to the thirty-third parallel, separated from. Syria Proper by the ridge of Libanus. Chief towns : Tyre, Sidon, Berytus, Byb- lus, Tripolis, Aradus. 3d. Palestine, comprising Galilee, Sa- maria, Judsea, and Philistia, or Palestine Proper. Chief cities : Jerusalem, Samaria, Azotus or Ashdod, Ascalon, and Gaza or Cadytis. Mountains: Hermon, Carmel. liiver, Jordan. Northern and Western Syria are mountainous, and generally fertile. Eastern Syria is an arid desert, broken only by a few oases, of which tlie Palmyrene is the princi- pal. ii. Arabia, lay south and south-east of Syria. It was a country of enormous size, being estimated to contain a mil- lion of square miles, or more than one-fourth the area of Euroj^e. Consisting, however, as it does, mainly of sandy or rocky deserts, its population must always have been scanty, and its productions few. In the ancient world it was never of much account, the inhabitants being mainly nomads, and only the outlying tribes coming into contact with the neigh- boring nations. The only important towns were, in the east, Gerrha, a great trading settlement ; in the west, Petra and Elath. iii. Assyria intervened between Syria and Media. It was bounded on the north by the snowy chain of Niphates, which separated it from Armenia, and on the east by the outer ranges of Zagros. Westward its limit Avas the Eu- phrates, while southward it adjoined on Babylonia and Su- siana. Towards the north and east it included some mount- ain tracts ; but in the main it was a great rolling plain, at a low level, scantily watered towards the west, where the Eu- phrates has few affluents, but well supplied towards the east, where Mount Zagros sends down many large streams to join the Tigris. Its chief cities Avere Ninus, or Nineveh, Calah, 2* 34 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. and Asshar upon the Tigris ; Arbela in the region between the Tigris and Mount Zagros ; Nisibis, Amida, Harran or Carrhge, and Circesiuni in the district between the great rivers. Its streams, besides the Tigris and Euphrates, were the Bilichus (Belik) and the Chaboras (Western Khabour), affluents of the Euphrates;' the Centrites (Bitlis Chai), the Eastern Khabour, the Zabatus (or Zab Ala), the Caprus (or Zab Asfal), and the Gyndes or Physcus (Diyaleh), tributa- ries of the Tigris. It contained on the north the mountain range of Masius (Jebel Tur and Karajah Dagh). Its chief districts w^ere Aturia, or Assyria Proper, the tract about Nineveh ; Adiabene, the country between the Upper Zab and the Lower ; Chalonitis, the region south of the Lower Zab ; and Gozan (or Mygdonia) on the Western Khabour at the foot of the Mons Masius. The Greeks called the whole tract between the two great rivers Mesopotamia. iv. Susis^ Susiana or Cissia, lay south-east of Assyria, and consisted chiefly of the low plain between the Zagros range and the Tigris, but comprised also a portion of the mount- tain region. Its rivers were the Choaspes (Kerkheh), the Pasitigris (Kuran), the Eulseus (a branch stream formerly running from the Choaspes into the Pasitigris), and the He- dypnus (Jerrahi). Capital city, Susa, between the Choaspes and Eulseus rivers. V. Babylonia lay due south of Assyria, in which it was sometimes included. The line of demarkation between them was the limit of the alluvium. On the east Babylonia was bounded by Susiana, on the west by Arabia, and on the south by the Persian Gulf. It was a single alluvial plain of vast extent and extraordinary fertility. The chief cities, besides Babylon on the Euphrates, were Ur (now Mugheir), Erech (Warka), Calneh (Niffer), Cutha (Ibrahim), Sippara or Seph- arvaim (Mosaib), and Borsippa (Birs-Nimrud). The more southern part of Babylonia, bordering on Arabia and the Persian Gulf, was known as Chalda^a. {(1) The Peninsula of Hindustan, the last of the four great divisions of South-western Asia, contains nearly a mil- The Indian ^ic>^i ^^^^ ^ quarter of square miles. Nature has Peumsuia. divided it into three A'ery distinct tracts, one to- wards the north-west, consisting of the basin drained by the Indus ; one towards the east, or the basin drained by the FART I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 35 Ganges ; and one towards the south, or the peninsula proper. Of these the north-western only was connected with the his- tory of the ancient world. This tract, called India from the river on which it lay, was separated off from the rest of Hindustan by a broad belt of desert. It comprised two regions — 1st, that known in mod- ern times as the Punjab, abutting immediately on the Him- alaya chain, and containing about 50,000 square miles; a vast triangular plain, intersected by the courses of five great rivers (whence Punj-ab = Five Rivers) — the Indus, the Hydaspes (Jelum), the Acesines (Chenab), the Hydraotes (Ravee), and the Hyphasis (Sutlej), — fertile along their course, but other- wise barren. 2dly, the region known as Scinde, or the Indus valley below the Punjab, a tract of about the same size, in- cluding the rich plain of Cutchi Gandava on the west bank of the river, and the broad delta of the Indus towards the south. Chief town of the upper region, Taxila (Attok) ; of the southern, Pattala (Tatta?). B. Preliminary Observations 07i the General Character of the Early Asiatic Kingdoms. 1. The physical conformation of Western Asia is favorable to the growth of large empires. In the vast plain which ex- Large size of tends from the foot of Niphates and Zagros to the thekingdoms. Pej-gian Gulf, the Red Sea, and the Mediterranean, there are no natural fastnesses; and the race which is nu- merically or physically superior to the other races inhabiting it readily acquires dominion over the entire region. Similar- ly, only not quite to the same extent, in the upland region which succeeds to this plain upon the east, there is a defi- ciency of natural barriers, and the nation which once begins to excel its neighbors, rapidly extends its influence over a wide stretch of territory. The upland and lowland powers are generally pretty evenly balanced, and maintain a struggle in which neither side gives w^ay ; but occasionally the equal- ity becomes deranged. Circumstances give to the one or to the other additional strength ; and the result is that its rival is overpowered. Then an empire of still greater extent is formed, both upland and lowland falling under the sway of the same people. 2. Still more remarkable than this uniformitv of size is tlic 36 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. uniformity of governmental type observable throughout all TV ,. ,, these empires. The form of government is in Despotism the ^ i i i • sole form of every case a monarchy; the monarchy is always govemmen . i^g^.g^-iitary ; and the hereditary monarch is a des- pot. A few feeble checks are in some instances devised for the purpose of restraining within certain limits the caprice or the cruelty of the holder of power ; but these barriers, w-here they exist, are easily overleaped ; and in most cases there is not even any such semblance of interference with the will of the ruler, who is the absolute master of the lives, lib- erties, and property of his subjects. Despotism is the sim- plest, coarsest, and rudest of all the forms of civil govern- ment. It was thus naturally the first which men, pressed by a sudden need, extemporized.- And in Asia the wish has never arisen to improve upon this primitive and imperfect essay. Note as exceptional the power which their independent religious position gave to the Jewish high-priests — a power which, however, Avould have been trampled upon if it had not been upheld by miracle. (See 2 Chron. xxvi. 16-21.) 3. Some variety is observable in the internal organization of the empires. In the remoter times it was regarded as sufficient to receive the personal submission of Differences in , ^ ^ ^ -i -\ . the internal the monarch whose land was conquered, to assess oroanization. -j^^^ tribute at a certain amount, and then to leave him in the unmolested enjoyment of his former dignity. The head of an empire was thus a " king of kings," and the empire itself was an aggregation of kingdoms. After a while an improvement was made on the simplicity of this early system. Satraps, or provincial governors, court officials be- longing to the conquering nation, and holding their office only during the good pleasure of the Great King, were sub- stituted for the native monarchs ; and arrangements more or less complicated were devised for checking and controlling them in the exercise of their authority. The power of the head of the empire was thus considerably increased ; and the empire acquired a stability unknown under the previous sys- tem. Uniformity of administration was to a certain extent secured. At the same time, a very great diversity underlay this external uniformity, since the conquered nations were generally suffered to retain their own language, religion, and PART I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 37 usages. No eiFort was made even to interfere with their laws ; and thus tlie provinces continued, after the lapse of centuries, as separate and distinct in tone, feeling, ideas, and aspirations, as at the time when they were conquered. The sense of separateness was never lost ; the desire of recover- ing national independence, at best, slumbered ; nothing was wanted but opportunity to stir up the dormant feeling, and to shatter the seeming unity of the empire into a thousand fragments. 4. A characteristic of the Oriental monarchies, which very markedly distinguishes them from the kingdoms of the West, is the prevalence of polygamy. The j^olygamy polygamy: its of the uionarcli swclls to excessive numbers the hangers-on of the court, necessitates the building of a vast palace, encourages effeminacy and luxury, causes the annual outlay of enormous sums on the maintenance of the royal household, introduces a degraded and unnatural class of human beings into positions of trust and dignity ; in a word, at once saps the vital force of the empire in its cen- tral citadel, and imposes heavy burdens on the mass of the population, which tend to produce exhaustion and paralysis of the whole body politic. The practice of polygamy among the upper classes, destroying the domestic affections by di- luting them, degrades and injures the moral character of those who give its tone to the nation, lowers their physical energy, and renders them self-indulgent and indolent. Nor do the lower classes, though their poverty saves them from participating directly in the evil, escape unscathed. Yield- ing, as they commonly do, to the temptation of taking money for their daughters from the proprietors of harems, they lose by degrees all feeling of self-respect ; the family bond, cor- rupted in its holiest element, ceases to have an elevating in- fluence ; and the traffickers in their own flesh and blood be- come the ready tools of tyrants, the ready applauders of crime, and the submissive victims of every kind of injustice and oppression. 5. The Asiatic Empires were always founded upon con- quest ; and conquest implies the possession of military qual- „,. itics in the victors superior at any rate to those Other causes . / •' ofdeciiueaud ot the vanquished nations. Usually the conquer- ing people were at first simple in their habits, 38 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book r. brave, hardy, and, comiDaratively speaking, poor. The im- mediate consequence of their victory was the exchange of poverty for riches; and riches usually brought in their train the evils of luxurious living and idleness. The conquerors rapidly deteriorated under such influences; and, if it had not been for the common practice of confining the use of arms, either wholly or mainly, to their own class, they might, in a very few generations, have had to change places with their subjects. Even in spite of this pracitice they continually de- creased in courage and warlike spirit. The monarchs usual- ly became /ai^iea?^^ and confined themselves to the precincts of tlie palace. The nobles left ofl" altogether the habit of athletic exercise. Military expeditions grew to be infre- quent. When they became a necessity in consequence of re- volt or of border ravages, the deficiencies of the native troops had to be supplied by the employment of foreign mercena- ries, who cared nothing for the cause in which their swords were drawn. Meanwhile, the conquerors were apt to quar- rel among themselves. Great satraps would revolt and change their governments into independent sovereignties. Pretenders to the crown would start up among the monarch's nearest relatives, and the strength and resources of the state would be Avasted in civil conflicts. The extortion of provin- cial governors exhausted the provinces, while the corruption of the court Aveakened the empire at its centre. Still, the tottering edifice would stand for years, or even for centuries, if there Avas no attack from abroad, by a mere vis mertim ; but, sooner or later, such an attack Avas sure to come, and then the unsubstantial fabric gave Avay at once and crumbled to dust under a few bloAvs vigorously dealt by a more Avar- likc nation. . C. History of the Ancient Asiatic Kingdoms previous to Cyrus. Sources. 1. Native : including (a) the cuneiform inscriptions of Chal- daea, Assyria, and Armenia ; and (6) the fragments of Berosus. 2. Jewish : inckiding the historical books from Genesis to Chronicles, and the Avorks of the Prophets anterior to Cyrus. 3. Classical writers : as Herodotus, Ctesi- as, Diodorus Siculus, and Justin ; with the later chronologers, Eusebius and Syncellus. Specimens of the inscriptions themselves have been published in the British Museum. Series, edited by Sir H. Raavlinson and Mr. E. Norris (London, 1860). A large number have been translated by M. Oppert, in PART I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 39 his Inscriptions cles Sargonides (Paris, 18G2). The fragments of Berosus liave been collected by Mons, C. Muller, and ^vill be found in the Frag- vienta Historicorum Grcccorum^ vol. ii. (Paris, 1848). Tiie fragments of Ctesias have been collected by Bahr (Frankfurt, 1824), C. Muller (Paris, 1844), and others. The chief modern works treating of this period generally, arc — BuNSEN, Philosophy/ of Universal History ; 4 vols. 8vo. London, 1854. Learned, but wild and extravagant, more especially in its chronology. Kawlinson, G., Five Great Monarchies, etc. (see p. 19), vols. i. to iii. The subject is also discussed generally by B. G. Niebuhr, in the first vol- ume of his Vortrdge iiher alte Geschichte (see p. 18), and by Mr. P. Sjiith in the first volume of his Ancient History (see p. 18). Among the works which treat of portions of the time, the following are of value : Geschichte Assurs und Babels seit Phul, by M. Niebuhr. Berlin, 1857. Rerum Assyriarum Tempora Emendata, by Brandis. Bonnai, 1853. Prophecies relating to Nineveh, by G. Vance Smith. London, 1857. Some other modern writers will be named under the heads of particular nations. I. CHALDEAN MONARCHY. 1. The earliest of the Asiatic monarchies sprang up in the alluvial plain at the head of the Persian Gulf. Here Moses places the first "kingdom" (Gen. x. 10); and here Berosus regarded a Chaldman monarchy as established probably as early as b,c. 2000. The Hebrew records give Nimrod as the founder of this kingdom, and exhibit Chedorlaomer as lord-paramount in the region not very long afterwards. The names of the kings in the lists of Berosus are lost; but we are told that he mentioned by name forty-nine Chaldcean monarchs, whose reigns covered a space of 458 years from about b.c. 2000 to about b.c. 1543. The primeval monuments of the country have yielded memo- rials of fifteen or sixteen kings, who probably belonged to this early period. They were at any rate the builders of the most ancient edifices now existing in the country ; and their date is long anterior to the time of Sennacherib and Nebu- chadnezzar. The phonetic reading of these monumental names is too uncertain to justify their insertion here. It will be sufficient to give, from Berosus, an outline of the 40 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. dynasties which ruled in Chaldaea, from about b.c. 2000 to 747, the era of Nabonassar : Chaldaean dynasty, ruling for 458 years (Kings :>^ about B.C. 2001 to 1543 Nimrod, Chedorlaomer) ) Arabian dynasty, ruling for 245 years about b.c. 1543 to 1298 Dynasty of forty-five kings, ruling for 526 years about b.c. 1298 to 772 Reign of Pul (say 25 years) about b.c. 772 to 747 2. Berosus, it will be observed, marks during this period two, if not three, changes of dynasty. After the Chaldseans have borne sway for 458 years, they are succeed- dynaslyaud ed by Arabs, who hold the dominion for 245 condition. years, when they too arc superseded by a race not named, but probably Assyrian (see p. 42). This race bears rule for 526 years, and then Pul ascends the throne, and reigns for a term of years not stated. (Pul is called " king of Assyria " in Scripture ; but this may be an inex- actness, lie is not to be found among the Assyrian monu- mental kings.) These changes of dynasty mark changes of condition. Under the first or Chaldagan dynasty, and under the last monarch, Pul, the country was flourishing and free. The second dynasty was probably, and the third certainly, established by conquest. Chaldsea, during the 526 years of the third dynasty, was of secondary importance to Assyria, and though from time to time engaged in wars with the dominant power of Western Asia, was in the main submis- sive and even subject. The names of six kings belonging to this dynasty have been recovered from the Assyrian monu- ments. Among them is a Nebuchadnezzar, while the major- ity commence with the name of the god Merodach. 3. The Chaldaean monarchy had from the first an archi- tectural character. Babylon, Erech or Orchoe,- Accad, and Character of Calneh, were founded by Nimrod. TJr was from the monarchy. ^^^^ early date a city of importance. The attempt to build a tower " which should reach to heaven," made here (Gen. xi. 4), was in accordance with the general spirit of the Chaldfean people. Out of such simple and rude ma- terials as brick and bitumen vast edifices were constructed, pyramid ical in design, but built in steps or stages of con- siderable altitude. Other arts also flourished. Letters were in* use ; and the baked bricks employed by the royal builders had commonly a legend in their centre. Gems w^ere cut. I'ART I.J ASIATIC NATIONS. 41 polished, and ciigi-aved with representations of human forms, portrayed witli spirit. Metals of many kinds were worked, and fashioned into arms, ornaments, and implements. Tex- tile fabrics of a delicate tissue were manufactured. Com- merce was carried on w^ith the neighboring nations both by- land and sea : the " ships of Ur " visiting the shores of the Persian Gulf, and perhaps those of the ocean beyond it. The study of Astronomy commenced, and observations of the heavenly bodies were made, and carefully recorded. According to Simplicius, these observations reached back a period of 1903 years when Alexander entered Babylon. This would make them commence B.C. 2234. II. ASSYRIAN MONARCHY. PERIODS. 1). OL I. Previous to the Conquest of Babylon, which occurred about 1250 II. From the conquest of Babylon to the accession of Tiglath-pileser II. 745 III. From the accession of Tiglath-pileser to the fall of Nineveh 625 1. The traces which we possess of the First Period are chiefly monumental. The Assyrian inscriptions furnish two „ . , lists — one of three, and the other of four consecu- First Period, . , . i • i i t i i i i • ^ pri<,rtoB.o. tivc kmgs — wliich belong probably to this early time. The seat of empire is at first Asshur (now Kileh Sherghat), on the right bank of the Tigris, about sixty miles below Nineveh. Some of the kings are connected by- intermarriage with the Chaldean monarchs of the period, and take part in the struggles of pretenders to the Chald?ean crown. One of them, Shalmaneser I., wars in the mountain- chain of Niphates, and plants cities in that region (about b.c. 1270). This monarch also builds Calah (Nimrud), forty miles north of Asshur, on the left or east bank of the river. Art of this period, rude. Letters, scanty. Cities quadrangular, and sur- rounded by walls. Palaces are placed on a lofty mound. Temple-towers pyramidical. 2. The Second Period is evidently that of which Herodotus spoke as lasting for 520 years, from about b.c. 1260 to 740. Second Peri- ^^ Commenced with the conquest of Babylon by o^Bc-1250- Tiglathi-nin (probably the original of the Greek " Ninus "), and it terminated with the new dynasty established by Tiglath-pileser II. The monuments furnish for the earlier portion of this period some nine or ten discon- tinuous royal names, while for the later portion they supply 42 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. a complete consecutive list, and an exact chronology. The exact chronology begins with the year b.c. d09. Note, tliat the lists of Ctesias, which should belong to this period, differ completely from those of the monuments ; that they are internally improba- ble, as they consist in part of Medo-Persian. in part of Greek, in part of geo- graphic names ; and that consequently they must be set aside as wholly un- historical. 3. The great king of the earlier portion of the Second Pe- riod is a certain Tiglath-pileser, who has left a long histor- ^ , ,. . . ical inscription, which shows that he carried his Subdivision i • -nr ry i -. -■ of the period, arms deep into Mount Zagros on the one hand, and as far as Northern Syria on the other. He likewise made an expedition into Babylonia. Date, about B.C. 1 1 30. His son was also a warlike prince ; but from about B.C. 1100 to 900 Assyrian history is still almost a blank ; and it is probable that we have here a period of depression. 4. For the later portion of the Second Period — from b.c. 909 to 745 — the chronology is exact, and the materials for history are abundant. In this period Calah be- u Q_ 909-745. came the capital, and several of the palaces and temples were erected which have been disinterred at Nimrud. The Assyrian monarch s carried their arms beyond Zagros, and came into contact with Medes and Persians ; they deep- ly penetrated Armenia ; and they pressed from Northern into Southern Syria, and imposed their yoke upon the Phosnicians, the kingdom of Damascus, and the kingdom of Israel. The names of Ben-hadad, Hazael, Ahab, and Jehu are common to the Assyrian and Hebrew records. Towards the close of the period, the kings became slothful and un warlike, military ex- peditions ceased, or were conducted only to short distances and against insignificant enemies. Line OF Kings : — Asshur-danin-il I. Reign ended, b.c. 909. Successor, his son, llu-likh-khus III. (Iva-lush). Reigned from B.C. 909 to 889. Suc- cessor, his son Tiglathi-nin II. Reigned from B.C. 889 to 88G. Warred in Niphates. Asshur-idanni-pal I. (Sardanapalus), his son, succeeded. A great conqueror. Warred in Zagros, Armenia, Western Mesopotamia, Syria, and Babylonia. Received the submission of the chief Phoenician towns. Built a. great palace at Calah. Reigned from b.c, 886 to 858. Followed on the throne by his son, Shalmaneser II., who reigned from B.C. 858 to 823, and was contemporary with Ben-hadad and Hazael of Damascus, and with Ahab and Jehu in Israel. Built a palace and set up an obelisk at Calah. Warred in the same countries as his father, and likewise in the highland beyond PART I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 43 Zagros, where he contended with the Medes and Persians ; also in Lower Syria, where he was engaged against Ben-luidad, Hazael, and Ahab, and re- ceived tribute from Jehu. Succeeded on the throne by his son, Shamas-iva or Samsi-hu, who reigned from B.C. 823 to 810. This king had wars with the Medes, Persians, Armenians, and Babylonians. His successor was his son, Hu-likh-khus IV. (Iva-lush), who mounted the throne B.C. 810 and reigned till B.C. 781. He too was a warlike monarch. He took Damascus, and received tribute from Samaria, Philistia, and Edom. Babylonia ac- knowledged his sovereignty. His wife bore the name of Sammuramit (Sem- iramis). The next king was Shalmaneser III., who reigned from b.c. 781 to 771. His Avars were with Eastern Armenia and the Syrians of Damascus and Hadrach. He was succeeded by Asshur-danin-il II., a comparatively unwarlike prince, under whom military expeditions became infrequent. In the ninth year of this king's reign an eclipse of the sun is recorded as having taken place in the month Sivan (June) — undoubtedly the eclipse of June 15 of that year, which was visible over the whole of Western Asia. Asshur- danin-il reigned from b.c. 771 to 753. He was succeeded by the last mon- arch of this series, Asshur-likh-khus, or Asshur-lush, who reigned ingloriously for eight years — from b.c. 753 to 715. 5. The Assyrian art of the Second shows a great advance upon that of the First Period. Magnificent palaces were Art, etc., of built, I'ichly" embellished with bas-reliefs. Sculp- this period, ^y^.g ^^^s rigid, but bold and grand. Literature was more cultivated. The history of each reign was written by contemporary annalists, and cut on stone, or impressed on cylinders of baked clay. Engraved stelcB were erected in all the countries under Assyrian rule. Considerable com- munication took place with foreign countries ; and Bactrian camels, baboons, curious antelopes, elephants, and rhinoce- roses were imported into Assyria from the East. The art of this period is largely illustrated in the Monuments of Nineveh, First Series. By A. H. La yard ; folio. London, 1819. 6. In the Third Period the Assyrian Empire reached the height of its greatness under the dynasty of the Sargonidas, Third Period, after which it fell Suddenly, owing to blows re- ii.c. 745-625. ceived from two jDOwerful foes. The period com- menced with a revival of the military spirit and vigor of the nation under Tiglath-pileser II., the king of that name men- tioned in Scripture. Distant expeditions were resumed, and the arms of Assyria carried into new regions. Egypt was attacked and reduced ; Susiana was subjugated ; and in Asia Minor Taurus was crossed, Cappadocia invaded, and relations established witli the Lydian monarch, Gyges. Naval expe- 44 ANCIENT HISTORY. [kook i. ditioiis were undertaken both in the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. Cyprus submitted, and the Assyrian monarchs numbered Greeks among their subjects. Almost all the kim^s of the period came into contact with the Jews, and the names of most of them appear in the Hebrew records. To- wards the close of the period the empire sustained a severe shock from the sudden invasion of vast hordes of Scythians from the North. Before it could recover from the prostration caused by this attack, its old enemy. Media, fell upon it, and, assisted by Babylon, effected its destruction. Line of Kings of the Third Period: — 1. Tiglath-pileser II., an usurper, ascends the throne b.c. 745, two years after Nabonassar in Babylon. Wars in Babylonia, Media, Armenia, Southern Syria, and Palestine. Re- ceives tribute from Menahem, about b.c. 743. Takes Damascus, attacks Pekah of Israel, and accepts the submission of Ahaz of Judah, about B.C. 734 to 732. 2. Shalmaneser IV. ; his first year b.c. 727. Leads several ex- peditions into Palestine. Conquers Phoenicia, except the island Tyre, which he attacks by sea: his fleet sufters a defeat. In b.c. 723 commences the siege of Samaria. Loses his croAvn by a revolution after reigning six years. 3. Sargon, an usurper; ascends the throne b.c. 721. Takes Samaria and settles the Israelites in Gauzanitis and Media. Successful war with Shebek I. (Sabaco) of Egypt for the possession of Philistia. Defeat and capture of Merodach-baladan in Babylonia, b.c. 709. Submission of Cypnis, b.c. 708 to 707. Invasion of Susiana. Conquest of Media. Wars in Niphates and Taurus. 4. Sennacherib, son of Sargon, succeeds, B.C. 705. Expedition against Babylon, B.C. 702. Deposes Merodach-baladan and sets up Belibus. First expedition into Palestine, B.C. 700. Submission of Elulceus of Sidon, and Hezekiah of Judah. Second expedition into Babylonia, B.C. G99. Beli- bus deposed, and Assaranadius, or Asordanes, son of Sennacherib, made king. Second expedition into Palestine, about b.c. 698. Great destruction of the Assyrian army near Pelusium, on the borders of Egypt. War Avith Susiana ; a fleet launched on Persian Gulf, about b.c. 092 to G90. Conquest of Cilicia and founding of Tarsus, about b.c. 685. Murder of Sennacherib by two of his sons, B.C. 680. 5. Esarhaddon, son of Sennacherib, obtains the crown after a short struggle. Reigns alternately at Babylon and Nin- eveh. Puts down revolts in Syria and Cilicia, about b.c. 680 to 677. Con- quers Edom, about B.C. 674. Invades Central Arabia, b.c. 673. Reduces Northern Media, b.c. 671. Great expedition into Egypt, about B.C. 670. Defeat of Tirhakah (Taracus). Egypt broken up into a number of petty kingdoms. Revolt and reduction of Manasseh, king of Judah. Colonization of Samaria with Babylonians, Susianians, and Persians. 6. Asshur-bani-pal (Sardanapalus), son of Esarhaddon, succeeds, about B.C. 667, or a little later. Under him Assyria reaches the culminating point of her greatness. He re- conquered Egypt, which had been recovered by Tirhakah ; invaded Asia Minor, and received tribute from Gyges, king of Lydia ; subjugated most of Armenia; completely conquered Susiana and attached it as a province to PART I.] ASIATIC NATIONS. 45 Babylonia ; nnd reduced many outlying tribes of Arabs. He built the most magnificent of all the Assyrian palaces ; loved music and the arts ; and es- tablished a sort of royal library at Nineveh. His last year is uncertain ; but was probably about b.c. 647. 7. Asshur-emid-ilin (the Saracus of Aby- denus), son of Asshur-bani-pal, succeeded. But little is known of his reign ; its two great events were the inroad of a vast Scythic horde from the tract north of the Caucasus, and the Median Avar Avhich brought about the destruc- tion of the empire. First attack of the Medes, b.c. 634, repulsed. Scythian inroad, B.C. 632. Second Median attack, b.c. 627. Defection of the Baby- lonians under Nabopolassar. Siege of Nineveh. Capture, b. c. 625. 7. Assyrian art attained to its greatest perfection during this last period. Palaces were built by Tiglatli-pileser II. at Art etc of ^^i^^5 ^7 ^^rgon at Dur Sargina (Khorsabad), by the Third Pe- Sennacherib at Nineveh, by Esarhaddon at Calah and Nineveh, by Sardanapalus II. at Nineveh, and by Saracus at Calah. Glyptic art advanced, especially nnder Sardanapalus, when the animal forms were executed with a naturalness and a spirit worthy of the Greeks. At the same time carving in ivory, metallurgy, modelling, and other simi- lar arts made much progress. An active commerce nnited Assyria with Phoenicia, Egypt, and Greece. Learning of vari- ous kinds — astronomic, geographic, linguistic, historical — was pursued ; and stores were accumulated which will long ex- ercise the ingenuity of the moderns. The best illustrations of Assyrian art during this period will be found in the Monument de Ninive of Mons. Botta (Paris, 1841)-50), 5 a'oIs. folio ; and in Mr. Layard's Monuments of Nineveh, Second Series (London, 1853). On Assyrian architecture, consult The Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis Re- stored, hy Mr, James Fergusson (London, 1851) ; and the Assyrian sec- tion in his Historjj of Architecture, vol. i. (London, 1866). III. MEDIAN MONARCHY. PEEIODS. B.C. L Media Independent 830-710 II. Media subject to Assyria 7lt)-650 1 . The primitive history of the Medes is enveloped in great obscurity. The mention of them as Madai in Genesis (x. 2), ^ , ^, , and the statement of Berosus that they furnished Early history, t-, t i • i i • • an early dynasty to Babylon, imply then- mi23or- tance in very ancient times. But scarcely any thing is knoimi of them till the ninth century b.c., when they were attacked in their own proper country, Media Magna, by the Assyrians (about B.C. 830). At this time they were under the govern- 46 ANCIENT HISTORY. [book i. ment of numerous petty chieftains, and offered but a weak resistance to the arms of the Assyrian monarchs. No part of their country, however, was reduced to subjection until the time of Sargon, who conquered some Median territory about B.C. VlO, and planted it with cities in Avhich he placed his Israelite captives. The subsequent Assyrian monarchs made further conquests ; and it is evident from their records that no great Median monarchy had arisen down to the mid- dle of the seventh century b.c. The earlier portions of the ZendaA^esta indicate the existence of powerful Arian states on the great plateau of Iran and in the low districts east of the Caspian at a very remote period ; but they contain no mQjjtion at all of the Medes. Bactria seems to have been the seat of Arian power in these primi- tive times. 2. The earliest date which, with our present knowledge, Ave can assign for the commencement of a great Median mon- iiistovyac- archy is B.C. 650. The monarchs assigned by Hemdotus Hcrodotus and Ctesias to a time anterior to this aud ctesias. ^-jay conceivably have been chiefs of petty Median tribes, but were certainly not the heads of the whole nation. The probability is that they are fictitious personages. Sus- picion attaches especially to the list of Ctesias, which appears to have been formed by an intentional duplication of the reg- nal and other periods mentioned by Herodotus. (a) Median History of Herodotus. — The Medes revolt from Assyria, about B.C. 740. Conquer tlieir independence and continue for a number of years without a monarch. Deioces chosen king, b.c. 708. Reigns fifty- three years. Founds Ecbatana, and introduces a rigid court ceremonial. Dies B.C. G55. Phraortes, his son, succeeds. Reigns tAventy-two years. Conquers Persia. Attacks Assyria. Killed while besieging Nineveh, b.c. 633. Cyaxares, his son, reigns from B.C. 633 to 593, forty years. Reorganizes the army. Re- news the attack on Assyria. War interrupted by irruption of the Scyths. Takes* Nineveh. "Wars with Alyattes, king of Lydia, b.c. 615 to 610. Dies B.C. 593. Astyages, his son, reigns thirty-five years, from b.c. 593 to 558, when he is dethroned by his grandson, Cyrus. (h) Median History of Ctesias. — The Medes, having revolted from Assyria, take and destroy Nineveh, in conjunction with the Babylonians, b.c. 875. Arbaces ascends the throne. Reigns twenty-eight years, B.C. 875 to 847. Maudaces reigns fifty years, b.c. 847 to 797. Sosarmus, thirty years, b.c 797 to 767. Astycas, fifty years, B.C. 767 to 717. Arbianes, twenty-two years, b.c. 717 to 695. Artceus, forty years, b.c. 695 to 655. Artyneg, twenty-two years, B.C. 655 to 633. Astibaras, forty years, b.c. 633 to 593. Astyages, x years, the last king. (Note the prevalence of round numbers, I'ART i.J ASIATIC NATIONS. 47 the repetition of every number but one, an'd the fact that of the eight num- bers six are evidently taken from Herodotus. ) 3. There is reason to believe that about b.c. 650, or a little later, the Medes of Media Magna were largely reinforced by- fresh immii^rants from the East, and that shortly Real history _ ^ ^ , i i t i ^- from B.o. 660- aiterwards they were enabled to take an aggress- ^^^' ive attitude towards Assyria, such as had previ- ously been quite beyond their power. In b.c. 633 — accord- ing to Herodotus — they attacked Nineveh, but were com- pletely defeated, their leader, whom he calls Phraortes, being slain in the battle. Soon after this occurred the Scythian in- road, which threw the Medes upon the defensive, and hin- dered them from resuming their schemes of conquest for sev- eral years. But, Avhen this danger had passed, they once more invaded the Assyrian Empire in force. Nineveh was invested and fell. Media upon this became the leading povv^er of Western Asia, but was not the sole power, since the spoils of Assyria were divided between her and Babylon. Historical Kings : — 1. Phraortes (name doubtful). Conquers Persia. Attacks Nineveh. Falls there, b.c. 633. 2, Cyaxares, his son, the great Median monarch. Attacks Nineveh, b. c. 632. Called off to resist the Scyths. Second attack on Nineveh succeeds, b.c. 625. Conquers all Asia between the Caspian and the Halys. Invades Asia Minor and wars against Alyattes, B.C. 615 to 610. Dies, b.c. 593. 3. Astyages, his son, ascends the throne. His peaceful reign. Media allied with Lydia and B.ibylon. Revolt of the Persians under Cyrus brings the Median Empire to an end, B.C. 558. Media long remains the first and most important of the Persian pi'ovinces. 4. Less is known of Median art and civilization than of As- syrian, Babylonian, or Persian. Their architecture appears General char- to have posscssed a barbaric magnificence, but not d?au civiiiza- i^i^ich of either grandeur or beauty. The great tio"- palace at Ecbatana was of wood, plated with gold and silver. After the conquest of Nineveh, luxurious habits were adopted from the Assyrians, and the court of Astyages was probably as splendid as that of Esarhaddon and Sarda- napalus. The chief known peculiarity of the Median king- dom was the ascendency exercised in it by the Magi — a priest- ly caste claiming supernatural powers, Avhich had, apparent- ly, been adopted into the nation. 48 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. IV. BABYLONIAN MONARCHY. PEEI0D8. B.C. I. From the era of Nabonassar to the destruction of Nineveh 747-625 11. From the destruction of Nineveh and establishment of Babylo- nian independence under Nabopolassar to the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus 625-538 1. After the conquest of Babylonia by the Assyrians, about B.C. 1250, an Assyrian cljmasty was established at Babylon, First Period ^^^ ^^^^ couutry was, in general, content to hold a B.C. 747-625. secondary position in Western Asia, acknowledg- ing the suzerainty of the Ninevite kings. From time to time efforts were made to shake off the yoke, but without much success till the accession of Nabonassar, b.c. 747. Under Nabonassar and several of his successors Babylonia appears to have been independent ; and this condition of independ- ence continued, with intervals of subjection, down to the ac- cession of Esarhaddon, b.c, .680, when Assyrian supremacy was once more established. Babylon then continued in a subject position, till the time when Nabopolassar made alli- ance with Cyaxares, joined in the last siege of Nineveh, and, when Nineveh fell, became independent, b.c. 625. Line of Kings during this Period (chief authority, tlie famous Canon of Ptolemy): — 1. Nabonassar. Reigned fourteen years, b.c. 747 to 733. Destroyed the records of the monarchs who had preceded him. 2. Nadius, reigned two years, B.C. 733 to 731. 3. Chinzinus and Porus, reigned five years, b.c. 731 to 726. 4. Elulreus, reigned five years, b.c. 726 to 721. 5. Merodach-baladan, reigned twelve years, b.c. 721 to 709. Embassy to Hez- ekiah, about B.C. 713. Conquered and made prisoner by Sargon. 6. Ar- ceanus, an Assyrian viceroy, placed on the throne by Sargon, reigned five years, b.c 709 to 70i. After an interregnum of more than a year, Mero- dach-baladan, who had escaped from captivity, recovered the throne, and reigned six months, when he was driven out by Sennacherib, who placed on the throne a viceroj'. 7. Belibus; he reigned from b.c. 702 to 699. Sus- pected of treason by Sennacherib and deprived of his government. 8. Assa- i-anadius, a son of Sennacherib, succeeds. He reigns six years, B.C. 699 to 693. Babylon twice revolts and is reduced. 9. Regibelus (probably an As- syrian viceroy) reigns a year, b.c. 693 to 692. 10. Mesesimordachus (also probably a viceroy) reigns four years, b.c. 692 to 688. A period of anarchy and disturbance follows, coinciding with the last eight 3'ears of Sennacherib. No king reigns so long as a year. 11. Esarhaddon conquers Babylon, takes the title of king, builds himself a palace there, and reigns alternately at Baby- lon and Nineveh. He holds the throne for thirteen years, b.c. 680 to 667. 12. Saos-duchinus, son of Esarhaddon, is made viceroy by his father or bi'oth- er, and governs Babylon for twenty years, from b.c. 667 to 647. 13. Cin- PAKT I.] BABYLONIA. 49 neladanus (eitlier fin Assyrian viceroy, or the last Assyrian monarch him- self) succeeds Saos-duehinus, and holds the throne for twenty-two years, from IJ.C. 647 to 625. 2. During the Second Period, Babylonia was not only an independent kingdom, but was at the head of an empire, secoud Peri- Nabopolassar and Cyaxares divided the Assyrian ufan ?mpn-e^ dominions between them, the former obtaining for It. o. 625-538. }^ig share Susiana, the Euphrates valley, Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine. A brilliant period followed. At iirst indeed the new empire was threatened by Egypt ; and for a few years the western provinces were actually held in subjection by Pharaoh-nechoh ; but Babylon now aroused herself, defeated Nechoh, recovered her territory, and carry- ing her arms through Palestine into Egypt, chastised the ag- gressor on his own soil. From this time till the invasion of Cyrus the empire continued to flourish, but became gradually less and less warlike, and offered a poor resistance to the Persians. Line of Kings : — 1. Nabopolassar. Becomes independent on the fall of Nineveh, b.c. 625- Assists Cyaxares in his Lydian war, B.C. 615 to 610, and brings about the peace which ends it. Loses the western provinces to Nechoh of Egypt, b.c. 608. Sends Nebuchadnezzar to recover them, b.c. 605. Dies, b.c. 604. 2. Nebuchadnezzar, his son, returns victorious from Syria, and is acknowledged as king. Wars in Phoenicia, Palestine, and Egypt. Takes and destroys Jerusalem, b.c. 586. Takes Tyre, b.c. 585. Recognized as lord-pammount of Egypt, about b.c. 569. Period of the con- straction of great works, b.c. 585 to 570. Madness — recovery. Death, b.c. 561. 3. Evil-merodach, his son, succeeds. Reigns only two years. Mur- dered by his brother-in-law. 4. Neriglissar (or Nergal-shar-uzur), who suc- ceeds, B.C. 559 (his wife perhaps the Nitocris of Herodotus). Builds the western palace at Babylon. Dies after a reign of four years, b.c. 555. 5. Laborosoarchod, or Labossoracus, his son, a mere boy, mounts the throne. He is murdered after a few months by 6. Nabonadius (Labynetus), the last .king. Not being of royal birth, he married a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar (probably Neriglissar's widow), and as soon as his son by this marriage, Bel- shazzar (Bel-shar-uzur), is of sufficient age, associates him on the throne. Makes alliance with Croesus of Lydia, b.c. 555. Constructs the river de- fenses at Babylon. Attacked by Cyrus and defeated— throws himself into Borsippa. Babylon, carelessly defended by Belshazzar, is taken by strat- agem. Nabonadius surrenders himself a prisoner, b.c. 538. 3. The architectural works of the Babylonians, more espe- cially under Nebuchadnezzar, were of surpassing grandeur. The " hanging gardens " of that prince, and the walls with which he surrounded Babylon, were reckoned among the Seven 3 50 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. „, , . Wonders of the "World. The materials used were Characteris- . , ^, , t tics of the em- the saiiie as in the early Chaldsean times, sunburnt ticture, art, ^ and baked brick ; but the baked now preponder- ^^^' ated. The ornamentation of buildings was by- bricks of different hues, or sometimes by a plating of pre- cious metal, or by enamelling. By means of the last-named, process, war-scenes and hunting-scenes were represented on the walls of palaces, which are said to have been life-like and spirited. Temple-towers were still built in stages, which now sometimes reached the number of seven. Useful works of great magnitude were also constructed by some of the kings, especially by Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonadius; such as ca- nals, reservoirs, embankments, sluices, and piers on the shores of the Persian Gulf Commerce flourished, and Babylon was reckoned emphatically a " city of merchants." The study of astronomy Avas also pursued w^itli zeal and industry. Ob- servations were made and carefully recorded. The sky was maj^ped out into constellations, and the fixed stars were cata- logued. Occultations of the planets by the sun and moon were noted. Time was accurately measured by means of sun-dials, and other astronomical instruments were probably invented. At the same time it must be confessed that the astronomical science of the Babylonians Avas not pure, but was largely mixed with astrology, more especially in the later times. On the commerce of the Babylonians, see the section upon the subject i:i Heeren's Historical Researches, "Asiatic Nations," vol. ii. On their as- tronomy, see Sir G. C. Lewis's Astronomy of the Ancients, ch. v., and G, Rawlinson, Five Monarchies, "Babylonia," ch. v. For illustrations of Babylonian art (mixed, however, with Assyrian and Persian), see Culli- MORE, Oriental Cylinders, London, 1842, 8vo ; and F. Lajard, Culte de Mithra, Paris, 1847, folio. V. KINGDOMS IN ASIA MINOR. 1. The geographical formation of Asia Minor, which sepa- rates it into a number of distinct and isolated regions, was No empire in probably the main reason why it did not in early ui^eariy^"^ ^" times become the seat of a great empire. The times. j^ear equality of strength that existed among sev- eral of the races by which it was inhabited — as the Phryg- ians, the Lydians, the Carians, the Cilicians, the Paphlago- PART I.] LYDIA. 51 nians, and the Cappadocians — would tend naturally in the same direction, and lead to the formation of several parallel kingdoms instead of a single and all-embracing one. Nev- ertheless, ultimately, such a great kingdom did grow up ; but it had only just been formed when it was subverted by one more powerful. 2. The most powerful state in the early times seems to have been Phrygia. It had an extensive and fertile terri- Kingdom of tory, especially suited for pasturage, and was also Phrygia. ^.j^j^ ^^ ^l^g possession of Salt lakes, which largely furnished that necessary of life. The people were brave, but somewhat brutal. They had a lively and martial music. It is probable that they were at no time all united into a single community ; but there is no reason to doubt that a consider- able monarchy grew up in the north-western portion of the country, about B.C. 750 or earlier. The capital of the king- dom was Gordiseum on the Sangarius. The monarchs bore alternately the two names of Gordias and Midas. As many as four of each name have been distinguished by some crit- ics ; but the dates of the reigns are uncertain. A Midas ap- pears to have been contemporary with Alyattes (about b.c. 600 to 570), and a Gordias with Croesus (b.c. 570 to 560). Phrygia was conquered and became a province of Lydia about B.C. 560. 3. Cilicia was likewise the seat of a monarchy in times anterior to Cyrus. About b.c. 711 Sargon gave the country Kingdom of to Ambris, king of Tubal, as a dowry with his Ciiicia. daughter. Sennacherib, about b.c. 701, and Esar- haddon, about b.c. 677, invaded and ravaged the region. Tarsus was founded by Sennacherib, about b.c. 685. In b.c. 666 Sardanapalus took to wife a Cilician princess. Fifty years afterwards we find a Syennesis seated on the throne, and from this time all the kings appear to have borne that name or title. Cilicia maintained her independence against Croesus, and (probably) against Cyrus, but submitted to Per- sia soon afterwards, probably in the reign of Cambyses. 4. Ultimately the most important of all the kingdoms of Asia Minor was Lydia. According to the accounts which ^^ ^ ,. Herodotus followed, a Lydian kingdom had ex- The Lvdian . t ^ . . ^ , kingdom aud istcd irom very ancient times, monarchs to whom empue. ^^ gives the name of Manes, Atys, Lydus, and 52 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. Meles, having borne sway in Lydia prior to b.c. 1229. This dynasty, which has been called Atyadae, was followed by one of Heraclida3, which continued in }30wer for 505 years — from B.C. 1229 to 724. (The last six kings of this dynasty are known from Nicholas of Damascus who follows Xanthus, the native writer. They were Adyattes I., Ardys, Adyattes IL, Meles Myrsus, and Sadyattes or Candaules.) On the murder of Candaules, b.c. 724, a third dynasty — that of the Mermnadse — bore rule. This continued till b.c. 554, when the last Lydian monarch, Croesus, was conquered by Cyrus. This monarch had previously succeeded in changing his kingdom into an empire, having extended his dominion over all Asia Minor, excepting Lycia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia. Dynasty of the MERMif ad^ (according to the chronology of Herodotus) : 1. Gyges murders Candaules, and mounts the throne, b.c. 724. Reigns thirty-eight years. Takes Colophon. Attacks Miletus. Dies, b.c. 686. 2. Ardys, his son, succeeds. Takes Priene'. Irruption of Cimmerians. Dies, B.C. 637. 3. Sadyattes, his son, reigns twelve years, from b.c. 637 to 625. Wars with Miletus. 4. Alyattes, son of Sadyattes, mounts the throne. Expels the Cimmerians. Makes peace with Miletus, b.c. 620. Carries on defensive war against Cyaxares of Media, b.c. 615 to 610. Takes Smyrna. Attacks Clazomenas. Dies, b.c. 568. 5. Croesus, his son, succeeds. He- duces the Ionian, iEolian, and Dorian Greeks. Conquers all Asia Minor west of the Halys, except Lycia and Cilicia. Alarmed at the success of Cyrus, makes alliance with Sparta, Egypt, and Babylon, b.c, 555. Invades Cappadocia, and fights an indecisive battle at Pteria. Attacked in his turn, defeated, and made prisoner by Cyrus, b. c. 554. Chronology of this dynasty, according to Eusebius: — Gyges, thirty-six years, B.C. 698 to 662. Ardys, thirty-eight years, b.c. 662 to 624. Sad}-- attes, fifteen years, b.c. 624 to 609. Alyattes, forty-nine years, B.C. 609 to 560. Croesus, fifteen years, b.c. 560 to 546. VI. PHCENICIA. 1. PiiGENiciA, notwithstanding the small extent of its ter- ritory, which consisted of a mere strip of land betAveen the Importance crest of Lebanon and the sea, was one of the most its^Sy^' important countries of the ancient world. In her frasmeutary. ^\^q commercial Spirit first showed itself as the dominant spirit of a nation. She was the carrier between the East and the West — the link that bound them together — in times anterior to the first appearance of the Greeks as navigators. No complete history of Phoenicia has come down to Its, nor can a continuous history be constructed ; PART I.] PHOENICIA. 53 but some important fnigments remain, and the general eon- dition of the country, alternating between subjection and independence, is ascertained sufficiently. The chief sources for Phoenician history are — 1. The fragments of Mk- NANDEK and Dius preserved to us in Josepiius. (Menander and Dius composed their histories from native sources.) 2. The sacred writers, Eze- kiel, and the authors of Kings and Chronicles. 3. Scattered notices in Ho- mer, Herodotus, and other classical authors. The best modern authorities on the subject are the follow- ing : Movers, Die Phonizier, 3 vols. 8vo. Berlin, 1841-50, A work of great research and of a Avide grasp, but allowing undue weight to Philo-Byblius's pretended translation of the Phoenician history of Sanchoxiathon. Kenrick, J., Phoenicia. London, 1855 ; 8vo. The best work on the sub- ject. Carries the history down to the conquest of Syria by the Turks, A.D. 151G. Heeren, Ideen, vol. ii., part i. Peculiarly good with respect to the com- merce of the Phoenicians. TwiSTLETON, Hon. E. T. B., Articles on Phoenicia and Tyre in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. London, 18G0-3. 2. At no time did Phoenicia form either a single central- ized state, or even an organized confederacy. Under ordi- ^ , ,. , nary circumstances the states were separate and Isolation of ^ ,.. ^, tit the cities. independent : only m times of danger did they emineuccof occasioiially uiiitc Under the leadership of the ^'^""' most powerful. The chief cities were Tyre, Si- don, Berytus, Byblus, Tiipolis, and Aradus. Of these Sidon seems to have been the most ancient ; and there is reason to believe that, prior to about b.c. 1050, she was the most flour- ishing of all the PhcEiiician communities. 3. The priority and precedency enjoyed by Sidon in the remoter times devolved upon Tyre (her colony, according to Sidon super- some) about B.C. 1050. The defeat of Sidon by about B^o'^"^^ the Philistines of Ascalon is said to have caused 1050. the transfer of power. Tyre, and indeed every Phoenician city, was under the rule of kings ; but the priest- ly order had considerable influence ; and an aristocracy of birth, or wealth, likewise restrained any tyrannical inclina- tions on the part of the monarch. The list of the Tyrian kings from about b.c. 1050 to 830 is known to us from the fragments of Menander. 54 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. Line of Kings : — 1. Abibaal, partly contemporaiy with David. 2. Hi- ram, his son, the friend of David and Solomon. Ascended the throne about B.C. 1025. Reigned thirty-four years. 3. Baleazar, his son, succeeded, about B.C. 901. Keigned seven years. 4. Abdastartus, his son, reigned nine years, from about B.C. 984 to 975, when he was murdered by a conspiracy. 5. One of the conspirators — name unknown — succeeded, and reigned twelve years, from about B.C. 975 to 963. The line of Abibaal seems then to have been restored. G. Astartus, reigned also tw.elve years, from about b.c. 963 to 951, when he was succeeded by his brother. 7. Aserymus, who, after a reign of nine years, was murdered by another brother, Phales, about b.c. 942. 8. Phales reigned eight months only, being in his turn murdered by the high-priest of Astarte, Ithobalus or Ethbaal, who seized the throne. 9. Ith- obalus reigned thirty-two years, about b.c. 941 to 909. Ahab married his daughter Jezebel. Great drought in his reign. 10. Badezor, his son, suc- ceeded. Reigned six years only, from about b.c. 909 to 903. 11. Matgen, the son of Badezor and father of Dido, then mounted the throne. His reign last- ed thirty-two years, about b.c. 903 to 871. Matgen was followed by his son. 12. Pygmalion, under whom occurred the flight of Dido and the coloniza- tion of Carthage. He reigned forty-seven 'years, from about B.C. 871 to 824. 4. The commercial spirit of Phosnicia was largely display- ed during this period, which, till towards its close, was one Phceuician ^^ absolute independence. The great monarchies coiouies. Qf Egypt and Assyria were now, comparatively speaking, weak ; and the states between the Euphrates and the African border, being free from external control, were able to pursue their natural bent without interference. Her commercial leanings early induced Phoenicia to begin the practice of establishing colonies; and the advantages which the system was found to secure caused it to acquire speedily a vast development. The coasts arid islands of the Mediter- ranean- were rapidly covered with settlements; the Pillars of Hercules Avere passed, and cities built on the shores of the ocean. At the same time factories were established in the Persian Gulf; and, conjointly with the Jews, on the Red Sea. Phoenicia had at this time no serious commercial rival, and the trade of the world was in her hands. Geographical sketch of the Phoenician colonies :— (a) In the Eastern Med- iten*anean : Paphos, Amathus, Tamisus, and Ammochosta in Cyprus ; laly- sus and Camirus in Rhodes ; Thera, and most of the Cyclades ; Thasos ; Thebes (?). (b) In the Western Mediterranean : Lilybseum and Panormus (Mahaneth) in Sicily ; Gaulos, Melite ; Utica, Carthage, and Hadrumetum in North Africa; Carteia, Malaca in Spain, (r) Beyond the straits: Tar- tessus on the Bcetis (Guadalquiver) and Gac]es (now Cadiz) on an island close to the Spanish coast, (d) In the Persian Gulf: Tylos and Aradus (perhaps Bahrein). PART I.] PHCENICIA. 55 5. The geographical position of the Phoenician colonies marks the chief lines of their trade, but is far from indicat- Sea-trade; its ing its full extent; since the most distant of these chil?iiues of Settlements served as starting-points whence voy- diiection. agcs were made to remoter regions. Phoenician merchantmen proceeding from Gades and Tartessus explored the western coast of Africa, and obtained tin from Cornwall and the Scilly Islands. The traders of Tylns and Aradus extended their voyages beyond the Persian Gulf to India and Taprobane, or Ceylon. Phoenician navigators, starting from Elath in the Red Sea, procured gold from Ophir, on the south-eastern coast of Arabia. Thasos and the neigh- boring islands furnished convenient stations from which the Euxine could be visited and commercial relations establish- ed with Thrace, Scythia, and Colchis. Some have supposed that the North Sea was crossed and the Baltic entered in quest of amber ; but the balance of evidence is, on the whole, against this extreme hypothesis. 6. The sea-trade of the Phoenicians was probably supple- mented from a very remote date by a land traffic ; but this , , , „ portion of their commerce scarcely obtained its Land-trade of 7. ,, t , .n i • r. -».-r i it the early peri- luU development till the time 01 jNebuchadnezzar. A line of communication must indeed have been established early with the Persian Gulf settlements ; and in the time of Solomon there Avas no doubt a route open to Phoenician traders from Tyre or Joppa, through Jerusalem, to Elath. But the generally disturbed state of Western Asia during the Assyrian period would have rendered land traffic then so insecure, that, excepting where it was a neces- sity, it would have been avoided. Y. Towards the close of the period, whereof the history has been sketched above (see par. 3), the military expeditions Phceuicia sub- of the Assyrians began to reach Southern Syria, i^a,^aboiit^2^c' ^^^ Phoenician independence seems to have been ^^^- lost. We can not be sure that the submission was continuous ; but from the middle of the ninth till past the middle of the eighth century there occur in the contem- porary monuments of Assyria plain indications of Phoenician subjection, while there is no evidence of resistance or revolt. Native sovereigns tributary to Assyria reign in the Phoeni- cian towns and are reckoned by the Assyrian monarchs 56 ASIATIC NATIONS. [liooi; i. among their dependents. The country ceases to have a his- tory of its own ; and, with one exception, the very names of its rulers have perished. 8. About B.C. 743 the passive submission of Phoenicia to the Assyrian yoke began to be exchanged for an impatience , of it, and frequent efforts Avere made, from this Revolts tiiiQ recovery of in- date till Nineveli fell, to re-establish Phoenician epen ence. independence. These efforts for the most part failed ; but it is not improbable that finally, amid the troubles under which the Assyrian empire succumbed, success crowned the nation's patriotic exertions, and autonomy was recovered. Revolts of Phcenicia from Assyria: — 1. Under a Hiram, from Tiglatli- pileser II., about* b.c, 743. 2. Under Elulaus, from Shalmaneser, b.c. 727. Long resistance of New Tyre. 3. Under the same, from Sennacherib, about B.C. 704. Expedition of Sennacherib, B.C. 700. Elulreus flies. Tubal made king. 4. Under Abdi-melkarth, from Esarhaddon, b.c. 680. Crushed im- mediately. 5. Under Baal of Tyre and the contemporaiy king of Aradus, from Sardanapalus, about b.c. 6G7. Likewise crushed without difficulty. 9. Scarcely, however, had Assyria fallen, when a new en- Phoeniciaan emy appeared upon the scene. Nechoh of Egypt, pIZdeJfcy.B^o. about B.C. 608, conquered the whole tract between ^^^- his own borders and the Euphrates. Phoenicia submitted or w^as reduced, and remained for three years an Egyptian dependency. 10. Nebuchadnezzar, in B.C. 605, after his defeat of Nechoh at Carchemish, added Phoenicia to Babylon; and, though , , Tyre revolted from him eio-ht years later, b.c. 598, Couquered by •'^ . _„ _. * ni- / ^^ Nebuchadnez- and rcsistcd for thirteen years all his attempts to zar, B.O. C05. j.g^^^^g j^g^^ yg^ ^t length she was compelled to submit, and the Babylonian yoke was firmly fixed on the en- tire Phoenician people. It is not quite certain that they did not shake it off upon the death of the great Babylonian king ; but, on the whole, probability is in favor of their having re- mained subject till the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus, e.c. 538. As usual, the internal government of the dependency was left to the conquered people, who were ruled at this time either by native kings, or, occasionally, by judges. Line of Kings and Judges at Tyre (from Menander) : — 1. Ithobaal 11. , contemporary Avith Nebuchadnezzar, about b.c. 597 to 573. Tyre be- sieged by Nebuchadnezzar for thirteen years. 2. Baal. Reigned ten years, B.C. 573 to 563. 3. Ecnibaal, judge for three months. 4. Chelbes, judge PART I.] PHCENICIA. 57 for ten months. 5. Abbarus (Abalus), the high-priest, judge for three months. G and 7. Mytgon and Gerastartus, judges for five years, u.c. 6G2 to 557. 8. Balator, king. Reigned a year, b.c. 557 to 556. 9, Merbal, king. Reigned four years, b.c. 550 to 552. 10. Ilirom, king. Reigned twenty years, b.c. 552 to 532. In this king's fourteenth year, B.C. 538, Cyrus took Babylon, and Hirom became independent. 11. As Greece rose to power, and as Carthage increased in importance, the sea-trade of Phcenicia was to a certain ex- Deciineofthe tent checked. The commerce of the Euxine and fea4mde,\ud the ^gcan passed almost wholly into the hands ortheXTd"^ of the alien Hellenes; that of the Western Medi- traffic. terranean and the Atlantic Ocean had to be shared with the daughter state. Meanwhile, however, in conse- quence of the more settled condition of Western Asia, first under the later Assyrian, and then under the Babylonian monarchs, the land trade received a considerable develop- ment, (a) A line of traffic was established with Armenia and Cappadocia, and Phoenician manufactures were ex- changed for the horses, mules, slaves, and brazen or copper utensils of those regions, {b) Another line passed by Tad- mor, or Palmyra, to Thapsacus, whence it branched on' the one hand through Upper Mesopotamia to Assyria, on the other down the Euphrates valley to Babylon and the Persian Gulf, (c) Whether a third line traversed the Arabian penin- sula from end to end for the sake of the Yemen spices may be doubted ; but, at any rate, communication must have been kept up by land with the friendly Jerusalem, and with the Red Sea, Avhich was certainly frequented by Phoenician fleets. 12, The Phoenician commerce w^as chiefly a carrying trade ; but there were also a few productions of their own in which , their traffic was considerable. The most famous Character of i-ii i't Phoenician 01 thcsc was the purplc dyc, which they obtamed commerce. fj.QjQ ^^^ shell-fish, the buccinutu and the murex, and by the use of which they gave a high value to their tex- tile fabrics. Another was glass, whereof they claimed the discovery, and which they manufactured into various articles of use and ornament. They were also skillful in metallurgy; and their bronzes, their gold and silver vessels, and other works in metal, had a high repute. Altogether, they have a claim to be considered one of the most ingenious of the na- 3* 58 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. tions of antiquity, though Ave must not ascribe to them the invention of letters or the possession of any remarkable ar- tistic talent. VII. SYRIA. 1. Syria, j^rior to its formation into a Persian satrapy, had at no time any political unity. During the Assyrian „ period it was divided into at least five principal Svri^ cliviQGd. iuto several States, somc of which were mere loose confedera- petty states, ^j^^^ rpj^^ g^.^ ^^^^^^ Were— 1. The northern Hit- tites. Chief city, Carchemish (probably identical with the later Mabog, now Bambuch). 2. The Patena, on the lower Orontes. Chief city, Kinalua. 3. The people of Hamath, in the Coele-Syrian valley, on' the upper Orontes. Chief city, Hamath (now Hamah). 4. The southern Hittites, in the tract south of Hamath. 5. The Syrians of Damascus, in the Anti- Libanus, and the fertile country between that range and the desert. Chief city, Damascus, on the Abana (Barada). 2. Of these states the one which was, if not the most pow- erful, yet at any rate the most generally known, was Syria Kingdom of* of Damascus. The city itself was as old as the Damascus. ^^j^^ ^f Abraham. The state, which was power- ful enough, about b.c. 1000, to escape absorption into the empire of Solomon, continued to enjoy independence down to the time of Tiglath-pileser H., and was a formidable neigh- bor to the Jewish and Israelite monarchs. After the capture by Tiglath-pileser, about b.c. 732, a time of great weakness and depression ensued. One or two feeble attempts at re- volt were easily crushed ; after which, for a while, Damascus wholly disappears from history. Line of Damascene Kings : — 1, Hadad, contemporary with David, about B.C. 1040. Assists Hadadezar, king of Zobah, against David; is defeated, and makes his submission. 2. Kezon, contemporary with Solomon, about B.C. 1000. Revolts, and establishes independence. 3. Tab-rimmon, con- temporary with Abijah, about B.C. 960 to 950. 4. Ben-hadad I. (his son), contemporary with Baasha in Israel and Asa in Judah, about b.c. 950 to 920. Wars with Baasha and Omri. 5. Ben-hadad II. (his son), contem- porary with Ahab, about b. c. 900. Wars with Ahab. Murdered by Hazael. G. Hazael, contemporary with Jehu in Israel and Shalmaneser II. in Assyria, about B.C. 850. 7. Ben-hadad III. (his son), contemporary with Jehoahaz, about B.C. 840. Oppresses Israel. Defeated three times by Joash. Kings unknown till 8. Rezin (about B.C. 745 to 732), who attacks Ahaz of Judah, and is defeated and slain by Tiglath-pileser. PART I.] JUD^A. • 59 VlIL JUD^A. 1. The history of the Jews and Israelites is known to us in completer sequence and in greater detail than that of any other people of equal antiquity, from the circumstance that there has been preserved to our day so large a portion of their literature. The Jews became familiar with writing during their sojourn in Egypt, if not even earlier ; and kept records of the chief events in their national life from that time almost uninterruptedly. Fron^the sacred character which attached to many of their historical books, peculiar care was taken of them ; and the result is that they have come down to us nearly in their original form. Besides this, a large body of their ancient poesy is still extant, and thus it becomes possible to describe at length not merely the events of their civil history, but their manners, customs, and modes of thought. Sources of thk History : — (a) Native. 1. The historical books of Josh- ua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, with the historical parts of Jere- miah and Daniel. 2. The prophetical books, except Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, 3. Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicce; ed. Cotta and Gfrorer, Philadelphia, 1864. (6) Foreign. 1. The Fragments of Nicolas of Da- mascus, in the Fraginenta Hist. Grcec. vol. iii. ; ed. C. Muller, Paris. 2. Tacitus, Historice, lib. v. Curious, but of little value. 3. Occasional no- tices in the cuneiforai inscriptions of Assyria and the hieroglyphics of Egypt. Modern works on the subject are numerous and important. The following will be found of especial value: MiLMAN, H. H., History of the Jews from the Earliest Period down to Modern Tiines. London, 1863; 3d edition, revised and extended; 3 vols. 8vo. EwALD, Geschichte des Volkes Israel. Guttingen, 1851-8. 2d edit. ; 3 vols. 8vo. Stanley, A. P., Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church. First Series; London, 1863. Second Series ; London, 1865; 2 vols. 8 vo. Leavis, Origenes Hehrcece : the Antiquities of the Hebrew Republic. Lon- don, 1724 ; 4 vols. 8vo. Reland, Antiquitates Sacrce veterum Hebrczorum breviter delineates. Traj, Bat. 1708. EwALD, Die Alterthumer des Volkes Israel. Gottingen, 1851-9 ; 7 vols. 8vo. And the numerous articles on the subject in Dr. W. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. London, 1860-3 ; 3 vols. 8vo. 2. The history of the Jewish state commences with the 60 • ASIATIC NATIONS. [book Exodus, which is variously dated, at b.c. 1652 (Poole), b.c. 1491 (Ussher), or b.c. 1320 (Bunsen, Lepsius). jlwSh^^sto- The long chronology is, on the whole, to be pre- ^^' ferred. We may conveniently divide the history into three periods. PERIODS. B.C. I. From the Exodus to the estabhshment of the monarchy 1G50-1095 II. From the establishment of the monarchy to the separation into two kingdoms 1095-975 III. From the separation of^lie kingdoms to the captivity mider Nebuchadnezzar 975-58G 3. During the First Period the Jews regarded themselves as under a theocracy ; or, in other words, the policy of the First Period, nation was directed in all difficult crises by a ref- -io95.^'Time ei'Gncc to the Divine will, which there was a rec- of the judges, ognized mode of consulting. The earthly ruler, or rather leader, of the nation did not aspire to the nagae or position of king, but was content to lead the nation in war and judge it in peace from a position but a little elevated above that of the mass of the people. He obtained his office neither by hereditary descent nor by election, but was super- naturally designated to it by revelation to himself or to an- other, and exercised it with the general consent, having no means of compelling obedience. When once his authority was acknowledged, he retained it during the remainder oi his life ; but it did not always extend over the whole nation. When he died, he was not always succeeded immediately by another similar ruler : on the contrary, there was often a considerable interval during which the nation had either no head, or acknowledged subjection to a foreign conqueror. When there was no head, the hereditary chiefs of tribes and families seem to have exercised jurisdiction and authority over the different districts. 4. The chronology of this period is exceedingly uncertain, as is evident from the different dates assigned above (par. 2) , . , , to the Exodus. The Jews had different traditions Uncertainty of i i i t • i the chronoio- upon the subject ; and the chronological notices ^^' in their sacred books were neither complete, nor, apparently, intended for exact statements. The numbers, therefore, in the subjoined sketcli must be regarded as mere- ly approximate. PART I.] JUDiEA. Gl Judges, etc., from the Exodus to the establishment of the monarchy: — 1. Moses, the great lawgiver of the nation. Delivers the people from their Egyptian bondage, and conducts them to the borders of Palestine, b.c. 1G50 to 1610. 2. Joshua. Conquers Palestine and divides it among the tribes, B.C. 1604. Dies, about b.c. 1595. Interregnum, about thirty years. Serv- itude under Cushan-rishathaim, eight years, about b.c. 1565 to 1557. 3. Othniel. Delivers Israel. Reigns forty years, b.c. 1557 to 1517. Inter- regnum, about five years. Servitude under Eglon, king of Moab, eighteen years, B.C. 1512 to 1494. 4. Ehud. Kills Eglon, and delivers Israel. Land has rest eighty years, B.C. 1494 to 141 4» 5. Shamgar. (His reign probably included in the eighty years.) Servitude under Jabin, king of Canaan, twenty years, B.C. 1414 to 1394. 6. Deborah. Delivers Israel from Jabin. Land has rest forty years, B.C. 1394 to 1354. Servitude under Midian, seven years, B.C. 1354 to 1347. 7. Gideon. Delivers Israel from the Midianites. Reigns forty years, B.C. 1347 to 1307.* 8. Abimelech, king. Reigns three years, B.C. 1307 to 1304. Interregnum, about five years. 9. Tola. Reigns twenty-three years, about b.c. 1299 to 1276. 10. Jair. Reigns twenty-two years, about B.C. 1276 to 1254. Interregnum, about five years. Sen-itude under Ammon, eighteen years, B.C. 1249 to 1231, 11. Jephthah. Delivers Israel from the Ammonites. Reigns six years, B.C. 1231 to 1225. 12. Ib- zan. Reigns seven years, B.C. 1225 to 1218. 13. Elon. Reigns ten years, B.C. 1218 to 1208. 14. Abdon. Reigns eight years, b.c. 1208 to 1200. Interregnum, about five years. Servitude under the Philistines, forty years, B.C. 1195 to 1155. 15, Samson. Reigns in South-west Palestine during twenty years of these forty, b.c. 1175 to 1155. 16. Eli, High-priest and Judge. Reigns forty years, B.C. 1155 to 1115. 17. Samuel, the last Judge. Reigns probably about twenty yeai's b.c. 1115 to 1095. 5. The Second Period of the Jewish state comprises three reigns only — those of Saul, David, and Solomon. Each of Second Peri- tlicse was regarded as having lasted exactly forty 1095-975.^"°' years; and thus the entire duration of the single SThefsrTei-^ monarchy was reckoned at 120 years. The prog- ite power. ress of the nation during this brief space is most remarkable. When Saul ascends the throne the condition of the people is but little advanced beyond the point which was reached when the tribes under Joshua took possession of the Promised Land. Pastoral and agricultural occupations still engross the attention of the Israelites ; simple habits prevail ; there is no wealthy class ; the monarch, like the Judges, has no court, no palace, no extraordinary retinue ; he is still little more than leader in war, and chief judge in time of peace. Again, externally, the nation is as weak as ever. The Am- monites on the one side, and the Philistines on the other, ravage its territory at their pleasure ; and the latter people have encroached largely upon the Israelite borders, and re- 62 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. duced the Israelites to such a pomt of depression that they liave no arms, offensive or defensive, nor even any workers in iron. Under Solomon, on the contrary, within a century of this time of weakness, the Israelites have become the par- amount race in Syria. An empire has been formed which reaches from the Euphrates at Thaj^sacus to the Red Sea and the borders of Egypt. Numerous monarchs are tribu- tary to the Great King who reigns at Jerusalem; vast sums in gold .and silver flow into the treasury; magnificent edi- fices are constructed ; trade is established both with the East and with the West; the court of Jerusalem vies in sj^lendor with those of Ninj^veh and Memphis ; luxury has invaded the country; a seraglio on the largest scale has been formed; and the power and greatness of the prince has become oppressive to the bulk of the people. Such a rapid growth was necessarily exhaustive of the nation's strength ; and the decline of the Israelites as a people dates from the division of the kingdom. 6. Saul, divinely pointed out to Samuel, is anointed by him, and afterwards accepted by the people upon the cast- KeignofSaui, i"g of lots. He is remarkable for his comeliness U.C. 1095-1055. ^^^ lofty stature. In his first year he defeats the Ammonites, who had overrun the land of Gilead. He then makes war on the Philistines, and gains the great victory of Michmash ; from which time till near the close of his reign the Philistines remain upon the defensive. He also attacks the Amalekites, the Moabites, the Edomites, and the Syrians of Zobah. In the Amalekite war he oflfends God by disobe- dience, and thereby forfeits his right to the kingdom. Sam- uel, by divine command, anoints David, who is thenceforth an object of jealousy and hatred to the reigning monarch, but is protected by Jonathan, his son. Towards the close of Saul's reign the Philistines once more assume the offen- sive, under Achish,king of Gath,and at Mount Gilboa defeat the Israelites under Saul. Saul, and all his sons but one (Ishbosheth),fall in the battle. 7. A temporary division of the kingdom follows the death of Saul. Ishbosheth, conveyed across the Jordan by Ab- Temporary ner, is acknowledged as ruler in Gilead, and after fhek\u"dom, ^^c years, during which his authority is extend- B.0. 1055-1048. Q^ over all the tribes except Judah, is formally PART I.] JUDiEA. 63 crowned as King of Israel at Malianaim. He reigns there two years, when he is murdered. Meanwhile David is made king by his own tribe, Judah, and reigns at Hebron. 8. On the deatli of Ishbosheth, David became king of the whole nation. His first act was the capture of Jerusalem, . which up to this time had remained in the pos- David, B.O. session 01 the Jebusites. Having taken it, he made it the seat of government, built himself a palace there, and, by removing to it the Ark of the Cove- nant, constituted it the national sanctuary. At the same time a court was formed at the new capital, a moderate se- raglio set up, and a royal state affected unknown hitherto in Israel. 9. A vast aggrandizement of the state by means of for- eign conquests followed. The Philistines w^re chastised, His conquests ^^^^^ taken, and the Israelite dominions in this quarter pushed as far as Gaza. Moab was in- vaded, two-thirds of the inhabitants exterminated, and the remainder forced to pay an annual tribute to the conqueror. War followed with Ammon, and with the various Syrian states interposed between the Holy Land and the Euphra- tes. At least three great battles were fought, with the re- sult that the entire tract between the Jordan and the Eu- phrates was added to the Israelite territory. A campaign reduced Edom, and extended the kingdom to the Red Sea. An empire w^as thus formed, which proved indeed short- lived, but "was as real while it lasted as those of Assyria or Babylon. 10. The glories of David's reign were tarnished by two rebellions. The fatal taint of polygamy, introduced by Da- Rebeiiions of ^''^^ "^^^ ^^^ nation, gave occasion to these calam- Absaiomand ities, which arosc from the mutual lealousies of Adomjah. ' at i t i i t •• i his sons. In'st Absalom, and then Adonijah, as- sume the royal title in their father's lifetime; and pay for treason, the one immediately, the other ultimately, with their lives. After the second rebellion, David secures the succes- sion to Solomon by associating him ujDon the throne. 11. The reign of Solomon is the culminating point of Jew- ish history. Resistance on the part of the conquered states has, with scarcely an exception, now ceased, and the new king can afford to be " a man of peace." The position of his king- 64 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. clom among the nations of the earth is acknowl- omou",B.o.^" edged by the neighboring powers, and the reign- 1015-975. ^^^g Pharaoh does not scruple to give him his daughter in marriage. A great commercial movement fol- lows. By alliance with Hiram of Tyre, Solomon is admit- ted to a share in the profits of Phoenician traffic, and the vast influx of the precious metals into Palestine which re- sults from this arrangement enables the Jewish monarch to indulge freely his taste for ostentation and display. The court is reconstructed on an increased scale. A new palace of enlarged dimensions and far greater architectural magnifi- cence supersedes the palace of David. The seraglio is aug- mented, and reaches a point which has no known parallel. A throne of extraordinary grandeur proclaims in language intelligible to all the wealth and greatness of the emj^ire. Above all, a sanctuary for the national worship is construct- ed on the rock of Moriah, on which all the mechanical and artistic resources of the time are lavished ; and the Ark of the Covenant, whose wanderings have hitherto marked the unsettled and insecure condition of the nation, obtains at length a fixed and permanent resting-place. 12. But close upon the heels of success and glory follows decline. The trade of Solomon*— a State monopoly — enriched Decline of the himself but not his subjects. The taxes which he state. imposed on the provinces for the sustentation of his enormous court exhausted and impoverished them. His employment of vast masses of the people in forced labors of an unproductive character was a wrongful and uneconomical interference with industry, which crippled agriculture and aroused a strong feeling of discontent. Local jealousies were provoked by the excessive exaltation of the tribe of Judah. The enervating influence of luxury began to be felt. Final- ly, a subtle corruption was allowed to spread itself through all ranks by the encouragement given to false religions, re- ligions whose licentious and cruel rites were subversive of the first principles of morality, and even of decency. The seeds of the disintegration which showed itself immediately upon the death of Solomon were sown during his lifetime ; and it is only surprising that they did not come to light earlier and interfere more seriously with the prosperity of his long reign. TART I.] JUDtEA. . (55 Signs of disintegration in the empire during Solomon's reign : — 1. Revolt of Damascus under Kezon, and re-establishment of the Damascene monarchy. 2. Revolt of Iladad in Edom. 3. Attempted revolt of Jeroboam. 1 3. On the death of Solomon, the disintegrating forces, al- ready threatening the unity of the empire, received, through Third Period, ^he folly of his successor, a sudden accession of B.a 975-5SC. strength, which precipitated the catastrophe. Re- hoboam, entreated to lighten the burdens of the Israelites, declared his intention of increasing their weight, and thus drove the bulk of his native subjects into rebellion. The disunion of the conquering people gave the conquered tribes an opportunity of throwing off the yoke, whereof with few exceptions they availed themselves. In lieu of the puissant State, which under David and Solomon took rank among the foremost powers of the earth, we have henceforth to deal with two petty kingdoms of small account, the interest of whose history is religious rather than political. 14. The kingdom of Israel, established by the revolt of Jeroboam, comprises ten out of the twelve tribes, and reaches _. - - from the borders of Damascus and Hamath to Kingdom of . . • /. Israel, B.C. withui ten milcs of Jerusalem. It includes the 975-721. whole of the trans-Jordanic territory, and exer- cises lordship) over the adjoining country of Moab. The pro- portion of its population to that of Judah in the early times may be estimated as two to one. But the advantage of su- perior size, fertility, and j^opulation is counterbalanced by the inferiority of every Israelite capital to Jerusalem, and by the fundamental weakness of a government which, deserting purity of religion, adopts for expediency's sake an unauthor- ized and semi-idolatrous worship. In vain a succession of Prophets, some of them endowed with extraordinary mirac- ulous power, struggled against this fatal taint. Idolatry, intertwined with the nation's life, could not be rooted out. One form of the evil led on to other and worse forms. The national strength was sapped ; and it scarcely required an attack from without to bring the State to dissolution. The actual fall, however, is produced b.c. 721, by the growing power of Assyria, which has even at an earlier date forced some of the monarchs to pay tribute. Note, as remarkable features of the kingdom of Israel : — 1. The frequency of the dynastic changes, and the short average of the reigns. Nineteen mon- 66 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. archs are found in the brief space of 250 (or, according to the numbers as- signed to the reigns, 230) years, giving an average of twelve or thirteen years to a reign. The kings belong to nine different families. Eight of them meet with violent deaths. Only two dynasties, those of Omri and Jehu, retain the throne for any considerable period^ 2, The changes of the capital, Avhich is first Shechem, then Tirzah, then Samaria. 3. The constant and exhausting wars (a) with Judah, (b) with Damascus, (c) with Assyria ; and the want of an ally on whom dependence can be placed, Egypt being too remote, and Phoenicia too weak, to be serviceable. Line of Kings: — 1. Jeroboam, divinely appointed to his office. Leader of the rebellion. Establishes the national sanctuaries with idolatrous em- blems at Dan and Bethel, and at the same time creates a new priesthood in opposition to the Levitical. Great efflux of the Levites and other adherents of the old religion. War with Judah. Jeroboam helped by Shishak. Eeigns twenty-two yeai's (incomplete), b.c. 975 to 954. 2. Nadab, his son, reigns two years (incomplete), b.c. 954 to 953. Murdered by Baasha. 3. Baasha, reigns twenty-four years (incomplete), B.C. 953 to 930. Makes Tirzah the capital. Wars with Asa of Judah and Ben-hadad of Damascus. Exodus of .pious Israelites continues. 4. Elah, his son, reigns two years (incomplete), B.C. 930 to 929. Murdered by one of his officers. 5. Zimri, against whom the army sets up Omii, the captain of the host. Zimri, in despair, burns him- self in his palace. 6. Omri has a rival for some time in Tibni, but outlives him. Reigns twelve years (incomjDlete), b.c. 929 to 918. Transfers the capital to Samaria. Wars with Damascus and makes a disgraceful peace. 7. Ahab, his son, succeeds. Reigns twenty-two years (incomplete), b.c. 918 to 897. Strengthens himself by contracting affinity with Eth-baal of Tyre and Jehoshaphat of Jerusalem. The Tyi'ian alliance leads to the introduc- tion of Phoenician idolatry. Evil influence of the Phoenician princess Jezebel over her husband and sons. Advance of corruption and futile efforts of Elijah. Wars of Ahab with Syria and Assyria. He falls fighting against the Syrians at Ramoth-gilead. 8. Ahaziah, his son, reigns little more than a year, B.C. 897 to 896. Revolt of Moab. 9. Jehoram, brother of Ahaziah, succeeds and reigns twelve years, b.c. 896 to 884. The league Avith Judah continues. Wars with Moab, and with Hazael of Damascus. Jehoram, and the queen-mother Jezebel, are murdered by Jehu. 10. Jehu is ac- knowledged king. He destroys the whole house of Ahab, and puts down the Avorship of Baal, but maintains the idolatry of Jeroboam. Hazael deprives him of all his territory east of the Jordan. On one occasion at least he pays tribute to Assyria. Jehu reigns twenty-eight yeai'S, b.c, 884 to 856. He is succeeded by his son, 11. Jehoahaz, who reigns seventeen years, B.C. 856 to 839, He loses cities to Damascus, and submits to have the number of his standing army limited, 12. Jehoash, or Joash, his son, reigns sixteen years, 1}. c. 839 to 823. A revival of the Israelite power commences. Joash defeats Ben-hadad, son of Hazael, three times, and recovers part of his lost territory. He also defeats Amaziah, king of Judah, and takes Jerusalem, but allows Amaziah to continue king. He is succeeded by his son, 13. Jeroboam II., mider whom the kingdom reaches the acme of its prosperity. In his long reign, estimated at forty-one, or by some at fifty-one, years, b.c. 823 to 772, he not only recoyered all the old Israelite territory, but even conquered Ha- PAKT I.] JUDJEA. G7 math and Damascus. lie was succeeded, either immediately or after an interregnum, by his son, Zechariah, the fifth and last king of the house of Jehu. 14. Zechaiiah, who reigned six months only, B.C. 772, was murdered by 15. Shallum, who was in his turn assassinated, within little more than a month, by 16. Menahem of Tirzah. This enterprising prince, bent on carrying out the policy of Jeroboam II., made an expedition to the Eu- phrates and took Thapsacus ; but having thereby provoked the hostility of an Assyrian (or Chaldiean) monarch, Pul, was attacked in his turn, and forced to become tributary. Menahem reigned ten years, b.c. 772 to 7G2. He left the crown to his son, 17. Pekahiah, who was murdered by one of his officers, Pekah, after a reign of two years, b.c. 7G2 to 7G0. 18. Pekah then succeeded, and reigned either twenty or thirty years, b.c. 760 to 730. He was twice attacked by Tiglath-pileser II. , king of Assyria, who on the second occasion completely desolated the trans- Jordanic territory. His league Avith Rezin of Damascus was ineffectual against this enemy, though it reduced Judah to the verge of destruction. After the second invasion of Tiglath- pileser, Pekah was murdered by Hoshea, who succeeded him, either directly or after an interregnum. 19. Hoshea, the last king, reigned nine years, from B.C. 730 to 721. He at first accepted the position of tributary under Assyria, but, having obtained the alliance of Egypt, he shortly afterward* revolted. Shalmaneser, the Assyrian king, came up against him and commenced the siege of Samaria, which resisted for two years. It fell, however, shortly after Sargon's accession ; and with its fall the kingdom of Israel came to an end. 15. The separate kingdom of Judah, commencing at the same date with that of Israel, outlasted it by considerably Kin<^(iom of "^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ century. Composed of two entire J^i^ah, B.C. tribes only, with refugees from the remainder, and confined to the lower and less fertile portion of the Holy Land, it compensated for these disadvantages by its compactness, its unity, the strong position of its capital, and the indomitable spirit of its inhabitants, who felt them- selves the real " people of God," the true inheritors of the marvellous past, and the only rightful claimants of the great- er marvels promised in the future. Surrounded as it was by petty enemies, Philistines, Arabians, Ammonites, Israelites, Syrians, and placed in the pathway between two mighty powers, Assyria and Egypt, its existence was continually threatened ; but the valor of its people and the protection of Divine Providence preserved it intact during a space of nearly four centuries. In striking contrast with the sister kingdom of the N'orth, it preserved during this long space, almost without a break, the hereditary succession of its kings, who followed one another in the direct line of descent, as long as there was no foreign intervention. Its elasticity in G8 ASIATIC NATIONS. [book i. recovering from defeat is most remarkable. Though forced repeatedly to make ignominious terms of peace, though con- demned to see on three occasions its capital in the occupa- tion of an enemy, it rises from disaster with its strength seem- ingly unimpaired, defies Assyria in one reign, confronts Egypt in another, and is only crushed at last by the employment against it of the full force of the Babylonian empire. Line of Kings : — The throne is held by nineteen princes of the house of David and one usurping princess of the house of Omri, whose position as queen- mother enables her to seize the supreme power. The average length of the reigns is nineteen and a half years. 1. Rehoboam, son of Solomon, reigns eighteen years (incomplete), B.C. 975 to 958. Forbidden by the prophet Shemaiah to attack Jeroboam, he fortifies his towns. Invasion of Shishak ; Jerusalem occupied and plundered. Jeroboam strengthened. Constant hos- tilities between Israel and Judah. Partial lapse of the people into idolatry. 2. Abijam, his son, reigns three years (incomplete), B.C. 958 to 956. He attacks Jeroboam and gains a great victory. Captures Bethel and other towns. Makes a league with Ben-hadad. 3. Asa, his son. Attacked by Zerah the Ethiopian (Osorkon, king of Egypt?), he completely defeats him. Attacked by Baasha, he detaches Ben-hadad from his alliance, and gains ad- vantages. Makes efforts to put down idolatry. Reigns forty-one years (in- complete), B.C. 956 to 916. 4. Jehoshaphat, his son. Marries his son, Jeho- ram, to Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, and makes alliance with the king- dom of Israel. Assists Ahab in his Syiian wars. Attempts to reopen the Ophir trade in conjunction with Ahaziah, but fails. Wars with Moab, Am- mon, and Edom. Reigns twenty-five years (incomplete), B.C. 916 to 892. Succeeded by 5. Jehoram, his son, who reigns eight years (incomplete), B.C. 892 to 885. Successful revolt of Edom. The Philistines and Arabs attack and take Jerusalem. Jehoram gives encouragement to idolatry. 6. Ahaziah, his son, reigns one year only, being murdered by Jehu, king of Israel, B.C. 884. He is succeeded by 7. Athaliah, his mother, tlie daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, who murders all the seed royal except the infant Joash, and makes herself queen. She reigns six years, b.c. 884 to 878, and substitutes the worship of Baal for that of Jehovah. Jehoiada, the high-priest, heads a rebellion, proclaims Joash, and puts Athaliah to death. 8. Joash, son of Ahaziah, succeeds. Reigns well as long as Jehoiada lives, then b'ecomes idolatrous. Attacked by Hazael and forced to purchase a peace. Murdered by two of his subjects, after he had reigned forty years, b.c. 878 to 838. 9. Amaziah, his son, defeats the Edomites and takes Petra. Attacks Joash, who defeats him and captures Jerusalem. Reigns twenty-nine years, b.c. 838 to 809. Murdered atLachish. 10. Azariah orUzziah, his son, a great and warlike prince. Re-establishes the port of Elath. Conquers most of Philistia. Defeats the Arabs. Receives tribute from Am mon. His attempt to invade the priest's ofiice punished by leprosy. Reigns fifty-two years, b.c. 809 to 757. 11. Jotham, his son, who had been regent during his father's illness, succeeds. Reigns sixteen years (incomplete), B.C. 757 to 742. For- tifies Jerusalem. Forces the Ammonites to pay tribute. Attacked by Rezin PART II.] AFRICAN NATIONS. . G9 and Pekah in his last year. 12. Ahaz, his son, reigns sixteen years, B.C. 742 to 726. Attacked by Rezin and Pekali, who defeat him and besiege Jerusa- lem, Ahaz calls in the aid of Tiglath-pileser II. of Assyria, and becomes his tributary. Pekah is chastised, Rezin slain, and Judaea relieved. Ahaz in- troduces various foreign idolatries. 13. Hezekiah, his son. Throws off the Assyrian yoke, defeats the Philistines, and re-establishes the pure worship of Jehovah. Attacked by Sennacherib, he submits and becomes tributary ; but soon afterwards he revolts and makes alliance with Egypt. Second invasion of Sennacherib, directed especially against Egj-pt, results in the complete de- struction of his army, and in the relinquishment of his designs. Hezekiah re- ceives an embassy from Babylon. Isaiah prophesies during his reign, which lasts twenty-nine years, from b.c. 726 to 697. Hezekiah is succeeded by his son, 14. Manasseh, who reigns fifty- five years, from B.C. 697 to 642. In this reign idolatry is firmly established, the temple shut up, and the law of Moses allowed to foil into complete disuse. The worshippers of Jehovah are also violently persecuted. Manasseh, suspected of an intention to rebel by the Assyrians, is carried captive to Babylon, but afterwards restored to his kingdom, where he effects a religious reformation. 1 5. His son, Amon, suc- ceeds, but reigns only two years, during which he re-establishes the various idolatries which his father had first introduced and then abolished. He is murdered by conspirators, b.c. 640. 16. Josiah, his son, a boy of eight, mounts the throne, and reigns thirty-one years, B.C. 640 to 609. Abolition of idjolatry, and restoration of the temple worship. Discovery of the Book of the Law. Scythian inroad. Palestine invaded by Nechoh, king of Egypt. Battle of Megiddo, and death of Josiah. 17. Jehoahaz, his second son, is made king by the people, but within three months is removed by Nechoh, who confers the crown on his elder brother, 18. Jehoiakim, which he holds for four years as an Egyptian tributary, b.c. 609 to 605. Great expedition of Nebuchadnezzar ; defeat of Nechoh at Carchemish, and extension of the Babylonian doniinion to the borders of Egypt. Jehoiakim submits, but af- terwards rebels and is put to death, b.c. 605 to 598. 19. Jehoiachin, son of Jehoiakim, is made king by Nebuchadnezzar, but holds the throne for three months only, when he is carried captive to Babylon, with a great number of his subjects, b.c. 597. 20. Zedekiah, third son of Josiah, uncle of Jehoia- chin, then rules as a Babylonian tributary ; but he too rebels, allies himself with Apries, king of Egypt, and defies the Chaldiean power. Nebuchadnez- zar lays siege to Jerusalem, b.c. 588, and takes it b.c. 586. Zedekiah and the rest of the nation are carried captive to Babylon. Jeremiah prophesies during the reigns of Josiah and his three sons. PART II.— AFRICAN NATIONS. Preliminary Remarks on the Geography of Ancient Africa. 1, The continent of Africa offers a remarkable contrast to that of Asia in every important physical characteristic. Asia extends itself through all three zones, the torrid, the frigid. 70 AFKICAN NATIONS. [book t. and the temperate, and lies mainly in the last, tween Africa or most favored of them. Africa belongs al- aud Asia. most entirely to the torrid zone, extending only a little way north and south into those portions of the two temperate zones which lie nearest to the tropics. Asia has a coast deeply indented with numerous bays and gulfs ; Af ricahas but one considerable indentation — the Gulf of Guin- ea on its western side. Asia, again, is traversed by frequent and lofty mountain chains, the sources from which flow nu- merous rivers of first-rate magnitude. Africa has but two great rivers, the Nile and the Niger, and is deficient in mountains of liigh elevation. Finally, Asia possesses nu- merous littoral islands of a large size; Africa has but one such island, Madagascar; and even the islets which lie off its coast are, comparatively speaking, few. 2, Its equatorial position, its low elevation, and its want of important rivers, render Africa the hottest, the dryest, and Aridity and the most infertile of the four continents. In the fimy of AM- "oi'th a sea of sand, known as the Sahara, stretch- *^^- es from east to west across the entire continent from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, and occupies fully one- fifth of its surface. Smaller tracts of an almost equally' arid character occur towards the south. Much of the in- terior consists of SAvampy jungle, impervious, and fatal to human life. The physical characteristics of the continent render it generally unapt for civilization or for the growth of great states : it is only in a few regions that Nature wears a more benignant aspect, and offers conditions favor- able to human progress. These regions are chiefly in the north and the north-east, in the near vicinity of the Medi- terranean and the Red Sea. 3. It was only the more northern part of Africa that was known to the ancients, or that had any direct bearing on General de- ^^® history of the ancicut world. Here the geo- scription of graphical features were very marked and strik- North Africa. . . "^ ing. First, there lay close along the sea-shore a narrow strip of generally fertile territory, watered by streams which emptied themselves into the Mediterranean. South of this was a tract of rocky mountain, less fitted for human liabitation, though in places producing abundance of dates. Thirdly, came the Great Desert, interspersed with TART II.] AFRICA AN NATIONS. 71 oases — islands in the sea of sand containing springs of wa- ter and a flourisliing vegetation. Below the Sahara, and completely sej^arated by it from any political contact with the countries of the north, but crossed occasionally by cara- vans for purposes of commerce, was a second fertile region — a land of large rivers and lakes, where there were cities and a numerous poj^ulation. 4. The western portion of North Africa stood, in some re- spects, in marked contrast with the eastern. Towards the Divisions: 1. east the fertile coast-tract is in general exceed- Uo?.%"west- i"gly narrow, and sparingly watered by a small ern portiou. number of insignificant streams. The range of bare rocky hills from which they flow — the continuation of Atlas — is of low elevation ; and the Great Desert often approaches within a very short distance of the coast. To-, wards the west the lofty range of Atlas, running at a con- siderable distance (200 miles) from the shore, allows a broad tract of fertile ground to intervene between its crest and the sea. The range itself is w^ell wooded, and gives birth to many rivers of a fair size. Here states of importance may grow up, for the resources of the tract are great ; the soil is good ; the climate not insalubrious ; but towards the east Nature has been a niggard; and, from long. 10° E. nearly to long. 30°, there is not a single position where even a second-rate state could long maintain itself 5. The description of North Africa, which has been here given, holds good as far as long. 30°; but east of this line _ . ,. there commences another and very diflerent re- Uescnption . . •' of the Nile jrion. From the hiojhlands of Abyssinia and the valley . great reservoirs on the line of the equator, the Nile rolls down its vast body of waters with a course whose general direction is from south to north, and, meeting the Desert, flows across it in a mighty stream, which renders this corner of the continent the richest and most valuable of all the tracts contained in it. The Nile valley is 3000 miles long, and, in its upper portion, of unknown width. When it enters the Desert, about lat. 16°, its width contracts; and from the sixth cataract down to Cairo, the average breadth of the cultivable soil does not exceed fifteen miles. Tliis soil, however, is of the best possible quality ; and the pos- session of the strip on either side of the river, and of the 72 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. broader tract known as the Delta, about its mouth, natu- rally constitutes the power which holds it a great and im- portant state. The proximity of this part of Africa to Western Asia and to Europe, its healthiness and compara- tively temperate climate, likewise favored the development in this region of an early civilization and the formation of a monarchy which played an important part in the history of the ancient world. 6. Above the point at which the Nile enters the Desert, on the right or east bank of the stream, occurs another tract, Eegiou be- physically very remarkable, and capable of be- Slfe ancUhe coming politically of high consideration. Here KedSea, there is interposed between the main stream of the Nile and the Red Sea an elevated table-land, 8000 feet above the ocean-level, surrounded and intersected by mount- ains, which rise in places to the height of 15,000 feet. These lofty masses attract and condense the vapors that float in from the neighboring sea ; and the country is thus subject to violent rains, which during the summer months fill the river-courses, and, flowing down them to the Nile, are the cause of that stream's periodical overflow, and so of the rich fertility of Egypt. The abundance of moist- ure renders the plateau generally productive; and the re- gion, which may be regarded as containing from 200,000 to 250,000 square miles, is thus one well capable of nourishing and sustaining a power of the first magnitude. The nations inhabiting Northern Africa in the times an- terior to Cyrus were, according to the belief of 1*01111 caldivis- ^ ? cd ion of North- the Greeks, fivc. These were the Egyptians, the erii rica, Ethiopians, the Greeks, the Phcenicians, and the Libyans, i. Egypt. To the Egyptians belonged the Nile valley from lat. 24° to the coast, together with the barren region between that valley and the Red Sea, and the fertile tract of the Faioom about Mceris, on the opposite side of the stream. Its most important portion was the Delta, which contained about 8000 square miles, and was studded with cities of note. The chief towns were, however, in the nar- row valley. These were Memphis, not much above the apex of the Delta, and Thebes, about lat. 26°. Besides these, the places of importance were, in Upper Egypt, Elephantine and PART II.] AFRICAN NATIONS. 73 Cheramis, or Panopolis ; in the lower country, Heliopolis, Sais, Sebennytus, Mendes, Tanis, Bubastis, and Pelusium, The Nile was the only Egyptian river; but at the distance of about ninety miles from the sea, the great stream divided itself into three distinct channels, known as the Canobic, the Sebennytic, and the Pelusiac branches ; while, lower down, these channels further subdivided themselves, so that in the time of Herodotus the Nile waters reached the Medi- terranean by seven distinct mouths. Egypt had one large and several smaller lakes. The large lake, known by the name of Moeris, lay on the west side of the Nile, in lat. 29° 50'. It was believed to be artificial, but was really a natu- ral depression. ii. Ethiopia. The Ethiopians held the valley of the Nile above Egypt, and the whole of the plateau from which de- scend the great Nile affluents, the modern country of Abys- sinia. Their chief city was Meroe. Little was known of the tract by the ancients ; but it Avas believed to be excess- ively rich in gold. A tribe called Troglodyte Ethiopians — i. e., Ethiopians who burrowed underground — is mentioned as inhabiting the Sahara where it adjoins upon Fezzan. iii. Greek Settlements. The Greeks had colonized the por- tion of North Africa which approached most nearly to the Peloponnese, having settled at Cyrene about b.c. 630, and at Barca about seventy years afterwards. They had also a colony at Naucratis in Egypt, and perhaps a settlement at the greater Oasis. iv. Libyans. The Libyans possessed the greater part of Northern Africa, extending, as they did, from the borders of Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean, and from the Mediterranean to the Great Desert. They were divided into a number of tribes, among which the following were the most remarka- ble : the AdyrmachidcTB, who bordered on Egypt, the Nasa- monians on the greater Syrtis, the Garamantes in the mod- ern Fezzan, and the Atlantes in the range of Atlas. Most of these races were nomadic ; but some of the more west- ern cultivated the soil, and, consequently, had fixed abodes. Politically, all these tribes were excessively weak. V. Carthage. The Carthaginians, or Liby-Phoenicians — immigrants into Africa, like the Greeks — had fixed them- selves in the fertile region north of the Atlas chain, at the 4 '74 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. point where it approaches nearest to Sicily. Here in a clus- ter lay the important towns of Carthage, Utica, Hippo Zari- tiis, Tunis, and Zama Regia, while a little removed were Adrumetum, Leptis, and Hippo Regius. The entire tract was fertile and well w^atered, intersected by numerous ranges, spurs from the main chain of Atlas. Its principal river was the Bagrada (now Majerdah), which emptied itself into the sea a little to the north-west of Carthage. The entire coast was indented by numerous bays ; and excellent land-locked harbors were formed by salt lakes connected with the sea by narrow channels. Such was the Hipponites Palus (L. Benzart) near Hippo Zaritus, and the great harbor of Car- thage, now that of Tunis. Next to the Nile valley, this was the portion of Northern Africa most favored by Nature, and best suited for the habitation of a great power. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE ANCIENT AFRICAN. STATES. A. History of Egypt from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest. Sources. 1. Native : including (a) the Monuments themselves, which arc either inscriptions on buildings, sarcophagi, etc., or writings on papyrus. Only a portion of these have been edited. The best collections are : Lep- sius, Denlcmdler^ Berlin ; commenced in 1849, and still in progress. A magnificent work. Brugsch, H., Geograjjhische Inschriften altagijptischer Denlcmdler. Leipzig, 1857-60 ; 3 vols. 4to. Champollion le Jeune, Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nuhie. Paris, 1835-45 ; 4 vols, folio. Ro- SELLiNi, / monumenti dell Egitto e della Nubia. Pisa, 1832-43 ; text, 9 vols. 8vo ; plates, 3 vols, folio. Important works on single subjects are Lepsius, Konigshuch der alten ^Egypten. Berlin, 1858 ; 2 vols. 4to ; and Wilkinson, Turin Papyrus. London. (6) The history of Manetho, writ- ten in Greek, about B.C. 260, but now existing only in fragments, and in the epitomes of Eusebius and Africanus (the latter known to us through Syncel- lus). The fragments have been collected and edited by C. Mueler in his Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecorum, vol. ii. 2. Jeivish. Important notices of the condition of Egypt are contained in the Pentateuch, especially in Genesis and Exodus ; and likewise in Kings, Chronicles, and Jeremiah. Until the time of Rehoboam, however, the Egyp- tian monarchs, unfortunately, are not mentioned by name, the title, Phai-aoh, being used instead. This renders it impossible to identify, except conjectur- ally, the eai'lier Egyptian monarchs of Scripture with monumental or Mane- thonian kings. 3. Greek, (a) The earliest, and in most respects the best Greek authority, is Herodotus, who reports faithfully what the Egyptian priests communi- cated to him as the history of their countr}^ when he visited Egypt about B. c. 460 to 450. If he is credulous with regard to the exaggerated chronol- lART II.] EGYPT. 75 ogy required by the priestly system, we must remember that he had no means of knowing how long mankind had existed upon the earth. The sketch of Egyptian history supplied to him was scanty and incomplete, but in few re- spects untrue. It was, in a peculiar sense, monumental history, i. e., it was such a history as would naturally be obtained by a traveller who inquired principally concerning the founders of the great public edifices which came under his notice. The list of monarchs obtained in this way was, of course, not consecutive ; but the kings themselves were real personages, and the act- ual order of their reigns was only at one point seriously deranged. Herod- otus adds to his account of the Egyptian history a most graphic description of their manners, customs, and rehgious rites — a description which, though disfigured by some rhetorical exaggerations, and not free from mistakes of the kind which a, foreigner who pays a short visit to a country always makes, is yet by far the best and fullest account of these matters that has come down to us from ancient times, (b) The Greek writer who comes next to Herod- otus in the copiousness with which he treats Egyptian affiiirs is Diodorus, who, like Herodotus, visited Egypt, and who also professed to draw his nar- rative from information furnished him by the priests. The Egyptian history of Diodorus is, however, so manifestly based on that of Herodotus, which it merely supplements to a certain extent, that we can scarcely suppose it to have been drawn quite independently from native sources. Rather we must regard him as taking Herodotus for his basis, and as endeavoring to fill out tlie sketch with which that writer had furnished his countrymen. Api^arently he was wholly ignoi-ant of the history of Manetho. It is remarkable that the additions which Diodorus makes to the scheme of Herodotus are in almost every instance worthless. He desei-ves credit, however, for pointing out that the monarchs in Herodotus's list are often not consecutive, but separated from each other by intervals of several generations, (c) Eratosthenes of Gyrene, and Apollodorus the chronographer, treated Egyptian chronology from their own point of view, manipulating it at their pleasure in a way that was suf- ficiently arbitrary. They are of scarcely any value. Modern works on the subject of Egyptian History are nu- merous and important. The best are : Champollion le Jeune, VEgypte sous les Pharaons, ou Recherches sur la Geographic, la Religion, la Langue, les JEcritures, et VHistoire de VEgypte avant I'invasion de Camhyse. Paris, 1814 ; 2 vols. BuNSEN, Baron, JEgyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte. Hamburg, 1845-57 ; 6 vols. 8vo. Translated into English under the title of Egypt's Place in Universal History, by Cottrell and Birch. London, 1848-G7 ; 5 vols. 8vo. Rather materials for history than history itself. Kendrick, Ancient Egypt under the Pharaohs. London, 1850 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Lepsius, Chronologie der jEgypter, Einleitung und Erster Theil : Kritik der Quellen. Beriin, 1849 ; 4to. Poole, R. S., Horce yEgyptiaccB. London, 1851 ; and article on Egypt in Dr. W. Sjiith's Dictionary of the Bible, vol. i. Wilkinson, Sir G., Historical Notice of Egypt in Rawlinson's Herod- otus, vol. ii. London, 1858-60. 76 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. Falmek, W., Egyptian Chronicles, with a Harmony of Sacred and Egyp- tian Chronology, and an Appendix of Assyrian and Babylonian Antiquities. London, 1861 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Bkugsch, H., Histoire de VEgypte des les premiers temps de son existence. Leipzig, 1859 ; 4to, 1 vol. published ; to be completed in 3 vols. On the manners and customs of the Ancient Egyptians, the great work is — Wilkinson, Sir G., Manners and Citstoins of the Ancient Egyptians, in- cluding their Private Life, Government, Laws, etc., derived from a Compari- son of the Paintings, Sculptures, and Ornaments still existing, with the Ac- counts of Ancient Authors. London, 1837-41 ; G vols. 8vo. The best general account of the country will be found in the Description de VEgypte, ou Recueil des Observations et des Recherches qui ont ete faites en Egypte pendant V Expedition de I'Armee Frangaise. Paris, 1809-20. Text, 9 vols, folio ; plates, 14 vols, folio. Smaller works, suitable for the ordinary student, are — Wilkinson, Sir G., Modern Egypt and Thebes. London, 1843; 2 vols. 8vo ; and Handbook for Egypt. London, 1858 ; 2d edition, 8vo. 1. The early establishment of monarchical government in Egypt is indicated in Scripture by the mention of a Pharaoh Anti 't f ^^ contemporary with Abraham. The full ac- the Egyptian count whicli is given of the general character of mouaic y. ^-^^ kingdom administered by Joseph suggests as the era of its foundation a date considerably more ancient than that of Abraham's visit. The priests themselves claim- ed for the monarchy, in the time of Herodotus, an antiquity of above 11,000 years. Manetho, writing after the reduction of his country by the Macedonians, was more moderate, as- signing to the thirty dynasties which, according to him, pre- ceded the Macedonian conquest, a number of years amount- ing in the aggregate to rather mJ^re than 5000. The several items which produce this amount may be correct, or nearly so ; but, if their sum is assumed as measuring the duration of the monarchy, the calculation will be largely in excess ; for the Egyptian monuments show that Manetho's dynasties were often reigning at the same time in different parts of the country. The difficulty of determining the true chronology of early Egypt arises from an uncertainty as to the extent to which Manetho's dynasties were contemporary. The I'AliT II.] EGYPT. monuments prove a certain amount of contemporaneity. But it is unreasonable to suppose that they exhaust the subject, or do more than indicate a practice the extent of which must be determined, partly by examination of our documents, partly by reasonable conjecture. 2. A careful examination of the names and numbers in Manetho's lists, and a laborious investigation of the monu- , ments, have led the best English Effvptolosrers to Arrangement ' t • • -, i ■, of Manetho's construct, or adopt, the subjomed scheme, as that which best expresses the real position in which Manetho's first seventeen dynasties stood to one another. About B.C. 2700 2500 2400 2200 2100 2000 1900 1800 1700 1600 1st Dynasty, Thiuite. 2d Dynasty, Thinite. 3d Dynasty, Memphite. 4th Dynasty, Memphite. Cth Dynasty, Memphite, 5th Dynasty, Elephan- tine. 7th and 8th Dynasties, Memphite. 9th Dynasty, Heracle- opolite. 10th Dynasty, Heracle- opolite. 11th Dynasty, Thebans. 12th Dynasty, Thebans. 13th Dynasty, Thebans. 14th Dynasty, Xoites. 15th Dynasty, Shepherds, 17th Dynasty, Shepherds. 16th 1 Dynasty, > Shepherds. I 3. It will be seen that, according to this scheme, there were in Egypt during the early period, at one time two, at another three, at another five or even six, parallel or contempora- AFRICAN NATIONS. [book I. Contempora- neoiis kingdoms, established in diiFerent parts of fJoni"ifc"27oo ^^^® country. For example, while the first and sec- -1525. ond dynasties of Manetho were ruling at This, his third, fourth, and sixth bore sway at Memphis- and, during a portion of this time, his fifth dynasty w^as ruling at Ele- phantine, his ninth at Heracleopolis, and his eleventh at Thebes or Diospolis. And the same general condition of things prevailed till near the close of the sixteenth century B.C., when Egypt was, probably for the first time, united into a single kingdom, ruled from the one centre, Thebes. 4. It is doubtful how far the names and numbers in Mane- tho's first and third dynasties are historical. The correspond- ence of the name, Menes (M'na), with that of other IwlUGtuO S fu'st and third traditional founders of nations, or first men — with haps uuhis-^^' the Mancs of Lydia, the Phrygian Manis, the Cre- toncai. ^^^ Minos, the Indian Menu, the German Mannus, and the like — raises a suspicion that here too we are dealing with a fictitious personage, an ideal and not a real founder. The improbably long reign assigned to M'na (sixty or sixtyc two years), and his strange death — he is said to have been killed by a hippopotamus — increase the doubt which the name causes. M'na's son and successor, Athothis (Thoth), the Egyptian ^sculapius, seems to be equally mythical. The other names are such as may have been borne by real kings, and it is possible that in Manetho's time they existed on monuments; but the chronology, w^hich, in the case of the first dynasty, gives an average of thirty-two or thirty-three years to a reign, is evidently in excess, and can not be trusted. FIRST DYNASTY (THINITE). THIRD DYNASTY (MEMPHITE). Kings. Years. Kings. v..„. i Euseb. ! Afric. Euseb. Afric. 1. Menes 60 27 39 42 20 26 18 26 62 57 31 23 20 26 18 26 1. Necherophes 28 29 7 17 16 19 42 30 26 2. Athothis (his son) 3. Kenkenes (his' son) . . . 4. Uenephes (his son) . . . 5. Usaphaedus (his son). . 6. Miebidus (liis son).... 7. Semempses (his son). . 8. Bieneches (his son) . . . 2. Tosorthrus 3. Tyreis 4. Mesochris 5. Suphis 6 Tosertasis 7 Aches 8. Sephuris 9. Kerpheres 258 263 298 214 5. With Manetho's second and fourth dynasties we reach PART 11.] EGYPT. 79 the time of contemporary monuments, and feel ourselves on sure historical ground. The tomb of Koeechus (Ke-ke-ou), Real history ^^^ sccond king of the second dynasty, has been begins with found near the pyramids of Gizeh ; and Soris ualtyofpyra- (Shure), Suphis I. (Sliufu), SupHs II. (Nou-shufu), ami coiitem- and Mcucheres (Men-ka-re), the first four kings of anStrdy"*^ the fourth, are known to us from several inscrip- iiasties. tions. There is distinct monumental evidence that the second, fourth, and fifth dynasties were contemporary. The fourth was the principal one of the three, and bore sway at Memphis over Lower Egypt, while the second ruled Middle Egypt from This, and the fifth Upper Egypt from Elephan- tine. Probably the kings of the second and fifth dynasties were connected by blood with those of the fourth, and held their respective crowns by permission of the Memphite sov- ereigns. The tombs of monarchs belonging to all three dy- nasties exist in the neighborhood of Memphis ; and there is even some doubt whether a king of the fifth, Shafre, was not the true founder of the " Second Pyramid " near that city. 6. The date of the establishment at Memphis of the fourth dynasty is given variously as B.C. 3209 (Bunsen), B.C. 2450 Tiiefomthdy- (Wilkinson), and b.c. 2440 (Poole). And the time nasty. during which it occupied the throne is estimated variously at 240, 210, and 155 years. The Egyptian practice of association is a fertile source of chronological confusion ; and all estimates of the duration of a dynasty, so long as the practice continued, are mainly conjectural. Still the com- paratively low dates of the English Egyptologers are on every ground preferable to the higher dates of the Germans; and the safest conclusion that can be drawn from a compar- ison of Manetho with the monuments seems to be, that a pow- erful monarchy was established at Memphis as early as the middle of the twenty-fifth century B.C., which was in some sort paramount over the whole country. The kings of this dynasty were the following : 1. Soris (Shurej, who reigned twenty-nine years according to Manetho, and built the northern pyramid of Abooseer, on the blocks of which his name has been found, ^. Suphis I. (Shufn), the Cheops of Herodotus and Chembes of Diodorus Siculus, the builder of the "Great Pyramid," to whom Manetho gives a reign of sixty-three years. 3. Suphis II. (Nou-shufu), his brother, who reigned conjointly with Suphis I., and took part in the construction of the " Great Pyramid. " He outlived his brother by at least three years. 4. Men- 80 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. cheres (Men-ka-re), the Mycerinus of Herodotus and Diodorus, perhaps the son of Suphis I., the builder of the "Third Pyramid," which contained his sarcophagus. He reigned, hke Suphis I., sixty-three years. 5, Ratoises, twenty-five years. 6. Bicheris, twenty-two years, 7. Sebercheres, seven years. And 8. Thamphthis, nine years. Probable duration of the dynasty, about 220 years. ' 7. It is evident from the monuments that the civilization of Egypt at this early date was in many respects of an ad- Advanced civ- vanced order. A high degree of mechanical sci- Egypt^aUhis ^i^ce and skill is implied in the quarrying, trans- about*if(f' porting, and raising into place of the huge blocks 2440-2220. whcrcof the pyramids are composed, and consider- able mathematical knowledge in the emplacement of each pyramid so as exactly to face the cardinal points. Writing aj)pears in no rudimentary form, but in such a shape as to imjjly long use. Besides the hieroglyphics, which are well and accurately cut, a cursive character is seen on some of the blocks, the precursor of the later hieratic. The reed-pen and inkstand are among the hieroglyphics employed ; and the scribe appears, pen in hand, in the paintings on the tombs, making notes on linen or papyrus. The drawing of human and animal figures is fully equal, if not superior, to that of later times ; and the trades rejDresented are nearly the same as are found under the Ramesside kings. Altogether it is apparent that the Egyptians of the Pyramid period were not just emerging out of barbarism, but were a people who had made very considerable progress in the arts of life. 8. The governmental system was not of the simple char- acter which is found in kingdoms recently formed out of vil- lasre or tribe communities, but had a complicated Elaborate ® . . , . , ^^ governmental organization 01 the sort which usually grows up sys em. ^yitli time. Egypt was divided into nomes, each of which had its governor. The military and civil services were separate, and each possessed various grades and kinds of functionaries. The priest caste was as distinct as in later times, and performed much the same duties. 9. Aggressive war had begun to be waged. The mineral treasures of the Sinaitic peninsula excited the cupidity of the AtrjrresPive Memphitic kinoes, and Soris, the first kincr of the wars. Pyra- ..^ i tt-t mids perhaps dynasty, sccms to have conquered and , occupied lives. ^^'^^' it. The copper mines of Wady Maghara and PART II.] EGYPT. 8] Sarabit-el-Kadim were worked by the great Pyramid mon- archs, whose operations there were evidently extensive. Whether there is any ground for regarding the kings in ques- tion as especially tyrannical, may perhaps be doubted. One of them was said to have written a sacred book, and another (according to Herodotus) had the character of a mild and good monarch. The pyramids may have been built by the labor of captives taken in war, in which case the native pop- ulation would not have suffered by their erection. CONTEMPORAKY DYNASTIES FROM ABOUT B.C. 2440 TO 2220. Bkanch Dynasty. II. Thinite. Chief or Stem Dynasty, IV. Mkmphite. Branch Dynasty. V. Ele- phantine. 1. Boethus or Bochus 38 2. Kceechus (Ke-ke- ou) 89 3. Binothris 47 4. Tlas 17 5. Sethenes 41 6. Chseres 17 7. Nephercheres 25 8. Sesochris 48 9. Cheneres 30 302 Yrs. 1. Soris 29 2. SuphisI ) 3. Suphis II. (bro- V 66 ther) ) 4. Menclieres (son of Suphis I.) 63 5. Katoises 25 6. Bicheris 22 7. Sebercheres 7 8. Thamphthis 9 221 1. Usercheres (Osir- kef) 28 2. Sephres(Shafre).. 13 3. Nephercheres (Nofr-ir-ke-re).. 20 4. Sisires (Osir-n-re) . 7 5. Cheres 20 6. Rathures 44 7. Mencheres 9 8. Taucheres 44 9. Onnus (U-nas). ... 33 218 10. The fourth or "pyramid" dynasty was succeeded at Memphis by the sixth Manethonian dynasty, about B.C. 2220. ^^ . ,, , The second and fifth still bore sway at This and The sixth and „, , . , ., , ,, ■: i i i • parallel dy- Elephantuie ; Avhile wholly new and probably m- dependent dynasties now started up at Heracleop- olis and Thebes. The Memphitic kings lost their pre-emi- nence. Egypt was broken up into really separate kingdoms, among which the Theban gradually became the most pow- erful. CONTEMPORARY DYNASTIES FROM ABOUT B.C. 2220 TO 20SO. II. Thinite. VI. Memphite. V. Elephantine. IX. Heracle- opolite. XI. Theban. (Continuing Yrs. 1. Othoes 30 (Continuing.) Achthoes Sixteen kings. nnder the [2.Phio3 53 (Muntopt I. last three 3. Methosuphis . 7] Series kings.) 4. Phiops (Pepi) 100 of 5. Menthesuphis #1 Enentefs. - 6. Nitocris (Neit-akret) 12 Muntopt II.). IT. Ammenemes (Amun-m-h6). 143 4* 82 AFRICAN NATIONS. [hook I. 11. The weakness of Egypt, thus parcelled out into five kingdoms, tempted foreign attack ; and, about b.c. 2080, or Invasion of ^ little later, a powerful enemy entered Lower LIf^^?r'I>ypt ^SYV^ from the north-east, and succeeded in de- conquereu. stroying the Memphite kingdom, and obtaining possession of almost the whole country below lat. 29° 30'. These were the so-called Hyk-sos, or Shepherd Kings, nom- ades from. either Syria or Arabia, who exercised with ex- treme severity all the rights of conquerors, burning the cities, razing the temples to the ground, exterminating the male Egyptian population, and making slaves of the women and children. There is reason to believe that at least two Shepherd dynasties (Manetho's fifteenth and sixteenth) were established simultaneously in the conquered territory, the fifteenth reigning at Memphis, and the sixteenth either in the Delta, or at Avaris (Pelusium ?). Native Egyptian dy- nasties continued, however, to hold much of the country. The ninth (Heracleopolite) held the Filioom and the Nile valley southward as far as Hermopolis ; the twelfth bore sway at Thebes ; the fifth continued undisturbed at Ele- phantiiue. In the heart, moreover, of the Shepherd con- quests, a new native kingdom sprang up ; and the four- teenth (Xoite) dynasty maintained itself throughout the whole period of Hyksos ascendency in the most central por- tion of the Delta. CONTEMPORARY DYNASTIES FROM ABOUT B.C. 20S0 TO 1900. V. Elephan- tine. XII. Theban. Yrs. 1. Sesonchosis, son of Ammenemes (Sesortasen I.).. 46 2. Ammenemes II. (Amun-m-he II.) 3S 3. Sesostris (Sesor- tasen II.) 48 4. [La]mares (Am- un-m-he III.)... 8 5. Ameres 8 6. Ammenemes III. (Amnn-m-helV.) R 7. Skemiophris (his sister) 4 160 XIII. Theban. XIV. XOITB. XV. Shepherds. SHEPHsiiDS. (Continu- ing ii]L abont u.c. 1850.) (Continu- ing-) Yrs Seventy- 1. Salatis... 19 six kinf i^!2.Bnon.... 44 484 years. S.Apachnas 36 4. Apophis. 01 5. Jannas . . 50 6. Asses — 49 259 Thirty kings in 518 years. 12. Simultaneously with the irruption of the Shepherds PAKT ii.J EGYPT. • 85 occurred an increase of the power of Thebes, which, under rx,. . „ u the monarchs of the twelfth dynasty, the Sesor- The twelfth , . , , . , *^ (Thebaii) dy- tascns and Amim-ra-hes acquired a paramount thlHyksosin authority over all Egypt from the borders of check. Ethiopia to the neighborhood of Memphis. The Elephantine and Heracleopolite dynasties, though continu- ing, became subordinate. Even Heliopolis, below Memphis, owned the authority of these powerful monarchs, who held the Sinaitic peninsula, and carried their arms into Arabia and Ethiopia. Araun-m-he III., who seems to be the Maris (or Lamaris) of Manetho and the Moeris of Herodotus, con- structed the remarkable Avork in the Faioom known as the Labyrinth. Sesortasen I. built numerous temples, and erect- ed an obelisk. Architecture and the arts generally flourish- ed; irrigation was extended; and the oppression of Lower Egypt under the rude Shepherd kings seemed for a consid- erable time to have augmented, rather than diminished, the prosperity of the Upper country. - 13. But darker days arrived. The Theban monarchs of the thirteenth dynasty, less warlike or less fortunate than The thir- their predcccssors, found themselves unable to re- banTdySy. sist the terrible " Shepherds," and, quitting their TheHyksos capital, fled into Ethiopia, while the invaders conquer Up- ^ f ^ i ' • i i? r, per Egypt. wreaked their vengeance on the memorials oi the Sesortasens. Probably, after a while, the refugees returned and took up the position of tributaries, a position which must also have been occupied by all the other native mon- archs who still maintained themselves, excepting possibly the Xoites, who may have found the marshes of the Delta an eflectual protection. The con^ylete establishment of the authority of the "Shepherds" may be dated about b.c. 1900. Their dominion lasted till about b.c. 1525. The seventh and eighth (Memphitic) dynasties, the tenth (Heracleopolite), and the seventeenth (Shepherd) belong to this interval. This is the darkest period of Egyptian history. "The Shepherds" left no monuments ; and during nearly 300 years the very names of the kings are unknoAvn to us. 14. A new day breaks upon us with the accession to pow- Kevoit under er of Manetho's eighteenth dynasty, about b.c. Amosis. 1525, A great national movement, headed by Amosis (Ames or Aahmes), king of the Thebaid, drove the g2 . AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. foreign invaders, after a stout conflict, from the soil of Egypt, and, releasing the country from the in- th?Hyksos. cubus whicli had so long lain uj)on it, allowed i^g%^riod of' the genius of the people free play. The most SlS^feoMhe flourishing period of Egyptian history followed. nileteeSth' ^^^^ Theban king, who had led the movement, re- and twentieth ceivcd as liis reward the supreme authority over the whole country, a right which was inherited by his successors. Egypt was henceforth, until the time of the Ethiopic conquest, a single centralized monarchy. Con- temporary dynasties ceased. Egyptian art attained its high- est perfection. The great temple-palaces of Thebes were built. Numerous obelisks were erected. Internal prosperi- ty led to aggressive wars. Ethiopia, Arabia, and Syria were invaded. The Euphrates was crossed ; and a portion of Mes- opotamia added to the empire. Kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty : — 1. Amos (Ames or Aahmes). Led the insurrection. Expelled the Shepherds. Keigned twenty-six years, B.C. 1525 to 1499. 2. Amunoph I. Married the widow of Amos. Reigned twenty-one years, b.c. 1499 to 1478. 3. Thothmes I. Warred in Ethio- pia. On his death, Amen-set, his daughter, became regent for his infant sons, 4. Thothmes 11. , who died a minor, and 5. Thothmes III., who became full king, after Amen-set (Amensis of Manetho) had held office for twenty-two years. This monarch was one of the most remarkable of the dy- nasty. He warred in Ethiopia, Arabia, Syria, and Western Mesopotamia, and is thought to declare that he took tribute from Nineveh, Is (Hit), and Babylon, His temples and other buildings at Karnac, Thebes, Memphis, Heliopolis, Coptos, and other places are magnificent. He reigned at least forty-seven years, including the time of his minority, from about B.C. 1461 to 1414. 6. Amnnoph II., his son, whom he associated shortly before his death, succeeded him. His reign was short and uneventful. He was fol- lowed by his son, 7. Thothmes IV. (Tuthmosis of Manetho), who cut the great sphinx near the Pyramids. He waiTed with the Libyans and the Ethi- opians. His queen, Maut-m-va, appears to have been a foreigner. 8. Amu- noph III., son of Thothmes IV. and Maut-m-va, succeeded about b.c. 1400. He was a great and powerful sovereign. Military expeditions were made in his reign against most of the countries previously attacked by Thothmes III. Many great buildings were erected. Agriculture was improved by the con- struction of tanks or reservoirs. The two large Colossi were made, one of which is known as "the vocal Memnon." Amunoph further introduced some religious changes, which are obscure, but which seem to have been very distasteful to his subjects. He reigned at least thirty-six years, about b.c. 1400 to 1364. 9. Horus, his son, succeeded as legitimate king ; but at the same time pretenders started up, possibly among his brothers and sisters, and for about thirty years the country was distracted by the claims of various PART II.] EGYPT. 85 sovereigns. Horus, however, conquered or outlived his rivals, and in liis later years obliterated their memorials. He warred successfully in Africa, and made additions to the buildings at Kaniac, Luxor, and other places. His reign was reckoned at thirty-seven years, B.C. 1364 to 1327. 10. A king called Resitot (the Rathotis of Manetho) appears to have succeeded Ho- rus, and to have brought the dynasty to a close. His relationship to Horus is uncertain. He reigned only a few years, B.C. 1327 to 1324. Kings of the Nineteenth Dynasty: — 1. Ramesses I., founder of the dynasty (about B.C. 1324), derived his descent from Amos and Amunoph I., but not from any of the later kings. He reigned less than two years. 2. Seti, his son (the Sesostris of Herodotus and Diodorus, and the Sethos of Manetho), succeeded — a great and warlike monarch. He re-conquered Syria, which had revolted after the death of Amunoph III., and contended with the Arabs, the Hittites, the Tahai (Dai) on the borders of Cilicia, and the people of Western Mesopotamia. He built the Great Hall of Kaniac, and con- structed for himself the most beautiful of all the royal tombs. According +o Manetho, he reigned upward of fifty years. 3. Ramesses II. (Ramessu- miamun), who had for many years ruled conjointly with his father, became sole king on his decease. He warred in the same regions and with the same people as his father, and also carried his arms deep into the African conti- nent. The chief of his monuments is the Ramesseum (Memnonium) at Thebes. His stele, engraved on the rocks at the Nahr-el-Kelb, is well known. Egyptian art reached its culminating point in his reign. He opened a canal from the Nile above Bubastis to the Red Sea, and maintained a fleet in those waters. In all, he reigned sixty-six years, from about B.C. 1311 to 1245. 4. Amenephthes (Menephthah), his son, succeeded. He is thought by some to be the Pharaoh of the Exodus. The length of his reign is uncertain. He was followed by his son, 5. Sethos II. (Seti), who was undistinguished, and had but a short reign. Kings of the Twentieth Dynasty:— Ramesses III. (perhaps the Rham- psinitus of Herodotus, who was famous for his full treasmy) ascended the throne about B.C. 1219. He was at once a great builder and a conqueror. He fought at sea with the Tokari (Carians ?) and the Khairetana (Cretans ?) ; and on land penetrated as far as Western Mesopotamia. His chief buildings, which are at Medinet-habu, though they are magnificent, indicate a certain decline of the arts. He was succeeded by four sons, who all bore the same name, Ramesses, and who were all equally undistinguished. Then came Ramesses VIII., the sixth king of the dynasty, who was more warlike than his predecessors, and made some successful foreign expeditions. Six or sev- en other kings of the same name followed, most of whom had short reigns. The dynasty seems to have come to an end about b.c. 1085. 15. The decline of Egypt under the twentieth dynasty is very marked. We can ascribe it to nothing but internal Decline of the ^^^cay — a decay proceeding mainly from those monaichy be- natural causcs which are always at work, com- twentieth pelling nations and races, like individuals, after ynasty. ^j^^^ \i2i\Q reached maturity, to sink in vital force, 86 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. to become debilitated, and finally to perish. Under the nineteenth dynasty Egypt reached her highest pitch of greatness, internal and external ; nnder the twentieth she rapidly sank, alike in military power, in artistic genius, and in taste. For a space of almost two centuries, from about B.C.- 1170 to 990, she scarcely undertook a single important enterprise ; her architectural efforts during the whole of this time were mean, and her art without spirit or life. Subse- quently, in the space between b.c. 990 and the Persian con- quest, B.C. 525, she experienced one or two "revivals;" but the reaction on these occasions, being spasmodic and forced, exhausted rather than recruited her strength ; nor did the efforts made, great as they were, suffice to do more than check for a while the decadence which they could not avert. 16. Among the special causes w^hich produced this unusu- ally rapid decline, the foremost place must be assigned to Causes of the ^^^ Spirit of castc, and particularly to the undue decline. predominance of the sacerdotal order. It is true that castes, in the strict sense of the word, did not exist in Egypt, since a son was not absolutely compelled to follow his father's profession. But the separation of classes was so sharply and clearly defined, the hereditary descent of pro- fessions was so much the rule, that the system closely ap- proximated to that which has been so long established in India, and which prevails there at the present day. It had, in fact, all the evils of caste. It discouraged progress, ad- vance, improvement ; it repressed personal ambition ; it pro- duced deadness, flatness, dull and tame uniformity. The priestly influence, which pervaded all ranks from the highest to the lowest, was used to maintain a conventional standard, alike in thought, in art, and in manners. Any tendency to deviate from the set forms of the old religion, that at any time showed itself, was sternly checked. The inclination of art to become naturalistic was curbed and subdued. All intercourse with foreigners, which might have introduced changes of manners, was forbidden. The aim was to main- tain things at a certain set level, w^hich was fixed and unal- terable. But, as " non progredi est regredi," the result of repressing all advance and improvement was to bring about a rapid and general deterioration. Compare the accounts of the Egyptian castes, which are given by Herodo- PART II.] EGYPT. 87 tus, Plato, and Diodorus, with the remarks on the subject made by moderns. Herodotus represents the castes, or classes, as seven — viz., priests, w^arriors, cowherds, swineherds, tradesmen, interpreters, and boatmen ; Plato as six — viz., priests, warriors, shepherds, artificers, husbandmen, and huntsmen; Diodorus as five — viz., priests, Avarriors, herdsmen, artificers, and husband- men. Moderns lay it down that there were really five general classes — those of Diodorus — and that some of these were again subdivided, as is the case with some castes in India. 17. The growing influence of the priests, which seems to have reduced the later monarchs of the twentieth dynasty The twent *^ fameants, w^as shown still more markedly in first dynasty the acccssion to powcr, about B.C. 1085, of the kiugs^B.c. priestly dynasty of " Tanites," who occupy the 1085-990. twenty-first place in Manetho's list. These kings, who style themselves " High-priests of Amun," and who wear the priestly costume, seem to have held their court at Tanis (Zoan), in the Delta, but w^ere acknowledged for kings equal- ly in Ui:)per Egypt. It must have been to one of them that Hadad fled when Joab slaughtered the Edomites, and in their ranks also must be sought the Pharaoh who gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon. According to Manetho, the dynasty held the throne for rather more than a hundred years ; but the computation is thought to be in excess. Kings of the Twenty-first Dynasty: — 1. Smendes, who reigned twenty-six years. 2. Psusennes (Pisham I.). Eeigned forty-one or forty- six years. 3. Nepherchercs. Reigned four years. 4. Amenephthes (Me- neplithahll.). Reigned nine yeai's. 5. Osochor (probably Pehor). Reigned six' years. Left sculptures in a temple at Thebes. 6. Psinaches (Pionkh). Reigned nine years. 7. Psusennes II. (Pisham II.), his son. Left sculptures in the same temple as Pehor. Reigned fourteen (or thirty-five) years. 18. With Sheshonk, the first king of the twenty-second dynasty, a revival of Egyptian power to a certain extent occurred. Though Sheshonk himself takes the uulerthe title of " High-pricst of Amun," having married ond"dy?asty, the daughter of Pisham II., the last king of the B.0. 993-S47. sacerdotal (twenty-first) dynasty, yet beyond this no priestly character attaches to the monarchs of his house. Sheshonk resumes the practice of military expeditions, and his example is followed by one of the Osorkons. Monuments of some pretensions are erected by the kings of the line, at Thebes and at Bubastis in the Delta, which latter is the royal city of the time. The revival, however, is partial and 88 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. short-lived, the later monarchs of the dynasty being as un- distinguished as any that had preceded them on the throne. Kings of the Twenty-second Dynasty : — 1. Sheshonk (the Shishak of Scripture, and probably the Asychis of Herodotus). Ascends the throne about B.C. 993, and reigns twenty-one years, B.C. 993 to 972. Receives Jero- boam at his court, and afterwards makes an expedition against Palestine, to establish Jeroboam in his kingdom. Invades Judoea, receives the submission of Rehoboam, and plunders Jerusalem. Succeeded by his son, 2. Osorkon I., who reigns fifteen years, from b.c. 972 to 957, and leaves the crown to his son, 3. Pehor, who holds it not more than a year or two, when he is suc- ceeded, or superseded, by his brother-in-law, 4. Osorkon II., who was per- haps an Ethiopian prince, married to a daughter of Osorkon I. This king is probably the Zerach of Scripture, who made an unsuccessful expedition against Asia, about b.c. 942. He reigned twenty-three years, from b.c. 956 to 933. 5. Sheshonk II. , his son, succeeded him ; after whom the crown passed to a "prince of the Mashoash," 6. Takelot I., who was married to Keromama, a granddaughter of the third king, Pehor. He reigned (prob- ably) twenty-three years, when he was succeeded by his son, 7. Osorkon III., who reigned at least twenty-eight years. He left the crown to his son, 8. Sheshonk III., who also reigned as much as twenty-eight or twenty-nine years. The dynasty ended with 9. Takelot II., son of Sheshonk III., the length of whose reign is quite uncertain. The probable duration of the dy- nasty was 146 years, b.c. 993 to 847. 19. The decline of the monarchy advanced now with rapid strides. On the death of Takelot II., a disintegration of the Further de- kingdom seems to have taken place. While the ty-thhd and " Bubastitc line was carried on in a third Pisham SasSI ^B^c. (oi' Pishai) and a fourth Sheshonk, a rival line, 84T-758. Manetho's twenty-third dynasty, sprang up at Tanis, and obtained the chief power. The kings of this line, who are four in number, are wholly undistinguished. Kings of the Twenty-third Dynasty : — 1. Petubastes (Pet-su-pasht). Reigned forty years. 2. Osorko (Osorkon IV.). Reigned eight years. 3. Psammus (Pse-mut). Reigned ten years. 4. Zet (probably Seti III.). Reigned thirty-one years. Duration of the dynasty, eighty-nine years, from B.C. 847 to 758. 20. A transfer of the seat of empire to Sais, another city of the Delta, now took place. A king whom Manetho and The twenty- Diodorus Called Bocchoris (perhaps Pehor) as- twenty-fifth ccndcd the throne. This monarch, after he had Egypt con- reigned forty-four years — either as an independ- Ethiopiaf ^^* prince or as a tributary to Ethiopia — was about B.C. 730. p^t to death by Sabaco, an Ethiopian, who con- quered Egypt and founded the twenty-fifth dynasty. PART II.] EGYPT. 89 Kings of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty: — 1. Sabaco I. (Shebek I.), the So or Seveh of Scripture. His treaty with Hoshea, the last king of Israel, must have been made about u.c. 72i. Its conclusion shows that the en- croachments of Assj^ria had begun to cause alarm. The first hostile contact between Assyria and Egypt occurred in his reign. Sargon, who was his ad- versary, defeated his troops, and made himself master of PhiHstia, about b.c. 719. ^. Sabaco II., the Sevechus of Manetho, succeeded, about B.C. 704. His reign of fourteen years tenninated b, c. 690, when the third and greatest of the Ethiopian monarchs mounted the throne. This was 3. Tehrak — the Tirhakah of the Jews, and the Tarcus, Taracus, or Tearchon of the Greek writers — who contended successively Avith Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Asshur-bani-pal. Discomfiture of Sennacherib, about B.C. 098. Esarhad- don invades Lower Egypt, about b.c. G69, and breaks it up into a num- ber of small kingdoms. Tirhakah re-establishes his authority, b.c. 668. Asshur-bani-pal, having succeeded, contends with Tirhakah for two years. Tirhakah is defeated and abdicates in favor of his son, who is driven out. Egypt is then once more broken up into petty kingdoms (compare the do- decarchy of Herodotus), and remains subject to Assyria, probably till the death of Asshur-bani-pal, about b.c. 647. Nechoh, the father of Psammeti- clius, is among the \dceroys whom Asshur-bani-pal sets up. 21. Thus it appears that between b.c. 730 and 665 Egypt was conquered twice — first by the Ethiopians, and then, Assyrian con- within about sixty years, by the Assyrians. The fSril^La native Egyptian army had grown to be weak and ^^^- contemptible, from a practice, which sprang up under the Sheshonks, of employing mainly foreign troops in military exj^editions. There was also (as has been observed already) a general decline of the national spirit, which made submission to a foreign yoke less galling than it would have been at an earlier date. 22. It is diflicult to say at what exact time the yoke of Assyria w^as thrown ofi^. Psammetichus (Psamatik I.), who Ee-estabiish- seems to have succeeded his father, Nechoh, or to S^ind?^^" ^^ave been associated by him, almost immediately de?the tweS'- ^^^^^' ^^^^ (Ncchoti's) establishment as viceroy by ty-sixth Asshur-bani-pal, counted his reign from the abdi- ty, about B.O. cation of Tirhakah, as if he had from that time been independent and sole king. But there can be little doubt that in reality for several years he was mere- ly one of manj^ rulers, all equally subject to the great mon- arch of Assyria. The revolt which he headed may have happened in the reign of Asshur-bani-pal ; but, more proba- bly, it fell in that of his successor. Perhaps its true cause was the shattering of Assyrian power by the invasion of the 90 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. Scytlis, about b.c. 632. Psammetichiis, by the aid of Greek mercenaries, and (apparently) after some opposition from his brother viceroys, made himself independent, and established his dominion over the whole of Egypt. Native rule was thus restored after nearly a century of foreign domination. Kings of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty: — 1. Psammetichus (Psamatik I.). Married an Ethiopian princess. Settled the Greek mercenaries in per- manent camps near Bubastis. Offended the warrior caste, which deserted in great numbers to the Ethiopians, Encouraged art and constructed several great works. Besieged and took Ashdod. Bribed the Scythians to retire from Palestine without attacking Eg^-pt, Was of an inquiring turn of mind, and tried many curious experiments. Reigned fifty-four years in all, from b.c. G64: to GIO ; but was probably not an independent monarch for more than twenty or thirty years. 2. Nechoh, his son. Reigned sixteen years, from b.c. 610 to 594. Applied himself to naval and commercial matters. Built fleets in the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. Attempted to re-open the canal be- tween the Red Sea and the Nile. Had Africa circumnavigated. Invaded Syria in his second year, b.c. 609; defeated Josiah at Megiddo, and con- quered the whole tract between Egypt and Carchemish, on the Eujihrates. Attacked by Nebuchadnezzar, b.c. 605 ; was defeated and forced to yield all his conquests. 3. Psammis (Psamatik 11. ), his son. Reigned only six years, from B.C. 594 to 588. Made an expedition into Ethiopia. 4. Apries (the Uaphris of Manetho, and the Pharaoh-hophi-a of Scripture), his son. Reigned nineteen years, from b.c. 588 to 569. Resumed the aggressive policy of his grandfather. Besieged Sidon, and fought a naval battle with Tyre. Assist- ed Zedekiah against Nebuchadnezzar, but ineffectually. Made an expedition against Cyrene, which ended ill. Deposed, either by a revolt on the part of his own subjects, or more probably by Nebuchadnezzar, b. c. 569. Succeeded by 5. Amasis (Ames or Aahmes), who probably held his crown at first un- der the Babylonian monarch. Having strengthened himself by marrying a niece of the late king, daughter of his sister, Nitocris, he after a while made himself independent. He adorned Sais with grand buildings, and left monu- ments in all parts of the country. He encouraged Greek merchants to settle in Egypt, and was on friendly terms with Cyrene and other Greek States. The only expedition which he undertook was one against Cyprus, which sub- mitted and became tributary. Fearing the growing power of Persia, he al- lied himself with Croesus of Lydia and Poly crates of.Samos ; but nothing was gained by these prudential measures. After the death of Cyrus, Cambyses, his son, collected a great expedition against Egypt, and had probably com- menced his march when Amasis died, having reigned forty-four years. The task of resisting this attack fell on his son, 6. Psammenitus (Psamatik III.), Avho met Cambyses near Pelusium, but was defeated and com- queiNcd by pelled to shut himself up in his capital, Memphis, Mhich was Cambyses, shortly besieged and taken. Psammenitus was made prisoner after he had reigned six months, and soon afterwards, being sus- pected of an intention to revolt, was put to death, b.c. 525. Thus perished the Egyptian monarchy, after it had lasted, as a single united kingdom, for a thousand vears. PART 11. ] CARTHAGE. 91 23. The revolts of Egypt from Persia will necessarily come under consideration in the section on the Achaemenian Mon- Revoits, ii.c. archy. Egypt was the most disaffected of all the 460-455. Persian provinces, and was always striving after independence. Her antagonism to Persia seems to have been less political than polemical. It was no doubt fermented by the priests. On two occasions independence was so far achieved that native rulers were set up ; and Manetho counts three native dynasties as interrupting the regular succession of the Persians. These form the twenty-eighth, the twenty- ninth, and the thirtieth of his series. The first of these con- sists of one king only, Amyrtaeus, who revolted in conjunc- tion with Inarus, and reigned from b.c. 460 to 455. The other two dynasties are consecutive, and cover the space B.C. 405-346. ^ '', ^^ ' .^1 • ^ ta • xt .x. / from the revolt m the reign ot Darius isothus (b.c. 405) to the re-conquest under Ochus (b.c. 346). I\JNGS or THE Twenty-ninth (Mendesian) Dynasty: — 1. Nefevites (Nefaorot). Reigned six years, B.C. 405 to 399. 2. Achoris (Hakar). RiigneJ thirteen years, B.C. 399 to 386. 3. Psammuthis. Reigned one year, B.C. 386 to 385. 4. Nepherites II. Reigned four months, b.c. 384. Kings of the Thirtieth (Sebennytic) Dynasty : — 1. Nectanebo I. (Necht-nebef). Reigned eighteen years, b.c. 381 to 366. 2. Teos or Tachos. Reigned two years, b.c. 366 to 364. 3. Nectanebo II. (Necht-nebef). Reigned eighteen years, B.C. 364 to 346. B. History of Carthage from its Foundation to the Commencement of the Wars with Rome. Sources. It is unfortunate that we possess no native accounts of the History of Carthage. Native histories existed at the time of the Roman conquest, and were seen by Sallust ; but no translation was made of them into the tongue of the conqueror. The Carthaginian inscriptions Avhich modern research has discovered are in no instance historical. We have not even any description by a Greek or Latin Avriter of the general character or contents of the native histories. Nor is the deficiency of native records compensated by any exact or copious accounts from the pens of foreigners, Herodotus, who gives us monographs on the histories of so many ancient nations, is almost Avholly silent about Carthage. Tim^eus, Ephorus, and Theopompus, the earliest Greek authors who treated of Cartliaginian affairs at any length, were writers of poor judgment ; and of their works, moreover, we have nothing but a few fragments. The earliest and most important no- tice of Carthage which has come down to us is Aristotle's account of the form of government (Pol. ii. 11). From this most valuable passage, com- bined with scattered notices in other writers, the constitutional histoiy of the great commercial republic may be to some extent reconstructed. For the general course of her civil history, for her foundation ^nd her earlier wars 92 AFEICAN NATIONS. [book i. and conquests, we must have recourse to Justin, Diodorus, and Polybius. The later wars are treated at some length, but from a Roman point of view, by Polybius, Livy, and Appian. Herodotus has some important notices con- nected with the trade of the Carthaginians, on which farther light is thrown by two translations of Carthaginian works, which are still extant. These are : Hanno, Periplus, in C. Mtjller's Geographi Greed Minores. Paris, 1855 ; and ed. Falconek. London, 1797. Festds Avienus, Ora Maritima (i. 80-130 ; iv. 375-412), in Hudson's Geographi Minores, vol. iv. Oxford, 1698. Modern works touching on the history of Carthage are the following : BoTTiCHER, Geschichte der Carthager nach den Quellen, 8vo. Berlin, 1827. Heeren, Ideen iiber die Politik, etc., vol. iv. Translated into English, and published at Oxford by Talboys, 1832. Davis, Dr. N., Carthage and her Remains. London, 1861. Containing an account of excavations on the site of Carthage made in the ^'ears 1857 and 1858. The history of Carthage may be conveniently divided into three periods — the first extending from the foundation of the city to the commencement of the wars with Syracuse, B.C. 850 to 480 ; the next from the first attack on Syracuse to the breaking out of war with Rome, b.c. 480 to 264 ; and the third from the commencement of the Roman wars to their termination by the destruction of Carthage, b.c. 264 to 146. In the present place, only the first and second of these periods will be considered. FIRST PERIOD. Froyn the Foundation of Carthage to the Commencement of the Wars with Syracuse, from about B.C. 850 to 480. 1. The foundation of Carthage, which was mentioned in the Tyrian histories, belonged to the time of Pygmalion, the Foundation SOU of Matgcu, who sccms to havc reigned from andpo^tfou about B.C. 871 to 824. The colony appears to of the city. have taken its rise, not from the mere commer- cial spirit in which other Tyrian settlements on the same coast had originated, but from political differences. Still, its relations with the mother city were, from first to last, friendly,; though the bonds of union were under the PhcE- nician system of colonization even weaker and looser than under the Greelv The site chosen for the settlement was a PART II.] CARTHAGE. 93 peninsula, projecting eastward into the Gulf of Tunis, and connected with the mainland towards the west by an isth- mus about three miles across. Here were some excellent land-locked harbors, a position easily defensible, and a soil which Avas ftiirly fertile. The settlement was made with the good-will of the natives, who understood the benefits of commerce, and gladly let to the new-comers a portion of their soil -at a fixed rent. For many years the place must have been one of small importance, little (if at all) superior to Utica or Hadrumetum; but by degrees an advance was made, and within a century or two from the date of her foundation, Carthage liad become a considerable power, had shot ahead of all the other Phoenician settlements in these parts, and had acquired a large and valuable dominion. 2. The steps of the advance are somewhat difficult to trace. It w^ould seem, however, that, unlike the other Phoe- Eapid ad- nician colonies, and unlike the Phoenician cities vance. ^^f ^j-^^ Asiatic mainland themselves, Carthage aimed from the first at uniting a land with a sea dominion. The native tribes in the neighborhood of the city, originally nomades, were early won to agricultural occupations ; Car- thaginian colonies were thickly planted among them ; inter- marriages between the colonists and the native races were encouraged ; and a mixed people grew up in the fertile ter- ritory south and south-west of Carthage, knoAvn as Liby- Phoenices, who adopted the language and habits of the im- migrants, and readily took up the position of faithful and attached subjects. Beyond the range of territory thus oc- cupied, Carthaginian influence was further extended over a large number of pure African tribes, of whom some applied themselves to agriculture, while the majority preserved their old nomadic mode of life. These tribes, like the Arabs in the modern Algeria, were held in a loose and almost nomi- nal subjection ; but still were reckoned as, in a certain sense, Carthaginian subjects, and no doubt contributed to the re- sources of the empire. The proper territory of Carthage was regarded as extending southward as far as the Lake Triton, and westward to the river Tusca, which divided Zeugitana from Numidia, thus nearly coinciding with the modern Beylik of Tunis. 3. But these limits were far from contenting the ambition 94 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. of the Carthaginians. From the compact and valuable ter- Extentofthe I'itory above described, they proceeded to bring land power, within the scopc of their influence the tracts which lay beyond it eastward and westward. The authority of Carthage came gradually to be acknowledged by all the coast-tribes between the Tusca and the Pillars of Hercules, as well as by the various nomad races between Lake Triton and the territory of Cyrene. In the former tract numerous settlements were made, and a right of marching troops along the shore was claimed and exercised. From the latter only commercial advantages were derived ; but these were prob- ably of considerable imjDortance. 4. In considei-ing the position of the Carthaginians in Af- rica, it must not be forgotten that the Phoenicians had found- „ , ^. . , ed numerous settlements on the African mainland, Relations with t , ^ i i i r» i /. other Ph<3eni- and that Carthage was only the most powerful oi these colonies. Utica, Hadrumetum, Leptis Mag- na, and other places, were at the first independent communi- ties over which Carthaore had no more rioht to exercise authority than they had over her. The dominion of Car- thage seems to have been by degrees extended over these places ; but to the last some of them, more especially Utica, retained a certain degree of independence ; and, so far as these settlements are concerned, we must view Carthage rather as the head of a confederacy than as a single central- ized power. Her confederates were too weak to resist her or to exercise much check upon her policy ; but she had the dis- advantage of being less than absolute mistress of many places lying within her territory. 5. But the want of complete unity at home did not prevent her from aspiring after an extensive foreign dominion. Her Colonies in influence was established in Western Sicily at an the islands. ^^^.|y ^|^^^^ ^^^^ Superseded in that region tlie still more ancient influence of Phoenicia. Sardinia was conquered, after long and bloody wars, towards the close of the sixtli century b.c. The Balearic islands, Majorca, Minorca, and Ivica, seem to have been occupied even earlier. At a later time, settlements were made in Corsica and Spain ; while the smaller islands, both of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, Madeira, the Canaries, Malta, Gaulos (Gozo), and Cercina, were easily subjugated. By the close of the sixth century. i'ART II.] CARTHAGE. 95 Carthaginian power extended from the greater Syrtis to the Fortunate Islands, and from Corsica to the flanks of Atlas. 6. To eflect her conquests, the great trading city had, al- most of necessity, recourse to mercenaries. Mercenaries had Land force of t)een employed by the Egyptian monarchs as early mercenaries, ^s the time of Psammetichus (b.c. 664), and were known to Homer about two centuries previously. Besides the nucleus of a disciplined force which Carthage obtained from her own native citizens and from the mixed race of Liby-Phoenices, and besides the irregulars which she drew from her other subjects, it was her practice to maintain large bodies of hired troops [fiKrdocpopovg), derived partly from the independent African nations, such as the Numidians and the Mauritanians, partly from the warlike European races witli which her foreign trade brought her into contact — the Iberi- ans of Spain, the Celts of Gaul, and the Ligurians of North- ern Italy. The first evidence that we have of the existence of this practice belongs to the year b.c. 480; but there is suf- ficient reason to believe that it commenced considerably earlier. 7. The naval power of Carthage must have dated from the foundation of the city ; for, as the sea in ancient times swarmed with pirates, an extensive commerce re- '^^^' quired and implies the possession of a powerful navy. For several centuries the great Phoenician settlement must have been almost undisputed mistress of the Western and Central Mediterranean, the only approach to a rival be- ing Tyrrhenia, which was, however, decidedly inferior. The oflicers and sailors in the fleets were mostly native Cartha- ginians, while the rowers were mainly slaves, whom the State bred or bought for the purpose. 8. Towards the middle of the sixth century b.c, the jeal- ousy of the Carthaginians was aroused by the intrusion, into Commercial waters wliich they regarded as their own, of Greek tweeutheCar- Commerce. The enterprising Phocjjeans opened a amfthl^"^ trade with Tartessus, founded Massilia near the Gi-eeks, mouth of the Rhone, and sought to establish them- selves in Corsica in force. Hereupon Carthage, assisted by Tyrrhenia, destroyed the Phocisan fleet, about b.c 550. Soon afterwards quarrels arose in Sicily between the Carthagini- ans and the Greek settlements there, provoked apparently 96 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. by the latter. About the same time Rome, under the second Tarqum, became a flourishing kingdom, and a naval power of some consequence ; and Carthage, accustomed to maintain friendly relations with the Italians, concluded a treaty with the rising State, about B.C. 508. 9. The constitution of Carthage, like that of most other great trading communities, was undoubtedly aristocratic. Constitution The native element, located at Carthage, or in the ot Carthage, immediate neighborhood, was the sole depositary of political power, and governed at its will all the rest of the empire. Within this native element itself the chief distinc- tion, which divided class from class, was that of w^ealth. The two Suifetes indeed, who stood in a certain sense at the head of the State, seem to have been chosen only from cer- tain families ; but otherwise all native Carthaginians were eligible to all offices. Practically what threw power into the hands of the rich was the fact that no office was salaried, and that thus the poor man could not aflbrd to hold office. Public opinion was also strongly in favor of the rich. Can- didates for power were expected to expend large sums of money, if not in actual bribery, yet at any rate in treating on the most extensive scale. Thus office, and with it power, became the heritage of a certain knot of peculiarly Avealthy families. 10. At the head of the State were two Suffetes, or Judges, who in the early times were Captains-general as well as The Suffetes, chief civil magistrates, but whose office gradually Sen "t*e ofone ^^^^ ^o be regarded as civil only and not military. Hundred. These were elected by the citizens from certain families, probably for life. The next power in the State was the Council (o-vyjcXryroe), a body consisting of several hun- dreds, from which were appointed, directly or indirectly, al- most all the officers of the government — as the Senate of One Hundred (yepovcria), a Select Committee of the Council which directed all its proceedings; and the Pentarchies, Commissions of Five Members each, which managed the va- rious departments of State, and filled up vacancies in the Senate. The Council of One Hundred (or, with the two Suf- fetes and the two High-priests, 104) Judges, a High Court of Judicature elected by the people, was the most popular element in the Constitution ; but even its members were PART II.] CARTHAGE. 97 The Council practically chosen fi'oni the upper classes, and tired"and"'^ their power was used rather to check the excess- Four, ive ambition of individual members of the aris- tocracy than to augment the civil rights or improve the so- cial condition of the people. The people, however, were contented. They elected the Suffetes under certain restric- tions, and the generals freely; they probably filled up va- cancies in the Great Council ; and in cases where the Suifetes and the Council differed, they discussed and determined po- litical measures. Questions of peace and war, treaties, and the like, were frequently, though not necessarily, brought before them ; and the aristocratical character of the Consti- tution was maintained by the weight of popular opinion, which was in favor of power resting with the rich. Through the openings which trade gave to enterprise any one might become rich ; and extreme poverty was almost unknown, since no sooner did it appear than it was relieved by the planting of colonies and the allotment of waste lands to all who applied for them. 11. As the power of Carthage depended mainly on her maintenance of huge armies of mercenaries, it was a necessi- ty of her position that she should have a larc^e Revenue. *' , ^ rrii • it • ^ n and secure revenue. This she drew, m part from State property, particularly mines, in Spain and elsewhere ; in part from tribute, which was paid alike by the federate cities (Utica, Hadrumetum, etc.), by the Liby-Phceuices, by the dependent African nomades, and by the provinces (Sar- dinia, Sicily, etc.) ; and in part from customs, which were exacted rigorously through all her dominions. The most elastic of these sources of revenue was the tribute, which was augmented or diminished as her needs required ; and which is said to have amounted sometimes to as much as fifty per cent, on the income of those subject to it. 12. The extent of Carthaginian commerce is uncertain; but there can be little doubt that it reached, at any rate, to the follovvino- places : in the north, Cornwall and Commerce. , o -n t i i • -i -r»i • • ■^ the bcilly Islands ; m the east, Phoenicia ; towards the west, Madeira, the Canaries, and the coast of Guinea; towards the south, Fezzan. It was chiefly a trade by which Carthage obtained the commodities that she needed — v/ine, oil, dates, salt fish, silphium, gold, tin, lead, salt, ivory, pre- 5 98 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. cious stones, and slaves ; exchanging against them her own manufactures — textile fabrics, hardware, pottery, ornaments for the person, harness for horses, tools, etc. But it was also to a considerable extent a carrying trade, whereby Car- thage enabled the nations of Western Europe, Western Asia, and the interior of Africa to obtain respectively each other's products. It was in part a land, in part a sea traffic. While the Carthaginian merchants scoured the seas in all directions in their trading vessels, caravans directed by Carthaginian enterprise penetrated the Great Desert, and brought to Car- thage from the south and the south-east the products of those far-oiF regions. Upper Egypt, Cyrcne, the oases of the Sahara, Fezzan, perhaps Ethiopia and Bornou, carried on in this way a traffic with the great commercial emporium. By sea her commerce was especially with Tyre, with her own colonies, with the nations of the Western Mediterrane- an, with the tribes of the African coast from the Pillars of Hercules to the Bight of Benin, and with the remote barba- rians of South-western Albion. SECOND PERIOD. From the Commencement of the Wars with Syracuse to the breaking out of the first War with Rome, B.C. 480 to 264. 1. The desire of the Carthaginians to obtain complete pos- session of Sicily is in no way strange or surprising. Their pres- V of Car- ^^^^ rested mainly on their maritime supremacy ; thage upon and tliis Supremacy was open to question, so long great inva- as the large island which lay closest to them and sion,B.o. . jjjQg^ directly opposite to their shores was mainly, or even to any great extent, under the influence of aliens. The settlement of the Greeks in Sicily, about b.c. 750 to 700, preceded the rise of the Carthaginians to greatness ; and it must have been among the earliest objects of ambition of the last-named people, after they became powerful, to drive the Hellenes from the island. It Avould seem, how- ever, that no great expedition had been made prior to b.c. 480. Till then Carthage had been content to hold the west- ern corner of the island only, and to repulse intruders into that region, like Dorieus. But in b.c. 480, when the expe- dition of Xerxes gave full occupation to the bulk of the PART II.] CARTHAGE. 99 Greek nation, Carthage conceived that the time was come at which she might expect to attack the Greeks of Sicily with success, and to conquer them before they could receive succors from the mother country. Accordingly, a vast army was collected, and under Hamilcar, son of Mago, a great at- tack was made. But the victory of Gelo at Himera com- pletely frustrated the expedition. Hamilcar fell or slew himself. The invading army was withdrawn, and Carthage consented to conclude an ignominious peace. 2. The check thus received induced the Carthaginians to suspend for a while their designs against the coveted island. Extension of Attention was turned to the consolidation of their the carthagi- African power : and under Hannibal, Hasdrubal, man domiu- -, a \ -, n ^r -.-. ^ ion in Africa, and bappho, ffrandsons of Mag^o and nephews of I5.O.4S0-409. TT -1 XT, X- T -1 ^ -1 T -I Hamilcar, the native Libyan tribes were reduced to more complete dependence, and Carthage was released from a tribute w^hich she had hitherto paid as an acknowl- edgment that the site on which she stood was Libyan ground. A contest was also carried on with the Greek set- tlement of Cyrene, which terminated to the advantage of Carthage. Anticipated danger from the excessive influence of the family of Mago was guarded against by the creation of the Great Council of Judges, before whom every general had to appear on his return from an expedition. 3. It was seventy years after their first ignominious fail- ure when the Carthaginians once more invaded Sicily in force. Livited by Eo^esta to assist her ao^ainst Second luva- ^. "^ ^ ^ . n -t sion of Sicily, Selinus, they crossed over with a vast fleet and army, under the command of Hannibal, the grand- son of Hamilcar, b.c. 409, destroyed Selinus and Himera, defeated the Greeks in several battles, and returned home in triumph. This first success was followed by wars (1) with Dionysius L, tyrant of Syracuse ; (2) with Dionysius H. and Timoleon ; and (3) with Agathocles. War with Dionysius T., b.c. 405 to 368. Invasion of Sicily by Hanni- bal and Himilco. Capture of Agrigentum, Gela, and Camai-ina. Conven- tion with Dionysius, b.c. 405. Convention broken by Dionysius, b.c. 397. His triumpliant march. Camarina, Gela, Agrigentum, and Selinus recovered. Motya taken. Landing of Himilco, b.c. 396. Motya recovered. Messene taken. Victory of Mago off Catana. Siege of Syracuse. Pestilence, b.c. 395. Flight of Himilco and destruction of his deserted army. His suicide. Mago sent to Sicily, b.c. 393. Peace made the year following. Attempt 100 AFRICAN NATIONS. [book i. of Dionysius to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily^ b.c» 383, fails by his defeat at Croniiim, b.c. 382. Peace made on terms favorable to Carthage, lieiiewcd attempt of Dionysius, B.C. 868, again fails. War AviTH Dionysius II., b.c. 346 to 340. Attempt of Carthage to take advantage of internal troubles at Syracuse after the death of Dion. Arrange- ment made with Hicetas. Danger of S3Tacuse. Timoleon sent from Corinth to its relief. Mago and Hicetas besiege Syracuse, b.c. 344. Distrust of the former ; he suddenly retires. Timoleon attacks the Carthaginian towns, B.C. 341. Great armament sent from Carthage under Hasdrubal and Hamilcar defeated by Timoleon at the Crimesus, b.c. 340. Another army sent under Cisco. Peace made on the old terms. War WITH Agathocles, b.c. 311 to 304, War begun by aggressions of Agathocles on Agrigentum. Victory of Hamilcar at tlie Himera, b c. 310, followed by the siege of Syracuse. Resolution of Agathocles to transfer the war into Africa. He lands and burns his ships ; is for some time successful, partly owing to the treachery of Bomilcar, but can not conquer Carthage. His son twice defeated during his absence in Africa, b.c. 305. On his re- turn, he too is defeated, and flieJ. Peace made b.c. 304. 4. The result of these wars was not, on the Avhole, encour- aging. At the cost of several hundreds of thousands of Result of the iiien, of large fleets, and of an immense treasure, Sicilian wars. Carthage had succeeded in maintaining posses- sion of about one-third of Sicily, but had not advanced her boundary by a single mile. Her armies had generally been defeated, if they engaged their enemy upon any thing like even terms. She had found her generals decidedly inferior to those of the Greeks. Above all, she had learnt that she was vulnerable at home — that descents might be made on her own shores, and that her African subjects were not to be depended on. Still, she did not relinquish her object. After the death of Agathocles in b.c. 289, the Hellenic pow- er in Sicily rapidly declined. The Mamertines seized Mes- sana ; and Carthage, resuming an aggressive attitude, seem- ed on the point of obtaining all her desires. Agrigentum was once more taken, all the southern j^art of the island oc- cupied, and Syracuse itself threatened. But the landing of Pyrrhus at the invitation of Syracuse saved the city, and turned the fortune of war against Carthage, b.c. 279. His flight, two years later, did not restore matters to their for- mer condition. Carthage had contracted obligations towards Syracuse in the war against Pyrrhus ; and, moreover, a new contest was evidently impending. The great aggressive power of the West, Rome, was about to appear upon the PART II.] CAKTHAGE. lOi scene; and, to resist her, Carthage required the friendly co- ojseration of the Greeks. A treaty was consequently made with Hiero ; and Carthage paused, biding her time, and still hoping at no distant period to extend her domination over the entire island. BOOK II. HISTORY OF PERSIA FROM THE. ACCESSION OF CYRUS TO THE DE- STRUCTION OF THE EMPIRE BY ALEXANDER, FROM B.C. 558 TO 330. Sources. First in importance (so far as they extend) are the native sources, consisting chiefly of inscriptions on rocks and buildings, which haA'e been deciphered by the hibors of Grotefend, Lassen, Burnouf, Westergaard, and Sir H. Rawlinson. These inscriptions cover the period from Cyrus, B.C. 550, to Artaxerxes Ochus, B.C. 350, but ai*e unfortunately scanty, except- ing for the space of about seven years, from the death of Cambyses to the full establishment of Darius I. in his kingdom. Among Avorks on the inscriptions are the following : Rawlinson, Sir H., The Persian Cuneiform Inscription at JBehistun de- ciphered and translated, with plates representing the exact condition of the original. Published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. x. (London, 1846-7), and followed by Copies and Translations of the Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions of Persepolis, Hamadan, and Van. Lassen, Prof., Die Alt-Persischen Keilinschriften von Persepolis, published in the Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol, vi. Bonn, 1836. • Burnouf, Memoire sur deux Inscriptions Cuneiformes, trouvees pres d'Ha- madan. Paris, 1836. Spiegel, Die Alt-Persischen Keilinschriften, 8vo ; Leipzig, 1862. A tran- script of the inscriptions in Roman characters, with a translation, a brief comment, and a valuable vocabulary. Another valuable but scanty source of ancient Persian history consists of the Jewish writers, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and the anonymous author of Esther, who Avere contempoi-ary with Persian kings, and lived under their sway. The book of Esther is especially important from tbe graphic repre- sentation whicli it gives us of the Persian court, and the habits and mode of life of the king. We should possess, however, but a very slight knowledge of the history of Ancient Persia were it not for the labors of the Greeks. Four Greek writers especially devoted a large share of their attention to the subject ; and of these two remain to us entire, of the third we possess by far the greater portion, Avhile the fourth exists only in an epitome. These writers are («) Herodo- tus, who traces the history of the empire from its foundation to the year b.c. 479. His work is valuable, as he had travelled in Persia, and derived much of his information from Persian informants. But these informants were not iilways trustworthy, (h) Ctesias : he wrote a history of Persia from the accession of Cyrus to B.C. 398, and professed to have drawn the greater por- tion of his narrative from the Persian archives. But strong suspicions rest SECT. 1, 2.] PERSIA. 103 upon his good faith. His work is lost, and our knowledge of it rests almost entirely on an epitome made by the Patriarch Photius, about a.d. 880. (c) Xenophon : his Cyropcedia is a historical romance, on which a, judicious criticism wili place very slight reliance ; but his Anabasis and Hellenica are of great value for the period and events of which they treat, (d) Diodorus : his Universal History is the chief authority that we possess for the later Persian history, from Cunaxa to the expedition of Alexander. Other Greek writers who throw a hght on portions of the history are — Tiiucydides, for the period between B.C. 479 and 410 ; Plutarch, Vitce Cimonis, Artaxerxis, et Alexandri ; and Arrian, Expeditio Alexandri Magni, for the closing struggle, B.C. 334 to 330. Something may be gathered from the Latin Avrit- ers, Justin and Q. Curtius ; but the latter, where he. differs from Arrian, is untrustworthy. The best modern Avorks on Persian History are the following : Brisson, De regio Persarum principatu. Paris, 1590. A valuable com- pilation. Heeren, Ideen, etc., vol. i. (see p. 18). Kaavlinson, G., Five Great Monarchies, \o\. iv. (see p. 19). Different opinions have been entertained as to the value of the modern Per- sian writers on the antiquities of their country. Some have seen in the poem of FiRDAUSi (the Shahnatneh) and in the Chronicle of Mirkhond, genuine history, a little embellished by romantic coloring and supernatural detail. But the best critics incline to regard the writings in question as pure romance, the events related as fictitious, and the personages as chiefly mythological. 1. The Persians appear to have formed a part of a great Ariaii migration from the countries about the Oxus, which Oiiffiuofthe l>egan at a very remote time, but was not com- Persians. pleted till about B,c. 650. The line of migration was first w^estward, along the Elburz range into Armenia and Azerbijan, then south along Zagros, and finally south-east into Persia Proper. The chief who first set up an Arian monarchy in this last-named region seems to have been a certain Achoemenes (Hakhamanish), who probably ascended the throne about a century before Cyrus. 2. The nation was composed of two classes of persons — the settled population, which lived in towns or villages, for Tribe« ^^^® most part cultivating the soil, and the pastoral tribes, whose habits were nomadic. The latter consisted of four distinct tribes— the Dai, the Mardi, the Dropici or Derbices, and the Sagartii ; while the former com- prised the six divisions of the Pasargadse, the Maraj^hii, the Maspii, the Panthialaei, the Derusissi, and the Germanii or Carmanians. Of these, the first three were superior; and a very marked precedency or pre-eminency attached to the 104 PEllSIA. [book II. Pasargadfe. They formed a species of nobility, holding al- most all the high offices both in the army and at the court. The royal family of the Achaemenidse, or descendants of Achsemenes, belonged to this leading tribe. 3. A line of native Persian kins^s held the throne from Achse- menes to Cyrus; but the sovereignty which they possessed f ^^'^^ '^^^' ^^ ^"^ ^'^^® "^ ^^^ times immediately pre- f^iibjection to- Ceding Cyrus, an independent dominion. Rela- tions of a feudal character bound Persia to Media ; and the Achsemenian princes, either from the first, or certain- ly from some time before Cyrus rebelled, acknowledged the Median monarch for their suzerain. Cyrus lived as a sort of hostage at the court of Astyages, and could not leave it with- out permission. Cambyses, his father, had the royal title, and, practically, governed Persia ; but he was subject to As- tyages, and probably paid him an annual tribute. 4. The revolt of the Persians was not the consequence of their suflfering any grievous oppression ; nor did it even arise Causes of the ^om any wide-spread discontent or dissatisfaction revolt. with their condition. Its main cause was the am- bition of Cyrus. That prince had seen, as he grew up at Ec- batana, that the strength of the Medes was undermined by luxury, that their old warlike habits were laid aside, and that, in all the qualities which make the soldier, they were no match for his own countrymen. He had learnt to de- spise the faineant monarch who occupied the Its success , V T T T -. -I . 1 • IT and conse- Median throne. It occurred to hnn that it would queuces. ^^ ^^^^ ^^ make Persia an independent power; and this was probably all that he at first contemplated. But the fatal persistence of the Median monarch in attempts to reduce the rebels, and his capture in the second battle of Pasargadse, opened the way to greater changes ; and the Per- sian prince, rising to a level with the occasion, pushed his own country into the imperial position from which the suc- cess of his revolt had dislodged the Medes. Submission of the subjects of the Medes to Cyrus, b.c. 558. Rapid series of conquests. Defeat of Croesus in Cappadocia and capture of Sardis, B.C. 554. Subjeotion of the Asiatic Greeks by Ilarpagus, B.C. 553. Conquest of the remote East — Hyrcania, Parthia, Bactria, Sacia, Chorasmia, Sogdiana, Aria, Drangiana, Arachosia, Sattagydia, Gandaria — about B.C. 553 to 540. Expedition against Babylon, commenced b.c. 530, terminates successfully, B.C. 538. Importance of the fall of Semitism. SECT. 5, G.] KEIGN OF CYKU8. 105 5. Tlie warlike prince wlio thus conquered the Persian em- pire did little to organize it. Professing, probably, a purer Keio-uofc f'^^i''^! of Zoroastrianism than that which prevailed ius,°ii.G. 558- ill Media, where a mongrel religion had grown uj:) from the mixture of the old Arian creed with Scythic element-worship, he retained his own form of belief as the religion of the empire. Universal toleration w^as, liow- ever, established. The Jews, regarded with special favor as monotheists, were replaced in their proper country. Ecba- tana was kept as the capital, while Pasargadae became a sa- cred city, used for coronations and interments. The civiliza- tion of the Medes, their art, architecture, ceremonial, dress, manners, and to some extent their luxury, were adopted by the conquering people. The emj)loyment of letters in inscrip- tions on public nionuments began. No general system of administration was established. Some countries remained under tributary native kings ; others were placed under gov- ernors; in some the governmental functions were divided, and native officers shared the administration with Persians. The rate of tribute w^as not fixed. Cyrus left the work of consolidation and organization to his successors, content to have given them an empire on which to exercise their powers. Interest attaching to the Persian rehgion from its comparative pm-ity. Keligious symj^athy between the Jews and Persians. Primitive religion of the Persians contained in the Zendavesta, more especially its earlier portions, the Gdthas and the Vendidad. The attention of European scholars was first called to the Zendavesta by Anquetil du Perron, whose Zend-avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, traduit en Frangais sur Voriginal Zend, was published at Paris in 1771. This work, which, though valuable at the time, was full of faults, is now superseded by the editions of Westergaard (1852-4) and Spiegel (1851-8), and the German ti'anslation of the latter writer. The best comments on the Zendavesta are — BuRNOur, Eugene, Commentaire sur le Yagna. Paris, 1833 : 4to. Haug, Martin, Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsees. Bombay, 1862. Spiegel, F., Commentar iiber das Avesta. Leipzig, 1864. Short accounts of the Zoroastrian religion, drawn from the best sources, will be found in Dr. Pusey's Lectures on Daniel, lectures viii. and ix. , and in Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies, vol. iii. ch. iv. 6. The close of the reign of Cyrus is shrouded in some Lastcampaicrn obscurity. We do not know why he did not and death of cany out his designs against Egypt, nor what occupied him in the interval between b.c. 538 and 106 PERSIA. [book ir. 529. *We can not even say with any certainty against what enemy he was engaged when he lost his life. Herodotus and Ctesias are here irreconcilably at variance, and though the authority of the former is greater, the narrative of the latter is in this instance the more credible. Both writers, however, are agreed that the Persian king was engaged in chastising an enemy on his north-eastern frontier, when he received the wound from which he died. Probably he was endeavoring to strike terror into the nomadic hordes who liere bordered the empire, and so to secure his territories from their dreaded aggressions. If this was his aim, his enterprise was successful; for we hear of no invasion of Per- sia from the Turcoman country until after the time of Alex- ander. V. Cyrus left behind him two sons, Cambyses and Bardius, or (as the Greeks called him) Smerdis. To the former he Accession of ^^^^ ^^^ regal title and the greater portion of his Cambyses, dominions ; to the latter he secured the inherit- Death'of ancc of some large and important provinces. This braei IS. imprudent arrangement cost Smerdis his life, by rousing the jealousy of his brother, who very early in his reign caused him to be put to death secretly. 8. The genius of Cambyses was warlike, like that of his father ; but he did not possess the same ability. Neverthe- Submission of ^^^^ ^^ added important provinces to the empire. Phoenicia aud First of all he procured the submission of Phoeni- questof cia and Cyprus, the great naval powers of West- gyp 5 e c. g^,^^ Asia, which had not been subject to Cyrus. lie then invaded Africa, b.c. 525, defeated Psammenitus in a pitched battle, took Memphis, conquered Egypt, received the submission of the neighboring Libyan tribes, and of the Greek towns of the Cyrenaica, and proceeded to form de- signs of remarkable grandeur. But these projects all mis- carried. The expedition against Carthage was stopped by the refusal of the Phoenicians to attack their own colony ; that against the oasis of Ammon ended in a frightful dis- aster. His own march against Ethiopia was arrested by the failure of provisions and water in the Nubian desert ; and the losses which he incurred by persisting too long in his at- tempt brought Egypt to the brink of rebellion. . The severe measures taken to repress this revolt were directed especial- SECT. 9-11.] REIGN OF DARIUS I. 107 ly against the powerful caste of the priests, and had the ef- fect of thoroughly alienating the province, which thence- forth never ceased to detest and plot against its conquerors. 9. The stay of Oambyses in Egyjot, imprudently prolong- ed, brought about a revolution at the Medo-Persian capital. Usur ationof ^ Magus, named Gomates, supported by his or- the pseudo- dcr, which was powerful in many parts of the Smerdis. Sui- . ^^ , n -, ^ cideofcam- empire, ventured to personate the dead Smerdis, yses,u.c.52^- ^^^^ seized the throne in his name. His claim was tacitly acknowledged. Cambyses, when the news reach- ed him in Syria on his march homeward, despairing of being able to make head against the imj^ostor, committed suicide -^B.c. 522 — after having reigned eight years. The Magian revolution was religious rather than political. The subject is still to some extent obscure 5 but it seems certain that Magianisra and Zoro- astrianism were at this time two distinct and opposed systems. The pre- tender was a Magus, born in the eastern part of Persia; and the object of the revolution was to make Magianism the State religion. Its ill success re- established the pure religion of Zoroaster. 10. To conciliate his subjects, the pseudo-Smerdis began his reign by a three years' remission of tribute, and an ex- Eeic^nofthe ^"^P^ion of the Conquered nations from military pseudo-Smer- service for the like space. At the same time, he adopted an extreme system of seclusion, in the hope that his imposture might escape detection, never quit- ting the palace, and allowing no communication between his wives and their relations. But the truth gradually oozed out. His religious reforms were startling in an Achaemenian prince. His seclusion was excessive and suspicious. Doubts began to be entertained, and secret messages between the great Persian nobles and some of the palace inmates convert- ed these doubts into certainty. Darius, the son of Hystas- pes, and probably heir-presumptive to the crown, headed an insurrection, and the impostor was slain after he had reigned eight months. Institution of the Magophonia, which continued to be observed down to the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Indication presented by this custom of a time when the Magi were not the Persian priests. 11. Darius I., who ascended the throne in January, e.c. 521, and held it for nearly thirty-six years, was the greatest of the Persian monarchs. He was at once a conqueror and 108 PERSIA. [hook ii. ^ an administrator. Durinoj the earlier part of his Accession of ., . . '^ Darins I., i>.c. reign he was engaged in a series of struggles of revolts, U.O. against rebellions, which broke out in almost all 521-515. parts of the empire. Susiana, Babylonia, Persia Proper, Media, Assyria, Armenia, Ilyrcania, Parthia, Margi- ana, Sagartia, and Sacia successively revolted. The satraps in Egypt and Asia Minor acted as though independent of his authority. The empire was shaken to its centre, and threat- ened to fall to pieces. But the military talent and prudence of the legitimate monarch prevailed. Within the space of six years the rebellions were all put dow^n, the pretenders executed, and tranquillity generally restored throughout the disturbed provinces. 12. The evils of disorganization, which had thus manifest- ed themselves so conspicuously, may have led Darius to turn Organization his thoughts towards a remedy. At any rate, to of the empu-e. j^-j^^ belongs the credit of having given to the Persian empire that peculiar organization and arrangement which maintained it in a fairly flourishing condition for nearly two centuries. He divided the whole empire into twenty (?) governments, called " satrapies," and established everywhere a uniform and somewhat complicated govern- mental system. Native tributary kings were swept away; and, in lieu of them, a single Persian oflicial held in each province the supreme civil authority. A standing army of Medo-Persians, dispersed throughout the empire, supported the civil power, maintained tranquillity, and was ready to re- sist the attacks of foreigners. A fixed rate of tribute took the place of arbitrary exactions. " Royal roads " were es- tablished, and a system of posts arranged, whereby the court received rapid intelligence of all that occurred in the provin- ces, and promptly communicated its OAvn commands to the remotest corners of the Persian territory. Peculiarities or the Persian Governmental System, (a) Limits of satrapies not always geographic, cognate tribes being grouped together, even though locally separate, (b) Elaborate system of checks established. The satrap properly only the civil governor. Military power wielded by the commandants and commanders of garrisons. Institution of royal secretaries, attached to the courts of the satraps as "King's Eyes" and "Ears" — with the right and duty of communicating directly with the CroAvn by the public post, and of keeping the king acquainted with all that occurred in their re- spective districts, (c) Visitation of provinces suddenly and without notice SECT. 13,14.] GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM. 109 1)3^ royal commissioners, or by the king in person ; overhauling of the ad- ministration and public hearing of complaints, (d) Institution of royal judges, perhaps confined to Persia Proper, but important as indicating the separation, in some cases at any rate, of judicial from administrative func- tions, (e) Fixity of the tribute levied by the State on the provinces, and di- vision of it into— 1, a money payment ; and 2, a payment in kind ; but in- definite power of exaction possessed by the satraps. Finlher revenue drawn by the State from — 1. A water-rate ; 2. Fisheries and tl^Uke ; and 3. Pres- ents. (/; Coinage of money, both gold and silver, on a large scale, and gen- eral circulation of both kinds of coin through the empire. Purity of the gold coinage extraordinary. Weak points of the system, and tendency to gradual comiption. (a) Sys- tem of checks tends to weaken authority, and is found inconvenient in times of danger. Practice of uniting offices, especially those of satrap and com- mandant, begins. The great increase of power thus obtained by the satraps leads naturally to formidable revolts. (6) Practical discontinuance of in- spections by royal commissioners removes an important check upon misgov- erament. (c) A tendency to make offices hereditary shows itself; and this limits the power of the Crown, and helps forward the process of disintegi-a- tion. Detachment, partial or complete, of provinces from the emphe. Prov- inces once lost not often recovered. 13. The military system, established or inherited by Dari- us, had for its object to combine the maximum of efficiency Military sys- against a foreign enemy Avith the minimum of t«™- danger from internal disaffection. The regular p'ofession of arms was confined to the dominant race — or to that race and a few others of closely kindred origin — and a standing army, thus composed and amounting to several hundreds of thousands, maintained order throughout the Great King's dominions, and conducted the smaller and less important expeditions. But when danger threatened, or a great expedition was to be undertaken, the whole empire was laid under contribution; each one of the subject nations Avas required to send its quota; and in this way armies were collected which sometimes exceeded a million of men. In the later times, mercenaries were largely employed, not only in expeditions, but as a portion of the standing army. Internal organization of the native standing army on a decimal system with six grades of officers. Three divisions of the service — inf^mtry, cavalry, and chariots ; but the last rarely used. Importance of the cavalry, Avhich are either heavily armed, or exceedingly active and light. General goodness of the Persian troops, but worthlessness of the provincial levies. 14. The navy of the Persians was drawn entirely from the conquered nations. Phoenicia, Egypt, Cyprus, Cilicia, Asiatic 110 PERSIA. [book II. Greece, and other of the maritime countries sul> ^^^' ject to Persia, furnished contingents of ships and crews according to their relative strength ; and fleets were thus collected of above a thousand vessels. The ship of Avar ordinarily employed was the trireme ; but lesser vessels were also used occasionally. The armed force on board the ships (e-mfjaraL or "marines") was Medo-Persian, either whol- ly or predominantly ; and the fleets were usually placed un- der a Persian or Median commander. 15. The great king to whom Persia owed her civil, and (probably in part) her military organization, was not dis- ludiauexpe- P^^^^ tsome gleams of sunshine. 118 PERSIA. [hook II. Accession of was Oil the wliole disastrous. Kevolt succeeded Sl^^Rapid ^* to revolt ; and, though most of the insurrectioiis state"^ Re-^^ ^^^'^ quellcd, it was at the cost of what remained volts of sa- of Persian honor and self-respect. Corruption 414. ' was used instead of force against the rebellious armies ; and the pledges freely given to the leaders in order to procure their submission were systematically disregarded. Arsites, the king's brother, his fellow-conspirator, a brother of Megabyzus, and Pissuthnes, the satrap of Lydia, were suc- cessively entrapped in this way, and suffered instant execu- tion. So low had the feeling of honor sunk, that Pissuthnes's captor, Tissaphernes, instead of showing indignation, like Megabyzus (see § 31), accepted the satrapy of his victim, and thus made himself a participant in his sovereign's perfidy. 35. Still more dangerous to the State, if less disgraceful, A\ere the practices Avhich now arose of uniting commonly itciaxation of the offices of satrap and commander of the forces, authority. ^^^^ ^f comiiritting to a single governor two, or even three, satrapies. The authority of the Crown was re- laxed ; satraps became practically uncontrolled ; their law- less acts were Avinked at or condoned ; and their govern- ments tended more and more to become hereditary fiefs — the first step, in empires like the Persian, to disintegration. 36. The revolts of satraps were followed by national out- breaks, which, though sometimes quelled, were in other in- Nationaiout- stances succcssful. Ill B.C. 408, the Medes, who tem^^t^of the ^^^^ patiently acquiesced in Persian rule for more Medes, B.C. than a century, made an effort to shake off the of Egypt, ii.c, yoke, but w^ere defeated and reduced to subjec- '*"^' tion. Three years later, b.c. 405, Egypt once more rebelled, under Nepherites, and succeeded in establish- ing its independence. (See Book I., Part II., § 23.) The Per- sians were expelled from Africa, and a native prince seated himself on the throne of the Pharaohs. 37. It was some compensation for this loss, and perhaps for others towards the north and north-east of the empire, Recovery of that in Asia Minor the authority of the Great tiuentai cities' King was oiice more established over the Greek coiSqueAJe cities. It was the Peloponnesian War, rather poSfeJali^' *^^^'^ *^^® peace of Callias, which had prevented War,B.o.4i2. any collision between the great powers of Europe SECT. 38, 39.] KEIGN OF DAKIUS NUTHUS. ] 19 and Asia for thirty-seven years. Botli Athens and Sparta had their hands full ; and though it might have been expect- ed that Persia would have at once taken advantage of the quarrel to reclaim at least her lost continental dominion, yet she seems to have refrained, through moderation or fear, un- til the Athenian disasters in Sicily encouraged her to make an effort. She then invited the Spartans to Asia, and by the treaties which she concluded with them, and the aid which she gave them, re-acquired without a struggle all the Greek cities of the coast. It was her policy, however, not to depress Athens too much— a policy which was steadily pursued, till the personal ambition of the younger Cyrus caused a departure from the line dictated by prudence. Satraps of Asia Minor required to collect the tribute of the Greek cities, B.C. 413. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus invite the Spartans to Asia, First treaty made by Sparta Avitli Tissaphernes, b.c. 412. Second and third treaty in the same year. By the last all Asia expressly ceded to the king. Tissa- phernes helps the Spartans, but cautiously. In disgust they quit him and accept the invitation of Pharnabazus. Kivalry of the satraps injurious to Persia. Pharnabazus, however, pursues the same policy as Tissaphernes, only more clumsily, till Cyrus appears upon the scene, b.c. 407, and, being anxious to obtain effectual aid from the Spartans, embraces their side of the quarrel heartily, and enables Lysander to bring the war to an end. 38. The progress of corruption at court kept pace with the general decline which may be traced in all parts of the Corrnptionof empire. The power of the eunuchs increased, the court. ^^^^ ^j^gy began to aspire, not only to govern the monarch, but actually to seat themselves upon the throne. Female influence more and more directed the general course of affairs ; and the vices of conscious weakness, perfidy and barbarity, came to be looked upon as the mainstays* of gov- ernment. 39. Darius Nothus died b.c. 405, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Arsaces, who on his accession took the name Reign of Ar- ^^ Artaxerxes. Artaxerxes II., called by the I'^rioSleJ'' ^^'^^^s 3fnemon on account of the excellence of his memory, had from the very first a rival in his brother Cyrus. Parysatis had endeavored to gain the king- dom for her younger son, while the succession was still open ; and when her efforts failed, and Artaxerxes was named to succeed his father, she encouraged Cyrus to vindicate his 120 PERSIA. ■ [nuoic u. claim by arms. It would undoubtedly have been advanta- geous to Persia that the stronger-minded of the two brothers Attempt of should have been victor in the struggle ; but the Cyrus. Battle fortune of war decided otherwise. Cyrus fell at of Ctmaxa, , . . . *' , ji.c.4oi. Cunaxa, a victnn to his own impetuosity; and Artaxerxes 11. obtained undisputed possession of the throne, which he held for above forty years. March of Cyrus from Sarclis in the spring of b.c. 401. Passage of the Eu- phrates, about July. Battleof Cunaxa, about September. Treacherous mas- A sacre of the generals. Return of the Ten Thousand under Xenophon during \ the winter and the ensuing spring, B.C. 401 to 400. 40. The expedition of Cyrus produced a complete change . in the relations between Persia and Sparta. Sparta had War between given Cyrus important assistance, and thereby ir- PersiaB^^SQQ I'emediably oifended the Persian monarch. The -394. result of the expedition encouraged her to precip- itate the rupture which she had provoked. Having secured the services of the Ten Thousand, she attacked the Persians in Asia Minor ; and her troops, under Thimbron, Dercyllidas, and Agesilatis, made the Persians tremble for their Asiatic dominion. Wisely resolving to find her enemy employment at home, Persia brought about a league between the chief of the secondary powers of Greece — Argos, Thebes, Athens, and Corinth — supplying them with the sinews of war, and con- tributing a contingent of ships, which at once turned the scale, and by the battle of Cnidus, b.c. 394, gave the mastery of the sea to the confederates. Agesilatis was recalled to Eu- rope, and Sparta found herself so joressed that she was glad to agree to the peace known as that of Antalci- tnicidas, b.c. das, whereby the Greeks of Europe generally re- linquished to Persia their Asiatic brethren, and allowed the Great King to assume the part of authoritative arbiter in the Grecian quarrels, b.c. 387. 41. Glorious as the peace of Antalcidas was for Persia, and satisfactory as it must have been to her to see her most for- RevoitofEva- uiidable enemies engaged in internecine conflict f^i^who^'ub- ^1^6 with another, yet the internal condition of the terms^B^o empire showed no signs of improvement. The 379. ' revolt of Evagoras, Greek tyrant of Salamis in Cyprus, was with difficulty put down, after a long and doubt- ful struggle, B.C. 391 to 379, in which disaffection was exhib- SECT. 42-44.] REIGN OF ARTAXEKXES MNEMON. 121 ited by the Phoenicians, the Cilicians, the Carians, and the Iduniiean Arabs. The terms made with Evagoras were a confession of weakness, since lie retained his sovereignty, and merely consented to pay the Persian king an annual tribute. 42. The revolt of the Cadusians on the shores of the Cas- pian about this same period, b.c. 384, gave Artaxerxes II. an Eevoitofthe opportunity of trying his own qualifications for Cadusians, military command. The trial was unfavorable ; ];.c. 3S4. '^ for he was only saved from disaster by the skill of Tiribazus, one of his officers, w^ho procured with consum- mate art tlie submission of the rebels. 43. Artaxerxes, however, proud of the success which might be said, on the whole, to have attended his arms, was not content with the mere recovery of newdy-revolted Schemes of . - •> j Artaxerxes. proviuccs, but aspired to restore to the emj^ire its samos!^^Ex^ ancient limits. His generals commenced the re- agaiusT duction of the Greek islands by the occupation Egypt, B.C. of Samos; and in b.c. 375, having^ secured the services of the Athenian commander, Iphicrates, he sent a great expedition against Egypt, which was intend- ed to reconquer that country. Iphicrates, however, and Pharnabazus, the Persian commander, quarrelled. The expe- its tuition wholly failed ; and the knowledge of the failure provoked a general spirit of disaffection in the western satrapies, which brought the empire to the verge of destruction. But corruption and treachery, now the usual Persian w^eapons, were successful once more. Orontes and , ., .. . Rheomithras took bribes to desert their confed- Agesilaus in Egypt, U.C. erates ; Datames w^as entrapped and executed. An attempt of Egypt, favored by Sparta, and pro- moted by Agesilaiis in person, b.c. 361, to annex Phoenicia and Syria, was frustrated by internal commotions, and the reign of Artaxerxes closed Avithout any further contraction of the Persian territory. 44. The court continued during the reign of Artaxerxes II. a scene of horrors and atrocities of the same kind that Disorders of bad prevailed since the time of Xerxes I. Pary- ihe court. satis, the queen-mother, was its presiding spirit; and the* long catalogue of her cruel and bloody deeds is al- most without a parallel even in the history of Oriental des- potisms. The members of the royal household became now 6 122 PERSIA. [book II. the special objects of jealousy to one another; family affec- tion had disappeared ; and executions, assassinations, and sui- cides decimated the royal stock. 45. Ochus, the youngest legitimate son of Artaxerxes II., who had obtained the throne by the execution of his eldest and the suicide of his second brother, assumed on Reigu of Ar- . . ^ • /. i taxerxes III., his acccssion (B.C. 359) the name of his father, and it.c. 359-338. . , aV.. • ttt tt • x« IS known as Artaxerxes 111. He was a prmce oi more vigor and spirit than any monarch since Darius Hys- taspis; and the power, reputation, and general prosperity of the empire were greatly advanced under his administration. The court, however, was incurably corrupt ; and Ochus can not be said to liave at all improved its condition. Rather, it was a just Nemesis by which, after a reign of twenty-one years, B.C. 359 to 338, he fell a victim to a conspiracy of the seraglio. 46. The first step taken by the new king was the com- Destruction P^^^^ destruction of the royal family, or, at any of the royal rate, of all but its more remote branches. Hav- stock. ing thus secured himself against rivals, he pro- ceeded to arrange and execute some important enterprises. 47. The revolt of Artabazus in Asia Minor, fomented at first' by Athens, and afterwards by Thebes, was important Revolt of \r- ^^^^^ ^^ delaying the grand enterprise of Ochus, tabazus, who and as leadino; to the first betraval of a spirit flies to Philip . ^ . ofMacedoii, inimical to Persia on the part of Philip of Mace- don. Phili]3 received Artabazus as a refugee at his court, and thus provoked those hostile measures to which Ochus had recourse later in his reign — measures which fur- nished a ground of complaint to Alexander. 48. About B.C. 351, Ochus marched a large army into Egypt, bent on recovering that province to the empire. First expedi- Ncctanebo, howcver, the Egyptian king, met him a'SinSgypt i^ the field, defeated him, and completely re- faiis. pulsed his expedition. Ochus returned to Persia to collect fresh forces, and immediately the whole of the West was in a flame. Phoenicia reclaimed her independence, and placed herself under the government of Ten- nes, king of Sidon. Cyprus revolted, and set up nine native sovereigns. In Asia Minor a dozen petty chief- tains assumed the airs of actual monarchs. Ochus, however, SECT. 49-51.] REIGN OF ARTAXERXES OCHUS. 123 nothing daunted, employed his satraps to quell or check the revolts, while he himself collected a second armament, ob- tained the services of Greek generals, and hired Greek mer- cenaries to the number of 10,000. He then proceeded in person against Phoenicia and Egypt, b.c. 346. 49. Partly by force, but mainly by treachery, Sidon was taken and Phoenicia reduced to subjection; Mentor, with Second expe- 4000 Greeks, deserting and joining the Persians. SuiSS Egypt was then a second time invaded ; Necta- ff/^\^^^\,.^ nebo was defeated and driven from the country ; i)4D, wnicn. uie ^ •' ' recovered. and the Egyptian satrapy was recovered. The glory which Ochus thus acquired was great ; but the value of his success, as an indication of reviving Persian vigor, was diminished by the fact that it was mainly owing to the con- duct of Greek generals and the courage of Greek mercena- Periodofvi'^- ^*^^^' Still, to Bagoas, the eunuch, and to Ochus ^^- himself, some of the credit must be allowed ; and the vigorous administration which followed on the Egyptian campaign gave promise of a real recovery of pristine force and strength. But this prospect was soon clouded by a fresh revolution in the palace, which removed the most ca- pable of the later Achaemenian monarchs. 50. A savage cruelty was one of the most prominent fea- tures in the character of Ochus ; and his fierceness and vio- ^ , . lence had rendered him unpopular with his sub- Ochns IS mur- . i t^ i ' -, • n - - dered by Ba- iects, when the cunuch Baojoas, his chief minister, {Toas, B.C. 338. "^ / t , . . f- ^^^ -r» Reign of Ar- Ventured on his assassination, b.c. 338, Bagoas ^^^' placed Arses, the king's youngest son, upon the throne, and destroyed the rest of the seed royal. It was his object to reign as minister of a prince who was little more than a boy; but after two years he grew alarmed at some threats that Arses had uttered, and secured himself by a fresh murder. Not venturing to assume the vacant crown himself, he conferred it on a friend, named Codomannus — perhaps descended from Darius II. — who mounted the throne under the title of Darius III., and immediately put to death the wretch to whom he owed his elevation, b.c. 336. 51. Superior morally to the greater number of his prede- cessors, Darius III. did not possess sufficient intel- ReignofDa- , , i .,- i , i • ^ -^i xi rius III., B.O. lectual ability to enable him to grapple with the difficulties of the circumstances in which he was 124 PERSIA. . [book ii. placed. The Macedonian invasion of Asia, whicli had com- menced before he mounted the throne, laiied to alarm him as it ought to have done. He probably despised Alex- ander's youth and inexperience ; at any rate, it is certain that he took no sufficient measures to guard his country against the attack with which it was threatened. Had Per- sia joined the European enemies of Alexander in the first year of his reign, the Macedonian conquest of Asia might never have taken place. Still, Darius was not wholly want- ing to the occasion. An important native and mercenary force was collected in Mysia to oppose the invader, if he should land ; and a large fleet was sent to the coast, which ought to have made the passage of the Hellespont a matter of difficulty. But the remissness and over-confidence of the . Persian leaders rendered these measures ineiFect- vadesAsia, ual. Alexander's landing was unopposed, and the battle of the Granicus (b.c. 334), which might have been avoided, caused the immediate loss of all Asia Minor. Soon afterwards, the death of Memnon deprived Darius of his last chance of success by disconcerting all his plans for the invasion of Europe. Compelled to act wholly on the defensive, he levied two great armies, and fought two Buttle of Is- great battles against his foe. In the first of these, !?ns,]j.c.333. ^|. igg^g (i3c^ 333), he no doubt threw away all i.'Iiance of victory by engaging his adversary in a defile; but in the second all the advantages that nature had placed on l.'ie side of the Persians were given full fjlay. Tlie battle r, itticof Ai-- of Arbela (Oct. 1, b.c. 331), fought in the broad bi;ia, li.c.aoi. plains of Adiabene, on ground carefully selected and prepared by the Persians, fairly tested the relative strength of the two powers ; and when it was lost, the em- pire of Persia came naturally to an end. The result of the contest might have been predicted from the time of the bat- tle of Marathon. The inveterate tendency of Greece to dis- union, and the liberal employment of Persian gold, had de- ferred a result that could not be prevented, for nearly two centuries. For the details of the Greek wars with Persia, see Book III., Third Peri- od ; and for those of the uar between Darius and Alexander, see Book IV., First Period. iidA: ,^^Ut< BOOK III HISTORY OF THE GRECIAN STATES FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER. Geograpldcal Outline. 1. Hellas, or Greece Proper, is a peninsula of moderate size, bounded on the nortli by Olympus, the Cambunian Shape, bound- mountains, and an artificial line prolonged west- oEcieut^^^'^ ward to the Acroceraunian promontory; on the Greece. \\Q^t by the Adriatic or Ionian Gulf; on the south by the Mediterranean ; and on the east by the ^gean Sea. Its greatest length from nortli to south, between the Cambunian mountains and Cape Tsenarus, is about 250 Eng- lish miles ; its greatest width, between the Acroceraunian promontory and the mouth of the Peneus, or again between the coast of Acarnania and Marathon in Attica, is about 180 miles. Its superficial extent has been estimated at 35,000 square miles, which is somewhat less than the size of Por- tugal. 2. The geographical features which most distinctly char- acterize the Hellenic Peninsula are the numbei- of its mount- Chief charac- ^'^"^ ^^^^ ^^^^ extent of its sea-board. Numerous teristics: L deep bays strono^ly indent the coast, Avhile longj Extent of sea- l .-' a J _ ' _ » hoard. 2. and narrow promontories run out far into the Number of 1 1 • t • i . -^ mountain- sea ou all sides, causing the proportion or coast to area to be very much greater than is found in any other country of Southern Europe. Excellent harbors abound; the tideless sea has few dangers; ofl:' the coast lie numerous littoral islands of great beauty and fertility. Na- ture has done her utmost to tempt the population to mari- time pursuits, and to make them cultivate the art of naviga- tion. Communication between most parts of the country is shorter and easier by sea than by land ; for the mountain- chains which intersect the rec-ion in all directions are for the 12G GREECE. [book hi. most part lofty and rugged, traversable only by a few passes, often blocked by snow in the winter time. 3. The Mountain-system of Greece may best be regarded as an offshoot from the great European chain of the Alps. General de- At a point a little to the west of the 21st degree SiounSn. of longitude (E. from Greenwich), the Albanian system. Alps throw out a spur, which, under the names of Scardus, Pindus, Corax, Taphiassus, Panachaicus, Lampea, Pholoe, Parrhasius, and Taygetus, runs in a direction a little east of south from the 42d parallel to the promontory of Tse- narum. From this great lo7igitudinal chain are thrown out, at brief intervals on either side, a series of lateral branches, having a general latitudinal direction ; from which again there start off other cross ranges, which follow the course of the main chain, or backbone of the region, pointing nearly south-east. The latitudinal chains are es^^ecially marked and important in the eastern division of the country, between Pindus and the ^gean. Here are thrown off, successively, tlie Cambunian and Olympic range, which formed the north- ern boundary of Greece Proper; the range of Othrys, which separated Thessaly from Malis and JEniania ; that of (Eta, which divided between Malis and Doris ; and that of Par- nassus, Helicon, Cithseron, and Parnes, which, starting from near Delphi, terminated in the Rhamnusian promontory, op- posite Euboea, forming in its eastern portion a strong barrier between Boeotia and Attica. Of a similar character on the opposite side were Mount Lingus in Northern Epirus, which struck westward from Pindus at a point nearly opposite the Cambunians ; together with Mount Tymphrestus in North- ern, and Mount Bomius in Central ^tolia. In the Pelopon- nese, the main chain, which stretched from Rhium to T»na- rum, threw off, on the west, Mount Scollis, which divided Achiea from Elis, and Mount Elaeon, which separated Elis from Messenia ; while, towards the east, the lateral branches were, first, one which, under the names of Erymanthus, Aroa- nia, and Cyllene, divided Achjsa from Arcadia, and which was then prolonged eastward to the Scyllsean promontory in Argolis ; and, secondly, Mount Parthenium, which intervened between Argolis and Laconia. Of secondary longitudinal chains the only ones which need special mention are the range of Pelion and Ossa, Avhich shut in Thessaly on the east; SECT. 4-G.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 127 that of Pentelicns, Hymettus, and Anhydrus, in Attica; and that of Parnon in the Peloj^onnese, which stretched from near Tegea to Malea. 4. The Mountain-chains of Greece occupy so large a por- tion of the area that but little is left for level ground or ^^ , . Plains. Still, a certain number of such spaces The plams. .^ _'. i-.^^.. existed, and were tlie more valued for their rarity. The greater i)ortion of Thessaly was a vast plain, surrounded by mountains, and drained by a single river, the Peneus. In Boeotia there were two large plains, one the marshy plain of the Cephissus, much of which was occupied by Lake Co- pais ; and the other, the plain of Asopus, on the verge of which stood Thebes, Thesj^iae, and Platsea. Attica boasted of three principal plains, that of Eleusis, adjoining the city of the name, that of Athens itself, and that of Marathon. In Western and Southern Pelopoimese were the lowlands of Cava Elis on either side of the Peneus river, of Macaria, about the mouth of the Pamisus, and of Helos, at the embouchure of the Eurotas ; in the central region were the high upland plains, or basins, of Tegea, Mantinea, Pheneus, and Orchome- nus ; while Eastern Peloponnese boasted the fertile alluvium of Argos, watered by the Chimarrhus, Erasinus, Phrixus, Charadrus, and Inachus. 5. The RivEKS of Greece were numerous, but of small vol- ume, the majority being little more than winter torrents, The rivers. ^"^^ Carrying little or no water in the summer- time. The only streams of any real magnitude were the Acheloiis, which rose in Epirus, and divided ^tolia from Acarnania ; the northern Peneus, Avhich drained the great Thessalian plain; and the Alpheus, the stream on whose banks stood Olympia. Among secondary rivers may be noticed the Thyamis, Oropus, and Arachthus, in Epirus ; the Evenus and Daphnus, in ^tolia; the Spercheius, in Malis ; the Cephissus and Asopus, in Boeotia ; the Peneus, Pamisus, Eurotas, and Inachus, in the Peloponnese. 6. It is a characteristic of the Grecian rivers to disappear in Catahothra or subterraneous passages. The limestone The Catabo- rocks are full of caves and fissures, while the j^lains ^^^^- consist often of land-locked basins which present to the eye no manifest outlet. Here the streams commonly form lakes, the waters of which flow off through an under- ]28 GKEECE. [ijook in. ground channel, sometimes visible, sometimes only conjec- tured to exist, to the sea. Instances of such visible outlets are those by which the Cepliissus finds an egress from Lake Co^Dais, in Boeotia (where art, however, has assisted nature), and those by which the superfluous waters are carried off from most of the lakes in the Peloponnese. Invisible chan- nels are believed to give a means of escape to the waters of Lakes Hylice and Trephia, in Boiotia. 7. The Lakes of Greece are numerous, but not very re- markable. The largest is Lake Copais, in Boeotia, the area of which has been estimated at forty-one square The lakes miles. N^ext in size to this is, probably, Boebeis, in Thessaly, formed mainly by the overflowings of the Pe- neus. To these may be added La'ke Pambotis, in Epirus, on the southern shores of which was the oracular shrine of Do- dona ; Lakes Trichonis and Conope, in ^tolia, between the Evenus and Acheloiis ; Lake Nessonis, near Lake Boebeis, in Thessaly; Lake Xynias, in Achsea Phthiotis; the smaller Boeotian lakes, Ilylice and Trephia; and the Arcadian lakes of Pheneus, Stymphalus, Orchomenus, Mantinea, and Tegea. 8. It has been observed that the littoral islands of Greece were both numerous and important. The principal one was The littoral Euboea, whicli lay as a great breakwater along islands. ^]^^ Avholc east coast of Attica, Boeotia, and Lo- cris, extending in length rather more than 100 miles, with an average breadth of about fifteen miles. Very inferior to this in size, but nearly equal in importance, was Corcyra, on the opposite or w^estern side of the peninsula, which had a length of forty, and a breadth varying from fifteen to five miles. Besides these, there lay ofl* the west coast Paxos, Leucas or Leucadia, Ithaca, Cephallenia, and Zacynthus (now Zante) ; oif the south, the CEnussa^ and Cythera ; off the east, Tiparenus, Hydria, Calauria, ^gina, Salamis, Cythnus, Ceos, Helene, Andros, Scyros, Peparethus, Halonnesus, and Scia- thus. From the south-eastern shores of Euboea and Attica, the Cyclades and Sporades extended in a continuous series, like a set of stepping-stones, across the ^gean Sea to Asia. On the other side, from Corcyra and the Acroceraunian promontory, the eye could see, on a clear day, the opposite coast of Italy. 9. The natural division of Greece is into IsTortheen, Cen- SKCT. 10-12.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINP:. 129 . TRAL, and Southern. Northei'ii Grcece extends from the Nutiuai divis- "oi'tli boundary-line to the point where the east- ^""^- era and western shores are respectively indented by tlie Gulfs of Malis and Ambracia or Actium. Central Greece reaches from this point to the Isthmus of Corinth. Southern Greece is identical with the Peloponnese. 10. Northern Greece contained in ancient times two principal countries, Thessaly and Epirus, which were sepa- NoRTiiEEN rated from each other by the high chain of Pin- Gkeece. (-1^g^ Besides these, there were, on the eastern side of the mountain barrier, Magnesia and Acliasa Phthiotis ; and in the mountain region itself, halfway between the two • gulfs, Dolopia, or the country of the Dolopes. 11. Thessaly, the largest and most fertile country of Greece Proper, was almost identical with the basin of the Peneus. It was a region nearly circular in shape, ^ ' ^* with a diameter of about seventy miles. Mount- ains surrounded it on every side, from which descended numerous streams, all of them converging, and flowing ulti^^^ mately into the Peneus. The united waters passed to th^ / sea through a single narrow gorge, the celebrated A'ale of Tempe, which was said to have been caused by an earth- quake. Thessaly was divided into four provinces : — {a) Per- I'hfebia on the north, along the skirts of Olympus and the Cambunians ; (b) Histiseotis, towards the west, on the flanks of Pindus, and along the upper course of the Peneus ; (c) Thessaliotis, towards the south, bordering on Achaea Phthio- tis and Dolopia ; and (d) Pelasgiotis, towards the east, be- tween the Enipeus and Magnesia. Its chief cities were, in Perrhaebia, Gonni and Phalanna ; in Histiaeotis, Gomphi and Tricca ; in Thessaliotis, Cierium and Pharsalus ; in Pelasgio- tis, Larissa and Pherse. 12. Epirus, the next largest country to Thessaly, w^as in shape an oblong square, seventy miles long from north to south, and about fifty-five miles across. It con- sisted of a series of lofty mountains, twisted spurs from Pindus, with narrow valleys between, along the courses of the numerous streams. The main divisions were — on the east, Molossis ; chief cities, Dodona, Ambracia : to the north- west, Chaonia ; cities, Phcenice, Buthrotum, Cestria : to the south-west, Thesprotia; cities, Pandosia, Cassope, and in 6* 130 GREECE. [book hi. later times, Nicopolis. EiDirus, during the real historical period, was Illyrian rather than Greek. 13. Magnesia and Achsea Phthiotis are sometimes reckon- ed as parts of Thessaly ; but, in the early times, at any rate, they were distinct countries. Magnesia was the agnebia. (joast-tract between the mouth of the Peneus and the Pagasaean Gulf, comprising the two connected ranges of Ossa and Pelion, with the country immediately at their base. It measured in length about sixty-five, and in width from ten to fifteen miles. Its chief cities were Myrse, Meliboca, and Casthanoea upon the eastern coast ; lolcus, in the Gulf of Pagasse ; and Bcebe, near Lake Boebeis, in the interior. Achiea Phthiotis was the tract immediately south of Thessa- Achjea Phthi- ^J, extending from the Pagasser.n Gulf on the east Otis. to the part of Pindus inhabited by the Dolopes. It was a region nearly square in shape, each side of the square measuring about thirty miles. It consisted of Mount Othrys, with the country at its base. The chief cities were Halos, Thebae Phthiotides, Itonus, Melitcea, Lamia, and Xy- nise, on Lake Xynias. 14. Dolopia, or the country of the Dolopes, comprised a portion of the range of Pindus, together with the more west- ern part of Othrys, and the upper valleys of sev- o opia. ^^^^^ streams which ran into the Achelotis. It was a small tract, not more than forty miles long by fifteen broad, and was very rugged and mountainous. 15. Central Greece, or the tract intervening between ]N'orthern Greece and the Peloponnese, Contained eleven Centeai. countries; viz., Acarnania, ^tolia. Western Lo- Gbeece. (.j.^g^ ^niania, Doris, Malis, Eastern Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, Attica, and Megaris. 16. Acarnania, the most western of the countries, was a triangular tract, bounded on the north by the Ambracian Gulf, on the east by the Achelotis, and on the Acaruama. ' , i » n . . -r • t t south-Avest by the Adriatic. Its sides measured respectively fifty, thirty-five, and thirty miles. Its chief cities were, in the interior, Stratus ; on the coast, Anacto- rium. Solium, Astacus, and Q^niada}. 17. ^tolia adjoined Acarnania on the east, and extended ^, ,. in that direction as far as ^niania and Doris. On the north it was bounded by Dolopia ; on the SECT. 18-22.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 131 south by the Corinthian Gulf. In size it was about double Acarnania, and its area considerably exceeded that of any other country in this part of Hellas. It was generally mountainous, but contained a flat and marshy tract between the mouths of the Evenus and Achelotis ; and somewhat farther to the north, a large plain, in which were two great lakes, the Conope and the Trichonis. Its chief cities were Pleuron, Calydon, and Thermon. 1 8. Western Locris, or the country of the Locri Ozola?, lay on the coast of the Corinthian Gulf, immediately to the east Western Lo- of ^toHa. Its length along the coast was about ^"'*- thirty-seven miles, and its depth inland from about two miles to twenty-three. Its chief cities were Naupactus on the coast, and Amphissa in the interior. 19. ^niania, or ^Etaea, as it was sometimes called, lay also east of ^tolia, but towards the north, whereas Locris ad- ^uianiaor joined it towards the south, ^niania was sepa- ^ttea. rated from ^tolia by the continuation of Pin- dus southward, and was bounded on the north by Othrys and on the south by (Eta. It lay thus on the course of the upper Spercheius River. It was an oval-shaped country, about twenty-seven miles long by eighteen broad. The chief town was Hypata. 20. Doris intervened between ^niania and Western Lo- cris. This was a small and rugged country, inclosed between . Mounts Parnassus and Callidromus, on the upper course of the Pindus River, a tributary of the Boeotian Cephissus. Its greatest length was about seventeen and its greatest width about ten miles. It contained the four cities of Pindus, Erineus, Boeum, and Cytinium, whence it was known as the Dorian Tetrapolis. 21. Malis lay north of Doris, south of Achsea Phthiotis, and east of ^niania. It was even smaller than Doris, which it resembled in shape. The greatest length was about fifteen and the greatest width about eight miles. The chief cities were Anticyra and Trachis ; and, in later times, Heraclea. At the extreme eastern edge of Malis, between the mountains and the sea, was the pass of Ther- mopylae, 22. Eastern Locris lay next to Malis, along the shore of the Euripus or Eubcean channel. It was politically divided 132 GREECE. [hook hi. Eastern Lo- "^^^^ *^^'^ parts, Epicnemidia and Opuntia ; Avhich, <^"=^- in later times, were physically separated by a small strip of ground, reckoned as belonging to Pliocis. Epic- nemidia extended about seventeen miles, from near Thcr- mopyhe to near Daphnus, averaging about eight miles in width. Its chief town was Cnemides. Opuntia reached from Alope to beyond the mouth of the Cephissns, a distance of twenty-six miles. Its width was about equal to that of Epicnemidia. It derived its name from its chief city. Opus. 23. Pliocis reached from Eastern Locris on the north to the Corinthian Gulf on the south. It was bounded on the Avest by Doris and Western Locris, on the east by Phocis. . 'J Bceotia. It was squarish in shape, with an aver- age length of twenty-five and an average breadth of twenty miles. The central and southern parts were extremely mountainous; but along the course of the Cephissns and its tributaries there were some fertile plains. The chief cities were Delphi, on the southern flank of Mount Parnassus, Ela- ta?a, Parapotamii, Panopeus, Aba\ famous for its temple, and Ilyampolis. 24. Bcrotia was above twice the size of Phocis, having a length of fifty and an average breadth of twenty-three Boeotia '^^il^^- It was generally flat and marshy, but contained the mountain range of Helicon on the south, and the lofty hills known as Ptoiis, Messapius, Ilypa- tus, and Teumessus, towards the more eastern portion of the country. The lake Copais covered an area of forty-one square miles, or above one-thirtieth of the surface. There Avere also two smaller lakes between Copais and the Eubo'- an Sea, called resi)ectively Hylice and Trephia. The chief rivers of Bcrotia were (besides the Cephissns, which entered it from Phocis) the Asopus, the Termessus, the Thespius, and the Oeroe. Bcrotia was noted for the number and greatness of its cities. The chief of these was Thebes ; but the follow- ing were also of importance : Orchomenus, Thespia?, Tana- gra, Coronani, Lebadeia, ITaliartus, Chreroneia, Leuctra, and CopjB. 25. Attica was the foreland or peninsula which projected from Boeotia to the south-east. Its length, from Citha?ron to Sunium, was seventy miles ; its greatest width, iVom Munychia to Phamnus, was thirty miles. Its SECT. 2«- 30.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINIO. I33 area has been estimated at 120 square miles, or about one- fourth less than Boeotia. The general character of the tract was mountainous and infertile. On the north, Cithseron, l\arnes, and Phelleus formed a continuous line running near- ly east and west; from this descended three spurs: one, Avhich divided Attica from the Megarid, known as Kerata; another, which separated the Eleusinian from the Athenian plain, called ^galeos; and the third, which ran out from Parnes by Decelea and Marathon to Cape Zoster, named in the north Pentelicus, in the centre Ilymettus, and n(;ar the south coast Anhydrus. The towns of Attica, except Athens, were unimportant. Its rivers, the two Cephissuses, the Ilis- sus, the Erasinus, and the Charadrus, were little more than torrent-courses. 26. Megaris, which adjoined on Attica to the west, occu- pied the northern portion of the Isthmus uniting Central Greece wit?i the Pcloponnese. It Avas the small- est of all the central Greek countries, excepting Doris and Malis, being about fourteen miles long by eleven broad, and containing less than 150 square miles. It had one city only, viz., Megara, Avith the ports Nisica and Pegoe. 27. SouTiiEKN Gkeece, or the Pcloponnese, contained elev- souTiiEUN on countries — viz., Corinth, Sicyon, Achaa, Elis, GuEECE. Arcadia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolis, Epidauria, Troezenia, and He rm ion is. 28. The territory of Corinth adjoined Megaris, and in- cluded the larger portion of the Isthmus, together Avith a ^ ' . , tract of somewhat o^reater macrnitude in the Pelo- Conuth. T , , * n -1 ponnese. Its greatest length was twenty-nve and its greatest Avidth about twenty-three miles. Its shape, hoAV- ever, Avas extremely irregular ; and its area can not be reck- oned at more than 230 square miles. The only city of im- portance Avas Corinth, the capital, Avhich had a port on eitlier sea — on the Corinthian Gulf, Lechaeum, and on the Saronic Gulf, Cenchrea). 29. Sicyon, or Sicyonia, adjoined Corinth on the Avest. It lay 'along the shore of the Corinthian Gulf for a distance of Sicyonia ^^0"t fifteen milcs, and extended inland about twelve or thirteen miles. It contained but one city, viz., Sicyon. 30. Achsea came next to Sicyonia, and extended along the 134 GREECE. [hook hi. coast a distance of about sixty-five miles. Its avjsrage width . ^ was about ten miles ; and its area may be reck- oned at 650 square miles. It contamed twelve cities, of which Dyme, Patrge (now Patras), andPellene were the most important. 31. Elis lay on the west coast of the Peloponnese, extend- -ing from the mouth of the Larisus to that of the Neda, a distance of fifty-seven miles, and reaching inland to the foot of Erymanthus, about twenty-five miles. It was a more level country than was common in Greece, containing broad tracts of plain along the coast, and some tolerably wide valleys along the courses of the Peneus, Alpheus, and Neda rivers. Its chief cities were Elis, on the Peneus, the port Cyllene, on the gulf of the same name, Olym- pia and Pisa, on tlie Alpheus, and Lepreum, in Southern Elis or Triphylia. 32. Arcadia was the central mountain country — l^he Switz- erland — of the Peloponnese. It reached from the mount- ain-chain of Erymanthus, Aroania, and Cyllene in the north, to the sources of the Alpheus towards the south, a distance of about sixty miles. The average width was about forty miles. The area is reckoned at 1700 square miles. The country is for the most part a mountain- ous table-land, the rivers of which, excepting towards the west and the south-west, are absorbed in catabothra, and have no visible outlet to the sea. High plains and small lakes are numerous ; but by far the greater part of the area is occupied by mountains and narrow but fertile valleys. Important cities were numerous. Among them may be named Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Pheneus, Hersea, Pso- phis, and, in the later times, Megalopolis. 33. Messenia lay south of Elis and Western Arcadia, oc- cupying the most westerly of the three forelands in w^hich the Peloponnese terminates, and circlins^ round the gulf between this foreland and the central one as far as the mouth of the Choerius. Its length, from the Neda to the promontory of Acritas, was forty-five miles ; its greatest width between Laconia and the western coast was thirty-seven miles. The area is estimated at 1160 square miles. Much of the country was mountainous ; but along the course of the main river, the Pamisus, were some SECT. 34-37.] GEOGUAFHICAL OUTLINE. I35 broad plains, and the entire territory was fertile. The origi- nal capital was Stenyclerus ; but afterwards Messene, on the south-western flank of Mount Ithome, became the chief towi^. Other important places were Eira on the upper Neda, Pylus (now Navarino), and Methone, south of Pylus (now Modon). 34. Laconia embraced the two other Peloponnesian fore- lands, together with a considerable tract to the north of them. Its sjreatest lenojth, between Aro^olis and the promontory 01 Malea, was nearly eighty miles, while its greatest width was not much short of fifty miles. The area approached nearly to 1900 square miles. The country consisted mainly of a single narrowish valley — that of the Eurotas — inclosed between two lofty mountain- ranges — those of Parnon and Taygetus. Hence the expres- sion, "Hollow Lacedaemon." Sparta, the capital, lay on the Eurotas, at the distance of about twenty miles from the sea. The other towns were unimportant; the chief were GytLi- um and Thyrea on the coast, and Sellasia in the valley of the ^nus. 35. Argolis is a term sometimes applied to the whole tract projecting eastward from Achgea and Arcadia, with the ex- ception of the small territory of Corinth : but the rgo IS. ^yQy^ ^yiii ^^Q jj^j-g ^iscd lu a uarrowcr sense. Ar- golis Proper was bounded by Sicyonia and Corinthia on the north, by Epidaurus on the east, by Cynuria — a portion of Laconia — on the south, and by Arcadia on the west. Its greatest extent from north to south was about thirty, and from east to west about thirty-one miles. Its entire area did not exceed 700 square miles. Like the rest of the Pelo- ponnese, it was mountainous, but contained a large and rich plain at the head of the Argolic Gulf Its capital was, in early times, Mycenae ; afterwards Argos. Other cities of importance Avere Phlius, Cleonse, and Tiryns. The port of Argos was Nauplia. 36. Epidauria lay east of Argolis, east and south of Co- rinthia. Its length from north to south was about twenty- three miles, and its breadth in the opposite direc- pi auna. ^.^^^ about eight miles. It contained but one city of any note, viz., Epidaurus, the capital. 37. Troezenia adjoined Epidauria on the south-east. It comprised the north-eastern half of the Argolic foreland, to- 13G GREECE. [book hi, getlier with the rocky peninsula of Methana. Its greatest length was sixteen miles, and its great- est width, excluding Methana, nine miles. It contained two cities of note, Trcezen and Methana. 38. Hermionis adjoined Epidauiia on the north and Troe- zenia on the east. It formed the western termination of the . . Aro'olic foreland. In size it was about equal to Ilermionis. r^ . -r • t t n Troezenia. It contamcd but one town or any con- sequence, viz., Hermione. 39. Besides the littoral islands of Greece, which have been already enumerated, there were several others, studding the ^gean Sea, which deserve notice ; as particular- ly the following: — (a) In the Northern ^gean, Lemnos, Imbrus, Thasos, and Saraothrace. (b) In the Cen- tral ^gean, besides Andros, Ceos, and Cythnus, which may be called littoral, Tenos, Syros, Gj^arus, Delos,Myconus,Nax- os, Pares, Siphnus, Melos, Thera, Amorgus, etc. (e) In the Southern ^gean, Crete. This last-named island was of con- siderable size. It extended from west to east a distance of 150 miles, and had an average width of about fifteen miles. The area considerably exceeded 2000 square miles. The chief cities were Cydonia and Gnossus on the north coast, and Gortyna in the interior. The whole island was mount- ainous but fertile. On the charactoi- of the Greek Islands, see the work of lloss, L., Reisen auf den Griechischen Inseln. Stuttgart, 1840-52 ; 3 vols. 8vo. On the general geography of Greece, the following may be consulted with advantage : IvRUSE, F. G. II., Hellas. Leipsic, 1825-27 ; 3 vols. 8vo. A general de- scription of the geography of Greece from the best sources existing at the time. Still of value to the student. Cramer, J. A., Geographical and Historical Description of Ancient Greece. Oxford, 1828 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Leake, Col., Travels in Northern Greece. London, 1835 ; 4 vols. Svo. " '• Travels in the Morea. London, 1830; 3 vols. Svo. " " Peloponnesiaca, supplemental to ihe Travels in the Morea. London, 1 84G ; 8vo. CuRTius, E., Peloponnesus. Gotha, 1851-2; 2 vols. Svo. Clark, W. G., Peloponnesus, Notes of Study and Travel. London, 1858 ; 8vo. NiEBUHR, B. G., Lectures on the Ethnography and Geography of Ancient I'Ku. I.J KAKLY IIISTORY. Qoy 6rreece, edited by L, ScHMiTZ. London, 1853; 2 vols. 8vo ; from the Ger- man edition of Dr. Isler. Concerning the Greek islands off tlic coast of Asia Minor, see Book I., Part I., A. (p. 29). SKETCH OF THE HISTORY. FIRST PERIOD. The Ancient Traditional History , from the Earliest Times to the Dorian Occupation of the Peloponnese, about u.c. 1100 to 1000. Sources. Native only, (a) Homer. The two poems which pass under this venerable name, whatever their actual origin, must always continue to be, on account of their great antiquity, the prime authority for tlie early condition of things in Greece. Modern criticism ngrees with ancient in viewing them as the earliest remains of Greek literature that have come down to us; and, if their actual date is about B.C. 850, as now generally believed, they must be regarded as standing apart on a vantage-ground of their own ; for we have nothing else continuous or complete in Greek litera- ture for nearly four centuries. (h) Herodotus. This writer, though the immediate subject of his history is the great Persian War, yet carries us back in the episodical portions of his work to very remote times, and is entitled to consideration as a careful inquirer into the antiquities of many nations, his own among the number, (c) TiiucvrnDES. The sketch with which the history of Thucydides opens, a masterly production, gives the judgment of a shrewd and well-read Athenian of the fourth century b.c. on the antiquities of Greece, (d) Diodorus Siculus collected from previous writers, par- ticularly Ephorus and Timteus, the early traditional history of Greece, and related it in his fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh books ; of these the fourth and fifth remain, Avhile the other two are lost, excepting a few fragments, (e) Much interesting information on the early history of Greece is contained in the geographers, as particularly in Strabo, Pausanias, and Scymnus Chins. Of Plutarch's Lives one only, that of Theseus, belongs to the early period. Among modern works treating of this time may be mentioned the follow- ing : IIeeren, a. II. L., Licen iiber die Politik, etc., vol. vi. Gottingen, 182G. Translated into English by Talboys. Oxford, 1 830 ; 8vo. NiEBUiiR, B. G., Vortrdge iiber alte Geschichte. Berlin, 1847; 3 vols. 8vo. Translated into English, with additions and corrections, by Dr. L. ScHMiTZ. London, 1852. MiJLLER, K. 0., Orchomemis und die Minyer. Breslau, 1820; 8vo. " " Die Doricr. Breslau, 1825 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Translated into English by Sir G. C. Leavis. Oxford, 1830. Clinton, H. P., Fasti Hellenici. Oxford, 1830-41 : 3 vols. 4to. The "Introduction " to the first volume bears particularly on this period. 138 .GREECE. [nooic in. Thirl WALL, Bp. , History of Greece, vol, i. chaps, ii. to vii. Grote, G,, History of Greece, vol, i, chaps, i. to xx. The value to be placed on the general historical narrative belonging to these early times will depend, (1) on the view which is taken of the proba- bility of oral traditions handing down correctly the general outline of events of national importance ; and (2) on the question at what time historical events began to be contemporaneously recorded in inscriptions, or otherwise, by the Greeks. On the latter point, the student may compare the nineteenth chapter of Mr. Grote's History of Greece with Mr. Clinton's "Introduc- tion," and with Col. Mure's Remarks on two Appendices to Grote's History of Greece. London, 1851. 1. The Greeks of the historical times seem to have had no traditions of a migration from Asia. Their ancestors, Eaki-iestin- ^^^^^ held, had always been in the country, "^^y^A^^'Ts OF though they had not always been called Hel- lenes. Greece had been inhabited from a remote age by races more or less homogeneous, and more or less ^ , . , closely allied with their own — Pelascji, Lelecfes, Pelasgi.etc ^ ^ -^ ^ . ^^ , t^* ' ° ' Curetes, Caucones, Aones, Dolopes, Dryopes, and the like. Of these, the Pelasgi had been the most impor- ^ tant. The Hellenes proper had originally been but one tribe out of many cognate ones. They had dwelt in Achsea Phthiotis, or, according to others, near Dodona, and had originally been insignificant in numbers and of small account. In process of time, however, they ac- quired a reputation above that of the other tribes ; recourse ^vas had to them for advice and aid in circumstances of diffi- culty ; other tribes came over to them, adopted their name, their form of speech, and the general character of their civ- ilization. The growth and spread of the Hellenes Avas thus not by conquest but by influence ; they did not overpower or expel the Pelasgi, Leleges, etc., but gradually assimilated them. Characteristics of the Pelasgic, or ante-Hellenic Period. 1. Time of peace — golden age of the poets. 2. General pursuit of agriculture. 3, Architecture massive, and with little ornament. 4. Religion simple— no names of distinct gods. National sanctuary at Dodona. 2. The original Hellenic tribes seem to have been two only, the Dorians and the Achseans, of whom the latter preponder- Heiienic ^^cd in the more ancient times. Settled in Achaea AcSns* 2. Phthiotis from a remote antiquity, they were also, Dorians. before the Dorian occupation, tlie leading race of PKR. ,.] CHIEF KACES. 130 the Peloponnesc. Here they are said to have had three khigdoms — those of Argos, Mycenae, and Sparta — which at- tained to a considerable degree of prosperity and civilization. The Dorians were reported to have dwelt originally with the Acha^ans in Phthiotis ; but their earliest ascertained locality was the tract on the Upper Pindus Avhicli retained the name of Doris down to Roman times. In this " small and sad re- gion" they grew to greatness, increasing in numbers, ac- quiring martial habits, and jierhaps developing a peculiar discipline. 3. The most important of the Pelasgic tribes was that of the lonians, which occupied in the earliest times the whole Pelasgic north coast of the Peloponnese, the Megarid, ISanf' i'^'S- Attica, and Euboea. Another (so-called) tribe liaus. (which is, however, perhaps, only a convenient designation under which to include such inhabitants of the country as were not Achaean, Dorian, or Ionian) was that of the JEolians, to which the Thessalians, Boeotians, ^tolians, Locrians, Phocians, Eleans, Pylians, etc., were regarded as belonging. These races having been gradually Hellenized, the entire four tribes came to be regarded as Hellenic, and a mythic genealogy was framed to express at once the ethnic unity and the tribal diversity of the four great divisions of the Hellenic people. IIellen. -+- DoRus. XuTHUs. tEolus. AcH^us. Ion. 4. According to the traditions of the Greeks, some impor- tant foreign elements were received into the nation during Foreign set- the period of which we are treating. Egyptians Greece. Ben- Settled in Attica and Argolis; Phoenicians in fmmthem.^'^ Bceotia ; and Mysians, or Phrygians, at Argos. Letters. The civilization of the settlers Avas higher than that of the people among whom they settletl, and some con- siderable benefits were obtained from these foreign sources. Among them may be especially mentioned letters, which were derived from the Phoenicians, probably anterior to b.c. 1100. Although writing, for some centuries after its intro- duction, was not much used, yet its occasional employment, especially for public purposes, was an important check upon 140 GREECE. [nooK irr. the erratic tendencies of oral tradition. Inscriptions on the offerings in temj)les, and registers of the succession of kings and sacerdotal persons, were among the earliest of the Greek historical documents ; and though there is no actual proof that they reached back as far as this "First Period," yet there is certainly no proof of the contrary, and many of tlie best critics believe in the public employment of writing in Greece thus early. On this interesting question see, on the one side, Mr. Eynes Clinton, in the "Introduction" to vol. i. of his Fasti Hellenici, and K. O. Muller^ Dorians, vol. i. pp. 147-15G ; and, on the other, Mr. Grote, in liis History of Greece, vol. i. chap. xix. 5. But, whatever benefits Avere derived by tlie Greeks from the foreigners who settled among them, it is evident that Greek civiii- neither the purity of their race, nor the general main of home character and course of their civilization, was much growth. affected -by extraneous influences. The incomers were comparatively few in number, and were absorbed into the Hellenic nation without leaving any thing more than a faint trace of themselves upon the language, customs, or relig- ion of the people which received them into its bosom. Greek civilization was in the main of home growth. Even the ideas adopted from without acquired in the process of reception so new a stamp as to become almost original ; and the Greek people must be held to have, on the whole, elaborated for themselves that form of civilization, and those ideas on the subjects of art, politics, morals, and religion, which have given them their peculiar reputation. Egyptian settlement at Athens traceable in the deities Athene (Neith) and Hephaistus (Phtha) ; in the early Athenian caste-tribes ; and, perhaps, in the special religiousness (ckiGiSaijuovia) of the Athenians. Phoenician settlement at Thebes traceable in the proper names, Cadmeians, Cadmeia, and Onca, and in such words as f/^e/^of, 'E/l^crf, ftavva, axdvrj, aide, k.t.1. Settlements of Danaus and Pelops in the Peloponnese not traceable. 6. History proper can scarcely be regarded as commencing until the very close of the period now under consideration, when we first meet with names which have some proper of this claim to bc regarded as those of actual personages. peuo . j^^^^ ^j^^ general condition of the people at the pe- riod, and some of the movements of the races, and even their causes, may be laid down Avith an approach to certainty. rEiM.J EARLY CONDITION OF SOCIETY. Ul 7. The Honiciic poems represent to us the general state of Greek society in the earliest times. The most noticeable features are : — (a) The predominance of the tribe of Greek soci- or" nation over the city, which exists indeed, but ^ ^" has nowhere the monopoly of political life, (b) The universality of kingly government, Avhich is hereditary and based upon the notion of " divine right." [c) The exist- ence of an hereditary nobility of a rank not much below that of the king, who form his council (/3ouX//) both in peace and Avar, but exercise no effectual control over his actions, (c?) The existence of an assembly (ayopa) which is convened by the king, or, in his absence, by one of the chiefs, to receive communications, and witness trials, but not either to advise or judge, (e) The absence of polygamy and the high regard in which women are held. (/) Slavery everywhere estab- lished, and considered to be rigjit. (g) Perpetual wars, not only between the Greeks and neighboring barbarians, but between the various Greek tribes and nations ; preference of the military virtues over all others ; excessive regard for stature and physical strength, (h) Wide prevalence of nau- tical habits combined with a disinclination to venture into unknown seas ; dependence of the Greeks on foreigners for necessary imports. Piracy common ; cities built at a dis- tance from the sea from fear of pirates, (i) Strong religious feeling ; belief in polytheism, in fate, in the divine Nemesis, and the punishment of heinous crimes by the Furies. Pe- spect for the priestly character, for heralds, guests, and sup- pliants. Peculiar sanctity of temples and festival seasons.. 8. The religious sentiment, always strong in the Greek mind, formed in the early times one of the most important Reii^oua of the bouds of union which held men, and.even AmfhSyo-"' tribes, together. Community of belief led to com- mies, munity of worship ; and temples came to be frcr quented by all the tribes dAvelling around them, who were thus induced to contract engagements with one another, and to form leagues of a peculiar character. These leagues, known as Amphictyonies, were not political alliances, much less confederations ; they were, in their original conception, limited altogether to religious purposes ; the tribes, or states, contracting them, bound themselves to protect certain sa- cred buildings, rites, and persons, but undertook no other 142 GKEECE.* [hook in. engagements towards one another. The most noted of these leao-nes was that whereof the oracular shrine of Delphi was the centre ; which acquired its peculiar dignity and impor- tance, not so much from the w^ealth and influence of the Del- phic temple, as from the fact that among its twelve constitu- ent members were included the two leading races of Greece. Constitution of the Delphic Amphictyony. Its twelve members were the Thessalians, the Boeotians, the Dorians, the lonians, the Perrliaibians, the Magnetes, the Locrians, the Giltreans or ^nianians, the Achaans of Phthia, the Phocians, the Dolopians, and the Malians. All the twelve members w^ere equal. Meetings were held twice a year, once at Thermopylie and once at Delphi. Deputies (called Pylagora and Hieromnemones) represented the tribes. 9. Important movements of some of the principal races pcem to have taken place towards the close of the early pe- ,.. , , . riod. It may be suspected that these had their r.vst great mi- J -xx i r^i -ratorymove- origin HI the prcssurc upon ilsorth-western (areece byilaSic of the Illyrian people, the parent (probably) of pressure. ^|^^ modem Albanians. The tribes to the west of Pindus were always regarded as less Hellenic than those to the east ; and the ground of distinction seems to have been the greater Illyrian element in that quarter. The Tro- jan War, if a real event, may have resulted from the Illyrian pressure, being an endeavor to obtain a vent for a population, cramped for room, in the most accessible i:)art of Asia. To the same cause may be assigned the great movement which, commencing in Epirus (about b.c. 1200), produced a general shift of the populations of Northern and Central Hellas. Quitting Thesprotia in Epirus, the Thessalians crossed the Pindus mountain-chain, and descending on the fertile valley of tlie Peneus, drove out the Boeotians, and occupied it. The Boeotians proceeded southward over Othrys and CEta into the plain of the Cephissus, and driving out the Cadmeians and Minyans, acquired the territory to which they thence- forth gave name. The Cadmeians andMinyoe dispersed, and are found in Attica, in Laceda^mon, and elsewhere. The Do- rians at the same time moved from their old home and occu- pied Dryopis, which thenceforward was known as Doris, ex- pelling the Dryopians, who fled by sea and found a refuge in Eubcea, in Cythnus, and in the Peloponnese. 10. Not many years later a further, but apparently dis- PER. n.] MIGRATIONS. I43 tinct, movement took place. The Dorians, cramped for Second move- room in their narrow valleys between (Eta and UouoftheDo- Parnassus, having allied themselves with their riaus. neighbors, the JEtolians, crossed the Corinthian Gulf at its narrowest point, between Rhium and Antirrhium, and effected a lodgment in the Peloponnese. Elis, Messenia, Laconia, and Argolis were successively invaded, and at least partiall}^ conquered. Elis being assigned to the ^tolians, Dorian kingdoms were established in the three other coun- tries. The previous Achaean inhabitants in part submitted^ in part fled northward, and occupied the north coast of the Peloponnese, dispossessing the lonians, who found a tempo- rary refuge in Attica. 11. A further result followed from the migrations and conquests here spoken of. The population of Greece, find- Conseqiien- iug the Continent too narrow for it, was forced to meuts?"the ^^^w out into the islands of the Mediterranean SafaJin ^^^ ^^^^ shores to which those islands conducted. Italy. The Boeotian occupation of the plain of the Ce- phissus led to the first Greek settlements in Asia, those known as ^olian, in Lesbos and on the adjacent coast. The Achaean conquest of Ionia caused the lonians, after a brief sojourn in Attica, to pass on through the Cyclades, to Chios, Samos, and the parts of Asia directly opposite. Fi- nally, the success of the Dorians against the Achaeans caused these last to emigrate, in part to Asia under Doric leaders, in part to Italy. For the history of these settlements, see the following sec- tion. SECOND PERIOD. From the Dorian Conquest of the Peloponnese (about B.C. 1100-1000) to the Commencement of the Wars with Persia, B.C. 500. Sources. No extant Greek writer gives us the continuous history of tl)is period, which has to be gathered from scattered notices in Herodotus, Thucyd- ides, Strabo, Pausanias, Plutarch, and other authors. The books of Diodorus whicli treated of this period are lost. Some important light is throAvn on it by the fragments which remain of contemporary poets, e.g., Tyrtjeus, Callinus, and Solon. Among modern works embracing the period the most important are the Histories of Thirwall and Grote ; to which may be added : Wachsmutii, Hellenische Alterthumskunde. Halle, 1826 ; 4 vols. 8vo. TiTTMANN, Griechische Staatsverfassung. Leipsic, 1822. 144 GRECIAN STATES. [ivxxv in. Hermann, K. E., Lehrbuch der Griechischen Staatsalterthumer. Heidel- berg, 1831 ; 8yo. Translated into English by Talboys. Oxford, 1836. NiEBUHR, B. G., Vortrdge, etc. Lectures xxiv. to xxxiv. Rawlinson, G,, History of Herodotus. 4 vols. 2d edition. London, 1862. Two appendices to E'ook V. belong especially to this period. PART I. . History of the ^rincijjal Hellenic States in Greece Proper. 1, The history of the Hellenes subsequently to the Dorian occupation of the Peloponnese resolves itself into that of the Consequences Several States. Still, a few general remarks may mi'Jatfonf- be made before proceeding to the special history 1. Check to" of the more important cities and countries, (a) The progress of civilization was, for a time and to a certain extent, checked by the migrations and the troubles which they brought in their train. Stronger and more en- ergetic but ruder races took the place of weaker but more polished ones. Physical qualities asserted a superiority over grace, refinement, and ingenuity. What the rough Dorians were in comparison with the refined Achoeans of the Pelo- ponnese, such were generally the conquering as compared with the conquered peoples, (b) But against this loss must , be set the greater political viojor of the new era. ?.. Increase of t , . . political vig- W ar and movement, bnngmg out the personal qualities of each individual man, favored the growth of self-respect and self-assertion. Amid toils and dangers which were shared alike by all, the idea of political equality took its rise. A novel and unsettled state of things stimulated political inventiveness ; and, various expedients being tried, the stock of political ideas increased rapidly. The simple hereditary monarchy of the heroic times was succeeded everywhere, except in Epirus, by some more com- plicated system of government — some system far more fa- vorable to freedom and to the political education of the in- dividual, (c) Another natural consequence of the new con- ^ , , dition of thing^s was the chano-e by which the 3. Importance . t . . ^ ^ . acquired by CiTY acquired its Special dignity and importance. The conquerors naturally settled themselves in some stronghold, and kept together for their greater securi- ty. Each such stronghold became a separate state, holding in subjection a certain tract of circumjacent country. At the PER. II., PART I.J ARGOS. 145 same time, the imconquerecl countries also, seeing Number of , ', , , -, n •. • t t .separate tlie Strength that resnlted irom unity, were mclucecl states. .^^ many cases to abolish their old system of village life and to centralize themselves by establishing capitals, and transferring the bulk of their population to them (avyoi- Kheig). This was the case with Athens, Mantinea, Tegea, Dyme, etc. (cI) In countries occupied by a single race, but broken up into many distinct states, each central- of co"u7e\iera" ized in a single city, the idea of political confed- ^'*^^' oration grew up, sometimes (it may be) suggest- ed by a pre-existing amphictyony, but occasionally, it would seem, Avithout any such preparative. The federal bond Avas in most cases weak; and in BcEotia alone was the union such as to constitute permanently a state of first-rate importance. On the confederations of Greece, see IVIr. E. A. Freeman's History of Federal Government, vol. i. Loudon, 1863. 2. The subdivision of Greece into a vast number of small states, united by no common political bond, and constantly at war with one another, did not prevent the Gr«ece: its formation and maintenance of a certain general causes. Pan-Hellenic feeUng — a consciousness of unity, a friendliness, and a readiness to make common cause against a foreign enemy. At the root of this feeling lay a convic- tion of identity of race. It was further fostered by the pos- session of a common language and a common literature ; of similar habits and ideas ; and of a common religion, of rites, temples, and festivals, which were equally open to all. Among the various unifying influences here mentioned, probably the most important were the common literature, more especially the poems of Homer, and the common festiA-als, more especially tTiose known as the Great Games. Homer's grandest and most popular poem represented the Greeks as all en- gaged in a common enterprise against a foreign power. The Great Games gave to each Greek either one or two occasions in each year when he could meet all other Greeks in friendly rivalry, and join Avith them both in religious ceremonies and in amusements. On this subject consult Manso, Ueber den Antkeil der Griechen an den Olympischen Spielen. Breslau, 1772. 3. The first state which attained to political importance under the new condition of afi*airs in Greece was Argos. History of Ar- -'^^'^^^^ Argos, according to the tradition, went gos: her early forth the Doriau colouists, who formed settle- pre-emiuence. . _ . ^ __ ' ^, , . ,^ . _ ments m Epidaurus, Iroezen, Fhhus, hicyon, and 146 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. Corinth ; while from some of these places a further exten- sion of Doric power was made, as from Epidaurus, which colonized ^gina and Epidaurus Limera, and from Corinth which colonized Megara. Argos, the prolific mother of so many children, stood to most of them in tlie relation of pro- tectress, and almost of mistress. Her dominion reached, on the one hand, to the isthmus ; on the other, to Cape Malea and the island of Cythera. For three or four centuries, from the Dorian conquest to the death of Pheidon (about b.c. 744), she was the leading power of the Peloponnese, a fact which she never forgot, and which had an important influence on her later history. 4. The government of Argos was at the first a monarchy of the heroic type, the supreme power being hereditary in Changes in the house of the Temenidse, supposed descendants goverumeut. ^^^^^^^ Temenus the Heracleid, the eldest of the sons of Aristomachus. It was not long, however, before aspira- tions after political liberty arose, and, the power of the kings being greatly curtailed, a government, monarchical in form, but republican in reality, was established. This state of things lasted for some centuries; but about B.C. 780 to 770, on the accession of a monarch of more than ordinary capaci- ty, a certain Pheidon, a reaction set in. Pheidon not only recovered all the lost royal privileges, but, ex- doutB.G.7so-' cecding them, constituted himself the first knoAvn ^^'** Grecian " tyrant." A great man in every way, he enabled Argos to exercise something like a practical he- gemony over the whole Peloponnese. Under him, probably, were sent forth the colonies which carried the Argive name to Crete, Rhodes, Cos, Cnidus, and Halicarnassus. The con- nection thus established with Asia led him to introduce into Greece coined money — a Lydian invention — and a system of weights and measures {(^ei^MPEia fiirpa) believed to have been identical with the Babylonian. 5. After the death of Pheidon, Argos declined in powder ; • the ties uniting the confederacy became relaxed; the gov- Deciineofthe ernment returned to its previous form; and the Argive power, history of the State is almost a blank. No doubt the development of Spartan power was the main cause of this decline ; but it may be attributed also, in part, to the lack of eminent men, and in part to the injudicious severity PKR. II., PART I.] SPARTA. 147 with which Argos treated her perioecic cities and her con- federates. Petty wars of Argos with Sparta terminate (about B.C. 554) with the loss of the region called Cynuria, or the Thyreatis. Was the occupation by Sparta of the tract east of Parnon anterior or subsequent to this ? 6. Among the other states of Greece, the two whose his- tory is most ample and most interesting, even during this early period, are undoubtedly Sparta and Athens. Every " History of Greece " must mainly concern itself with the affairs of these two states, which are alone capable of being treated with any thing like completeness. History of Sparta. Authorities. Besides the general treatment of the subject in Histories of Greece, special works have been written on the History of Sparta, e.g., Cragius, De Republica Lacedceynoniorum lihri quatuor. Geneva;, 1593 ; 4to. MiiViiSiiJS, De Regno Laconico libri duo. Ultraj., 1687; 4to. And-Mis- cellanea Laconica. Amstel., 1661 ; 4to. Manso, J. C. P., Sparta; ein Versuch zia^ AvfJcldrung der Geschichte und Verfassung dieses Staates. Leipsic, 1800 ; 3 vols. 8vo. By for the most important work on the subject. Excellent for the time at which it was writ- ten, and still of great value to the student. Engel, C, De Republica militari, sive coniparatio Lacedcemoniorum, Cre^ tensium, et Cosaccorum. Gottingen, 1790. 7. The Dorians, who in the eleventh century effected a lodgment in the upper valley of the Eurotas, occupied at History of first a uarrow space between Taygetus and Par- coutest with" ^^o"? extending northward no farther than the va- Arayciae. rious licad-streams of the Eurotas and ^nus riv- ers, and southward only to a little beyond Sparta. This was a tract about twenty-five miles long by twenty broad, the area of which might be 400 square miles. In the lower val- ley, from a little below Sparta to the sea, the Achaean s still maintained themselves, having their capital at Amyclae, on the Eurotas, within two miles of the chief city of their ene- mies. Perpetual war went on between the two powers ; but Sparta for the space of three centuries made little or no ad- vance southward, Amyclse commanding the valley, and the Wars with Ar- fortifications of Amy else defying her incessant at- nl% an^d Ar-' tacks. Bafilcd in this quarter, she made attempts g"s- to reduce Arcadia, which failed, and even picked 148 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. quarrels with her kindred states, Messenia and Argos, which led to petty wars of no consequence. 8. The government of Sparta during this period under- went changes akin to those whicli took place in Argos. The Internal trou- monarchs Were at first absolute; but discontent bies. soon manifested itself: concessions were made which were again revoked; and the wdiole period was one of internal struggle and disturbance. Nor were the differ- ences between the kings and their Dorian subjects the only- troubles of the time. The submitted Achaeans, of whom there were many, were displeased at their treatment, mur- mured and even sometimes revolted, and being reduced by force of arms were degraded to a lower position. Formation of the three chisses into which the Lacedaemonians were divided throughout the whole of their subsequent history. 1. The Spartans, or free inhabitants of the capital, the sole possessors of political rights and privileges ; Dorians by extraction, with few and unimportant exceptions, owners of the bulk of the soil, on the rent of which they lived in comfort and independence ; 2. The Perioeci, or free inhabitants of the country-towns and villages, citizens in a certain sense, but without franchise ; possessors of the poorer lands, and the only class engaged in trade, commerce, and handicrafts ; Achaeans in blood for the most part, but with a slight Doric infusion. 3. The Helots, or slave population, composed of captives taken in war (d?iioToc)^ and of submitted rebels ; Acha3an mainly in blood till the Messenian wars, after Avhich they may be regarded as Achao-Dorians ; chiefly employed in cultivating the lands of their Spartan masters, to whom they paid a fixed rent of one-half the produce. The third class was insignificant at first, but increased in number as Sparta extended her territory, and, upon the conquest of Messenia, became the pre- ponderating element in the population. Condition of the Helots not without its advantages, but rendered unhappy by the cruel institution of the Crypteia, a legalized system of assassination to which the government from time to time actually had recourse. 9. The double monarchy, which, according to the tradi- tion, had existed from the time of the conquest, and which was peculiar to Sparta among all the Greek states, dated really, it is probable, from the time of struggle, being a de- vice of those who sought to limit and curtail the royal au- thority. The two kings, like the two consuls at Rome, act- ed as checks upon each other; and the regal power, thus j^p^.g^^,.^^^j divided against itself, naturally became weaker Lycurgus, and weaker. It had sunk, evidently, into a shad- ow oi Its loriner self, Avhen Lycurgus, a member of the royal family, but not in the direct line of succession, PER. II., TAUT I.] SPARTA. 149 gave to Sparta that constitution which raised her in a little Avhile to a proud and wonderful eminence. Difficulty of distinguishing how much of the Spartan constitution was orig- inal, and how much dated from Lycurgus. Tendency to exaggerate the extent of his innovations. Original constitution must have included the di- vision into three tribes, Hylliei, Dymanes, and Pamphyles, which was com- mon to all Dorians, the monarchy, some sort of senate or council, and some kind of assembly. Doubtful whether the thirty Oboe were instituted by Ly- curgus or no, and therefore doubtful whether he determined the number of the Senate. Chief object of his legislation to create and preserve a race of vigorous and warlike men. Hence, the introduction of his system of disci- pline was of primary importance ; his constitutional changes were altogether secondary and by comparison trivial. The Lycurgean Constitution may be briefly summed up as follows: — 1. It maintained the double monarchy, but reduced the power of the kings, who became little more than presidents of the senate, Avith a right of proxy voting, and a casting vote if the senate was equally divided. 2. It main- tained or established the senate of thirty members (twenty-eight and the two kings), representing the thirty Obo3, but, from the time of Lycurgus, elected by the general assembly of the citizens from among the Spartans who were more than sixty years of age. 3. It probably enlarged the powers of the as- sembly (oTTt/l/la), which had henceforth not only the right of electing the senate, but that of accepting or rejecting all laws, of deciding on peace and war, on alliances, etc. 4. It set up for the first time cei'tain officers called Ephors, whose business it was to watch over the Lycurgean constitution and punish those who infringed it. The Lycurgean Discipline comprised the following main points: — 1. The decision in every case by state officials of the question whether a child should be reared or no. 2. The separation of all male children at the age of seven from their homes, and their training and education from that time by State educators. The usual branches of Greek education, letters, music, and gymnastics, were taught, but the literary part of the education was of least, and the gymnastic of far the greatest, account. The boy's time was chiefly passed in athletic exercises, then in hunting, and finally in drills, after which he was allowed to bear a part in military expeditions. He took his meals in public at the syssitia, his fare being both simple and scanty ; he slept with his fellows in the public dormitories ; at a certain age he was allowed no food except such as he could take without discovery. Every thing was done with the object of making him a perfectly efficient soldier. 3. The men had little more liberty than the boys. They too fed at the public messes (avaatria) on the plainest fare, and slept in the public barracks, only visiting their homes occasionally, and, as it were, by stealth. Their time was fully occupied by State duties, as drills, public hunting expeditions, superintendence and training of the boys, and actual warfare. They had no private life, and no time to employ in commerce, agriculture, or other profit- able occupation. 4. The possession of gold and silver was forbidden, and no money allowed to circulate but a hea-\y iron coinage. 5. Girls were trained no less carefully than boys, in athletic exercises nearly similar ; but 150 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. separately, excepting on occasions, when their contests were witnessed by the niales. 6. Marriage was superintended by the State. The citizen was for- bidden to marry until he was of .ripe age, and was then required to marry under a penalty. He chose his own wife ; but if the marriage proved un- prolific, he was bound to allow his wife to obtain issue by means of another. Other violations of the sanctity of marriage were also allowed under certain circumstances, as the bigamy both of men and women ; but, excepting under State sanction, incontinency was forbidden and was rare. Question of the division of the Lacedaemonian territory by Lycurgus. The division unknown to Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Isocrates, Plato, and Aristotle. Rests on the authority of Polybius and Plutarch. Intrinsically improbable. (Compare Grote, History of Greece, part ii. chap. vi. ) 10. The adoption of the Lycurgean system had the al- most immediate effect of raising Sparta to the first place in Rise of Sparta Greece. Amyclse fell in the next generation to to power. Lycurgus ; Pharis and Geronthrae submitted soon after. A generation later Helos was taken, and the whole valley of the Eurotas occupied. The Achaeans submitted, or retired to Italy. Wars followed with Arcadia and Argos, the latter of whom lost all her territory south of Cynuria. Quarrels began with Messenia, which led on to a great struggle. 11. The conquest of Messenia by Sparta, which made her at once the dominant power of the Peloponnese, was the re- Oon uest of ^"^^ ^^ *^^'^ great wars, each lasting about twenty Messenia, B.C. years, and separated from each other by the space '7AO A/*C V ' X •/ i. of about forty years. The wars seem to haye been purely aggressive on the part of Sparta, and to have been prompted, in part, by the mere lust of conquest, in part by dislike of the liberal policy which the Dorians of Messe- nia had adopted towards their Achaean subjects. Despite the heroism of the Messenians and the assistance lent them by Arcadia and Argos, Sparta gained her object, in conse- quence of her superior military organization and training, joined to the advantage of her central position, which en- abled her to strike suddenly with her full force any one of her three foes. First Messenian War, b.c. 743 to 724. Long defense of Ithome'. Corinth assists Sparta in the war, while Argos, Arcadia, and Sicyon assist Messenia. Strength and resources of Messenia gradually exhausted. Itho- me evacuated, and resistance discontinued in the twentieth year after the war commenced. Many of the inhabitants quit the country, and fly to Arcadia and Argolis. Sparta reduces the remainder to the condition of Helots. PER. II., PAKT I.] SPARTA. 151 Second Messenian War, b.c. 685 to G68. Standard of revolt raised by Aristomenes, who, assisted by Argos, Arcadia, Sieyon, and Pisatis, defeats the Spartans at the "Boar's Tomb," but is afterwards defeated and shut up in Eira. Prolonged defense of that fortress. The Spartans, encouraged by the Athenian poet Tyrtaus, at length successful. Eira taken. Aristomenes flies to Rhodes. The Messenians generally are once more reduced to the Helot condition ; but the inhabitants of a few towns are admitted to the po- sition of Perioeci. 12. Closely connected with the Messenian wars were cer- tain chano-es in the government and internal condition of Sparta, the general tendency of which was to- fiS'StUu- wards popularizing the constitution. The con- ^'""" stant absence of the two kings from Sparta dur- ing the Messenian struggle increased the power of the Eph- ors, who, when no king was present, assumed that to them belonged the exercise of the royal functions. The loss of citizens in the wars led to the admission of new blood into the state, and probably caused the distinction into two classes of citizens {ofiowl and vTrofjeloveg), which is found to ex- ist at a later date. The Ephors, elected annually by the entire body of the citizens, became the popular element in the government; and the gradual augmentation of their power was, in a certain sense, the triumph of the popular cause. At the same time it must be allowed that the con- stitutional changes made did not content the aspirations of the democratic party; and that the colony sent out to Ta- rentum at once indicated, and relieved, the dissatisfaction of the lower grade of citizens. Are we to connect with the distinction of ofioiol and vnofieiovec the two kKKlriaiai at Sparta, the lesser (// HLKpd) and the greater (// iieydl-n) ? Is the former the assembly of the oiioiol only, the latter that of the o}ioL6i and vno/ieioveg together ? 13. The conquest of Messenia was followed by some wars of less importance, which tended, however, to increase the . power of Sparta, and to render her still more de- satis, Arcadia, cidcdly the leading state of Greece. Pisatis and coi^ilt'of Triphylia were reduced directly after the close the Thyreatis. ^^ ^^iQ sccoud Messcnian war, and were handed over to the Eleans. Arcadia was then attacked, but made a vigorous resistance ; and the sole fruit of a war which lasted three generations was the submission of Tegea. Argos about the same time lost the Thyreatis (about b.c. 554) ; and 152 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. Spartan influence was thus extended over, perhaps, two- thirds of the Peloponnese. 14. Hitherto the efforts and even the views of Sparta had been confined to the narrow peninsula within which her Kecognitiou own territory Lay ; but the course of events now the Feadfng led her to a fuller recognition of her own great- Grerce.^^Ex- n^ss, and, as a natural consequence, to active exer- vondtheVeio- ^^^"^ ^^^ ^ more extended sphere. The embassy poimese. of Croesus in B.C. 555 was the first public acknowl- edgment which she received of her importance ; and the readiness with Avhicli she embraced the offer of alliance, and prepared an expedition to assist the Lydian monarch, indi- cates the satisfaction which she felt in the new prospects which were opening out on her. Thirty years later (b.c. 525), she actually sent an expedition, conjointly Avith Cor- inth, to the coast of Asia, which failed, however, to effect its object, the deposition of Poly crates of Samos. Soon after- wards (b.c. 510), she assumed the right of interference in the internal aftairs of the Greek states beyond the Peloponnese, and by her repeated invasions of Attica, and her efibrts in favor of the Athenian oligarchs, sowed the seeds of that fear and dislike with which she was for nearly a century and a half regarded by the great democratic republic. Spartan Kings : — The personal history of the Spartan kings becomes in- teresting, and the dates of their several accessions may be fixed with tolera- ble certainty, from the time of Cleomenes and his colleague Demaratus. Of the previous monarchs Ave know little more than the names. These are — I. Elder House of Agidce. 1. Eurysthenes ; 2. Agis (his son ?) ; 3, Eches- tratus (his son) ; 4. Labotas (his son) ; 5. Doryssus (his son) ; 6. Agesilaiis (his son) ; 7. Archelaus (his son) ; 8. Teleclus (his son) ; 9. Alcamenes (his son) ; 10. Polydorus (his son) ; 11. Eurycrates (his son) ; 12. Anaxander (his son); 13. Eurycratidas (his son); 14. Leon (his son) ; and 15. Anax- andridas (his son). II. Younger House of Eurypontidoe. 1. Procles ; 2. Soiis (his son) ; 3. Eurypon (his son ?) ; 4. Prytanis (his son) ; 5. Eunomus (his son) ; 6. Polydectes (his son) ; 7. Charilaiis (his son) ; 8. Nicander (his son); 9. Theopompus (his son) ; 10, Zeuxidamus (his grandson) ; 11. Anax- idamus (his son) ; 12. Archidamus I. (his son) ; 13. Agesicles (his son) ; and 14. Ariston (his son). These fifteen generations may probably have covered a space of nearly five centuries, from about b.c. 1000 to b.c. 520. History of Athens. Authorities. The History of Athens is best treated in the general works on Greek history enumerated above, pp. 137 seq. Besides these, however, PKR. II., TAKT I.] ATHENS. 153 many special works have been written on the History, Chronology, Constitu- tion, and Finances of Athens. Among them the following are of importance : CoRSiNi, Fasti Attici. Florence, 1744-56 ; 4 vols. 4to. The best work on the chronology. ScHOMAiiif!, De Cojnitiis Atkeniensium. Gryphisv., 1819 ; 8vo. BoECKH, A., Staatsaushaltung der Athener. Berlin, 1817. Translated into Enghsh by Sir G. C. Lewis, and published under the title, Public Econo- my of Athens. London, 1828 ; 2 vols. 8vo. An excellent work, quite ex- haustive of its subject. Levesque, Sur la constitution de la Repuhlique d'Athenes, in the fourth volume of the Memoires de V Institute pp. 113 et seqq. 15. The traditional history of Athens commences Avith a Kingly Period. Monarchs of the old heroic type are said to History of havc governed the country from a time consid- Fh^st^orKiug- drably anterior to the Trojan War down to the ly, Period. " death of Codrus, B.C. 1300 to 1050. The most celebrated of these kings was Theseus, to whom is ascribed the avvoiKifffiog, whereby Athens became the capital of a cen- tralized monarchy, instead of one out of many nearly equal country towns. Another king, Menestheus, was said to have fought at Troy. Codrus, the last of the monarchs, fell, ac- cording to the tradition, in resisting a Dorian invasion, made from the recently conquered Peloponnese. Institutions of this Pekiod, Among these must be placed, first of all, the division of the whole people into four tribes — Teleontes (or Geleontes), Hopletes, ^gicoreis, and Argadeis — which was, perhaps, common to the Athenians with all other Ionic peoples, and which appears to imply the e^frly existence in Greece of the idea of caste. 2. The subdivisions of the tribes — first, into "Brotherhoods" (^parpiat) and "Clans" (>'£v?/) ; and secondly, into "Thirdings" (rpirrveg) and " Naucraries " — the former a division be- lieved to rest, and probably actually resting, upon the basis of consanguinity ; the latter an artificial arrangement made for certain State purposes, as tax- ation and miUtary service. 3. The recognition of three classes in the com- munity, viz., Nobles (evTcarpidai), Farmers (yeufiopoi), and Artisans (^Tifii- ovpyoi), the first of which alone possessed important political power, filling all offices of importance, and furnishing the senate or council (JiovTJj), which held its sittings on Mars' Hill (Areopagus). The "Farmers" and "Arti- sans " had no doubt the right of attending, and expressing assent or dissent, in the ayopd, 16. The Kingly Period was followed at Athens by the gradual development of an aristocracy. The Eupatrids had Second Peri- acquired power enough under the kings to abolish the A?chons monarchy at the death of Codrus, and to substi- for life. tute for it the life-archonship, which, though con- ]54 GRECIAN STATES. [booic hi. lined to the descendants of Codrus, was not a royal dignity, but a mere chief magistracy. The Eupatrids elected from among the qualified persons ; and the archon was, at least in theory, responsible. Thirteen such archons held office be- fore any further change was made, their united reigns cover- ing a space of about three centuries, b.c. 1050 to 752. In the earlier part of this period occurred the migration from Attica of the lonians, Minyans, Pylians, and other refugees, who during the preceding time of disturbance had flocked into the Attic peninsula and there found an asy- lum. Otherwise, the Avhole of the period is devoid of historical incident. 17. On the death of Alcmaeon, the last archon for life, the Eupatrids made a further change. Archons were to be elect- Third Period, cd for ten years only, so that responsibility could DeJeuuiai Ar- ^^ enforced, ex-archons being liable to prosecution chous. and punishment. The descendants of Codrus were at first preserved in their old dignity; but the fourth decennial archon, Hippomanes, being deposed for his cruelty, the right of the Medontidga was declared to be forfeited (b.c. 714), and the office was throAvn open to all Eupatrids. 18. Finally, after seven decennial archons had held office, the supreme power was put in commission (b.c. 684). In lieu Fourth Peri- of a single chief magistrate, a board of nine ar- theN?neAr- clions, annually elected, was set np, the original chons. li^ingly functions being divided among them. The aristocracy was now fully installed in power, office being con- fined to Eupatrids, and every office being open to all such persons, Eupatrids alone having the suflTrage, and the Agora itself, or general assembly of the people, having ceased to meet, or become purely formal and passive. 19. The full triumph of the oligarchy did not very long precede the first stir of democratic life. Within sixty years Popular dis- of the time of complete aristocratical ascendency, fsTatfon of"^" popular discontcnt began to manifest itself, and a Draco. demand for loritten laws arose, often the earliest cry of an oppressed people. Alarmed, but not intimidated, the nobles endeavored to crush the rising democratic spirit by an unsparing severity ; their answer to the demands made on them was the legislation of Draco (b.c. 624), which, by making death the penalty for almost all crimes, placed the very lives of the citizens at the disposal of the ruling order. The increased dissatisfaction which this leorislation caused I'Kii. II., I'AKT I.J ATHENS. 155 Insurrection probably cncouragcd Cjdon to make his rash at- tiSkm-s'ieg- tempt (d.c. 612), whicli was easily put down by isiatiou. i]^Q oligarchs; who, however, contrived to lose gromid by their victory, incurring, as they did in the course of it, the guilt of sacrilege, and at the same time exasperating the i^eople, who had hoped much from Cylon's effort. Under these circumstances, after a vain attempt had been made to quiet matters by the purification of Epimenides (b.c. 595), and after the political discontent had taken the new and dangerous shape involved in the formation of local factions (Pedisei, Parali, and Diacrii), Solon, an Eupatrid, but of so poor a family that he had himself been engaged in trade, was by common consent intrusted with the task of framing a new constitution, B.C. 594. h*^^ -, ^ , \^,\i >, *V Chief Points of Solon's Legislation :— 1. Main object, to substitute for the oppressive oligarchy a moderate government, which should admit all Athenian citizens to a share of power, but give a predominating influence to the higher orders. This was effected by (a) a division of the people for poUt- ical purposes into four classes, according to the amount of their income ; viz., the Pentacosiomedimni, or men whose income was of the yearly value of 500 medimni of com ; the Hippeis (knights), whose income was 300 such medimni ; the ZeugitaB, whose income was 150 ; and the Thetes, whose income fell short of the last-named amount ; of whom the last (the Thetes) had the suffrage only without elegibility to any office, while the highest office of all, the archon- ship, which was the only door of admission into the Council of the Areopagus, was confined to the Pentacosiomedimni. (6) The institution of a new coun- cil, which was in most respects to supersede the old Council of the Areopagus, to have the right of initiating legislation, and to form a portion of the execu- tive. This council was to consist of 400 members, 100 from each of the old tribes, and was to be elected annually by the free votes of all the citizens, (o) The revival of a real kKKkijaia^ or assembly of the whole people, which was to elect the archons and councillors, to judge {evdvveiv) the former at the ex- piration of their year of office, and to accept or reject all the laws and decrees proposed by the council, (d) The institution of trial by jury, or the forma- tion of popular law-courts, not indeed for the trial of offenses in the first in- stance, but for the hearing of appeals from other tribunals, (e) The reten- tion of the old Council of the Areopagus, partly as a court of law, the higliest tribunal in the State (compare the judicial functions of the English House cf Lords), partly as a superintending body (compare the Ephoralty) charged with seeing to the observance of the laws, and empowered to prevent or pun- ish any departure from them. 2. A secondary object of Solon's legislation was to remedy the existing evil of wide-spread poverty and distress. The rule of the oligarchy had impoverished the mass of the nation ; and by the opera- tion of a harsh and stern law of debt, the lands of the ]joorer cultivators had become mortgaged, and numbers of the citizens had sunk into the condition 156 GRECIAN STATES. [isook hi. of slaves. Solon's remedies against these evils were the following : — (a) His GeLGdx(^eia, or abolition of debts — not, however, of all debts, but either those of a certain class, or those of persons proved insolvent. (6) A debasement of the currency, intended to be a reduction of one-fourth, or 25 per cent. ; but accidentally a reduction of 27 per cent, (c) The abolition of servitude for debt, and the restoration to freedom of all former Athenian citizens not sold out of Attica, {d) The encouragement of industry by a provision that every father should teach his son a handicraft. It is uncertain how for these remedies Avould have had a permanent success. The rapid advance in the material prosperity of Athens, Avhich folloAved quite independently of them, prevented the trial from being made, and at the same time rendered it un- necessary to recur again to such questionable expedients as cancelling debts and debasing the coin. 20. The legislation of Solon, wise as it seems to moderns, was far from satisfying his contemporaries. Like most mod- stru crie of ci'^te politicians, he was accused by one party of parties termi- havins; o;one too far, bv another of not havinor uatecl by the » o . * . , tyranny of Pi- done cnough. His personal influence sufticed for sistratus. ^ ^j^^^ ^^ restrain the discontented; but when this influence was withdrawn (about B.C. 570), violent con- tentions broke out. The local factions (see §19) revived. A struggle commenced between a reactionary party under Lycurgus, a conservative party under the Alcmgeonid Mega- cles, and a party of progress under Pisistratus, which termi- nated in the triumph of the last-named leader, who artfully turned his success to his own personal advantage by assum- ing the position of Dictator, or (as the Greeks called it) Ty- rant, B.C. 560. Dynasty of the PisiSTRATiDyii : — 1. Reign of Pisistratus. His first ex- altation, B.C. 560. Flight of the Alcmceonidee. Pisistratus in his turn driven into exile, about B.C. 554. Re-establisheshimself by arrangement with Meg- acles, about b.c. 548. Offends Megacles, and is again forced to fly, about B.C. 547. Re-establishes himself by force of arms, about b.c. 537, and con- tinues tyrant for the rest of his life. Reigns mildly, encourages the arts, and edits Homer. Dies, B.C. 527. Succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias. 2. Reign of Hippias, b.c. 527 to 510. Mui'der of Hippai-chus, his brother, by Harmodius and Aristogeiton, b.c. 514. Intrigues of the exiled Alcmteonidai, who bribe the Delphic oracle, and thereby induce the Spartans to dethrone Hippias. After the first attempt, under Anchimolius, had failed, Cleomenes, in B.C. 510, forces the Pisistratidaj to withdraw from the city. 21. The expulsion of the tyrant Avas followed by fresh troubles. A contest for power arose between Isagoras, the Fresh troub- fi"iend of Cleomenes, and Clisthenes, the head of ^^^' the Alcmseonid family, which terminated in iavor PER. II. , TART I . ] ATHENS. 1 5 7 of the latter, despite the armed interference of Sparta. Clis- thenes, however, had to purchase his victory by an alliance Constitution ^^i^h the democratical party ; and the natural re- of ciistheues. g^it of his success was a further change in the constitution, which was modified in a democratic sense. Chief Points of the Constitution of Clisthenes : — (a) Admission to citizenship of all free inhabitants of Attica, whether members of the old tribes or not. (6) Supersession of the old tribes for political purposes by the new tribes, ten in number (each embracing ten demes, or country towns, with their adjacent districts), now for the first time established by the legislator, (c) Substitution of a council of five hundred, fifty from each of the ten tribes, for the Solonian council of four hundred, (d) Counteraction of the tendency to local factions by the inclusion within each tribe of demes remote from each other, (e) Fresh organization of the law courts (SiKaav^pia), and extension of their functions. (/) Introduction of the Octracism. (g) Introiluction of the principle of determining betAveen the candidates for certain offices by lot. (A) Institution of the ten annual Strategi, who in a little time superseded the archons as the chief executive officers. 22. The establishment of democracy gave an impulse to the spirit of patriotism, which resulted almost immediately „.,., in some splendid military successes. Athens had Military sue- ^ . •' , . cesses of Ath- lor some time been growing in warlike j^ower. Under Solon she had taken Salamis from Megara, and played an important part in the first Sacred War (b.c. 600 to 591). About B.C. 518, or a little earlier, she had ac- cepted the protectorate of the Platceans. Now (b.c. 507) be- ing attacked at one and the same time by Sparta, by Boeotia, and by the Chalcideans of Euboea, she completely triumphed over the coalition. The Spartan kings quarrelled, and the force under their command withdrew without risking a bat- tle. The Boeotians and Chalcideans were signally defeated. Chalcis itself was conquered and occupied. A naval strug- gle with ^gina, the ally of Boeotia, followed, during the continuance of which the first hostilities took place between Athens and Persia. Proud of her recent victories, and con- fident in her strength, Athens complied with the request of Aristagoras, and sent twenty ships to support the revolt which threatened to deprive the Great King of the whole sea-board of Asia Minor. Though the burning of Sardis was followed by the defeat of Ephesus, yet the Persian monarch deemed his honor involved in the further chastise- ment on her own soil of the audacious power which had pre- 158 GRECIAN STATES. [hook hi. sumed to invade his dominions. An attempt to conquer Greece would, no doubt, have been made even without prov- ocation ; but the part taken by Athens in the Ionic revolt precij^itated the struggle. It was well that the contest came when it did. Had it been delayed until Athens had grown into a rival to Sparta, the result might have been different. Greece might then have succumbed ; and Euro- pean freedom and civilization, trampled under foot by the hordes of Asia, might have been unable to recover itself. PART II. History of the other Grecian States. SouKCES. The data for the history of the other states are scanty. They consist chiefly of scattered notices in Herodotus, Thucydides, and the geog- raphers. Light is occasionally thrown on the constitutional history of the states by Aristotle. Inscriptions also are, in many cases, of importance. Among the most valuable collections of these are : Chishull, Inscriptiones Asiaticce. London, 1728 ; folio. BoECKH, Corpus InscrijJtionum Grcecarum. Berlin, 1828-43 ; 3 vols, folio. A magnificent work. Rose, Inscriptiones Grcecce vetustissimce. Cambridge, 1825 ; 8vo. The history of the smaller states will be most convenient- ly given under the five heads of {a) the Peloponnesian States ; {b) the States of Central Greece ; (c) those of North- ern Greece ; {cI) those situated in the islands ; and (e) those which either were, or were regarded as, colonies. A. Smaller Peloponnesian States. i. Achma. The traditions said that when the Dorians conquered Sparta, the Spartan king Tisamenus, son of Orestes, led the Achaeans northward, and, expelling the lonians from the tract Avhich lay along the Corinthian Gulf, set up an Achaean kingdom in those parts, which lasted for several generations. Ogygus, however, the latest of these monarchs, having left be- hind him sons of a tyrannical temper, the Achasans destroyed the monarchy, and set up a federal republic. Twelve cities composed the league, which were originally Pellene, iEgeira (or Hyparesia), ^gae, Bura, Helice, ^gium, Rhypes, Patrse, Pharae, Olenus, Dyme, and Tritasa, all situated on or near the coast except the last two, which Avere in the interior. The common place of meeting for the league was Helice, where an annual festival was held, and common sacrifices were offered to Heliconian Neptune. The constitution of the several cities is said to have been democratic. The league was, no doubt, political as well as religious ; but no details are known of it. Accord- ing to Polybius it was admired for its fairness and equality, and was taken as a model by the cities of Magna Greecia in the early part of the fifth centu- PEK. II., PART II.] ACH^A. 159 ry. We may gather from Thucydides that it was of tlie loose type so com- mon in Greece. The Achaians seem to have manifested in the early times a disposition to stay at home and to keep aloof from the quarrels of their neigh- bors. Hence the history of the country scarcely begins till the time of An- tigonus, from which period the league formed a nucleus round which inde- pendent Greece rallied itself. ii. Arcadia. The Arcadians were regarded as aboriginal inhabitants of their country. They called themselves irpoaElrjvoi. The Dorian conquests in the Peloponnese left them untouched ; and they retained to a late date, in their remote valleys and cold high mountain pastures, very primitive habits. The tradition makes the entire country form, in the old times, a single mon- archy, which continues till B.C. 668 ; but it may be doubted whether there had really ever existed in Arcadia any thing more than an Amphictyonic union prior to Epaminondas. The whole country is physically broken up into separate valleys and basins, whose inhabitants would naturally form sep- arate and distinct communities, while retaining a certain sense of ethnic re- lationship. The most important of these communities were Mantinea and Tegea, neighboring towns, between which there were frequent wars. Next to these may be placed Orchomenus, Pheneus, and Stymphalus towards the north-east; Cleitor and Herasa towards the west; and Phigaleia, on tl:e north-western border, near Messenia. The Arcadians, however, loved vil- lages rather than towns ; and the numerous population was chiefly located in small hamlets scattered about the mountains. Arcadia was subject to con- stant aggressions at the hands of Sparta, which she sought to revenge upon fitting occasions. These aggressions began in the times previous to Lycur- gus (see p. 147), and continued afterwards almost constantly. In retaliation, the Arcadians assisted Messenia throughout both the Messenian wars. Te- gea, as the nearest state to Sparta, suffered most at her hands ; and after a long struggle, it would seem that Arcadia generally (about b.c. 560) ac- knowledged the Lacedaemonian hegemony, placing her fuU military strength at the disposal of Sparta in her wars, but retaining her internal independ- ence. Mantinea even, upon occasions, thwarted the policy of Sparta. iii. Corinth. Corinth, a rich and famous city even in the times anterior to the Doric conquests, was occupied by Dorian settlers from Argos soon after the reduction of that state. A monarchy was established under kings who claimed descent from Hercules, twelve such rulers holding the throne during the space of 327 years. At the end of this time monarchy was exchanged for oligarchy, power remaining (as at Athens) in the hands of a branch of the royal family, the Bacchiadee, who intermarried only among themselves, and elected each year from their own body a Prytanis, or chief magistrate. This state of things continued for ninety years, when a revolution Avas effected by Cypselus, who, having ingratiated himself with the people, rose up against the oligarchs, expelled them, and made himself tyrant. Cypselus reigned from B.C. 657 to 627, when he was succeeded by his son, Periander, who reigned from B.C. 627 to 587. A third monarch of the dynasty, Psammetichus, the nephew or grandson of Periander, mounted the throne, but was expelled, after a reign of three years, by the people, perhaps assisted by Sparta, B.C. 584. The time of the Cypselids was one of great material wealth and prosperity ; literature and the arts flourished ; commerce was encouraged ; colonies were 160 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. sent out ; and the hegemony of the mother country over her colonies success- fully asserted. (The chief Corinthian settlements were Corcyra, Ambracia, Leucas, Anactorium, Epidamnus, ApoUonia, Syracuse, and Potidaa. Of these, Ambracia, Leucas, Anactorium, Epidamnus, Apollonia, and Potidtea were content to be subject. Corcyra generally asserted independence, but was forced to submit to the Cypselids. Syracuse must have been from the first practically independent.) After the downfall of the tyrants, who are said to have ruled harshly, a republic was established on a tolerably wide basis. Power was placed in the hands of the wealthy class ; and even com- merce and trade were no bars to the holding of office. Corinth became one of the richest of the Greek states ; but, as she increased in wealth, she sank in political importance. Regard for her material interests induced her to ac- cept the protection of Sparta, and from about b.c. 550 she became merely the second power in the Spartan league, a position which she occupied with slight interruptions till b. c. 394. iv. Elis. The settlement of the iEtolo-Dorians under Oxylus (see p. 143) had been made in the more northern portion of the country, between the La- risus and the Ladon or Selleis. The region south of this as far as the Neda remained in the possession of the old inhabitants, and was divided into two districts, Pisatis, or the tract between the Ladon and the Alpheus, of which Pisa was the capital, and Triphylia, the tract between the Alpheus and the Neda, of which the chief city Avas Lepreum. The Eleans, however, claimed a hegemony over the whole country; and this claim gave rise to frequent wars, in which the Eleans had the advantage, though they never succeeded in completely absorbing even Pisatis. The chief importance of Elis was de- rived from the celebration within her territory of the Olympic Games, a festi- val originally Pisan,'of which the direction was assumed by the Eleans, but constantly disputed by the Pisatans. Sparta in the early times supported the Elean claims ; but in and after the Peloponnesian struggle it became her policy to uphold the independence of Lepreum. The Eleans dwelt chiefly in villages till after the close of the great Persian War, when the city of Elis was first founded, B.C. 477. V. Sicyon. Sicyon was believed to have been one of the oldest cities in Greece, and to have had kings of its own at a very remote period. Homer, however, represents it as forming, at the time of the Trojan War, part of the dominions of Agamemnon. Nothing can be said to be really knoAvn of Sic- yon until the time of the Doric immigration into the Peloponnese, when it was occupied by a body of Dorians from Argos, at whose head was Phalces, son of Temenus. A Heracleid monarchy was established in the line of this prince's descendants, which was superseded after some centuries by an oH- garchy. Power during this period was wholly confined to the Dorians ; the native non-Doric element in the population, which was numerous, being des- titute of political privilege. But towards the beginning of the seventh cen- tury B.C. a change occurred. Orthagoras, a non-Dorian, said to have been by profession a cook, subverted the oligarchy, established himself upon the throne, and quietly transferred the predominance in the state from the Dori- an to the non-Dorian population. He left his throne to his posterity, who ruled for above a hundred years. Clisthenes, the last monarch of the line, adding insult to injury, changed the names of the Dorian tribes in Sicyon PER. II., rAUT 11. j MEGARIS, ETC. 101 from Hyllaei, Dymanes, and Pamphyli, to Hyatae, Oneatae, and ChtereataD, or "Pig- folk," "Ass-folk," and "Swine-folk." He reigned from about b.c. 595 to 560. About sixty years after his death, the Dorians in Sicyon seem to have recovered their preponderance, and the state became one of the most submissive members of the Lacedaemonian confederacy. B. Smaller States of Central Greece. i. Megaris. Megaris was occupied by Dorians from Corinth, shortly after the great immigration into the Peloponnese. At first the colony seems to have been subject to the mother countiy ; but this subjection was soon thrown off, and we find Corinth fomenting quarrels among the various Me- garian towns — Megara, Heraea, Peiraea, Tripodiscus, and Cynosura — in the hope of recovering her influence. About B.C. 72G the Corinthians seem to have made an attempt at conquest, which was repulsed by Orsippus, the Olympian runner. Nearly at the same time commenced the series of Mega- riau colonies, which form so remarkable a feature in the history of this state. The first of these was Megara Hybleea, near Syracuse, founded (according to Thucydides) in b.c. 728, from which was sent out a sub-colony to Selinus; then followed Chalcedon, in b.c. G74 ; Byzantium, in b.c. G57 ; Selymbria, in B.C. 662 ; Heraclea Pontica, in B.C. 559 ; and Chersonesus, near the mod- em Sebastopol, not long afterwards. The naval power of Megara must have been considerable ; and it is not smprising to find that about this time ("b.c. 600) she disputed with Athens the possession of Salamis. Her despot, The- agenes, was an enterprising and energetic monarch. Rising to power as the representative of the popular cause (about b.c. 630), he supported his son-in- law, Cylon, in his attempt to occupy a similar position at Athens. (See p. 155.) He adorned Megara with splendid buildings. He probably seized Salamis, and gained the victories which induced the Athenians for a time to put up with their loss. On his deposition by the oligarchs (about b.c. 600), the war Avas renewed — Nisaea was taken by Pisistratus, and Salamis recover- ed by Cylon. The oligarchs ruled Avithout bloodshed, but still oppressively ; so that shortly afterwards there was a second democratic revolution. Debts were now aboHshed, and even the return of the interest paid on them exacted (TTaTiivToidd). The rich were forced to entertain the poor in their houses. Temples and pilgrims are said to have been plundered. Vast numbers 'of the nobles were banished. At length the exiles were so numerous that they formed an army, invaded the country, and, reinstating themselves by force, established a somewhat narrow oligarchy, which ruled at least till b.c. 460. ii. Boeotia. When the Boeotians, expelled from Arne by the Thessahans, settled in the countiy to which they henceforth gaA'e name, expelling from it in their turn the Cadmaeans, Minyae, etc., they seem to have divided them- selves into as many states as there were cities. What the form of govern- ment in the several states was at first is uncertain ; we can only say that there is no trace of monarchy, and that as soon as we obtain a glimpse of the internal affairs of any of them, they are oligarchical republics. The num- ber of the states seems to have been originally fourteen, but by the time of the Peloponnesian War it had dwindled to ten, partly by a process of absorp- tion, partly by separation. Oropus, Eleuthera^, and Plataia had been lost to 162 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. Athens ; Chseroneia had been incorporated with Orchomenus ; the remaining ten states were Thebes, Orchomenus, Thespia, Lebadeia, Coroneia, Copee, Ilahartus, Tanagra, Anthedon, and perhaps Chaha. Between these states there had existed, probably from the first, an Amphictyony, or religious union, wKich had the temple of Itonian Athene near Coroneia for its centre ; and there took place once a year the celebration of the Pamboeotia, or gen- eral festival of the Boeotians. By degrees, out of this religious association there grew up a federal union ; the states recognized themselves as constitu- ting a single political unit, and arranged among themselves a real federal government. The supreme authority was placed in the hands of a council (jSovh'/), Avhich had a curious fourfold division ; while the executive func- tions were exercised by eleven Boeotarchs (two from Thebes, one from each of the other cities), who were at once the generals of the league and its pre- siding magistrates. Though the place of meeting for the council seems to liave been Coroneia, yet Thebes by her superior size and power obtained an undue predominance in the confederation, and used it in such a way as to excite the jealousy and disaffection of almost all the other cities. As early as B.C. 510, Platcea was driven to detach herself from the confederation, and to put herself under the protection of Athens. In later times Thespiai made more than one attempt to follow the Plataan example, B.C. 423 and 414. The readiness of Athens to receive and protect revolted members of the league was among the causes of that hostility which Boeotia was always ready to display towards her ; and the general tendency of members of the league to revolt was among the chief causes of that political weakness which Boeotia exhibits, as compared with Athens and Sparta. iii. Phocis. There can be no doubt that Phocis was, like Boeotia, a con- federation ; but from the comparative insignificance of the state no details of the constitution have come down to us. The place of meeting for the deputies seems to have been an isolated building (^rd ^ukikov) on the route from Daulis to Delphi. No Phocian city had any such preponderance as belonged to Thebes among the cities of Boeotia, and hence the league ap- pears to have been free from those perpetual jealousies and heartburnings which we remark in the neighboring country. Still certain secessions from the confederacy appear to have taken place, as that of Delphi, and, again, that of Cirrha, which was a separate state about B.C. 600. A constant enmity existed between Phocis and Thessaly, consequent upon the attempts made by the Thessalians from time to time to conquer the country. These attempts were successfully resisted ; but they were so far injurious to the in- dependence of Phocis, that they produced a tendency to lean on Boeotia and to look to her for aid. Still, the military history of Phocis down to the close of the Persian War is creditable to the nation, which frequently repulsed the invasions of the Thessalians, and which offered a brave resistance to the enormous host of Xerxes. iv. Locris. There Avere three countries of this name ; and though a certain ethnic connection between them may be assumed from the common appella- tion, yet politically the three countries appear to have been entirely separate and distinct. The Locri Ozolaj (the " stinking Locri ") possessed the largest and most important tract, that lying between Parnassus and the Corinthian Gulf, bounded on the west by ^tolia. They probably formed a confederacy PER. II., PART II.] TIlIvSSALY, ETC. 163 under the presidency of Amphissa. The Locri Epicnemidii, or Locrians of Mount Cnemis, and the Locri Opuntii, or those of Opus, were separated from their western brethren by the whole breadth of the territory of Phocis. They Avere also sei)arated from each other, but only by a narrow strip or tongue of Phocian territory, which ran down to the Euripus at the town of Daphnus. Of the internal organization of the Epicnemidii we know nothing. The Opun- tians were probably a confederacy under the hegemony of Opus. V. u^tolia. iEtolia, the country of Diomed, though famous in the early times, fell back during the migratory period almost into a. savage condition, probably through the influx into it of an lUyrian population .which became only partially Hellenized. The nation was divided into numerous tribes, among which the most important were the Apodoti, the Ophioneis, the Eu- rytanes, and the Agrseans. There were scarcely any cities, village life being preferred universally. No traces appear of a confederation of the tribes until the time of Alexander, though in times of danger they could unite for pur- poses of defense against the common enemy. The Agrteans, so late as the Peloponnesian War, were under the government of a king : the political con- dition of the other tribes is unknown. It was not till the wars which arose among Alexander's successors that the ^tolians formed a real political union, and became an important power in Greece. vi. Acarnania. The Acarnanians were among the more backward of the Greek nations in the historical times, but they were considerably more ad- vanced than the ^tolians. They possessed a number of cities, among which the most important were Stratus, Amphilochian Argos, and CEniadaj. From a very remote date they had formed themselves into a federation, which not only held the usual assemblies for federal purposes (probably at Stratus), but had also a common Court of Justice (^dtKaarr^piov') for the decision of causes, at Olpse. There was great jealousy between the native Acarnanians and the colonies planted by the Corinthians on or near their coasts, Ambracia, Leucas, Anactorium, Sollium, and Astacus, which in the early times certainly did not belong to the league. The league itself was of the lax character usual in Greece, and allowed of the several cities forming their own alliances, and even taking opposite sides in a war. C. States of Northern Greece. i. Thessaly. The Thesprotian conquerors of Thessaly established a con- dition of things in that country not very unlike that which the Dorians in- troduced into Laconia. The conquerors themselves formed a noble class which claimed the ownership of most of the territory and confined to itself the possession of political power. The conquered were reduced to two very different positions : some retained their personal freedom and the right to their lands, but were made subject to tribute; others (the Penestce) were reduced to the condition of serfs, cultivating the lands of their masters, but were protected in their holdings, could not be sold out of the country, and both might and did often acquire considerable property. ■ Tlie chief differ- ences between the two countries were (1) that in Thessaly the intermediate class, Achceans, Magnetes, Perrhagbi, etc. , instead of being scattered over the country and intermixed with the nobles and serfs, were the sole occupants 164 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. of certain districts, retained their old ethnic name, their Amphictyonic vote, and their governmental organization ; and (2) that the conquerors, instead of concentrating themselves in one city, took possession of several, establish- ing in each a distinct and separate goverament. The governments seem to have been originally monarchies, which merged in aristocracies, wherein one family held a quasi-royal position. The Aleuadte at Larissa and Pharsa- lus (?) and the Scopadae at Cranon correspond closely to the Medontidas at Athens (see page 154). A federal tie of the weakest character united the several states of Thessaly in ordinary times ; but upon occasions this extreme laxity was replaced by a most stringent centralization. A Tagus (Com- mander-in-Chief) of all Thessaly was appointed, who exercised powers little short of despotic over the whole country. Such, apparently, Avas the power wielded (about B.C. 510) by Cineas, and such beyond all question was the do- minion of Jason ofPherae, and his three brothers, Polydorus, Polyphron, and Alexander, b.c. 380 to 356. In the remoter times Thessaly was aggressive and menaced the independence of the states of Central Greece ; but from the dawn of exact history to the time of Jason her general policy was peaceful, and, except as an occasional ally of Athens, she is not found to have taken any part in the internal quarrels of the Greeks. Her aristocracies were self- ish, luxurious, and devoid of patriotic feeling : content with their position at home, they did not desire the glory of foreign conquest. Thus Thessaly plays a part in the history of Greece very disproportioned to her power and resources, not rising into any importance till very shortly before the Mace- donian period. ii. Epirus. Anterior to the Persian Avars, and indeed until the time of Philip of Macedon, Epirus Avas a mere geographical expression, designating no ethnic nor political unity. The tract so called was parcelled out among a number of states, some of Avhich Avere Greek, others barbarian. Of these the chief Avere : (1) the semi-barbarous kingdom of the Molossians, ruled over by a family Avhich claimed descent from Achilles — a constitutional mon- archy, Avhere the king and people alike swore to observe the laws ; (2) the kingdom of the Orestas, barbarian ; (3) the kingdom of the Parausei, likeAvise barbarian ; (1) the republic of the Chaonians, barbarian, administered by two annual magistrates chosen out of a single ruling family ; (5) the republic of the Thesprotians, barbarian ; and (6) the Ambracian republic, Greek, a col- ony and dependency of Corinth. By alliance Avith Philip of Macedon, the Molossian kings Avere enabled to bring the Epirotic states under their do- minion, about B.C. 350. After their foil, b.c. 239, Epirus became a federal republic' D. Greek Insular States. i. Corcym. Corcyra, the most western of the Greek islands, was colonized from Corinth about b.c. 730. From the fertility of the island, and the ad- vantages of its situation, the settlement soon became important : a jealousy sprang up between it and the mother country, Avhich led to hostilities as early as B.C. 670. During the rule of the Cypselid princes at Corinth, Corcyra was forced to submit to them ; but soon after their fall independence was recovered. From this time till the commencement of the Peloponnesian War, the commerce and naval poAver of Corcyra Avent on increasing ; so early PER. II., PART II.] ISLANDS. 165 as the time of the invasion of Xerxes (b.c. 480) their navy was the second in Greece, and just before the Peloponnesian War it amounted to 120 triremes. The government was a republic, which fluctuated between aristocracy and democracy ; party spirit ran high ; and both sides were guilty of grievous excesses. On the connection of Corcyra with Athens, see p. 203. ii. Cephallenia. This island, though considerably larger than Corcyra, and exceedingly fertile, was politically insignificant. It contained four cities, each of which was a distinct state, Pale, Cranii, Same, and Pronus or Pro- nesus. Probably the four were united in a sort of loose confederation. Pale seems to have been the most important of the cities. iii, Zacynthus, which was originally peopled by Achasans from the Pelo- ponnese, formed an independent state till the time of the Athenian confed- eracy. It had a single city, of the same name with the island itself, and is chiefly noted in the early ages as furnishing an asylum to fugitives from Sparta. iv. ^gina is said to have been occupied by Dorian colonists from Epi- daurus shortly after the invasion of the Peloponnese, It was at first com- pletely dependent on the mother country ; but, growing in naval power, it in a little time shook off the yoke, and became one of the most flourishing of the Grecian communities. The ^^ginetans early provoked the jealousy of Samos, and a war followed between the two powers, which had no very im- portant consequences. About n.c. 500, ^gina found a more dangerous rival in her near neighbor, Athens, Avhose growing greatness she endeaA'ored to check, in combination with Boeotia. A naval war, which lasted about twenty years, was teiTninated, b.c. 481, by the common danger which threatened all Greece from the armament collected by Xerxes, ^gina played an important part in the Persian stniggle ; but still it was one of the effects of the war to exalt her rival, Athens, to a very decided pre-eminence above all the other naval powers of Greece. Not content, hoAvever, with mere preponderance, Athens, on breaking with Sparta, b.c. 461, proceeded to crush ^gina, which resisted for four years, but in B.C. 457 became an Athenian dependency. K. O. MiJLLER, yEgineticorum liber. Berlin, 1817 ; 8vo. This work con- tains, besides the political history, an account of ^ginetan commerce and art. CocKERELL, Temphs of JEgina and Bassce. London, 1860 ; folio. Con- tains a full account of the discoveries made in the island by the author and others in 1811 and 1812. The sculptures obtained by the exploring party are in the Glyptothek at Munich. V. Euboea. This large island contained a number of separate and inde- pendent states, whereof the two most important were Eretria and Chalcis. These cities rose to eminence at an early period, and contended together in a great war, wherein most of the Greeks of Europe, and even some from Asia, took part. The balance of advantage seems to have rested with Chalcis, which in the later times always appears as the chief city of the island. Chal- cis sent out numerous and important colonies, as Cuma and Rhegium in Italy ; Naxos, Leontini, Catana, and Zancle' in Sicily ; Olynthus, Torone, and many other places on the coast of Thrace. Its constitution was oligarchical, the chief powder being lodged in the hands of the " Horse-keepers " (i7r7ro/3dra/), or Knights. About B.C. 500, Chalcis was induced to join the Spartans and Boeotians in an attempt to crush Athens, which failed, and cost Chalcis its 166 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. independence. The lands of the Hippobotse Avere confiscated, and an Athe- nian colony established in the place. Chalcis, together with the rest of Eubcea, revolted from Athens in B.C. 445, but was again reduced by Pericles. In the Peloponnesian War, b.c. 411, better success attended a second eifort. vi. The Cyclades. These islands are said to have been originally peopled by Carians from Asia Minor ; but about the time of the great migrations (b.c. 1200 to 1000) they were occupied by the Greeks, the more noi'thern by Ionian, the more southern by Dorian adventurers. After a while an Ionian Amphicty- ony grew up in the northern group, having the islet of Delos for its centre, and the Temple of Apollo there for its place of meeting ; whence the position oc- cupied by Delos on the formation of the Athenian confederacy. The largest, and, politically speaking, most important of the Cyclades were Andros and Naxos ; the former of which founded the colonies of Acanthus, Sane, Ar- gilus, and Stageirus in Thrace, while the latter repulsed a Persian attack in B.C. 501, and contended against the whole force of Athens in b.c. 466. Pa- ros, famous for its marble, may be placed next to Andros and Naxos. It was the mother city of Thasos, and of Pharos in Illyria. Little is known of l]ie constitutional history of any of the Cyclades. Naxos, however, seems to l.vve gone through the usual course of Greek revolutionary change, being j;jverned by an oligarchy until the time of Lygdamis (b.c. 540 to 530), who, pi ofessing to espouse the popular cause, made himself king. His tyranny did not last long, and an oligarchy was once more established, Avhich in its turn gave way to a democracy before b.c. 501. vii. Lemnos. This island, which had a Thracian population in the earliest times and then a Pelasgic one, was first Hellenized after its conquest, about B.C. 500, by the great Miltiades. It was from this time regarded as an Athe- nian possession, and seems to have received a strong body of colonists from Athens. Lemnos contained two towns, Hephsestia and Myrina, Avhich form- ed separate states at the time of the Athenian conquest. Hepheestia was at that time under a king. viii. Thasos, which was peculiarly rich in minerals, was early colonized by the Phoenicians, who Avorked the mines A^ery successfully. lonians from Pa- ros Hellenized it about B.C. 720 to 700, and soon raised it into a poAverful state. Settlements were made by the Thasians upon the main-land opposite their northern shores, whereof the most important Avere Scapte-Hyle and Datum. The gold-mines in this quarter Avere largely Avorked, and in B.C. 492 the Thasians had an annual revenue of from 200 to 300 talents (£48,000 to £72,000). In B.C. 494, Histiajus of Miletus attempted to reduce the isl- and, but failed ; it Avas, hoAvever, in the foUoAA^ing year forced to submit to the Persiiuis. On the defeat of Xerxes, Thasos became a member of the Athenian confederacy, but revolting, b.c. 465, was attacked and forced to submit, B.C. 463. In the Peloponnesian War another revolt (b.c. 411) AA'as again followed by submission, b.c. 408, and Thasos thenceforth continued, except for short intervals, subject to Athens. ix. Crete. The population of Crete in the early times Avas of a very mix- ed character. Homer enumerates among its inhabitants Achaeans, Eteocre- tes, Cydonians, Dorians, and Pelasgi. Of these the Eteocretes and Cydoni- ans were even farther removed than the Pelasgi from the Hellenic type. In the early clays the Cretans Avere famous pirates, Avhence probably the tradi- PER. II., TART II. j ISLANDS. 167 tions of Minos and his naval power. Whether the Dorian population was really settled in the island from a remote antiquity, or reached Crete from the Peloponnese after the Dorian conquest of the Achaean kingdoms, is a dis- puted point ; but the latter view is, on the whole, the more probable. In the historical times the Dorian element had a decided preponderance over all the rest, and institutions prevailed in all the chief cities which had a strong re- semblance to those of Sparta. The Spartan division of the freemen into cit- izens and periccci existed only in Crete ; and, though the latter country had no Helots, their place was supplied by slaves, public and private, who culti- vated the lands for their masters. Among these last a system of syssitia, closely resembling the Spartan, was established; and a military training similar in character, though less severe. The island was parcelled out among a number of separate states, often at war Avith one another, but wise enough to unite generally against a common enemy. Of these states the most pow- erful were Gnossus and Gortyna, each of which aspired to exercise a hegem- ony over the Avhole island. Next in importance was Cydonia, and in later times Lyctus, or Lyttus. Origmally the cities were ruled by hereditary kings ; but ere long their place was taken by elected Cosmi, ten in each community, who held office for a certain period, probuMy a year, and were chosen from certain families. Side by side with this executive board, there existed in each community a senate (yepovaia)^ composed of all who had sei"ved the office of Cosmos with credit, and constituting really the chief power in the state. There was, further, an assembly (£KKh/(jta) comprising all the citizens, which accepted or rejected the measures submitted to it, but had ncrinitiative, and no power of debate or amendment. Crete took no part in the general affairs of Greece till after the time of Alexander. It maintained a policy of abstinence during both the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars. The mili- tary character of the Cretans was, however, maintained, both by the frequent quarrels of the states one with another, and by the common practice of taking service as mercenaries. The institutions and history of Crete have been made the subject of elabo- rate comment by several very laborious writers. The best Avorks are those of Meursius, Creta, Cyprus, Rhodus. Amsterdam, 1675 ; 4to. A most valuable collection of all that ancient writers have said on the subject. Hock, Kreta. Giittingen, 1829 ; 3 a'oIs. 8vo. Particularly ample in all that concerns the early, or mythological, history. Neumann, K. P., Rerum Creticarum specimen. Gottingen, 1820. X. Cyprus. This island seems to have been originally occupied by the Kit- tim, a Japhetic race, Avho left their name in the old capital, Citium (K/rwr). Soon after the first development of Phoenician poAver, hoAvcA-er, it passed into the possession of that people, Avho long continued the predominant race in the island. When Hellenic colonists first began to floAv into it is doubtful ; but there is evidence that by the time of Sargon (b.c. 720 to 700) a large portion of the island Avas Greek, and under Esarhaddon all the cities, except Paphos, Tamisus, and Aphrodisias, appear to have been ruled by Greek kings. Cyprus seems scarcely ever for any length of time to have been independent. It was held by the Phoenicians from about b.c. 1100 to 725, by the Assyrians from about b.c. 700 to 650, by the Egyptians from about b.c. 550 to 525, 168 GKECIAN STATES. [hook hi. and by the Persians from B.C. 525 to 333. The most important of the cities, which, by whomsoever founded, eventually became Greek, were Salamis and Ammochosta (now Famagusta) on the eastern coast ; Citium, Curium, and Paphos on the southern ; Soli and Lapethus on the northern ; and Limenia, Tamasus, and Idalium in the interior. Amathus continued always Phoenician. The most flourishing of the Greek states was Salamis ; and the later history of the island is closely connected with that of the Salaminian kings. Among these were : 1. Evelthon, contemporary with Arcesilaus III. of Cyrene, about B.C. 530; 2. Gorgus ; and 3. Onesilus, contemporary with Darius Hystaspis, B. c. 520 to 500. The latter joined in the Ionian revolt, but was defeated and slain. 4. Evagoras I., contemporary with Artaxerxes Longimanus, B.C. 449. 5. Evagoras II., contemporary with Artaxerxes Mnemon, B.C. 391 to 370. This prince rebelled, and, assisted by the Athenians and Egyptians, carried on a long war against the Persians, but, after the Peace of Antalcidas, was forced to submit, B.C. 380, retaining, however, his sovereignty. 6. Protagoras, brother of Evagoras II., contemporary with Artaxerxes Ochus, B.C. 350. He banished Evagoras, son of Evagoras II., and joined the great revolt which followed Ochus's first and unsuccessful expedition against Egypt. This revolt was put down before B.C. 346, by the aid of mercenaries commanded by Pho- cion ; and thenceforth Cyprus continued faithful to Persia, till Alexander's victory at Issus, when the nme kings of the island voluntarily transferred their allegiance to Macedon, B.C. 333. The best and fullest account of the history of Cyprus will be found in the work of Meursius, mentioned above. On the geography of the island the student may consult with profit — Engel, Kypros. Berlin, 1841 ; 8vo. Ross, Reisen nach Kos, Halicarnassus, Rhodos, und der Insein Cypern. Halle, 1852. E. Greek Colonies. The chief works treating the subject generally are the following : Raoul-Rochette, Histoire critique de /'ctablissement des Colonies Grecques. Paris, 1815 ; 4 vols., 8vo. A most erudite and comprehensive work, but de- ficient in critique. Hegewisch, D. H., Geographische und historische Nachrichten, die Colo- men der Griechen hetreffend. Altona, 1848 ; 8vo. Clear and concise. St. Croix, De Tetat et du sort des Colonies des anciens peuples. Philadel- phia, 1779. Bougainville, J. P., Quels etoient les droits des Metropoles Grecques sur les colonies ; les devoirs des colonies envers les metropoles ; et les engagements reciproques des unes et des autres ? Paris, 1745. Hermann, K. P., Lehrbuch, etc. (see p. 144), chap. iv. pp. 73-90. The best synopsis of the subject. 1. The number of the Greek colonies, and their wide diffu- Heiienic coio- ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^J remarkable. From the extreme re- uies. Their cess of the Sea of Azov to the mouth of the Med- nnmber and . , . ^ ii £■ \vidediffu- iterranean, almost the entire coast, both oi con- ^^°"* tinents and islands, was studded with the settle- PER, II., PART II. J COLONIES. 169' iiients of this active and energetic people. Most thickly Avere these sown towards the north and the north-east, more spar- ingly towards the south and Avest, where a rival civilization — the Phoenician — cramped, though it coidd not crush, Gre- cian enterprise. Carthage and Tyre would fain have kept exclusively in their own hands these regions ; but the Greeks forced themselves in here and there, as in Egypt and in the Cyrenaica ; while of their own northern shore, except in Spain, they held exclusive possession, meeting their rivals in the islands of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Cyprus. 2. The main causes of the spread of the Greeks from their proper home in the Hellenic peninsula, over so many and _ . . „,^ such distant recrions, were two in number. The settlements racc was prolific, and often found itself cramped for room, either from the mere natural increase of population, or from the pressure upon it of larger and more powerful nations. Hence arose movements which were, properly speaking, inigratioyis^ though the terra " coloniza- tion " has been improperly applied to them. To this class belong the iEolian, Ionian, and Dorian settlements in Asia, and the Achaean in Italy. But the more usual cause of movement was commercial or political enterprise, the state which founded a settlement being desirous of extending its influence or its trade into a new region. Such settlements were colonies proper; and between these and the mother country there was always, at any rate at first, a certain con- nection, which w^as absent in the case of settlements arising out of migrations. Occasionally individual caprice or polit- ical disturbance led to the foundation of a new city ; but such cases were comparatively rare, and require only a pass- ing mention. 3. The colonies proper of the Greeks were of two kinds, aTToidai and K\r]pov\iaL. Ill the former, the political connection Colonies prop- between the mother country and the colony was ti'on'^iththeh" slight and weak; in the latter, it was exceeding- parent states. \j close and strong. 'A7roa-mi were, in fact, inde- pendent communities, attached to the mother country mere- ly by afifection and by certain generally prevalent usages, which, however, were neither altogether obligatory nor very definite. The colony usually worshipped as a hero its origi- nal founder (o<\(ot//c), and honored the same gods as tlie par- 1 70 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. ent city. It bore part in the great festivals of its metropolis, and contributed ofterinojs to them. It distin- 'A7ro the Messanians flourished greatly, but in that year they were compelled to sur- render to Athens, and became involved in the troubles which Athenian am- bition brought upon Sicily. However, the lesson thus taught them was not without its use ; since it induced them to preserve a strict neutrality at the time of the great Athenian expedition, B.C. 415 to 413. In the Carthagini- an wars, Messana escaped injury till b.c. 396, when it was taken by Himil- co and completely levelled with the ground. On the retirement of the Car- thaginians, Dionysius restored it, and made great use of it in his wars with Rhegium. At his death Messana once more became free and rose in pow- er ; but in B.C. 312 it fell under the power of Agathocles, who treated it with extreme severity. Still worse calamities, however, came on it thirty years later, upon the death of the tyrant. His mercenary troops, chiefly Campani- ans, had agreed to quit Sicily, and were assembled at Messana, as the natural point of embarkation, when they suddenly turned against the inhabitants, massacred them, and, under the name of Mamertini, seized and held the city, which henceforth ceased to be a Greek state, about b.c. 282. (k) Himera was founded from Zancle', as above stated, in B.C. 648. In the early times it does not seem to have been very flourishing; and there is rea- son to believe that in the sixth century B.C. it fell under the dominion of the Agrigentine tyrant, Phalaris. Early in the fifth centuiy, however (about B.C. 490), we find it once more independent ; and about b.c 490 to 485 it acquired importance under Terillus, a native despot, connected by alliance and intermarriage with Anaxilaiis of Rhegium. Terillus, attacked by Thero of Agrigentum, invited over the Carthaginians, B.C. 480, Avho came with a vast armament, evidently intending to conquer the island. The discomfiture of this host by Gelo and Thero (b.c. 480) left the latter in undisputed pos- session of Himera, which he placed under his son,*Thrasyd£eus, a youth of a tyrannical disposition. Quarrels, between Thrasyda^us and his subjects fol- lowed, which induced Thero to banish vast numbers of the citizens and to supply their place with new settlers, chiefly Dorians, who made Plimera into a Doric city, B.C. 476. On the expulsion of Thrasyda;ns, B.C. 472, Avith the help of Hiero, Himera became free, and shortly afterwards it helped the Syracusans to expel the tyrant Thrasybulus, b.c. 466. The exiles upon this 190 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. returned, and such arrangements were made that the city never afterwards suffered from civil discord. In the Athenian war of B.C. 415 to 413 Himera gave a steady support to Syracuse ; but five years after its close, the second Carthaginian invasion dealt it a fatal blow, the city being taken and destroyed by Hannibal, b.c. 408, and never afterwards rebuilt. Thermas, sometimes called Thermai Himerenses, which grew up at a short distance from the site of Himera, took its place, but never attained to any importance, remaining, with few and brief exceptions, subject to Carthage, until it passed into the possession of Rome, about B.C. 249. The Romans treated it with excep- tional fiivor. The work of Heyne, mentioned (p. 182), is the best on the history of the Sicilian colonies generally. Good monographs have been written on some of the more important cities. Among these the following are best worthy of attention : ^lEFERT, O., Akragas und sein Gebiet. Hamburg, 1845 ; 8vo. Zancle- Messana. Hei-sga^vm, Selinus und sein Gebiet. Leipsic, 1827; 8vo. On the antiquities of the island the following works may be consulted : Serra di Falco, Antichita delta Sicilia. Palermo, 1834-39 ; 5 vols, f'lio. BiscARi, Viaggio per le antichita della Sicilia. Palermo, 1817 ; 8vo. ToRREMUzzA, SiciUcB urbium, popidorum, regum quoque et tyrannorum nu- mismata. Paleraio, 1781 ; folio. Castello, G. L., Sicilice et objacentium insularum veterum inscriptionum nova collectio. Palermo, 17G9 ; folio. Also Keerl, J. H., Siciliens vorzUglichste Miinzen und Steinschriften aus dem Alterthuine. Gotha, 1802. iv. Colonies on the Coasts of Gaid and Spain. By far the most impor- tant of these was Massilia (Marseilles), on the coast of Gaul, a colony of the Phocieans. It was probably founded about b.c. GOO, when the coast was still in the occupation of the Ligurians. The relations of the colony with the natives were generally amicable ; but we have an account of one attempt to surprise and destroy it, Avhich terminated in foilure. Massilia had a small territory, but one fertile in corn and Avine. Her trade was large, and was earned on both by sea and land. Her merchants visited the interior of Gaul, and even obtained tin and lead by this overland route from the Scilly Islands. She extended her colonies eastward and westward along the coast of Gaul, and even ])lanted some in Spain. The best known of these settlements were Olbia (nenr Hyeres), Antipolis (now Antibes), Nica?a (Nice), and Moncecus (Monaco) These all lay to the east. To tlie west were Agatha, Rhoda, Emporia;, Hemeroscopeium, and Masnaca, the last named not for from Mala- ga. A s]>ecial jealousy existed between Massilia and Carthage, which led often to hostilities ; but the victory always remained with the little Greek state. More dangerous was the enmity of the Ligurians and Gauls, whose near neighborhood caused the Massiliots constant alarm. However, with the aid of the Romans, to Avhom Massilia allied herself as early as b.c. 218, these foes were kept in check, and Massilia preserved her freedom until the time of the Roman Civil Wars. Having then sided witli Pompey, she was stormed bv Caesar, b.c. 49. Even after this she retained a nominal inde- PKR. II., PART II.] COLONIES. 191 pendence, being reckoned a "foederata eivitas" as late as the time of Fliny. The constitution of Massilia avos an oligarchy. A council of six hundred members (Tifiovx'^''\ how appointed we know not, but who held office for life, possessed the monopoly of political power. These deputed the adminis- tration to a committee of fifteen, of whom three were presidents. Numerous works have been written on the history and constitution of Mas- silia ; but they are not of very much value. The best are — JoHANSEN, J. C, Veteris Massilice res et instituta. Kiel, 1818. Brucknek, a., Historia Reipuhlicce Massiliensium. Gottingen, 1826; 8vo. v. Colonies on the Coast of Africa. The African colonies, like those on the coast of Gaul and Spain, all issued from one source. This was Gyrene', founded by adventurers from Thera, at the instigation of the Delphic oracle, about B.C. 631. Gyrene was at first governed by kings, viz. : 1. Battus I., the founder. Reigned forty years, from B.C. 631 to 591. Succeeded by his son, 2. Arcesilaiis I., who reigned sixteen years, from b.c. 591 to 575. Thus far Gyrene was tranquil, but not particularly prosperous. 3. Battus II., surnamed "the Happy," succeeded. In his reign the Delphic oracle induced the stream of Greek colonization to set steadily towai-ds Africa ; and Gyrene' grew rapidly in population and importance. Fresh territory Avas oc- cupied ; and when the native tribes, robbed of their lands, called the Egyp- tians to their aid, Apries, the Egyptian monarch, was repulsed, and his army almost wholly destroyed, about B.C. 570. Battus II. was succeeded by his son, 4. Arcesilaiis II., who had dissensions with his brothers, which led to the founding of Barca, whither they betook themselves. The Libyans of the neighborhood prefemng to attach themselves to Barca, Arcesilaiis attacked them, but suffered a severe defeat. Upon this he fell sick, and was mur- dered by his brother Learchus ; Avho was in his turn put to death by Eryxo, the widow of Arcesilaiis, about b.c. 540. 5. Battus III., surnamed "the Lame," inherited the croAvn from his fatlier. Under him the troubles of the state increased; and, appeal being made to Delphi, Demonax of Mantinea was called in to arrange affairs. He confined the royal authority Avithin very narroAv limits, and made a fresh division of the citizens into tribes upon an ethnic basis, about b.c. 538. 6. Arcesilaiis III., the son of Battus the Lame, succeeded, about b.c. 530. Submitted to the Persians b.c. 525. Glaimed all the pnvileges of the early kings, and in the struggle that followed Avas forced to fly. Gollected troops in Samos and effected his return ; but, using his power cruelly, Avas murdered by his subjects at Barca. 7. Battus IV., his son, became king ; but Phei'etima, grandmother of this Battus, Avas, as it Avould seem, for some time regent, Battus being (it is probable) a minor. Flight of Pheretima to Egypt and expedition of Aryandes, about B.C. 514. Barca taken. Pheretima soon after\A'ards dies. Battus reigned till about B.C. 470, Avhen he Avas succeeded by his son, 8. Ai-cesilaiis IV., Avho distin- guished himself by his Pythian victories, and reigned probably till about B.C. 430. On his death, his son, another Battus, Avas expelled, and sought a ref- uge at the Gyrena;an colony of Euesperides. A democratic republic AA'as noAV established, Avhich seems, however, to have worked but ill. Violent party contests, from time to time, shook the state ; and it fell more than once un- der the sway of tyrants. Still, in many respects, Gyrene' continued to flour- 192 GRECIAN STATES. [hook hi. ish. Its trade, particularly in the celebrated silphium, remained great ; its architecture was handsome; its sculpture far from contemptible ^ it took an important part in the favorite pursuit of the Greeks, philosophy, as the Cy- renaic School, founded by the Cyrenasan Aristippus, and the New Academy, founded by another Cyrena^an, Canieades, sufficiently show. Moreover, it contributed to Greek literature the poetry of Callimachus, and, in Christian times, the rhetoric of Synesius. It is uncertain Avhen the dependence of Cy- lene on Persia ceased ; but it can scarcely have continued later than the re- volt of Egypt under Nepherites, b.c. 405, In b.c. 332, the Cyrenaians sub- mitted to Alexander ; and the whole of the Cyrena'ica became thenceforth a dependency of Eg}'pt, felling successively to the Ptolemies and the Romans. Ihe chief settlements in the Cyrena'ica, besides Cyrene, were, 1. Barca. Founded, about b.c. 554, by seceders from Cyrene in conjunction with na- tive Libyans. Hence the city had always a semi-African charactei*. Sub- mitted to Cambyses, b. c. 525. Destroyed by Pheretima, aided by Aryandes, about B.C. 514, in revenge for the murder of her son. The inhabitants re- moved to Bactria. The new Barca, which grew up after this, was always an insignificant place. 2. Euesperides, oi' Hesperides. Founded by Arcesilaiis IV. , about B. c. 450. Only important in the time of the Ptolemies, when it became Berenice. 3. Tauchira, or Teuchira. Probably founded by Barca. Belonged, at any i-ate, to the Barcseans. Became Arsinoe under the Ptole- mies. 4. Apollonia, the port of Cyrene. This city, with the four previously mentioned, constituted the Cyrenaic " Pentapolis. " On the history of Cyrene the student may consult with advantage the works of Hardion, J., Histoirc de la ville de Cyrene, in the Memoires de VAcademie cles Inscriptions, vol. iii. And Thrige, J. P., Res Cyrenensium a jorimordiis inde civitatis, etc. Hafnise, 1828; 8vo. Ample light has been thrown on the topography and antiquities by modern travellers. The best works are — Della Gella, Viaggio da Tripoli di Barbaria alls Frontieri Occidentali deW Egitto. Genoa, 1819. Beechby, Expedition to Explore the North Coast of Africa. London, 1828; 4to. Pacho, F. R., Relation d'un Voyage dans la Marmarique, la Cijrenaique, etc. Paris, 1827 ; 4to. Hamilton, J., Wanderings in North Africa. London, 185G ; 8vo. Barth, Wanderungen durch das Punische und Kyrena'ische Kiistenland. Berlin, 1849 ; 8vo. And the same writer's Travels in North and Central Africa. London, 1857-58 ; 5 vols. 8vo. The settlement of Nauci'atis in Egypt was not, properly speaking, a Greek colony ; but some mention of it may fitly be made here. Its position re- sembled that of Canton before the first Chinese war, or of Nagasaki and Jeddo at the present day. It was not relinquished to the Greeks, but was simply the place, and the only place, in Egypt where they were allowed to settle. A large Greek population was settled there after the time of Amasis, B.C. 5G9 to 525, composed chiefly of emigrants from the coasts and islands of Western Asia, The town boasted four Greek temples ; and the Greeks PKR. 111.] SOURCES OF THE LATER HISTOR Y. ".^^ ^ j^^ had the free exercise of their religion, the appointment of their own magis- trates, and the power of exacting customs and harbor-dues. The Naucra- tites manufactured porcelain and wreaths of flowers (artificial ?). The place continued to flourish until the Alexandrine era, when it declined as Alexan- dria rose into greatness. THIRD PERIOD. Fro7n the Commencement of the Wars with Persia, B.C. 500, to the Battle of Chceroneia, B.C. 338. Sources. For the first portion of this period, from b.c. 500 to 479, Herodotus (books v. to ix.) is our chief authority; but he may be supple- mented to a considerable extent from Plutarch ( Vit. Themist. and Aristid.) and Nepos ( Vit. Miltiad. , Themist. , Aristid. , and Pausan. ). For the second portion of the period, from B.C. 479 to 431, the outline of Thucydides (book i. chaps. 24 to 14G) is of primary importance, especially for the chronology ; but the details must be filled in from Diodorus (book xi. and first half of book xii.), and, as before, from Plutarch and Nepos, (The latter has one "Life" only bearing on this period, that of Cimon ; the former has two, those of Cimon and Pericles.) For most of the third portion of the period, the time of the Peloponnesian War — b.c. 431 to 404 — we have the invaluable work of Thucydides (books ii. to viii.) as our single and sufficient guide; but, where the work of Thucydides breaks off, we must supplement his continuator, Xenophon (Hellenica, books i. and ii.), by Diodorus (last half of book xii.). For the fourth portion of the period, from the close of the Peloponnesian War to the battle of Mantineia — b.c. 404 to 362 — Xenophon in his Hellenica, his Anabasis, and his Agesilaus, is our main authority : he is to be compared with Diodorus (books xiii. to xv.), Nepos {Vit. Lysand., Conon., Pelop., Epaminond., and Ages.), and Plutarch {Vit. Pelop., Artaxerxis, and Ages.). For the remainder of the history — from b.c. 362 to 338 — in default of con- temporary writers, we are thrown primarily on the sixteenth book of Dio- dorus ; but perhaps more real knowledge of the period is to be derived from the speeches of the orators, especially those of Demosthenes and^scHiNEs. The lives of Phocion and Demosthenes in Plutarch, and those of Iphicrates, Chabrias, Timotheus, and Datames in Nepos, further illustrate the period, which also receives some light ironi Justin, Pausanias, and a few other authors. The most important modern works on the entire period from b.c. 500 to 338 are those to which reference has been already made under the " Sources " for the "First" and "Second Period." (See pp. 137 and 143.) But the following may be mentioned as specially illustrative of the "Third Period:" Bakthelemy, Voyage dujeune Anacharsis en Grece. Paris, 1788 ; 4 vols. 4to. This work is one which will never become antiquated, combining, as it does, vast learning with remarkable refinement and good taste. Becker, W. A. , Charikles, Bilder alt-griechische Sitte. Leipsic ; 3 vols. 8vo. Translated into English by the Rev. F. Metcalfe. London, 1845 ; 8vo. BuLWER, Sir E. L., Athens, its Rise and Fall ; with Views of the Liter- ature, Philosophy, and Social Life of the Athenian People. London, 1837 ; 2 vols. 8vo. 9 194 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. Magnificent works on the monuments of Greece, arcliitectnral and other, which belong chiefly to this period, have been published in the present cen- tury. Among these the following ai-e the most remarkable : Stuart and Revett, The Antiquities of Athens Measured and Deline- ated. London, 1762-181G ; 4 vols, folio. The 2d Edition was published in 1825-27. CocKERELL, SiR C, Temples of JEgina and Bassce. (See p. 165.) Wordsworth, Christopher, Greece ; Pictorial^ Descriptive^ and Histor~ ical. London, 1852 ; large 8vo. Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece. Paris, 1782-1822 ; 2 vols, folio. 1. The tendency of the Greek States, in spite of their sep- aratist leanings, towards consolidation and union round one Tendency of or niore Centres, has been already noticed. (See ^^ifn^watfo" p. 145.) Up to the date of the Persian War, the Greek na- ^P^i'ta was the State whicli exercised the greatest tiou. centralizing force, and gave the most promise of uniting under its leadership the scattered members of the Hellenic body. Events prior to the Persian War had been gradually leading up to the recognition of a Spartan head- ship. It required, however, the actual occurrence of tlie war to bring rapidly to maturity what hitherto had only existed in embryo — to place at once vividly before the whole race the consciousness of Hellenic unity, to drive Sparta to the assumption of leadership, and to induce the other Greek states to acquiesce calmly in the new position occupied by one of their number. 2. The beneficial influence of an extreme common danger was not limited to the time of its actual existence. The tend- ency towards consolidation, havino^ once obtained General rec- *' . ' . ?• ognitiou oihe- a certain amount of strength, did not disappear gertiomcs. y^ii^i the causc which brought it into being. From the time of the Persian invasion, we notice a general inclina- tion of the Greeks to gather themselves together into confed- ©rations under leaders. The chief states, Sparta, Athens, Boeotia, Argos, are recognized as possible holders of such a hegemony ; and the history from this time thus possesses a character of unity for which we look in vain at an earlier period. Immediate causes which led to the First Persian War. 1. Flight of Ilip- pias to Sardis, and influence which he exercised over Artaphernes. 2. Ke- volt of the lonians, and share taken by Athens and Eretria in the burning pjiR. III. J FIKIST PERSIAN WAR. I95 of Sardis, B.C. 500. (See p. 157.) 3. Treatment of the heralds of Darius by Athens and Sparta, u.c. 491. These causes, however, at the most has- tened an attempt, which would in any case have been made, to extend the Persian dominion over continental Greece! 3. The first expedition of Mardoijius having been frus- trated, in part by a storm, in part by the opposition of the Expeditious Bryges, a tribe of Thracians, it was resolved, be- aiSfDaUs- fore a second expedition was sent out, to send athoD,S^f ""'" lieralds and summon the Greek states severally 4»o- ' • to surrender. The result of this policy was strik- ing. The island states generally, and many of the conti- nental ones, made their submission. Few, comparatively, rejected the overture. Athens and Sparta, however, marked their abhorrence of the proposal made them in the strongest possible way. In spite of the universally-received law, that the persons of heralds were sacred, they put the envoys of Darius to death, and thus placed themselves beyond all pos- sibility of further parley with the enemy. The submission of ^gina to Persia at this time is made a subject of com plaint by Athens at Sparta. Punishment of ^gina by Cleomenes in conse- quence, and deposition of Demaratus, who attempts to thwart the expedition. Expedition of Datis and Artaphernes, B.C. 490. Occupation of Naxos. Capture of Eretria. Battle of Marathon, and failure of a subsequent attempt to surprise Athens. Tardy arrival of the Spartan succors. Unhappy end of MUtiades. 4. The victory of Marathon gave Greece a breathing-space before the decisive trial of strength between herself and Per- Great aug- sia, which was manifestly impending. ISTo one the^Mheuiaii conceived that the danger was past, or that the ^avy. Great King would patiently accept his defeat, without seeking to avenge it. The ten years which inter- vened between Marathon and Thermopylae were years of preparation as much to Greece as to Persia. Athens espe- cially, under the wise guidance of Themistocles, made her- self ready for the coming conflict by the apj)lication of her great pecuniary resources to the increase of her navy, and by the training of her people in nautical habits. The war between this state and ^gina, which continued till e.g. 481, was very advantageous to the Grecian cause, by stimulating these naval efforts, and enabling Themistocles to persuade his countrymen to their good. 196 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. Influence of Themistocles at this time secured by the ostracism of his rival, Aristides, b.c. 482, probably. 5. The military preparations of Darius in the years b.c. 489 to 487, and those of Xerxes in b.c. 484 to 481, must have Hellenic Con- been Well kjiown to the Greeks, who could not fhristhmusf cloubt the quarter in which it was intended to B.C. 4S1. strike a blow. Accordingly, we find the year b.c. 481 given up to counter-preparations. A general congress held at the Isthmus — a new feature in Greek history — ar- ranged, or suppressed, the internal quarrels of the states at- tending it ; assigned the command of the confederate forces, both by land and sea, to Sparta ; and made an attempt to obtain assistance from distant, or reluctant, members of the Hellenic body — Argos, Crete, Corcyra, and Sicily. A reso- lution was at the same time taken to meet the invader at the extreme northern boundary of Greece, where it was thought that the pass of Tempe offered a favorable position for resistance. 6. The force sent to Thessaly, finding the pass of Tempe untenable, withdraws at once ; and the position of Thermop- Greatinva- ylsB and Artcmisium is chosen for the combined IT"k.o^48o. resistance to the foe by sea and land. Though Thermopyis, ^^^^* position is forccd, Attica overrun, and Ath- saiamis, pia- q^is, taken and burnt, in revengje for Sardis, yet taea, and My- ' ~ , \ caie. the defeat of his vast fleet at Salamis (b.c. 480) alarms Xerxes, and causes him to retire with all his remain- ing vessels and the greater part of his troops. Mardonius stays behind with 350,000 picked men, and the fate of Greece has to be determined by a land battle. This is fought the next year,B.c. 479, at Plat9ea,by the Spartan king, Pausanias, and the Athenian general, Aristides, who with 69,000 men completely defeat the Persian general, take his camp, and destroy his army. A battle at Mycale (in Asia Minor), on the same day, effects the destruction of the remnant of the Persian fleet ; and thus the entire invading armament, both naval and military, is swept away, the attempt at conquest having issued in utter failure. Details of the "War. The Greeks evacuate Thessaly early in the year. Fresh deliberation at the Isthmus, and resolve to occupy Thermopylte and Artemisium. Nine thousand men under Leonidas take post at Thermopyla), and 271 vessels under Eurybiades guard the strait at Artemisium. Advance PER. III.] SECOND PERSIAN WAR. 197 of Xerxes to Malis. Fruitless assaults on the Greek position during two days. Way of turning the position made known to the Persians by Ephial- tes. Leonidas dismisses half his army. Gallant struggle of the remainder tenninates in the complete destruction of all, except 400 Thebans, who are made prisoners. About the same time engagements take place between the Persian fleet of above 1000 vessels, and the very inferior Greek fleet at Ar- temisium, without any decisive advantage to either side ; but the forcing of Thermopylas by the Persian army induces Eurybiades to retire down the Eu- ripus and bring his fleet' to an anchor at Salamis. March of Xerxes through Phocis and Boeotia into Attica. Failure of attempt on Delphi. Burning of Athens. General alarm of the Greeks, and inclination of the fleet to dis- perse. Politic measures of Themistocles prevent the dispersal, and bring on a general engagement of the two fleets in the strait between Attica and Sala- mis, in which the Greeks with 380 sail completely vanquish and disperse the Persian fleet of 1207 triremes. Terror of Xerxes — his retreat. Mardonins winters in Thessaly, and in the summer of B.C. 479 resumes the offensive with 300,000 picked Asiatic troops, and 50,000 confederate Greeks. Negotiations follow between Persia and Argos. Persian ti'oops re-occupy Attica and enter the Megarid. Long inaction of Sparta. Death of Cleombrotus and acces- sion of Pausanias followed by a sudden change of policy. The full force of Sparta Is levied ; large contingents are demanded and obtained from the al- lies ; and the Greeks take the field with above 100,000 men. Mardonius retires into Boeotia. The Greeks cross Cithaeron and take up a position near Plattea. Manoeuvres of Mardonius. He at length attacks the Greeks as they are executing a difficult movement, so that they have to engage with two-fifths of their army absent. Battle of Platasa. Complete rout of the Persians — only Artabazus, with a body of 40,000, retreats in good order. Double disaster at Mycale a fit termination of the first act of the great his- toric drama. 7. The discomfitnre of the assailing force which had threat- ened the liberties of Greece, while it was far from bringing The Greeks the war to an end, entirely changed its character. fe™l, B^^" Greece now took the offensive. Not content with 4T9. driving her foe beyond her borders, she aimed at pressing Persia back from the advanced position which she had occupied in this quarter, regarding it as menacing to her own security. At the same time, she punished severely the Grecian states which had invited or encouraged the invader. Moreover, she vindicated to herself, as the natural conse- quence of the victories of Salamis and Mycale, the complete command of the Levant, or Eastern Mediterranean, and the sovereignty over all the littoral islands, including Cyprus. Operations after Mycale. Siege and capture of Sestos, e.g. 479. Expedition of Pausanias to Cyprus, and liberation of the island from the Persian yoke, e.g. 478. Siege of Byzantium, also conducted by Pausanias. 198 GRECIAN STATES. [kook hi. Byzantium taken. Siege and capture of Eion, b.c. 477. Attempts on Do- riscus. 8. The new position into which Greece had been brought by the course of events, a position requiring activity, enter- Spartaabdi- prisc, the Constant employment of considerable e?shipfn.c!^^" f^rccs at a distance from home, and the occupa- 4^^- tion of the -^gean with a powerful navy, led naturally to the great change which now took 2:»lace in Gre- cian arrangements — the withdrawal of Sparta from the con- duct of the Persian War, and the .substitution of Athens as leader. No doubt Sparta did not see at once all which this change involved. The misconduct of Pausanias, who enter- ed into treasonable negotiations with Xerxes, and the want of elasticity in her system, which unfitted her for distant foreign wars, made Sparta glad to retire from an unpleasant duty, the burden of which she threw upon Athens, without suspecting the- profit and advantage which that ambitious state would derive from undertaking it. She did not swp- pose that she was thereby yielding up her claim to the head- ship of all Greece at home, or erecting Athens into a rival. She imagined that she could shift on to a subordinate re- sponsibilities which were too much for her, without chang- ing the attitude of that subordinate towards herself. This was a fatal mistake, so far as her own interests were con- cerned, and had to be redeemed at a vast cost during a war which lasted, with short interruptions, for the space of more than fifty years. 9. On Athens the change made by the transference of the leadership had an effect which, if not really advantageous Assumption ^^^ ^^^ respccts. Seemed at any rate for a time to of the com- })q extraordinarily beneficial. Her patriotic ex- mancl by Ath- . . -^ . ^ ^ ens. Com- ertious dunug the war or invasion appeared to the Athenian liavc rcccivcd thereby their due reward. She Empire. j^^^ obtained a free vent for her superabundant activity, energy, and enterprise. She was to be at the head of a league of the naval powers of Greece, offensive and de- fensive, against Persia. The original idea of the league was that of a free confederation. Delos was appointed as its centre. There the Congress was to sit, and there was to be the common treasury. But Athens soon converted her ac- knowledged headship (//yf/uor/a) into a sovereignty (apx*/). ?. J^ per; III".] ATHENIAN EMPIRE. I99 First, the right of states to secede from the confederacy, which was left undecided by the terms of the confederation, was denied ; and, upon its assertion, was decided, in the neg- ative by the unanswerable argument of force. Next, the treasury was transferred from Delos to Athens, and the meetings of the Congi-ess were discontinued. Finally, the separate treasury of the league was merged in that of Ath- ens ; the money and ships of the allies were employed for her own aggmndizement in whatever way Athens pleased ; and the various members of the league, excepting a few of the more powerful, were treated as Athenian subjects, com- pelled to model their governments in accordance with Athe- nian views, and even forced to allow all imjDortant causes to be transferred by appeal from their own local courts to those of the Imperial City. These changes, while they im« mensely increased the wealth and the apparent importance and power of Athens, did nevertheless, by arousing a deep and general feeling of discontent among her subject-allies, introduce an element of internal weakness into her system, ^vhich, when the time of trial came, was. sure to show itself and to issue in disaster, if not in ruin. 10. Internal changes of considerable importance accom- panied this exaltation of Athens to the headship of an Em- internai pirc. The powcr of the Clisthenie strategi in- AthSu''*^^ creased, while that of the old archons declined B^niSrieri- ^^^^^ ^^ became a mere shadow. The democracy odof Atheus. advanced. By a law of Aristides, b.c. 478, the last vestige of a property qualification was swept away, and every Athenian citizen was made eligible to every ofiice. The law-courts were remodelled and systematized by Peri- cles, who also introduced the plan of paying the poorer cit- izens for their attendance. The old council of the Areopa- gus was assailed, its political power destroyed, and its func- tions made simply judicial. At the same time, however, cer- tain conservative alteraticyns were introduced by way of bal- ance. The establishment of the Nomophylaces and the ]N'o- mothetae, together with the institution of the Indictment for Illegality (ypa^j) 7rapav6/jLotia prostrate at her feet. Phocis and Opuntian Locris submit to her. JEgina surrenders, and joins the Athenian confederacy. Recall of Cimon, and completion of the "Long Walls." Triumphant cruise of Tolmidas round the Peloponnese, b.c. 455. Athenian expedition into Thessaly in the same year fails. Disasters overtake the ships sent to Egypt. Pericles in person makes an unsuccessful attempt on OEniadai, B.C. 454. Warned by these con- tinued disasters, and distrustful of the condition of Bceotia, Pericles, three years later, concludes a peace with Sparta for five years, b.c. 451. This en- ables him once more to dispatch a force against Persia, Avhich is placed under the command of Cimon, who dies at the siege of Citium. The fleet, however, shortly afterwards gains a great victory off Salamis. Hereupon peace is made. Athens relinquishes to Persia Cyprus and Egypt, Avhile Persia per- mits the independence of the Greek cities in Asia Minor, B.C. 450. A short ])ause occurs, and then the fabric of Athenian land empire is shattered by the rebellion of Bceotia and the defeat of Coroneia, b.c. 447, which involve the fiuther immediate loss of Phocis and Locris, while they threaten still worse consequences. 15. The culminating period of Athenian greatness was the interval between (Enophyta and Coroneia, b.c. 456 to 447. Athens reach- Periclcs, who at the outset appeared likely to suc- of her power, ^Gcd in all that he had planned, learned gradually deciiitfB.o.*'' ^y the course of events that he had overrated his ^*^- country's powers, and wisely acquiesced in the in- evitable. From about B.C. 454 his aim was to consolidate and conserve, not to enlarge, the dominion of Athens. But the policy of moderation came too late. Bceotia, Phocis, and Locris burned to be free, and determined to try the chance of arms, so soon as a convenient occasion offered. Coroneia came, and Athens was struck down upon her knees. Two years later, on the expiration of the five years' peace (b.c. 445), Sparta arranged a combination which threatened her .^ -OjJJkS TEK. HI.] PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 203 rival with actual destruction. Megara on the one side and Euboea on the other were stirred to revolt, while a Pelo- ponnesian force under Pleistoanax and Cleandridas invaded Attica at Eleusis. But the crisis was met by Pericles with firmness and wisdom. The Spartan leaders were accessi- ble to bribes, and the expenditure 'of a few talents relieved Athens from her greatest danger. Euboea, the possession of which was of vital consequence to the unproductive Attica, received a severe punishment for her disaffection at the hands of Pericles himself Megara, and a few outlying remnants of the land empire enjoyed from B.C. 456 to 447, were made the price of peace. By the cession of what it would have been impossible to retain, Athens purchased for herself a long- term of rest, during which she might hope to recruit her strength and prepare herself to make another struggle for the suj)remacy. Thirty years' peace concluded, B.C. 445. Authority of Pericles at its height. Ostracism of Thucydides, son of Melesias, b.c. 443. Great works of Pericles executed. Power of Athens nursed by extension ofcleruch system (e. g., Hestisa and Sinope), and by the judicious planting of colonies (e. g., Thurii, b.c. 443, and Amphipolis, b.c. 437). Good economy of Pericles, and flourishing condition of the treasury. The only interruption of peace during the thirteen years from b.c. 445 to 432 is caused by the defection of Samos, B.C. 440, which the Athenians pi-ovoke by interference in the local politics. Revolt put down, after a nine months' siege, by Pericles. Commencement of differences between Corinth and Corcyra on account of Epidamnus, b.c. 436. Naval victory of the Corcyra^ans, b.c. 435. Great preparations of Corinth, and application of Corcyra to Athens, b.c. 433. Corcyra taken into alliance and eifectually protected, b.c. 432. • In revenge, Corinth induces Potidoea to revolt from Athens, b.c. 432. Other Chalcidian cities join. Corinth assists the revolters. Perdiccas faith- ful to neither side. Athenians lay siege to Potidfea. Corinth ajjpeals to Sparta, and, after fniitless negotiations, war is declared, b.c. 431. 16. The struggle which nov\^ commenced is known by the name ot' the " Peloponnesian War." It lasted twenty-seven ThePeiopon- Y^ars, from B.C. 431 to 404, and extended itself iiesian War. over almost the whole of the Grecian world, in- B.C. 431-404. 1 • 1 « ^ ,. ' volvmg almost every state from Selmus at the extreme west of Sicily to Cnidus and Rhodes in the ^gean. Though in the main a war for supremacy between the two great powere of Greece, Athens and Sparta, it was also to a certain extent " a struggle of principles," and likewise, though to a lesser extent, "a war of races." Speaking gen- 204 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. erally, the Ionian Greeks were banded together on the one side, and made common cause with the Athenians; while the Dorian Greeks, Avith a few remarkable exceptions, gave their aid to the Spartans. But political sympathy deter- mined, to a greater degree than race, the side to which each state should attach itself.' Athens and Sparta were respect- ively in the eyes of the Greeks the representatives of the two principles of democracy and oligarchy; and it was felt that, according as the one or the other preponderated, the cause of oligarchical or democratical government was in the ascendant. The principle of non-intervention was unknown. Both powers alike were propagandist ; and revolutionized, as occasion offered, the constitutions of their dependencies. Even without intervention, party spirit was constantly at work, and the triumph of a faction over its rival in this or that petty state might at any time disturb the balance of power between the two chief belligerents. 17. These two belligerents offered a remarkable contrast to each other in many respects. Athens was predominantly Coutrast pre- ^ maritime, Sparta a land power. Athens had in- tw"ochief bei- Auence chiefly on the eastern side of Greece and ligerents. i^ Asia ; Sparta, on the western side of Greece, and in Italy and Sicily. Again, the position of Sparta with respect to her allies was very different from that of Athens. Sparta was at the head of a purely voluntary confederacy, the members of which regarded their interests as bound up in hers, ai^d accepted her, on account of her superior military strength, as their natural leader. Athens was mistress of an empire Avhich she had acquired, to a considerable extent, by force ; and was disliked by most of her subject-allies, who accepted her leadership, not from choice, but from compul- sion. Thus Sparta was able to present herself before men's minds in the character of " liberator of Greece ;" Ihough, had she obtained a complete ascendency over the rest of Greece, her yoke would probably have been found at least as galling as the Athenian. Allies of Sparta. The allies on whom Sparta could count were the Corinthians, the Boeotians, the Megarians, the Phocians, the Locrians, the Ambraciots, the Leucadians, the Anactorians, the Arcadians, the Eleans, the Sicyonians, and the Achaeans of Pellene'. In ^tolia the semi-barbarous in- habitants were inclined to be favorable to them ; and in Italy and Sicily the PER. III.] PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 205 Dorian cities were their well-wishers, and might be expected, under certain circumstances, to lend them aid. Subject- Allies of Athens. These were Euboea, Chios, Lesbos, Samos, the Cyclades and Sporades (except Melos and Thera, which were neutral), maritime Caria, all the Greek cities in Asia Minor and on the coast of Thrace, Plataa, Naupactus, Zacjnthus, and Corcyra. The Thessalians and Acarnanians were friendly to them, and so were the Ionian cities in Sicily and Italy. Besides her allies, Athens held at this time, as parts of her own territory, Hestiasa, ^gina, Scyros, Lemnos, Imbrus, and the Chersonese. 18. Among the princij)al advantages which Athens pos- sessed over Sparta at the commencement of the war was Finances of the better arrangement of her finance. Sparta Athens. ^^^j^ scarcely be said to have had a revenue at all. Her military expenses were met by extraordinary contribu- tions, which she and her allies levied upon themselves, as occasion seemed to require. Athens, on the contrary, had an organized system, which secured her an annual revenue greatly exceeding her needs in time of peace, and sufficient to support the whole expense of a moderate war. When extraordinary efforts were required, she could fall back on her accumulations, which were large ; or she could augment her income by requiring from her citizens an increased rate of property-tax. Finances of Athens*, (i.) Sources of her Revenue. 1. The tribute paid by the subject-allies, which was originally fixed, by the rating of Aristides, at 460 talents (about £110,000) annually, but had been raised, by the substi- tution of money for ships, from that sum to 600 talents (£145,00*0). 2. The jiETOLKLOv, or direct tax paid by foreign residents. 3. The income derived from t^;e public property of the state, especially from the mines, which about this time were veiy productive. 4. The customs — a 2 per cent, ad valorem duty on all exports and imports. 5. Harbor-dues — 1 per cent, on the value of all cargoes brought into Athenian ports. 6. A duty on slaves, paid by their masters. 7. A tax on emancipated slaves, paid by themselves. 8. The eloipopd or property-tax — a resource on Avhich the state could fall back, but Avhich was not used in ordinary years. The entire revenue from all these sources put together has been estimated at 1000, and again at 2000 talents, i. e., at a quarter or half a miUion of our money. To complete the notion of the means of the state, we must add to these various sources of revenue the liturgies, which threw on individuals the duty of providing for various ex- penses that must otherwise have been defrayed by the state, (ii.) Heads of Expenditure. 1. The support of the navy, including building of ships and pay of men, was probably the largest head. 2. Next to this might come the expenditure on shows and sights (jb decjpiKov). 3. The pay of soldiers in actual service would be a third head. 4. The dicasts', and at a later date the ecclesiasts' fees, would also be an important item. 5. In most years some 20^ GRECIAN STATES. [book in. money worJd be spent on public buildings, 6. Votes were likewise often passed for the reward of individuals, which must in some years have amount- ed to a large sum. 7. Finally, there was a kind of "secret-service money," which, though not large, was remarkable. Athens began the war with an accumulation of coin to the amount of 6000 talents (nearly ,£1,500,000) in her treasury. She had likewise in her temples 'deposits and offerings of great value. The single statue of Athene, in the Tarthenon, is said to have had gold ornaments worth more than £125,000. 19. The Peloponnesian War may be divided into three periods : — 1st. From the commencement until the conclusion Three i^eriods ^^ ^^^ Peace of Nicias — ten years — b.c. 431 to of the War. 421. 2d. From the Peace of Nicias to its formal rupture by Sparta— eight ;fears, b.c. 421 to 413. 3d. From the rupture of the Peace of Nicias to the capture of Athens — rather more than nine years — b.c. 413 to 404. 20. ^irst Period. — The struggle was conducted for two years and a half by Pericles ; then by Nicias, but under the First Period c^^Gck of a Strong opposition led by Cleon. Ath- 15. c. 431-421. ens ^yas continually more and more successful up to B.C. 424, when the fortune of war changed. The rash ex- pedition into BcEotia in that year lost Athens the flower of her troops at Delium ; while the genius of the young Spar- tan, Brasidas, first saved Megara, and then, transferring the war into Thrace, threatened to deprive the Athenians of the entire mass of their allies in this quarter. The effort made to recover Amphipolis (b.c. 422) having failed, and Athens fearing greatly the further spread of disaffection among her subject-cities, peace was made on terms disadvantageous but not dishonorable to Athens — the general principle *bf the peace being the statu quo ante hellimi, but certain exceptions being made with regard to Plataea and the Thracian towns, which placed Athens in a worse position than that which she held when the war began. Details of the War. b.c. 431. Attack on Platrea by Thebans. In^ vasion of Attica by Archidamus. Athenian fleet ravages the Peloponnesian coastj and brings over Cephallenia. First appearance of Brasidas, who saves Methone. Athenians in full force ravage the Megarid. Alliance made by Athens with Sitalces, king of Thrace. — B.C. 430. Second invasion of Attica by Archidamus. Appearance of the plague. Athenian fleet, under Pericles, ravages Epidaurus and Trcezen. Plague carried to Potidasa. Spartans at- tempt to make alliance with Persia. Potidasa recovered. — b.c. 429. Spar- tans, under Archidamus, blockade Platsea, and under Cnemus attempt to re- duce Acarnania. Failure of Cnemus, and naval victories of Phormio. Death PER. III.] PELOrONNESIAN WAR. • 20*7 of Pericles. Expedition of Sitalces. — B.C. 428. Third invasion of Attica, under Archidamiis, Revolt of Mytilene'. Athenian fleet ravages the Pel- oponnese. — b.c. 427. Fourth invasion of Attica, under Cleomenes. Reduc- tion and punishment of Mytilene. Surrender of Platica. Attempt of Pel- oponnesians to recover Corcyra by aid of the oligarchical party leads to a bloody revolution in that island. First Athenian expedition to Sicily. — b.c. 426. Earthquakes prevent the usual invasion of Attica. Failure of Nicias to take Melos. Unsuccessful expedition of Demosthenes into ^tolia. Foun- dation of Heracleia in Trachis by the Spartans. Defeat of Euiylochus at Olpae by Demosthenes. — b.c. 425. Fifth invasion of Attica, under Agis. Occupation of Pylos, and blockade of Sphacteria. Attempt of Sparta to make peace frustrated by Cleon. Sphacteria captured by Cleon and Demos- thenes. The Messenians settled at Pylos. Nicias, in command of the fleet, first attacks Corinth, but is beaten off, and tlien occupies Methana, in Epi- dauria. Fresh troubles in Corcyra. Anactorium taken. Chios suspected. — B.C. 424. Attica not invaded. Athenians under Nicias occupy Cythern, and take and burn Thyrea. Attempt to recover Megara fails, but results in capture of Nissea. Disasters begin. The Greek cities in Sicily come to terms, and require the Athenians to quit the island. An invasion of Boeotia from two quarters completely fails, and the Athenians are signally defeated at Delium. Brasidas marches through Thessaly into Chalcidice, and is le- ceived as a liberator by Acanthus, Argilus, Amphipolis, and other cities.— >.- B.C. 423. A truce made for a year. Brasidas continues to receive into alli- ance such of the Chalcidic cities as revolt to him. His expedition, in con- junction with Perdiccas, against the lUyrians. Nicias recovers Mende', be- sieges Scione, and makes alliance with Perdiccas. — B.C. 422. Cleon, ap- pointed to the command in Thrace, takes Torone and Galepsus, and tries to recover Amphipolis, but is completely defeated by Brasidas, who, however, as well as Cleon, is slain in the battle. Hereupon peace is made, chiefly Uy the efforts of Nicias. 21. Second Period. — The continuance of hostilities dur- ing this period, while there was peace, and even for some „ ,^ . time alliance, between the two chief belligerents, Second Pen- ' t i ? i i-i od, B.C. 421- was attributable, at first, to the hatred Avhich Cor- AidbiadS to inth bore to Athens, and to the energy which she power. showed in forming coalitions against her detested rival. Afterwards it was owing also in part to the ambition and influence of Alcibiades, who desired a renewal of the war, hoping thereby to obtain a sphere suitable to his tal- ents. Argos, during this period, rose for a time into consid- eration, her alliance being sought on all hands; but the bat- tle of Mantinea, by destroying the flower of her troops, once more broke her power, and her final gravitation to the Athe- nian side was of no consequence. Details of the msToliT. b.c. 421. Alliance, offensive and defensive, 208 • GRECIAN STATES. [book in. between Athens and Sparta. Defensive alliance between Argos, Corinth, Mantinea, Elis, and Chalcidice. Alliance, offensive and defensive, between Sparta and Boeotia, — B. c. 420. Athens, offended hereat, makes alliance Avith Argos. Mantinea and Elis join this league, Sparta is rejoined by most of her old allies. — B.C. 419. Expedition of Alcibiades into the Peloponnese. War between Argos and Epidaurus. — B.C. 418. Sparta takes the field against Argos. Battle of Mantinea. Argos submits and joins the Pelopon- nesian league, but repents the next year, B.C. 417, and makes aUiance with Athens. — b.c. 416. Athenian expedition against Melos. 22. Far more important than his Peloponnesiau schemes was the project, which Alcibiades now brought forward, of Project of con- Conquering Sicily. The success of this attempt queiing Sicily, ^yould liavc Completely destroyed the balance of power in Greece, and have made Athens irresistible. The project, though perhaps somewhat over-bold, would probably have succeeded, had the task of carrying it through to the end been intrusted to the genius which. conceived it. Un- fortunately for Athens, she was forced to choose between en- dangering her liberties by maintaining Alcibiades in power and risking the failure of an expedition to which she was too far committed for her to be able to recede. The recall of Alcibiades was injurious to Athens in various ways. It de- prived her of her best general, and of the only statesman she possessed who was competent to deal with all the peculiar difficulties of the expedition. It made Sparta fully acquaint- dtl with the Athenian schemes for the management of Sicil- ian affairs, and so enabled her to counteract them. Finally, it transferred to the enemy the most keen and subtle intel- lect of the time, an intellect almost certain to secure success to the side which it espoused. Still, if the choice lay (as probably it did) between accepting Alcibiades as tyrant and driving him into exile, we must hold Athens justified in the course which she took. There might easily be a rapid re- covery from the effects of a disastrous expedition. Who could predict the time at which the state would recover from the loss of those liberties on which her prosperity had recent- ly depended ? Sicilian Expedition, b.c 415. First fleet and array sent out under the command of Nicias, Lamachus, and Alcibiades. Armament numbers 134 triremes, 5100 hoplites, and 1300 light-anned. Obtains possession of Naxos and Catana. Recall of Alcibiades, who escapes to Sparta. Desultory operations of Nicias. — b.c. 414. Siege of Syracuse c|pmences. Death of Lamachus. Arrival of Gylippus. * J: PER. III.] PELOPONNESIi«^ WAR. 209 2-3. Third Period. — The maintenance of the "Peace of Nicias " had long been rather nominal than real. Athens Third Period, and Sparta had indeed abstained hitherto from DestrStionof direct attacks upon each other's territories; but pedftioll^°o^" they had been continually employed in plots 413. against each other's interests, and they had met in conflict both in the Peloponnese and in Sicily. Now at length, after eight years, the worn-out fiction of a pretended amity was discarded ; and the Spartans, by the advice of Al- cibiades, not only once more invaded Attica, but made a per- manent settlement at Deceleia within sight of Athens. The main theatre of the struggle continued, however, to be Sici- ly ; where the Athenians clung with desperation to a scheme which prudence required them to relinquish, and lavishly sent fleet after fleet and army after army to maintain a con- flict which was hopeless. Still the expedition might have re-embarked, without sufiering any irreparable disaster, had it not been for an improvement in ship-building, devised by tl;e Corinthians and eagerly adopted by the Syracusans, which deprived Athens of her command of the sea, and forced her armies to surrender at discretion. Thus the fatal blow, from which Athens never recovered, was struck by the hatred of Corinth, which, in the course of a few wrecks, more than avenged the injuries of half a century. Conclusion or the War in Sicily. Athens sends out a fresh arma ment under Demosthenes and Eurymedon. Night attack on the Syracusan works fails. Naval battles in the harbor of Syracuse result in defeat of Athens. Siege raised. Attempt of Nicias and Demosthenes to reach the south coast fails. Surrender of the two armies. Cruel treatment of the pn's- oners, b.c. 413. 24. The immediate result of the disasters in Sicily was the transference of the war to Asia Minor. Her great losses in Transfer of ships and sailors had so crippled the naval power SfiaMinor, of Athens, that her command of the sea was gone ; 11.C.412. ^jje more so, as her adversaries were strengthened by the accession to their fleet of a powerful Sicilian contin- gent. The knowledge of this entire change in the relative position of the two belligerents at sea, encouraged the sub- ject-allies generally to shake ofi" the Athenian yoke. Sparta saw the importance of encouraging this defection ; and cross- ing the -^gean Sea in force, made the theatre of war Asia 210 GREGilAN STATES. [book hi. Minor, the islands, and the Hellespont. Here, for the first time, she was able to make the Persian alliance, which she had so long sought, of use to her. Persian gold enabled her to maintain a fleet equal or superior to that of Athens, and ultimately gave her the victory in the long doubtful contest. 25. What most surprises us, in the third and last period of the war, is the vigor of the Athenian defense ; the elas- Wonderfui ticity of Spirit, the energy, and the fertility of re- vigor of Ath- source which seemed for a time to have complete- ly surmounted the Sicilian calamity, and made the final issue once more appear to be doubtful. This wonderful recovery of strength and power was, no doubt, in a great measure due to the genius of one man — Alcibiades. But something must be attributed to the temper and character of the people. Athens, like Rome, is the greatest and most admirable in misfortune ; it is then that her courage, her pa- tience, and her patriotism deserve and command our sympa- thies. Details of the Wak till the Disgrace; of Alcibiades. b.c. 412. Revolt of Chios, Miletus, and other Ionian cities. Arrangements between Sparta and Tissaphemes. Samos preserved to Athens by a bloody revolu- tion. Battle of Miletus. Naval victory of Astyochus. Cnidus and Rhodes revolt from Athens. — b.c. 411. War languishes. Finesse of Tissaphernes. Revolt of Abydos, Chalcedon, and Byzantium, Mindarus succeeds Astyo- chas, and transfers the war to the Hellespont, where he is supported by Pharaabazus. Recall of Alcibiades. Naval victoiy of Sestus gained by Thrasybulus. At home, the Athenians lose Euboea. — b.c. 410. Great vic- tory of Cyzicus gained by Alcibiades. Spartans make proposals of peace, which are rejected. — B.C. 409. Defeat of Thrasyllus, near Ephesus. Vic- tory of Abydos. At home, loss of Nisi«a and Pylos. — b.c. 408. Alcibiades recovers Chalcedon and Byzantium. Returns to Athens and is received with favor (B.C. 407) ; but, on the loss of the battle of Notium by his lieutenant in his absence, is disgraced, and goes into exile. 26. The arrival of tlie younger Cyrus in Asia Minor was of great advantage to Sparta, and must be regarded as main- Ariivai of the ^J effective in bringing the war rapidly to a suc- youuger Cyrus cessful issuc. Hithei'to the satraps had pursued gives the liual , ,. ,.-.■,. r> 4-% ' • i victory to the policy which the mterests of Persia required, ^^^ ^' had trimmed the balance, and contrived that neither side should obtain a decided preponderance over the other. But Cyrus had personal views, which such a course would not have subserved. He required the assistance of Greek troops and ships in the great enterprise that he was $07 /■ PER. III.] PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 211 meditating ; and, to obtain such aid, it was necessary for him to make a real friend of one belligerent or the other. He chose Sparta, as best suited to furnish him the aid he re- quired ; and, having made his choice, he threw himself into the cause with all the energy of his nature. It was his prompt and lavish generosity which j^revented the victory of Argi- nusse from being of any real service to Athens, and enabled Lysander to undo its effects and regain the mastery of the sea, within the space of thirteen months, by the crowning- victory of ^gos-potami. That victory may also have been in another way the result of Lysander's command of Per- sian gold ; for it is a reasonable suspicion that some of the Athenian commanders were bribed, and that the negligence which lost the battle had been paid for out of the stores of Cyrus. Closing Years of the War. Conon succeeds Alcibiades in the com- mand, b.c. 406. Naval victory of Callicratidas. Conon is shut up in Myti- lene'. Great efforts made to release him. Fresh armament sent out, and victory of the Athenians at Arginusaj. Condemnation of the generals for neglect of the men on board the disabled ships. Lysander sent as com- mander by Sparta, u.c. 405. At first, declines an engagement. Proceeds to the Hellespont, Takes Lampsacus. Destroys the Athenian fleet at ^gos- potami, except the squadron of Conon. Blockades Athens by sea, while Pausanias and Agis invest it by land. The city surrenders after a five months' siege — April, b.c. 404. The long walls and the defenses of the Peirseus are destroyed ; all ships of war except twelve are given up ; Athens places herself under the leadership of Sparta, and the city is handed over to an oligarchy of thirty men. 27. The internal history of Athens during the third period of the Peloponnesian War is full of interest. The disastrous Internal his- termination of the Sicilian expedition threw dis- dunn^ih^B^^ credit upon democratical institutions; and im- period. mediately after the news of it reached Athens, the constitution wa« modified in an aristocratic direction, B.C. 412, The change, however, then made was not regarded as sufficient ; and in b.c. 411 a more complete revolution was effected. Cowed by a terrorism which the political clubs knew well how to exercise, the Athenian democracy sub- mitted to see itself abolished in a perfectly legal manner. A nominated Council of 400 succeeded to the elective /3ouX)) ; and a pretended committee of 5000 took the place of the time-honored i\xX>?o-m. This government, which was practi- 212 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. cally that of three or four individuals, lasted for aboiit four months, when it was overthrown by violence, and the de- mocracy was restored again under certain restrictions. 28. The triumph of Sparta was the triumph throughout Greece of oligarchical principles. At Athens the democracy . „ was abolished, and the entire control of the srov- Triumph of ' />■!-» T/»m Sparta. Op- ernmcnt placed in the hands of a Board of Thirty, pressiveness , t ^ ' i ^ •t-t- t • of her leader- a Doard which has acquired in history the omi- '^"P- nous name of "the Thirty Tyrants." Boards of Ten (cei^apxiai), cliosen by himself, were set up by Lysander as the supreme authority in Samos and in other cities, while Spartan " harmosts," with indefinite powers, were established everywhere. The Greeks found that, instead of gaining by the change of masters, they had lost ; they had exchanged the yoke of a power, which, if rapacious, was at any rate re- fined, civilized, and polished, for that of one which added to rapacity a coarse arrogance and a cruel harshness which Avere infinitely exasperating and ofi*ensive. Even in the mat- ter of the tribute there was no relaxation. Sparta found that, to maintain an empire, she must have a revenue ; and the contributions of her subject-allies were assessed at the annual rate of 1000 talents (£243,000). Time or the Thirty Tyrants at Athens. Reign of Terror. Internal quarrels, and execution of Theramenes. Thrasybulus and the exiles seize Phyle ; advance and occupy the Peirajus. Defeat and death of Critias. Interference of Lysander and Pausanias. Accommodation made Avith Spar- ta — deposition of the oligarchy, and retimi of the exiles. Restoration of tlie democracy as it stood before the capture of Athens, b.c, 403. The condition of Athens under the Thirty may be regarded as a sample of what happened generally' in the Greek cities which the fortune of Avar had placed at the mercy of Sparta. 29. The expedition of the Ten Thousand, b.c. 401 to 400, belongs less to the history of Greece than to that of Persia Expedition of (^^^ p. 120); but it had some important conse- sancT^'Mfects ^l^^^^^ces ou the after course of Greek policy, on Greek and The weakness of Persia was laid bare; it was ersiaupo icy. ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ Capital might be reached, and that Greek troops might march in security from end to end of the Empire. Hitherto even the attacks of the Greeks on Persian territory had been in a measure defensive, having for their object the security of European Hellas, or the liber- ation of the Greek cities iiv Asia. Henceforth ideas of actu- PER. III.] MARCH OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 213 al conquest floated before the Grecian mind ; and the more restless spirits looked to this quarter as the best field for tlieir ambition. On the side of the Persians, alarm at the possible results of Greek audacity began to be felt, and a new policy was developed in consequence. The Court of Susa henceforth took an active part in the Greek struggles, allying itself continually with one side or the other, and em- ploying the treasures of the state in defraying the cost of Greek armaments, or in corrupting Greek statesmen. Final- ly, Persia came to be viewed as the ultimate arbiter of the Greek quarrels ; and rescripts of the Great King at once im- posed peace on the belligerents, and defined the terms on which it should be concluded. 30. The immediate consequence of the Cyreian expedition was war between Persia and Sparta. Sparta was known to War of the havc lent her aid to Cyrus; and Tissaphernes Persia,B!oS ^^^^ Orders, on his return to the coast, to retaliate -^^^ by severities on the Greek cities, which were now under the protection of the Spartans. The challenge thus thrown down was readily accepted ; and for six years — B.C. 399 to 394 — Sparta carried on war in Asia Minor, first under generals of no great talent, but, finally, under Agesila- ns, who succeeded in making the Great King tremble for his empire. The consequences would probably have been seri- ous, if Persia had not succeeded in eflecting a combination against the Spartans in Greece itself, which forced them to recall Agesilailsfrom Asia. Attack of Tissaphernes on the Greek cities, B.C. 400. Command of Tiiim- bron, and reinforcement of his aimy by the returned Ten Thousand, b.c. 399. Tliimbron superseded by Dercyllidas — his successful campaigns, Agesilaiis crosses into Asia, B.C. 396, and takes the command. Victory of the Pacto- lus, B.C. 395. Agesilaus invades Phrygia and Paphlagonia. His recall, B.C. 394. 31. Instigated by the Persians, and jealous of the power of Sparta, Argos, Thebes, Oorinth, and Athens formed an al- ^ . ,, . liance acjainst her in the year b.c. 395. A war of Cormtbiau => r> -, c^ i i. War,B.c.394, a checkered character followed. Sparta lost the the""peace of Command of the sea by the great victory of Co- Antaicidas." ^^^ ^^ Cnidus, but maintained her superiority on land in the battles of Corinth, Corontea, and Lechaeum. Still she found the strain upon her resources so great, and the dif- 214 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. ficulty of resisting the confederation, supported as it was by the gold and the ships of Persia, so extreme, that after a fe\j- years she felt it necessary to procure peace at any cost. It was at her instance, and by her energetic exertions, that Persia was induced to come forward in the new character of arbitress, and to require the acceptance by the Greeks gen- erally of the terms contained in the " Peace of Antalcidas " (see p. 120) — terms disgraceful to the Greeks, but advan- tageous to Sparta, as the clause establishing the independ- ence of all the Greek states (TroXeig) injured Corinth and" Thebes, while it left her own power untouched. The Spartans invade Boeotia, and are defeated at Haliartus, B.C. 395. Lysander foils, Agesilaiis is recalled from Asia. Victory of Conon at Cni- dus soon after his departure, B.C. 394. Eattle of Corinth and Corontea in the same year. Battle of Lechieam, b.c. 393. Conon and Pharnabazus \ hh a Persian fleet ravage the Peloponnese and take Cythera. Long Walls ( f Athens restored. Revolutions at Corinth, B.C. 392, followed by a union A\ ith Argos. Successes of Iphicrates. Expeditions of Agesilaiis into Acar- nania, B.C. 391, and of Agesipolis into Argolis, b.c. 390. Athenians assist the Cypriot rebel, Evagoras. Death of Thrasybulus. Teleutias plunders Pirajus, b.c. 388. Acceptance of the "Peace of Antalcidas, " b.c. 387. 32. The immediate consequences of the "Peace of Antal- cidas " were the separation of Corinth from Argos, and the Effect of this deposition of Thebes from her hegemony over the "Peace." BoBOtian cities. The re-establishment of Platsea followed, a judicious measure on the part of Sparta, tend- ing to produce estrangement between Thebes and Athens. Sparta was now at the zenith of her power. Claiming the right of seeing to the execution of the treaty which she had negotiated, she extended her influence on all sides, nowhere meeting with resistance. But the intoxication of success had its usual efiect in developing selfishness and arrogance — fatal defects in a ruling state, always stirring np senti- ments of hostility, which sooner or later produce the down- Pnnishmeut fall of the powcr that provokes them. The domi- and Phiius'by peering insolence whictl dictated to Mantineia and Sparta. Phlius, might indeed, if confined to those cities, or others like them, have had no ill results j but when, in time of peace, the citadel of Thebes w^as occupied, and the act, if Seizure of the ^^^ commanded, was at least approved and adopt- guimeia, 1..C. ed by Sparta, the bitter enmity of one of the most powerful states of Greece was aroused, and PER. III.] CORINTHIAN WAR. 215 every other state was made to feel that, in its turn, it might by some similar deed be deprived of independence. But the aggressor was for the time triumphant ; and having no open enemy now within the limits of Greece Proper, sought one on the borders of Thrace and Macedon, where, under the headship of Olynthus, a powerful confederacy w^as growing up, consisting in part of Greek, in part of Macedonian, cities. War with ^ ^^'^^' of four years, B.C. 382 to 379, sufficed to Olynthus, 1J.C. crusli this rising power, and thus to remove from Northern Greece the only rival Avhich Macedon had seriously to fear — the only state which, by its situation, its material resources, and its numerical strength, might have offered a considerable obstacle to the advance of the Mace- donian kings to empire. 33. Thus far success had attended every enterprise of Sparta, however cruel or wicked ; but at length the day of Thebes recov- I'^tribution Came. Pelopidas and his friends ef- ers her iude- fectcd a bloody revolution at Thebes, recovered Warofs arta *^^ Cadmeia, expelling the Spartan garrison, and asaiust set about the restoration of the old Boeotian Athens,B.c. Icaguc. Athcus, injured and jnsulted, declared 379-3T3. ^^^. ^gj^jjjg^ jjgi- (j1^ rival, made alliance with Thebes, revived her old confederacy on fair and equitable terms, and recovered the empire of the seas by the victories Peace made of Naxos and Leucas. All the efforts* of Sparta with Athens, against her two antagonists failed, and after seven years of unsuccessful war she was reduced to make a second appeal to Persia, who once more dictated the terms on which peace was to be made. Athens, now grown jealous of Thebes, was content to sign, and her confederates followed her lead ; but Thebes by the mouth of Epaminondas declined, unless she were recognized as head of Boeotia. As Sparta positive- ly refused to admit this claim, Thebes was publicly and for- mally excluded from the Treaty of Peace. Pelopidas and his brother exiles enter Thebes, murder the polemarchs, and induce the Spartan garrison to capitulate, B.C. 379. Expedition of Cleom- brotus into Boeotia, and attempt of Sphodrias on the Pirseus, B.C. 378. Ac- quittal of Sphodrias at Sparta causes Athens to declare war. Eevival of the Athenian confederacy, but as a voluntary union, and with no fixed rate of tribute. New arrangement of the Athenian property-tax. Two expeditions of Agesilaus against Thebes, b.c. 378 and 377. Attempt of Cleombrotus, B.C. 376. Sparta tries to reassert her command of the sea, but is defeated by 216 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi: Chabrias near Naxos, b.c 376, and by Timotheus off the peninsula of Leu- cas, B.C. 375. Victory of Pelopidas at Tegyra, b.c, 374, and recovery of all Bceotia by Thebes, except Orchomenus. Boeotian confederacy reorganized. Thebes attacks Fhocis. Attempt of Sparta to take Corcyra fails, B.C. 373. Third embassy of Antalcidas to the court of Susa, and conclusion of peace at Sparta between all the belligerents except Thebes, B.C. 372. Rise of Jason of Pherae to power about this time. Application of Poly- damas the Pharsalian to Sparta rejected, B.C. 374. Dionysius I. of Syracuse aids the Lacedasmonians, b.c. 373. 34. Sparta now, having only Thebes to contend with, im- agined that her triumph was secure, and sent her troops into War of Spar- ^oBotia undet Cleombrotus, hoping to crush and Thele?^' destroy Thebes. But the magnificent victory of Battle of Epaminondas at Leuctra — the fruit at once of ex- Leuctra, B.C. , -,. • i mi i • i r* 371, and its traorclmary strategic skill at the time, and oi an consequences, excellent training of his soldiers previously — dashed all these hopes to the ground. Sparta fell, suddenly and forever, from her high estate. Almost all Central Greece joined Thebes. Arcadia rose and began to organize itself as a federation. The Lacedaemonian harmosts were expelled from all the cities, and the philo-Laconian party was every- where put down. Epaminondas, moreover, as soon as the murder of Jason of Pherse left him free to act, redoubled his blows. Entering the Peloponnese, he ravaged the whole Spartan territory at will, and even threatened the city ; which Agesilatis ^with some difiiculty preserved. But these tem- porary losses and disgraces were as nothing compared with the permanent injuries which the prudent policy of the The- ban leader inflicted on his foe, in the constitution of the Ar- cadian league and foundation of Megalopolis ; and, still more, in the re-establishment of an indejjendent Messenia and the building of Messene. Henceforth Sparta was a second-rate rather than a first-rate power. She ceased to exercise a he- gemony, and was territorially not much larger than Arcadia or Argos. Invasion of Cleombrotus and battle of Leuctra, b.c. 371. Appearance on the scene of Jason of Pherae, by whose advice the defeated army is allowed to retire. Great increase of Theban power alarms Athens. Assassination of Jason of Pherse (b.c. 370) relieves Thebes from all apprehension of dan- ger to her dominion at home. Invited by Arcadia, Epaminondas marches into the Peloponnese. Ravages Laconia and attacks Sparta itself. Founds Megalopolis as the centre of an Arcadian confederation. Builds Messene, and re-constitutes Messenia as a state. Winters in Arcadia, and threatens a second attack on Sparta. i>ER. 111. J HEGEMONY OF THEBES. 217 35. Ill her distress, Sparta makes appeal to Athens for aid ; and an alliance is formed between these two powers on Alliance of temis of equality, which is joined after a time by Spart^Ia^ Achgea,Elis, and even by most of Arcadia, where 369. a jealousy of Theban power and interference is gradually developed. Thebes, partly by mismanagement, partly by the mere circumstance of her being now the lead- ing state, arouses hostility, and loses ground in the Pelopon- nese, which she endeavors to recover by obtaining and ex- hibiting a Persian rescript, declaring her the head of Greece, and requiring the other states to submit to her under pain of the Great King's displeasure. But missives of this char- acter have now lost their force. The rescript is generally rejected ; and the power of Thebes in the Peloponnese con- tinues to decline. 36. Meanwhile, however, she was extending her influence in Northern Greece, and even beyond its borders. Her ar- mies were sent into Thessaly, where they con- madfsubject tended with Alexander of Pherse, the brother of to Thebes. j^son, and, after some reverses, succeeded in re- ducing him to dependence. All Thessaly, together with Magnesia and Achsea Phthiotis, were thus brought under her sway. In Macedonia, she arbitrated between the dif- ferent claimants of the throne, and took hostages, among whom was the young jwince Philip. Her fleet about the same time proceeded to the coast of Asia. First expedition of Pelopidas against Alexander of Pherse, B.C. 369. Al- liance made with Alexander of Macedon. — Second expedition, B.C. 868. Pelopidas proceeds on into Macedonia, and receives hostages. — Third expe- dition, B.C. 366. Pelopidas seized by Alexander of Pheroe and cast into prison. First army sent to release him defeated. Second successful, under Epaminondas. — Fourth expedition, B.C. 363. Pelopidas slain. — Expedition of Malcitas and Diogeiton the same year. Alexander submits. Thessaly reduced. 37. But the honor of Thebes required that her influence should be re-established in the Peloponnese, and her friends Thebes once there released from a situation which had become Se'pSm?.^ one of danger. Accordingly, in b.c. 362, Epami- nese,B.o.362. ^ondas once more took the field, and entering the Peloponnese, was within a little of surprising Sparta. Dis- appointed, however, of this prey by the activity of Agesi- latis, and of Mantineia by the sudden arrival of an Atheilian 10 218 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. contingent, he brought matters to a decision by a pitched battle ; in which, repeating the tactics of Leuctra, he once more completely defeated the Spartans and their allies, dy- ing, however, in the arms of victory, b.c. 362. His death almost compensated Sparta for her defeat, since he left no worthy successor, and Thebes, which he and his friend Pe- lopidas had raised to greatness, sank back at once to a level with several other powers. 38. The result of the struggle which Sparta had provoked by her seizure of the Theban citadel was the general ex- haustion of Greece. No state was left with any produced by decided predominance. The loss of all in men t esiugge. ^^^ money was great; and the battle of Manti- neia deprived Greece of her ablest general. If profit was derived by any state from the war, it was by Athens, who recovered her maritime superiority (since the attempt of Epaminondas to establish a rival navy proved a failure), re- constituted her old confederacy, and even, by the occupation of Samos and the Chersonese, began to restore her empire. In Macedonia her influence to some extent balanced that of Thebes. 39. The general exhaustion naturally led to a peace, which was made on the princijDle of leaving things as they were. A general The independence of Messene and the unification Som^whidi' ^^ Arcadia were expressly recognized, while the excluded her- ^^G^tlship of Thebcs and Athens over their respect- seif. ive confederacies was tacitly sanctioned. Sparta alone declined to sign the terms, since she would on no ac- count forego her right to reconquer Messenia. She had no intention, however, of making any immediate appeal to arms, and allowed her king, Agesilaus, to quit Sparta and take service under the native monarch of Egypt. Death of Agesilaus on his march from Egypt to Cyrene', b.c. 361. His personal character stands, perhaps, as high as that of Epaminondas ; but in military genius he was decidedly inferior to his Theban adversary. 40. The peace of b.c. 362 was not disturbed on the conti- nent of Greece till after the lapse of six years. Meanwhile, ^.y. .„„ however, hostilities continued at sea between Al- Atnens sue- ' cessfui iu sev- exander of Pherae and Athens, and, in the con- Gn.1 T)GttV wars, Bc. 362- tincutal districts beyond the limits of Greece ^^' Proper, between Athens on the one hand, and PER. III.] SOCIAL WAR. 219 Amphipolis, Perdiccas of Macedon, and the Thracian princes, Cotys and his son Cersobleptes, on the other. Athens was intent on recovering her old dominion in these parts, while the Macedonian and Thracian kings were naturally jealous of her growing power. Nothing, however, as yet showed that any important consequences would arise out of these petty struggles. Macedonia was still one of the weakest of the states which bordered on Greece ; and even when, on the death of Perdiccas, b.c. 359, his brother, Philip, who had escaped from Thebes, mounted the throne, it was impossible for the most sagacious intellect to foresee danger to Greece from this quarter. 41. The year b.c. 358 was the culminating-point of the second period of Athenian prosperity. Athens had once Social War, more made herself mistress of the Chersonese; B.0. 358-355. g]^g YiSid rccovcred Euboea, which had recently attached itself to Thebes ; and she had obtained from Philip the acknowledgment of her right to Amphipolis, when the revolt of a considerable number of her more distant allies en- gaged her in the " Social War," the results of Avhich injured her greatly. The war cost her the services of her three best generals, Chabrias, Timotheus, and Iphicrates ; exhausted her treasury, and permanently diminished her resources. It like- wise greatly tarnished her half-recovered reputation. Details of the War. Revolt begun— b.c. 358— by Rhodes, Cos, Chios, and Byzantium, which are afterwards joined by Sestus and other Hellespont- ine towns, and are assisted by Mausolus, king of Caria. Unsuccessful siege of Chios by Chares and Chabrias, in which Chabrias falls, b.c. 358. Siege of Byzantium, B.C. 357. Unsuccessful sea-fight. Chares accuses Timotheus and Iphicrates, the former of whom is condemned and goes into exile, while the latter is disgraced, being never afterwards employed in any service. — Cha- res, Charidemus, and Phocion in command, B.C. 356, assist the revolted sa- trap, Artabazus, in order to obtain money to pay their sailors. Victory gained over Tithraustes. The Persian court threatens vengeance, and Athens has- tily makes peace, b.c. 355, acknoAvledging the independence of the four rebel states. 42. The period of the " Social War " was also disastrous for Athens in another respect. So completely did the strug- LossesofAth- S^^ with her allies occupy her attention, so inca- ens to Philip, pable was she at this period of carrying on more than one war at a time, that she allowed Philip to absorb, one after another, Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, and MctliCue, 220 GRECIAN STATES. [book hi. and thus to sweep her from the Thermaic Gulf, ahiiost with- out offering resistance. At first, indeed, she was cajoled by the crafty monarch ; but, even when the mask was thrown off, she made no adequate effort, but patiently allowed the establishment of Macedonian ascendency over the entire re- gion extending from the Peneus to the Nestus. 43. Before the " Social War " had come to an end, another exhausting struggle — fatal to Greece in its consequences — Sacred War, was begun in the central region of Hellas, through B.0. 357-346.' ^i^g vindictiveness of Thebes. Down to the bat- tle of Leuctra, Phocis had fought on the Spartan side, and had thus provoked the enmity of Thebes, who now resolved on her destruction. The Amphictyonic assembly suffered itself to be made the tool of the oppressors ; and, by con- demning Phocis to a fine which she could not possibly pay, compelled her to fight for her existence. A war followed, in which Phocis, by the seizure and expenditure of the Delphic treasures, and the assistance, in some important conjunc- tures, of Achsea, Athens, and Sparta, maintained herself for eleven years against Thebes and her allies. At last, Thebes, blinded by her passionate hatred, called in Philip to her as- sistance, and thus purchased the destruction of her enemy at a cost which involved her own ruin and that of Greece gen- erally. Sentence of the Amphictyons against Phocis, B.C. 357. Philomelus is made general ; he seizes Delphi, and employs its treasures in raising merce- naries. After several victories, he is defeated and falls in battle, b.c. 354. Onomarchus, brother of Philomelus, takes the command. He conquers Lo- cris and Doris, invades Boeotia, and captures Orchomenus, b.c. 353. His aid is implored by Lycophron, tyrant of Pherae, who is attacked by Phihi*. He enters Thessaly and joins Lycophron, engages the array of Philip, biifc is defeated and slain, B.C. 352. Phayllus succeeds him. Philip threatens Thermopylas, which is saved by the promptitude of Athens. War continues with varied success, first under Phayllus, and after his death, b.c. 351, under Phalascus, son of Onomarchus ; but the Delphic treasures being exhausted, the power of Phocis wanes, and internal quarrels begin, B.C. 347. Thebes invokes the aid of Philip \ Athens is cajoled into standing neutral ; and Pha- laecus is forced to surrender at discretion, b.c. 346. Philip passes Thermop- ylae unopposed, crushes Phocis, and is rewarded by admission to the Am- phictyonic Council in lieu of that state. 44. "The ruin of Greece was now rapidly consummated. Within six years of the submission and punishment of Phocis, Philip openly declared war against Athens, the only power PER. III.] SUPREMACY OF MACEDON. 221 in Greece capable of offering him any important opposition. His efforts at first were directed towards obtaining the com- mand of the Bosphorus and Hellespont; but the second " Sacred War " gave him a pretext for marching his forces through Thermopylae into Central Greece; and though Thebes and Athens joined to oppose him, the signal victory of Chaeroneia (b.c. 338) laid Greece prostrate at his feet. All the states, excepting Sparta, at once acknowledged his su- premacy; and, to mark distinctly the extinction of inde- pendent Hellas, and its absorption into the Macedonian mon- archy, Philip was, in b.c. 337, formally appointed generalis- simo of united Greece against the Persians. His assassina- tion in the next year excited hopes, but produced no real change. The aspirations of the patriotic party in Greece after freedom were quenched in the blood which deluged re- volted Thebes, b.c. 335 ; and assembled Greece at Corinth once more admitted the headship of Macedon, and conferred on the youthful Alexander the dignity previously granted to his father. BOOK IV. mSTOKY OF THE MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. Geographical Outline, 1. Macedonia Proper was the country lying immediate- ly to the north of Thessaly, between Mount Scardus on the edoni — ^"^ hand and the maritime plain of the Pierian s size and and Bottiseans (Thracians) on the other. It was bounded towards the north by Paeonia, or the country of the Pseonians, from which it was separated by an irregular line, running probably a little north of the 41st parallel. Its greatest length from north to south was about ninety miles, while its width from east to west may have averaged seventy miles. Its area was probably not much short of 6000 square miles, or about half that of Belgium. 2. The character of the tract comprised within these lim- its was multiform, but for the most part fertile. High Character of mountain-chains, capped with snow during the the region. greater part of the year, and very varied in the directions that they take, divide the territory into a number of distinct basins. Some of these have a lake in the centre, into which all the superfluous moisture drains; others are watered by rivers, which, with one exception, flow eastward to the ^gean. In both cases the basins are of large extent, ofiering to the eye the appearance of a succession of plains. The more elevated regions are for the most part richly wooded, and abound with sparkling rivulets, deep gorges, and frequent waterfalls ; but in places this character gives way to one of dullness and monotony, the traveller passing for miles over a succession of bleak downs and bare hill sides, stony and shrubless. 3. The principal Rivers of the region were the Lydias, or Ludias, now the Karasmak, and the Haliacmon, now the Vis- Rivers and tritza. Besides these, there was a third stream lakes. of some importance, the Erigon, a tributary of the BOOK IV., PER. I.] MACEDONIA. 223 Axius. The chief Lakes were those of Castoria, on a tribu- tary of the Haliacraon, of Begorritis (Ostrovo?) in the coun- try of the Eordaeans, and the Lydias Palus, near Pella. 4. Macedonia was divided into " Upper " and " Lower." Upper Macedonia comprised the whole of the broad mount- ainous tract which lay between Scardus and Ber- mius ; while Lower Macedonia was the compara- tively narrow strip along the eastern flank and at the foot of Bermius, between that range and the tracts known asPieria and Bottisea. Upper Macedonia was divided into a number of districts, which for the most part took their names from the tribes inhabiting them. The principal Avere, to the north, Pelagonia and Lyncestis, on the river Erigon ; to the west, Orestis and Elymeia, on the upper Haliacmon ; and in the centre, Eordaea, about Lake Begorritis. A good sketch of Macedonian geography is given in Mr. Grote's History of Greece^ part ii. chap. xxv. The modern travellers who have best described the region are Leake, Col., Northern Greece, vol. iii. (See p. 136.) Lear, E., Journals of a Landscape Painter. London, 1851 ; large 8vo. PoNQUEViLLE, Voyage de la Gr'ece. Paris, 1824 ; 4 vols. 8vo ; 2d edition. GmsTc^v A.CH, Reisendurch RumelienundAlbanien. Giittingen, 1843; 8vo. HISTORICAL SKETCH. EIRST PERIOD. F^m the Commencement of the Monarchy to the Death of Alexander the Great ^ about B.C. 700 to B.C. 323. Sources. For the first two centuries Macedonian history is almost a blank, nothing but a few names and some mythic tales being preserved to us in Herodotus. Tiiat writer is the best authority for the reigns of Amyn- tas I. and his son Alexander; but he must be supplemented from Thucydi- des (ii. 99) and Justin. Thucydides is the chief authority for the reign of Perdiccas. Eor the period from Archelaiis to Alexander we depend mainly on Justin and Diodorus. Philip's histoiy, however, may be copiously illus- trated from the Attic orators, especially ^schines and Demosthenes ; but these partisan writers must not be trusted implicitly. On the histoiy of Alexander the most trustworthy of the ancient authorities is Arrian '{Ex- peditio Alexandri), who followed contemporary writers, especially Aristobu- / / lus and Ptolemy Lagi. Some interesting particulars are also furnished by i?*fl[\ Plutarch ( Vit. Alex.), Nearchus (Periplus), and Diodorus (book xvii.). The 224 MACEDONIA. [book iv. biography of Q. Curtius is a rhetorical exercitation, on which it is impossible to place any dependence. (A good edition of the Periplus of Nearchus, the only writing of a companion of Alexander that has come down to us, is contained in C. Muller's Geographi Grceci Minores. Paris, 1855 ; 2 vols, tall 8vo.) Among modern works specially treating the histories of Philip and Alex- ander the Great, the best are — Olivier, Histoire de Philippe, roi de Macedoine. Paris, 1740 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Leland, History of the Life and Reign of Philip, King of Macedon. London, 1761 ; 4to. Williams, The Life and Actions of Alexander the Great ; originally published in the Family Library. London, 1830 ; 8vo. Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen. Hamburg, 1833 ; 8vo. 1. According to the tradition generally accepted by the Greeks, the Macedonian kingdom, which under Philip and Macedonian Alexander attained to such extraordinary great- kingdom ness, was founded by Hellenic emigrants from founded about .' m, -»«-t. t i •. 3!.o.7oo. Kings Argos. The Macedonians themselves were not myntas . jjgjjgj^gg . they belonged to the barbaric races, not greatly differing from the Greeks in ethnic type, but far behind them in civilization, which bordered Hellas upon the north. They were a distinct race, not Pseonian,not lilyrian, not Thracian ; but, of the three, their connection was closest with the Illyrians. The Argive colony, received hospitably, gradually acquired jDOwer in the region about Mount Bermi- us ; and Perdiccas, one of the original emigrants, was (ac- cording to Herodotus) acknowledged as king. (Other writ- ers mentioned three kings anterior to Perdiccas, whose joint i-eigns covered the space of about a century.) The period which follows is one of great obscurity, little being known of it but the names of the kings. Kings from Perdiccas I. to Amyntas I. : — 1. Perdiccas I. Reigned nearly fifty years, from about B.C. 700 to 650. Succeeded by 2-. Argseus, his son, who reigned about thirty years, B.C. 650 to 620. After him came his son, 3. Philip I., who also reigned about thirty years, B.C. 620 to 590. Philip was succeeded by his son, 4. Aeropus, whose reign lasted about twenty-five years, b.c. 590 to 565 ; and Aeropus by his son, 5. Alcetas, whose reign lasted twenty-eight or twenty-nine years, B.C. 565 to 537. Al- cetas was followed by his son, 6. Amyntas I., who was king at the tiirfe of the expedition conducted by Megabazus, b.c. 507. 2. With Amyntas I., who was contemporary with Darius Hystaspis, light dawns upon Macedonian history. We find that by this time the Macedonian monarchs of this line PER. I.] EAKLY KINGDOM. 225 Time of con- liad made themselves masters of Pieria and Bot- nlissiou of^' tisea, had crossed the Axius and conquered Myg- PeiSa^B^c ^^ ^^^oi^ia- and Anthemiis, had dislodged the original 50T. Eordi from Eordia and themselves occupied it, and had dealt similarly with the Almopes in Almopia, on the Rhoedias. But the advance of the Persians into Europe gave a sudden check to this period of prosperity. After a submission which was more nominal than real, in b.c. 507, the Macedonians, in b.c. 492, became Persian subjects, retain- ing, however, their own kings, who accepted the position of tributaries. Amyntas I., who appears to have died about B.C. 498, was succeeded by his son, Alexander I., king at the time of the great invasion of Xerxes, who j^layed no unim- portant part in the expedition, b.c. 480 to 470. 3. The repulse of the Persians set Macedonia free ; and the career of conquest ajDpears to have been at once resumed. Crestongea and Bisaltia were reduced, and the Career of con- . ^ . . .^ _' quest re- Macedonian dommion pushed eastward almost to the Strymon. The authority of the monarchs of Pella was likewise extended over most of the inland Mace- donian tribes, a^ the Lyncestse, the Eleimiots, and others, who however retained their own kings. Alexander, the son of Amyntas, is said to have reigned either forty-three or forty-four years, probably from about b.c. 498 to 454. Perdiceas, his son and successor, reigned j^robably forty-one years, from b.c. 454 to 413. 4. But Macedonia was about this time herself exposed to attacks from two unquiet neighbors. The maritime confed- WarsofPer- cracy of Athens, whicli gave her a paramount au- Th?ace"ud^^ thority over the Greek cities in Chalcidice, and Athens. evcn ovcr Methone in Pieria, brought the Athe- nians into the near neighborhood of Macedon, and necessita- ted relations between the two powers, which were at first friendly, but which grew to be hostile when Athens by her colony at Amphipolis put a check to the further progress of Macedon in that direction ; and were still more embit- tered by the encouragement which Athens gave to Mace- donian chiefs who rebelled against their sovereign. About the same time, a powerful Thracian kingdom was formed under Sitalces, b.c. 440 to 420, which threatened destruction to the far smaller Macedonian state with which it was conterminous. Macedonia, however, under the adroit Per- 10* 22QL, ,. ' MACEDONIA. [book iv. diccas, escaped both dangers; and, on the whole, increased in prosperity. Commencement of differences with Athens, probably about b.c. 437, when Amphipolis was colonized. Support given to the brother of Perdiccas, Philip, and a chief named Derdas. Perdiccas retaliates by exciting the subject-allies of Athens to revolt, B.C. 432. Revolt of Potidaea, supported by Perdiccas, B.C. 432 to 430. Invasion of Sitalces, b.c. 429. Peace made by a marriage between Seuthes, nephew and heir of Sitalces, and Stratonice, sister of Per- diccas. Invitation given by Perdiccas to Brasidas, b.c. 424, gi-eatly damages Athens. War between Perdiccas and Athens continues, with intervals of peace, down to B.C. 416. 5. The reign of Archelaiis, the bastard son of Perdiccas IT., though short, was very important for Macedon, since this ^ .„. , . prince laid the foundation of her military sjreat- Bnlliant reign ^ ^ ^ • i ■, -t i of Archelaiis, ncss by the attention which he paid to the army, while at the same time he strengthened and im- proved the country by the construction of highways and of forts. He was also the first of the Macedonian princes who endeavored to encourage among his people a taste for Greek literature. Euripides the tragedian was welcomed to his court, as also was Plato the philosopher, and perhaps Hellan- icus the historian. He engaged in wars with some of the Macedonian princes, as particularly with Arrhibaeus ; but he was relieved from all hostile collision with Athens by the Sicilian disaster. The character of Archelatis was sanguin- ary and treacherous ; in his habits he was licentious. After reigning fourteen years, he was assassinated by the victims of his lust, B.C. 399. 6. The murder of Archelaiis introduced a period of dis- turbance, both internal and external, which lasted till the ac- „ , , cession of Philip, b.c. 359. During this interval Forty years of , t^jt i - c disturbance, the Macedonian court was a constant scene oi li o 399-359 plots and assassinations. The direct line of suc- cession having failed, numerous pretenders to the crown sprang up, who at different times found supporters in the Illyrians, the Lacedgemonians, the Thebans, and the Athe- nians. Civil wars were almost perpetual. Kings were driven from their thrones and recovered them. There were at least two regencies. So violent were the commotions that it seemed doubtful whether the kingdom could long continue to maintain its existence ; and, if the Olynthian league had been allowed to constitute itself Avithout interference, it is PER. I.] REIGN OF PHILIP. 227 not unlikely that Macedon would have been absorbed, either by that confederacy or by the Illyrians. Kings and Regents from b.c. 399 to 359 : — 1. Orestes, son of Archelaiis, a minor. Reigns four years under the guardianship of Aeropus, B.C. 399 to 395. 2. Aeropus, having murdered Orestes, reigns nearly two years as actual king, B.C. 395 to 394. He is succeeded by his son, 3. Pausanias, who reigns one year, when he is assassinated by Amyntas II., b.c. 393. 4. Amyntas II. has a reign which lasts, from its first year to its last, twenty-four years, b.c. 393 to 369 ; but during a part of this time he is expelled from his kingdom. 5. Argeus, the brother of Pausanias, reigns during the two years, b.c. 392 and 391. Amyntas then recovers his kingdom, and retains it to his death, in B. c. 369 ; but during these years he is several times reduced to the last ex- tremity. At one time the Illyrians, at another the Olynthians, press him hard ; and it is only by the aid of Sparta that he is able to maintain himself. 6. Alexander II,, the son of Amyntas, succeeded him, and reigned between one and two years, when he was murdered by Ptolemy of Alorus, who became regent for Perdiccas, the brother of Alexander II., b.c. 368, and was estab- lished in that position by Pelopidas. (See p. 217.) He held the supreme power for a little more than three years, and was then murdered in his turn by Perdiccas III., b.c. 364. 7. Perdiccas III. reigned five years, b.c. 364 to 359. The Athenians assisted him against the claims of a pretender named Pausanias ; but shortly afterwards he fell in a war against the Illyrians, B.C. 359, leaving behind him an infant son, Amyntas. He was succeeded, how- ever, on the throne by his brother, Philip II. 7. The reign of Philip is the turning-point in Macedonian history. Hitherto, if we except Archelaiis, Macedonia had , not possessed a sino-le kin<>; whose abilities ex- AccGSSion of CT? C7 Philip, U.C. ceeded the common average, or whose aims had about them any thing of grandeur. Notwith- standing their asserted and even admitted Hellenism, the " barbarian " character of their training and associations had its effect on the whole line of sovereigns ; and their highest qualities were the rude valor and the sagacity bor- dering upon cunning which are seldom wanting in savages. But Philip was a monarch of a different stamp. In natural ability he was at least the equal of any of his Greek contem- poraries ; while the circumstances under which he grew to manhood were peculiarly favorable to the development of his talents. At the impressible age of fifteen, he was sent as a hostage to Thebes, where he resided for the greater part of three years (b.c. 368 to 365), while that state was at the height of its prosperity under Pelopidas and Epaminon- das. He was thus brought into contact with those great men, was led to study their system, and emulate their ac- 228 MACEDONIA. [iiook iv. tions. He learnt the great importance of military training, and the value of inventiveness to those who wish to suc- ceed in war ; he also acquired a facility of expressing him- self in Greek, which was uncommon in a Macedonian. 8. The situation of Philip at his accession was one of ex- treme embarrassment and difficulty. Besides Amyntas, his Condition of i^^^P^i^w, for whom he at first professed to be rc- ivDicedouian ejent, there were at least five pretenders to the affairs. First °, /? i -r. • -■ * successes of throne, two 01 whom, r'ausamas and Argaeus, " '^' . were supported by the arms of foreigners. The Illyrians, moreover, had recently gained a great victory over Perdiccas, and, flushed with success, had advanced into Mac- edonia and occupied most of the western provinces. Paeonia on the north, and Thrace upon the east, were unquiet neigli- bors, whose hostility might be counted on whenever other perils threatened. Within two years, however, Philip had repressed or overthrown all these enemies, and found him- self free to commence those wars of aggression by which he converted the monarchy of Macedon into an empire. Peace purchased from Thrace, B.C. 359. Negotiations with Athens. Am- phipolis evacuated. Argaus defeated and captured. Pajonia invaded, B.C. 858. Great defeat of the Illyrians under Bardylis. Macedonian frontier pushed westward to Lake Lychnitis. Philip proclaimed king, b.c. .359. 9. Hitherto it had been the policy of Philip to profess himself a friend of the Athenians. Now, however, that his hands were free, it was his first object to disembar- upon Atheus, rass liimsclf of these near neighbors, who blocked B.c.358,357. ^^^ ^^.g coact-line, watched his movements, and might seriously interfere with the execution of his projects. Accordingly, towards the close of b.c. 358, when Athens was already engaged in the " Social "War," he suddenly laid siege to Araphipolis. Having taken the town, while he amused Athens with promises, he proceeded to attack and capture Pydna and Potidaea, actual Athenian possessions, making over the latter to Olynthus, to foment jealousy between her and Athens. He then conquered the entire coast district between the Strymon and the Nestus, thus becoming mas- ter of the important Thracian gold-mines, from which he shortly derived an annual revenue of a thousand talents ! Marriage of Philip with Olympias, b.c. 357. Foundation of Philippopolis, or Philippi, on the site of Crenides, for the protection of the gold-mines. Birth of Alexander, B.C. 35G. i^K. I.] REIGN OF PHILIP. 229 10, The year after these conquests we find Philip in Thes- saly, where he interferes to protect the Aleuadae of Larissa „ aojainst the tyrants of Pherae. The tyrants call Absorption of . = • n n i -r»i • 1 • 1 /» Thessaiy, b.o. m the aid of the Phocians, then at the zenith oi their power, and Philip suffers certain reverses ; but a few years later he is completely victorious, defeats and kills Onomarchus, and brings under his dominion the whole of Thessaiy, together with Magnesia and Ach^ea Phthiotis. At the same time, he conquers Methone, the last Athenian possession on the coast of Macedon, attacks Mavoneia, and threatens the Chersonese. Athens, the sole power which could effectually have checked these successes, made only slight and feeble efforts to prevent them. Already Philip had found the advantage •f having friends among the Attic orators ; and their labors, backed by the selfish indolence which now characterized the Athenians, produced an in- action, which had the most fatal consequences. First expedition of Philip into Thessaiy, b. c. 355, Conquest of Methone, B.C. 354. Second expedition into Thessaiy, b.c. 353. Philip twice defeated by Onomarchus. Third expedition ; victory of Philip ; Onomarchus slain, B.C. 352. 11. The victory of Philip over Onomarchus roused Ath- ens to exertion. Advancing to Thermopylae, Philip found Conduct f ^^^^ P^^^ already occupied by an Athenian army, the "Sacred and did not venture to attack it. Greece was War " saved for the time; but six years later the folly of the Thebans, and the fears of the Athenians, who were driven to despair by the ill success of the Olynthian and Euboic wars, admitted the Macedonian conqueror within the barrier. Accepted as head of the league againet the impious Phocians, Philip in a few weeks brought the " Sa- cred War " to an end, obtaining as his reward the seat in the Amphictyonic Council of which the Phocians were de- prived, and thus acquiring a sort of right to intermeddle as much as he liked in the affairs of Central and even South- ern Hellas. Attempt to pass Thermopylte fails, b.c. 352. Philip attacks Heroeon-tei- chos. His navy damages the commerce of Athens, B.C. 351. Olynthian war commences, B.C. 350. Euboea revolts from Athens, B.C. 349. Victory of Phociou at Tamynce. Olynthian war ended by the captm-e and destruc- tion of Olynthus and thirty-one other Chalcidic cities, B.C. 347. Despair of Athens. The Thebans invite Philip to conduct the war against the Pho- 230 MACEDONIA. [hook iv. cians. Athens negotiates a peace, desei'ting the Phocians, who, as they can not hold Thermopylce without the aid of the Athenian fleet, are compelled to make their submission, b. c. 346. Philip enters Phocis, reduces all the towns, and disperses the inhabitants into villages. Accepted into the Amphictyonic League, he ne«essarily becomes its head. 12. The main causes of Philip's wonderful success were twofold: — (a) Bettering the lessons taught him by his -^, ., model in the art of war, Epaminondas, he had Causes of Phil- . . t , -nr t • ip's wouderfui armed, equipped, and tramed the Macedonian forces till they were decidedly superior to the troops of any state in Greece. The Macedonian phalanx, invincible until it came to be oj)posed to the Romans, was his conception and his work. Nor was he content with ex- cellence in one arm of the service On every branch he be- stowed equal care and thought. Each was brought into a state nearly approaching perfection. His cavalry, heavy and light, his peltasts, archers, slingers, darters, were all the best of their kind ; his artillery was numerous and effect- ive ; his commissariat service was well arranged, (b) At the same time, he was a master of finesse. Taking advantage of the divided condition of Greece, and of 'the general prev- alence of corruption among the citizens of almost every community, he played off state against state and politician against politician. Masking his jDurposes uj) to the last mo- ment, promising, cajoling, bribing, intimidating, protesting, he advanced his interests even more by diplomacy than by force, having an infinite fund of artifice from which to draw, and scarcely ever recurring to means which he had used previously. To these main causes must be added, (1) the extraordinary activity of the man, who scarcely ever rested a moment, and who seemed almost to possess the power of being in several places at once ; and (2) the decline of patriot- ism, public spirit, and even courage in Greece — seen especially in the apathy of Athens, but really pervading the whole Hellenic world, which had passed its prime and was entering on the period of decay. A certain impetus was doubtless given to the general decline by the plunder of Delphi, which began by shocking and ended by depraving the national conscience ; but the seat of the malady lay deeper ; the precocious race was, in fact, prematurely ex- hausted, and under no circumstances could the pristine vigor have been re- covered. 13. Philip had made peace with Athens in order to lay hold on Thermopylae — a hold which he never afterwards re- PER. I.] REIGN OF PHILIP. 231 laxed. But it Avas far from his intention to main- S Eastern tain the peace an hour longer than suited his pur- Thrace. ^^^^^ Having once more chastised the Illyrian and P^onian tribes, he proceeded to invade Eastern Thrace, and to threaten the Athenian possessions in that quarter. At the same time, he aimed at getting into his hands the command of the Bosphorus, which would have enabled him to starve Greece into submission by stopping the importa- tion of corn. Here, however, Persia (which had at last come to feel alarm at his progress) combined with Athens to re- sist him. Perinthus and Byzantium were saved, and the ambition of Philip was for the time thwarted. The peace with Athens lasted, nominally, six years, B.C. 346 to 340. Ent Philip's aggressions recommenced as early as B.C. 343. He occupied Hal- onnesus, intrigued in Euboea, and invaded the Chersonese, where Diopeitlies opposed him with some success. In b.c. 341 Athens wrested Euboea from his grasp ; and in B.C. 340 war was declared formally on both sides. Philip laid siege' in succession to Perinthus and Byzantium, but was foiled in both attacks, partly by Persian troops, partly by the fleet of Athens under Phoci- on. The credit of the Athenian successes at this time is due mainly to the counsels of Demosthenes. 14. But the indefatigable warrior, balked of his prey, and obliged to wait till Grecian affairs should take a turn more Campaign on favorablc to him, marched suddenly northward i^anub/^Bc ^^^ engaged in a campaign on the Lower Dan- 339. ' * ' nbe against a Scythian prince who held the tract now known as Bulgaria. Victorious here, he recrossed the Balkan with a large body of captives, when he was set upon by the Triballi (Thracians), defeated, and wounded in the thigh, B.C. 339. The wound necessitated a short period of inaction ; but while the arch-plotter rested, his agents were busily at work, and the year of the Triballian defeat saw the fatal step taken, which was once more to bring a Mace- donian army into the heart of Greece, and to destroy the last remaining chance of the cause of Hellenic freedom. Disturbance at the Amphictyonic Congress of March, b. c. 339. ^schines procures a decree against the Locrians of Amphissa. Refusal of Athens and Thebes to join in the new crusade. Attempt to execute the decree fails. Aid of Philip invoked. He consents, and marches southward. 15. Appointed by the Amphictyons as their leader in a new " Sacred War," Philip once more passed Thermopylse 232 MACEDONIA. [book iv. Second expe- ancl entered Phocis. But he soon showed that he fpintoGrS!;e.' Came on no trivial or temporary errand. The oc- foueia^io.^^' pupation of Nicasa, Cytiniura, and more especially 338. ' of Elateia, betrayed his intention of henceforth holding possession of Central Greece, and roused the two principal powers of the region to a last desperate effort. Thebes and Athens met him at Chseroneia in,full force, with contingents from Corinth, Phocis, and Achgea. But the Mac- edonian phalanx was irresistible ; and the complete defeat of the allies laid Greece at Phili^ys feet. The Congress of Corinth (b.c. 337), attended by all the states except Sparta, which proudly stood aloof, accepted the headship of Mace- don ; and the cities generally undertook to supply contin- gents to the force which he designed to lead against Persia. 16. This design, however, was not executed. Great prep- arations were made in the course of B.C. 337 ; and early in Design to in- B.C. 336 the vau-guard of the Macedonian army PhlfiJassSsi- "^^^^ Sent across into Asia. But, a few months uated.B. 0.336. later, the sword of Pausanias ternainated the ca- reer of the Macedonian monarch, who fell a victim, in part to his unwillingness, or his inability to execute justice upon powerful offenders, in part to the quarrels and dissensions in his own family. Olympias certainly, Alexander probably, connived at the assassination of Philip, whose removal was necessary to their own safety. He died at the age of forty- seven, after a reign of twenty-three years. 1 7. It is difficult to say what exactly was the government of Macedonia under this prince. Practically, the monarch Character of must havc been nearly absolute; but it would niai?5?vei°n. appear that, theoretically, he was bound to gov- meut. ej.jj according to certain long-established laws and customs ; and it may be questioned whether he would have dared at any time to trangress, flagrantly and openly, any such law or usage. The Macedonian nobles were turbulent and free of speech. If accused of conspiracy or other crime, they were entitled to be tried before the public assembly. Their power must certainly have been to some extent a check upon the monarch. And after the formation of a great standing army, it became necessary for the monarch to con- sult the feelings and conform his acts to the wishes of the soldiers. But there seems to have been no such reo^ular PER. I.] REIGN OF ALEXANDER. 233 machinery for checking and controlling the royal authority as is implied in co7istitutio7ial government. :Flxtui^, Geschichte Makedoniens. Leipzig, 1832-34; 2 vols. 8vo. Con- tains an overstatement of the constitutional character of the Macedonian gov- ernment. 18. The reign of Alexander the Great has in the history of the world much the same importance which that of his father ReignofAiex- tas in the history of Macedonia and of Greece. n^5f ^^l n^r Alexander revolutionized the East, or, at any rate, -323. so much of it as was connected with the West by intercourse or reciprocal influence. The results of a con- quest effected in ten years continued for as many centuries, and remain in some respects to the present day. The Hel- lenization of Western Asia and North-eastern Africa, which dates from Alexander's successes, is one of the most remark- able facts in the history of the human race, and one of those most pregnant with important consequences. It is as absurd to deny to the author of such a revolution the possession of extraordinary genius as to suppose that the Iliad could have been written by a man of no particular ability. See, on the Hellenization of Asia, in part by Alexander, in part by his suc- cessors, the important work of Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismus oder der Bildung des Hellenistischen Staaten Systemes. Hamburg, 1843 ; 8vo. 19. The situation of Alexander, on his accession, was ex- tremely critical ; and it depended wholly on his own energy . , ,.^ and force of character whether he would retain His early difli- , . „ , , , •, tt- cuities. He is his father's power or lose it. His position was the^feaSsSp far from assured at home, where he had many of Greece. yiyals ; and among the conquered nations there was a general inclination to test the qualities of the new and young prince by tlie assertion of independence. But Alexander was equal to the occasion. Seizing the throne without a moment's hesitation, he executed or drove out his rivals. Forestalling any open hostility on the part of the Greeks, he marched hastily, at the head of a large army, through Thessaly, Phocis, and BcBotia, to Corinth, and there required, and obtained, from the deputies whom he had con- vened to meet him, the same " hegemony," or leadership, . which had been granted to his father. Sparta Thrace^andii- alone, as shc had done before, stood aloof From • ^^"'^- Corinth, Alexander retraced his .steps to Macedon, 234 MACEDONIA. [book iv. and thence proceeded to chastise his enemies in the North and West, invading Thrace, defeating the Triballi and the Geta3, and even crossing the Danube ; after which he turned southward, and attacked and defeated the lUyrians under Clitus and Glaucias. 20. Meanwhile, in Greece, a false report of Alexander's death induced Thebes to raise the standard of revolt. A Kevoitandde- general insurrection might have followed but for Thebe?"ij!o. ^^^ promptness and celerity of the young mou- ses- arch. Marching straight from Illyria southward, he appeared suddenly in Boeotia, stormed and took Thebes, and, after a wholesale massacre, punished the survivors by completely destroying their city and selling them all as slaves. This signal vengeance had the effect intended. All Greece was terror-struck ; and Alexander could feel that he might commence his Asiatic enterprise in tolerable security. Greece was now not likely to rebel, unless he suffered some considerable reverse. 21. In the spring of B.C. 334 Alexander passed the Helles- pont with an army numbering about 35,000 men. The itsu- „ , al remissness of the Persians allowed him to cross Passage of the ... . . a ^ n Hellespont, without oppositiou. A plan oi operations, sug- Granfcus, B.O. gcstcd by Memnon the Rhodian, which consist- ^^** ed in avoiding an engagement in Asia Minor, and carrying the war into Macedonia by means of the over- whelming Persian fleet, was rejected, and battle was given to Alexander, on the Granicus, by a force only a little supe- rior to his own. The victory of the invader placed Asia Minor at his mercy, and Alexander with his usual celerity proceeded to overrun it. Still, he seems to have been un- willing to remove his army very far from the ^gean coast, so long as Memnon was alive. But the death of that able commander, in the spring of B.C. 333, left him free to act ; and he at once took the road which led to the heart of the Persian empire. 22. The conflict at Issus between Alexander and Darius himself was brought on under circumstances peculiarly fa- Battieofis- vorable to the Macedonian monarch. Darius had ber.SoS. intended to fight in the plain of Antioch, where T??e^,'Gfza,^^ his vast army would have had room to act. But, and Egypt. ^g Alexander did not come to meet him, he grew PER. I.] ALEXANDER'S CONQUESTS. 235 impatient, and advanced into the defiles which lie between Syria and Cilicia. The armies met, almost without warning, in a position where numbers gave no advantage. Under such circumstances the defeat of the Persians was a matter of course. Alexander deserves less credit for the victory of Issus than for the use he made of it. It was a wise and far- seeing policy which disdained the simple plan of pressing forward on a defeated foe, and preferred to let him escape and reorganize his forces, while the victory was utilized in another way. Once possessed of the command of the sea, Alexander would be completely secure at home. He there- fore proceeded from Issus against Tyre, Gaza, and Egypt. Twenty months sufficed for the reduction of these places. Having possessed himself of all the maritime provinces of Persia, Alexander, in B.C. 331, proceeded to seek his enemy in the heart of his empire. The foundation of Alexandria in the most favorable situation for commerce that Egypt offers, indicated that Alexander was no vulgar conqueror, but one with far-sighted aims and projects. Alexandria, as the capital of a separate kingdom, may have grown to be more than its founder ever intended ; but it could under no circumstances have failed to become a great city. Alexander deserves credit both for conceiving the idea of changing the capital, and for fixing on so excellent a site. 23. In the final conflict, near Arbela, the relative strength of the two contending parties was fairly tried. Darius had Battle of Ar- Collected the full force of his empire, had selected beia,B.o.33i. ^^-^^ prepared his ground, and had even obtained the aid of allies. His defeat was owing, in part, to the in- trinsic superiority of the European over the Asiatic soldier; Surrender of in part, and in great part, to the consummate abil- Susjf/andPer- ^^J of the Macedonian commander. The conflict sepoiis. ^as absolutely decisive, for it was impossible that any battle should be fought under conditions more favorable to Persia. Accordingly, the three capitals, Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, surrendered, almost without resistance ; and the Persian monarch became a fugitive, and was ere long murdered by his servants. Agis, the Spartan king, heads an insurrection in Greece ; but is attacked and defeated by Antipater, b.c. 330. 24. The most remarkable part of Alexander's career now commences. An ordinary conqueror would have been sat- 236 MACEDONIA. [b(Jok iv. Conquest of isfiecl with the submission of the great caj^itals, easteru^prov- ^"<^^ Avould have awaited, in the luxurious abodes inces, aud in- ^yhich they oflered, the adhesion of the more dis- vasion ot In- -J t-» ^ * i dia. tant provinces. But for Alexander rest possessed no attractions. So long as there were lands or men to con- quer, it was his delight to subjugate them. The pursuit of Darius and then of Bessus, drew him on to the north-eastern corner of the Persian Empire, whence the way was open into a new world, generally believed to be one of immense wealth. From Bactria and Sogdiana, Alexander proceeded through Affghanistan to India, which he entered on the side whence alone India is accessible by land, viz., the north-west. At first he warred with the princes who held their governments as dependencies of Persia ; but, when these had submitted, he desired still to press eastward, and complete the subjuga- tion of the continent, which was believed to terminate at no great distance. The refusal of his soldiers to proceed stop- ped him at the Sutlej, and forced him to relinquish his de- signs, and to bend his steps homeward. Details of the March to Bactria and India. Advance to Ecbatana, B.C. 330. March thence to Rhages. Murder of Darius by Bessus. Flight of Bessus. Conquest of Hyrcania, Aria, and Drangiana. Trial and execu- tion of Philotas. Execution of Parmenio. Invasion of Bactria and capture of Bessus, B.C. 329. March to the Jaxartes. Conquest of Bactria and Sog- diana, B.C. 328-7. Murder of Clitus. Execution of Callisthenes. March to the Indus, b.c. 32G. Defeat of Porus. Advance to the Hyphasis (Sutlej) — refusal of the troops to proceed fiirther. Descent of the Indus, B.C. 326-5. 25. It was characteristic of Alexander, that, even when compelled to desist from a forward movement, he did not re- trace his steps, but returned to the Persian capital by an en- tirely new route. Following the course of the Indus in ships built for the purpose, while his army marched along the banks, he conquered the valley as he descended, and, having reached the ocean, proceeded with the bulk of his troops westward through Gedrosia (Beloochistan) and Carmania into Persia. Meanwhile his admiral, ISTearchus, sailed from the Indus to the Euphrates, thus reopening a line of commu- nication which had probably been little used since the time of Darius Hystaspis. Alexander, in his march, experienced terrible difficulties ; and the losses incurred in the Gedrosian desert exceeded those of all the rest of the expedition. Still PER. I.] DEATH OF ALEXANDER. 237 he brought back to Persepolis the greater portion of his army, and found himself in a position, not only to maintain his conquests, but to undertake fresh ones, for the purpose of rounding off and completing his empire. The voyage of Nearchus lasted five months, from the end of September, B.C. 325, to the end of February, B.C. 324. Alexander's land march from the Indus to Persepolis, the greatest feat that he ever performed, occupied about the same period. We must ascribe to the prestige of his previous successes the fact that he was not attacked and crashed on this return march through trackless and utterly desert regions. Nearchus's voyage was treated, in the last century, by Vincent, whose work, The Voyage of Nearchus from the Indus to the Euphrates (London, 1797 ; 4to), was very creditable to the author. A better comment on the text will, however, be found in the Geographi Greed Minores of Mons. C. MtJLLEK. (See p. 224.) 26. It was the intention of Alexander, after taking the measures which he thought advisable for the consolidation of his empire, and the improvement of his intended capital, Babylon, to attempt the conquest of the peninsula of Arabia — a vast tract inconveniently interposed between his west- ern and his eastern provinces. A fleet, under Nearchus, was to have proceeded along the coast, whilst Alexander, with an immense host, traversed the interior. But these plans were brought to an end by the sudden death of their pro- jector at Babylon, in the thirteenth year of his reign and the thirty-third of his age, June, b.c. 323. This premature de- mise makes it impossible to determine whether, or no, the political wisdom of Alexander was on a par with his strate- gic ability — whether, or no, he would have succeeded in con- solidating and uniting his heterogeneous conquests, and have proved the Darius as well as the Cyrus of his empire. Cut off unexpectedly in the vigor of early manhood, he left no inheritor, either of his power or of his projects. The empire which he had constructed broke into fragments soon after his death ; and his plans, whatever they were, perished with him. The policy of Alexander, so far as appears, aimed at complete fusion and amalgamation of his own Graico-Macedonian subjects with the dominant race of the subjugated countries, the Medo-Persians. He felt the difficulty of holding such extensive conquests by garrisons of Europeans, and therefore determined to associate in the task of ruling and governing the Asiatic race which had shown itself most capable of those high functions. Ultimately, he would have fused the two peoples into one by translations of populations (9 Uaa^axaax^ |j-\ -^-mrifX) 238 MACEDO^'IA. [book iv. and intermarriages. Meanwhile, he united the two in the military and civil sei-vices, incorporating 20,000 Persians into his phalanx, appointing many- Persians to satrapies, and composing his court pretty equally of Persian and Macedonian noblemen. His scheme had the merits of originality and in- trinsic fairness. Its execution would undoubtedly have elevated Asia to a point which she has never yet reached. But this advantage could not have been gained without some counterbalancing loss. The mixed people which it was his object to produce, while vastly superior to ordinary Asiatics, would have fallen far below the Hellenic, perhaps even below the Macedonian type. It is thus not much to be regretted that the scheme was nipped in the bud, and Hellenic culture preserved in tolerable purity to exercise a paramount influence over the Koman, and so over the modern, world. The death of Alexander has been ascribed by some to poison, by others to habitual drunkenness. But the hardsliips of the Gedrosian march and the unhealthiness of the Chaldaian marshes sufficiently account for it. SECOND PERIOD. From the Death of Alexander the Great to the Battle of Ipsus, B.C. 323 to 301. Sources. The main authority for this period is Diodorus, books xviii. to XX, He appears to have followed, in this portion of his History, the con- temporary author, Hieronymus of Cardia, who wrote an account of Alex- ander and his successors, about B.C. 270. Plutarch's lives of Eumenes, Demetrius, and Phocion are also of considerable value; for, though he draws generally from Diodorus, yet occasionally he has i-ecourse to inde- pendent authorities, e. g., Duris of Samos, who wrote a Greek and also a Macedonian Histoiy, about b.c. 280. The thirteenth book of Justin's His- tory and the fragments of Arrian and Dexippus should also be consulted. For these fragments, see the Fragmenta Historicoruvi Grcecorum of C. MiJL- LER, vol. iii. Among modern Avorks especially treating of the period, the best is Droysen, Geschichte der Nachfolger Alexander s des Grossen. Hamburg, 1836-43 ; 2 vols. 8vo. The student will do well to consult also chapters xcv. and xcvi. of Mr. Grote's History of Greece, and chapters Ivi.-lix. of Bishop Thirlw all's work on the same subject. 1. The circumstances under which Alexander died led naturally to a period of convulsion. He left at his death no Troubles con- legitimate issue, and designated no successor. AiTxlnder's The Macedonian law of succession was uncer- death. ^ain ; and, of those who had the best title to the throne, there was not one who could be considered by any unprejudiced person worthy of it. The great generals of the deceased king became thus, almost of necessity, aspirants to the regal dignity ; and it was scarcely possible that their PER. II. J SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER. 239 rival claims could be settled without an appeal to arms and a long and bloody straggle. For a time, the fiction of a united Macedonian Empire under the sovereignty of the old royal family was kept up ; but from the first the gen- erals were the real depositaries of power, and practically a division of authority took efiect almost from Alexander's death. Alexander left behind him an illegitimate son, named Hercules, a boy ten or twelve years old. He also left Roxana pregnant. The other living mem- bers of the royal family were Arrhidajus, his half-brother, a bastard son of Philip, who was grown up ; Cleopatra, Cynane, and Thessaloniea, his sisters ; and Eurydice', his niece, daughter of Cynane' and Amyntas, son of Perdiccas III. Olympias also, the widow of Philip and mother of Alexander, was still living. 2. The difticulty with respect to the succession was ter- minated without bloodshed. The claims of Hercules being Settlement of P'^^^scd ovcr, ArrhidcTus, who was at Babylon, was the successiou proclaimed king under the name of Philip, and with the understanding that he was to share the empire with Roxana's child, if she should give birth to a boy. At the same time, four guardians, or regents, were appointed — Antipater and Craterus in Europe, Perdiccas and Leonna- tus (for whom was soon afterwards substituted Melcager) in Asia. But the- murder of Meleager by Perdiccas shortly re- duced the number of guardians to three. 3. The sole command of the great army of Asia, assumed by Perdiccas on the death of Meleager, made his position Great power vastly Superior to that of his European colleagues, Hedlstrfbutes ^^^^ enabled him to take the entire direction of af- theproviuces. faij-g on his own side of the Hellespont. But, to maintain this position, it was necessary for him to content the other great military chiefs, who had lately been his equals, and who would not have been satisfied to remain very much his inferiors. Accordingly, a distribution of sa- trapies was made within a few weeks of Alexander's death ; and each chief of any pretensions received a province pro- portioned to his merits or his influence. In this partition, Ptolemy Lagi, reputed an illegitimate son of Phihp, re- ceived Egypt; Pithon, Media; Antigonus, Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphyha; Eumenes the Cardian, Cappadocia, which remained, however, still to be con- quered ; Leonnatus, Mysia ; Lysimachus, Macedonian Thrace ; Menander, Lydia ; Asander, Caria ; Philotas, Cilicia ; and Laomedon, Syria. Near- 240 MACEDONIA. lHin>K iv. chus, Alexander's admiral, received the government of Lycia and Pamphylia, as sub-satrap under Antigonus ; and Cleomenes remained in a similar posi- tion under Ptolemy Lagi. The other provinces continued under the govern- ors appointed by Alexander. 4. It was not the intention of Perdiccas to break up the unity of Alexander's empire. Koxana having given birth insubordina- to a boy, the government was carried on in the provhiciaf "ame of the two joint kings. Perdiccas's own governors. office was that of vizier or prime minister. The generals who had received provinces were viewed by Per- diccas as mere governors intrusted with their administra- tion, and answerable to the kings for it. He himself, as prime minister, undertook to give commands to the govern- ors as to their courses of action. But he soon found that they declined to pay his commands any respect. The cen- trifugal force was greater than the centripetal; and the dis- integration of the empire was not to be avoided. Leonnatus and Antigonus, required by Perdiccas to put Eumenes in pos- session of Cappadocia, make light of his orders. Antigonus does nothing. Leonnatus schemes to marry Cleopatra and supplant Antipater in Macedon ; but wishing first to put down the insurrection of the Greeks, he marches into Thessaly, where he falls. Ptolemy Lagi puts Cleomenes to death, and acts as independent prince in Egypt. Perdiccas has to undertake the Cappado- cian war in jDcrson, defeats Ariarathes, and installs Eumenes. In another part of the empire, Pithon plans to make himself independent by the help of those discontented colonists who had been" settled by Alexander along his north- eastern frontier ; he is balked, however, by the foresight and prompt cruelty of the vizier. 5. It was probably the uncertainty of his actual position, and the difficulty of improving it without some violent step, , that led Perdiccas to entertain the idea of re- Ambition of . ,, i • i i • i /? • • . i Perdiccas. moving the kmgs, and himseii seizmg the em- the Scraps pire. Tliougli he had married Nicsea, the daugh- against him. ^^^. ^£ Antipater, he arranged to repudiate her, and negotiated a marriage with Cleopatra, Alexander's sis- ter. Such a union would have given to his claims the color of legitimacy. The opposition which he had chiefly to fear was that of his colleagues in the regency, Antipater and Crateinis, and of the powerful satraps, Ptolemy Lagi and Antigonus. The former he hoped to cajole, while he crush- ed the latter. But his designs were penetrated. Antigonus fled to Macedonia, b.c. 822, and warned Cratevus and Antip- I'ZK. II.] SUCCESSOKS OF ALEXANDER. 241 ater of their danger. A league was made between them and Ptolemy ; and thus, in the war which followed, Perdic- cas and his friend Eumenes were engaged on the one side against Antipater, Craterus, Antigonus, and Ptolemy Lagi on tlie other. 6. Perdiccas, leaving Eumenes to defend Asia, marched in person against Ptolemy. His army was from the first dis- First war ^ affected ; and, when the military operations with among the which hc Commenced the campaign failed, they 15.C. .321. " openly mutinied, attacked him, and slew him in S.''^^'" his tent. Meanwhile Eumenes, remaining on the defensive in Asia Minor, repulsed the assaults made upon him, defeated and slew Craterus, and made himself a great reputation. . 7. The removal of Perdiccas from the scene necessitated a new arrangement. Ptolemy declining the regency, it was conferred bv the army of Perdiccas on Pithon t^itXt" and Arrhidius, two of their generals, who with ^'-^- difficulty maintained their position against the intrigues of Eurydice, the young wife of the mock monarch, Philip ArrhidjBus, until the arrival of Antipater in Syria, to whom they resigned their office. Antipater, now became sole regent, silenced Eurydice, and made a fresh division of the provinces at Triparadisus, in Northern Syria, B.C. 320. By this division, Avhile Ptolemy Lagi and Antigonus retained their old gov- ernments, Clitus received Lydia, and Arrhidoeus Mysia or the Hellespontine Phrygia ; Seleucus was made satrap of Babylon, and Antigonus satrap of Susiana. The care and custody of the two kings was at first intnxsted to Antigonus, but afterwards assumed by Antipater himself. To Antigonus was assigned the conduct of the war with Eumenes. Cassander, the son of Antipater, was made second in command under Antigonus, with the title of chiliarch. 8. A war followed between Antigonus and Eumenes. De- feated in the open field through the treachery of ApoUonides, Wars of An- whom Antigonus had bribed, Eumenes took ref- ligouus with ^^^Q 1^ ^jjg mountain fastness of Nora, where he of Ptolemy defended himself successfully against every at- dou. '^°™^' tack for many months. Antigonus turned his arms against other so-called rebels, defeated them, and be- came master of the greater part of Asia Minor. Meanwhile, Ptolemy picked a quarrel with Laomedon, satrap of Syria, sent an array into his province, and annexed it. 11 242 MACE])ONIA. [book iv. 9. The death of the regent Aiitipater hi Macedonia pro- duced a further complication. Overlooking the claims of Death of An- his son, Cassauder, he bequeathed the regency to Sc"of Pol- ^i^ friend, the aged Polysperchon, and thus drove ysperchou. Cassaudcr into opposition. Cassander fled to An- tigonus ; and a league was formed between Ptolemy, Cas- sander, and Antigonus on the one hand, and Polysperchon and Eumenes on the other; the two latter defending the cause of unity and of the Macedonian monarchs, the three former that of disruption and of satrapial independence. 10. Antigonus began the war by absorbing Lydia and at- tacking Mysia. He was soon, however, called away to the ,„ „,, „ East by the threateninoj attitude of Eumenes, War of the Sa- •' „ ^ . ^. . ' traps agaiust who had Collected a force m Cilicia, with Avhich aud Eumenes. lie menaced Syria and Phoenicia. The command Death of Eu- of the ^ea, which Phoenicia might have given, meues. would have enabled Eumenes and Polysj)erchou to unite their forces and act together. It was the policy of Antigonus to prevent this. Accordingly, after defeating the royal fleet, commanded by Clitus, near Byzantium, he marched in person against Eumenes, who retreated before him, crossed the Euphrates and Tigris, and united his troops Avith those of a number of the Eastern satraps, whom he found leagued together to resist the aggressions of Seleucus and Pithon. Antigonus advanced to Susa, while Eumenes retreated into Persia Proper. Two battles were fought with little advantage to either side; but at last the Mace- donian jealousy of a foreigner and the insubordination of Alexander's veterans prevailed. Eumenes Avas seized by his own troops, delivered up to Antigonus, and put to death, B.C. 316. 11. Meanwhile, in Eurojie, Cassander had proved fully ca- pable of making head against Polysperchon. After counter- Succespesof acting the effect of Polysperchon's proceedings Cassander. j^^ Attica and the Peloponnese, he had marched into Macedonia, where important changes had taken place among the members of the royal family. Eurydice, the young wife of Philip Arrhidseus, had raised a party, and so alarmed Polysperchon for his own power that he had de- termined on making common cause with Olympias, who re- turned from Epirus to Macedon on his invitation. Eurydice PER. II.] SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER. 243 foiiii'd herself powerless in the presence of the more augusl^ princess, and, betaking herself to flight, was arrested, and, to- gether with her husband, put to death by her rival, b.c. 317. But Cassander avenged her the next year. Entering Mace- donia suddenly, he carried all before him,"besieged Olympias in Pydna, and, though she surrendered on terms, allowed her to be killed by her enemies. Roxana and the young Alex- ander he held as prisoners, while he strengthened his title to the Macedonian throne by a marriage with Thessalonica, the daughter of King Philip. 12. Thus the rebellious satraps had everywhere triumph- ed over the royalists, and the Macedonian throne had fallen. Ambition of ^^^^^^g'^^ Roxana and the young Alexander were Autigonus. still living. But noAV the victors fell out amon whom Epiphanes had left as regent when he -^62. quitted Antioch. Lysias attempts to reduce the rebel Jews, but allows himself to be diverted from the war by the attitude of his rival Philip, whom he attacks, defeats, and puts to death. He takes no steps, however, to resist the Parthians Avhen they overrun the Eastern provinces, or the Komans when they harshly enforce the terms of the treaty concluded after the battle of Magnesia. The position of af- fairs, which we can well understand the Romans favoring, was most injurious to the power of Syria, which, in the hands of a minor and a regent, Avas equally incapable of maintain- ing internal order and repelling foreign attack. It was an advantage to Syria when Demetrius, the adult son of Seleu- cus Philopator, escaped from Rome, where he had been long detained as a hostage, and, putting Lysias and Eupator to death, himself mounted the throne. The war between Lysias and Philip, which allowed the Parthians to spread unresisted over the fiiirest of the Eastern provinces, was caused by the im- prudence of Epiphanes, who had left his young son, Antiochus, to the care of Lysias on quitting Antioch, but upon hjs death-bed appointed a new guardian in the person of Philip. Philip, who had the support of a part of the army, seized Antioch, where he was defeated and slain, b.c. 162. 1 7. Demetrius, having succeeded in obtaining the sanction of Rome to his usurpation, occupied himself for some years EeiguofDe- ill attempts to reduce the Jews. He appears to ter)%"o.^i62^' have been a vigorous administrator, and a man of ^^^- considerable ambition and energy; but he could not arrest the decline of the Syrian state. The Romans com- pelled him to desist from his attacks on the Jews ; and when he ventured on an expedition into Cajopadocia, for the pur- PER. III., I'Airr I.J 8ELEUCIDJE. 257 pose of expelling the king Ariaratlies, and giving the crown to Orophenies, his bastard brother, a league was formed against him by the neighboring kings, to w^hich the Romans became parties ; and a pretender, Alexander Balas, an illegit- imate son of Epiphanes, was encouraged to come forward and claim the throne. So low had the Syrian power now sunk, that both Demetrius and his rival courted the favor of the despised Jews; and their adhesion to the cause of the pretender probably turned the scale in his favor. After two years of warfare and two important battles, Demetrius was defeated, and lost both his croAvn and life. The friendship of Demetrius with the historian Polybius gives an interest to his reign which the Syrian history rarely possesses. Polybius advised and aided his escape from Rome, and records its circumstances with great mi- nuteness. We have more details too of this king's private character and tastes than of most others. It appears that he was addicted to hunting (whence the symbols on his coins), and was also an intemperate drinker. 18. Alexander Balas, who had been supported in his strug- gle with Demetrius by the kings of Pergamus and Egypt, V ofAi ^^'^^ given by the latter the hand of Cleopatra, aiuier Balas,* his daughter. But he soon proved himself unfit to rule. Committing the management of aifairs to an unworthy favorite, Ammonius, he gave himself up to every kind of self-indulgence. Upon this, Demetrius, the eldest son of the late king, perceiving that Balas had be- come odious to his subjects, took heart, and, landing in Cili- cia, commenced a struggle for the throne. . The fidelity of the Jews protected Alexander for a while ; but when his fa- ther-in-law, Ptolemy Philometor, passed over to the side of his antagonist, the contest was decided against him. De- feated in a pitched battle near Antioch, he fled to Ab?8 in Arabia, where he \Vas assassinated by his own officers, who sent his head to Ptolemy. 19. Demetrius II., surnamed Nicator, then ascended the throne. He had already, while pretender, married Cleopa- First reign of tra, the wifc of his rival, whom Ptolemy had (N™ator)T "o. foi*ced Balas to give up. On obtaining full pos- 146-140. session of the kingdom, he ruled tyrannically, and disgusted many of his subjects. The people of Antioch hav- ing risen in revolt, and Demetrius having allowed his Jewish body-guard to plunder the town, Diodotus of Apamea set up 258 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. a rival king in the person of Antioclius VI.,son of Alexander Balas, a child of two years of age, who bore the regal title for three or four years (b.c. 146 to 143), after which Diodo- tus removed him, and, taking the name of Trypho, declared himself independent monarch (avroKpdriop). After vain ef- forts to reduce his rivals for the space of about seven years, Demetrius, leaving his wife, Cleopatra, to maintain his inter- ests in Syria, marched into his Eastern provinces, which were in danger of falling a prey to the Parthians. Here, though at first he gained such advantages as enabled him to assume the title of" Conqueror" {viKariop), his arms soon met with a reverse. Defeated by the Parthian monarch, Arsaces VI., in the year e.g. 140, he was taken prisoner, and remained a cap- tive at the Parthian court for several years. The acknowledgment of Jewish independence by Demetrius shortly be- fore his expedition to the East, b.c. 142, was an event of some importance in the history of the Jewish nation. Though it may be true that at a later period they again fell under the dominion of the Syrian kings, yet it seems certain that they dated their independence from the grant of Demetrius. 20. During the absence of Demetrius in the remote East, his wife, Cleopatra, unable to make head against Tryphon, Kei^nof Auti- looked out for somc effectual support, and found detel)7ic.?37 i^ in Autiochus of Sida (Sidetes), her husband's -129. brother, who, joining his arms with hers, attacked Tryphon, and after a struggle, which seems to have lasted nearly two years, defeated him and put him to death. Auti- ochus Sidetes upon this became sole monarch of Syria, b.c. 137, and contracted a marriage with Cleopatra, his captive brother's wife, who considered herself practically divorced by her husband's caj^tivity and marriage with a Parthian princess. His first step, after establishing his authority, was to reduce the Jews, b.c. 135 to 133. A few years later, b.c. 129, he undertook an expedition into Parthia for the j)urpose of delivering his brother, and gained some imj^ortant suc- cesses; but was finally defeated by the Parthian monarch, who attacked his army in its winter-quarters, and destroyed it with its^ commander. 21. Meanwhile Demetrius H., having been released from Second reign Captivity by the Parthian monarch, who hoped iffif^AS-^ ^J exciting troubles in Syria to force Autiochus '^^^- to retreat, had reached Antioch and recovered riiR. III., PART 1.] SELEUCID^E. 250 his former kingdom. But he was not sufFercd to remain long in tranquillity. Ptolemy Physcon, the king of Egypt, raised up a j^retender to his crown in the person of Alex- ander Zabinas, who professed to be the son of Balas. A battle was fought between the rivals near Damascus, in which Demetrius was completely defeated. Forced to take flight, he sought a refuge with his wife at Ptolemai's, but was rejected; whereupon he endeavored to throw himself into Tyre, but was captured and slain, b.c. 126. 22. War followed between Zabinas and Cleopatra, who, having put to death Seleucus, her eldest son, because he had Parallel iei<^ns ^ssumed the diadem without her permission, as- of Aiexancfer gociated Avith liersclf on the throne her second II. (Zabmas), a.i t« t '-i -ii' Autiochns SOU, Autioclius, and reigned conjointly with hini pus),"andc'ieo- till B.C. 121. Zabinas maintained himself in parts patra. ^£ Syria for seven years ; but, having quarrelled with his patron, Ptolemy Physcon, he was reduced to straits, about B.C. 124, and two years afterwards was completely crushed by Antiochus, who forced him to sw^allow poison, B.C. 122. Soon after Avards — b.c. 121 — Antiochus found him- self under the necessity of putting his mother to death in order to secure his own life, against Avhich he discovered her to be plotting. 23. Syria now enjoyed a period of tranquillity under Anti- ochus VIII., for the space of eight years, b.c. 1 22 to 1 14. The Sole reii?n of Eastern provinces were, however, completely lost, v?iL^r!!c.\22- ^1^^ ^^^ attempt w^as made to recover them. The 11^- Syrian kingdom was confined within Taurus on the north, the Euphrates on the east, and Palestine on the south. Judsea had become wholly independent. The great empire, which had once reached from Phrygia to the Indus, had shrunk to the dimensions of a province ; and there was no spirit in either prince or people to make any effort to re- gain what had been lost. The country was exhausted by the constant wars, the pillage of the soldiers, and the ra- pacity of the monarchs. Wealth was accumulated in a few hands. The people of the capital were wholly given up to luxury. If Rome had chosen to step in at any time after the death of the second Demetrius, she might have become mis- tress of the whole of Syria almost without a struggle. At first her domestic troubles, and then her contest with Mith- 260 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [nooK iv. ridates, hindered her, so that it was not till half a century later that the miseries of Syria were ended by her absorption into the Roman empire. 24. The tranquillity of Antiochus YIII. was disturbed in B.C. 114 by the revolt of his half-brother, Antiochus Cyzice- it f An "^^'^J ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ Cleopatra by Antiochus Sidetes, tiochus Cyzi- her third husband. A bloody contest followed, feAeigns of whicli it was attempted to terminate at the close Gr^urB.c."'^ of three years, b.c. Ill, by a partition of the ter- 114-96. ritory. But the feud soon broke out afresh. War raged between the brothers for nine years, b.c. 105 to 96, Avith varied success, but with no decided advantage to either, while the disintegration of the empire rapidly proceeded. The towns on the coast. Tyre, Sidon, Seleuceia, assumed in- dependence. Cilicia revolted. The Arabs ravaged Syria on the one hand, and the Egyptians on the other. At length, amid these various calamities, the reign of Antiochus VIII. came to an end by his assassination, in b.c. 96, by Ileracleon, an officer of his court. 25. Heracleon endeavored to seize the crown, but failed. It fell to Seleucus V. (Epiphanes), the eldest son of Grypus, Reign of Se- ■^vho Continued the vv ar with Antiochus Cyzicenus, (EpfpL^ies), ^^^^ brought it to a successful issue in the second is.o. 96-95. ' year of his reign, b.c. 95, when Cyzicenus, defeated in a great battle, slew himself to prevent his capture. But the struggle between the two houses was not yet ended. Antiochus Eusebes, the son of Cyzicenus, assumed the royal title, and attacking Seleucus drove him out of Syria into Cilicia, where he perished miserably, being burnt alive by the people of Mopsuestia, from Avhom he had required a con- tribution. 26. Philip, the second son of Antiochus Grypus, succeed- ed, and carried on the war with Eusebes for some years, in Reigns of Conjunction Avith his brothers, Demetrius, and An- gSuesfll.S tiochus Dionysus, until at last Eusebes Avas over- -C9. ' come and forced to take refuge in Parthia. Phil- ip and his brothers then fell out, and engaged in Avar one against another. At length the Syrians, seeing no end to these civil contests, called to their aid the king of the neigh- boring Armenia, Tigranes, and putting themselves under his rule, obtained a respite from suifering for about fourteen rEK. III., TAUT II.] PTOLEMIES. 261 years, B.C. 83 to 69. At the close of this period, Tigrancs, having mixed liimself up in the Mithridatic war, was defeat- ed by the Romans, and forced to relinquish Syria. 27. The Syrian throne seems then to have fallen to Antio- „ . „ . ,. chus Asiaticus, the son of Eusebes, who hield it KcignoiAuti- J. „ , ' ochus Asiati- for four ycars only, when he was dispossessed by ' " ■ " ' Pompey, and the remnant of the kingdom of the Seleucidae Avas reduced into the form of a Roman province, B.C. 65. PART II. History of the Egyptian Kingdom of the Ptolemies, B.C. 323 to 30. Sources. The sources for the Egyptian history of this period are for tlie most part identical with those which have been mentioned at the head of the last section (p. 247) as sources for the history of the Seleucidas ; but on the whole they are scantier and less satisfactory. As the contact between Judaia and Egypt during this period was only occasional, the information furnished by Josephus and the Books of Maccabees is discontinuous and fragmentary. Again, there is no work on Egypt corresponding to the aS^- riaca of Appian. The chronology, moreover, is in confusion, owing to the fact that the Ptolemies adopted no era, only dating their coins in some in- stances by their regnal years ; so that the exactness which an era furnishes is wanting. Some important details with respect to foreign conquests and to the internal administration are, however, preserved to us in Inscriptions, of which the' chief are — The Inscription of Adule, seen by Cosmas Indopleusta, about a.d, .520, and preserved to us in his work, which Montfaucon has edited in his Collectio nova patrum et scriptorum Grcecorum. Paris, 1706 ; 2 vols, folio. The inscription itself was first published by Leo Allatius in a small pamphlet entitled Ptolemcei Euergetis monumentu)7i Adulitanum. Ronii-e, 1031. It has since been edited by Eabricius in his Bihliotheca Grceca, vol. ii. ; by Chi- siiuLL in his Antiquitates Asiaticce (London, 1728 ; folio) ; by Boeckii in his Corpus Inscriptionum Groecarum, vol. iii., and by others. Mr. Salt was the first to point out that it consisted of two entirely distinct documents be- longing to very different ages. (See his Narrative in Lord Valentia's Voy- ages and Travels to India, Ceylon, etc. London, 1809 ; 3 vols. 4to.) This conclusion has since been adopted by Niebuhr, Heeren, Letronne, Boeckh, and most scholars. The RosETTA Stone, interesting not merely as a key to the decipherment of the hieroglyphics, but also as a document throAving considerable light on the internal administration of Egypt. The stone itself is in the British Mu- seum. The inscription, which belongs to about the year B.C. 196 or 197, has been carefully edited by several scholars, among whom may be noticed especially — Ameilhon, Eclaircissemens sur V inscription Grecque du momiment trouve a Rosette. Paris, 1803 ; 8vo. 2Q2 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [iu)<)k iv. Letkonne, Inscription Grecque de Rosette; texte et traduction litterale, accompagnee dun commentaire critique, historique, et archeologique. Paris, 1841; 8vo. BoECKH, in his Corpus Inscriptionum Grcecarum, vol. iii. pp. 334-342. Among modem works on the History of Egj'pt under the Ptolemies the most important are — Eoy-Vaillant, Historia Ptolemceorum JEgyjiti regum adjidem numisma- turn accoynmodata. Amstel. 1701 ; folio. CiiAMPOLLioN-FiGEAC, Aunales des Lagides, ou Chronologic des Rois Grecs dEqypte, successeurs d' Alexandre le Grand. Paris, 1819 ; 2 vols. 8vo, Letronne, Recherches pour servir a Vhistoire de VEgxjpte 'pendant la domi- nation des Grecs et des Romains, tirees des inscriptions Grecques et Latines, relatives a la chronologie, h Vetat des arts, aux usages civiles et religieux de ce pays. Paris, 1828 ; 8vo. The subject is also treated, in connection with the other history of the time, bv Droysen, in his Geschichte der Nachfolger Alexanders (supra, p. 238); and by Niebuhr in his Vortrdge iiber alte Geschichte (supra, p. 137). A / ood analysis of the chronology is contained in the third volume of the Fasti Jlellenici of Clinton (pp. 379-400), and a valuable summary in the Corpus J. '.script ionum Grcecarum of Boeckh, vol. iii, p. 288. ]. The kingdom of the Ptolemies, which owed its origin to Alexander the Great, rose to a pitch of greatness and pros- ^, . , . perity which, it is probable, was never dreamt of condition of bv the Conoueror. His subiection or Jicfypt was tljc kingdom. -^ vi i • ti i i ^ i * v.^i accomplished rapidly; and he spent but little time in the organization of his conquest. Still, the founda- tion of all Egypt's later greatness was laid, and the charac- ter of its second civilization determined, by him, in the act by which he transferred the seat of government from the in- land position of Memphis to the maritime Alexandria. By this alteration not only was the continued pre-eminence of tlie Macedo-Greek element secured, but tlie character of the Egyptians themselves was modified. Commercial pursuits were adopted by a large part of the nation. Intercourse with foreigners, hitherto checked and discouraged, became common. Production was stimulated; enterprise throve; and the stereotyped habits of this most rigid of ancient peoples w^ere to a large extent, broken into. In language and religion they still continued separate from their con- querors ; but their manners and tone of thoAight. underwent a change. The stiff-necked rebels against the authority of tlie Persian crown became the willing subjects of the Mace- donians. Absorbed in the pursuits of industry, or in the novel ciiiployment of literature, the Egyptians forgot their PER. III., TAUT II. j I'TOLEMIES. 263 old love of independence, and contentedly acquiesced in the new regime. The history of Egypt during this period is, in the main, the history of Al- exandria, the capital. Here, and here alone, were the Macedo-Greeks settled in any considerable numbers. Here dwelt the Court ; and here was to be seen that remarkable contrast of three widely differing elements— the Greek, the Jewish, and the native Egyptian— which gave to the Ptolemaic kingdom its peculiar character. The Jews were granted by the first Ptolemy great privileges in the new capital ; and these they retained to the time of the Koman conquest. They formed a distinct community in Alexandria, which had its own organization, and was governed by its own officers. The Macedo- Greeks were, of course, the sole full citizens. They were divided into tribes (9V/M1), and into wards (c//^oi), and had no doubt a (Sovh), or municipal coun- cil. The native Egyptians would be without any such privileges. A judge, ])robably nominated by the monarch, was placed at their head, who was an- swerable for their tranquillity. On the government and topography of ancient Alexandria the student may consult — Mkisi^ke, Analecta A/exandrina. Berlin, 1843 ; 8vo. BoNAMY, Description cle la ville d'Alexandrie m the Memoires de VAca- demie des Inscriptions, vol. ix. Manso, Briefe iiber alt-AIexandrie, in his Vermischte Schri/ten, vol. i. ; and the article on Alexandria in Dr. W. Smith's Dictionary/ of Greek and Roman Geography. 2. In the history of nations much depends on the charac- ters of individuals ; and Egypt seems to have been very ?,nl°?^<.^^*°!" lai'gely indebted to the first Ptolemy for her ex- «.o. 323-283. traordmary prosperity. Assigned the African Palestine, pi'ovinces m the division of Alexander's domin- of Sy^S^'uBd'^ ions after his death (b.c. 323), he proceeded at Cyprus. ^ once to his government, and, resigning any great ambition, sought to render liis own territory unassailable, and to make such additions to it as could be attempted with- out much risk. It was among his special aims to make Egypt a great naval power; and in this he succeeded almost beyond his hopes, having after many vicissitudes established his au- thority over Palestine, Phoenicia, and Ccele-Syria ; and also possessed himself of the island of Cyprus. Cilicia, Caria, and Pamphylia were open to his attacks, and sometimes sub- ject to his sway. For a time he even held important po- sitions in Greece, e. g., Corinth and Sicyon ; but he never al- lowed the maintenance of these distant acquisitions to en- tangle him inextricably in foreign wars, or to endanger his home dominions. Attacked twice in his own province, once 264 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [hooic iv. by Perdiccas (b.c. 321), and once by Demetrius and Antig- onns (b.c. 306), he both times repulsed his assailants and maintained his own territory intact. Readily retiring if danger threatened, he was always prompt to advance when occasion offered. His combined prudence and vigor obtained the reward of ultimate success ; and his death left Egypt in possession of all the more important of his conquests. It was essential to the plans of Ptolemy Lagi (Soter) to possess himself of Palestine and Phoenicia ; for, in order that Egypt might be a great naval power, she required both the timber of those countries and the services of their sea-faring population. Ptolemy first occupied them b.c. 320, almost immediately after repulsing the attack of Perdiccas, when he took Laome- don, the Syrian satrap, prisoner, placed garrisons in the Phoenician towns, and annexed the whole region as far as the Taurus range. Six years later, B.C. 314:, in the war of the satraps with Antigonus, on the siege and fall of Tyre, all was again lost; and though the battle of Gaza, b.c. 312, enabled Ptolemy once more to advance and recover his ground to some extent, yet in the peace of b.c. 311 the whole of the disputed territory was ceded. It was partially recovered in B.C. 302, after the attack of Antigonus on Egypt had failed, and he was threatened by Lysimachus and Seleucus. By the peace Avhich followed the battle of Ipsus, b.c. 301, Ptolemy was left in pos- session of what he had regained, which included Palestine, Phoenicia, and perhaps a part of Coele-Syria ; but not Upper Syria, which fell to Seleucus. At what time Ptolemy first occupied Cyprus is uncertain ; but as early as r..c. 314 it was the scene of conflict between his forces and those of Antig- onus. Two years later, b.c. 312, it was completely subjugated by the Eg3'p- tian monarch, who placed it under the government of an officer, called Nico- crcon, allowing, however, a cei'tain subordinate authority to the native kings. One of these, Nicocles, king of Paphos, having intrigued with Antigonus, was, in B.C. 309, put to death. In b.c. 306 occurred the expedition of Demetrius against Cyprus, the siege of Salamis, and the great naval defeat of Ptolemy (see p. 245), which gave Cyprus over to Antigonus and Demetrius. Even after Ipsus the island remained faithful to the last-named prince ; and it was not till B.C. 294 or 293, when Demetrius was engaged in Macedonia, that Ptolemy once more led an expedition into the island and re-established his authority over it. From this time Cyprus remained an undisputed posses- sion of the Egyptian crown. It was regarded as the most valuable of all the foreign dependencies, on account of its position, its mineral Avealth, and its large stores of excellent timber. The Ptolemies governed it by means of a viceroy, who was always a nobleman of tlie first rank, and united in his per- son the military, civil, and sacerdotal authority, his title in inscriptions being crpa-ijybg kol vavapxog kol apxiEpevg 6 Kara rijv vijoov. 3. In one quarter alone did Ptolemy endeavor to extend his African dominion. The flourishing country of the Cy- renaica, which lay not far fi-om Egypt upon the west, had welcomed Alexander as a delivei"(>r from the power of Persia, I'ER. HI., TAUT II.] PTOLEMIES. 265 Reduction of and bcGii accepted by him into alliance. Ptole- andtheLiby^- niy, who covcted its natural wealth, and disliked tweeii^Uaifd *^^^ existence of an independent republic in his Egypt. neighborhood, found an occasion in the troubles which at this time fell upon Cyrene, to establish his authori- ty over the whole region. At the same time he must have brought under subjection the Libyan tribes of the district between Egypt and the Cyrenaiica, Avho in former times had been dependent upon the native Egyptian monarchy, and had submitted to the Persians when Egypt was conquered by Cambyses. Details of the Conquest. Invasion of the Cyrenaica by Thimbron with a body of mercenaries. He seizes the port of Cyrene and attacks the town, 15. c. 320, The Cyrenians accept a position of dependence ; but soon after- wards revolt, and, while Thimbron is engaged in repelling their attack upon his Barcajan allies, they recover their port. Both sides having received re- inforcements, a great battle takes place, in which Thimbron is victorious. Disturbances follow in Cyrene', and the nobles, being expelled by the people, fly to Egypt and persuade Ptolemy to reinstate them; which he does by his general, Ophelias, who then subdues the entire region. After remaining sub- jects of Egypt for seven years, the Cyrenians revolted, B.C. 313, but were re- duced by Ptolemy's general, Agis. After this, however, Ophelias seems to have made himself practically independent ; and Egypt might have lost her dependency altogether, if his ambition had not prompted him to accept the specious proposals of Agathocles, who needed his support against Carthage. When Ophelias fell a victim to the treachery of the Sicilian adventurer, b.c. 308, Ptolemy seized the opportunity, and, once more occupying the country, placed it under the government of his son, Magas. 4. The system of government established by Ptolemy Lagi, so far as it can be made out, was the following. The Governmeutai monarch was Supreme, and indeed absolute, hav- niliuof'nath-e ^"o the sole direction of aifairs and the sole ap- Egyptians. pointmcnt of all officers. The changes, however, made in the internal administratiou were few. The division of the whole country into nomes was maintained ; and most of the old nomes were kept, a certain number only being- subdivided. Each was ruled by its nomarch, who received his appointment from the crown, and might at any time be superseded. The nomarchs were frequently, perhaps even generally, native Egyptians. They administered in their provinces the old Egyptian laws, and maintained the old Egyptian religion. It was from first to last a part of the established policy of the Lagid monarchs to protect and 12 266 MACP:d0NIAN kingdoms. [liooK IV. honor the religion of. their subjects, which they regarded as closely akin to their own, and of which they ostentatiously made themselves the patrons. Ptolemy Lagi began the practice of rebuilding and ornamenting the temples of the Egyptian gods, and paid particular honor to the supposed incarnations of Apis. The old j)rivileges of the priests, and especially their exemption from land-tax, were continued ; and they were allowed everywhere the utmost freedom in the exercise of every rite of their religion. In return for these favors the priests were expected to acknoAvledge a quasi-divinity in tlie Lagid monarchs, and to perform certain ceremonies in their honor, both in their lifetime a^id after their decease. 5. At the same tini(} many exclusive privileges were re- served for the conquering race. The tranquillity of the „ . ., , country was maintained by a standinsj army the Gr^co- composcd almost exclusively of Greeks and Mac- Macedouiaus. ^ . t/v? iini ^ f> edonians, and omcered wholly by members ol the dominant class. This army was located in, comparative- ly, a few spots, so that its presence was not much felt by the great bulk of the population. As positions of authority in the military service were reserved for Grieco-Macedonians, so also in the civil service of the country all offices of any importance were filled up from the same class. This class, moreover, which was found chiefly in a small number of the cliief towns, enjoyed full municipal liberty in these places, electing its own officeis, and, for the most part, administer- ing its own afi:airs without interference on the part of the central government. Disposition of the Standing Army. Alexander stationed the troops Avitli which he garrisoned Egypt at two places only, Pelusium and Memphis ; the latter heing the native capital — the Moscow of the Egyptians — and the former the key of Egypt on the only side on which it is open to a land at- tack. In later times, Ptolemai's in the Thehaid, Elephantine, and Parembolc in Nubia were likewise made military stations ; and an important body of troops Avas also maintained at Alexandria, where they guarded the person of the monarch. 6. One of the chief peculiarities of the early Lagid king- dom — a peculiarity for which it was indebted to its founder Encouraj^e- — was its encouragement of literature and sci- inrauciici-™" <^"^^- Ptolcmy Lagi was himself an author; ence. ^\\d^ alone among the successors of Alexander, PER. III., PART II.] PTOLEMIES. 267 inherited the regard for men of learning and research which had distinguished his great patron. Following the example of Aristotle, he set himself to collect an extensive library, and lodged it in a building connected with the royal palace. Men of learning were invited by him to take up their resi- dence at Alexandria; and the "Museum" w^as founded, a College of Professors, which rapidly drew to it a vast body of students, and rendered Alexandria the university of the Eastern world. It was too late in the history of the Greek race to obtain, by the fostering influence of judicious patron- age, the creation of masterpieces ; but exact science, criti- cism, and even poetry of an unpretentious kind, were pro- duced ; and much excellent literary work was done, to the great benefit of the moderns. Euclid, and ApoUonius of Perga, in mathematics ; Philetas, Calliraachus, and ApoUoni- us of Rhodes, in poetry; Aristophanes of Byzantium, and Aristarchus, in criticism ; Eratosthenes in chronology and geography ; Hipparchus in astronomical science ; and Mane- tho in history — adorned the Lagid period, and sufficiently indicate that the Lagid patronage of learning was not un- fruitful. Apelles, too, and Antiphilus produced many of their best pictures at the Alexandrian court. Fcmr lines of study, corresponding to the modern "faculties," were chiefly pursued by academical students at Alexandria — viz., Poetry, Mathematics, Astronomy, and Medicine, criticism being included under poetry. The •'Museum," or university building, comprised chambers for the Professors; a common hall where they took their meals together ; a long corridor for exercise and ambulatoiy lectures ; a theatre for scholastic festivals and public disputations ; a botanical garden ; and a menagerie. It has been well said, that the serA^ces rendered by the " Museum" to learning are probably great- er than those of any ' ' Academy " in modern Europe. Further details on this interesting subject will be found in Geier, De Ptolemcei Lagidis vita, et commentariorum fragmentis commen- tatio. HaljB Sax., 1838; 4to. Hbyne, De Genio sceculi Ptolemceorum, in his Opuscula Academica. Got- tingen, 1785-8 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Matter, Es$ai historique sur Vecole d'Alexandrie. Paris, 1820 ; 2d edi- tion, 1840. Parthey, Das Ahxandrinische Museum, Berlin, 1838 ; 8vo. 7. The character of Ptolemy Lagi was superior to that of most of the princes who were his contemporaries. In an ciiaracter of age of treachery and violence, he appears to have Ptolemy Lagi. j-g^-j-iained faitliful to his engagements, and to have 268 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [liooK iv. been rarely guilty of any bloodshed that was not absolutely necessary for his own safety and that of his kingdom. His mode of life was simple and unostentatious. He was a brave soldier, and never scrupled to incur personal danger. The generosity of his temper was evinced by his frequently set- ting his prisoners free without ransom. In his domestic re- lations he was, however, unhappy. He married two wives, Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater, whom he divorced, and Berenice, her companion. By Eurydice he had a son, Ptole- my Ceraunus, who should naturally have been his successor; but Berenice prevailed on him in his old age to prefer her son, Philadelphus ; and Ptolemy Ceraunus, offended, became an exile from his country, and an intriguer against the in- terests of his brother and his other relatives. Enmity and bloodshed were thus introduced into the family ; and to that was shortly afterwards added the crime of incest, a fatal cause of decay and corruption. 8. Ptolemy Lagi adorned his capital with a number of great works. The principal of these were the royal palace, His great ^^^^ Muscum, the lofty Pharos, upon the island works. which formed the port, the mole or causeway, nearly a mile in length (Heptastadium), which connected this island with the shore, the Soma or mausoleum, coytain- ing the body of Alexander, the temple of Serapis (completed by his son, Philadelphus), and the Hippodrome or great race- course. He likewise rebuilt the inner chamber of the grand temple at Karnak, and probably repaired many other Egyp- . tian buildings. After a reign of forty years, hav- ing attained to the advanced age of eighty-four, he died in Alexandria, b.c. 283, leaving his crown to his son, Philadelphus, the eldest of his children by Berenice, whom he had already two years before associated with him in the kingdom. The nomination of Philadelphus by Ptolemy Lagi has been paralleled with that of Xerxes by Darius, and supposed to have rested on the same right (Niebuhr) ; but, practically, the 7-eign of the Egyptian monai-ch had com- menced before his marriage with Eurydice. The real resemblance is that in both cases the younger son owed his advancement to the influence of his mother over a father already in his dotage. 9. Ptolemy H., surnamed Philadelphus, was born at Cos, B.C. 309, and was consequently twenty-six years of age at the PER. III., lAUT II.] PTOLEMIES. 269 Reign of Ptoi- Commencement of his sole reign. lie inherited ShusM c^ ^^^* father's love for literature and genius for ad- 283-247. ministration, but not his military capacity. Still, lie did not abstain altogether even from aggressive wars, but had an eye to the events which were passmg in other coun- tries, and souglit to maintain by his arms the balance of power established in his father's lifetime. His chief wars were with the rebel king of Cyrene, his half-brother, Magas ; with Antiochus I. and Antiochus II., kini^s of Syria ; and with Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedon. They occupied the space of about twenty years, from B.C. 269 to 249. Philadelphus was fairly successful in them, excepting tliat he was forced, as the result of his struggle with Magas, to acknowledge the independence of that monarch. Details of these Wars, (a) Macedonian War: — As early as b.c. 2G9 Philadelphus seems to have sent aid to the Spartan king, Areus, Avho was threatened by Antigonus. Shortly afterwards he dispatched a fleet un- der Patroclus to assist and protect the Athenians, b.c. 247 (?). In b.c. 251 he gave pecuniary help to Aratus when that patriot first formed the project of raising up a counterpoise to Macedon in the famous "Achrean League." Some years later he became an actual ally of the League. (6) Cvren^an and Syrian Wars : — These two wars were closely connected. It is imcer- tain in what year Magas asserted his independence, but in b.c. 266, not con- tent with the kingdom of Cyrene', he marched against Egypt, attacked and took Paroetonium, and Avas proceeding farther eastward when a revolt of the Marmarida?, a native African tribe, recalled him. Two years later, b.c, 264, having made a treaty Avith Antiochus I. (whose daughter, Apame, Avas his Avife), he undertook a second expedition, and once more occujjied Parreto- nium. Philadelphus, however, found means to frustrate the efforts of both his antagonists. Antiochus was kept employed at home, and Magas Avith- out his ally was unable to make any progress. After a Avhile a partial peace Avas made. Magas aa^is recognized as independent monarch of the Cyre- naica, and his daughter, Berenice, Avas betrothed to the eldest son of Phila- delphus, Ptolemy (Euergetes), b.c. 2a9. Hostilities continued Avith Syria, where Antiochus II. had succeeded his father; but in b.c. 249 this AA'ar also Avas terminated by a marriage, Antiochus receiving the hand of Berenice, Pliiladelphus's daughter. It Avas probably during the Syrian War that Phil- adelphus possessed himself of the coast, at any rate, of Caria, Lycia, Pam- phylia, and Cilicia, and also of many of the Cyclades. • 10. The home administration of Ptolemy Philadelphus was in all respects eminently successful. To him belongs the credit of developing to their fullest extent the commer- cial advantages which the position of Egypt throws open 270 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [liooic iv. ,,. , , to lier, and of brinojincr by these means lier ma- Ihs home acl- ' . *.•',.. imuisiration. teiial prosperity to Its culmmatmg ponit. By liieiitofcom- reopening the canal unitmg the Red Sea with the ineice. -j^j|^ — ^ construction of the greatest of the Rames- side kings (see p. 85) — and building the port of Arsinoe on the site of the modern Suez, he united the East and West, allowinfr the merchandise of either recjion to reach the other by water carriage. As this, however, owing to the dangers of the Red Sea navigation, was not enough, he constructed two other harbors, and founded two other cities, each called Berenice, on the eastern African coast, one nearly in lat. 24°, the other still farther to the south, probably about lat. 13°. A high-road was opened from the northern Berenice to Coptos on the Nile (near Thebes), and the merchandise of India, Arabia, and Ethiopia flowed to Europe for several centuries chiefly by this route. The Ethiopian trade was particularly valuable. Not only Avas ivory imported large- ly from this region, but the elephant was hunted on a large scale, and the hunters' captures were brought alive into Egypt, where they were used in the military service. Ptol- emais, in lat. 18° 40', was the emporium for this traflic. Other steps taken by Philadelplius with a view to the extension or security of commerce were, (1) his suppression of the banditti which infested Upper Egypt at the veiy outset of his reign ; (2) his exploration of the western or Arabian coast of the Red Sea, by means of a naval expedition under Sfity- rus ; and (3) his dispatch of an ambassador named Dionysius to India, on a mission to the native princes. On the trade of Alexandria see the treatise of De Schmidt, Ojmscula qui- hus res antiquce precipue ^gyptiacce explanantur. Carolsruh., 1765; 8vo. 11. The material prosperity of Egypt which these meas- ures insured Avas naturally accompanied by a flourishing condition of the revenue. Philadelphus is said Revenue. . ■^ • ■^ n -r^ ^ ' t to have derived irom Egypt alone, without count- ing the tribute in grain, an annual income of 14,800 talents (more than three and a half millions sterling), or as much as Darius Hystaspis obtained from the whole of his vast em- pire. The revenue was raised chiefly from customs, but was supplemented from other sources. The remoter provinces, Palestine, PhcEnicia, Cyprus, etc., seem to have paid a trib- ute ; but of the mode of its assessment we know nothing. 12. The military force which Philadelphus maintained is I'EK. III., I'AKT II.] PTOLEMIES. 27; said to have amoiuited to 200,000 foot and 40,000 horse, Land and sea hesides elephants and war-chariots. He had also forces. ^ -Qgg^ q£ J5QQ yessels, many of which were of ex- traordinary size. The number of rowers required to man these vessels must have exceeded, rather than fallen short of, 600,000 men. 13. The fame of Pliiladelphus depends, however, far less upon his military exploits, or his talents for organization Patronage of ^^^ administration, than uj^on his efforts in the learniug. cause of learning. In this respect, if in no other, he surpassed his father, and deserves to be regarded as the special cause of the literary glories of his country. The li- brary which the first Ptolemy had founded was by the sec- ond so largely increased that he has often been regarded as its author. The minor library of the Serapeium was entire- ly of his collection. Learned men were invited to his court from every quarter; and literary Avorks of the highest value were undertaken at his desire or under his patronage. Among these the most important were the translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into the Greek language (which was commenced in his reign and continued under several of his successors), and the "History of Egypt," derived from the native records, which was composed in Greek during his reign by the Egyptian priest Manetho. Philadelphus also patronized painting and sculpture, and adorned his capital with architectural works of great magnificence. Among the galaxy of literary and scientific names which adoniecl the court of Philadelphus the most remarkable are the poets Theocritus and Cal- LiMACHUs, Zenodotus the grammarian, Euclid, the philosophers Hegesi- AS and Theodorus, and the astronomers Timocharis, Aristarchus of Sa- mos, and Aratus. Of these, first Zenodotus, and then Callimachus held the office of Librarian. On the subject of the Alexandrian Library, or Libraries, the student may consult with advantage Beck, Specimen historice, hihliothccaruin Alexandrinarum. Lipsife, 1810; 4to. Dedel, G., Historia critica hibliotliecce Alexandrince. Lugd. Bat. 1823; 4to. RiTSCiiEL, Die Alexandrinischen Bihliotheken unter der ersten Ptolemdern. Breslau, 1838 ; 8vo. 14. In his personal character, Philadelphus presents an unfavorable contrast to his father. Immediately upon at- 272 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. taining the tlirone he banished Demetrius Pha- Phiiadeiphus. lerciis, foi" the sole offense that he had- advised His death. Ptolemy Lagi against altering the succession. Shortly afterwards he put to death two of his brothers. He divorced his first wife Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, and banished her to Coptos in Upper Egypt, in order that he might contract an incestuous marriage with his full sis- ter, Arsinoe, who had been already married to his half-broth- er Ceraunus. To this princess, who bore him no children, he continued tenderly attached, taking in reference to her the epithet " Philadelphus," and honoring her by giving her name to several of the cities which he built, and erecting to her memory a magnificent monument at Alexandria, which was known as the Arsinoeum. Nor did he long survive her decease. He died in b.c. 247, of disease, at Alexandria, hav- ing lived sixty-two years, and reigned thirty-eight, or thirty- six from the death of his father. The gold coins of Philadelphus and his wife Arsinoe are numerous, and exceedingly beautiful. 15. Ptolemy HI., surnamed Euergetes (" the Benefjxctor "), the eldest son of Philadelphus by his first wife, succeeded Eeign ofPtoi- him. This prince was the most enterprising of all e^SS iS" the Lagid moiiarchs ; and under him Egypt, which wars mid coil- ^^^ hitherto maintained a defensive attitude, be- quests, came an aggressive power, and accomiDlished im- portant conquests. The greater part of these were, it is true, retained for only a few years; but others were more perma- nent, and be(!ame real additions to the empire. The empire obtained now its greatest extension, comprising, besides Egypt and Nubia, the Cyrenaica, which was recovered by the marriage of Berenice, daughter and heiress of Magas, to Euergetes; parts of Ethiopia, especially the tract about Adule ; a portion of the opposite or western coast of Arabia ; Palestine, Phoenicia, and Ccele-Syria ; Cyprus, Cilicia, Pam- phylia, Lycia, Caria, and Ionia ; the Cyclades ; and a por- tion of Thrace, including the city of Lysimacheia in the Chersonese. Wars or Euergetes. (a) With Syria. First War. The wrongs of his sister, Berenice, who was first divorced by Antiochus, and then murdered by Laodice, with the consent of Seleucus Calliiiicus (see p. 252), provoked Euer- getes to invade Syria, b.c. 245. Having taken Antioch, he crossed the Er • PEK. III., TAUT II.] PTOLEMIES. 273 phrates and reduced Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Susiana, Media, and Persia. The Eastern provinces to the borders of Bactria submitted to him. At the same time, his fleet ravaged the coasts of Asia Minor and Thrace, reducing all the maritime tracts to subjection. Eecalled to Egypt by a threatening of troubles, about B.C. 243, he rapidly lost his Eastern conquests, which Avere re- covered*by Seleucus ; but those in Asia Minor and in Europe, which de- pended on his command of the sea, continued subject to him. The first war was terminated, B.C. 241, by a truce for ten years, after it had raged for four years over almost the whole of Western Asia. — Second War. A quarrel having broken out between Seleucus and his brother, Antiochus Hierax, Eu- ergetes sided with the latter^ After numerous alternations, success rested Avith Seleucus ; and Antiochus fled to Egypt, where Ptolemy kept him a pris- oner. At the same time he made peace with Seleucus, b.c. 229. (b) War with Macedonia. Euergetes followed his father's policy in this quarter, sitp- porting Aratus and the Achaean league until they came to terms Avith Antig- onus, and then supporting Cleomenes of Sparta against the confederates. In the course of the struggle, his admirals engaged the fleet of Antigonus off Andros, and completely defeated it. (c) War with Ethiopia. ToAvards the close of his reign, Euergetes turned his arms against his southern neighbors, and made himself master of the coast about Adule, Avhere he set up his fa- mous inscription. (Seep. 2i31.) 16. Friendly relations had been established with Rome by- Ptolemy Philadelphus, as early as b.c. 273. Euergetes con- HeiationsAvith tinned this policy, but declined the assistance Eome. whicili the great republic was anxious to lend him in his Syrian wars. It would seem that the ambitious projects of Rome and her aspirations after universal domin- ion were already, at the least, suspected. 17. Like his father and grandfather, Euergetes was a patron of art and letters. He added largely to the great library at Patroua?eof Alexandria, collecting the best manuscripts from learning. ^|^ quarters, sometimes by very questionable means. The poet, Apollonius Rhodius, the geographer and chronol- ogist, Eratosthenes, and the grammarian, Aristophanes of Byzantium, adorned his court. Alexandria does not seem to have owed to him many of her buildings ; but he gratified his Egyptian subjects by important architectural Avorks, as well as by the restoration of various images of their gods, which he had recovered in his Eastern expedition. Large additions Avere made by Euergetes to the great temple at Thebes. He also erected an entirely neAv one at Esne ; and dedicated one to Osiris at Canopus in the name of himself and his Avife, Berenice'. 18. After a reign of twenty-five years, during which he had enjoyed almost uninterrupted success, and had raised 12* 274 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. , ,^ , Eoy])t to perhaps the hiohest pitch of prosperity DeathofPtol- ^^-^ ^ . ^ L • -, t^ f t t t emyEuerge- that she ever attamed, Jiiiero-etes died, according *^^' to the best authority, by a natural death ; though there were not wanting persons to ascribe his decease to the machinations of his son. He left behind him three children — Ptolemy, who succeeded him, Magas, and Arsinoe, who be- came the wife of her elder brother. 19. The glorious period of the Macedo-Egyptian history terminates with Euergetes. Three ^ings of remarkable tal- Termination Gut, and of moderately good moral character, had pL-Kf La^* held the throne for a little more than a century gid history. (101 years), and had rendered Egypt the most flourishing of the kingdoms which had arisen out of the disruption of Alexander's empire. They were followed by a succession of wicked and incapable monarchs, among whom it is difficult to find one who has any claim to our respect or esteem. Historians reckon nine Ptolemies after Euergetes. Except Philometor, who was mild and humane, Lathyrus, who was amiable but weak, and Ptolemy XH. (sometimes called Dionysus), who was merely young and incompetent, they were all, almost equally, detestable. 20. Ptolemy lY., who assumed the title of Philopator to disarm the suspicions which ascribed to him the death of his Reign of Ptoi- father, was the eldest son of Euergetes, and as- SS,^bS." cended the throne b.c. 222. His first acts, after 222-205. seating himself upon the throne, were the murder of his mother, Berenice, who had wished her younger son to obtain the succession ; of his brother, Magas ; and of his fa- ther's brother, Lysimachus. He followed up these outrages His weikness ^^ quarrelling with the SjDartan refugee Cleom- anci debaucii- eucs, and drivius^ him into a revolt, which cost ery 50 7 [ him and his family their lives. He then con- tracted an incestuous marriage with his sister, Arsinoe, and abandoning the direction of affairs to his minister, Sosibius, the adviser of these measures, gave himself up to a life of intemperance and profligacy. Agathoclea, a professional singer, and her brother, Agathocles, the children of a famous courtesan, became his fiworites, and ruled the court, while Sosibius managed the kingdom. To gratify these minions of his pleasures, Philopator, about b.c. 208, put to death his wife, Arsinoe, after she had borne him an heir to the empire. PER. III., TART II.] PTOLEMIES. 275 21. The weakness of Philopator, and the mismanagement of the State by Sosibins, who was at once incapable and War of Phi- wicked, laid the empire open to attack; and it Affi?chus the was not long before the young king of Syria, An- Gieat. tiochus III., took advantage of the condition of affairs to advance his own pretensions to the possession of the long-disputed tract between Syria Proper and Egypt. It might have been expected that, under the circumstances, he would have been successful. But the Egyptian forces, relaxed though their discipline had been by Sosibius, Avere still superior to the Syrians ; and the battle of Raphia (b.c. 217) was a repetition of the lessons taught at Pelusium and Gaza. The invader was once more defeated upon the bor- ders, and by the peace which followed, the losses of the two preceding years were, with one exception, recovered. Details of the War. Antiochus commenced, b.c. 219, by besieging Seleuceia, the port of Antioch, which had remained in the hands of the Egyptians since the great invasion of Euergetes. Being joined by Theodo- tus, the Egyptian governor of Coele'-Syria, he invaded that comitry, took Tyre and Ptolemais (Acre), and advanced to the frontiers of Egypt. The next year, b.c. 218, an Egyptian army under Nicolaiis was sent to oppose him ; but this force was completely defeated near Porphyreon. In the third year of the war, b.c. 217, Philopator marched out from Alexandria in per- son, with 70,000 foot, 5000 horse, and 73 elephants. Antiochus advanced to give him battle, and the two armies met at Raphia, on the eastern edge of the desert. After a vain attempt on the part of Theodotus to assassinate Philopator in his camp, an engagement took place, and Antiochus was com- pletely defeated. He then made peace, relinquishing all his conquests but Seleuceia. 22. The Syrian war was only just brought to a close when disaffection showed itself among Philopator's Egyp- Revoitofthe *^^^^ subjects. The causes of their discontent are native Egyp- obscure ; and we are without any details as to the course of the struggle. But there is evidence that it lasted through a considerable number of years, and was only brought to a close after much effusion of blood on both sides. 23. Notwithstanding his inhumanity and addiction to the worst forms of vice, Philopator so far observed the traditions Philopator's ^^ ^^^^ house as to continue their patronage of let- patronage of ters. He lived on familiar terms with the men of learning who frequented his court, and espe- 276 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. cially distinguished with his favor the grammarian Aristar- chus. To show his admiration for Homer, he dedicated a temple to him. He further even engaged, himself, in literary 13ursuits, composing tragedies and poems of various kinds. 24. Worn out prematurely by his excesses, Philopator died at about the age of forty, after he had held the throne His death. for Seventeen years. He left behind him one emy v°(Epi° ' Only child, a SOU, named Ptolemy, the issue of his 205-181?' 'lie- marriage with Arsinoe. This child, who at the geucyofAga- time of his father's death was no more than five thocles— of . T , 1 ITT Tiepoiemiis. years old, was immediately acknowledged as king. He reigned from n.c. 205 to 181, and is distinguished in history by the surname of Epiphanes. The affairs of Egypt during his minority were, at first, administered by the infamous Agathocles, who, however, soon fell a victim to the popular fury, together with his sister, his mother, and his whole family. The honest but incompetent Tlepolemus succeeded as regent ; but in the critical circumstances Avherein Egypt was now placed by the league of Antiochus with Philip of Macedon (see Book IV., § 13), it was felt that incompetency would be fatal ; and the important step was taken of calling in the assistance of the Romans^ who sent M. Lepidus, b.c. 201, to undertake the management of affairs. Keo-ency of Lcpidus savcd Egypt from conquest ; but was Lepidus. unable, or unwilling, to obtain for her the restora- tion of the territory whereof the two spoilers had deprived her by their combined attack. Antiochus succeeded in first deferring and then evading the restoration of his share of the spoil, while Philip did not even make a pretense of giv- ing back a single foot of territory. Thus Egypt lost in this reign the whole of her foreign possessions except Cyprus and the Cyrenaica — losses which were never recovered. For the details of the Avar between Epiphanes and his assailants, see Book IV., Per. III., Part I., § 13, and Per. III., Part III., § 25. 25. Lepidus, on quitting Egypt, e.g. 199, handed over the administration to Aristoraenes, the Acarnanian, a man of Regency of vigor and probity, who restored the finances, and Arfsiomenes. p^^^ f^.^gi^ Ijf^, ^^^^ ^^^q administration. But the external were followed by internal troubles. A revolt of the Egyptians, and a conspiracy on the part of the general, Scopas, showed the danger of a long minority, and induced PER. III., PART II.] PTOLEMIES. 277 the new regent to curtail his own term of office. At tlie age of fourteen, Epiphanes was declared of full age, and as- sumed the reins of government, b.c. 196. To this occasion belongs the famous "Rosetta stone," which contains n decree of the priests at the time of the coronation of Epiphanes, establishing the manner in which he was to be worshipped tlienceforth in all the temples. Incidentally, there is an enumeration of all the benefits supposed to have been conferred by the monarch during his minority, which throws some light on the internal administration of Egypt, and also on tlie events of the earlier portion of Epiphanes's reign. 26. But little is known of Ej^ij^hanes from the time of his assuming the government. His marriage with Cleopa- , . tra, the daughter of Antiochus the Great, which Actual reign ,' * ,. ,^^ ^-i^^i of Epiphaues, had been arranged m b.c. 199 as a portion oi tne B.C. 196-181. ^^^^^^^^ ^^, ^^^^^^^ ^^g ^^^^ celebrated till b.c. 193, when he had attained the age of seventeen. Shortly after this the monarch appears to have quarrelled with his minis- ter and late guardian, Aristomenes, whom he barbarously- removed by poison. A certain Polycrates then became his chief adviser, and assisted him to quell a second very seri- ous revolt on the part of the native Egyptians. Towards the close of his reign he formed designs for the recovery of Coele-Syria and Palestine, which he proposed to wrest from Seleucus, who had succeeded his father, Antiochus. But be- fore he could carry his designs into eifect, he Avas murdered by his officers, whom he had alarmed by an unguarded ex- pression, B.C. 181. 27. By his marriage with Cleopatra, Epiphanes had be- come the father of three children, two sons, both of whom Eei-n of Ptoi- received the name of Ptolemy, and a daughter, StIr),^B.a^' called after her mother. The eldest of these 181-14G.' • children, who took the surname of Philometor, succeeded him,* and reigned as Ptolemy VI. His age at his accession was only seven, and during his early years he remained under the regency of his mother, whose adminis- tration was vigorous and successful. At her death, in b.c 173, the young prince fell under far inferior guardianship— that of Eulseus the eunuch and Lenjeus, ministers at once * Lepsius interposes at this point a Ptolemy Eupator, Avhom he calls Ptol- emy VI. His relationship to the kings who precede and follow him is not apparent. 278 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [p.ook iv, corrupt and incapable. These weak men, mistaking audac- ity for vigor, rashly claimed from Antiochus Epiphanes the surrender of Coele-Syria and Palestine, the nominal dowry of tlie late queen-mother, and, when their demand was con- temptuously rejected, flew to arms. Their invasion of Syria His Syrian qnickly brought upon them the vengeance of An- w^^- tiochus, who defeated their forces at Pelusium, b.c. 1 70, and would certainly have conquered all Egypt, had it not been for the interposition of the Romans, who made him retire, and even deprived him of all his conquests. DioTAiLS OF THE War WITH Antiociius. After his Yictory at Pelusium, Antiochus advanced to Memphis, and having obtained possession of the young king's person, endeavored to use him as his tool for effecting the entire re- duction of the country. But the Alexandrians set up Philometor's brother, Ptolemy Ph3'scon, as king, and successfully defended their city, till Antiochus raised the siege. Threatened by the Romans, he evacuated Egypt, except Pelusium, leaf^ing Philometor as king at Mempliis. But Philometor now refused to be a tool any more. Having come to terms with Physcon, b.c. 169, agreeing to reign jointly with him, and having married his sister, Cleo- patra, lie re-entered Alexandria and prepared for war. Antiochus, upon this, invaded Egypt a second time, while he also dispatched an expedition against Cyprus, B.C. 1G8, and was completely successful in both places. Cyprus was conquered, and Alexandria would undoubtedly have fallen, had not the Ro- mans interposed. Popillius ordered the conqueror to retire from Egypt, and to restore Cyprus to the Egyptians ; and Antiochus, though with extreme re- luctance, obeyed both commands, B.C. 1G8. 28. By the timely aid thus given, Rome was brought into a new position with respect to Egypt. Hitherto she had merely been a friendly ally, receiving^ more fa- JN^GW rGifltlOllS •/•/•' CI? betweeuRome vors than slic Conferred. Henceforth she was 'gyp- viewed as exercising a sort of protectorate ; and her right was recognized to interfere in the internal troubles of the kingdom, and to act as arbiter between rival princes. The claims of such persons were discussed before the* Roman Senate, and the princes themselves went to Rome in person to plead their cause. The decision of the Senate was not, indeed, always implicitly obeyed ; but still Rome exercised a most important influence from this time, not only over the external policy but over the dynastic squabbles of the Egyptians. 29. The joint reign of the two kings, Philometor and Physcon, which commenced in b.c. 169, continued till b.c. 165, when the brothers quarrelled and Philometor was driven PER. III., TART II.] PTOLEMIES. ^ 279 WarofPhiio- ^^^^^ Gxile. Having gone to Rome and implored metor with his assistance fi'oni the Senate, he was re-instated cou, B.C. 1G4- in his kingdom by Roman deputies, who arranged ^^'^' a partition of the territory between the broth- ers, which might have closed the dispute, could Physcon have remained contented with his allotted portion. But his ambition and intrigues caused fresh troubles, which were, however, quelled after a time by the final establishment of Physcon as king of Cyrene only. At the division of territory made inU.c. 164, Physcon received Cyrene and Libya. Discontented with this allotment, he went to Rome in the next year, and obtained the further grant of Cyprus, which Philometor was expected to give up. lie, however, refused ; and Physcon was preparing to go to war when Cyrene revolted and engaged his attention for some considerable time. In B.C. 154: he went for the second time to Rome, and received a squadron of five ships, to help him to obtain Cyprus. With these he proceeded to the island and endeavored to conquer it, but was defeated and mt^e prisoner by his brother, who, however, not only spared his life, but re-estabhshed him as king of Cyrene. 30. During the continuance of the war between the two brothers, Demetrius L, who had become king of Syria, b.c. Wars of Phil- 162, had made an attempt to obtain possession of D™metduf I. Cyprus by bribing the governor, and had thereby de?Btlt?To pi*<^voked the hostility of Philometor. No soon- 151-146. ' er, therefore, was Philometor free from domestic troubles than, resolving to revenge himself, he induced Al- exander Balas to come forward as a pretender to the Syrian crown, and lent him the full weight of his support, even giv- ing him his daughter, Cleopatra, in marriage, b.c. 150. But the ingratitude of Balas, after he had obtained the throne by Ptolemy's aid, alienated his patron. The Egyptian king, having with some difficulty escaped a treacherous attempt upon his life, passed over to the side of the younger Deme- trius, gave Cleopatra in marriage to him, and succeeded in seating him upon the throne. In the last battle, however, which was fought near Antioch, he was thrown from his horse, and lost his life, b.c. 146. 31. Ptolemy Philometor left behind him three children, the issue of his marriage with his full sister, Cleopatra, viz., a son, Brief reign of Ptolemy, wlio was proclaimed king, under the ^Jiemy VII. name of Eupator (or Philopator, according to Lep- sius), and two daughters, both called Cleopatra, 280 . MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. the elder mamed first to Alexander Balas and then to De- metrius II., the younger still a virgin. Eupator, after reign- ing a few days, was deposed and then murdered by his uncle, Physcon, the king of Cyrene, who claimed and obtained the throne. 32. Ptolemy Physcon, called also Euergetes II., acquired the throne in consequence of an arrangement mediated by Rei^nofPtoi- ^^^ Romans, who stipulated that he should marry emy VIII his sistcr Cleopatra, the widow of his brother, ]{.o. 146-117. Philometor. Having become king in this way, IS crue ties, j^-^ g^.^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^j^^ murder of his nephew. (See the last section.) He then ]3roceeded to treat with the ut- most severity all those who had taken part against him in the recent contest, killing some and banishing others. By these measures he created such alarm, that Alexandria be- came half emptied of its inhabitants, and he was forced to invite new colonists to repeople it. Meanwhile he gave him- self up to gluttony and other vices, and became bloated to an extraordinary degree, and so corpulent that he could scarcely walk. He further repudiated Cleopatra, his sister, though she had borne him a son, Memphitis, and took to wife her daughter, called also Cleopatra, the child of his brother, Philometor. After a while his cruelties and excesses dis- His flight to gusted the Alexandrians, who broke out into fre- Cyprus. quent revolts. Several of these were put down ; but at last Physcon was compelled to fly to Cyprus, and his sister Cleopatra was made queen, b.c. 130. War followed for three years between the brother and sister. The murder of Memphitis, his own son, in order to grieA'e the mother, and the barbarous act of sending her the head and hands of his victim, so exasperated the Alex- andrians that at first they supported the cause of Cleopatra with spirit. But her imprudent application for aid to Demetrius II. alarmed their patriotism, and induced them to recall Physcon, B.C. 127. Cleopatra took refuge in Syria. 33. On the re-establishment of Physcon in his kingdom, he resolved to revenge himself on Demetrius for the support Re-establish- which he had given to Cleopatra. He therefore ^n^fn'^bir^^^' ll^i'ought forward the pretender Alexander Zabi- kingdom. ^as, and lent him such support that he shortly became king of Syria, b.c. 126. But Zabinas, like his reputed father, Balas, proved ungrateful ; and the offended Physcon PER. III., PART II.] PTOLEMIES. 281 proceeded to pull down the throne which he had erected, joining Antiochus Grypus against Zabinas, and giving him his daughter, Tryphsena, in marriage. The result was the ruin of Zabinas, and the peaceful establishment of Grypus, with whom Physcon lived on friendly terms during the re- mainder of his life. The expulsion of Phj^con from his kingdom seems to have taught him a lesson. No cruelties are recorded of him in the later portion of his reign- It Avas probably at this time that he showed himself a patron of letters, and composed the works which gave him some repute as an author. 34. Physcon died in B.C. 117, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Ptolemy IX., commonly distinguished by the epi- ReignofPtoi- thct of Lathyrus. Egypt now lost the Cyrena'i- thfiS^i^G^' c^> which was bequeathed by Physcon to his 117-81.' natural son, Apion, who at his death made it over to the Romans. The ties which bound Cyprus to Egypt also became relaxed, for Lathyrus, and his brother, Alexander, alternately held it, almost as a separate kingdom. The reign of Lathyrus, which commenced b.c. 11 7,* did not* terminate till b.c. 81, thus covering a space of thirty-six years ; but during one-half of this time he w^as a fugitive from Egypt, ruling only over Cyprus, while his brother took his place at Alexandria. We must divide his reign into three periods — the first lasting from b.c. 117 to Three periods, -^q^^ a space of ten years, during which he was nominal king of Egypt under the tutelage of his mother ; the second, from b.c. 107 to 89, eighteen years, which he spent in Cyprus ; and the third, from b.c. 89 to 81, eight years, during which he ruled Egypt as actual and sole monarch. Details of this Reign.— Eirst Period. Lathyrus, recalled from Cy- prus, is forced to divorce his sister, Cleopatra, and to marry his other sister, Selene, who is more devoted to the interests of the queen-mother. He niles quietly, his mother having the real power, and his brother Alexander reign- ing in Cypras, till b.c. 107, when, having ofiended his mother by pursuing a policy adverse to hers in Syria, he is driven out, and has to change places with Alexander. — Second Period. Lathyrus not only maintains himself as king of Cyprus against the attempts of his mother to dispossess him, but takes a part in the Syrian troubles, opposing the power of the Jews, and sup- porting Antiochus Cyzicenus and his son Demetrius. Meanwhile Cleopatra .^ and Ptolemy Alexander rule Egypt conjointly, until at last patSandpfol" they also quarrel; Alexander, fearing his mother's designs, emy X. (Alex- puts her to death ; and, the Alexandrians rising against him, anaer .)• ^^ j^ expelled, and Lathyrus summoned from Cyprus to resume 282 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. the sovereignty. — Third Period. Lathyrus defeats an attempt of Alexan- der to re-establish himself at Cyprus. Death of Alexander. Revolt and three years' siege of Thebes in Upper Egypt, terminates in its capture and ruin, B.C. 86. Lathyras then reigns quietly till B.C. 81. 35. Lathyrus left behind him one legitimate child only, Berenice, his daughter by Selene, who succeeded him upon the throne, and remained for six months sole Reigns of Ber- -, \i i • t i f eniceandPtoi- monarch, fehc was then married to her nrst exanderii.)', cousin, Ptolcmy Alexander II., the son of Ptol- ^•^•^^- emy Alexander I., who claimed the crown of Egypt under the patronage of the great Sulla. It was agreed that they should reign conjointly ; but within three weeks of his marriage, Alexander put his wife to death. This act so enraged the Alexandrians that they rose in re- volt against the murderer and slew him in the public gym- nasium, B.C. 80. 36. A time of trouble followed. The succession was dis- puted between two illegitimate sons of Lathyrus, two legiti- Timeofcont mate SOUS of Selene, the sister of Lathyrus, by fusiou. Antiochus Eusebes, king of Syria, her third hus- band, and probably other claimants. Roman influence was wanted to decide the contest, and Rome for some reason or other hung back. A further disintegration of the empire was the consequence. The younger of the two sons of Ptol- emy Lathyrus seized Cyprus, and made it a separate king- dom. The elder seems to have possessed himself of a part of Egypt. Other parts of Egypt appear to have fallen into the power of a certain Alexander, called by some writers Ptolemy Alexander III., who was driven out after some years, and, flying to Tyre, died there and bequeathed Egypt to the Romans. 37. Ultimately the whole of Egypt passed under the sway of the elder of the two illegitimate sons of Lathyrus, Reign of ptoi- who took the titles of JVeos Dioiiysos (" the New feTeCj "c.^si- Bacchus "), Philopator, and Philadelphus, but was ^^- most commonly known as Auletes, the " Flute- player." The years of his reign were counted from b.c. 80, though he can scarcely have become king of all Egypt till fifteen years later, b.c. 65. It was his great object during the earlier portion of his reign to get himself acknowledged by the Romans; but this he was not able to eflect till b.c. PER. III., PART II.] PTOLEMIES. 283 59, the year of Csesar's consulship, when his bribes were ef- fectual. But his orgies and his " fluting " had by this time disgusted the Alexandrians ; so that, when he increased the wefght of taxation in order to replenish his treasury, ex- hausted by the vast sums he had spent in bribery, they rose against liim, and, after a short struggle, drove him froni his khio-dom. Auletes fled to Rome ; and the Alexandrians placed upon the throne his two daughters, Tryphsena and Berenice, of whom the former lived only a year, while the latter retained the crown till the restoration of her father, B.C. 55. He returned under the protection of Pompey, who sent Gabinius at the head of a strong Roman force to rein- state him. The Alexandrians were compelled to submit; and Auletes immediately executed Berenice, who had en- deavored to retain the crown and had resisted his return in arms. Auletes then reigned about three years and a half in tolerable peace, under the protection of a Roman garri- son. He died b.c. 51, having done as much as in him lay to degrade and ruin his country. The chronological difficulties of the period between the deaths of Lathyrus and Auletes have been treated with great skill by Clinton in his Fasti Hel- lenici, vol. iii., Appendix, chap. 5, § 8, 9. A somewhat different view is taken by BoECKH {Corp. Ins. Grcec, vol. iii. p. 288). 38. Ptolemy Auletes left behind him four children— Cleo- patra, aged seventeen ; a boy, Ptolemy, aged thirteen ; an- other boy, called also Ptolemy ; and a girl, called p,S,Si- Arsinoe. The last two were of very tender age. ^^' He left the crown, under approval of the Romans, to Cleopatra and the elder Ptolemy, who were to rule con- jointly, and to be married when Ptolemy was of full age. These directions were carried out ; but the imperious spirit of Cleopatra ill brooked any control, and it was not long ere she quarrelled with her boy-husband, and endeavored to de- prive him of the kingdom. War followed ; and Cleopatra, driven to take refuge in Syria, was fortunate enough to se- cure the protection of Julius Caesar, whom she fascinated by her charms, b.c. 48. With his aid she obtained the victory over her brother, who perished in the struggle. Cleopatra was now established sole queen, b.c. 47, but on condition that she married in due time her other brother, the younger son of Auletes. Observing the letter of this agreement, Cleopa- 284 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. tra violated its spirit by having her second husband, shortly after the wedding, removed by poison, b.c. 44. The remain- der of Cleoj^atra's reign was, almost to its close, prosper- ous. Protected by Julius Caesar during his lifetime, she suc- ceeded soon after his decease in fascinating Antony, b.c. 41, and making him her slave for the rest of his lifetime. The details of this period belong to Roman rather than to Egyp- tian history ; and will be treated in the last book of this Manual. It will be sufficient to note here that the latest descendant of the Ptolemies retained the royal title to the end, and showed something of Ihe spirit of a queen in pre- ferring death to captivity, and perishing upon the capture of her capital, b.c. 30. PART III. History of Macedonia, and of Greece, from the Death of Alexander to the Roman Conquest, b.c. 323 to 146. Sources. The sources for this history are nearly the same as those which have been cited for the contemporary history of Syria and Eg}'pt. (See pp. 247, 261.) The chief ancient authorities are Diodorus Siculus (books xix.-xxxii., the first two of which only are complete), Polybius, Justin, Plutarch ( Vitm Demetrii, Pyrrhi, JEmilii Paidli, Agidis, Cleomenis, Ara- ti, Philopoemonis et Flaminini), and Livy (books xxvi.-xh^, and Epitomes of books xlvi.-lii.). To these may be added, for the Macedonian chronology, Eusebius (Chronicorum Canonum liber prior, c. xxxA^ii.), and for occasional facts in the history, Pausanias. Of modern works treating of, or touching, the period, the most important are Droysen, Nachfolger, etc. (supra, p. 247), Plathe, Geschichte Make- doniens (supra, p. 233), and Freeman, History of Federal Governments (supra, p. 145, chaps, v.-ix.). The third volume of Niebuhr's Lectures, and the last volume of Bp. Thirlwall's History of Greece, are also very worthy of the student's attention, Schorn's Geschichte Griechenlands (see p. 298), indicates also a careful study of the period. 1. Grecian history had been suspended during the time of Alexander's career of conquest. A slight disturbance state of of the general tranquillity had indeed occurred, Aielande"s"^ when Alexander plunged into the unknown coun- couquests. ^j-igg beyond the Zagros range, by the movement against Antipater, which the Spartan king, Agis, originated in B.C. 330. But the disturbance was soon quelled. Agis was defeated and slain ; and from this time the whole of Greece remained perfectly tranquil until the news came of Alexander's premature demise during the summer of b.c. PEK. 111., PART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 285 323. Then, indeed, hope rose high ; and a great effort was made to burst the chains which bound Greece to the loot- stool of the Macedonian kings, Athens, under Demosthenes and Hyperides, taking, as was natural, the lead m the strug- gle for freedom. A large confederacy was formed ; and the "^ Lamian War was entered upon in the confident Sikn wa\- expectation that the effect would be the libera- B.0. 323-321. ^.^^ ^f Qi-eece from the yoke of her oppressor. But the result disappointed these hopes. After a bright jrleam of success, the confederate Greeks were completely defeated at Crannon, B.C. 322, and the yoke of Macedonia was riveted upon them more firmly than ever. Details of the Lamian War. The league included Athens, Argos, ^ Epidlurus, Troezen, Elis, Messenia, Sicyon, Carystus in Euboea, Phocis, Lo- crl, Dori , Dolopia, ^niania, the ^tolians, the Acarnan^ns, Leucas, part of Epirus, most of Thessaly, and the greater number of the Mahans, ^t^ans, nud Ach^ans of Phthiotis. Athens furnished a worthy leader m Leosthenes, ^vho defeated Antipater near ThermopyL^, and forced him to seek a refuge Avithin the walls of Lamia. Antipater sent urgent entreaties for aid to the Macedonian leaders in Asia, while Leosthenes pressed the siege, but without re«.ult, receiving in the course of it, unfortunately for the Greek cause, a womid, from the effects of which he died, B.C. 323. The command fell to Antiphilus, who early in B.C. 322, met and defeated the Macedonian general, Leonnatus, in Thessaly, as he was bringing succor to Antipater, but was in his turn beaten by the combined forces of Craterus and Antipater at Crannon in Thessaly; after which the league fell to pieces, and the several states concluded separate treaties of peace with the conqueror, who granted favorable terms to all ex- cepting Athens and ^toHa. Towards Athens extreme severity was shown. Twelve thousand out of the 21,000 citizens were actually deported from the . city and removed to Thrace, Illyria, Italy, or the Cyrenaica. The 9000 richest citizens-the "party of order" headed by Fhocion— were left in ex- elusive possession of the state. A Macedonian garrison was at the same time placed in Munychia; and the leaders of the anti-Macedonian party, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and others, were proscribed. Their deaths soon followed ; and marked the complete extinction of Athenian autonomy, ^to- lia was then threatened with a fate even worse than that which had befallen Athens. But the ^tolians resisted; their country was a difficult one; and, the ambition of Perdiccas having about this time alarmed Antipater for his own safety, the Macedonian forces were withdrawn from JEtoha, and peace concluded, B.C. 321. 2. The position of Antipater, as supreme ruler of Macedo- nia, was far from being safe and assured. The female mem- Difficnitposi- bers of the Macedonian royal family— Olympias, tiou of Antip. ^i-^g widow of Philip ; Cleopatra, her daughter ; atj^-mMace- ^ ^^^^^ ^^ Yitei' of Philip by an Illyrian moth- 286 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. er ; and Eurydice, daughter of Cynano by her husband Attiyn- tas (himself a first cousin of Alexander) — were, one and all, persons of ability and ambition, who saw with extreme dis- satisfaction the aggrandizement of the generals of Alexan- der and the low condition into which the royal power had fallen, shared between an infant and an imbecile. Dissatis- fied, moreover, with their own positions and j)rospects, they commenced intrigues for the purpose of improving them. Olympias first offered the hand of Cleopatra to Leonnatus, , , . , who was to have turned agjainst Antipater, if he Intrigues of n -, • i • ^ • • • theMacedoui- had been successful m his Grecian expedition. anprincebses. "Yyi^gj^ ^j-^q ^eath of Leonuatus frustrated this scheme, Olympias cast her eyes farther abroad, and fixed on Perdiccas as the chief to whom she would betroth her daughter. Meanwhile, Cynane boldly crossed over to Asia with Eurydice, and ofiered her in marriage to Philip Arrhi- daeus, the nominal king. To gratify Olympias, who hated these members of the royal house, Perdiccas put Cynane to death ; and he would probably have likewise removed Eu- rydice, had not the soldiers, exasperated at the mother's murder, compelled him to allow the marriage of the daugh- ter with Philij). Meanwhile, he consented to Olympias's schemes, prepared to repudiate his wife, Nicsea, the daugh- ter of Antipater, and hoped, with the aid of his friend, Eu- menes, to make himself master of the whole of Alexander's empire. (See Second Period, § 5.) 3. The designs of Perdiccas, and his intrigues with Olym- pias, having been discovered by Antigonus, and the life of Rupture be- that chief being in danger from Perdiccas in con- ate?and"per- Sequence, he fled to Europe in the course of b.c. aterTuAs^ar 322, and informed Antipater and Craterus of their ij.c. 321. peril. Fully appreciating the importance of the intelligence, those leaders at once concluded a league with Ptolemy, and in the spring of B.C. 321 invaded Asia for the purpose of attacking their rival. Here they found Eumenes prepared to resist them; and so great was the ability of that general, that, though Perdiccas had led the greater por- tion of his forces against Egypt, he maintained the war suc- cessfully, defeating and killing Craterus, and holding Antip- ater in check. But the murder of Perdiccas by his troops, and their fraternization with their opponents, changed the PER. III., i'AKT in.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 287 whole face of aftairs. Antipater found himself without an effort, master of the situation. Proclaimed sole regent by the soldiers, he took the custody of the royal persons, re-dis- tributed the satrapies (see Second Period, § 7), and, return- ing into Macedonia, held for about two years the first posi- DeathofAu- tion in the empire. He was now, however, an tipater. q^^ man^nd his late campaigns had probably shaken him ; at any rate, soon after his return to Europe, he died, B.C. 318, leaving the regency to his brother officer, the aged Polysperchon. Antipater's conduct in passing over his two sons, Cassander and Philip, is certainly remarkable. Did he think them incapable, or was he only anxious to spare them the risks of great political exaltation ? 4. The disappointment of Cassander, the elder of the two surviving sons of Antipater, produced the second great war Eegeucy of between the generals of Alexander. Cassandei*, Poiysperciion. leaving begun to intrigue against Polysperchon, was driven from Macedonia by the regent, and, flying to Antigonus, induced him to embrace his cause. The league Flight of cas- followed between Antigonus, Ptolemy, and Cas- sau'&er. sandcr on the one hand, and Polysperchon and Eumenes on the other (see Second Period, § 9), Antigonus undertaking to contend with Eumenes in Asia, while Cas- sander afforded employment to Polysperchon in Europe. 5. In the war which ensued between Cassander and Poly- sperchon, the former proved eventually superior. Poly- WarofPoiy- sperchon had on his side the influence of Olym- cSamiir^^^ P^''^^' which was great ; and his proclamation of B.cr3i8-3i6. freedom to the Greeks was a judicious step, from w^hich he derived considerable advantage. But neither as a soldier nor as a statesman was he Cassander's equal. He lost Athens by an imprudent delay, and failed against Mega- lopolis through want of military ability. His policy in al- lowing Olympias to gratify her hatreds without let or hin- drance was ruinous to his cause, by thoroughly alienating the Macedonians. Cassander's triumph in b.c. 316 reduced him to a secondary position, transferring the supreme au- thority in Macedonia to his rival. Details of the War. The rupture commenced with the seizure by Nicanor, one of Cassander's partisans, of the chief command at Mimychia, B.C. 318. Polysperchon sent his son, Alexander, to negotiate Avith the Athe- 288 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. nians, and, if possible, i-ecover the fortress. At the same time, he published his edict, recalling the Greek exiles generally. The old citizens flocked back to Athens, and, espousing the cause of Polysperchon, endeavored to induce Nicanor to withdraw. He, however, so far from yielding to their request, by a sudden attack occupied Pirteus, and cut off Athens from the sea. This was done Avith the connivance of Phocion, who leaned veiy decidedly towards Cassander. Presently, Polysperchon, finding that Alexander made no prog- ress, advanced upon Athens in person ; whereupon the Athenians took heart, rose up against Phocion and his friends, and, h^ing condemned and exe- cuted them, re-established a democratic constitution. Polysperchon should now have marched straight into Attica ; but, suff'ering minor matters to de- lay him, he allowed Cassander to sail in, occupy Pirasus, and deprive him of the Avhole advantage of the revolution. After a vain attempt to reduce Pirae- us by siege, he left Athens to her fate, and invaded Peloponnese, where he was for the most part fairly successful, but failed completely against Mega- lopolis. Meanwhile Athens came to terms with Cassander, accepting his rule, and submitting to receive as governor his nominee, Demetrius Phale- reiis, B.C. 317. Polysperchon having withdrawn into Epirus, Cassander now entered the Peloponnese and won back most of the cities. Hereupon Poly- sperchon played his last stake. Joining his cause with that of Olympias, he invited her to accompany him into Macedonia, to the alarm and indignation of Philip Arrhida^us and his consort, who thereupon sought the aid of Cas- sander. But Olympias was too quick for this combination to take effect. Entering Macedonia in the autumn of B.C. 317, she encountered no opposi- tion. Philip's soldiers passed over to her camp, and both he and his consort found themselves at her mercy. Olympias was not apt to spare. Philip Arrhidfeus, his wife, Eurydice, Nicanor, the brother of Cassander, and one hundred other leading Macedonians, Avere put to death. But the day of ret- ribution was at hand. In the spring of b.c. 316, Cassander quitted Pelopon- nese, and entering Macedonia from Thessaly, besieged Olympias in Pydna. The attempts made by Polysperchon to relieve her fiiiled ; and after a few months she was forced to surrender herself, and to give over all Macedonia into Cassander's power. Soon after, Cassander, though he had promised to spare her Hfe, caused her to be executed, after a pretended trial by a public assembly of the Macedonians. G. The reign of Cassander over Macedonia, which now commenced, lasted from b.c. 316 to 296, a period of twenty Kei nofCas- 7®^^*^' ^^^^ talents of this prince are unquestion- sander.B.c. able, but his moral conduct fell below that of 316-296. ' , . . » , . . ... even the majority or his contemporaries, which was sufficiently reprehensible. His bad faith towards Olym- pias was folio Aved, within a few years, by the murders of Koxana and the infant Alexander, by complicity in the mur- der of Hercules, the illegitimate son of Alexander the Great, and by treachery towards Polysperchon, who was first se- duced into crime and then defrauded of his reward. Cas- PER. in., I'ART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 289 Sander, however, was a clever statesman, a good general, and a brave soldier. His first step on obtaining possession of Macedonia was to m^Ty Thessalonica, the sister of Alexan- der the Great, and thus to connect himself with the family of the conqueror. Next, fearing the ambition of Antigonus, who, after his victory over Eumenes, aspired to rule the wdiole empire (see Second Period, § 12), he entered into the league of the satraps against that powerful commander, and bore his part in the great war, which commencing b.c. 315, on the return of Antigonus from the East, terminated b.c. 301, at the battle of Ipsus. In this war Cassander, though he displayed unceasing activity, and much ability for in- trigue, was on the whole unsuccessful ; and he would prob- ably have lost Greece and Macedonia to his powerful ad- versary, had not the advance of Seleucus from Babylon and the defeat of Antigonus at Ipsus saved him. Details of the War in Europe. The war is divided into two portions by the peace of the year b.c. 311, which, practically, was a mere truce for a year. — First Portion, b.c. 315 to 312. Antigonus, having made alliance with Polysperchon and his son, Alexander, sends Aristodemus of Miletus to their assistance, b, c. 314. Cassander wins Alexander to his side, and, after his murder, is supported by his widow, Cratesipolis. He makes, however, no great impression on the Feloponnese, and in b.c. 313 turns his arms against the ^tolian confederacy', whicii now first appears as an important power, in league with Antigonus. Cassander, and his general, Philip, obtain successes in this quarter, whereupon Antigonus sends a second expedition into Greece (b.c. 312) under his nephew, Ptolemy, and deprives Cassander of all his gains, turning the scale decidedly in his own favor. The peace of b.c. 311 follows, after which the war is renewed. — Second Portion, b.c. 310 to 301. Cassander having murdered the remaining legitimate monarch, Alexander, together with his mother, Roxana, gives an opportunity to Polysperchon to bring forward Hercules as rightful king of Macedonia, B.C. 310. The Mace- donians inclining towai'ds this young prince, Cassander finds himself in con- siderable peril ; whereupon he negotiates with Polyspeixhon, and induces him to assassinate his protege, by the promise of establishing him in the gov- ernment of Peloponnesus, a promise never executed. Hercules having been removed, B.C. 309, Polysperchon marches southward, but has to fight his way, Southera Greece being greatly disorganized, and Cassander's influence over it but slight. This condition of affairs encourages Ptolemy Lagi, hith- erto an ally of Cassander's, to make an expedition into these parts on his own account, and to occupy Corinth and Sicyon, b.c 308. Cassander unwillingly acquiesces in this intrusion of a rival. The next year he suffers a more im- portant loss. Antigonus sends his son Demetrius (Poliorcetes) into Greece, and orders him to proclaim the autonomy of the Greek cities, b.c. 307. Athens receives him with open arms. He captures Munychia and Megara, 13 290 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. held by Macedonian garrisons, enters Athens in triumph, and formally pro- claims it free. The exigencies of the general struggle summoning Deme- trius to other scenes (Rhodes, Cyprus, etc.), no further progress is made till the year B.C. 302, when he returns to Athens afld is once more enthusiastic- ally received. All Southern Greece joins him, and in the spring of b.c. 301, he advances into Thessaly at the head of an army of 56,000 men, witli which he threatens Cassander in Macedonia. But at this point Cassander is saved by the danger of Antigonus in Asia. Demetrius being recalled by his father, a peace is formally concluded, and Demetrius quitting Europe leaves Greece at the mercy of his antagonist. T. Cassander did not live long to enjoy the tranquillity which the defeat and death of Antigonus at Ipsus brought Death of Gas- him. He died b.c. 298, three years after Ipsus, ofPhUip/ilJa leaving the crown to the eldest of his three sons 298-297. ]jy Thessalonice, Philip. This prince was carried off by sickness before he had reigned a year; and the Mace- donian dominions at his death fell to Thessalonice, his moth- er, who made a division of them between her two surviving sons, Antipater and Alexander, assigning to the latter West- ern, and to the former Eastern Macedonia. 8. Antipater, who regarded himself as w^ronged in the par- tition, having wreaked his vengeance on his mother by caus- Reigns of An- iug her to be assassinated, applied for aid to his A?exancie\%"^^ wifc's father, Lysimachus ; while Alexandei*, fear- B.o. 297-294. jj-,g ij^g brother's designs, called in the help of Pyrrhus the Epirote and of Demetrius, n.c. 297. Demetrius, after the defeat of Ipsus, had still contrived to maintain the position of a sovereign. Rejected at first by Athens, he had besieged and taken that city, had recovered possession of Attica, the Megarid, and great portions of the Peloponnese, and had thus possessed himself of a considerable power. Appealed to by Alexander, he professed to embrace his cause ; but ere long he took advantage of his position to murder the young priiice, and possess himself of his king- dom. Antipater was about the same time put to death by Lysimachus, b.c. 294. 9. The kingdom of Demetrius comprised, not only Mace- donia, but Thessaly, Attica, Megaris, and the greater part of EeignofDe- the Peloponnese. Had he been content with orSl^ B.c!^' these territories, he might have remained quietly 294-287. ]y\ the possession of them, for the flxmilies of Al- exandei- the Great and of Antipater were extinct, and the PER. III., PART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 291 connection of Demetrius with Seleucus, who had married his daughter (see Third Period, Part I., § 5), would have rendered" his neighbors cautious of meddling with him. But the am- bition of Demetrius was insatiate, and his self-confidence un- bounded. After establishing his authority in Central Greece and twice taking Thebes, he made an unprovoked attack upon Pyrrhus, B.C. 290, from whom he desired to wrest some provinces ceded to him by the late king, Alexander. In this attempt he completely failed, whereupon he formed a new project. (Collecting a vast army, he let it be understood that he claimed the entire dominion of his father, Antigonus, and was about to proceed to its recovery, b.c. 288. Seleucus and Lysimachus, whom this project threatened, Avere induced, in consequence, to encourage Pyrrhus to carry his arms into Macedonia on the one side, while Lysimachus himself in- vaded it on the other. Placed thus between two fires, and finding at the same time that his soldiers were not to be de- pended upon, Demetrius, in b.c. 287, relinquished the Mace- donian throne, and escaped secretly to Demetrias, the city which he had built on the Pagasean Gulf and had made a sort of capital. From hence he proceeded on the expedition, which cost him his liberty, against Asia. (See Third Period, Part I., §7.) 10. On the flight of Demetrius, Pyrrhus of Epirus became king of the greater part of Macedonia ; but a share of the First rei^n of ^P^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ claimed by Lysimachus, who Pyrrhusru.c. received the tract adjoining his own territories. A mere share, however, did not long satisfy the Macedonian chieftain. Finding that the rule of an Enirotic prince was distasteful to the Macedonians, ne contrived after a little while to pick a quarrel with his recent ally, and hav- ing invaded his Macedonian territories, forced him to relin- quish them and retire to his own country, after a reign which lasted less than a year. 11. By the success of Lysimachus, Macedonia became a mere appendage to a large kingdom, which reached from Rei^nofL ^^^ Halys to the Pindus range, its centre being simachue, b.c. Thracc, and its capital Lysimacheia in the Cher- 286-2S1. m • ^ • w i i sonese. ihese circumstances might not by them- selves have alienated the Macedonians, though they could scarcely have failed after a time to arouse discontent ; but 292 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. when Lysimachus, after suifering jealousy and dissension to carry ruin into his own family, proceeded to acts of tyranny and violence towards his nobles and other subjects, these last called on Seleucus Nicator to interfere for their preser- BattieofCo- vation ; and that monarch, having invaded the rupedion. territories of his neighbor, defeated him in the battle of Corupedion, where Lysimachus, fighting with his usual gallantry, was not only beaten but slain. The domestic relations of Eysimachus, which led to this unhappy result, were somewhat complicated. He was married to Arsinoe, a daughter of Ptolemy Lagi by his second wife, Berenice, while his eldest son, Agathocles, the issue of an earlier marriage, was married to Lysandra, a daughter of Ptolemy by his first wife, Eurydice. Arsinoe, hating her half-sister, per- suaded her husband that Agathocles was plotting against him, whereupon Lysimachus put him to death. The widowed Lysandra fled to Seleucus, accompanied by Ptolemy Ceraunus, her brother, who had quitted Egypt through fear of Berenice. 12. By the victory of Corupedion, Seleucus Nicator be- came master of the entire kingdom of Lysimachus, and, „ . , . ^ with the exception of Es^ypt, appeared to have Brief reigu of . ^ . ^ . ■, ^ n i ^ • • n Seleucus Ni- reunited almost the whole oi the dommions oi ^' ' ■ * ■ Alexander. But this union was short-lived. Within a few weeks of his victory, Seleucus was murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, the Egyptian refugee Avhom he had protected ; and the Macedonians, indifferent by whom they Avere ruled, accepted the Egyptian prince without a mur- mur. 13. The short reign of Ptolemy Ceraunus (b.c. 281 to 279) was stained by crimes and marked by many imprudences. Eeigii of Ptol- Regarding the two sons of Lysimachus by Ar- mi\^ £ a'2s"i-- sinoe, his half-sister, as possible rivals, he per- 2^*-'- suaded her into a marriage, in order to get her children into his power ; and, having prevailed with the credulous princess, first murdered her sons before her eyes, and then banished her to Samothrace. Escaping to Egypt, she became the wife of her brother, Philadelphus, and would probably have induced him to avenge her wrongs, had not the crime of Ceraunus received its just punishment in an- Great irrup- Other Avay. A great invasion of the Gauls — one Gauis^iito ^^ those vast waves of migration which from time Greece. ^q ^ji^^q Sweep ovcr the world — occurring just as Ceraunus felt himself in secure possession of his kingdom, PER. III., PART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. ^ 293 disturbed liis ease, and called for wise and vigorous meas- ures of resistance. Ceraunus met the crisis with sufficient courage, but with a complete absence of prudent counsel. Instead of organizing a united resistance to a common ene- my, or conciliating a foe whom he was too weak to oppose singly, he both exasperated the Gauls by a contemptuous message, and refused the jDroifers of assistance which he re- ceived from his neighbors. Opposing the unaided force of Macedon to their furious onset, he was completely defeated in a great battle, b.c. 279, and, falling into the hands of his enemies, was barbarously j^fit to death. The Gauls then ravaged Macedonia far and wide ; nor was it till b.c. 277 that Macedonia once more obtained a settled government. The Invasion of the Gauls is one of the most interesting events of the post- Alexandrine history. It had permanent effects on Eastern Europe and Western Asia, producing among other results the new country of Galatia. We may connect the migration to a certain extent with the great movement of about a century earlier, which destroyed the Etruscan power in the plain of the Po, created Gallia Cisalpina, and caused such great calamities to Rome and to most of Italy. Ever since the first lodgment of the Gauls in Northern Italy, a migration had been continually in progress. Ti-ibe after tribe crossed the Pennine Alps and sought new homes in the sunny South. Eor a time It- aly sufficed for the flood of emigrants ; but after a while it was found that no further impression could be made on the stubborn Etruscan, Latin, and Sam- nite nations, and the stream was forced to find a new vent. The Alps were recrossed where they curve round the top of the Adriatic ; and Gallic tribes occupied the plain of the Danube and its tributaries, dispossessing the pre- vious inhabitants, and becoming known either by the general name of Celts, or as Scordisci, Cimbri, etc. Probably the battle of Sentinum, b.c. 295, by finally closing Italy against Gallic adventure, gave a fresh impulse to the eastward flow of the migratory current. At any rate, by the end of the year B.C. 280 a large mass of hungry immigrants had accumulated in Northern II- lyria, and in the regions about Mounts Scomius and Scardus. This mass, in B.C. 279, rolled forward in three waves, which took three different directions. One, under Cerethrius, took a north-easterly course against the Triballi and the Thracians ; another, nnder Brennus and Acichorius, proceeded due east against the Pgeonians ; the third, under a chief named Belgius, marched south-east and fell upon Macedonia. It was with this last leader and his troops that Ptolemy Ceraunus came into contact. Warned by the Dardanian king of the impending danger,' and offered by him a contingent of 20,000 men, Ceraunus proudly rejected the overture, confiding in his own strength. Summoned by the Gallic chief to save his kingdom from invasion by an as- signment of land and a money payment, he made an indignant reply, ntterly rejecting the proposition. Invasion followed as a matter of course, and in the first battle Ceraunus lost both his crown and his life. The Gauls then ravaged Macedonia at their will, until they were checked by Sosthenes, who 294 , MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. had succeeded to the chief authority, after Meleager, the brother of Cerau- nus, and Antipater, a nephew of Cassander, had each held the throne for a few weeks. In the following year, b.c. 278, a second and still more formida- ble irruption of the Gauls took place. Brennus, having first iuA^aded Mace- donia and defeated Sosthenes, marched into Southern Greece, forced the pass of Thermopylae in the same way as the Persians under Xerxes, and endeavor- ed to sack Delphi, but was repulsed and forced to retreat. His demoralized army broke up ; and the Gallic hordes generally were shattered into mere bands of marauders, which perished by cold, famine, or the sword. In Thrace, however, a body contrived to establish a kingdom ; and in Asia Minor, the hordes which had crossed over on the invitation of Nicomedes, native king of Bithynia (see Period III., Part I., § 9), made themselves masters of Northern Phrygia, B.C. 277,*which was thenceforward known as Galatia. Other bodies of Gauls took service under the various European and Asiatic princes, who found them useful as mercenaries, and employed them in the wars which they waged one against another. 14. On the retirement of the Gauls, Antipater, the nephew of Cassander, came forward for the second time, and was First reign of accepted as king by a portion, at any rate, of gSuS,"1c. t^6 Macedonians. But a new pretender soon ap- 277-27B. peared upon the scene. Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, who had maintained himself since that monarch's captivity as an independent prince in Central or Southern Hellas, claimed the throne once filled by his father, and, having taken into his service a body of Gallic mercenaries, defeated Antipater and made himself master of Macedonia. His pretensions being disputed by Antiochus Soter, the son of Seleucus, who had succeeded to the throne of Syria, he engaged in war with that prince, crossing into Asia and uniting his forces with those of Nicomedes, the Bithynian king, whom Antiochus was endeavoring to con- quer. To this combination Antiochus was forced to yield : relinquishing his claims, he gave his sister, Phila, in marriage to Antigonus, and recognized him as king cf Macedonia. Antigonus upon this fully established his power, repulsing a fresh attack of the Gauls, and recovering Cassandreia from the cruel tyrant, Apollodorus. 15. But he was not long left in repose. In b.c. 274, Pyr- rhus finally quitted Italy, having failed in all his schemes. Expulsion of ^^^ having made himself a great reputation. Autigonus by Landing in Epirus with a scanty force, he found the condition of Macedonia and of Greece favor- able to his ambition. Antigonus had no hold on the affec- FEK. III., PAiiT III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 295 tions of his subjects, whose recollections of his father, Deme- trius, were unpleasing. The Greek cities were, some of them, under tyrants, others occupied against their will by Mace- donian garrisons. Above all, Greece and Macedonia were full of military adventurers, ready to flock to any standard which offered them a fair prospect of plunder. Pyrrhus, therefore, having taken a body of Celts into his pay, de- clared war against Antigonus, B.C. 273, and suddenly invaded Macedonia. Antigonus gave him battle, but was worsted owing to the disaffection of his soldiers, and, being twice defeated, became a fugitive and a wanderer. The frequent changes of this period must be ascribed to two principal causes. 1. The old royal family of the Macedonians having become extinct, none of the new houses had as yet obtained a hold on the respect or affections of the bulk of the people. One house was regarded as very little better than another. None had reigned long enough to obtain any prestige. 2. Mer- cenaries had come to form the main strength of armies ; and mercenaries are at all times r^^y to change sides and desert the leader of to-day, if they fancy that they see in his rival a more generous or a more fortunate commander. The Macedonian nation, dispersed over the world, had become weakened ; and its fate was now settled for it by Gauls, Thracians, and Illyrians. 16. The victories of Pyrrhus, and his son Ptolemy, placed the Macedonian crown upon the brow of the former, who Second reign might not improbably have become the founder r/o!'27£27i. ^f ^ great power, if he could have 'turned his at- His death, tcntion to Consolidation, instead of looking out for fresh conquests. But the arts and employments of peace had no charm for the Epirotic knight-errant. Hardly was he settled in his seat, when, upon the invitation of Cleony- mus of Sparta, he led an expedition into the Peloponnese, and attempted the conquest of that rough and difficult re- gion. Repulsed from Sparta, which he had hoped to sur- prise, he sought to cover his disaj^pointment by the capture of Argos ; but here he was still more unsuccessful. Antig- onus, now once more at the head of an army, watched the city, prepared to dispute its occupation, while the lately threatened Spartans hung upon the invader's rear. In a desperate attempt to seize the place by night, the adventur- ous Epirote -was first wounded by a soldier and then slain by the blow of a tile, thrown from a house-top by an Argive woman, b.c. 271. Character of Pyrrhus. Amid the blood-thirsty, treacherous, and disso- 296 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. lute princes of the post- Alexandrine times, the character of Pyrrhus stands out as something by comparison admirable. He was not really either a good or a great man. His conduct was often stained with cruelty, and occasional- ly with an insincerity that approached perfidiousness. His aims were purely selfish, and show no trace of patriotism. Though his military talent was re- markable, his courage great, and circumstances on the whole fairly favorable to him, he effected nothing permanent, nothing even grand or considerable. His talents strike us as misappHed, and his life as wasted. With a little more solidity and singleness of purpose he might have effected much. As it was, his powers were frittered away upon unconnected and often ill-judged enter- prises. 17. On the death of Pyrrhus the Macedonian throne was recovered by Antigonus, who commenced his second reign Second reign ^J establishing his influence over most of the Pel- GouataK^c! opouuese, after which he was engaged in a long 271-239.' ^ar with the Athenians (b.c. 268 to 263), who were supported by Sparta and by Egypt. These allies ren- dered, however, but little help ; and Athens must have soon succumbed, had not Antigonus been called away to Mace- donia by the invasion of Alexander, son of Pyrrhus. This enterprising prince carried, at first, all before him, and was even acknowledged as Macedonian king ; but ere long, De- metrius, the son of Antigonus, having defeated Alexander near Derdia, re-established his father's dominion over Mace- don, and, invading Epirus, succeeded in driving the Epirotic monarch out of his paternal kingdom. The Epirots soon restored him ; but from this time he remained at peace with Antigonus, who was able once more to devote his undivided attention to the subjugation of the Greeks. In b.c. 263, he took Athens, and rendered himself complete master of At- tica ; and, in b.c. 244, nineteen years afterwards, he contrived „. , . by a treacherous strataajem to obtain possession His l*fl9,tlOTl with the Achfe- of Corinth. But at this point his successes ceased, au League. ^ poAver had been quietly growing up in a corner of the Peloponnese which was to become a counterpoise to Macedonia, and to give to the closing scenes of Grecian his- tory an interest little inferior to that which had belonged to its earlier pages. The Achaean League, resuscitated from its ashes about the time of the invasion of the Gauls, b.c. 280, had acquired in the space of thirty-seven years sufficient strength and consistency to venture on defying the puissant king of Macedon and braving his extreme displeasure. In PER. III., TART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 297 B.C. 243, Aratus, the general of the League and in a certain sense its founder, by a sudden and well-planned attack sur- prised and took Corinth; which immediately joined the League, whereto it owed its freedom. This success was fol- lowed by others. Megara, Troezen, and Epidaurus threw oif their allegiance to Antigonus and attached themselves to the League in the course of the same year. Athens and Argos were threatened; and the League assumed an attitude of unmistakable antagonism to the power and pretensions of Macedon. Antigonus, grown timorous in his old age, met the bold aggressions of the League with no overt acts of hos- tility. Contenting himself with inciting the ^tolians to at- tack the new power, he remained wholly on the defensive, neither attempting to recover the lost towns, nor to retaliate by any invasion of Acha3a. Rise and Growth of the Ach^an League. The old confederacy of the twelve Achgean cities, which has been already spoken of (see Book III., Period II., Part II., § A), appears to have been dissolved soon after the death of Alexander, by the influence of the Macedonian princes, especially Cassander and Demetrius — about b.c. 300 to 290. It was not long wholly in abeyance. About b.c. 280, the cities began to draw together again, a league being formed between Patrse and Dyme, which was joined almost imr- mediately by Pharai and Tritaga. Five years later, b.c. 275, ^gium, Bura, and Ceryneia came in, expelling their Macedonian garrisons or their tyrants ; and soon afterwards the other three surviving cities of the original twelve, ^geira, Pellene', and Leontium (Helice and Olenus had ceased to exist) were recovered ; and the whole of Achsea was thereby once more united into a single political unit. Thus far the movement had no great importance, be- ing simply the re-formation of an old community which had never previously played an important part in Grecian affairs. A new character was given to the League, and the foundation of its greatness laid in b.c. 251, when Ara- tus, the liberator of Sicyon from tyranny, induced that wholly separate and indeed alien state to ask, and the Achseans to grant, its admission into the confederacy. By adopting the principle that foreign states might be received into the League, and become members of it on terms of equality with the several Achajan towns, an indefinite power of expansion was given to the union, which became in principle, and might become in fact, Pan-Hellenic. These consequences were not, perhaps, at once generally seen ; but when, in B.C. 243, Aratus, the general of the League, threw do^vn the gauntlet to An- tigonus, captured his town of Corinth, and induced it to join the confedera- tion, and further proceeded to accept as additional members the revolted cities of Megara, Epidaurus, and Troezen, tlie existence of a new and formi- dable power in Southern Greece was fully revealed, and only the willfully blind would fail to perceive it. The aftergrowth of the League, its extension to Cleonce, Cynjetha, Stymphalus, Cleitor, Pheneus, Caphyse, Herasa, Tel- 13* 298 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. phusa, Megalopolis, ^gina, Hermione, Argos, Phlius, was the natural result of the principle asserted in b, c. 25 1 , a principle new to Greece at the time, and of the greatest importance to her, since its general adoption might have saved her from annihilation. Unfortunately, the old love of separate inde- pendence, and the old spirit of jealousy and rivalry, prevented the adoption of the principle from being general ; and its partial acceptance could not avail greatly. Still, even this partial acceptance deferred for a time the ab- sorption of Greece by a foreign power ; and it shed a glory around the period of her decline and fall, which recalls in some degree the splendor of those days when she rose to greatness. Chief Features of the Constitution. 1. Equality of the federated cities, each of which had one vote only in the Federal Congress, 2, Com- plete internal independence of the several states, which had the exclusive ordering of their own domestic aifairs and appointment of their own local magistrates and governors. 3. Management of the affairs of the League by a General Congress, which met regularly twice a year at some city of the League (at first ^gium, afterwards Corinth or Argos), and might be sum- moned to hold extraordinary meetings by the chief magistrate at other times. This congress consisted, not of deputies from the states, but of all the citizens of the states who chose to attend. It appointed the Council ((3ov/iy), a com- mittee of its own body, who prepared measures previously to their submission to the General Congress, received and conferred with ambassadors, and the like ; it also appointed the ten Ministers (Sfj/niovpyol), who formed the coun- cil of the head of the state ; and the head of the state himself (aTparriyog)^ who united the chief military with the chief civil authority, 4. Constitu- tion in theory democratic ; but practical tendency towards an aristocracy of wealth, in consequence of offices being unpaid, and the citizens having to travel at their own expense in order to attend the general meetings of the Congress, 5. Great power of the Strategus or General, who not only had the entire direction of the armed force, but in practice for the most part guided the whole policy of the League. Restriction on his re-election, which could only take place, legally, eveiy other year. The following works on the subject of the Acheean League are desei-ving of attention : Merleker, C. F., Achaicorum lihri tres. Darmstadt, 1837; 8vo. ScHORN, Geschichte Griechenlands von der Entstehung des JEtoUschen und Achdischen Bundes his auf die Zerstorung Korinths. Bonn, 1833 ; 8vo, Helwing, Geschichte des Achdischen Bundes. Lemgo, 1829 ; 8vo. Freeman, E. A., History of Federal Government^ vol. i. chaps, v.-ix, 18. Antigonus Gonatas died b.c. 239, at the age of eighty, having reigned in all thirty-seven years. He left his crown ^ . ,^ to his son, Demetrius II., who inherited his am- jxcio'h of De- metriusiL, bition without his talents. The first acts of De- metrius were to form a close alliance with Epi- rus, now under the rule of Olympias, Alexander's widow ; to accept the hand of her daughter Phthia, whereby he of- fended his queen, Stratonice, and through her Seleucus, the PEK. 111., PART ui.J MACEDON AND GREECE. 299 Syrian king ; and to break with the ^tolians, who were seeking at this time to deprive Olympias of a portion of her dominions. The ^tolians, alarmed, sought the alliance of the Achaean League ; and in the war which followed, Deme- trius was opposed by both these important powers. He contrived, however, to defeat Aratus in Thessaly, to reduce Boeotia, and to re-establish Macedonian ascendency as far as the Isthmus. But this was all that he could effect. No impression was made by his arms on either of the great Leagues. No aid Avas given to Epirus, where the royal family was shortly afterwards exterminated. Demetrius was perhaps recalled to Macedonia by the aggressive atti- tude of the Dardanians, Avho certainly attacked him in his later years, and gave him a severe defeat. It is thought by some that he perished in the battle. But this is uncertain. The assertion of Porphyry in Eusebiiis, that Demetrius II. conquered Libya and Cyrene, is untrue, and arises from a confusion between him and one of his uncles. Macedonia was far too weak at this time for any such enterprise. The most important fact of this period was the interference, noiv for the first time, ot the Romans in the affairs of Greece. The embassy to the ^tohans, warning them against interference with Acarnania, enceofRoME belongs probably to the year B.C. 238; that to the ^tohans in Gi-eciau af- ^j^^i Achajans, announcing the success of the Roman arms against the Illyrians, belongs certainly to B.C. 228. In the same year, or the year preceding, Corcyra, Apolionia, and Epidamnus be- came Roman dependencies. 19. Demetrius left an only son, Philip, who was but eight years old at his decease. He was at once acknowledged Eegency of king ; but owing to his tender age, his guardian- DoS'ij"^. ^^^H^ ^^'^^ undertaken by his kinsman, Antigonus, 229-220. i\^Q gQj^ of jjig father's first cousin, Demetrius "the Handsome." It was, consequently, this prince who directed the policy of Macedonia during the period which immediately followed on the death of Demetrius 11. — who, in fact, ruled Macedonia for nine years, from B.C. 229 to 220. The events of this period are of first-rate interest, including, as they do, the last display of patriotism and vigor at Spar- ta, and the remarkable turn of affairs whereby Macedonia, from being the deadly foe of the Achaean League, became its friend, ally, and protector. Condition of Sparta at this period. The Spartan constitution had re- 300 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. mained unchanged in form from the time of the Messenian Wars (see pp. 150, 151) to the period which we have now reached — a space Sparta since of aboA'e four centuries. A project of revolution, conceived by ^e time of Cinadon, b. c. 399, had been discovered before it could be put in execution, and had proved abortive. But, though no formal or violent change had occurred, a subtle gradual alteration had destroyed the ideal of Lycui-gus. The chief points of this alteration were the following: — (a) Diminution of the number of the citizens, by the operation of the laws which always cause an aristocracy, that does not recruit itself from without, to become more and more contracted. (6) Further and still more striking diminution of the number of full citizens, by the operation of tlie Lycurgean law limiting citizenship to Spartans of independent means, (c) Concentra- tion of wealth, and especially of landed property, in a few hands, partly by the practice of marrying heiresses to wealthy men, partly by the permission to deal freely with landed estates by gift, sale, or will obtained by the law of Epitadeus. (d) Constant encroachment of the Ephors on the power of the kings, and final reduction of the latter to mere ciphers. (e) Relaxation of the Lycurgean discipline. Abandonment by the citizens genei-ally of the old simple and frugal rule of life, and adoption by the wealthy of habits of luxu- ly- (/) Contraction of heavy debts by the poorer members of the state, who were thus placed at the mercy of a small class of wealthy capitalists. The re- sult of the whole was that the entire number of adult male Spartans did not exceed 700 ; and of these not more than 100 were in possession of the full rights of citizens. This narrow oligarchy Avas occupied almost exclusively Avith the difficulties of its own position ; and Sparta consequently stood aloof from Grecian politics, and had done so since the attempt of Agis III., in b.c. 330. Even insults were tamely submitted to ; and when lUyrian pirates rav- aged the coast, or iEtolian marauders the interior, no vengeance was exacted. Under these circumstances the idea of a reform arose. It Avas proposed to Reforms pro- increase the number of citizens to 4500 by admitting Perioeci posed by Agis. ^hd foreigners; to redivide the land of the state in equal allot- ments to these persons and to 15,000 selected Laconians; to abolish debts; and to re-establish the syssitia and the rest of the Lycurgean discipline. A first attempt to carry out the reform, made by Agis, b.c. 244 to 241, met Avith only partial success, being frustrated by the treachery of the Ephor Agesilaiis, and the open opposition of the other king, Leonidas, Avho returned from the exile into Avhich Agis had driA^en him, and placed himself at the head of the counter-revolution. Agis fell a martyr to his reforming zeal ; and the old state of things Avas re-established B.C. 241. But five years later Leonidas died, and Avas succeeded by his son, Cleomenes, B.C. 236, Avho had married Agis's AvidoAV, Agiatis. Under her influence the young monarch re- vived the projects of Agis, and, having first acquired a great militaiy reputa- tion in a Avar Avith the Achasan League, succeeded in effecting their accom- Carried out by plishment, b. c. 226. At the same time, he abolished the Eph- Cleomenes. oralty, modified the character of the Senate {yepovaia), and practically destroyed the double monarchy by making his own brother, Eu- clides, second king. A glorious period for Sparta followed. Not only Avere Varsof Cle- the forces of the Achrean League defeated, but Argos, the an- meaes. cient rival of Sparta, submitted to her ; Corinth, revolting from PER. III., PART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 301 the Achajaiis, placed herself under Spartan protection ; Epidaurns, Hermio- ne, Troezen, and most of Arcadia did the same ; and even PeUene, one of the ten Achaean towns, was occupied, and received a Lacedemonian garrison, B.C. 224 to 223. But the tide soon after turned. The animating spirit of the Achaean League, Aratus, in his jealousy of Cleomenes, took the traitor- ous step of calling in Antigonus to his aid, and agreed to reinstate him in the possession of the Acrocorinthus. The result was fatal at once for Greece and for Cleomenes. The Achaan League lost its character as the defender Battle of Sel- of Greek liberty, and to a great extent broke up. Cleomenes lasia,«. 0.221. forced to stand upon the defensive, was attacked and defeated at Sellasia, b.c. 221, and became a fugitive at the court of Ptolemy. The reaction triumphed at Sparta, and her last chance of recovering her ancient glory was lost. Macedonia was once more supreme over almost all Greece, the only parts unsubdued being ^tolia, Messenia, and Elis. All the efforts of Aratus to raise up a power in Greece which might counterbalance Mace- don, and of Agis and Cleomenes to regenerate their country and make her the fitting head of a free Hellas, had ended in simply delivering Greece up, bound hand and foot, into the power of her great enemy. 20. The other wars of Antigonus Doson were comparative- ly unimportant. He repulsed an attack of the Dardanians, Minor wars of ^^^ ^^^ defeated his predecessor, suppressed an Antigonus Do- insurrection in Thessaly, and made an expedition by sea against South-western Asia Minor, which is said to have resulted in the conquest of Caria. It was im- possible, however, that he should long hold this distant de- pendency, which shortly reverted to Egypt, the chief mari- time power of this period. Soon after his return from Greece, Antigonus died of disease, having held the sover- eignty for the space of nine years. He was succeeded by the rightful heir to the throne, Philip, the son of Demetrius H., in w^hose name he had carried on the government. 21. Philip, who was still no more than seventeen years old, w-as left by his kinsman to the care of tutors and guard- Reign of Phii- ^^"^- ^® seemed to ascend the throne at a fa- 22o-i79.'''''' ^<^i'a^^e moment, when Macedonia, at very little expenditure of either men or money, had recov- ered Greece, had repulsed her Illyrian adversaries, and w^as released, by the death of Ptolemy Euergetes, from her most formidable enemy among the successors of Alexander. But all these advantages were neutralized by the rash conduct of the king himself, who first allied himself with Hannibal against Rome, and then with Antiochus against Egypt. Ko doubt Philip saw, more clearly than most of his contempo- 302 -• MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. raries, the dangerously aggressive character of the Roman power; nor can we blame him for seeking to form coalitions against the conquering republic. But, before venturing to make Rome his enemy, he should have consolidated his pow- er at home ; and, when he made the venture, he should have been content with no half measures, but should have thrown himself, heart and soul, into the quarrel. 22. The first war in which the young prince engaged was one that had broken out between the Achseans and ^tolians. War cf the The ^tolians, who now for the first time show Leagues. thcmsclves a really first-rate Greek power, had been gradually growing in importance, from the time when they provoked the special anger of Antipater in the Lamian War (supra, p. 285), and were threatened with transplanta- tion into Asia. Somewhat earlier than this they had organ- ized themselves into a Federal Republic, and had thus set the example which the Achseans followed half a century af- terwards. Some account of their institutions, and of the ex- tent of their power, is requisite for the proper understanding both of their strength and of their weakness. The rise of the League belongs probably to the reign of Alexander, when the various tribes, who had previously only acted together upon certain occa- Character of sions, formed a permanent union, with a view (probably) of the -^tolian maintaining their independence. The union, which was orig- League. inally one of tribes, not of cities, involved (a) the institution of the " Pan-JEtolicum " or General Assembly of all ^tolians, which met regu- larly once a year — commonly at Thermon — for the discussion of business and election of officers, and might also be convened, as often as was thought to be desirable, by the chief magistrate ; (6) the nomination of a select council (JnzoKkrjToi)^ consisting seemingly of 1000 members, no doubt appointed by the Assembly, which performed the ordinary functions of a Greek council or senate ; (c) the creation of a chief of the League, a federal head, who was elected annually by the Assembly at its regular meeting, and of two other great officers, elected in the same way, a commander of cavalry (iTrndpxvo)^ and a Secretary (ypap.jiaT£vg) ; and {d) the election of certain officers called *'Synedri" and " Nomographi, " whose duties are uncertain. After the League had existed for some little time, it began to be aggressive and to spread itself. (Eniadge was annexed while Alexander was engaged in Asia ; Extent of the Heracleia in Trachis, at the time of the great Gallic invasion League. (supra, p. 293). Afterwards Acarnania, Western Locris, Do- ris, Southern Thessaly, Achoea Phthiotis, several cities of Arcadia, Cius on the Propontis, and the islands of Teos and Cephallenia joined the League voluntarily, or were forced into it ; and it even at one time had relations with Boeotia which almost amounted to incorporation. It thus stretched across PER. III., PAKT III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 303 Central Greece from the Ionian to the -ZEgean Sea, comprising also islands in both seas, and other still more remote dependencies. It was not, however, the principle of the League to admit, generally, foreign states on terms of equality. This may have been done in some instances ; but usually the rela- tion established was one of inequality — inequality varying in degree from mere inferiority of dignity to absolute subjection. This is one of the most , marked differences between the -.Etolian League and that of the ^'tolian Achisa. Another difference is to be traced in the wilder char- and Achseau j^cter and inferior Hellenism of the JEtolians, who never quite emerged out of the state of barbarity described by Thucydides, but continued a robber nation to the end. ^tolia had at no time any pa- triotic aims — she wished simply her own aggrandizement. In her wars, what she mainly sought was plunder, and her expeditions were generally raids for the sake of carrying off spoil. To gain her ends, she was ready to wink at any infringement of international law and to ally herself with any power. On two occasions only did she do good service to Greece, in the Lamian W.ir and at the great Gallic inroad, her conception of her own inteuests on these occasions happening to coincide with the interests of Hellas. She joined with Epirus to crush Acamania, and was ready to join Avith Macedon to partition Achsea. Finally, she brought the Romans in upon Greece by a formal trer.iy of alliance, entering into a treasonable partnership with the foreign power which the Greeks had most to fear, and obtaining the aid of Roman fleets and armies to help her against her Hellenic adversaries. It is further re- markable that -^tolia never produced a great man. While Achsea had her Aratus, her Lydiades, and her Philopoemen, all of them men Avho would have been remarkable at any period of Grecian history, ^tolia could produce noth- ing higher than a Dorimachus or a Scopas, successful robbers on a par with Philomelus and Onoraarchus, but with no pretensions to the character of either generals or statesmen. Brandstaeter, F. a., Geschichte des dtolischen Landes und Volkes. Ber- lin, 1844 ; 8vo. 23. The war of the ^tolians and Achseans was provoked by the former, who thought they saw in the accession of so Successful y<^"ii» 3, prince as Philip to the throne of Mace- Phnhfhi'th^*^ ^^^^ ^ favorable opportunity for advancing their ^toio-Achae- interests after their own peculiar method. It commenced with the invasion of Messenia, and would probably have been ruinous to Achaea, had Philip allowed himself to be detained in Macedonia by apj^rehen- sions of danger from his Illyrian neighbors, or had he shown less vigor and ability in his proceedings after he entered Greece. Though thwarted by the treachery of his minister and guardian, Apelles, who was jealous of the influence of Aratus, and but little aided by any of his Greek allies, he gained a series of brilliant successes, overrunning most of 304 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. ^tolia, capturing Thermon, the capital, detaching from the League Phigaleia in Arcadia and the Phthian Thebes, and showing himself in all respects a worthy successor of the old Macedonian conquerors. But after four years of this successful warfare, he allowed himself to be diverted from what should have been his first object, the coinplete reduc- tion of Greece, by the prospect which opened upon him after Hannibal's victory at Lake Thrasimene. At the instance of Demetrius of Pharos he concluded a peace with the ^toli- ans on the principle of iiti possedetis^ and, retiring into Mace- donia, entered upon those negotiations which involved him shortly afterwards in a war with Rome. Details or the ^TOLO-AcHiEAN War. Incursion of the ^tolians through Achsea into Messenia under Scopas and Dorimachus, and pkmder- ing expeditions by sea at the same time against Acarnania and Epirus, B.C. 220. Defeat of Aratus at Caphyge. The ^tolians capture Cynsetha. Ad- vance of Philip, B.C. 219. He invades -^tolia and captures Pseanium and CEniadae, but is recalled to Macedon by a rumored incursion of the Dardani- ans. Having terrified the Dardanians into submission, he returns during the winter into Greece, enters Peloponnese, defeats the -^tolian general, Eurip- idas, takes Psophis, overruns Elis, receives the submission of Phigaleia, and finally rests his army for the remainder of the winter at Argos, b.c. 218. In the early spring, having collected a fleet, he sails to Cephallenia and besieges Pale, but fails to take it ' owing to the treachery of Apelles. Crossing to Acarnania, he invades iEtoHa from the north-west, and, marching into the very centre of the country, takes and destroys Thermon, the capital, defeats every force which attempts to oppose him, and proceeding to Corinth, enters the Peloponnese and ravages the whole territory of Sparta, as far as Malea and Taenarum. On his return, he defeats Lycurgus, the Spartan king, near Sparta. Winter approaching, he returns to Macedonia, and captures Byla- zora in Paeonia, a city commanding the passes into Macedonia from the country of the Dardanians. In the spring of B.C. 21.7, he advances into Thessaly, besieges and takes Phthian Thebes, and thence proceeds to Argos to be present at the Nemean Games. Here the news of the battle of Lake Thrasimene reaches him, and he consents to peace. The histoiy of this war has been written by Merleker. See his Ge- schichte des yEtolisch-Achdischen Bundesgenossen Krieges, nach den Quellen dargestellt. Konigsberg, 1831 ; 8vo. It is also given in considerable detail by Thirlwall, History of Greece, vol. viii. chap. Ixiii. 24. The negotiations opened by Philip with Hannibal, b.c. 216, interrupted by the capture of his ambassadors, were First war of brought to a successful issue in b.c. 215; and in S!e R^imans, ^^^^ cusuiug year Philip began his first war with B.0. 214-207. Rome by the siege of Apollonia, the chief Roman PER. III., PART III.] MACEDON AND GEEECE. ;}05 port in Illyricum. By securing this place, he expected to facilitate the invasion of Italy on which he was bent, and to prejDare the way for that comj^lete expulsion of the Romans from the eastern coast of the gulf, which was one of the ob- jects he had most at heart. But he soon letrned that the Romans were an enemy with whom, under any circum- stances whatever, it w^as dangerous to contend. Defeated by M. Valerius, who surprised his camp at night, he was obliged to burn his ships and make a hasty retreat. His schemes of invasion were rudely overthrown ; and, three years later, b.c. 211, the Romans, by concluding a treaty with ^tolia and her allies (Elis, Sparta, the Illyrian chief, Scerdilaidas, and Attains, king of Pergamus), gave the war a new character, transferring it into Philip's own dominions, and so occuj^ying him there that he was forced to implore aid from Carthage instead of bringing succor to Hannibal. After many changes of fortune, the Macedonian monarch, having by the hands of his ally, Philopoemen, defeated the Spartans at Mantineia, induced the ^tolians to conclude a separate peace ; after which the Romans, anxious to con- centrate all their energies on the war with Carthage, con- sented to a treaty on terms not dishonorable to either party. Details op the First Roman War. The Romans (b.c. 211) conquer Zacynthus, CEniadee, and Nesos, and deliver them over to the ^tolians. Phil- ip is engaged with wars at home against the Illyrians and Thracians. The next year (b. c. 210) the Romans take Anticyra in Locris, and the island of JEgina, and hand them over in like manner. Philip advances to Malis, and besieges Echinus, which he takes, despite an attempt of the Romans and jEtolians to relieve it. In B.C. 209, Philopoemen appears upon the scene and commences those reforms by which he gave new life and vigor to Achtea. On the other side Attains arrives from- Asia, and co-operates with the Romans and -^tolians. Philip now marches southward, and, entering the Pelopon- nese, defeats a Roman detachment in Achasa, and invades Elis, but is there defeated by Sulpicius Galba and narrowly escapes with his life. The opera- tions of the next year, b.c. 208, were unimportant. The chief event was the recall of Attains, Avho was forced to return to Asia in order to repel an attack made upon his kingdom by his neighbor, Prusias of Bithynia. Nearly of equal importance was the appointment of Philopoemen to the headship of Achoja, Avhich produced in the year following, b.c. 207, the victory of Man- tineia, and placed Philip on that vantage-ground which enabled him to dictate terms to the Achseans, and to conclude his peace with the Romans on con- ditions which were fairly equal. 25. Philip had now a breathing-space, and might have em- 306 MACEDOiNlAN laNGDOMS. [book iv. ployed it to consolidate his power in Macedonia and Greece, before the storm broke upon him which was man- W^ar with Egypt, Attains ifestly impending. But his ambition was too d?ans,B.c.203- great, and his views were too grand, to allow of ^^^' his Engaging in a work so humble and unexcit- ing as consolidation. The Macedonian monarch had by this time disappointed all his earlier promise of virtue and mod- eration. He had grown profligate in morals, criminal in his acts, both public and private, and strangely reckless in his policy. Grasping after a vast empire, he neglected to secure what he already possessed, and, while enlarging the bounds, he diminished the real strength of his kingdom. It became now his object to extend his dominion on the side of Asia, and with this view he first (about b.c. 205) concluded a treaty with Antiochus the Great for the partition of the territories of Egypt, and then (b.c. 203) plunged into a war with Atta- lus and the Rhodians. His own share of the Egyptian spoils was to comprise Lysimacheia and the adjoining parts of Thrace, Sanios, Ephesus, Caria, and perhaps other portions of Asia Minor. He began at once to take possession of these places. A war with Attains and Rhodes was almost the nec- essary result of such proceedings, since their existence de- pended on the maintenance of a balance of power in these parts, and the instinct of self-preservation naturally threw them on the Egyptian side. Philip, moreover, took no steps to disarm their hostility : on the contrary, before war was declared, he burnt the arsenal of the Rhodians by the hands of an emissary; and in the war itself, one of his opening acts was to strengthen Prusias, the enemy of Attains, by making over to him the ^tolian dependency, Cius. The main event of the war was the great defeat of his fleet by the combined squadrons of the two powers off Chios, b.c. 201, a defeat ill compensated by the subsequent victory of Lade. Still Phil- ip was, on the w^hole, successful, and accomplished the main objects which he had in view, making himself master of Thasos, Samos, Chios, of Caria, and of many places in Ionia. Unassisted by Egypt, the allies were too weak to protect her territory, and Philip obtained the extension of dominion which he had desired, but at the cost of provoking the in- tense hostility of two powerful naval states, and the ill-will of ^tolia, which he had injured by his conquest of Cius. PER. III., PART III.] MACEDON iVND GREECE. 307 26. These proceedings of Philip in the ^gean had, more- over, been well calculated to bring about a rupture of the Rupture with pcace with Rorne. Friendly relations had existed Rome, B.o. 200. jjetwecn the Romans and Egypt from the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus (supra, p. 273), and even from an ear- lier date Rhodes and Rome had been on terms of intimacy. Attains was an actual ally of Rome, and had been included in the late treaty. It is therefore not surprising that in b.c. 200 Rome remonstrated, and, when Philip rejected every de- mand, declared the peace at an end and renewed the war. 27. The Second War of Philip with Rome is the turning- point in the history of Ancient Europe, deciding, as it did, Second War the question whether Macedon and Rome should KonTe^'B.c!^*^ Continue two j^arallel forces, dividing between 200-19T. them the general direction of European affairs, or whether the power of the former should be completely swept away, and the dominion of the latter over the civilized West finally and firmly established. It is perhaps doubtful what the result would have been, if Philip had guided his conduct by the commonest rules of prudence ; if, aware of the nature of the conflict into which he was about to be plunged, he had conciliated instead of alienating his natural supports, and had Bo been able to meet Rome at the head of a general con- federacy of the Hellenes. As it was, Greece was at first di- vided, the Rhodians, Athenians, and Athamanians siding with Rome; ^tolia, Epirus, Achaea, and Sparta being neutral; Allies of either and Thessaly, BcEotia, Acarnania, Megalopolis, and party. Argos Supporting Philip ; while in the latter part of the war, after Flamininus had proclaimed himself the champion of Grecian freedom, almost the entire force of Hel- las was thrown on the side of the Romans. Rome had also the alliance of the Illyrian tribes, always hostile to their Macedonian neighbors, and of Attains, king of Pergamus. Philip was left at last without a friend or ally, excepting Acarnania, which exhibited the unusual spectacle of a grate- ful nation firmly adhering to its benefactor in his adversity. Details of the Second Roman War. Sulpicius Galba lands in Epirus, B.C. 200, and early the next year, in concert with the Dardanians and Illyri- ans, attacks Macedonia on the land side, while the Roman fleet, with the con- tingents of Attains and the Rhodians, threatens the sea-hoard. Galba gains some advantages, but makes no very serious impression. The fleet takes 308 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. Andros and Oreus in Euboea. Towards winter -^tolia joins the Roman side, and her troops invade Thessaly, where they are defeated by Philip near Pharcadon. In b.c. 198 the consul Villius, landing in Epirus late in the year, effects nothing, but T. Quinctius Elamininus, his successor, defeats Philip on the Aous, and, proclaiming liberty to the Greeks, proceeds through Thessaly into Phocis, besieging only the towns held by Macedqnian garri- sons. The fleet takes Eretria and Carystus in Euboea. Achaa and Boeotia Battle of Cvn- J^^^ ^^^^ Romans. Philip makes alliance with Nabis, and gives ocephalse, b.o. him Argos. In B.C. 197, Elamininus, having wintered at ■^^^' Thebes, invaded Thessaly and met Philip at Cynocephalae, where he completely defeated him. This battle decided the Avar, and with it the fate of Macedonia. Philip at once consented to terms of peace. 28. The terms of peace agreed to by Philip after the hat- tie of Cynocephala? were the following : — (1) He was to evacuate all the Greek cities which he held, Terrns of peace granted whether ill Europe or Asia, some immediately, to Phihp. ^j^^ others within a given time. (2) He was to surrender his state-galley and all his navy except five light ships. (3) He was to restore all the Roman prisoners and deserters; and (4) he was to pay to the Romans 1000 tal- ents, 500 at once, the rest in ten annual installments. He Avas also to abstain from all aggressive war, and to surrender any claim to his revolted province, Orestis. These terms, though hard, were as favorable as he had any right to ex- pect. Had the ^tolians been allowed to have their way, he would have been far more severely treated. 29. The policy of Rome in proclaiming freedom to the Greeks, and even withdrawing her garrisons from the great fortresses of Demetrias, Chalcis, and Corinth — the Gree?™B!o.° " fetters of Greece " — was undoubtedly sound. ^^'^' Greek freedom could not be maintained except- ing under her protection ; and, by undertaking the protect- orate, she attached the bulk of the Greek people to her cause. At the same time, the establishment of universal freedom prevented any state from having much power; and in the quarrels that were sure to ensue Rome would find her advantage. The chief features of the settlement of Greece made by Elamininus, b.c. 194, were the subdivision of states and the establisliment of separate inde- pendence. Perrhcebia, Dolopia, and Magnesia were dcrp; hcd from Thessaly and erected into independent communities. In Euboea, Oreus, Eretria, and Carystus were made free towns. Argos was detached from Sparta, and be- PER. III., PART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 309 came once more her own mistress. The Leagues of Ach^a and JEtolia were not, however, dissolved, but were left to balance each other. Achica even received back some of her lost states, as Corinth, Hersea, and Triphylia. Greece generally seems to have been content with the aiTangement made, but it wholly ftiiled to satisfy the ^tolians. 30. War broke out in Greece in the very year of Flamini- nus's departure, B.C. 194, by the intrigues of the iEtolians, who encouraged ISTabis to attack the Achseans, wUh^touT then murdered Nabis, and finally invited Antio- B.o. 194-190. ^^^^^ ^^^^. ^^.^^ ^g.^^ rpj^^ ^gfg^^ ^f Antiochus at Thermopylae, B.C. 191 (supra, p. 254), left the ^tolians to bear the brunt of the war which they had provoked, and af- ter the battle of Magnesia, b.c. 190, there was nothing left for them but complete submission. Kome curtailed their terri- tory, and made them subject-allies, but forbore to crush them utterly, since they might still be useful against Macedonia. 31. The degradation of ^tolia was favorable to the growth and advancement of the Achaean League, which at one and the same time was patronized by Growth of • ' r^ 1 J^ 1 the Achasau Rome, and seemed to patriotic Cjrreeks the only eague. remaining rallying -point for a national party. The League at this time was under the guidance of the able and honest Philopoemen, whose efforts for its extension were crowned with remarkable success. After the murder of Nabis by the ^tolians, Sparta was induced to join the League, B.C. 192; and, a year later, the last of the Pelopon- nesian states which had remained separate, Messene and EUs, came in. The League now reached its widest territo- rial extent, comprising all the Peloponnese, together with Megara and other places beyond its limits. The annexation of Sparta, though legally effected, was an injudicious measure; and its compulsory retention in the League, after it had shown plainly its wish to secede, was a fatal mistake. Messene, on the other hand, though by the murder of Philopoemen it seemed to be intensely hostile, was rightly retained, since there the opponents of union were a mere faction. 32. After the conclusion of his peace with Rome, Philip for some years remained quiet. But having assisted the r^ -ui f Romans in their struo;2:le with Antiochus and the Ti'OUDles of . ^^» . . Philip's cios- ^tolians, he was allov/ed to extend his domin- iu^ VSRl'S ions by wars not only with Thrace, but also with the Dolopians, Athamauians, and even the Thessalians and 310 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. Magiiesians. When, however, his assistance was no longer needed, Rome required him to give up all his conquests and retire within the limits of Macedonia. Prolong-ed neo^otia- tions followed, until at last (b.c. 183) the Senate was induced to relax in their demands by the mediation of Demetrius, Philip's second son, long a hostage at Rome, for whom they professed to have a warm regard. The favor openly shown towards this prince by the Roman government was not per- haps intended to injure him ; but it naturally had that re- sult. It roused the suspicion of his father and the jealousy of his elder brother, Perseus, and led to the series of accusa- tions against the innocent youth, which at length induced his father to consent to his death, b.c. 181. It may have been remorse for his hasty act which brought Philip himself to the grave within two years of his son's decease, at the age of fifty-eight. 33. It is said that Philip had intended, on discovering the innocence of Demetrius, and the guilt of his false accuser, Accession of Perseus, to debar the latter from the succession. Perseus,^"?' ^e brought forward into public life a certain ^^^- Antigonus, a nephew of Antigonus Doson, and would, it is believed, have made him his heir, had he not died both prematurely and suddenly. Antigonus being ab- sent from the court, Perseus mounted the throne without opposition ; but he took care to secure himself in its posses- sion by soon afterwards murdering his rival. 34. It had been the aim of Philip, ever since the battle of Cynocephalae, and it continued to be the aim of Perseus, to Preparations maintain the peace with Rome as long as might Sru^glie^wfth ^® feasible, but at the same time to invigorate Rome. and strengthen Macedonia in every possible way, and so to prepare her for a second struggle, which it w^as hoped might terminate differently from the first. Philip re- populatcd his exhausted provinces by transplantations of Thracians and others, recruited his finances by careful work- ing of the mineral treasures in which Macedonia abounded, raised and disciplined a large military force, and entered into alliances with several of the Northern nations, Illyrian, Celtic, and perhaps even German, whom he hoped to launch against Rome, when the proper time should arrive. Per- seus, inheriting this policy, pursued it diligently for eight PEK. III., PAiiT III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 311 years, allying himself by intermarriages with Prnsias of Bithynia and Seleuciis of Syria, winning to his cause Cotys the Odrysian, Gentius the lUyrian, the Scordisci, the Bastar- nae, and others. Ev^en in Greece he had a considerable party, who thought his yoke would be more tolerable than that of Rome. Bceotia actually entered into his alliance; and the other states mostly wavered and might have been won, had proper measures been taken. But as the danger of a rupture drew near, Perseus's good genius seemed to for- sake him. He continued to pursue the policy of procrasti- nation long after the time had arrived for vigorous an«l prompt action. He allowed Rome to crush his friends in Greece without reaching out a hand to their assistance. Above all, by a foolish and ill-timed niggardliness, he lost the advantage of almost all the alliances which he had con- tracted, disgusting and alienating his allies, one after anoth- er, by the refusal of the subsidies which they required be- fore setting their troops in motion. He thus derived no benefit from his well-filled treasury, which simply went to swell the Roman gains at the end of the war. 35. The Romans landed in Epirus in the spring of B.C. 171, and employed themselves for some months in detaching „, „„ from Perseus his allies, and in puttinor down his War of Perse- . ' rr^ • ns with Rome, party in the Greek states. They dissolved the Boeotian League, secured the election of their partisans in various places, and obtained promises of aid from Achasa and Thessaly. Perseus allowed himself to be entrapped into making a truce during these months, and the Romans were thus able to complete their preparations at their leisure. At length, tow^ards autumn, both armies took the field — Perseus with 39,000 foot and 4000 horse, the Ro- mans with an equal number of horse, but with foot not much exceeding 30,000. In the first battle, w^hich was fought in Thessaly, Perseus was victorious; but he made no use of his victory, except to sue for peace, which was denied him. The w^ar then languished for two years; but in B.C. 168, the com- Battie of Pyd- mand being taken by L. ^milius PauUus, Per- "^- sens was forced to an engagement near Pydna (June 22), which decided the fate of the monarchy. The defeated prince fled to Samothrace, carrying with him 6000 talents — a sum the judicious expenditure of which might 312 MACEDONIAN KINGDOMS. [book iv. have turned the scale agahist the Romans. Here he was shortly afterwards captured by the praetor Octavius, and, being carried to Rome by the victorious consul, was led in triumph, and within a few years killed by ill usage, about B.C. 166. According to some accounts, Perseus voluntarily starved himself to death ; but the more general statement is that he was killed by his guards, who had orders to prevent him from sleeping. The exact date of his death Is uncer- tain. 36. The conquered kingdom of Macedonia was not at once reduced into the form of a Roman province, but was divided Treatment of ^^P i^^^o four distinct statcs, cach of them, it would Macedouia. seem, a kind of federal republic, which were ex- pressly forbidden to have any dealings one with another. Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia were made the capitals of the four states. To prevent any outburst of discontent at the loss of political status, the burdens hither- to laid upon the people were lightened. Rome was content to receive in tribute from the Macedonians one-half the amount which they had been in the habit of paying to their kings. 37. In Greece, the immediate eifect of the last Macedoni- an War was the disappearance of four out of the five Feder- Effcct of the ^1 Unions, which had recently divided almost the warouGreece. ^yholc of the Hellenic soil among them. The allegiance of JEtolia had wavered during the struggle ; and at its close the Romans either formally dissolved the League, or made it simply municipal. Acarnania, which went over to Rome in the course of the war, was nominally allowed to continue a confederacy, but practically vanishes from Grecian history from this moment. Boeotia having submitted, b.c. 171, was formally broken up into distinct cities. Epirus was punished for deserting the Roman side by desolation and depopulation, the remnant of her people being handed over to the rule of a tyrant. The only power remaining in Greece which possessed at once some strength and a remnant of independence, was Achoea, whose fidelity to Rome during the whole course of the war made it impos- sible even for the Roman Senate to proceed at once to treat lier as an enemy. 38. Achaea, nevertheless, was doomed from the moment PER. III., I'ART III.] MACEDON AND GREECE. 31 3 that Macedonia fell. The policy of Rome was at this time. Proceedincrs ^^^^ guidccl by a sense of honor, but wholly by a oftheRo- reo'ard for her own interests. Having crushed niaus ill ^^ Achaea. De-* Macedonia and mastered all Greece except Achsea, oUe thousixud shc required for the completion of her work in chief citizens, ^j^-g quarter that Achsea should either become wholly submissive to her will, or be conquered. It was at once to test the submissiveness of the Achcean people, and to obtain hostages for their continued good behavior, that Rome, in b.c. 167, required by her ambassadors the trial of above a thousand of the chief Achseans on the charge of having secretly aided Perseus ; and, when the Achaean As- sembly did not dare to refuse, carried off to Italy the whole of the accused persons. All the more moderate and inde- pendent of the Acboeans were thus deported, and the strong partisans of Rome, Callicrates and his friends, were left in sole i^ossession of the government. For seventeen years the accused persons were kept in prison in Etruscan towns with- ThPir return. ^"^ ^ hearing. Then, when their number had dwindled to three hundred, and their unjust de- tention had so exasperated them that a rash and reckless policy might be expected from their return to power, Rome suddenly released the remnant and sent them back to their country. 39. The natural consequences followed. Power fell into the hands of Diseus, Critolatis, and Damocritus, three of the Last War of ^^i^^s who Were most bitterly enraged against M.^'aits?'^'^"^ Rome; and these persons played into the hands liome, ends of their hated enemies by excitino: troubles in- tended to annoy the Romans, but which really gave them the pretext — which was exactly what they wanted — for an armed interference. The rebellion of An- driscus, a pretended son of Perseus, in Macedonia (b.c. 149 to 148), caused a brief delay; but in b.c. 146, four years after the return of the exiles, war was actually declared. Metellus first, and then Mummius, defeated the forces of the League ; Critolatis fell in battle ; Diceus slew himself; Cor- inth, where the remnant of the Achaean army had taken refuge, was taken and sacked, and the last foint spark of Grecian independence was extinguished. Achoea was not, indeed, at once reduced into a province ; and, though the 14 314 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book i v. •League was formally dissolved, yet, after an interval, its nominal revival was permitted ; but the substance of liberty had vanished at the battle of Leucopetra, and the image of it which Polybius was allowed to restore was a mere shad- ow, known by both parties to be illusory. Before many years were past, Achsea received, like the other provinces, her proconsul, and became an integral part of the great em- pire against which she had found it vain to attempt to struggle. Details of the Last Ach^an War. Interference of the League be- tween Athens and Oropus, and also between Sparta and Megalopohs, b.c. 150. Appeal of Sparta to Rome, answered by an ambiguous rescript, b.c. 149. Defeat of the Spartans by Damocritus, b.c. 148. Interference of Me- tellus. Dissolution of the League demanded. In retuni, the Roman envoys are insulted at Corinth. After fruitless negotiations, which consume most of the year b.c. 14:7, war is finally declared in b.c. 146, Critolaiis being Achaean general, and Metellus the commander on the Roman side. Heracleia having revolted from the League, Critolaiis proceeds to reduce it, but is forced to raise the siege by Metellus, Avho completely defeats him at Scai-pheia, near Thermopylse. Death of Critolaiis. Final effort made by Diajus. He col- lects a force at Corinth ; gains a slight advantage over the Romans under Mummius, and then fights the pitched battle of Leucopetra, in which he is tiompletely beaten. Corinth falls. Mummius plunders and destroys it. PART IV. History of the Smaller States and Kingdoms formed out of the Fragments of Alexanders Monarchy. Sources. Besides most of the ancient writers mentioned above as au- thorities for the history of the Syrian, Egyptian, and Macedonian kingdoms, the following are of value : — («) The fragments of Memnon of Heracleia Pontica, published in the Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecorum of C. Muller. Paris, 1849 ; vol. iii. (6) The Parthica of Arrian, contained in the Bihli- otheca of PiiOTius (ed. Bekker. Berolini, 1824; 2 vols. 4to). (c) The great work of the Jewish historian Fl. Josephus, entitled Antiquitatum Ju- daicarum lihri xx. (ed. K. E. Riciiter. Lipsia;, 1825-7 ; 4 vols. 8vo). {d) Ammianus Marcellinus, Historia Romana (ed. Wagner et Erfurdt. Lipsiffi, 1808 ; 3 vols. 8vo). And, especially for the Jewish history, (e) The Books of Maccabees. Modern works on this portion of Ancient History treat, in general, only some branch of it, and will therefore find their most fitting place under the heads of the various states and kingdoms. Besides the three main kingdoms of Syria, Egypt, and Macedonia, wliich were formed out of the great empire of PER. III., PART IV,] TERGAMUS. 315 Rise of small- Alexander, there arose in the East at this time, of th?fi^ag-^ partly out of Alexander's dominions, partly out of "xanderi^em- nnconquered portions of the Persian territory, a pii'^- number of independent lesser states, mostly mon- archies, which played an important part in Oriental history during the decline of the Macedonian and the rise of the Ro- man power, and of which therefore some account must be given in a work like the present. The principal of these were, first, in Asia Minor, Pergamus, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Pontus and Cappadocia ; secondly, in the region adjoining. Greater and Lesser Armenia ; thirdly, in the remoter East, Bactria and Parthia ; and, fourthly, in the tract between Syria and Egypt, Judsea. Our information on the subject of these kingdoms is very scanty. No an- cient writer gives us any continuous or separate history of any of them. It is only so far as they become implicated in the affairs of the greater king- doms that they attract the ancient writers' attention. Their history is thus very incomplete, and sometimes quite fragmentary. Much, however, has been done towards making out a continuous narrative, in some cases, by a skillful combination of scattered notices, and a judicious use of the knowledge derived from coins. I. KINGDOM OF PERGAMUS. 1. In Western Asia the most important of the lesser king- doms Avas that of Pergamus, which arose in the course of the KiDgdom of war waged between Seleucus Nicator and Ly- rise'S^'gen-' simachus. (See p. 250.) Small and insignificant erai features. -^^ j^g origin, this kingdom gradually grew into power and importance by the combined military genius and prudence of its princes, who had the skill to side always with the stronger party. By assisting Syria against the re- volted satrap Achgeus, and Rome against Macedon and Syria, the kings of Pergamus gradually enlarged their do- minion, until they were at length masters of fully half Asia Mmor. At the same time, they had the good taste to en- courage art and literature, and to render the capital of their kingdom a sort of rival to Alexandria. They adorned Per- gamus with noble buildings, the remains of which may be seen at the present day. They warmly fostered the kindred arts of painting and sculpture. To advance literature, they established an extensive public library, and attracted to their capital a considerable number of learned men. A grammat- 316 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv. ical and critical school grew np at Pergamus only second to the Alexandrian ; and the Egyptian papyrus was outdone, as a literary material, by the chartct Pergamena (parchment). 2. The founder of the kingdom was a certain Philetserus, a eunuch, whom Lysimachus had made governor of the place Eei^nofPhii- ^"^^ guardian of his treasures. On the death of etffinis, i!.c. Lysimachus at the battle of Corupedion, Philetse- 281-263. -^ • ^ . 1 • z" xi /» . 1 • rus mamtamed possession oi the lortress on his own account, and, by a judicious employment of the wealth whereof he had become possessed, in the hire of mercenaries and otherwise, he succeeded in establishing his independ- ence, and even in transmitting his princij^ality and treasure to his nej^hew, Eumenes, the son of Eumenes, his brother. 3. Eumenes I., the successor of Philetgerus, was attacked, very shortly after his accession, by Antiochus I., the son and Reigu of Ell- successor of Seleucus, but defeated him in a pitch- meiies i.,b.c. ed battle near Sardis, and obtained an increase of 2C3-241. ^ . T , . . ' -TT • -1 territory by his victory, lie reigned twenty-two years, and died from the effects of over-drinking, b.c. 241, be- queathing Pergamus to his first cousin, Attains — the son of his father's brother. Attains, by Antiochis, the daughter of Achseus. 4. Attains I. distinguished himself early in his reign (about B.C. 239) by a great victory over the Gauls, who had Rei n of At- ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ above thirty ycai's settled in North- taius I., B.C. ern Phrygia (Galatia), whence they made contin- ual plundering raids upon their neighbors. On obtaining this success, he for the first time assumed the title of "king," having previously, like his two predecessors, borne only that of " dynast." From this time we hear noth- ing of him for the space of about ten years, when Ave find him engaged in a war with Antiochus Hierax, the brother of Seleucus Callinicus, Avho was endeavoring to make himself king of Asia Minor. Having defeated this ambitious prince, and driven him out of Asia, Attains succeeded in vastly en- larging his own dominions, which, about b.c. 226, included most of the countries west of the Halys and north of Tan-, rus. But the Syrian monarchs were not inclined to submit to this loss of territory. First Seleucus Ceraunus (b.c. 226), and then Antiochus the Great, by his general Achasus (b.c. 223), made war upon Attains, and by the year b.c. 221 his PER. III., TART IV.] PERGAMUS. 317 conquests were all lost, and his dominions once more reduced to the mere Pergamene principality. But in b.c. 218 the tide again turned. By the help of Gallic mercenaries Attalus re- covered - i III., about byria was established in the reign oi the lormer, who obtained as a wife for his much-loved son, Stratonice, the daughter of Antiochus Theus. The two reigns of Ariamnes and Ariarathes III. appear to have cov- ered a space of about sixty years, from b.c. 280 to 220. Ari- arathes III. left the crown to a son, bearing the same name, who Avas at the time of his father's death an infant. 4. The reign of Ariarathes IV. is remarkable as being that which ended the comparative isolation of Cappadocia, ^ . „ , . and brousrht the kinojdom into close relation with Reign of An- ^ ^ arathesiv., the Other monarchies of Asia Minor, and not only with them, but also with the great republic of the West. The history of Cappadocia is henceforth inextri- cably intermixed with that of the other kingdoms of West- ern Asia, and has been to a great extent anticipated in what has been said of them. Ariarathes IV., who was the first cousin of Antiochus the Great, married in b.c. 192 his daugh- ter Antiochis, and, being thus doubly connected with the Seleucid family, entered into close alliance with the Syrian king, assisted him in his war against Rome, and bore his part in the great battle of Magnesia by which the power of the Syrian empire was broken, b.c. 190. Having thus incur- red the hostility of the Romans, and at the same time become sensible of the greatness of their power, Ariarathes proceed- ed, in B.C. 188, to deprecate their wrath, and by an alliance with the Roman protege, Eumenes, which was cemented by a marriage, succeeded in appeasing the offended republic and obtained favorable terms. Ariarathes then assisted Eume- nes in his war with Pharnaces of Pontus, b.c. 183 to 1'79, af- ter which he was engaged in a prolonged quarrel with the Gauls of Galatia, who wished to annex a portion of his terri- tory. He continued on the most friendly terms with Rome from the conclusion of peace in b.c. 188 till his death in the Avinter of b.c. 163-2. His reign lasted fifty-eight years. • Ariarathes IV. must have been married at least twice. By his first wife he had a daughter, married to Eumenes of Pergamus, in B.C. 188. By his second, Antiocliis, the daughter of Antiochus the Great, lie had a son, Mith- ridates, who took the name of Ariarathes at his accession. He had also two ,336 LESSER KINGDOMS. L^^^^i^ iv- other reputed sons by Antiochis, Ariarathes, and Holophernes or Orophernes, supposititious children whom Antiochis had imposed upon him when she thought herself barren. 5. Ariarathes V., surnamed " Philopator " from the affec- tion which he bore his father, maintained the alliance be- Eei iiofAri- *^^^^^^ Cappadocia and Rome with great fidelity. arathesv., Solicited by Demetrius Soter to enter into alli- ance with him and to connect his family ^T-ith that of the Seleucidse once more by a marriage, he declined out of regard for Rome. Angered by his refusal, Demetrius set up against him the pretender, Orophernes, b.c. 158, and for a time deprived him of his kingdom. The Romans, how- ever, with the help of Attains II., restored him in the year following. After this Ariarathes lent Attains important aid in his war with Prusias of Bithynia, b.c. 156 to 154, and when Aristonicus attempted to resist the Roman occuj)ation of that province, b.c. 133, he joined the Romans in person, and lost his life in their cause, b.c. 131. The character of Ariarathes V. stands out in remarkable contrast to those of almost all his contemporaries. He was a student of philosophy, and made Cappadocia a residence of learned men. Out of respect for his father he would accept no share in the government during his lifetime. When Artax- ias of Armenia suggested to him an iniquitous appropriation of a neighboring kingdom, he not only declined the overture, but was indignant that it had been made to him. No cruel or perfidious deed of his doing is upon record. He conciliated the affection of his subjects and commanded the respect of his neighbors. The history of the three centuries after Alexander shows us no other monarch who led so pure and blameless a life. 6. Ariarathes V. seems to have left behind him as many as six sons, none of whom, however, had reached maturity. Ref^ency of Laodice, therefore, the queen-mother, became re- Laodice, aud ^ent 1 and, beinoj an ambitious and unscrupulous reigu of An- ^ ' ' ^. . ^ ^ , aiathes VI., wouian, shc contrivcd to poison five out of her six sons before they were of age to reign, and so kept the government in her own hands. One, the youhgest, was preserved, like the Jewish king, Joash, by his near relatives ; and, after the death of Laodice, who fell a victim to the pop- ular indignation, he ascended the throne under the name of Ariarathes VI. Little is known of this king, except that he made alliance Avith Mithridates the Great, and married a sis- ter of that monarch, named also Laodice, about b.c. 115. By her he had two sons, both named Ariarathes. He Avas mur- riiu. III., TART IV.] CAPFADOCIA. 337 derecl by an emissary of Mithridates, b.c. 96, when his sons were just growing into men. 7. On the removal of Ariarathes VI. h*is dominions were seized by his brother-in-law, Mithridates, who designed to Rei^usofAri- assunie the rule of them himself; but Laodice, the arathes VII., ^yj^Qw of the late Mng, having called in the aid of Nicomedes II., king of Bithynia, whom she married, Mith- ridates, in order to retain his hold on Cappadocia, found it necessary to allow the country its own monarch thes viiL, and accordmgly set up as kmg, b.c. 96 or 95, Ari- li.c. 96-03. arathes VIL, elder son of Ariarathes VI., and con- sequently the legitimate monarch. This prince, however, showing himself too independent, Mithridates, in b.c. 94, in- vited him to a conference and slew him; after which he placed on the throne a son of his own, aged eight years, whose name he changed to Ariarathes. But the Cappado- cians rose in rebellion against this attempt, and raised to the throne another Ariarathes, the son of Ariarathes VI., and. the younger brother of Ariarathes VIL, who endeavor- ed to establish himself, but was driven out by Mithridates and died shortly afterwards. By the death of this prince the old royal family of Cappadocia became extinct ; and though pretenders to the throne, claiming a royal descent, were put forward both by Mithridates and Nicomedes, yet, as the nul- lity of these claims was patent, Rome permitted the Cappa- docians to choose themselves a new sovereign, which they did in b.c. 93, when Ariobarzanes was proclaimed king. 8. Ariobarzanes had scarcely ascended the throne when lie was. expelled by Tigranes, king of Armenia, and forced to fly , , . to Rome for protection. The Romans reinstated Reign of Ano- . . . , ^ ^ . . , . barzanes L, him m the next year, b.c. 92 ; and he reigned in peace for four years, b.c. 92 to 88, when he was again ejected, this time by Mithridates, who seized his terri- tories, and retained possession of them during the w'hole of his first war with the Romans. At the peace, made in b.c. 84, Ariobarzanes w^as once more restored. He now continued undisturbed till b.c. 67, when Mithridates and Tigranes in combination drove him from his kingdom for the third time, after which, in b.c. 66, he received his third restoration at the hands of Pompey. About two years later he abdicated in favor of his son, Ariobarzanes. 15 338 LESSER KINGDOMS. - {.book iv. 9. Ariobarzanes II., the friend of Cicero, began to reign probably in b.c. 64. He took the titles of "Eusebes" (the ^, . Pious) and " Philorhomaeus " (lover of the Ro- ReignofAno- / ^. barzaues II., mans), and appears to have aimed steadily at deserving the latter appellation. It was difficult, however, to please all parties in the civil wars. Ariobarza- nes sided with Pompey against Csesar, and owed it to the magnanimity of the latter that he was not deprived of his kingdom after Pharsalia, but forgiven and allowed an in- crease of territory. In the next civil war he was less for- tunate. Having ventured to oppose the "Liberators," he was seized and put to death by Cassius, b.c. 42, after he had reigned between twenty-one and twenty-two years. 10. After Philippi, Antony conferred the crown of Cap- padocia on Ariarathes IX., the son (apparently) of the last „ . ^ . . kinir. It was not Ions:, however, before this prince Reigns of An- , =. . ^ t • i t i arathesix. lost his lavoi*, and. Ill B.C. 36, he was put to death ^' * by Antony's orders, who wanted his throne for Archelatis, one of his creatures. Archelatis, the grandson of Mithridates's general of the same name, ruled Cappadocia from B.C. 36 to a.d. 15, when he was summoned to Home by Tiberius, who had been oifended by the circumstance that Archelatis paid him no attention when he was in voluntary exile at Rhodes. Archelatis in vain endeavored to excuse, himself: he was retained at Rome by the tyrant, and died there, either of a disease, or possibly by his own hand, about A.D. 17. His kingdom was then reduced into the form of a Roman province. On the Cappadocian history, see Clinton's Kings of Cappadocia, in his Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii., Appendix, chap. ix. VI. KINGDOM OF THE GREATER ARMENIA. 1. Armenia, which, from the date of the battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301, formed a portion of the empire of the Seleucidae, re- independence voltcd Oil the defeat of Antiochus the Great by B!c?i9o.^Ekr- the Romans, B.C. 190, and became split up into ly monarchs. two kingdoms, Armenia Major and Armenia Mi- nor, the latter lying on the west bank of the Euphrates. The first king of Armenia Major was Artaxias, who had been a general of Antiochus. He built Artaxata, the capital, and PEK. 111., PART IV.] GREATER ARMENIA. 339 reigned probably about twenty-five years, when he was at- tacked, defeated, and made prisoner by Antiochus Epipha- nes, about b.c. 165, who recovered Armenia to the Syrian empire. How long the subjection continued is uncertain; but about B.C. 100 we find an Armenian king mentioned, who seems to be independent, and who carries on war with the Parthian monarch, Mithridates. This king, who is called by Justin Ortoadistes, appears to have been succeeded, b.c. 96, by the greatest of the Armenian monarchs, Tigranes I., who took the part already described (supra, p. 332) in the great war between Mithridates of Pontus and the Romans. 2. Tigranes I, Avho w^as a descendant of Artaxias, raised Armenia from the condition of a petty kingdom to a power- Reign of Ti- ful and extensive empire. Compelled in his early fS!^ His'^' years to purchase a peace of the Parthians by a early wars. ccssion of territory, he soon afterwards, about b.c. 90 to 87, not only recovered his provinces, but added to his dominions the important countries of Atropatene and Gor- dyene (or Upper Mesopotamia), chastising the Parthian mon- arch on his own soil, and gaining for himself a great reputa- tion. He then determined to attack the Syrian kingdom, which was verging to its fall under Philip, son of Grypus. Having crossed the Euphrates, he easily made himself master of the entire Syrian territory, including the province of Ci- licia; and for fourteen years, b.c. 83 to 69, "his dominions reached across the whole of Western Asia, from the borders of Pamphylia to the shores of the Caspian. It was during ..V- .r. these years that he founded his ffreat capital of War with the -^ . » ^ Romans, B.C. iigranoccrta, and gave grievous onense to Kome by his conduct towards her protege, Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia, whose territory he ravaged, b.c. 75, carrying off more than 300,000 people. Soon afterwards he added to the offense by receiving and supporting Mithridates, and thus he drew the Roman arms upon himself and his kingdom. War of Tigranes with Rome. b.c. 69. Tigranes invades Lycaonia. Lucullus proceeds into Armenia, defeats Mithrobarzanes, and threatens Ti- granocerta. Tigranes marches to the relief of his capital. Great battle be- tween the two armies. Tigranes completely defeated. Tigranocerta falls. Defection of Syria, which is given to Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Euse- bes, — B.C. 68. Tigranes, accompanied by Mithridates, retreats to the Anne- nian highlands, whither they are followed by Lucullus. Battle near Artax- ata, another Komaji victory. Disaflfection of the troops of Lucullus prevents 340 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv. any further successes. Lucullus quits Armenia, and marches southward into Mesopotamia. Siege and fall ofNisibis. — b.c. 67. Tigranes andMith- ridates take the offensive ; the latter recovers Pontus ; the former reoccupies Cappadocia, and invades Armenia Minor. The movements of Lucullus are paralyzed by the disaffection of his troops. — B.C. 6G. Command of Pompey, \v'ho allies himself with the Parthian king, Phraates. Rebellion of the young Tigranes, who is supported by Phraates against his father. Invasion of Ai*- menia by Phraates. Second invasion, later in the year, by Pompey. Sub- mission of Tigranes. Terms granted him. 3. The result of the war with Rome was the loss by Ti- granes of all his conquests. He retained merely his original Later years of kingdom of the Greater Armenia. The fidelity, Tigranes. however, which he showed towards Pompey led to the enlargement of his dominions, b.c. 65, by the addition of Gordyene ; and the Roman alliance was otherwise service- able to him in the war which he continued to wage with Par- thia. He appears to have died about b.c. 55, eleven years after the conclusion of his peace with Rome, and one year before the expedition of Crassus. 4. Tigranes was succeeded by his son, Artavasdes I., who began his reign by following out the later policy of his fa- ^ . ,, , ther, and endeavorinoj to keep on s^ood terms with Reign of Arta- , ' ^^ . ° ^ . ° , vasdes I., b.c. the Romans. He bore a part in the great expe- dition of Crassus against the Parthians, b.c. 54 ; and it was only when Orodes, the Parthian king, advanced against him, and he was unable to obtain any assistance from Rome, that he consented to a Parthian alliance, and gave his daughter in marriage to Orodes's son, Pacorus. This led him, when Pacorus invaded Syria, b.c. 51, to take up an attitude of hostility to the Romans. But, at a later date, when An- tony threatened the Parthians, b.c. 36, he again espoused the Roman side, and took part in that general's expedition into Media Atropatene, which turned out unfortunately. Antony attributed his repulse to Artavasdes deserting him in his dif- ficulties, and therefore invaded his country, in b.c. 34, obtain- ed possession of his person, and carried him into captivity. Cleopatra afterwards, b.c. 30, put Artavasdes to death. It is worth remark that there was a considerable degree of culture in Ar- menia at this period. Its character was Greek. Tigranes I. struck coins with a Greek legend. Artavasdes I. wrote speeches, tragedies, and even his- torical works in the Greek language. 5. On the captivity of Artavasdes, the Armenians conferred PER. III., PART IV.] MINOR ARMENIA. 341 the royal dignity on Artaxias II., his son. At first the Ro- mans, in conjunction with Artavasdes of Atropa- taxiasiL, B.C. tcnc, drovc him out; but dunnsj the strusjo'le be- tween Octavius and Antony he returned, defeated the Atropatenian monarch, and took him prisoner. At the same time, he gave command for a massacre of all the Ro- mans in Armenia, which accordingly took place. He reigned from B.C. 34 to 19, when he was murdered by his relations. 6. The Romans now brought forward a candidate for the throne in the person of Tigranes, the brother of Artaxias II., who was installed in his kingdom by Tiberius at the com- mand of Augustus, and ruled the country as Tigranes II. From this time Armenian independence was really at an end. The titular monarchs were mere puppets, maintained in their position by the Roman emperors or the Parthian kings, who alternately exercised a j^reponderating influence over the country. At length Armenia was made into a Ro- man province by Trajan, b.c. 114. A general History of Armenia from the earliest times to his own day was written in the Armenian language by Moses Chorenensis, about a.d. 430 to 450. It embodies the national traditions, and possesses thus a certain amount of interest ; but it is contradicted by classical writers, contemporary with the events, on so many points that it can not be regarded as possessing more than a very slight historical value. This work was translated into Latin by Whiston, and published in a single 4to volume. London, 1736. Lists of the Annenian kings from Artaxias downward have been collected by Foy-Vaillant, in his Arsacidarum Imperium (Ap])endix, Elenchus regiim ArmenicB Majoris), by Brotier in his notes to Tacitus (vol. i. pp. 420 to 428), and others. VII. KINGDOM OF ARMENIA MINOR. The kingdom of Armenia Minor was founded by Zaria- dras, a general of Antiochus the Great, about the same time Duration of that Artaxias founded the kingdom of Armenia fromS°9o' Major, i. e., about b.c. 190. It continued a sepa- toA.D.73. rate state, governed by the descendants of the founder, till the time of Mithridates of Pontus, when it was annexed to his dominions by that ambitious prince. Subse- quently it fell almost wholly under the power of the Ro- mans, and was generally attached to one or other of the neighboring kingdoms, until the reign of Vespasian, when it was converted into a Roman province. The names of tlie 342 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv, early kings after Zariadras are unknown. Among the later were a Cotys, contemporary with Caligula, a.d. 47, and an Aristobulus, contemporary with Nero, a.d. 54. The latter prince belonged to the family of the Herods. VIII. KINGDOM OF BACTRIA. 1. The Bactrian satrapy was for some time after the death of Alexander only nominally subject to any of the so-called ^. . ..., "Successors." But, about b.c. 305, Seleucus Ni- Origiuofthe • i • ^ . i- t . • t , kingdom, cator lu his Oriental expedition received the sub- mission of the governor ; and from that date till the reign of his grandson, Antiochus Theus, Bactria -con- tinued to be a province of the Syrian empire. Then, how- ever, the personal character of Antiochus Theus, and his entanglement in a war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, which taxed his powers to the utmost, encouraged the remoter provinces to revolt; and about b.c. 255 Diodotus, satrap of Bactria, declared himself independent, and became the found- er of the Bactrian kingdom. 2. Little is known of Diodotus I. beyond the date of his accession, and the fact of the continuance of his reign from Rei<^nofDio- ^^^^^^ ^•^- ^55 to 237. It is possiblc that about ciotusi.,jibout B.C. 244 he (nominally at any rate) submitted to Ptolemy Euergetes ; and probable that when Seleucus Callinicus made his first attack on Parthia, Diodo- tus lent him assistance, and obtained in return an acknowl- edgment of his independence. He appears to have died during the expedition of Callinicus, which is assigned prob- ably to the year b.c. 237. At his death he left the crown to a son of the same name. It is to be borne in mind tliat the Bactrian kingdom was in its origin purely Greek, and that thus it stands in marked contrast with the Parthian. The coins of Diodotus I. are excellent in type ; they have wholly Greek legends. 3. Diodotus II., who succeeded Diodotus I. about b.c. 237, pursued a policy quite different from that of his father. In- Heigu ofDio- stead of lending aid to Callinicus, he concluded a ciotus II. treaty with Arsaces II, (Tiridates), the Parthian king, and probably assisted him in the great battle by which Parthian independence was regarded as finally established. PER. III., PART IV.] BACTRIA. 343 Nothing more is known of this king; nor can it even be de- termined whether it was he or his son who was removed by Euthydemus, when that prince seized the crown, about b.c. 222. 4. Euthydemus, the third known Bactrian king, was a Greek of Magnesia, in Asia Minor. The circumstances un- KeiguofEu- der which he seized the crown are unknown to about^Ic.'222 ^^^ ; but it appears that he had been king for -200. some considerable time when Antiochus the Great, liaving made peace with Arsaces, the third Parthian monarch, turned his arms against Bactria with the view of reducing it to subjection. In a battle fought on the Arius (Heri-Rud), Euthydemus was defeated ; but Antiochus, Avho received a wound in the engagement, shortly after granted him terms, promised to give one of his daughters in mar- riage to Demetrius, Euthydemus's son, and left him in quiet possession of his dominions, b.c. 206. The Indian conquests of Demetrius seem to have commenced soon afterwards, while his father was still living. They were on the south side of the Paropamisus, in the modern Candahar and Cabul. 5. Demetrius, who is proved by his coins to have been king of Bactria, no doubt succeeded his father. He engaged Rif^nofD ^^^ ^^^ iniportant series of conquests — partly as metrius, about crown princc, partly as king — on the southern side of the Paropamisus, which extended proba- bly over the greater portion of AiFghanistan, and may even have embraced some districts of the Punjab region. The city of Demetrias in Arachosia, and that of Euthydemeia on the Hydaspes, are with reason regarded as traces of these conquests. While Demetrius was thus employed, a rebel named Eucratides seems to have supplanted him at home ; and the reigns of these monarchs were for some time paral- lel, Demetrius ruling on the south and Eucratides on the north side of the mountains. The dates for the accession and death of Demetrius are exceedingly doubt- fiil. The best authorities assign him, conjecturally, the space from about B.C. 200 to 180. 6. After the death of Demetrius, Eucratides appears to _ . _„ have reimied over both kino'doms. He was a Reign of En- » ^ , . . cratides, about monarch of Considerable vigor and activity, and pushed his conquests deep into the Punjab re- 344 LESJSEK KINGDOMS. [book iv. gion. He lost, however, a portion of his home territory to the Parthian princes. On his return from an Indian expedi- tion he was waylaid and slain by his own son, whom he had previously associated in the kingdom. liis reign must have lasted from about b.c. 180 to 160. 7. The son of Eucratides, who after his murder became sole monarch of Bactria, appears to have been a certain He- Reicxn of He ^i^^^^^j ^ho took the title of Aiicaiog, " the Just," liodes, about and reigned over Bactria probably from about B.C. 160 to 150. Nothing is known in detail of the circumstances of his reign ; but there is reason to be- lieve that Bactria now rapidly declined in power, being j)ressed upon by the Scythian nomades towards the north, Decline of Bac- ^^^^ ^J ^^^^ Parthians on the ^vest and south, triau power, j^^-j^-] continually losing one province after anoth- er to the invaders. It was in vain that these unhappy Greeks implored in their isolation the aid of their Syrian brethren against the constant encroachments of the barbari- ans. The expedition of Demetrius Nicator, undertaken for their relief, b.c. 142, terminated in his defeat and capture. Hellenic culture and civilization proved in this quarter no match for barbaric force, and had of necessity to give way and retreat. After the reign of Ileliocles, we have no further indication of Greek rulers to the north of the Paropamisus. On the southern side of the mountain-chain somewhat more of tenacity was show^n. In Cabul and Candahar Greek king- doms, offshoots of the Bactrian, continued to exist down to about B.C. 80, when the last remnant of Hellenic power in this quarter was swept away by the Yue-chi and other Scythic, or Tatar, races. To these Indian, rather than Bactrian, kingdoms belong the names of Lys- ias (about b.c. IGO), Antimachus (same date), Apollodotus (same date), Menander (b.c. 140), Philoxenes (same date), Antieleides, Archebius, Dio- medes (about B.C. 100), Herma;us (same date), and others, whose coins, which have Greek legends, show them to have reigned in these regions. No great historical interest attaches to any of these kings except Menander. Menander was a powerful monarch, who held his court probably at the city of Cabul, and ruled over the whole tract extending from the Paropamisus on the north to the Indian Ocean towards the south, and from the neighborhood of Herat on the one side, to the Jumna, a tributary of the Ganges, on the other. His coins are found in the Hazarah country, west of Cabul, at Cabul itself, at Peshawur, and on the banks of the Jumna. In the first century af- TEK. III., i AKT IV.] PARTHIA. 345 ter Christ they were current on the coast of Guzerat, and about the mouths of the Indus. There is reason therefore to beHeve that Strabo did not exag- gerate his power, which probably lasted for about a quarter of a century in the regions mentioned. On the Grajco-Bactrian history, see the following works : Bayer, T. S., Historia regni Grcecorum Bactriani. Petropol., 1738; 4to. The earliest, and, so far as the notices of the ancients go, the most complete work on the subject. Wilson, Prof. H. H., Ariana Antigua (chap. iv.). London, 1841 ; 4to. Contains a full and excellent account and representation of the Graco-Bac- trian coins. Lassen, Prof., Indische Alterthumskunde. Bonn, 1849 ; 2 vols, tall 8vo. See particularly the section entitled Geschichte der Griechisch-Baktrischen Konige, vol. ii. pp. 277 to 344. Special works on the Coins of Bactria and the adjoining cpuntries are nu- merous. Among them the following deserve attention : Raoul-Rochette, Notice sur quelques medailles grecques inedites, appar- tenant a des rois inconnus de Bactriane et de I'lnde, published in the Journal des Savants for 1834 ; pp. 328 et seqq. Grotefend, C. L,, Die MUnzen der griechiscken, parthischen, und indos- kythischen Konige von Baktrien und den Landern am Indus. Hanover, 1839. IX. KINGDOM OF PARTHIA. The Parthian kingdom is said to have been founded near- ly at the same time with the Bactrian, during the reign of Parthian Antiochus Theus in Syria, about b.c. 255 or 256. from^B.c.'25G ^^ Originated, however, not in the revolt of a sa- to A.D. 226. trap, but in the uprising of a nation. Reinforced by a kindred body of Turanians from beyond the Jaxartes, the Parthi of the region lying south-east of the Caspian rose in revolt against their Grecian masters, and succeeded in es- tablishing their independence. From a small beginning they gradually spread their poAver over the greater part of Western Asia, being for a considerable period lords of all the countries between the Euphrates and the Sutlej. As the Parthian kingdom, though a fragment of the empire of Alex- ander, was never absorbed into that of the Romans, but con- tinued to exist side by side with the Roman empire during the most flourishing period of the latter, it is proposed to reserve the details of the history for the next Book, and to give only this brief notice of the general character of the monarchy in the present place. 15* 346 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv. X. KINGDOM OF JUDJEA. 1. Though the Jewish kingdom, which came into being midway in the Syrian period, originating in the intolerable ^ cruelties and oppressions of the Syrian kinoes, was Importance of ■, • ^^ n i n i Jewish histo- geographically oi such small extent as scarcely ^^' to claim distinct treatment in a work which must needs omit to notice many of the lesser states and kingdoms, yet the undying interest Avhich attaches to the Jewish j^eo- ple, and the vast influence which the nation has exercised over the progress of civilization, will justify, it is thought, in the present place, not only an account of the kingdom, but a sketch of the general history of the nation from the time when, as related in the first Book (p. 69), it was carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar to the period of the re- establishment of independence. This history naturally di- vides itself into two periods: — 1. From the Captivity to the fall of the Persian empire, b.c. 586 to 323; and, 2. From the fall of the Persian empire to the re-establishment of an independent kingdom, B.C. 323 to 168. The history of the kingdom may also be most conveniently treat- ed in two portions: — 1. The Maccabee period, from b.c. 168 to 37; and, 2. The period of the Herods, b.c. 37 to a.d. 44, when Judaea became finally a Roman province. Thus the entire history will fall under four heads. 2. First Period. About fifty years after the completion of the Captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, and nearly seventy First Period, years after its commencement, a great change ReturufrcfiVi was effected in the condition of the Jewish peo- captivity. p|^ -^y. (^yj-yg^ That monarch, having captured Babylon in the year b.c. 538, found among his new subjects an oppressed race, in whose religion he recognized a consid- erable resemblance to his own, and in w^hose fortunes he therefore took a special interest. Learning that they had been violently removed from their own country two genera- tions previously, and finding that numbers of them had a strong desire to return, he gave permission that such as wished might go back and re-establish themselves in their country. Accordingly, a colony, numbering 42,360 persons, besides their servants, set out from Babylonia, and made their way to Jerusalem ; in or near Avhich the greater num- PER. III., PART IV,] JUD-iEA. 347 ber of them settled. This colony, at the head of which was Zerubbabel, a descendant of the old line of kings, was after- wards strengthened by •two others, one led by Ezra, in b.c. 458, and the other by Nehemiah, in b.c. 445. Besides these known accessions, there was probably also for many years a continual influx of individuals, or families, who were attract- ed to their own land, not only by the love of country, which has always been so especially strong in the Jews, but also by motives of religion. Still great numbers of Jews, prob- ably half the nation, remained where they had so long re- sided, in Babylonia and the adjoining countries. 3. The exiles who returned under Zerubbabel belonged predominantly, if not exclusively, to three tribes, Judah, Levi, and Benjamin. It was their first object to re- rebuiit, b.o. build their famous Temple on its former site, and 535—515 to re-establish the old Temple-service. But in this work they were greatly hindered by their neighbors. A mixed race, partly Israelite, partly foreign — including Babylonians, Persians, Elamites, Arabs, and others — had re- peopled the old kingdom of Samaria, and established there a mongrel worship, in part Jehovistic, in part idolatrous. On the first arrival of the Jewish colony, this mixed race pro- posed to join the new-comers in the erection of their Tem- ple, and to make it a common sanctuary open both to them- selves and the Jews. But such a course Avould have been dangerous to the purity of religion ; and Zerubbabel very properly declined the offer. His refusal stirred up a spirit of hostility among the " Samaritans ;" which showed itself in prolonged efibrts to jn-event the rebuilding of the Temple and the city — efibrts which were for a while successful, con- siderably delaying, though they could not finally defeat, the work. Building of Temple commenced about b.c. 535, Work stopped by a re- script of the pseudo-Smerdis (Artaxerxes of Ezra iv. 7-23), about B.C. 522, Resumed, b.c. 519, in consequence of a decree of Darius Hystaspis. Com- pletion of Temple, b.c. 515. 4. The favor of Darius Hystaspis allowed the Jews to complete their Temple, and to establish themselves firmly in the country of their ancestors, despite the ill-will of the sur- rounding nations and tribes. But in the reign of his succes- sor, Xerxes, a terrible danger was incurred. That weak 348 LESSER KIJJGDOMS. [book iv. Dan erofthe P^ince allowed liis minister, Haman (Omanes?),to Jews. Pro- persuade him that it would be for the advantage ere averted by of liis empire, if the Je\^'«, who were to be found tiw?f Esther, in various parts of his dominions, always a distinct about B.C.473. ^.r^^e, not amalgamating with those among whom they lived, could be quietly got rid of. Having obtained the monarch's consent, he planned and prepared a general massacre, by which on one day the whole race was to be swept from the earth. Fortunately for the doomed nation, the inclination of the fickle king had shifted before the day of execution came, the interposition of the Avife in favor at the time, who was a Jewess, having availed for the preser- vation of her people. Instead of being taken unawares by their enemies, and massacred unresistingly, the Jews were everywhere warned of their danger and allowed to stand on their defense. The weight of the government was thrown on their side ; and the result was that, wherever they were attacked, they triumphed, and improved their future posi tion by the destruction of all their most bitter adversaries. The "Ahasuenis" of the Book of Esther lias been identified by Avriters of repute with Darius Hystaspis and with Artaxerxes Longimanus, as well as Avith Xerxes. But the notes of time, character, and name, which all point to Xerxes, have produced among moderns almost a consensus in his favor. The historical character of the narrative is proved by the institution of the feast of Purim, which is still kept by the Jews, and of which no other account can be given. 5. Though the Jews had thus escaped this great danger, and had strengthened their position by the destruction of so Tendency to many of their enemies, yet their continued exist- in termixture . ,. j'li p n with foreign- eucc as a Separate nation was still far from se- by EzraS ^"^*^- "^^o causcs imperilled it. In spite of the Nehemiah. refusal to allow foreigners, even though partially allied in race, to take part in the rebuilding of the Temple, a tendency showed itself, as time went on, towards a fusion with the surrounding peoples. The practice of intermar- riage with these peoples commenced, and had gained a great head when Ezra brought his colony from Babylon in the seventh year of Longimanus, e.c. 458. By the earnest ef- forts, first of Ezra, and then of Nehemiah, about B.C. 434, this evil was checked. 6. The other peril was of a different kind. Jerusalem, PER. III., PART IV.] JUD^A. 34.9 though rebuilt on the old site by the colony of Zerubbabel, was without walls or other defenses, and thus lay Fortification . , „ i m • i of Jerusalem, Open to attack on the part 01 any hostile neigh- bor. The authority of Persia was weak in the more remote provinces, which not un frequently revolted, and remained for years in a state bordering on anarchy. It Avas an important gain to the Jews when, in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, Nehemiah came down from the court with authority to refortify the city, and eflected his purpose despite the opposition which he encountered, b.c. 445. 7. It was a feature of the Persian system to allow the na- tions under their rule a good deal of self-government and in- Method of ad- ternal independence. Judaea was a portion of mJdefthePer- ^^^ Syrian satrapy, and had no doubt to submit sians. ^q ^^q,}i requisitions as the Syrian satrap made upon it for men and money. But, so long as these requisi- tions were complied with, there was not much further inter- ference with the people, or with their mode of managing their own affairs. Occasionally a local governor (Tirshatha), with a rank and title below those of a satrap, was appointed by the Crown to superintend Judaea, or Jerusalem; but these officers do not appear to have succeeded each other with regularity, and, when they were appointed, it would seem that they were always natives. In default of a regular succession of such governors, the High-priests came to be regarded as not merely the religious but also the political heads of the nation, and the general direction of affairs fell into their hands. Line of High-priests from the commencement to the close of the Per- sian period: — 1. Jeshua, B.C. 536 to 515. Contemporary with Zerubbabel, Haggai, and Zechariah. 2. Joiakim, son of Jeshua, about b.c. 500 to 4C0. 3. Eliashib, son of Joiakim, b.c. 458 to 434. Contemporary with Ezra and Nehemiah. 4. Joiada, son of Eliashib, about b.c. 430 to 400. Contempo- rary with Darius Nothus. 5. Jonathan, son of Joiada, about B.C. 400 to 3G0. Contemporaiy with Artaxei*xes Mnemon. Murders his brother Jeshua. 6. Jaddua, son of Jonathan, about 3G0 to 330. Contemporary with Darius Codomannus. After the fall of Tyre, yields Jerusalem to Alexander the Great. 8. Second Period. In the partitions which were made Jud^a under ^^ Alexander's dominions at Babylon and at thePtoiemies, Triparadisus (see pp. 239 and 241), the Syrian u.c. 320-203. ■■■ T . 1 . , -, -, T-. 1 • satrapy, Avhich included Palestine, was consti- 350 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv. tuted a separate government. But a very little time elapsed before Ptolemy Lagi annexed the satrapy, the southern di- vision of which continued thenceforward, except during short intervals, a portion of the kingdom of Egypt, until the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes. It is uncertain whether Alexander assigned the Jews any special privileges in the great city which he founded in Egypt ; but there can be no doubt that the early Ptolemies highly favored this class of their sub- jects, attracting them in vast numbers to their capital, en- couraging their literature, and granting them many privi- leges. The subjection of Judaea to Egypt lasted from b.c. 320 to B.C. 203 ; and though the country was during this space ravaged more than once by the forces of contending armies, yet on the whole the time must be regarded as one of general peace and prosperity. The high-priests continued to be at the head of the state, and ruled Judaea without much oppressive interference from the Egyptians. The High-priests during this period were — 1. Onias I., the son of Jad- dua, about B.C. 330 to 300. 2. Simon the Just, the son of Onias, about B.C. 300 to 290. 3. Eleazar, brother of Simon the Just, about B.C. 290 to 265. 4. Manasseh, also a brother of Simon, about B.C. 265 to 240. 5. Onias II., son of Simon, b.c. 240 to 226. Nearly brought about a rupture with Egypt from his refusal to pay the customaiy tribute. 6. Simon II., son of Onins 11. , B.C. 226 to 198. 9. Towards the close of the Ptolemaic period, the Jews began to have serious cause of complaint against their Egyp- tian rulers. The fourth Ptolemy (Philopator), a Judaea voluu- . i > i tariiy places weak and debauched prmce, attempted to violate theSeieucidi the sanctity of the Jewish Temple by entering it, B.O.203. ^^^^ when his attempt was frustrated, sought to revenge himself by punishing the Alexandrian Jews, who had done him no injury at all. It was the natural result of these violent proceedings that the Jews, in disgust and alarm, should seek a protector elsewhere. Accordingly, when An- tiochus the Great, in the infancy of Ptolemy Epiphanes, de- termined to attack Egypt, and to annex, if possible, to his own dominions the valuable maritime tract extending from his province of Upper Syria to the Sinaitic Desert, the Jews voluntarily joined him ; and though Ptolemy's general, Sco- pas, recovered most of what had been lost, yet Antiochus, by the victory of Paneas, b.c. 198, was left in final possession PER. III., PAKT IV.] JUD^A. 351 of the whole region, which thenceforth, though often disputed by Egypt, became a possession of the Syrian kings. 10. Under Antiochus the Great, and for a time under his elder son, Seleucus Philopator, the Jews had no reason to re- in-treatment P^^^^ *^^ exchange they had made. Both Antio- ofthe Jewsby chus, and Scleucus for a while, respected the priv- the SeleucidsB . . ^ leads to re- ilcgcs of the nation, and abstained from any pro- voit, B.0. 168. ggg^ij^gg tl^^^ could give umbrage to their new subjects. But towards the close of the reign of Seleucus, an important change of policy took place. The wealth of the Jewish Temple being reported to the Syrian monarch, and his own needs being great, he made an attempt to appropri- ate the sacred treasure, which was however frustrated, either by miracle, or by the contrivance of the High-priest Onias. This unwarrantable attempt of Seleucus was followed by worse outrages in the reign of his brother and successor, Antiochus Epiphanes. Not only did that monarch sell the office of High-priest, first to Jason and then to Menelatis, but he endeavored to effect by systematic proceedings the complete Hellenization of the Jews, whereto a party in the nation was already sufficiently inclined. Further, having, by his own iniquitous proceedings in the matter of the high- priesthood, given occasion to a civil war between the rival claimants, he chose to regard the war as rebellion against his authority, and on his return from his second Egyptian cam- paign, b.c. 170, took possession of Jerusalem, and gave it up to massacre and pillage. At the same time he plundered the Temple of its sacred vessels and treasures. Kor was this all. Two years afterwards, b.c. 168, he caused Jerusalem to be occupied a second time by an armed force, set up an idol altar in the Temple, and caused sacrifice to be offered there to Jupiter Olympius. The Jews were forbidden any longer to observe the Law, and were to be Hellenized by main force. Hence the rising under the Maccabees, and the gradual re-establishment of independence. High-priests under the Syrians : — 1. Onias III., son of Simon XL, b.c. 198 to 175. Frustrates the attempt made to plunder the Temple by Helio- dorus at the command of Seleucus Philopator. Deprived of the priesthood by Antiochus Epiphanes at the instigation of Jason. 2, Jason, brother of Onias III., b.c. 175 to 172. Buys the office of Antiochus. Introduces Greek customs. Sends an offering to Hercules at Tyre. Supplanted by his emissary Menelaiis. 3. Menelaiis (according to Josephus, brother of Ja- 352 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv. son), B.C. 172 to 1G3. Buys the office. Civil war between him and Jason. Put to death by Antiochus Eupator. 11. Third Pekiod. At first the patriots who rose up against the attempt to annihilate the national religion and Judaea under life Were a scanty band, maintaining themselves bees^B.ci^i6s- with difficulty in the mountains against the forces 2''- of the Syrian kings. Jerusalem, which was won by Judas Maccabseus, was lost again at his death ; and it was not till about b.c. 153, fourteen years after the first re- volt, that the struggle entered on a new^ phase in conse- quence of the contentions which then began between difier- ent pretenders to the Syrian throne. When war arose be- tween Demetrius and Alexander Balas, the support of the Jews was felt to be of importance by both parties. Both, consequently, made overtures to Jonathan, the third Macca- bee prince, who was shortly recognized not only as prince, but also as high-priest of the nation. From this time, as there were almost constant disputes between rival claimants of the crown in Syria, the Jews were able to maintain them- selves with comparative ease. Once or twice, during a pause in the Syrian contest, they were attacked and were forced to make a temporary submission. But the general result was that they maintained, and indeed continually enlarged, their independence. For some time they did not object to acknowledge the Syrian monarch as their suzerain, and to pay him an annual tribute; but after the death of Antiochus VII. (Sidetes) all such payments seem to have ceased, and the complete independence of the -country was established. Coins were struck bearing the name of the Maccabee prince, and the title of " King." Judsea Avas in- deed from this time as powerful a monarchy as Syria. John Hyrcanus conquered Samaria and Idumaea, and thus largely extended the Jewish boundaries, exactly at the time when those of Syria were undergoing rapid contraction. (See p. 259.) 12. The deliverance of the state from any further fear of subjection by Syria was followed almost immediately by Commence- internal quarrels and dissensions, which led natu- YecSouto^' I'^lly t<^ the acceptance of a position of subordi- Rome,B.o.63. nation under another power. The Pharisees and Sadducees, hitherto mere religious sects, became transformed PER. III., PART IV.] JUD^A. 353 into political factions. Civil wars broke out. The members of the royal family quarrelled among each other, and the different pretenders to the crown appealed for assistance to foreign nations. About b.c. 63 the Romans entered upon the scene ; and for the last twenty-six years of the Macca- bee period — b.c. 63 to 37 — while feeble princes of the once mighty Asmongean family still nominally held the throne, the Great Republic was really supreme in Palestine, took tribute, and appointed governors, or sanctioned the rule of kings, at her pleasure. It is the change of dynasty, and not any change in the internal condition of the country, that causes the year b.c. 37 to be taken as that at which to draw the line between the close of one period and the commence- ment of another. List of the Asmonjean Princes : — 1. Mattathias, a priest, leader of the revolt, B.C. 168 to 167. 2. Judas Maccaboeus, his third son. After some small successes, defeats Apollonius at Beth-horon, b.c. 167. Gains a victory at Emmaus over the forces of Lysias, b.c. 166, and defeats Lysias himself at Beth-snra, B.C. 165. Occupies all Jerusalem except the citadel, and purifies the Temple. Jerusalem besieged by Lysias, B.C. 163. Expedition of Nica- nor, B.C. 161. Judas defeats him at Capharsalama and at Adasa. Invasion of Bacchides. Judas is defeated and falls at Eleasa, ' ' the Jewish Thermop- ylse." Jerusalem recovered by the Syrians. 3. Jonathan, a younger brother of Judas, maintains the war for eight years with fair success in the mountains north-east of Jerusalem, inflicting several defeats upon Bacchides. The in- vasion of Syria by Alexander Balas, b.c. 153, entirely changes his position. Both parties court him. Demetrius puts him in possession of Jerusalem. Alexander nominates him to the high-priesthood, and obtains his assistance in the Avar which follows. At his death, b.c. 146, Demetrius II. makes terms Avith the Jews, but fails to fulfill them, in consequence of which Jona- than joins the party of Antiochus VI., the son of Alexander Balas, and lends it efficient aid, till his murder by the conspirator Tryphon, b.c. 144. 4. Simon, the last remaining son of Mattathias, succeeded his brother Jonathan, and to avenge his death made common cause with Demetiius II. against Tryphon, b.c. 143, stipulating, hoAvever, at the same time for the complete independence of his country. The first JeAvish coins are noAV struck. The Syrian garrison is expelled from the citadel of Jerusalem. Simon is pi'acti- cally king of the Jews. At the same time he holds the high-priesthood. The Jews continue undisturbed and prosperous for some years ; and Avhen, in B.C. 138, Antiochus Sidetes, having reduced Tryphon to extremities, re- solves to make an attempt to reconquer the country, his general, Cendebaius,^ is defeated, and Simon once more triumphs. Soon afterwards, however, b.c. 135, he is assassinated by his own son-in-law, Ptolemaius, Avho attempts to seize the kingdom. 5. John Hyrcanus, son of Simon, obtains the govern- ment ; but before he is well settled in his kingdom, Sidetes rencAvs his enter- prise, and after a Avar which lasts two years, b.c. 135 to 133, he forces Hyr- 354 LESSER KINGDOMS. [ijook iv. canus to acknowledge his authority, to dismantle Jerusalem, and to renew the payment of tribute. But on the death of Sidetes in the Parthian War, B.C. 129, Hyrcanus throws off the yoke, and takes advantage of the troubles which break out anew in Syria to enlarge his dominions by the conquest of Idiimaa and Samaria, B.C. 109. From this time the authority of Syria is at an end. John Hyrcanus dies in peace, b.c. lOG, leaving the government to his eldest son, Aristobulus. G. Aristobulus reigns one year only, during which he shows a cruel disposition. He is succeeded by his brother, 7. Alexander Jannaeus, who reigns from b.c. 105 to 78. In this reign the quarrels between the Pharisees and Sadducees come to a head and disturb the peace of the country. Alexander is a Sadducee ; and, the Pharisees having induced the people to insult him, a war breaks out, which rages for six years (b.c. 95 to 89), Jann£Bus being finally the victor. An attempt is subsequently made to dethrone him by the aid of Demetrius Eucserus of Syria. (See p. 260.) Success again rests with Jannaius, who once more severely punishes his adversaries. After this he reigns for some years peace- fully, and is allowed to leave his crown to his widow, 8. Alexandra, who joins the party of the Pharisees, and is maintained on the throne by their influence. At her death, in b.c. 70, her two sons, 9. Hyrcanus, the high- priest, and, 10. Aristobulus, quarrelled for the possession of the throne, and engaged in a civil war, which lasted till Pompey, in B.C. 63, took Jerusalem, carried off Aristobulus, and established Hyrcanus, who then reigned quietly from B.C. 63 to 57. In b.c. 57, Aristobulus, having escaped from Rome, raised fresh troubles, which were quelled by the Roman commander, Gabin- ius, who deposed Hyrcanus, and established a species of oligarchy, which lasted ten years, B.C. 57 to 47. Hyrcanus was then restored to power by Julius CiBsar, whom he had aided in the Egyptian campaign of B.C. 48, and remained at the head of affairs till b.c 40, when he Avas deposed and muti- lated by the last Asmonajan prince, 11. Antigonus, who, having obtained a Parthian force, took Jerusalem, and held the government for three years, B.C. 40 to 37, when he was forced to yield to Herod, assisted by the Romans. 13. Fourth Period. During the fourth period Roman influence was, not only practically, as during much of the jiidsea under third period, but professedly predominant over j5^c ?7^to*A D. ^^^® country. The Herods, who owed their estab- 4^- lishment in authority wholly to the Romans, had no other means of maintaining themselves than by preserv- ing the favor of their patrons. Obnoxious, except to a small fraction of the nation, from their Idumaean descent, they were hated still more as the minions of a foreign power, a standing proof to the nation of its own weakness and degraded con- cfition. On the other hand, there were no doubt some who viewed the rule of the Herods as, in a certain sense, a pro- tection against Rome, a something interposed between the nation and its purely heathen oppressors, saving the nation- PER. III., PART IV.] JUD^A. 355 al life from extinction, and offering the best compromise which circumstances permitted between an impossible en- tire indei^endence and a too probable absorption into the empire. Such persons were willing to see in Herod the Great, and again in Herod Agrippa, the Messiah — the king foredoomed to save them from the yoke of the foreigner, and to obtain for them the respect, if not even the obedience, of ' the surrounding peoples. 14. But these feelings, and the attachment to the dynasty which grew out of them, must have become weaker as time Period of Ro- wcnt on. The kingdom of the Herods gradually meutl^A D^^si" lost instead of gaining in power. Rome contiuu- 44. ally encroached more and more. As early as a.d. 8, a portion of Palestine, and the most imj)ortant portion in the eyes of the Jews, was formally incorporated into the Ro- man empire ; and though the caprice of an emperor after- wards revoked this proceeding, and restored another Herod to the throne of his grandfather, yet from the moment when the first Procurator levied taxes in a Jewish province all but the willfully blind must have seen what was impending. The civil authority of the last native prince over Judaea came to an end in a.d. 44 ; and the whole of Palestine, except a small district held as a kingdom by Agrippa H., was from that time absorbed into the empire, being appended to the Ro- man province of Syria and ruled wholly by Roman Procura- tors. The national life was consequently at the last gasp. As far as political forms went, it was extinct ; but there re- mained enough of vital energy in the seeming corpse for the nation once more to reassert itself, and to show by the great " War of Independence " that it was not to be finally crushed without a fearful struggle, the issue of which at one time ap- peared almost doubtful. Line of Jewish Governors from B.C. 37 to a.d. 44: — 1. Herod the Great. Obtains his crown by the favor of Antony, B.C. 37. Marries Mari- amne, the Asmonsean princess, the same year. His dominions increased b}' Augustus, after Actium, B.C. 30. Rebuilds the Temple \vith great magnifi- cence, but also rebuilds that on Mount Gerizira, and at Ccesarea erects hea- then temples. Maintains a body-guard of foreign mercenaries. Cruel and suspicious, especially towards the members of his own family. Puts to death Mariamne, her grandfather Hyrcanus, her two sons Aristobulus and Alex- ander, Antipater, his eldest son, and others. Dies b.c. 4 (according to the received chronolog}-). 2. Archelaiis, 3. Antipas, and 4. Phihp, inherit por- 356 LESSER KINGDOMS. [book iv. tions of their father's dominions, Archelaiis having Idumaea, Judasa, and Sa- maria; Antipas, Galilee and Peraea; and Philip, Ituraa and Trachonitis. Archelaiis rules oppressively, and is deposed by the Romans, a.d. 8, who add his dominions to the province of Syria, but assign the actual government to Procurators. These were, 5. Coponius; 6. M. Ambivius ; 7. Annius Rufus-; 8. Valerius Gratus, a.d. 14 to 25; 9, Pontius Pilate, a.d. 25 to 36; 10. Marcellus. Antipas ruled in Galilee from B.C. 4 to a.d. 39, when he was deposed; and Philip in Trachonitis, from B.C. 4 to a.d. 37, when he died. As these principalities became vacant they were conferred by the favor of Caligula on 11. Herod Agrippa I., the son of Aristobulus, who in a.d. 41 received from Claudius the further addition to his kingdom of Samaria and .Tudsea, and thus united under his sway all Palestine. He died, after com- mencing a persecution of the Christians, a.d. 44 ; whereupon the Romans placed Palestine once more under the government of Procurators. Those of Judgea were, 12. Caspius Eadus, a.d. 44 to 48 ; 13. Ventidius Cumanus, a.d. 48 to 49 ; 14, Antonius Felix, a.d. 49 to 55; 15. Porcius Festus, a.d. 55 to 59 ; IG. Albinus, a.d. 62 to 65 ; and 17. Gessius Florus, under whom the Jews broke out into open rebellion. Parallel with this later line of Procura- tors was the govei-nment of 17. Herod Agrippa II., first in Chalcis, and then in Abilene and Trachonitis, from a.d. 50 to 70, when his principality was swallowed up in the new arrangements consequent upon the revolt of the Jews and their reduction. Agrippa assisted the Romans in the Jewish War ; and at its close retired to Rome, where he lived till the third year of Trajan, A.D. 100. 15. The proximate cause of the great Jewish revolt and of the " War of Independence " Avas the oppression of the Proc- Tyrannyof urators, and especially of Gessius Florus. But, tors,lD!4^/u even had the Roman governors ruled mildly, it is m. Revolts pi'obable that a rebellion would sooner or later )estructiou Iislyq broken out. The Roman system was unlike of Jerusalem, •' nit dowu. A.D.70. ' those of the foreign powers to which Judaea had in former times submitted. It was intolerant of diiferences, and aimed everywhere, not only at absorbing, but at assimi- lating the populations. The Jews could under no circum- stances have allowed their nationality to be crushed other- wise than by violence. As it was, the tyranny of Gessius Florus precipitated a struggle which must have come in any case, and made the contest fiercer, bloodier, and more pro- tracted than it might have been otherwise. From the lirst revolt against his authority to the capture of the city by Ti- tus was a period of nearly five years, a.d. 66 to 70. The fall of the city was followed by its destruction, partly as a pun- ishment for the desperation of the resistance, but more as a precaution to deprive the Jews, now felt to be really formi- PER. III., TART IV.] JUD^A. 35Y dable, of their natural rallying-point in any future rebel- lion. Works upon the history of the Jews are numerous, and many of them are extremely vahiable. The more important have been ah'eady noticed. (See p. 59.) But the following also deserve attention : Basnage, Histoire des Juifs depuis Jesus Christ jusqu'a present. La Haye, 1716 ; 15 vols. 12mo. Parts i. and ii. belong to this period. Prideaux, The Old and New Testament connected in the History of the Jews and Neighboring Nations. London, 1714; 2 vols. 8vo. Much of this treatise is now antiquated ; but it has not been wholly superseded by any later English work on the subject. JosT, J. M., Geschichte der Israeliten seit der Zeit der Makkahder his auf unsere Tage. Berlin, 1828-47 ; 10 vols. 8vo. Herzfeld, C, Geschichte des Volkes Israel von Vollendung des zweiten Tempel his zur Einsetzung des Makkahders Schimon zum hohen Priester. Leipzig, 1863 ; 2 vols. 8vo. An excellent sketch of the history is also con- tained in the valuable work of Dollinger, J. J. T,, Der Heide und der Jude. Miinchen, 1857. An authorized translation of this work has been published under the title of The Gentile and the Jew in the Courts of the Temple of Christ. From the German by N. Darnell. London, 1862 ; 2 vols. 8vo. BOOK V. HISTORY OF ROME FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE FALL OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE, A.D. 4T6, AND PARALLEL HISTORY OF PARTHIA. PART I.— HISTORY OF ROME, Preliminary MemarJcs on the Geography of Ancie7it Italy. 1. The Italian Peninsula is the smallest of the three tracts which project themselves from the European continent south- it ii —size ward into the Mediterranean. Its greatest length ;iiid bounda- between the Alps and Cape Spartivento is 720 miles, and its greatest width between the Little St. Bernard and the hills north of Trieste is 330 miles. The ordinary width, however, is only 100 miles; and the area is thus, even including the littoral islands, not much more than 110,000 square miles. The peninsula was bounded on the north and north-west by the Alps, on the east by the Adri- atic, on the south by the Mediterranean, and on the west by the Tyrrhenian Sea {Mare Tyrrheymni). 2. The LITTORAL EXTENT of Italy is, in proportion to its area, very considerable, chiefly owing to the length and nar- Exteutofthe rowness of the peninsula; for the main coasts are sea-board. ^^^^ ^^^^ slightly indented. Towards the west a moderate number of shallow gulfs, or rather bays, give a cer- tain variety to the coast-line ; while on the east there is but one important headland, that of Gargano ; and but one bay of any size, that of Manfredonia. Southward, however, the shore has two considerable indentations in what would oth- erwise be but a short line, viz., the deep Gulf of Taranto and the shallower one of Squillace. A character generally simi- lar attaches to the coasts of the Italian islands, Sardinia, Sic- ily, and Corsica ; and hence, though a nautical tendency be- longs naturally to the Italian people, the tendency is not so distinct and pronounced as in the neighboring country of Greece. « TART I.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 359 3. The Mountains of Italy consi^ of the two famous chains of the Alps and the Apennmes. (a) The Alps, which The mountain ^^^"^^^ Italy along the whole of its northern and system. The a part of its Avestern side, form a lofty barrier ^^' naturally isolating the region from the rest of Europe. Nowhere less along the entire boundary-line than 4000 feet in height, and varying from that minimum to a maximum of- 15,000 feet, they are penetrable by no more than ten or twelve difficult passes, even at the present day. Their general direction is from east to west, or, speaking more strictly, from N.E. by E. to S.W. by W. ; but, at a certain point in their course, the point in which they culminate, this direction ceases, and they suddenly change their course and run nearly due north and south. Mont Blanc stands at the corner thus formed, like a gigantic buttress at the angle of a mighty building. The length of the chain from Mont Blanc southward to the coast is about 150 miles; the length east- Avard, so far as the Alps are Italian, is about 330 miles. Thus this huge barrier guards Italy for a distance of 480 miles with a rampart which in ancient time could scarcely be scaled, (b) From the point where the Alps, striking southward from Mont Blanc, reach most nearly to the sea, The Apen- ^ Secondary chain is thrown off, which runs at nines. ^^^t from west to east, almost parallel with the shore, to about the longitude of Cremona (10° east from Greenwich, nearly), after which it begins to trend south of east, and passing in this direction across about three-fourths of the peninsula, it again turns still more to the south, and proceeds in a course which is, as nearly as possible, due south-east, parallel to the two coasts of the peninsula, along its entire length. This chain is properly the Apennines. In modern geography its more western j)ortion bears the name of "The Maritime Alps;" but as the chain is really continu- ous from a point a little north-east of Nice to the neighbor- hood of Reggio (Rhegium), a single name should be given to it throughout; and, for distinction's sake, that name should certainly not be " Alps " but " Apennines." The Ap- ennines in Northern Italy consist of but a single chain, which throws off twisted spurs to the right hand and to the left ; but, w^hen Central Italy is reached, the character of the range becomes more complicated. Below Lake Fucinus the chain 360 KOME. [BOOK v. bifurcates. While one range, the stronger of the two, pur- sues the old south-easterly direction, another of minor eleva- tion branches off to the south, and approaching the south coast very closely in the vicinity of Salernum, curves round and rejoins the main chain near Compsa. The range then proceeds in a single line nearly to Venusia, when it splits once more ; and while one branch runs on nearly due east to the extreme promontory of lapygia, the other proceeds almost due south to Rhegium. 4, The most marked feature of Italian geography is the strong contrast in which Northern stands to Southern Italy. Contrast be- Northern Italy is almost all plain; Southern al- eraSSdSouth- i^^ost all mountain. The conformation of the era Italy. mountain ranges in the north leaves between the parallel chains of the Swiss Alps and the Upper Apennines a vast tract — from 100 to 150 miles in width, which (speaking broadly) may be called a single plain — "the Plain of the Po," or " the Plain of Lombardo-Venetia." In Southern It- aly, or the Peninsula proper, plains of more than a few miles in extent are rare. The Apennines, w^ith their many-twist- ed spurs, spread broadly over the land, and form a continu- ous mountain region which occupies at least one half of the surface. But this is not all. Where the chain is sufficient- ly narrow to allow of the interposition, between its base and the shore, of any tolerably Avide tract — as in Etruria, in Latium, and in Campania — separate systems of hills and mountains, volcanic in character, exist, and prevent the oc- currence of any really extensive levels. The only exception to this general rule is in Apulia, where an extensive tract of plain is found about the Candelaro, Cervaro, and Ofanto rivers. 5. The Rivers of Italy are exceedingly numerous ; but only one or two are of any considerable size. The great riv- ^. er is the Po (Padus), which, rising at the foot of Monte Viso, in lat. 44° 40', long. 7°, nearly, drains almost the whole of the great northern plain, receiving above a hundred tributaries, and having a course which, counting only main windings, probably exceeds 400 miles. The chief of its tributaries are the Duria (Dora Baltea), the Ticinus (Ticino), the Addua (Adda), the OUius (Oglio), and the Min- cius (Mincio), from the north; from the south, the Tanarus I'ART I.] GEOGRAl^IllCAL OUTLINE. 361 (Tanaro), the Trebia (Trebbia), the Tarus (Taro), the Secia (Secchia), the Scultenna (Panaro), and the Rhenus (Reno). The next most im23ortant of the Italian rivers is the Athesis, or Adige, which, rising in the Tyrolean Alps, flows south- ward nearly to Yerona; after which, curving round, it runs parallel witli the Po into the Adriatic. Both these rivers are beyond the limits of the Peninsula proper. Within those limits the chief streams are the Arnus, Tiber, Liris, Yultur- nus, and Silarus on the western side of the Apennines ; the JEsis, Aternus, Tifernus, Frento, Cerbalus, and Aufidus to the east of those mountains. 6. Italy possesses a fair number of Lakes. Most of these lie towards the north, on the skirts of the Alps, at the point where the mountains sink down into the plain. "The chief are the Benacus (Lago di Garda), be- tween Lombardy and Yenetia, the Sevinus (Lago d' Iseo), the Larius (Lago di Como), the Ceresius (Lago di Lugano), the Yerbanus (Lago Maggiore), and the Lago d' Orta, which is unnoticed by the ancients. There is one important lake, the Lacus Fucinus, in the Central Apennine region. In Etruria are the Trasimenus (Lago di Perugia), the Yolsinien- sis (Lago di Bolsena), and the Sabatinus (Lago di Bracciano). Besides these, there are numerous lagoons on the sea-coast, especially in the neighborhood of Yenice, and several mount- ain tarns of small size, but of great beauty. 7. The Italian Islands are, from their size, their fertility, and their mineral treasures, peculiarly important. They constitute nearly one-fourth of the whole area of the country. Sicily is exceedingly productive both in corn and in wine of an excellent quality. Sardinia and Corsica are rich in minerals. Even the little island of Elba (Ilva) is valuable for its iron. Sicily and the Lipari isles yield abundance of sulphur. 8. The only Natural Division of Italy is into Northern and Southern — the former comprising the plain of the Po and Chief divis- the mountains inclosing it, so far as they are Ital- ions. ian ; the latter coextensive with the Peninsula proper. It is usual, however, to divide the peninsula itself artificially into two portions by a line drawn across it from the mouth of the Silarus to that of the Tifernus. In this way a triple division of Italy is produced: and the three 16 362 ROME. [book v. parts are then called Northern, Central, and Southern. It will be convenient to enumerate the countries into which Italy was anciently j^arcelled out under the three heads fur- nished by this latter division. 9. Northern Italy contained, in the most ancient times to which history goes back, the three countries of Liguria, Northern Upper Etruria, and Venetia. After a while, part Italy. q£ Liguria and almost the whole of Upper Etru- ria were occupied by Gallic immigrants ; and, the boundary- lines being to some extent changed, there still remained in this large and important tract three countries only, viz., Li- guria, Venetia, and Gallia Cisalpina ; the last-named having, as it were, taken the place of Upper Etruria. 10. Liguria was the tract at the extreme west of Northern Italy. Before the Gallic invasion it probably reached to the Pennine and Graian Alps ; but in later times it ^'^ ' ' was regarded as bounded on the north by the Po, on the west by the Alps from Monte Viso (Yesulus) south- ward, on the south by the Mediterranean, and on the east by the river Macra. It was a country almost entirely mount- ainous; for spurs from the Alps and Apennines occupy the whole tract between the mountain-ranges and the river Po, as far down as long. 9°. Liguria derived its name from its inhabitants, the Ligures or Ligyes, a race who once occupied the entire coast from below the mouth of the Arno to Mas- silia. Its chief towns Avere Genua (Genoa), Niece (Nice), and Asta (Asti). 11. Venetia was at the opposite side, or extreme east, of North Italy. It is difficult to say what were its original or ,, ,. natural limits. From the earliest times of which we have any knowledge, the Veneti were always encroached upon, first by the Etruscans and then by the Gauls, until a mere corner of North Italy still remained in their possession. This corner lay between Histria on the one side, and the Lesser Meduacus upon the other; south- ward it extended to the Adriatic Sea, northward to the flanks of the Alps. It was a tract of country for the most part exceedingly flat, well watered by streams flowing from the Alps, and fertile. The chief city in ancient times was Patavium, on the Lesser Meduacus ; but this place was afterwards eclipsed by Aquileia. PART I.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 363 12. The Etruscan state, which the Gauls conquered, was a confederacy of tAvelve cities, whose territory reached from Gallia cisaipi- the Ticinus on the west to the Adriatic and the ""• mouths of the Po upon the east. Among its cit- ies Avere Melpum, Mediolanum (Milan), Mantua, Verona, Ha- tria, and Felsina or Bononia. Northward it was bounded by the Alps, southward by the Apennines and the course of the Utis, or perhaps by that of the Rubicon. When the Gauls made their conquests they overstepped these bounda- ries, taking from the Ligurians all their territory north of the Padus, and perhaps some to the south, about Placentia and Parma, encroaching on the Yeneti towards the east, and southward advancing into Umbria. Thus Gallia Cisalpina had larger limits than had belonged to North Etruria. It was bounded on the north and west by the Alps ; on the south by Liguria, the main chain of the Aj^ennines, and the ^sis river ; on the east by the Adriatic and Yenetia. The whole tract, except in some swampy districts, was richly fer- tile. While it remained Gallic, it was almost without cities. The Gauls lived, themselves, in open unwalled villages, and suiFered most of the Etruscan towns to fall to decay. Some, as Melpum, disappeared. A few maintained themselves as Etruscan, in a state of semi-independence ; e. g., Mantua and Yerona. In Roman times, however, the country was occu- pied by a number of most important cities, chiefly Roman colonies. Among these w^ere, in the region south of the Po, Placentia, Parma, Mutina (now Modena), Bononia (now Bo- logna), Ravenna, and Ariminium (now Rimini) ; and across the river to the north of it, Augusta Taurinorum (Turin), Ticinum (Pavia), Mediolanurii (Milan), Brixia (Brescia), Cre- mona, Mantua, Yerona, and Yincentia (now Yicenza). 13. Central Italy, or the upper portion of the Peninsula proper, comprised six countries — Etruria, Latium, and Cam- centeal Ita- pania towards the west ; Umbria, Picenum, and ^'^'' the Sabine territory (which had no general name) towards the east. These countries included the three most important in Italy, viz., Latium, Etruria, and the territory of the Sabines. 14. Etruria, or Tyrrhenia (as it was called by the Greeks), was the tract immediately south and west of the northern Apennines, interposed between that chain and the Medi- 364 ROME. [book v. terranean. It was bounded on the north by Li- guria and Gallia Cisalpina ; on the east by Umbria and the old Sabine country ; on the west by the Mediterra- nean Sea; and on the south by Latium. The line of separa- tion between it and the rest of the continent was very marked, being first the strong chain of the Apennines, and then, al- most from its source, the river Tiber. Etruria was watered by two main streams, the Arnus (Arno), and the Clanis (Chiana), a tributary of the Tiber. It was for the most part mountainous, consisting in its northern and eastern portions of strong spurs throAvn off from the Apennines, and in its southern and Avestern, of a separate system of rocky hills, ramifying irregularly, and reaching from the valleys of the Arnus and Clanis very nearly to the coast. The little level land which it contained was along the courses of the rivers and near the sea-shore. The soil was generally rich, but in places marshy. The country contained three important lakes. (See § 6.) The original Etrurian state consisted of a confederacy of twelve cities, among which were certainly Volsinii, Tarquinii, Yetulonium, Perusia, and Clusium ; and probably Volaterrse, Arretium, Rusellae, Veil, and Agylla or Caere. Other important towns were Pisse (Pisa), and Faesulse (Fiesole), north of the Arnus ; Populonia and Cosa, on the coast between the Arnus and the Tiber; Cortona in the Cla- nis valley ; and Falerii near the Tiber, about eighteen miles north of Veil. 15. Latium lay below Etruria, on the left bank of the Tiber. It was bounded on the north by the Tiber, the Anio, and the Upper Liris rivers ; on the west and south by the Mediterranean; on the east by the Lower Liris and a spur of the Apennines. These, however, were not its original limits, but those whereto it ultimately attained. Anciently many non-Latin tribes inhabited por- tions of the territory. The Yolsci held the isolated range of hills reaching from near Prgeneste to the coast at Tarra- cina or Anxur. The ^qui were in possession of the Mons Algidus, and of the mountain-range between Prseneste and the Anio. The Hernici were located in the valley of the Trerus, a tributary of the Liris. On the Lower Liris were established the Ausones. The nation of the Latins formed, we are told, a confederacy of thirty cities, Alba having origi- PART I.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 3G5 nally the pre-eminency. Among the thirty the most im- portant were the following : — Tibur, Gabii, Praeneste, Tuscu- lum, Yelitrae, Aricia, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Lavinium, Ar- dea, Antiiim, Circeii, Anxur or Tarracina, Setia, Norba, and Satricum. Latiiim w^as chiefly a low plain, but diversified towards the north by spurs from the Apennines, in the cen- tre and towards the south by two important ranges of hills. One of these, known as " the Volscian range," extends in a continuous line from near Prseneste to Tarracina ; the other, which is quite separate and detached, rises out of the plain between the Volscian range and the Tiber, and is known as "the Alban range," or the "Mons Algidus." Both are in the western part of the country. The eastern is compara- tively a flat region. Here were Anagnia, the old capital of the Hernici, Arpinum, Fregellse, Aquinum, Interamna ad Li- rim ; and, on the coast, Lantulse, Fundi, FormiaB, Minturnae, and Vescia. 16. Campania in its general character very much resem- bled Latium, but the isolated volcanic hills which here di- • . versified the plain were loftier and placed nearer the coast. To the extreme south of the country a strong spur ran out from the Apennines terminating in the promontory of Minerva, the southern protection of the Bay of Naples. Campania extended along the coast from the Li- ris to the Silarus, and reached inland to the more southern of the two Apennine ranges, which, separating a little below Lake Fucinus, reunite at Compsa. The plain country was all rich, especially that about Capua. Among the principal Campanian towns were Capua, the capital, Nola and Tea- num in the interior, and upon the coast Sinuessa, Cumae, Pu- teoli, Parthenope, or Neapolis, Herculaneum, Pompeii, Sur- rentum, Salernum, and Picentia. 17. Umbria lay east of Etruria, from which it was sepa- rated, first by the range of the Apennines, and then by the Umbria ^'iver Tiber. It was bounded on the north by Gallia Cisalpina; on the east and south-east by Picenum and the Sabine country; on the south-west and west by Etruria. Before the invasion of the Gauls it reach- ed as far north as the Rubicon, and included all the Adriatic coast between that stream and the ^sis ; but after the com- ing of the Senones this tract was lost, and Umbria was shut 3gQ ROME. [book v. out from the sea. The Umbrian territory was ahnost whol- ly mountainous, consisting, as it did, chiefly of the main chain of the Apennines, together with the spurs on either side of the chain, from the source of the Tiber to the junc- tion with the Tiber of the Nar. Some rich plains, however, occurred in the Tiber and Lower Nar valleys. The chief towns of Umbria were Iguvium, famous for its inscriptions ; Sentinum, the scene of the great battle with the Gauls and Samnites ; Spoletium (now Spoleto) ; Interamna (now Ter- ni) ; and Narnia (Narni), which, though on the left bank of the Nar, was still reckoned to Umbria. 18. Picenum extended along the coast of the Adriatic from the ^sis to the Matrinus (Piomba) river. It was com- posed mainly of spurs from the Apennines, but contained along the coast some flat and fertile country. The chief towns were Ancona, on the coast, Fir- ,mum (Fermo), Ascuhim Picenum (Ascoli), and Hadria (Atri), in the interior. 19. The territory of the Sabine races, in which Picenum ought perhaps to be included, was at once the most exten- The Sabine sive and the most advantageously situated of all territory. ^^le countries of Central Italy. In length, from the Mons Fiscellus (Monte Rotondo) to the Mons Vultur (Monte Vulture), it exceeded 200 miles ; while in breadth it reached very nearly from sea to sea, bordering the Adriatic from the Matrinus to the Tifernus rivers, and closely ap- proaching the Mediterranean in the vicinity of Salernum. In the north it comprised all the valleys of the Upper ISTar and its tributaries, together with a portion of the valley of the Tiber, the plain country south and east of Lake Fucinus, and the valleys of the Suinus and Aternus rivers. Its cen- tral mass was made up of the valleys of the Sagrus, Trinius, and Tifernus, together with the mountain-ranges between them ; while southward it comprised the whole of the great Samnite upland drained by the Yulturnus, and its tributa- ries. The territory had many distinct political divisions. The north-western tract, about the Nar and Tiber, reaching from the main chain of the Apennines to the Anio, was the country of the old Sabines (Sabini), the only race to which that name is applied by the ancient writers. East and south-east of this region, the tract about Lake Fucinus, and TART I.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 367 the valleys of the Suinus and Atevnus rivers, were in the possession of the League of the Four Cantons, the Marsi, Marrucini, Peligni, and Vestini, who probably were Sabine races. Still flirther to the east, the valleys of the Sagrus and Trinius, and the coast tract from Ortona to the Tifernus, formed the country of the Frentani. South and south-east of this was Samnium, comprising the high upland, the main chain of the Apennines, and the eastern flank of that chain for a certain distance. The chief of the Sabine towns were Reate on the Velinus, a tributary of the Nar; Teate and Aternum on the Aternus ; Marrubium on Lake Fucinus ; and Beneventum and Bovianum in Samnium. 20. Southern Italy, or the tract below the Tifernus and Silarus rivers, contained four countries — on the west, Luca- souTHEEN ^^^ ^^^^ Bruttium ; on the east, Apulia and Mes- iTALY. sapia, or, as it was sometimes called, lapygia. The entire number of distinct countries in ancient Italy was thus thirteen. 21. Lucania extended along the west coast of Italy from the Silarus to the Latis river. Its boundary on the north was formed by the Silarus, the chain of the Apen- nines from Compsa to the Mons Vultur, and the course of the Bradanus (Brandano). Eastward, its border was the shore of the Tarentine Gulf; southward, where it adjoined Bruttium, the line of demarkation ran from the Lower Laiis across the mountains to the Crathis, or river of Thurii. The country was both picturesque and fertile, di- versified by numerous spurs from the Apennine range, and watered by a multitude of rivers. It had few native cities of any importance ; but the coasts Avere thickly occupied by Grecian settlements of great celebrity. Among these were, on the west coast, Posidonia or Psestum, Elea or Yelia, Pyx- us or Buxentum, and Laiis ; on the east, Metapontum, Hera- cleia, Pandosia, Siris, Sybaris, and Thurii. (See pp. 177-182.) 22. Bruttium adjoined Lucania on the south, and was a country very similar in character. Its chief native city was Consentia, in the interior, near the sources of the Crathis river. On the western coast were the Greek towns of Temesa, Terina, Hipponium, and Rhegium; on the eastern those of Croton, Caulonia, and Locri. 23. Apulia lay entirely on the eastern coast, adjoining 368 ROME. [book v. Samnium upon the west, and separated from the country of the Frentani by the Tifernus river. The range of the Apennines, extending from the Mons Vultur eastward as far as long. 17° 40', divided it from lapygia. Apulia differed from all the other countries of the Peninsula proper in being almost wholly a plain. Except in the north- west corner of the province, no spurs of any importance here quit the Apennines, but from their base extends a vast and rich level tract, from twenty to forty miles wide, intersected by numerous streams, and diversified towards its more east- ern portion by a number of lakes. The tract is especially adapted for the grazing of cattle. Among its rivers are the Aufidus, on the banks of which Cannje was fought, the Cer- balus, and the river of Arpi. The only mountainous part of Apulia is the north and north-west, where the Apennines send down to the coast two strongly-marked spurs, one be- tween the Tifernus and the Frento rivers, the other, east of the Frento, a still stronger and more important range, which running towards the north-east reaches the coast, and forms the well-known rocky promontory of Garganum. The chief cities of Apulia were Larinum, near the Tifernus ; Luceria, Sipontum, and Arpi, north of the Cerbalus ; Salapia, between the Cerbalus and Aufidus ; and Canusium, Cannae, and Ye- nusia, south of that river. It was usual to divide Apulia into two regions, of which the north-western was called Dau- nia, the south-eastern Peucetia. 24. Messapia, or lapygia, lay south and east of Apulia, comprising the entire long promontory which has been call- ed the " heel " of Italy, and a triangular tract be- apygia. ^^ggjj ^i^e gr^g^ Apennine range and the river Bradanus. Towards the east it was low and flat, full of nu- merous small lakes, and without important rivers; westward it was diversified by numerous ranges of hills, spurs from the Apulian Apennines, which sheltered it upon the north and rendered it one of the softest and most luxurious of the Italian countries. The most important of the lapygian cities was Taras, or Tarentum, the famous Lacedaemonian colony. (See p. 111.) Other. Greek settlements were Callipolis (now Gallipoli), and Hydrus or Hydruntum (now Otranto). The chief native town was Brundusium. 25. The geography of Italy is incomplete without a de- PART I.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 339 scriptioii of the principal islands. These were three in num- isLANDs. ^^^'' Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. There were also numerous islets along the western and a few off the eastern coast, which will require a very brief notice. 26. Sicily, which is estimated to contain about ten thou- sand square miles, is an irregular triangle, the sides of which Sicily. ^^^^ respectively the north, the east, and the south-west. None of the coasts is much indent- ed ; but of the three, the northern has the most noticeable bays and headlands. Here are the gulfs of Castel-a-Mare, Palermo, Patti, and Milazzo ; the headlands of Trapani (Drepanum), Capo St. Vito, Capo di Gallo, Capo Zaffarana, Capo Orlando, Capo Calava, and Capo Bianco. The south- western, and most of the eastern, shores run in smooth lines; but towards the extreme south-east of the island there is a fair amount of indentation. Good harbors are numerous. The most remarkable are those of Messana and Syracuse, the former protected by a curious curved strip of land, resembling a sickle, whence the old name of Zancle ; the latter rendered secure in all winds by the headland of Plemmyrium and the natural breakwater of Ortygia. There are also excellent ports at Lilybaeum and Panormus (Paler- mo). The mountain system of Sicily consists of a main chain, the continuation of the Bruttian Apennines (Asj^ro- monte), which traverses the island from east to west, be- ginning near Messina (Messana) and terminating at Cape Drepanum. This main chain, known in its different parts by various names, throws off, about midway in its course, a strong spur, which strikes south-east and terminates in Cape Pachynus (Passaro). Thus the island is divided by its mountain system into three tracts of comparative low- land—a narrow tract facing northward between the main chain and the north coast ; a long and broad tract facing the south-west, bounded on the north by the western half of the main chain, and on the east by the spur; and a broad but comparatively short tract facing the east, bounded on the west by the spur, and on the north by the eastern half of the main chain. In none of these lowlands, however, is there really much flat country. Towards the north and towards the south-west, both the main chain and the spui- throw off numerous branches, which occupy almost the 16* 370 ROME. [book v, whole country between the rivers ; while towards the east, where alone are there any extensive plains, volcanic action has thrown up the separate and independent mountain of Etna, which occupies with its wide-spreading roots almost one-third of what should naturally have been lowland. Thus Sicily, excepting in the tract between Etna and Syra- cuse, where the famous " Piano di Catania " extends itself, is almost entirely • made up of mountain and valley, and, in a military point of view, is an exceedingly strong and difficult country. Its chief rivers are the Simsethus on the east, which drains nearly the whole of the great plain; the Hi- mera and Halycus on the south ; and the Hypsa, near the extreme south-west corner. The only important native town was Enna, nearly in the centre of the island ; all the other cities of any note were settlements of foreigners ; Eryx and Egesta, or Segesta, of the Trojans (?) ; Lilybseum, Motya, Panormus, and Soloeis, or Soluntum, of the Cartha- ginians ; Himera, Messana, Tauromenium, Naxos, Catana, ilegara Hyblaea, Syracuse, Camarina, Gela, Agrigentum, and Selinus, of the Greeks. (On the history of the Greek settle- ments, see pp. 181-190.) 27. Sardinia, which modern surveys show to be larger than Sicily, has an area of probably about 11,000 square miles. It is an oblong parallelogram, the sides of which may be viewed roughly as facing the four cardinal points, though in reality the south side has a slight inclination towards the east, and the north side a stronger one towards the west. Though less mountainous than either Sicily or Corsica, Sardinia is traversed by an important chain which runs parallel with the eastern and western shores, but nearer the former, from Cape Lungo-Sar- do on the north to Cape Carbonara at the extreme south of the island. This chain throws out numerous short branch ranges on either side, which cover nearly the whole of the eastern half of the island. The western half has three sepa- rate mountain-clusters of its own. One, the smallest, is at the extreme north-west corner of the island, between the Gulfs of Asinara and Alghero ; another, three or four times larger, fills the south- Avestern corner, reaching from Cape Spartivento to the Gulf of Oristano. Both these are, like the main range, of primary (granitic) formation. The third PART I.J GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 3 71 cluster, which is interposed between the two others, occupy- ing the whole tract extending northward from the Gulf of Oristano and the river Tirso to the coast between the Turri- lano and Coguinas rivers, is much the largest of the three, and is of comparatively recent volcanic formation. These mountain-clusters, together with the main range, occupy by far the greater portion of the island. They still, however, leave room for some important plains, as especially that of Campidano on the south, which stretches across from the Gulf of Cagliari to that of Oristano ; that of Ozieri on the north, on the u]3per course of the Coguinas; and that of Sassari in the north-west, which reaches across the isthmus from Alghero to Porto Torres. Sardinia is fairly fertile, but has always been noted for its malaria. Its chief river was the Thyrsus (Tirso). The principal cities were Caralis (Cag- liari), on the south coast, in the bay of the same name; Sulci, at the extreme south-west of the island, opposite the Insula Plumbaria ; Neapolis, in the Gulf of Asinara ; and Olbia, towards the north-eastern end of the island. There was no city of any importance in the interior. 28. Corsica, situated directly to the north of Sardinia, was more mountainous and rugged than either of the other ^ . two S'reat islands. A stronsj mountain-chain ran through the island from north to south, culmina- tmg towards the centre in the Mons Antaeus (Monte Roton- do). Numerous branch ranges intersected the country on either side of the main chain, rendering the entire region one of constant mountain and valley. Streams were numerous ; but the limits of the island were too narrow for them to at- tain any considerable size. The chief town was Alalia (af- terwards Aleria), a colony of the Phocasans. Besides this, the only places of any importance were Mariana, on the east coast, above Alalia, Centurimum (now Centuri), on the west side of the northern promontory, tJrcinium on the west coast (now Ajaccio), and Talcinum (now Corte) in the interior. 29. The lesser islands adjacent to Italy were Ilva (Elba), between northern Corsica and the main-land ; Igilium (Gi- glio) and Dianium (Giannuti), opposite the Mons Argentarius in Etruria; Palmaria, Pontia, Sino- nia, and Pandataria, off Anxur; Pithecussa (Ischia), Prochy- ta (Procida), and Caprese (Capri), in the Bay of Naples ; 372 ROME. [book v. Stroiigyle (Stromboli), Euonymns (Panaria), Lipara (Lipari), Vulcania (Volcano), Didyme (Salina),Phoemcussa (Felicudi), Ericussa (Alicudi), and IJstica, off the north coast of Sicily ; the Agates Insulse, off the western point of the same island ; the Chcerades Insulge, off Tarentum; and Trimetus (Tremiti) in the Adriatic, north of the Mons Garganus. On the geography of Italy, the most important works are — Cluverius, Italia Antiqua. Lugd. Bat., 1624 ; 2 toIs. folio. RoMANELLi, Antica Topograjia istorica del Regno di Napoli. Napoli, 1815 ; 3 vols. 4to. Mannert, K., Geographie der Griechen und Romer aus ihren Schriften dargestellt. Leipzig, 1801-29 ; 10 vols. 8vo. Swinburne, H., Travels in the Two Sicilies in the Years 1777-80. London, 1783-85; 2 vols. 4to. Dennis, G., Cities and Cemeteries of the Etruscans. London, 1848; 2 vols. 8vo. Abeken, Mittel-Italien vor den Zeiten Romischer Herrschaft. Stuttgart, 1843; 8vo. Cramer, Geographical and Historical Description of Ancient Italy. Ox- ford, 1826 ; 2 vols. 8vo. A comprehensive work on the subject, combining local knowledge with ad- vanced scholarship and a good knowledge of the ancient authorities, is still a desideratum. SKETCH OF THE HISTORY. FIRST PERIOD. The Ancient Traditional History from the Earliest Times to the Commence- ment of the Republic^ B.C. 508. Sources. 1. Native. A few fragments of the Fasti Triumphales be- long to this early period ; but such knowledge of it as Ave possess is derived mainly from the works of historians. Among these the first place must be assigned to the fragments of the early Annalists, especially of Q. Fabius PiCTOR, many of which are preserved in Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The most copious native writer on the period is Livy, who delivers an account of it in his First Book. Other native authorities are Cicero, who has sketched the constitutional history of the period in his treatise De Repuhlica (book ii.), and Florus, who has briefly epitomized it. The portion of Velleius Paterculus which treated of the time is almost entirely lost. No lives of Nepos touch on it. Many allusions to it are contained, however, in the works of the poets and grammarians, as Ovid (Fasti), Virgil (/Eneid, book vi.), Servius {ad yEneid.), Festus, and others. 2. Foreign. The Greek writers are fuller on the early history than the Roman. The most important of them is Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in whose work (Archceologia Ro- TART I., PER. I.] RACES OF ITALY. 373 mana ; ed. Eeiske. Lipsice, 1774-77 ; G vols. 8vo) the ante-regal and regal periods occupy the first four books. Next to Dionysius may be placed Plutarch, whose Lives of Romulus, Numa, and Poplicola bear upon this portion of the history. The part of Diodorus Siculus which treated of the time (books vii.-x.) is lost, with the exception of a few brief frag- ments. On the value of these sources the most diametrically opposite opinions con- tinue to be held after a controversy which has lasted more than a century. The negative criticism, which was begun by Perizonius, Bayle, and Beau- fort, received a strong impulse, early in the present century, from the great work of NiEBUHR, B. G., iJtimisc/ie GescUchte. Berlin, 1826-32 ; 3 vols. 8vo. (First and second volumes translated by Julius Hare and Bp. Thirlwall, Cambridge, 1831-32 ; third volume translated by Dr. W. Smith, and Dr. L. ScHMiTz. London, 1842 ; 8vo) ; which was followed in England by the very popular work of Arnold, Dr. T., History of Rome. London, 1838-43 ; 3 vols. 8vo ; and in Germany, after an interval of a quarter of a century, by that of SCHWEGLER, A., Romische Geschichte. Tiibingen, 1853-58 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Written in the true spirit pf the Tubingen School. The doubts of the last-named writer, falling on congenial soil in this coun- try, produced an elaborate, but intensely skeptical work, which has probably exhausted all that can be said on the negative side of the subject, viz. : Lewis, Sir G. C, On the Credibility/ of the Early Roman History. Lon, don, 1855 ; 2 vols. 8vo. On the opposite side of the question some important treatises have been published recently. Note especially the following : Ampere, J. J., VEistoire Romaine a Rome. Paris, 18G2-64 ; 4 vols. 8vo. The writer argues that the discoveries made by recent excavations with re- gard to the original Rome strongly confirm the early traditional history. Dyer, T. H., History of the City of Rome. London, 1865 ; 8vo; and the ssime writer's History of the Kings of Rome. London, 1868 ; 8vo. It is Mr. Dyer's object to show, first, that authentic materials for the early history ex- isted in the times of the first Annalists, b.c. 220 to 200 ; and, secondly, that the internal difficulties and discrepancies are not such as to render the histo- ry that has come down to us incredible. Works of a more dogmatic and less argumentative character, embracing the early period, or distinctly written upon it, worthy of the reader's atten- tion, are the following : Newman, P., Regal Rome; an Introduction to Roman History. London, 1852; 12mo. MoMMSEN, Th., Romische Geschichte. 3d edition. Berlin, 1861 ; 3 vols. 8vo. The value of this very original work is greatly diminished by the al- most entire absence of references. (Translated by W. P. Dickson. Lon- don, 1862; 3 vols, small 8vo.) Keightley, T., History of Rome. London, 1836. A useful compendium. Koiitvb:^,^., Romische Geschichte. Heidelberg, 1843 ; 8vo. LiDDELL, H. G., History of Rome from the Earliest Times to the Estab- lishment of the Empire. London, 1855; 2 vols. 8 vo. 374 ROME. [ho )K V. Gregorovius, F., Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Stuttgart, 1859-62 ; 4 vols. 8vo. Petek, C, Geschichte Roms. Halle, 1865-67; 3 vols. 8vo. 1. Italy was inhabited, at the earliest times to which our knowledge carries iis back, by five principal races. These Chief races of were the Ligurians, the Venetians, the Etruscans, ancieut Italy. ^Yiq Italians proper, and the lapygians. The Li- gurians and Venetians may have been branches of one stock, the lUyrian ; but there is no sufficient evidence to prove this connection. They were weak and unimportant races, con- fined to narrow regions in the north, and without any influ- ence on the general history of Italy. Setting them aside, therefore, for the present, we may confine our attention to the three other races. 2. The lapygians were probably among the earliest set- tlers. The heel of Italy, which stretches out towards Greece, Theiapygi- iiivites Colonization from that quarter; and it ^^^' would seem that at a very remote date a stream of settlers passed across the narrow sea from the Hellenic to the Italic peninsula, and landing on the lapygian promontory spread themselves northward and westward over the greater portion of the foot of Italy. The language of the race in question remains in numerous inscriptions which have been discovered in the Terra di Otranto, and shows them to have been nearly connected with the Greeks. Their worshij) of Greek gods, and the readiness with which, at a later date, they became actually Hellenized, point in the same direction. We have reason to conclude that a race kindred with the Greeks held in the early times the greater part of Southern Italy, which was thus prepared for the later more positively Hellenic settlements. To this stock appear to have belong- ed the Messapians, Peucetians, (Enotrians, the Chaones or Chones, and perhaps the Daunii. It is supposed by some that the lapygian migration took place by land, the settlers passing round the coast of the Adriatic Sea, and being pushed south- ward by later immigrants. This is possible ; but migration by sea may be accomplished even by a very primitive people. 3. The Italians proper, who in the historical times occupy with their numerous tribes almost the whole of Central Ita- The itaiiaus ly, appear to have been later in-comers than the proper. lapygians^ to have proceeded from the north, and PART I., PEK. I.] RACES OF ITALY. 375 to have pressed with great weight on the semi-Greek popu- lation of the southern regions. They comprisecl, apparently, four principal subordinate races ; viz., the Umbrians, the Sa- bines, the Oscans, and the Latins. Of these the Umbrians and Oscans were very closely connected. The Latins were quite distinct. The Sabines are suspected to have been near- ly allied to the Osco-Umbrians. The Sabine race was remarkable for its numerou's subdivisions. It com- prised the Sabini proper, tlie Samnites, the Picentes (probably), the Marsi, Marrucini, Peligni, and Vestini, the Frentani, the Campani, and the Lucani. The Samnites had also subdivisions of their own, e. g., the Caraceni, the Pentri, and the Hirpini. There were also a considerable number of Oscan tribes ; as the Volsci, -^qui, Heraici (?), Aurunci, Ausones, and Apuli. These names seem, how- ever, to be chiefly variants of the general ethnic title. 4. The Tuscans or Etruscans, the most powerful nation 01 the north, diifered in race completely from all the other in- TheEtrus- habitants of Italy. It appears to be, on the cans. whole, most probable that they were TuranianSj of a type similar to that which is found in various parts of Europe— Lapps and Finns in the extreme north, Esthonians on the Baltic, Basques in Spain — remnants of a primitive population that once, we may supjjose, overspread the whole of Europe. The original seat of the race, so far as it is trace- able, seems to have been Rhsetia, or the country about the head-streams of the Rhine, the Inn, and the Adige. Their native name was Ras ; and this name, changed by the Ital- ians into Rhaesi or Rhaeti, was long attached to the mountain region from which their hordes had issued. These hordes at a very remote time spread themselves over the plain of the Po from the Ticinus to beyond the Adige, and formed there, as we are told, a confederacy of twelve cities. (See p. 363.) After having flourished in this tract for an indefinite period, they overflowed the mountain barrier to the south, and occu- pying the region between the northern Apennines and the Tiber, formed there a second, quite separate, confederacy, consisting, like the northern one, of twelve distinct states. Subsequently, but probably later than the period now under consideration, they passed the Tiber and established tempo- rarily a dominion in Campania, where Capua and Nola were cities founded by them. 376 KOME. [book v. Characteristics or the Etruscans. Physically, they were a brawny, stout race, short in stature, with large heads and thick arms, oifering a strong contrast to the graceful and slender Italians. Their religious ideas were gloomy and strange. They delighted in auguries, in the mystical handling of numbers, and in the exact observance of a minute and manifold ritual. There can be no doubt that they had made a considerable advance in the arts ; but it is still a question how far the works of art found in their tombs are of native production, how far mere imports from Greece. They were certainly the best architects of all the early Italian races, and the only race that showed a marked inclination to maritime pursuits. Tuscan corsairs covered the Western Mediterranean from a very early time; and Agylla had, before b.c. 550, an important trade. Among the most important works on the interesting subject of the lan- guage and art of the Etruscans are — Ingrirami, Monumenti Etncschi. Eiesole, 1821-26 ; 7 vols. 4to. Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca e di altre antiche d'ltalia. Eoma, 1789 ; 8vo. The edition of Florence, 1824-25, is the best. . Dennis, G., Cities and Cemeteries of the Etruscans. (See p. 372.) MiJLLER, K. O., Die Etrusker. Breslau, 1828 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Mi calx, Storia degli Antichi Popoli Italiani. Firenze, 1832 ; 3 vols. 8vo. 5. There can be no doubt that the Romans belonged, at any rate predominantly, to the second of the three races who oric^inof the ^cem in the early times to have divided the pe- Romans: the ninsula amono' them — the race which has been Troian colony. here termed, kut k^oxw, " Italic." They had, in- deed, a tradition which connected them with a body of im- migrants who were thought to have come by sea into Italy from the distant city of Troy, at a date which preceded by nearly 500 years the building of the city. And this tradi- tion was brought out into great prominence by writers of the Imperial times. But, whatever amount of truth we may suppose to be contained in the " story of ^neas," it is evi- dent that the crews of a few vessels landing on a thickly- peopled coast, and belonging to a race not much more civ- ilized than that to which they came, could make but a very slight impression on the previous population, in which they would be sure to be very soon swallowed up and absorbed. The Trojan colony to Latium is therefore, whether true or false, a matter of small consequence — it had no part in de- termining the ethnic character of the Roman people. 6. Nor is there much difficulty in deciding to which of the branch races included here under the general name of The Romans " Italic," the Romans belonged. Language is the really Latms. -^o^i Certain indication of race, and the language PAKT I., PER. I.J RACES OF ITALY. 377 wliich the Romans spoke was Latin. Their own traditions connected the early city in a special way with Lavinium and Alba Longa ; and these cities were universally allowed "to have been two of the thirty Latin towns. To whatever ex- tent the Romans were a mixed j^eople — and that they were so to some extent is admitted by all — it is impossible to doubt that they were predominantly and essentially — not Oscans, not Sabines, much less Umbrians — but Latins. 7. It is, however, far from easy to determine in what ex- act position the original Rome stood to the Latin stock. It Romeprobji- ^^ clcar that she was not a mere Latin town, not Wacoiouyof ouc of the thirty. She stands in the early times ° ' of the monarchy quite outside the confederacy ; and a peculiar character belongs to her which is not simj^ly and wholly Latin. The tradition which makes her founda- tion the spontaneous act of a band of adventurous young men, whose affection for the locality leads them to set up a new town, which is also a new state, on the spot where they have been wont to pasture their flocks, is at variance with the condition of Italy at the time, which was not a wilder- ness, with abundant waste land, whereon the first comer might settle, but a thickly-peopled country, where every inch of ground had an owner, or was disj^uted between neighboring tribes. If there be any truth at all in the ac- count which has come down to us of the original settlement, that account must be a poeticized version of a very ordinary occurrence. The Latin towns were in the habit of extend- ing or defending their territories by the establishment of colonies. Nothing is more easily conceivable than that the original Rome should have been a colony from Alba Longa, planted in a strong though unhealthy position at the ex- treme verge of the territory, where it was threatened by the Tuscans upon the west and still more by the advancing Sa- bines towards the north. Rome herself was afterwards ac- customed to plant her colonies in e:3^actly such positions. Among the various conjectures which critics have formed on the subject of the origin of Rome, that which regards her as a colony from Alba appears to be the most worthy of ac- ceptance. The list of the Alban kings can not be regarded as in any sense belonging to Roman history, for the history of a colony dates from its foundation. m. 378 ROME. [book v. Were the list genuine, it would be an important record for early Italian history, as distinct from Roman. But the catalogue has all the appearance of being a forgery. 8. But if Rome was originally a mere Alban dependency, it is certain that she did not long continue such. The first . , clearly marked fact in her history is her entrance Eome lude- . •' . ...•'. ^ , pendent. The mto voluntary union with the natives oi an ad- with'thrsa- jacent Sabine settlement, an act which implies ^^^^' independence and the assertion of sovereignty. The colony must either previously have shaken off the yoke of the mother-city, or else must, in the very act of uniting herself with an alien people, have asserted autonomy. From the date of the (rvroiKia/jLog, if no earlier, Rome was, it is clear, a self-governing community. No power exercised control over her. She stood aloof from the Latin league, on terms which Avere at first rather hostile than friendly. Her posi- tion was unique among the states and cities of the period. The amalgamation of two bloods, two civilizations, two kin- dred, but still somewhat different, religious systems, pro- duced a peculiar people — a peoj^le stronger than its neigh- bors, possessing wider views and sympathies, and more va- ried tastes — a people better calculated than its neighbors to form a nucleus round which the various tribes of the Italic stock might gather themselves. 9. While the history of individuals at this remote period is wholly wanting — for such names as Romulus, Remus, Ce- Earliest his- ler, Titus Tatius, and the like, can not be regard- ttona^i^no?^^" ^^ ^^ having any thing more of historic substance personal. ^haii their parallels, Hellen, Dorus, Ion, Amyclas, Hoples, etc., the heroes eponymi of Greek legend — it is not impossible to trace out the early character of the govern- ment, the chief features of the constitution, the principal di- visions and subdivisions of classes within the community, and the rights and privileges attaching to each. Tradition is a trustworthy guide for certain main features; analogy and analysis may be allowed to furnish others ; for the laws of the growth of states are sufficiently well known and suf- ficiently uniform to make it possible in most cases, where we have before us a full-grown constitution, to trace it back to its foundations, and gather a fair knowledge of its history from the form and character of its several parts. PART I., PER. I.] EEGAL PERIOD. 379 10. The known j^oints of the early constitution are the following: — («) The form of government was monarchical. Chief points ^ ^^^^^^» called " rex," i. e., " ruler," or " director," of the early stood at the head of the state, exercisins: a screat, constitution though not an absolute, power over the citizens. (b) The monarchy w^as not hereditary, but elective. When the king died, there was an "interregnum." The direction of affairs was taken by the Senate or Council, whose ten The king, the ^hicf men ("Decem Primi") exercised the royal Patres.audthe authority, each in his turn, for five days. It be- longed to the Senate to elect, and to the j^eople to confirm the king, (c) Under the king was, first of all, an hereditary nobility ("patricii"), members of certain noble families, not deriving their nobility from the king, but pos- sessing it by immemorial descent. These noble families or " houses " (" gentes ") were, prior to the avvoLKLafioQ^ one hun- dred in number; after the gvvolkl(t^6q^ two hundred. Each was represented by its chief in the council of the king (" se- natus ") ; and thus the senators were originally one hundred, afterwards two hundred. All the members of a "house" had one name (" nomen gentilitium") ; all might participate in certain sacred rites (" sacra gentilitia ") ; and all had cer- tain rights of property in common, {d) All the males of full age belonging to the nobility possessed the right of attend- ing the public Assembly ("comitia"), where they voted in ten bodies ("curiae"), each composed of the members often " houses." Each curia had its chief, called " curio ;" and the Assembly was presided over by the chief of the ten curiones, who w^as called " Curio Maximus." (e) Every change of law required the consent of both the Senate and the Assembly. The Senate had the right of discussing and voting, but the Assembly had the right of voting only. The Assembly w^as also privileged to determine on peace or war ; and if one of its members appealed to it from the sentence of the king, or of a judge, it determined the appeal and condemned or ac- quitted at its pleasure. (/) In addition to the members of the " gentes," the early Roman state contained two other classes. These were the Clients and the Slaves. The Slaves resembled persons of their class in other communities ; but the Clients were a peculiar institution. They were depend- ents upon the noble "houses," and personally free, but pos- 380 KOME. [hook v. sessed of no politic.il privileges, and usually either cultiva- ted the lands of their " patrons," or carried on a trade under their protection. They resembled to a considerable extent the " retainers " of the Middle Ages. 11. Under this constitution, Rome flourished for a period which is somewhat vague and indefinite, without the occur- ^. . . .^^ rence of any important chan^je. Accordino: to Division of the t • -, ■, ^ • monarchy be- one tradition, a double monarchy was tried lor a in and Sabine sliort time, ill order that the two elements of the Komans. state — the Roman and the Sabine (or the Ramnes and the Titles) — might each furnish a ruler from their own body. But the experiment was not tried for very long. In lieu of it, we may suspect that for a while the principle of alternation was employed, the Romans and the Sabines each in their turn furnishing a king to the community. This seems to be implied in the ordinary narrative, which gives, as the first four kings — 1. Romukis (Latin from Alba) ; 2. Numa (Sabine) ; 3. TuUus (Latin from Mednllia) ; and 4. Ancus (Sabine — grandson of Numa). 12. The duplication of the community, which was thus per- ceptible through all ranks, aflected also to a considerable ex- Traces of the tent the national religion. Not only was there a ties in*the"re-" duplication of the chief religious officers in con- ligion. sequence of the syiioecisnms, but sometimes the duplication extended to the objects of worship, the deities themselves. Quirinus, for instance, seems to have been the Sabine Mars, worshipped, like the Latin Mars, by his own " Flamen " and college of " Salii." Juno was perhaps the Sabine equivalent of the Latin Diana, another form of the same name, but in the popular belief a difierent goddess. Li the ranks of the hierarchy the duj^lication was more marked. It can be traced in the college of the Pontifices, in that of the Augurs, in that of the Vestal Virgins, in the priesthoods of Mars, and (probably) in the priesthood of Hercules. Character of the Roman Religion, (a) Less imaginative and more matter-of-fact than the Greek. Qi) Consisted mainly in the recognition of certain obligations (religiones) ; viz., (i.) the obligation to worship each of the state gods with sacrifices of a stated kind at stated times, and to keep certain festivals ; (ii.) the obhgation on the part of the paterfamilias to make daily offerings to the "Lares" of his o^v^l household; (iii.) the obligation to per- form vows and to make occasional thank-off'erings ; (iv.) the obhgation to abstain from business on "dies nefasti." (c) Though mainly of home growth, contained a certain number of foreign elements, derived chiefly from I'AKT I., VEIL I.] REGAL PERIOD. 381 contact with the Greeks. Tlie most important of these was belief in the val- ue of orucles, shown in the practice of consulting the Sibylline books. 13. The names which tradition assigned to the early Ro- man monarchs seem to be fictitious. Romulus, Titus Tatius, ReipofTui- and Numa Pomj^ilius are personifications rather PersoSMs- than personages. We first touch on personal his- tory begins, tory in the Roman records when we come to the name of Tullus Hostilius, the fourth, or, omitting Tatius, the third traditional king. There is every reason to believe that this monarch actually lived and reigned ; his name was the first that was handed down to posterity, owing to the fact that he was the first king who efiected an important con- quest, and raised Rome from a humble j^osition to one of dignity and eminence. It is the great glory of Tullus that he conquered Alba Longa, the chief of the Latin cities, the mother-city of Rome itself. His conquest probably doubled, or even tripled, the Roman territory ; it prepared the way for that hegemony of Rome over all Latium to which she owed her subsequent greatness ; and it largely increased the population of Rome, and the military strength of the nation. For Tullus was not content with a simj)le conquest. Fol- lowing up the principle of synoecismus, which had already been found to answer, he destroyed Alba, except its temples, and transferred the inhabitants to his own capital. He thus greatly strengthened the Latin element in the Roman state, and made the Sabines a mere modifying influence in a com- munity essentially Latin. Internal changes consequent on the destruction of Alba. The Alban nobles (Luceres?) being added to the Patrician body on the plan already adopted upon the junction of the primitive Romans, or Ramnes, with the Sa- bines (Titles), the tribes became three, the curice thirty, and the "houses" three hundred. The Senate, however, continued at its former number of two hundred, the privilege of sending their representatives into it not being at first conceded to the Alban houses. No change w\as made in the chief sacred offices — those of the Flamens, Pontifices, and Augurs — but as the home of the Alban race was now transferred to Rome, the college of Vestal Virgins was increased from four to six. 14. The next Roman king whose name has descended to us is Ancus Martins, who is said to have belonged to the Sa- ReijrnofAn- bines or Titles. This monarch appears to have Rise^nhT* ^een regarded by the later Romans as the found- "Piebs." QY of the Plebeian order. He pursued the policy 382 KOME. [book v. of Tullus both in making war on neighboring Latin towns, and in using his victories for the aggrandizement of his capi- tal by transferring to Rome the populations of the conquered states. A portion of the new settlers undoubtedly became Clients ; but the richer and more independent would decline to take up this relationship, and would be content with the protection of the king. Hence would come a sudden aug- mentation of that free commonalty, which must always grow up — out of various elements — in all states which commence, like Rome, with a privileged class of nobles, and a wholly unprivileged class of retainers or dependents. Elements of a " Plebs " or Commonalty, (a) Free settlers ; either pclitical refugees, mercenary soldiers, or traders. The first-named would be numerous in a time of so much disturbance as that in which Rome grew up. (h) Forced settlers. To this class would belong the whole of the conquered } opulations, except such as were either formally admitted into the Patrician Lody, or Toluntarily attached themselves as retainers to a noble house, (c) Clients, whose "family," or, at any rate, whose "gens," died out and became extinct, (o?) The issue of marriages of inequality, i. e., of all cases in which a Patrician took to wife a person of a class which did not possess the right of intermarriage with the noble houses ("jus connubii"). This last element would be small but very important. 15. The time at which it becomes necessary, or expedient, in such a community as the Roman, to recognize the exist- The "Plebs" ^"^® ^^ *^^^ commoualty in a formal way, by the recognized by grant of political or municipal rights, varies with assigns it the circumstauccs within very wide limits. At Rome veutine. ^j^^ recognition took place early, matters coming rapidly to a head in consequence of the quick growth of the territory, and especially of the practice, which the kings pur- sued, of removing large masses of the conquered populations to their capital. If, as we are told, Ancus gave up the entire Aventine Hill, previously uninhabited, to his new settlers, thus assigning to their exclusive occupation a distinct quar- ter of the capital, municipal institutions must have been at the same time granted, for a whole quarter of a town can not be surrendered to anarchy. The " Plebs " must at once have had " sediles," if not " tribunes ;" and a machinery must have been established for their election, since nomination by the monarch is not to be thought of But of the details of An- cus's regulations, whatever they were, we have no knowl- PART I., PER. I.J REGAL PERIOD. 3^3 edge, the later arrangements of Servius having not only su- perseded but obliterated them. 16. Among the other acts assigned to Ancus Martius, the most important are, the extension of the Roman territory to other^acts of the sea, and the establishment of the port of Os- ^^'''- tia; the construction of salt-pans (salmce) in its neighborhood; the erection of the "pons sublicius," or bridge of piles," across the Tiber, and the occupation of the Janiculan Hill by a strong fort, or tete die pont; the drain- ing of some of the low land about the Seven Hills by the Fossa Quiritium," and the construction of the first prison It would seem that civilization was advancing with both its advantages and its drawbacks— trade, manufactures, and en- gineering skill on the one hand; on the other, crime and its repression.- The curious notion of a modem historian, that Rome was from the first differentiated from the rest of the Latin nation by a pecuHarly commercial ■ character, is remarkably at variance with the tradition, that she obtained her tirst access to the sea in the reign of Ancus. 17. The next known king of Rome is L. Tarquinius Pris- cus. According to the tradition, he was a refugee from the Reign of Tar- Etruscan town of Tarquinii; according to the ev- ?u?'His^?on- ^^^"^e furnished by his name and by his acts, he smut^iouai was a Latin, probably belonging to one of the no- ^ ble " houses " from Alba. Two important consti- tutional changes are attributed to him. {a) He raised the ideal number of the Senate from two hundred to three hun- dred, by adding to it the representatives of the " Gentes Mi- nore^s," or "Younger Houses"— who can scarcely be differ- ent from the " houses " adopted into the Patrician body f,-om among the nobles of Alba. If he were himself a member of one of these " houses," his act would, it is clear, have been thoroughly natural, {b) He « doubled the equestrian centu- ries, or, m other words, the actual number of the Patrician ^ houses." The " houses " had, apparently, so dwindled, that mstead of the ideal number of three hundred, the actual number was but one hundred and fifty, or thereabouts. Tar- qum proposed to add one hundred and fifty new "houses" from among the nobles who had settled at Rome after the addition of the Albans; these he proposed to add in three new tribes, which were to stand side by side with the three 384 ROME. [r.ooK v. old tribes of the Ramnes, Titles, and Luceres. Opposed by the Patricians, who put forward the augur, Attus Navlus, as objector, he yielded so far as to create no new tribes ; but still he added the new " houses " in three new half-tribes, at- taching them to the old Ramnes, Titles, and Luceres, but on terms of slight inferiority. According to Cicero, the distinction of "Gentes Majores" and "Gentes Minores " applied to the "houses" anterior to, and the "houses" consti- tuted by Tarquinius Priscus ; but Livy and Dionysius regard the distinction as established earlier. 18. The wars of Tarquinius Priscus were also of impor- tance. He repulsed a fierce attack of the Sabines, who had crossed the Anio and threatened Rome itself. He then attacked the Latin towns on the Upper Tiber and in the angle between the Tiber and the Anio, and reduced all of them except ^N'omentum. Antemnss, Crustu- merium, Ficulea or Ficulnea, Medullia, Csenina, Corniculum, and Cameria were among his conquests. After this, towards the close of his reign, he engaged in a war, on the other side of the Tiber, with the Etruscans, and gained important suc- cesses. 19. Tarquinius Priscus was distinguished among the kings of Rome for the number and the character of his great works. His great To him is ascribed by the best authorities the works. Cloaca Maxima, the most remarkable monument now existing of the regal period, a construction of the grand- est and most massive description. Connected with the Clo- aca, and undoubtedly the work of the same builder, was a strong and solid quay along the left bank of the Tiber, which checked the natural inclination of the river to flow off on that side and to inundate the low lands about the Palatine and Capitoline Hills. Tarquin further constructed for the entertainment of the people a " Circus," or race-course, known as the " Circus Maximus ;" and he also designed and com- menced the great Temple of Jove, on the Capitoline Hill, which was completed by the last monarch. Is there any reason for regarding these massive works as "Etruscan" in character? "Was not the early architecture of the Latins just as massive as that of their neighbors across the Tiber, and indeed veiy similar to it in all respects? The remains at Pr£eneste, Tibur, Tarracina, and other Latin towns are as massive as any in Etruria. 1 ART I., PER. 1.] REGAL PERIOD. 385 20. Tarquinius Priscus appears to have been succeeded iir the kmgdom by Servms TuUius. According to the account KeignofSer- which has most Verisimilitude, Servius was an His^ Etruscan Etruscan, one of a body of mercenaries whom w^^- - Tarquin had employed and had settled in his cap- ital. He took advantage of his position about the monarch's person to conceal his death for a time, and act in his name ; after which he boldly threw off the mask, and openly usurped the throne. Having gained considerable successes against the Etruscans, he felt himself strong enough to devise and carry through a complete change of the constitution. Hith- erto, the whole political power, except that wielded by the king, had been engrossed by the noble "Houses." Servius determined to admit all ranks of freemen to the franchise. His arrange- Taking the existing arrangements of the army as "ComUiacen- ^ groundwork, he constructed a new Assembly turiata." (" comitia centuriata"), in which all free Romans found a place. Dividing the citizens into " classes " accord- ing to the amount of their property, he then subdivided the " classes " into a larger or smaller number of " centuries " ac- cording to the aggregate of the property possessed by the " class ;" and to each century, whatever the number of the persons composing it, he gave a single vote. The result was that a decidedly preponderating power was given to the richer classes; but if they differed among themselves, the poorer classes came in and decided the point in disj^ute. Details of the Comitia Centuriata. With regard to the main points, the three great authorities, Cicero, Livy, and Dionysius, are agreed ; but with i-espect to minor points there is a good deal of discrepancy. Main Points : (a) The first place in the Assembly was given to the equites (horsemen), who formed eighteen centuries, six of which (sex suffragia, sex centurice) were ex- clusively Patrician, while the remaining twelve were mixed, being composed indifferently of Patricians, Plebeians, and (perhaps) Clients. A property qualification, amount unknown, separated off this class from the rest. (6) The bulk of the citizens below the "equites" were divided into five "class- es," according as their property amounted to 100,000, 75,000, 50,000, 25,000, and 12,500 (Dionys.), or 11,000 (Livy) asses. The first class fur- nished 80 centuries, the second, third, and fourth 20 each, and the fifth 30. The number of individuals in the century rose as the property qualification sank. If (as is thought probable) a century of the first class contained 75 men, then one of the second contained 100, of the third 150, of the fourth 300, of the fifth 600. (c) There were a certain small number of centuries of professionals — artillerymen, and musicians — to which, no property qualifica- 17 386 ROME. [book v. tion attached, {d) The remainder of the free population, below the *' class- es, "formed also a certain small number of centuries, not more at any rate than four, in the lowest of which were included even those who had nothing, (e) Finallj, whatever the exact details, the arrangement was vuidoubtedly such, that, if the "equites" and the centuries of the first class were unani- mous, the matter was determined ; a majority was obtained, and, in that case, the votes of the remaining centuries were not taken. 21. Another important institution ascribed by good au- thority to the reign of Servius is that of the local tribes. „. . . ,. Hitherto the only "tribes" in Rome had been HlSmstltatlOn , /.it~.-« ■^ tx-. m-- of the local those 01 the Jratrician order — the Kamnes, iities, and Luceres — which were hereditary, and had no connection with localities. Servius divided the city into four, and the territory jDrobably into twenty-six districts, and formed the land-owners within every such district into a tribe. Each tribe had the right of meeting and appoint- ing its own "tribunus," its " oedilis," and probably its "ju- dex " or " judices." It is doubtful whether the whole body of the tribes had at first the right of meeting together in one place; but ultimately the right was asserted and exer- cised, the meeting-place for the whole body being the forum at Rome. Here were held the "comitia tributa," which were not, perhaps, exclusively Plebeian, but which came to be so regarded from the great prej^onderance of the Ple- beians in the class of land-owners. The original object of Servius in creating this organization was perhaps, as much as any thing, the assessment and collection of the property- tax (tiHbiitum), which the tribunes had to levy, collect, and pay into the treasury. He may also, however, have aimed at contenting the mass of the Plebeians, by intrusting them to a considerable extent with the power of self-government. Tlie four city tribes were called the Palatine, the Collin e, the Esquiline, and the Suburran. Of the original country tribes the names of fifteen only are knoAvn. They are the -3imilian, the Camilian, the Cluentian, the Corne- lian, the Fabian, the Galerian, the Horatian, the Lemonian, the Menenian, the Papirian, the Papinian, the Eomilian, the Sergian, the Veturian, and the Voltinian. There is an evident connection between these names and those of the Patrician "houses." 22. Servius is also said to have made an allotment of land His allotment out of the public domain to needy Plebeians — an of lands. ^^^ which greatly exasperated the Patricians, who PART I., PER. I.J KEGAL PERIOD. 337 liad hitherto enjoyed all the advantage to be derived from such land by means of their right of occupation {2^ossessio). The land allotted aj^pears to have lain on the right bank of the Tiber, consisting of tracts which had been ceded by the Etruscans after their defeat. (See § 20.) 23. According to some authors, it was likewise this king who raised Rome externally into a new and most important His league position, getting her to be acknowledged as act- with till Lat- ual head of the entire Latin confederacy, or at any rate of all but few recalcitrant towns, such as Gabii. This position was undoubtedly held by Rome at the close of the monarchy ; and it may have been first assumed in the reign of Servius. The position was not exactly that which had been occupied by Alba. Alba had been one of the thirty cities, exercising a presidency over her sister states, which gave her a suj^eriority of rank and dignity, but no real control over the federation. Rome was never one of the Latin cities. Her position was that of a " sepa- rate state, confronting the league," equal to it, or even supe- rior to it in power, and when accepted as a close ally, neces- sarily exercising a protectorate. By the terms of the treaty, equality between Rome and Latium was jealously insisted upon ; but, practically, Rome was paramount, and directed the i3olicy of the league at her pleasure. 24. An extension of the city of Rome accompanied this advance in her territorial influence and in her dignity. Tlie His extension Original " Roma quadrata" was confined to a sin- tiouSftife^^' gle liill) the Palatine, of Avhich perhaps it occu- c^ty- pied only the north-western half From this cen- tre the town spread to the neighboring heights, the Esquiline on the north-east, and the Coelian on the south-east, whereon suburbs grew up, perched upon eminences, which together with the Palatine were seven in number, and constituted the primitive " Septimontium." The Rome which had these limits was confronted by a separate settlement, probably Sabine, on the hills (" colles ") directly to the north, the Capitoline, Quirinal, and Viminal. But aftei* a while the two communities coalesced ; and the Rome of Tullus prob- ably included the houses both of the "Montani" and the "CoUini," or those of the "Mount-men" and the "Hill-men." Ancus added a settlement on the Aventine, so completing 388 ROME. [book v. the later " Septimontium." It remained, however, for Ser- vius to inclose the various eminences, and a considerable space between and beyond them, within a single continuous line of wall. It is significative of the greatness of the Ro- man state at this time, that the " walls of Servius " sufficed for the city down to the time of Aurelian. Many excellent works have been Avritten on the topography of Rome, espe- cially in recent times. The best are — Gell, Sir W., Topography of Rojne and its Vicinity. London, 1846. 2d edition. BuNSEN, Baron, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom. Stuttgart, 1829-49 ; 3 vols. 8vo. With Atlas. Becker, W. A., Handbuch der Romischen Alterthiimer. Leipzig, 1843- 64 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Canini, L., Indicazione topografica di Roma antica. Roma, 1850. 4th edition, 8vo. And the same -writer's Edijizj di Roma antica. Roma, 1840; 4 vols, folio. Dyer, T., The History of the City of Rome. (See p. 373.) 25. It is said that Servius, towards the close of a long reign, began to fear for the stability of his institutions, and , . . ^. planned measures which would, he hoped, secure His mteution ^, . , tt • t t it -i to abdicate, their continuaiice. He intended to abdicate, be- fore doing so presiding at the election of two magistrates by the free votes of the people assembled in their centuries (comitia centiiriata)^ who should be under- stood to be appointed to their office, not for life, but only for a single year. It should be their business, before the end of the year, to hold an assembly for the election of their successors; and thus the state would have passed, Avithout violence or revolution, under the government of popular an- nual magistrates. The office of chief magistrate Avas, it is probable, to be open to both orders. But the members of the " houses," disgusted at this prospect, frustrated the mon- arch's plans by anticipating them. Before Servius could effect the changes which he had designed, they broke out in open revolt, murdered the aged monarch in the Senate- house, and placed a Tarquin, the son of the former king of the same name, on the throne. 26. L. Tarquinius Superbus, the last king of Rome, having gained his crowm by the sole favor of the Patricians, acted no doubt in some respects oppressively towards the other order. He set aside at once the whole constitution of Ser- PART I., PER. I.] IIEGAL PERIOD. 389 ReiguofTar- vius, and restored that which had existed under pej£ ^His t^^ earlier kings. But it may be questioned wheth- treatmei^ of ^r his Oppression of the commonalty ever pro- the common- i -i i • o • aity. ceeded farther than this, bome Avriters represent him as grinding down the people by task-work of a grievous and distasteful kind, and then, when they murmured, banish- ing them from Kome to distant colonies. But the works which seem to be rightfully assigned to the second Tarquin are not of such a character as to imply servile or grinding labor. Their object was most probably the contentation of the poorer classes, who obtained by means of them constant employment at good wages. And the planting of colonies was always a popular measure, involving, as it did of neces- sity, an allotment of fresh lands to needy persons. Again, the "cloacae" of Superbus,and his construction of permanent stone seats in the Circus Maximus, were for the advantage of the lower classes of the citizens. 27. The real "tyranny" of Superbus was over the Patri- cians. It can not have commenced very early in his reign. His tyranny When, liowcvcr, he felt himself securely settled tSaus^ anci ^^poi^ the throuc, when he had made himself fairly his expulsion, popular with the bulk of the community, when, by the vigor of his external administration, he had acquired a reputation, and perhaps an amount of military strength which made him careless of offending the " houses," he ceased to respect the rights of the privileged class, and, dispensing w^th their assistance in the government, took the complete direction of affairs into his own hands. Perhaps this was not much more than earlier monarchs had done, when they felt themselves fairly established. But the spirit of the no- bles was higher than it had formerly been. They had re- cently slain one king and set up another. They viewed Tarquin as their creature, and were indignant that he should turn against them. Still, had the tyranny of the monarch been merely political ; had their persons and the honor of their families remained secure, it is quite possible that no outbreak would have occurred. But Tarquin, suspicious of their intentions, commenced a series of prosecutions. He had charges brought against the most powerful Patricians, and took cognizance of them himself. Disallowing the right of appeal, he punished numbers by death or exile. Finally, 390 KOME. [book v. the outrage upon a noble Patrician matron woke the smoul- dering discontent into a flame. Rebellion broke out ; and, the monarch having sought safety in flight, the Patriaian or- der, with the tacit acquiescence of the Plebeians, revolution- ized the government. The vigor of Tarquin's administration to the last is indicated by the "Treaty with Carthage," which he must have been negotiating at the time of his dethronement. The story of his deahngs with Turnus Herdonius seems to indicate that he held a position of more authority with respect to the Latin league than had been occupied by Servius. And the terms used with respect to the Latins in the treaty above mentioned confirm this view. The conquest of Gabii in his reigii is probably a fact, though the circum- stances of the conquest may be fictitious. The great works of Tarquin were the Capitoline Temple, the branch cloacae which drained into tlie Cloaca Maxima, the seats in the Circus Maximus, and perhaps the Cyclopian wall still existing at Signia. 28. The chronology of the kingly period at Rome is ex- tremely nncertain. Traditionally the period was reckoned at either 240 or 244 years. To Romulus were as- of the regal signed 37 years ; to Numa, 39 (or 43) ; to Tullus, period. g2; to Ancus, 24; to Tarquin 1,38; to Servius, 44 ; to Tarquin II., 25 ; and an "interregnum" of a year was counted between Romulus and Numa. It has been pointed out that the average duration of the reigns (35 years nearly) is improbably long ; and that the numbers bear in many points the appearance of artificial manipulation. On the earlier numbers in the list, and therefore upon the total, no dependence at all can be placed; for neither Romulus nor ISTuma can be regarded as real personages. There is reason to believe that the " regifugium " took place in or about tlie year ij.c. 508. Perhaps we may accept the traditions with respect to the later kings so far as to believe that the reigns of the last three monarchs covered the space of about a century, and those of the two preceding them the space of about half a century. The time that the monarchy had last- ed before Tullus was probably unknown to the Romans at the period when history first began to be written. See on this subject the work of Algarotti, Saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma, in his Ojmre (Venezia, 1791-4; 17 vols. 8vo) ; and compare Niebuhr, Roman Hisiorv^ vol. i. pp. 238-257, and Leavis, Credi- bility of the Earhj Roman ilistorij^ vol. i. pp. 411-546. TART I., PER. ii.j KEGAL PERIOD. 39I SECOND PERIOD- From the Foundation of the Republic to the Commencement of the Samnite Wars^ B.C. 508 to 340, Sources. The most copious authorities are, as before, Livy (books ii.- vii.), and Dionysius (books v.-xi. and fragments of books xii.-xx.); to which may be added Plutarch, in his lives of Poplicola, Coriolanus, and Ca- millus; Diodorus Siculus (books xi.-xvi.) ; and the fragments of Appian, iind Dio Cassius. Occasional notices of the period, mostly of great value, are also found in Polybius. For the chronology, tlie best authority is the important monument dug up on the site of the Forum, and generally knoNvn as the Fasti Capitolini (see p. 20), which, so far as it goes, is invaluable. The period is scantily treated in the histoiy of Mommsen, copiously in those of NiEBUHR, Arnold, and Peter. Mommsen, however, has publish- ed an important work on the chronology, entitled Die Romische Chronologic bis aif Ccesar. 2(1 edition, Berlin, 1859 ; 8vo. 1. The interest of the Roman history during the whole of this period belongs mainly to the internal aifairs of the Wars of this Republic, the struggle between the orders, the period uuim- growth of the Constitution and of the laws ; sec- ^ ^^^' ondarily only, and by comparison, slightly, to the external affairs, wars,' treaties, alliances, and conquests. With the three exceptions of the first Latin War, the Yeientine contest, and the great attack of Gauls, the wai-s are unevent- ful and unimportant. The progress made is slight. It may be questioned whether at the close of the period Terminus has advanced in any direction beyond the point which it had reached under the kings. The relations of Rome to Latium are certainly less close and less to the advantage of Rome at the close of the period than at its commencement ; and thus far, the power of the Roman state is diminished rather than augmented. 2. The internal changes during the period are, on the con- trary, of- the highest interest and importance. They in- High interest clude the establishment of the Plebeian Tribu- histori!'^^™''^ nate, the Decemviral constitution and legislation, the institution of the Censorship, the experiments of the First and Second Military Tribunates, the re-establish- ment of the Consulship with the proviso that one consul should be a Plebeian, the infringement of the proviso, and the whole series 'of the early agrarian enactments and dis- turbances. There is no portion of the constitutional history 392 ROME. [book v. of any ancient state which has a deeper interest than this — ■ none from which lessons of greater value can be learnt. A certain amount of obscurity rests, indeed, upon many points, on which we should be glad to have clearer and more certain knowledge ; but, despite this drawback, the history is in the highest degree instructive, and will well reward the study of all those who love both order and freedom. 3. The constitution established on the expulsion of Tar- quin was, in part, the actualization of the ideal of Servius, in constitntiou P^^'^ ^^^ enlargement of that ideal, conceived in of jj.o. 508. Its the same spirit. Servius had desio-ned to intrust fairness to- r» i i • AvardsthePie- the government oi the state to two annual magis- ^^'^"^* trates elected by the free voice of the centuries, and had made the centuries, in which all freemen were en- rolled, the recognized Assembly of the Roman people. He had given the non-burghers generally the rights of municipal self-government ; of the election of their own " tribunes," " fediles," and "judges;" and of the assessment and collec- tion of their own taxes. But this, so far as appears, was al-I. The leaders of the revolution of b.c. 508 went farther. They restored the constitution of Servius, aiid they added to it. Two " praetors," or " consuls," were elected by the free voice of the centuries, according to a form of j^roceedings which Servius had left behind him in writing ; and one of the first pair of consuls was a non-burgher or Plebeian. The Senate, which had dwindled under the later kings, partly from natu- ral causes, partly by the deliberate policy of the tyrant, was completed to its ideal number of 300, by the addition of 164 life-members ("conscri]3ti "), chosen from the richest of the "equites," of whom a considerable number were Plebeians. The right of appeal, suspended under the last king, was re- vived, and was so enlarged as to include all freemen. Thus, at the outset, the new constitution wore the appearance, at any rate, of equality. No, sharp line of demarkation was drawn between the two orders in respect of personal free- dom, or admissibility to political privilege ; and it is not too much to say that, if the spirit which animated the Patrician body in b.c. 508 had continued to prevail, contentions and struggles between the two orders would never have arisen. 4. But this fair prospect w^as soon clouded over. The Pa- tricians had been induced to make the concessions above PART I., I'lai. II.] PKESSUKE OF DEBT. 393 commeuce- enumerated to the other Order, not from any cianoppres-"' sense of justice, but through fear of Tarquin and sion. }^ig partisans, who were laboring to bring about a restoration. Of this there was for a time considerable dan- ger. There was a royalist party among the Patricians them- selves ; and both the Etruscans and the Latins were inclined to espouse the quarrel of the deposed king. When, how- ever, this peril was past, when the chiefs of the royalist fac- tion were banished or executed, when the Etruscans had met a resistance which they had not counted on, and the Latins had sustained the complete defeat of the Lake Regillus, the policy of the Patricians changed. No Plebeian was allowed to enjoy the consulship after Brutus, and by degrees it grew to be forgotten that any but Patricians had ever been re-- garded as eligible. No plan was adopted by which Plebe- ians could obtain regular entrance into the Senate; and, as their life-members died off, the council of the nation was once more closed to them. The whole power of the government was engrossed by the Patrician order; which, finding itself free from any check, naturally became overbearing and op- pressive. The imminent clanger of a restoration at one time is indicated by the sto- ry, which Livy tells, of the origin of the Dictatorship. Such an oiRce was evidently no pa^'t of the original idea of the constitution ; but 6hip.^^^^^^°^' ^^'^^ exactly what might naturally have been devised to meet an emergency. If the circumstances were such as Livy men- tions, the first Dictator must have been named by the Senate. In after-times it is certain that the Senate claimed the right of nomination, though practi- cally they were generally satisfied to select the consul who should nominate. 5. The loss of political privilege would not, it is probable, by itself, have called forth any active movement on the part o erationof ^^ ^^^^ commonalty. It required the stimulus of the law of personal suffering to stir up the law-loving Ro- man to offer any resistance to constituted author- ity. This stimulus was found in the harsh enforcement, not long after the commencement of the Republic, of the law of debtor and creditor — a law which, under the circumstances of the time, pressed heavily on vast numbers of the commu- nity, and threatened to deprive them of their j^ersonal free- dom, if not even of their lives. Nature of the Roman Law of Debt. Distinction between debts arising 17* p»94 ROME. [book v. from money lent and ordinary debts ; in the former case, both the property and the person answerable ; in the latter, the property only. Process of at- taching the person troublesome and tedious. Rights of creditor, when the process was complete, extreme ; including certainly the right to use, or sell, the debtor as a slave, and probably the right to put him to death. At any rate, several creditors, by proceeding at once^ obtained the right to put to death. Nature of tha nexus, doubtful ; but no reasonable doubt that the practice grew up of persons, when they borrowed money, contracting to work out their debt by the performance of tasks set them by their creditors. Thus, practically, there were four classes of debtors : — (1) Persons who had bor- rowed under no special contract, and were still at liberty, proceedings not having been commenced against them ; (2) persons who had borrowed under a contract to work out their debts, who consequently spent the day, like slaves, but not as slaves, in the workshops (ergastula) of their masters ; (3) persons against whom the law of debt was in course of enforcement, who were kept in custody by their creditors, but could not be compelled by them to do work of any kind; and (4) persons against whom the law had been fully enforced, and "^vho^ having been assigned to their creditors {addicH), were their actual slaves. 6. The operation of the law of debt acquired political im- portance chiefly from the large immber of the debtors at Causes of the *^^^ period of the history ; and it is therefore nec- generaipov- essarv to inquire what were the circumstances erty : (1) De- . fection of the whicli causcd the wide prevalence of indebtedness Conquest of ^t the time — a prevalence which threatened revo- FncuSSns o? b^tiou. Now, in the first place, nothing is more amioscaus <^l^^i' ^^^^ t^^t the change from the Monarchy to the Republic was accompanied by a diminu- tion in the power and prestige of Rome, which sank from a position of pre-eminence among the central Italian nations to one of comparative insignificance. The Latins profited by the occasion to reclaim their complete independence ; the Etruscans assumed an aggressive attitude, and an Etruscan monarch, Lars Porsenna, appears to have actually for a term of years held Rome in subjection. This yoke was indeed shaken ofl" after a while ; but a permanent result of the sub- jection remained in the loss of almost all the territory on the right bank of the Tiber. The Romans whose lands lay on that side of the river thus lost them ; while at the same time the separation between Rome and Latium laid the Ro- man territory on the south side of the river open to incur- sions. The Sabines and Oscans plundered and ravaged free- ly ; the crops were ruined, the farm buildings and imple- PAiiT I., PER. II.] THEOFIRST SECESSION. 395 ments destroyed, the cattle carried off. A general impover- ishment was the natural consequence; and this would of course be felt most by the poorest classes, and especially by those whose small plots of land were their sole means of sus- tenance. T. The poverty thus produced was further aggravated, 1. By the exaction of taxes, which by the Roman system were Aggravatious asscsscd upou individuals, not for a single year, of the poverty. -^^^^ j-^^. ^ ^qy^^^ ^f fjye years, and had to be paid for that term, whether the property on which they were levied remained in the possession of the individual or not ; 2. By the high* rate of interest, which, under the peculiar circum- stances of the time, rose probably from the normal rate of 10 per cent, {imciariwn Jwnus) to such rates as 30, 40, or per- haps even 50 per cent. ; 3. By the non-payment of the rents due to the treasury from the 2^ossessore.% the withholding of which caused the property-tax {trihutmn) to become a se- rious burden ; 4. By the cessation of the system of allot- ments {divisio agrorum) instituted by Servius, which was in- tended to compensate the Plebeians for their exclusion from the right oi possessio. 8. When the sufferings of the poorer classes had reached to a certain height from the cruel enforcement of the laws concerning debt, murmurs and indignant outcries cession, b.o.' began to be heard. At first, however, the oj^posi- ^^^' tion of the discontented took a purely legal shape. The Roman was a volunteer army, not a conscription; and the Plebeians had been wont, at the call of the consuls, freely to offer their services. Now they declined to^ive in their names unless upon the promise of a redress of griev- ances. Promises to this effect were made and broken. The Plebeians then, driven to despair, " seceded " — that is to say, they withdrew from Rome in a body, and proceeded to pre- pare for themselves new abodes across the Anio, intending to found a new city separate from the burgesses, Avhere they might live under their own sole gover#hient. Such a step was no doubt revolutionary ; it implied the complete disrup- tion of the state ; but it was revolution of a kind which in- volved no bloodshed. The burghers, however, seeing in the step taken the ruin of both orders — for Rome divided against herself must have speedily succumbed to some one or other 396 HOME. [book v. of her powerful neighbors — felt compelled to yield. The Plebs required as the conditions of their return, 1. That all debts of persons who could prove themselves msolvent should be cancelled; 2. That all persons in the custody of their creditors on account of debt should be set at liberty; and 3. That certain guardians of the Plebeian order should be annually elected by the nation at large, whose persons should be sacred, who should be recognized as magistrates of the nation, and whose special business should be to defend and protect from injury all Plebeians appealing to them. These were the famous "Tribuni Plebis," or "Tribunes of the Commons," who played so important a part in «the later history of the Republic. Their original number is uncer- tain ; but it would seem to have been either five or two. 9. It is evident that the economical portion of this ar- rangement very insufficiently met the difficulty of -the exist- s-stemofai- ^"S poverty; and there can be little doubt that, lotmeuts the besides the formal provisos above mentioned, true remedy . ^ . ._,^ , against the tiiere was an understandmg that the Plebeian poverty. grievances should be redressed by an equitable system of allotments. Such a system was advocated short- ly afterwards, b.c. 484, by S]3. Cassius, one of the consuls un- der whom the Plebs returned from their secession, but was violently opposed by the bulk of the Patrician order, and cost its advocate his life. Still, from time to time, concessions of this kind were made, to keep the Plebeians in good humor ; and gradually, as the territory once more grew in size, con- siderable portions of it were parcelled out to small proprie- tors. • In B.C. 468, Ti. Emilias and L. Valerius brought forward an agrarian law, which was opposed by Ap. Claudius, and perhaps not passed. In b.c. 465 the same -^mihus and Q. Fabius were more successful, providing for 1000 needy Plebeians by their colony to Antium. In b.c. 415, and again in B.C. 392, small allotments were made. In b.c. 390, after the fall of Veii, an allotment was made of seven jugera to all who wished, in the Veientine ter- ritory. Eight years later, b. c. 382, 2000 Plebeians received small allotments at Satricum ; and two yiars after this Plebeian colonies were settled at Ne- pete (in Etruria) and in the Pontine marsh district. 10. But a new character was given to the struggle be- tween the orders by the tribunate, which enabled the wealth- ier Plebeians, whose especial grievance was their exclusion from the chief offices in the state, to turn the effiarts of their PART I., PER. II.] THE YlliHT DECEMVIRATE. 397 Struggle for Order to the obtaining of equal political privi- commeifces! l^g^s and thus to initiate a contest which lasted Lawof Pubiii- fQ^. above a century. The first step taken in ad- lus Volero, - . . ^ B.C. 470. vance was by the law of Publilius Volero (b.c. 470), the main importance of which was that it assumed the initiative in legislation, hitherto exclusively in the hands of the other order. When the attemj)t thus made to legis- late in a matter of public im^^ortance succeeded, when, by the sanction of the Senate and Patricians, the rogatio Puhlilia became law, the contest was virtually decided ; a door was opened by means of which an entrance might be effected into the very citadel of the constitution ; all that was neces- sary was sufficient patience and perseverance, a determina- tion in spite of all obstacles to press steadily forward to the required end, and to consent permanently to no compromise that should seriously interfere with the great principle of equal rights. 11. The Plebeians, victorious in this first struggle, did not long rest upon their oars. In b.c. 460 the tribune, C. Teren- LawofTereu- tilius Harsa, brought forward a proposition, the leads SS ^'eal object of which was a complete change of of thefir?tDe- ^^^^ Constitution. He proposed the creation of a cemvirs. * board of commissioners, half Patrician, half Ple- beian, whose duties should be to codify the existing laws, to limit and define the authority of the consuls, and to estab- lish a constitution just and equitable to both orders. The proposition was opposed with the utmost determination and violence. Even at the last, it was not formally carried; but, after ten years of the most vehement strife, after Rome, through the contentions between the orders, had several times been nearly taken by the Volscians, and had once been actually occupied by a band of adventurers under a Sabine named Appius Herdonius, called in by some of the more vio- lent of the Patrician body, the nobles virtually yielded — they agreed that that should be done which the law pro- posed, but required that it should be done in another way. The nation, assembled in its centuries, should freely choose the ten commissioners to whom so important a task was to be intSiisted, and who would, moreover, constitute a -provis- ional government, superseding for the time all other magis- trates. The Plebeians consented; and the natural conse- 398 ROME. [book v. quence was that ten Patricians were chosen — Patricians, however, mostly of known moderation, who might be ex- pected to perform their task prudently and justly. 12. The First Decemvirs did not disappoint the expecta- tions formed of them. In their codification of the laws they did little but stereotype the existino^ practice, Workaccom- ^ . n ^. / ^ - , -^^ n piished by the puttmg, lor the most jDart, mto a written form vS Code of what had previously been matter of precedent and Laws. usage. In some matters, however, where the law was loose and indeterminate, they had to give it definiteness and precision by expressing for the first time its provisions in Avriting. The code of the Twelve Tables — ^^fons omnis piiblici priv at iqiie juris ^'' — which dates from this time, was a most valuable digest of the early Roman law, and, even in the fragmentary state in which it has come down to us, de- serves careful study. The fragments of the code have been published by several writers, as by Haubold in his Institutionum juris Romani privati Lineamenta, Lipsias, 1826; and by DiRKSEN in his Uehersicht der hisherigen Versuche zur Kritik und Herstellung des Textes der Zwolf- Tafel - Fragmente, Leipzig, 1824. The subject has been well treated by Arnold in his Roman History, vol, i., chap. xiv. The following are the Tables, as given by Dirksen, the original form of the language being only partially preseiTed : LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. FIRST TABLE. SI. IN. IVS. VOCAT. NI. IT. ANTESTATOR. IGITVR. EM. CAPITO. SI. CALVITVR. PEDEMVE. STRVIT. MANVM. ENDOIACITO. SI. MORBVS. AEVITASVE. VITIVM. ESCIT, QVI. IN. IVS. VOCABIT. IVMENTVM. BATO. SI. NOLET. ARCERAM. NE. STERNITO. ASSIDVO. VINDEX. ASSIDVVS. ESTO. PROLETARIO. QVOI. QVIS. VOLET. VINDEX. ESTO. REM. VBI. PAGVNT. ORATO. NI. PAGVNT. IN. COMITIO. AVT. IN. FORO. ANTE. MERIDIEM. CAVSAM. CONII- CITO. QVOM. PERORANT. AMBO. PRAESENTES. POST. MERIDIEM. PRAESENTI. STLITEM. ADDICITO. SOL, OCCASVS. SVPREMA. TEMPESTAS. ESTO. — VADES, — SVBVADES. SECOND TABLE. MORBVS, — SONTICVS,— STATVS, DIES. CVM. HOSTE. — QVID. HORVM, FVIT, VNVM, IVDICI. ARBITROVE, REO. VE. DIES. DIFFISVS. ESTO, CV. TESTIMONIVM. DEFVERIT. IS, TERTIIS. DIEBVS. OB. PORTVM. OBVAGVLA- TVM. ITO, 1^ THIRD TABLE. AERIS. CONFESSI. REBV8QVE. IVRE. IVDICATIS, TRIGINTA. DIES, IVSTI. SVNTO, POST, DEINDE. MANVS. INIECTIO. ESTO. IN. IVS, DVCITO, PART I., PKR. ii.J LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. 399 NI. IVDICATVjr. FACIT. AVT. QVIPS. ENDO. EM. IVRE. VINDICIT. SECVM. DV- CITO. VINCITO. AVT. NERVO. AVT. COMPEDIBVS. QVINDECIM. PONDO. NE. MAIORE. AVT. SI. VOLET. MINORE. VINCITO. SI. VOLET. SVO. VIVITO. NI. SVO, VIVIT. QVI. EM. VINCTVai. HABEBIT. LI- BRAS. FARRIS. ENDO. DIES. DATO. SI. VOLET. PLVS. DATO. TERTIIS. NVNDINIS. PARTIS. SECANTO. SI. PLVS. MINVSVE. SECVERVNT. SE. FRAVDE. ESTO. ADVERSVS. HOSTEM. AETERNA. AVCTORITAS. FOURTH TABLE. SI. PATER. FILIVM. TER. VENVM. DVIT. FILIVS. A. PATRE. LIBER. ESTO. FIFTH TABLE. VTI. LEGASSIT. SVPER. PECVNIA. TVTELAVE. SVAE. REI. ITA. IVS. ESTO. SI. INTESTATO. MORITVR. CVI. SVVS. HERES. NEC. SIT. ADGNATVS. PROXIMVS. FAillLIAM. HABETO. SI. AGNATVS. NEC. ESCIT. GENTILIS. FAailLIAJtf. NANCITOR. SI. FVRIOSVS. EST. AGNATORVM, GENTILIVMQUE. IN. EO. PECVNIAQVE. EIVS. POTESTAS. ESTO. AST. EI. CVSTOS. NEC. ESCIT. EX. EA. FAMILIA IN. EAM. FAMILIAM. SIXTH TABLE. CVM. NEXVM. FACIET. MANCIPIVMQVE. VTI. LINGVA. NVNCVPASSIT. ITA. IVS. ESTO. SI. QVI. IN. IVRE. MANVM. CONSERVNT. TIGNVM. IVNCTVM. AEDIBVS. VINEAEQVE. ET. CONCAPET. NE. SOLVITO. QVANDOQVE. SARPTA. DONEC. DEMPTA. ERVNT. SEVENTH TABLE. HORTVS. — HEREDIVM. — TVGVRIVM. SI. IVRGANT. SI. AQVA. PLWIA. NOCET. — EIGHTH TABLE. SI. MEMBRVM. RVPIT. NI. CVM. EO. PACIT. TALIO. ESTO. SI. INIVRIAM. FAXIT. ALTERI. VIGINTI. QVINQVE. AERIS. POENAE. SVNTO. RVPITIAS. — SARCI-TO. — QVI. FRVGES. EXCANTASSIT. — NEVE. ALIENAM. SEGETEM. PELLEXERIS. SI. NOX. FVRTVM. FACTVM. SIT. SI. IM. OCCISIT. IVRE. CAESVS. ESTO. SI, ADORAT. FVRTO. QVOD. NEC. MANIFESTVM. ESCIT. PATRONVS. SI. CLIENTI. FRAVDEM. FECERIT. SACER. ESTO. QVI. SE. SIERIT. TESTARIER. LIBRIPENSVE. FVERIT. NI. TESTIMONIVM. FARIA- TVR. IMPROBVS. INTESTABILISQVE. ESTO. QVI. MALVM. CARMEN. INCANTASSET. MALVM. VENENVM. TENTH TABLE. HOMINEM. MORTVVM. IN. VRBE. NE. SEPELITO. NEVE. VRITO. HOC. PLVS. NE, FACITO. — ROGVM. ASCIA. NE. POLITO. MVLIERES. GENAS. NE. RADVNTO, NEVE. LESSV3I, FVNERIS. ERGO. HABENTO. HOMINI. MORTVO. NE. OSSA. LEGITO. QVO. POST. FVNVS. FACIAT. 400 HOME. [book v. QVI. CORONAM. PARIT. IPSE. PECVNIAVE. EIVS. VIRTVTIS. ERGO. DVITOR. EI. NEVE. AVRVM. ADDITO. QVOI. AVRO. DENTES. VINCTI. ESCVNT. AST. IM. CUM. ILLO. SEPELIRE. VREREVE. SE. FRAVDE. ESTO. TWELFTH TABLE. SI. SERVVS. rVRTVM. FAXIT. NOXIAMVE. NOCVIT. — SI. VINDICIAM. FALSAM. TVLIT SI. VELIT. IS TOR. ARBITROS. TRES. DATO. EORVM. ARBITRIO FRVCTVS. DVPLIONE. DAMNVM. DECIDITO. 13. But the main work of the Decemvirs was the constitu- tion which they devised and sought to establish. In lieu of ^, ^ ,., the double masristracy, half Patrician and half NewConstitii- ^^, , . ■, . , , -, i t -t t i tiou. Secoiid Plebeian, which had recently divided the state, and had threatened actual disruption, the Decem- virs instituted a single governmental body — a board of ten, half Patrician and half Plebeian, which was to supersede at once the consulate and the tribunate, and to be the sole Ro- man executive. The centuries were'to elect ; and the Patri- cian assembly was, probably, to confirm the election. It is suspected that the duration of the office was intended to ex- ceed a year ; but this is perhaps uncertain. 14. Fairly as this constitution was intended, and really liberal as were its provisions, as a practical measure of re- The second lief it failed entirely. One member of the board, becomes"atyr- Appius Claudius, obtained a complete ascendency auny, B.C. 449. over his collcagucs, and persuaded them, as ^oon as they came into office, to appear and act as tyrants. The abolition ot all the other high magistracies had removed those checks which had previously restrained consuls, trib- unes, and even dictators; there was now no power in the state which could legally interfere to prevent an abuse of authority, unless it were the Senate ; and the Senate was on the whole inclined to prefer a tyranny which did not great- ly affect its own members, to the tumults and disorders of the last forty years. Rather than see the tribunate restored, the Patricians, and their representatives the senators, were prepared to bear much ; and thus there was. small hope of redress from this quarter. 15. It was on the Plebeians that the yok-e of the Decem- virs pressed most heavily. It Was supposed that, as they had now no legal mode of even making their complaints heard, since there were no tribunes to summon the tribes to PART I., PER. ii.J THE SECOND SECESSION. 401 Revolt breaks ^Tf^^'ct, thoy at any rate might be oppressed and in- p\% "^^^ suited with absolute impunity. Accordingly, they for the second were Subjected to every kind of wrong and indig- Decemvirsab- nity — the Deccmvirs and their partisans plunder- dicate,B.c.44s. ^^ them, outraged their j^ersons, heaped contume- ly upon them, and finally attacked them in the tenderest of all points — the honor of their families. Then at length re- sistance was aroused. As the wrongs of Lucretia had armed the Patricians against Tarquin, so those of Virginia produced a rising of the Plebeians against Appius. The armies, which were in the field, revolted : the commons at home rose ; and, when the Senate still declined to take any active steps against the Decemvirs, the whole mass of the Plebeians once more occupied the Mons Sacer. The walls of a new city began to rise ; the Roman state was split in two ; its foreign enemies, seeing their opportunity, assumed a threatening attitude ; destruction was imminent ; when at last the Senate yielded. Appius and his colleagues w^ere required by a decree [sench tusconsultum) to resign their offices, and, having now no physical force on which they could fall back, they submitted, and went through the formalities of abdication. 16. Forced hurriedly to extemporize a government, the state fell back upon that form which had immediately pre- Re-estabiish- ^edcd the establishment of the First Decemvirate. mentofthe It was adopted, howcver, with certain modifica- consulate and . t^ . i-r>w • p i t* tribunate of tious. Prior to the Uecemvirate lor above thu'ty years, the Patricians had claimed and exercised the right of appointing by their own exclusive assembly one of the two consuls. It was impossible at the present con- juncture to maintain so manifestly unfair an usurpation. The free election of both consuls was consequently restored to the centuries. The tribunate of the Plebs w^as re-estab- lished exactly as it had existed before the Decemvirate. But the position of the other Plebeian magistrates was im- proved. The Plebeian "iediles" and judges were allowed the "sacrosanct" character; and the former were made custodians of all decrees passed by the Senate, Avhich it henceforth became impossible for the magistrates to ig- nore or falsify. Further, a distinct recognition was made of the right of the tribunes to consult the tribes on mat- ters of public concern, and thus initiate legislation — a right 402 KOME. [book v. hitherto restiug merely upon grounds of reason and pre- scription. The law of Valerius and Horatius, " ut quod trihutim plehs jussisset popu- lum teneret" could not at this time have meant more, than that plehiscita should be binding, if they received the sanction of the Senate and Curies. This is further rendered evident by the later history of the Publilian and Hortensian laws. 1 7. In relinquishing temporarily their claim to a share in the supreme magistracy for the purpose of securing at any Constitution ^^^* *^^^ restoration of the much-valued tribunate, ofB.c.442. i\^Q Plebeians were far from intendinsj to profess The cousul- • ^. t . , i -, • • ship super- thcmselves satisned with the exclusive possession combined "^ of high office by the other party. They exj)ected, SmTutary perhaps, that some proposition for giving them a tribunate. certain share in the government would emanate from the Patricians themselves, who were not universally blind to the justice of their claims. But, as time went on and no movement in this direction was made, the Plebeian leaders once more took up the question, and in b.c. 442, C. Canuleius, one of the tribunes, brought forward two seps^- rate but connected laws, one opening the consulshi]) to the Plebeian order, the other legalizing intermarriage between Patricians and Plebeians, and providing that the children should follow the rank of the father. Both laws encounter- ed a strenuous opposition ; and, according to one authority, no concession was made until the Plebs once more seceded, this time across the Tiber to the Janiculan Hill, wben the " Intermarriage Law " {lex de connuhio) was passed, and, in lieu of the other, a compromise was effected between the orders. It was agreed to put the consulate in commission, substituting for the double rule of two equal magistrates, which had hitherto prevailed, a "board of (probably) five persons* of unequal rank, among whom the consular powers were to be parcelled out. The duties with respect to the revenue, and the arrangement of the roll of the Senate, of the knights, and of the citizens generally in tlie centuries, which had hitherto been exercised by the consuls, were * Mommsen says "eight" — two censors, and six military tribunes; but there is no instance of a board of six military tribunes till b.c. 402, forty years later ; after which time there is no instance of a board containing less than six. PART I., PEK. II.] THE MILITARY TRIBUNATE. 403 separated off and made over to two " Censors " elected by the centuries from among the nobles only. The remaining duties of the consuls were consigned to three " military tribunes," also elected by the centuries, but from the Patricians and Ple- beians indifferently. The latter officers were to be annual ; the former were to hold office for a term of five years. It is probable that the constitution of b.c. 442 was intended to supersede altogether that which preceded it, and to rule the elections year after year regularly. But the Patricians contrived to throw a doubt on this intention ; and the practice grew up of the Senate formally determining towards the close of the year whether the ensuing election should be one of military trib- unes or of consuls. In the latter case the Patricians were secure of the two seats without a struggle ; in the former there was danger that one or more Plebeians might be elected. 18. The working of this constitution was extremely un- satisfactory to the Plebeians. By means of the irregular Uusatisfacto- alternation of the consulate with the inilitary twrcousti^u-^ tribunate, at least half the supreme magistracies tion. were monopolized by the nobles without the Ple- beians being able even to be candidates. With respect to the other half, it might have been thought that they could have avenged themselves. But practically it was found that only on rare occasions, under circumstances of peculiar excitement, could the centuries be induced to elect a Ple- beian candidate. The Patricians by their own votes and those of their clients in the centuries of the first class (see p. 385) had almost the complete control of the elections; and during nearly forty years, at the most three Plebeians ob- tained a place in the college. Even then their position was insecure. The colleges of sacred lore might be called upon to inquire whether some accidental informality at the elec- tion had not rendered it invalid. Of the three Plebeian tribunes elected under the constitution of b.c. 442, one was made to resign in his third month of office, because the au- gural tent had not been pitched rightly. 19. Nor were the Plebeians compensated for their disap- pointment with respect to the constitution of b.c. 442 by iiiiberaitreat- mild or liberal treatment in other respects dur- piXSinsYn ing the forty years that it lasted (b.c. 442 to other respects. 402). The dignity of the censorship was indeed lessened by the ^milian law, which diminished the dura- 404 ROME, [book v. tion of the office from five years to eighteen months ; but any advantage which the Plebeians might seem to have gained in this respect was counterbalanced by the elevation of the prefect of the city, an exclusively Patrician officer, to the position of a colleague of the military tribunes when there were no censors in office. A demand which the Ple- beians made for a share of the qusestorship was practically eluded in the way which had now come to be fashionable, by throwing the office open to both orders. Requests for allotments of land were either wholly rejected, or answered by niggardly assignments of two "jugera" to a man in por- tions of the territory very open to attack on the part of an enemy. The state-rents were generally withheld by the " possessores ;" and, to make up the deficiency in the rev- enue, the property-tax was unduly augmented. The de- mand of the tribunes, that the soldiers should receive pay during the time that they were on active service, was not complied with ; nor was any thing done to alleviate the pressure caused by the high rate of interest. 20. Thus the Plebeians, though, by the letter of the con- stitution, they had made certain not inconsiderable gains -, ,.^ ,. since the abolition of the Decemvirate, were Modification . . ... of the military scarcely better contented with their position in Constitution the sta«te than they had been when Terentilius otB.c.402. ^^. when Canuleius commenced their agitations. And the Patricians were quite aware of their feelings. Ac- cordingly, when, about b.c. 403, the military position of Rome among her neighbors had become such as to justify the nation in entering upon a more important war than any hitherto waged by the Republic, and it was clear that suc- cess w^ould depend very much upon the heartiness and unanimity with which the whole nation threw itself into the struggle, the Patricians themselves came forward with pro- posals for a change in the military tribunate, and probably one also in the censorship, which had for their object the better contentation of the other order. A new constitution was framed ; and at the same time it was agreed that the state-rents should be carefully collected, and from the mon- ey thus obtained regular pay should be given to the sol- diers, who were now to be called upon to serve the whole, or nearly the whole, of the year. p^KT I., I'EK. II.] LAST WAR WITH VEIL 405 Constitution of B.C. 402. («) The number of the military tribunes is raised from three to six, one of whom, however, is the "prasfectus urbis," and so necessarily a Patrician — perhaps even elected by the Patrician as- sembly. The other five are elected by the centuries freely from either order. (6) The censorship is, like the military tribunate, thrown open to both or- ders, (c) It is agreed that this constitution shall operate permanently ; or, in other words, that the consulate shall be wholly given up, and military tribunes hold office every year. 21. The wars of the Republic had hitherto been of minor importance. After the yoke of Porsenna was thrown oiF Wars of the (^^^ § 6) ^ short and sharp struggle had super- Republic from vened with the Latins, who were compelled by meiutoB.o. * Sp. Cassius (b.c. 491), if not to renew their old '^^'' treaty, at any rate to enter into a league, offen- sive and defensive, with the Romans. The Hernicans of the Upper Liris country were soon afterwards (b.c. 484) forced by the same general to join the alliance. The special object of the league was to resist the encroachments of the Oscan nations, particularly the ^qui and Yolsci, who Avere now at the height of their power. A long struggle with these nations, attended with very varying success, had followed. Rome had at times been reduced to great straits. Many Latin cities had been taken and occupied by the Volscians. But, after above half a century of almost perpetual contest, the power of the Oscans began to wane. The confederated Romans, Latins, and Hernicans recovered most of their lost ground. Tarracina was reoccupied, b.c. 403. At the same time, the pressure of the Sabines upon Rome, constant in the earlier years of the Republic, had ceased. A great victo- ry, gained by the consul Horatius, in b.c. 446, had relieved Rome of this enemy, whose superabundant energies found for many years an ample scope in Southern Italy. Under these circumstances of comparative freedom from any press- ing danger, Rome felt that the time was come when she might make a fresh start in the race for power. She was cramped for room towards the north and west by the near vicinity of an important but not very formidable state, Veii. Having first tested her adversary's strength in a contest for the possession of that single post which the Etruscans still held south of the Tiber, namely, Fidenae, and having after some difficulty been successful so far (b.c. 423), Rome pro- ceeded in B.C. 402 to enter upon a fresh war wdth Yeii, dis- 406 KOME. [book v. tinctly intending to effect, if she could, a permanent con- quest. 22. The war with the Veientines, commenced in this spir- it, lasted, according to the tradition, ten years — b.c. 402 to (VarwithVeii ^^^' ^^^^^ ^^^^ for the first time maintained in B.C. 402-392, ''the field continuously an armed fierce, thus laying its capture and the foundation of that " standing army " to which ^"^°* she ultimately owed most of her greatness. She made her attack on the powerful Etruscan state at a fortu- nate time. Almost contemporaneously with her first serious aggressions upon the southernmost city of the confederacy began that terrible inroad from the North which utterly shattered and broke up the Etruscan power in the plain of the Po, and first alarmed and then seriously crippled the strength of the Cis-Apennine league. Had not the Gallic in- ■\ asion occupied the whole attention of the Northern Etrus- cans, it is probable that they, would have made common cause with the threatened Veii, in Avhich case the war would scarcely have terminated as it did in the capture and ruin of the city. Details of the last War with Veil b.c. 402 to 401. The Romans occupy various posts in the Veientine territoiy, and offer battle, which is de- clined. — B.C. 400. The siege of Veii is commenced — attempt at circumval- lation. The Veientines destroy the works, which are, however, restored late in the year. — b.c. 399. Aid brought to the Veientines by the people of Fa- lerii and Capena. The Roman works are carried and the besieging army is driven off. — b.c. 398. Roman armies invade the territories of Falerii and Capena. No great impression made.— b.c. 397. Siege of Veii re-formed. — B.C. 396. Second attempt of the Falisci and Capenates to relieve their neigh- bor fails. — B.C. 394. Attempt of the people of Tarquinii equally unsuccess- ful. — B.C. 392. Veii stormed by Camillus. 23. The successful issue of the war with Veii encouraged the Romans to fresh efforts in the same direction. Capena Further gains was couqucred and her territory absorbed in the iuEtruria. j^^^, ^f^^^ Veil fell. Then Falerii was attacked and forced to cede some of her lands. The neighboring towns of Nepete and Sutrium submitted at the same time, and became Roman dependencies. Finally, war was de- clared against the Volsinians, and the Roman arms were carried beyond the Ciminian mountains. Here victory was again with the aggressors; but the success failed to bring any increase of territory. PART I,, PER. n.J GKEAT INKUAD OF TllE GAULS. 407 24. But now the progress of Rome received a sudden and terrible check. The Gallic hordes, which had begun to ... , ..^ swarm across .the Alps about b.c. 400, and had Attfick of the Gauls. Rome Conquered Northern Etruria nearly at the time urn , B. . o . ^yYiQii the Romans took Veii, after a brief pause crossed the Apennines, and spread like a flood over Central Italy. Whether Rome gave them any special provocation, or no, is doubtful. At any rate, they poured down the val- ley of the Tiber in irresistible force, utterly defeated the en- tire armed strength of the Romans upon the Allia, captured the city, and burnt almost the whole of it, except the Capi- tol. The Capitol itself was besieged for months, but still held out, when the Gauls, weary of inaction and alarmed for the safety of their conquests in the plain of the Po, consent- ed, on the payment of a large sum of money, to retire. It is questionable whether the destruction of Rome Avas so complete as gen- erally alleged. The Gauls would have wished to save a portion of the build- ings as a shelter to themselves against heat and wet. And these they would not have been likely to destroy at their departure under its circumstances. The town would probably have contained many solid stone buildings calcu- lated to resist a rapid conflagration. And the Capitol, with its temples and other public edifices, was, we know, nntouched. The question concerning the credibility of the early Roman histoiy de- pends to a considerable extent upon the amount of devastation committed by the Gauls. But it is also, in part, independent of that question, turning upon the further one, which of the existing monuments were likely to have been usually kept in the Capitol, or to have been removed to it before the siege began. 25. It might have been expected that this fearful blow would have been fatal to the supremacy of Rome among the EflFectofthe Italic nations. But the result was otherwise. At Mmtaryhisto- Afst, indeed, conscquenccs followed which brought from B c™8T- ^^^^ Republic into serious danger, and seemed to 355. menace its existence. The Latins and Hernicans, who had been united in the closest possible league with the Romans, the former for above, the latter for not much less than a century, took the opportunity of Rome's defeat to de- clare the league dissolved. The Oscan nations, the Volsci especially, renewed their attacks. The Etruscans took the offensive. Rome was saved from immediate destruction by the genius of Camillus, and then gradually rose again to power and preponderance by her own inherent energy. To 408 HOME. [book v. nc'couiit for the sligbtness of the check which the Gallic con- quest gave to her external prosperity, we must bear in mind that the attack of the Gauls wa% not really upon Rome alone, or even upon Rome specially and peculiarly. The first burst of their fury had fallen on the Etruscans, and had permanently weakened that iniportant people. Their later irruptions injured the Italic nations generally, not Rome in particular. The Umbrians, Sabines, Latins, ^qui, and Vol- sci all suffered, perhaps about equally. Thus Rome, on the whole, succeeded in maintaining her place among the Italian states ; and, the same causes which had previously given her a preponderance continuing to work, she gradually lifted her- self up once more above her neighbors. She warred success- fully with the Volscians, and with several cities of the Lat- ins, which were now leagued wdth them. She held her own in Etruria. After an interval of about a generation she in- duced the Latins and compelled the Hernicans to resume their old position of confederates (b.c. 355) under her he- gemony. Within five-and-thirty years of the destruction of the city, Rome had fully recovered from all the effects of the blow dealt by the Gauls ; and, if we take into account the general weakness caused by the Gallic ravages, had relative- ly improved her position. 26. While Rome thus, on the whole, prospered externally, her internal condition was also gradually improving. Tlie Internal histo- sccond military tribunate was not, indeed, very ry. Failure of niuch morc succcssful than the first, failing equal- tlie constitu- . . n i -m i - t ion of 15. c. 402. ly to coutcut the aspiratious 01 the Plebeian or- Recurreuce of * __, i •. .i ^ .• general pover- dcr. ihough it gavc them a larger proportion ^^' of the high offices, the proportion was still so small — not so much as one-twelfth — that their dissatisfac- tion, not unreasonably, continued. They never obtained the military tribunate excepting under abnormal circumstances ; and on the single occasion on which they gained the censor- ship (b.c. 376), it was wrested from them under a religious pretext. The Patricians could still, ordinarily, command the votes of the centuries ; and, if a Plebeian obtained office, it was by Patrician sufferance or contrivance. Excepting un- der peculiar circumstances, the nobles were inclined to grasp as much power as they could ; and hence the Plebeians felt that they had no firm hold on the constitution, no security PART I., I'ER. II.] GENERAL rOVEHTY. 409 for the continuance of even that small share of office Avhich had practically fallen to them. They would probably have 8et themselves to obtain a change in the constitution many years before the Licinio-Sextian laws were actually brought Ibrward, had not the Gallic invasion produced such an ex- tent of poverty and debt as effectually cramped for a time all Plebeian aspirations, changing the struggle for equal rights into a struggle for existence. Causes of the general Poverty at this period, (a) Loss of property — farm-buildings, implements, crops, cattle, even seed-corn — in consequence of the Gallic inroad. (6) Necessity of borrowing money in order to rebuild the demolished houses and re-stock the plundered farms, (c) High rate of interest, owing to the necessary suspension of the Decemviral enactment. (d) Probable forfeiture of the security given to the State for the completion of the houses in a year, (e) Rise in the amount of property-tax, owing part- ly to the number of public buildings which required to be rebuilt or repaired, and partly to the non-payment of the state-rents. (/) Difficulty of provid- ing allotments at a time when Rome was not making much advance territori- ally. The second item might have been in great part spared, if Rome had been deserted and its population had removed to Veii. But the moral grounds against such a transfer of the capital far outweighed all the material ones in its favor. 27. The first important result of the general prevalency of distress among the Plebeians was the attempt of M. Man- .„. ,,, lius. Less pure and disinterested than his pro- Affair of m. r^ ^. ^ . 1 T 1 T^l 1 • Maniius, B.O. totypc, bpunus Cassuis, he made the ilebeian wronojs the stalkino'-horse of his own ambition. Partly tempted, partly goaded into crime, he is entitled to our pity even though we condemn him. His intentions were probably at the first honest, and the means that he designed to use legal ; but the opposition which he encountered drove liim to desperate measures, and he became in the end a dan- gerous conspirator. Well would it have been for Rome had she possessed a method, like that which Athens enjoyed in the ostracism, of securing her own liberties by the tempora- ry banishment, rather than the death, of a great citizen ! 28. During the Manlian struggle, and immediately after it, some slight eftbrts were made by the government to relieve Slight at- the general destitution. In b.c. 382 two thou- IfevefheVo^v- ^^"^ Plebeians received allotments of two and a «*"ty- half ji/grera at Satricum. Two years later, colonies 18 410 KOME. [book v. were sent out to Nepete in Etruria and to the Pontine marsh district. But these were mere palliatives, and in no way met or grappled with the disease. It was necessary, if the bulk of the Plebeian order was not to be swept away from the state, becoming the slaves of the Patricians or of foreigners, that measures should be taken on a large scale, both to meet the present distress, and to prevent such crises from recur- ring. 29. Great difficulties call for, and seem in a way to pro- duce, great men. Fourteen years after the distress had be- Graud scheme ^^^^ considerable owing to the Gallic inroad, ofLicmiusaud two Plebeians of high rank and great ability, C. Licinius Stolo and L, Sextius, came forward with a scheme of legislation skillfully framed so as to cover all t?ie various heads of Plebeian grievance, and to provide at once a remedy for the actually existing evils and security against future oppression. Considering that there were two kinds of evil to remedy, political inequality and want, they fr.amed their measures against both. For the immediate re- lief of the needy, they brought forward their " lex de cere cille- no^^ which provided that whatever had been paid on any debt in the way of interest should be counted as a repay- ment of the principal and deducted from the amount due ; and that the balance remaining, if any, should be demanda- ble only in installments, which should be spread over the space of three years. For the prevention of the poverty in future, they proposed their " lex agraria " — which, in the first place, threw open the right of occupying the public land to the Plebeians ; in the second, affixed a limit beyond which occupation should not be carried ; and in the third, required all occupiers to employ in the cultivation of their farms a certain definite propoilion of free labor. For the establish- ment of the principle of political equality, they proposed the restoration of the consulship, with the proviso that one of the two consuls should each year be a Plebeian {lex de co7isula- tu) ; and the equal division of a sacred office, that of the keep- ers of the Sibylline books, between the two orders {lex de de- cemvir is sacrorimi). 30. The importance of these laws was immense. They established fully the principle of the equality of the two or- ders, both as respected sacred and civil office — a principle PART I., PER. II.] LEGISLATION OF LICINIUS. 411 iraportanceof which, once admitted, was sure to work itself out s^exulinYegis- to the full ill coui'se of time. They greatly al- I'-^tiou. Ksac- deviated the existing poverty, and by the two cep ance, ii.c. ^^^^.^^^^.^^^g ^^^, extending the right of occupation to Plebeians, and compelling the employment of a large amount of free labor on the public lands, they made considerable provision against extreme poverty in the future. Above all, they secured to the Plebeians a succession of champions in the highest offices of the State, who would watch over their interests and protect them against unfair treatment. Natu- rally, therefore, being so important, the laws were opposed with the utmost determination by the other order. The struggle, according to some authorities, was of eleven years' duration. It was probably not until a " secession " had be- gun, or at any rate was threatened, that the Patricians yield- ed, the laws received the sanction of both the Senate and the Assembly of the nobles, and a Plebeian consul, L. Sex- tius, was elected, b.c. 363. Two new offices arose in connection with tlie Licinio-Sextian legislation— the Prfetovship (exclusively Patrician) and the Curule ^dileship (alternately Patrician and Plebeian). The Prgetorship is perhaps best viewed as an office formed by detaching from the rest some of the old consular powers, and so as a sort of compensation to the Patricians for their loss of one consulship. (Compare the origin of the Censorship.) The Curule ^dileship was proba- bly an old office newly arranged— the Patrician ^dileship being new-cast, because of the admission of the Plebeians into the nation. 31. It might have seemed that the struggle between the orders would now have come to a close— that Avhen the high- Time of reac- est civil, and one of the highest religious, offices dn?o-Sestlau" had been once opened to the Plebeian order, constitntion there remained nothinsc which the other order set aside ille- , ? i • n t> j. j.r. £> ^ gaily. could regard as worth tightmg lor, J:»ut the tact was otherwise. Not only were there, now as ever, among the Patricians those who would not yield without a struggle even the last " rag of privilege ;" but there existed in the body at this time a party disinclined to view the recent de- feat as decisive, or to accept it as final. During the quarter of a century which followed on the passage of the Licinio- Sextian laws, it was uncertain whether or no the Plebeian advance could be maintained. A certain amount of reaction set in. For the space of fourteen years — from b.c. 352 to B.C. 412 ROME. [book v. 339 — the regular operation of the Licinio-Sextian constitution was set aside. Instead of Plebeian consuls following each other in regular succession year after year, the Fasti show during the fourteen years seven Plebeian names only, while there are twenty-one Patrician. It is uncertain by what means this illegal system was introduced or main- tained ; hut there are grounds for suspecting that it was very mainly through the defection of a portion of the Plebeian nobility from the cause of their or- der. Four Plebeians, C. Marcius Eutilus, M. Popillius Lanas, C. Poetelius, and C. Plautius, seem to have become Patrician partisans, and as a reward for their services to have received through the influence of the Patricians an ac- cumulation of high offices. These men and their party among the Plebeians connived at the Patrician usurpations, Avhich were the less sensibly felt by the mass of the Order, as they affected directly only the interests of the compara- tively few wealthy families. 32. The illegal setting aside of the Licinio-Sextian consti- tution could not fail to produce among the more prudent Discontent of ^^^^ far-sccing of the Plebeians violent discon- the Plebeians, ^^j^^^ jf ^ party in the State is once allowed to begin the practice of setting the law at nought, there is no saying where it will stop. The old champions of the Plebe- ian cause — the Licinii, Genucii, Publilii, etc. — must have been violently angered; and as time went on and the ille- gality continued, the bulk of the Order must have become more and more disgusted with their own renegades and with the Patrician usurpers. These last must have felt, dur- ing the whole time of the usurpation, that they walked upon a hidden volcano — that a fire might at any moment burst forth which would imperil the very existence of the commu- nity. 33. It was probably with the view of pacifying and sooth- ing the discontented, that the Patricians granted during this Measures tak- interval many boons to the poorer classes. The down^Kis- re-establishment of the uncial rate of interest (10 content. pg^. cent.) in B.C. 351, and the subsequent reduc- tion of the rate by one-half in b.c. 344, were popular meas- ures, evidently designed to gratify the lower orders. The tax on the manumission of slaves (b.c. 354) would also please them, since it would fall wholly upon the wealthy. Of a still more popular character were the general liquidation of debts, in B.C. 349, by means of a Commission empowered to make PART I., PER. II.] LICINIAN CONSTITUTION INFRINGED. 413 advances from the treasury to all needy persons who could offer a fair security; and the suspension of the property-tax, and spread of the debts over the space of three years, which were among the measures of relief adopted in b.c. 344. The practical opening to the Plebeians without a struggle of the civil offices parallel with the Consulate— the Dictatorship and the Mastership of the Knights (b.c. 353)— may also be reo-arded as among the politic concessions of this period, made for the sake of keeping the Plebeians in good humor, and preventing an outbreak. 34. But, though these boons and blandishments effected something, it was felt nevertheless that the state of affairs Fear of an ^ was unsettled, and that, on the occurrence of any dScera^Jace' Convenient opportunity, there would probably be policy.' ' a rising. Accordingly the government deter- mined, so far as in it lay, to avoid furnishing an opportuni- ty ; and hence, for almost the first time in the history of the Roman State, we find a policy of peace adopted and steadily maintained for a series of years. Between the years b.c. 355 and 347, treaties of peace w^ere concluded with all the impor- tant powers of Central Italy ; and Rome left herself no ene- my against whom she could legitimately commence a war excepting the shattered remnants of the Oscan nations and perhaps the Sabines of the tract beyond the Anio. Peace and alliance were made with the Latins, b.c. 355 ; with the Herni- cans inlhe same year ; with the Samnites, b.c. 851 ; with Csere, b.c. 350 ; with Tarquinii and Falerii, in b.c. 348. It is not impossible that a treaty was made with the Gauls after the campaign of b.c. 346, after which they are never again found in Latium. A commercial treaty with the Carthagm- ians was made in B.C. 345 ; but this Avould not belong to the "peace policy here spoken of, since there was at this time no possibility of a war with Car- . thage. 35. At length, in b.c. 340, twelve years after the Licinio- Sextian constitution had been set aside, an occasion offered The peace poi- which tempted the government to depart from its w^ ^'^u°h"^' peace policy, and to run the risk of internal trou- SamnTura. "bie which was well known to be implied in the commencement of a great and important war. The tempta- tion, one which it w^as impossible to resist, was the offer of the Campanians to become Roman subject-allies, if Rome would protect them against the Samnites. To accept this offer was 414 ROME. [book v. to more than double the Roman territory ; to reject it was greatly to strengthen the Samnites, already the chief power of the south of Italy. The government, which though Pa- trician, was still Roman, was too patriotic to hesitate. Cam- pania was therefore received into alliance, and the First Sam- nite War was the immediate consequence. 36. The military ojDcrations of the war will be described in the next portion of this book (Per. Ill, g 2) ; but its effect Mutiny of the on the civil history is too closely connected with soldiers. ^^^ period of which we are now treating to admit of separation from it. The Roman army, having carried on a successful campaign, Avintered in Campania; and the sol- dier-citizens, having thus had an opportunity of consulting together, determined to mutiny. Some were for a " seces- sion " to Capua, but the majority were for enforcing their will upon the usurping government at Rome. In vain the consuls, perceiving what was afloat, tried to disperse the army little by little before an outbreak should come. Their intention was perceived, and the mutiny took place at once. The army marched upon Rome and made its demands — the government met it with a hasty levy, but these troops re- fused to fight. Long negotiations followed. At length, a tribune of the Plebs, a Genucius, proposed and carried Restoration of through a series of laws, which were accepted on the Liciuio- "both sides as terms of reconciliation. The Licin- bextian con- stitution and ian constitution was practically re-established : passing of the , . - ^ . *' . -. -r-» Genucian ^ Dut it was cuactcd, as a just penalty on tlie Pa- aws, B.O. o . j^j.^gjr^j-jg f^Y their repeated usurpation of both con- sulships, that, though both consuls might never legally be Patricians, it should be allowable for both of them to be Ple- beians. To prevent any future seduction of a Plebeian par- ty by the temptation of accumulated oflices, it was enacted that no Plebeian should henceforth hold the same office twice within ten years, or two offices in the same year. To alleviate the remaining pressure of debt, there was an abso- lute abolition of all outstanding claims, and a law Avas pass- ed making the lending of money upon interest illegal. Some militarjT' grievances were at the same time redressed, provis- ion being made that no soldier should be dismissed the serv- ice without cause shown, and that no petty officer should be degraded to the ranks. On these conditions peace was re- TART I., PER. III.] LAWS OF GENUCIUS. 415 established ; and domestic tranquillity being attained, Rome was once more ready to devote her whole strength to the forwarding of her interests abroad. For a full account of this interesting period of Roman histoiy, see an arti- cle contributed by the present writer to the Oxford and Cambridge Review for April, 1846 j pp. 241-257. THIRD PERIOD. History of Rome from the breaking out of the First Samnite War, B.C. 340, to the Commencement of the Wars with Carthage, B.C. 2G4. Sources, (a) Authors. Livy and Diodorus are the chief authorities for the earlier portion of this period; but the latter writer fails us after B.C. 302. The fragments of Appian's Samnitica are of some value. For the war with Pja-rhus, Plutarch's Life of that hero is the main source ; but his narrative must be supplemented from the fragments of Dio Cassius, Dio- NYSius, and Appian, and from the continuous narratives of Justin, Orosi- us, and Zonaras. For the period following the departure of Pyrrhus from Italy (B.C. 275 to 264) these latter writers are almost our sole authorities. We may consult however with advantage the Epitomes of Livy and the brief abstract of Florus. (6) Inscriptions. The Fasti Capitolini are full and tol- erably continuous for the greater portion of this period. There belong also to it a certain number of sepulchral and other inscriptions, which will be found in — Orelli, J. C, Inscriptionum Latinarutn selectarum amplissima collectio. Turici, 1828 ; 2 vols. 8vo ; and in MoMMSEN, Th. , Inscriptiones Latince antiguissimce ad Ccesaris mortem, Berolini; 1863 ; folio. The modern Avriters best worth consulting on this period are those already mentioned (supra, p. 283) as authorities on the history of Period 11. 1. The Third Period of Roman History is that of the great wars in Italy, whereby Rome succeeded in making herself External his- mistress of the entire Peninsula proper. It com- r?od?hiefly^^" priscs the four Samnite Wars, the great Latin important. ^^r, the war with Pyrrhus, a war with the Gauls, and several minor wars terminating in the conquest of the other lesser Italian nations. The external history of the period is thus of the highest interest; while the internal history is, comparatively speaking, scanty and unimportant. 2. When Rome determined to accept the Campanians as subject-allies, she broke her treaty with Samnium, and prac- First war of tically made a declaration of war. Campania SamniulJj^.o. ^'^^ ^ Samnite dependency which had revolted, 340-338. and which the Samnites were bent on subjuga- 416 KOMK. [hook v. ting. The interposition of Rome in the quarrel resembled that of Athens in the eontest between Corinth and Corcyra (supra, p. 203). Morally, it could not be justified ; but, as a matter of policy, it could not bo impugned. Home already savy' that lier most formidable Italian rival Avas Samniunl, and that it was with Samnium she would liave to contend for the first place in Italy. A step which at once strength- ened hei-self and weakened her antagonist could not but be expedient ; and we can not be surprised that, despite its in- justice, the step was taken. Details of the "War. b.c. 340. Eome sends two consular armies into Campania, one of which enters Samnium from the west, while the Latins in- vade tlie country of the Teligni and threaten Samnium on the north. The lioman invading army gets into dithcuhies, but is extricated by the courage and conduct of a Decius. The Latins make no serious impression. The oth- er Koman army, however, which remains in Cam]>ania, gains two victories, one at Mount Gaurus, near Naples, and the other at Suessula. Both Komau armies winter in Campania. — k.c. 330. I\Iutiny of the Roman troops. The whole management of the war is left to the Latins, wlio carry it on success- fully, protecting Campania, and more than once defeating the Saranites. — B.C. 338. The Romans and Latins invade Samnium separately. Rome, perceiv- ing that Latium has assumed an independent attitude, hastily mr.kes peace ■with the Samnites, and determines to attemj)! the subjugation of Latium. 3. Rome, about to engage in a war for supremacy with Latium, strengthened herself by an alliance with the knot Great Latin of Sabine communities known as "the Marsian War, 15.0. 337- Loaguc." Latium obtained the adhesion of the Campanians, Sidicinians, and Yolscians. Samni- um was an active ally to neither party, but took the oppor- tunity, which the contest oftered, to advance her frontier on the side of the Volscian territory. The struggle between the two main belligerents was begun and concluded within the space of three years, and, indeed, was virtually decided by the events of the first campaign. The battles of Vesuvius and Trilanum (b.c. 337) were stoutly contested by the Latins, but nevertheless were very decided Roman victories. Their efToct was to break up the confederacy. Many states at once submitted. Others continued a desultory and ineftectual re- sistance; but by the end of b.c. 335 the last Latin town had made its submission; and Rome, having effected the con- quest, proceeded to the w^ork of pacification. Pacification of Latium. The principles of the pacification were isola- PAUT I., PEii. HI.] GREAT LATIN WAR. 417 tion and separation of interests. The federal meetings at the lucm Ferenti- nus were of course abolished. The rights of intermarriage between the citi- zens of the different states, and of holding lands in each others' territories, were suspended. S^jme cities, as Velitra and Antium, were occupied by Roman colonies. Others, as Tibur and Franeste, forfeited a large portion of their territon,'. One town, Tusculum, was simply restored to its former condition of a Iloman "municipium." Tlie same position was assigned to Aricia, Xomentum, and Pedum. Lanuvium was received into full citizen- ship. Laurentum, which had taken no part in the war, was allowed a nomi- nal independence. 4. The conclusion of the great struggle with Latium is followed by a pause of twelve years, during which Kouie Pause of undertook nothing hut trivial and unimportant da?itfonTr ^'ars, and those chiefly wars which were forced 33:^323.' ■" upon her. Her action was paralyzed by two causes, one internal, the other external. Her internal danger was from the subjected Latins, who were known to be dis- contented with their treatment, and might be exjjected to re- volt the moment Kome should enter upon any important con- test. The external cause of alarm was the invasion of Alex- ander of Epirus, iincle of Alexander the Great, w^ho landed in Italy, B.C. 3.31, at the invitation of the Tarentines. Alex- ander's quarrel was mainly with the Samnites and their de- pendent allies; but, if he had been successful against them, he would probably have attempted the conquest of Italy. Rome, doubtful of the result, protected herself by a treaty with the invader, and then nursed her strength and prepared herself to resist him if he should attack her. Mi.voR Wars of this Period. In b.c. 333 and 332 Rome attacks and reduces the Ausonians. The year after their reduction, she makes war on the Sidicini. In b.c. 327 Privernum and Fundi revolt under Vitruvius Yaccus. Fundi speedily submits. Privemum is reduced, b.c. 320. In the same year an attack of the Gauls is met and repulsed. 5. The reverses which befell Alexander of Epirus, about B.C. 32.5, encouraged the Romans to resume their old policy of accf^rcssion, and to take steps which led natu- of Kome upon rally and almost necessarily to the renewal oi the Samnmm. struggle with Samnium. By founding the colo- ny of Fregellse on land conquered by the Samnites from the Volscians, a challenge was flung down to Samnium, which she could scarcely refuse to take up. This was followed by an attack on Palseopolis, an independent Greek city, w^hich 18* 418 ROME. [book v. had long been under Samnite protection. War ensued as a matter of course. The time had, in fact, come when Rome was prepared to contest, with the power which she recog- nized as her great rival, the mastery of Southern Italy. Mis- tress of Latium and Campania, and secured by treaties from any early Etruscan attack, she felt herself equal to a vast ef- fort ; and she therefore determined to seize the occasion for a war which should decide whether the hegemony of the peninsula, or at any rate of its southern portion, should be- long to herself or to the Samnites. 6. The Second Samnite War — the duel between the two chief races of Italy — covered a space of twenty-one years, Second War from B.C. 323 to 303, inclusive. It divides itself umfB^St naturally into three portions. During the first, ^02- from B.C. 323 to 319, the war languished, neither party apparently putting forth its full strength. During the second, from b.c. 319 to 312, the issue was really deter- mined by the three great battles, of the Caudine Forks, of Lautulse, and of Cinna. The third period, from b.c. 312 to 303, was again one of languid hostilities, the war being un- duly spun out, partly by the stubborn resistance of the beat- en party, partly through the desultory attacks which were made upon Rome during these years by various enemies. Details of the War. First Period, b.c. 323 to 319. Rome obtains allies among the Lucanians and Apulians, and prepares to attack Samnium from the south ; but the Samnites cnxsh the Roman party in Lucania, b.c. 323. Rome then makes war on the Vestini and the othei* members of the Marsian League, defeats them and establishes a line of communication with Apulia through their territories, b.c. 322. The next year the war is trans- ferred into Apulia, with such effect that in B.C. 320 the Samnites make prOv posals for peace. These, however, are rejected, and the war continues. Sec- ond Period, b.c. 319 to 312. The great victory of the Caudine Forks is gained by C. Pontius, B.C. 319. Half the Roman army is destroyed. The rest surrenders, but is released from captivity, on the signature of a peace by the consuls and two tribunes of the Plebs. The authorities, however, having recovered their men, refuse to be bound by the treaty, which they declare in- formal. The war continues without any very important event till the year B.C. 313, when the battle of Lautulje is fought. This is a second great Sam- nite victoiy, and seems to promise them complete success in the war. Cam- pania revolts from Rome. The Ausonians join the Samnites. The Vol- scians of Sora go over to them, massacring the Roman colonists, Luceria, one of the chief towns of Apulia, deserts the Roman alliance. There is a general expectation that the Samnites are going to carry all before them, and a wide-spread defection from the Roman cause. But in the ensuing year all TART I., PER. III.] SECOND SAMNITE WAR. 41 9 is reversed. By a vast effort Rome succeeds in bringing into the field an army larger and better appointed than that Avhich had been lost ; the Sam- nites are once more met in the field ; and the Romans gain the victory of Cinna, defeating their enemy with such loss that there is no after-recovery from the blow. Third Pkriod, b.c. 311 to 303. The Romans carry the war into Samnium, which they ravage year after year. Only two battles of any importance are fought. In b. c. 308 the Samnites make a last eftbrt, de- feat the Romans under C. Marcius Rutilus, but are in their turn defeated by L. Papirius Cursor. The war is prolonged in consequence of the efforts which are made to help Samnium by other powers, as by the Etruscans, in B.C. 309 and 308 ; by the Umbrians, in the latter year; by the Marsi and Peligni, in B.C. 307 ; by the Sallentini, in b.c. 306 ; and by the ^qui and Hernici, in b.v. 305. "Could the efforts of these various nations have been concentrated into one great attack, Rome, if she had not succumbed, might have received a serious check. But the want of union among her foes gave her an easy triumph : CA^ry attack was repulsed ; and in the year B.C. 303, Samnium, in despair, submitted, becoming politically subject to the Romans, but retaining its internal independence. 7. The Second Samnite War brought the disaifection of the Latms very rapidly to a head. In b.c. 322, the second Kevoitand year of the war, there was beyond a doubt a don of La-''''" gi*eat Latin revolt. Tusculum, Velitrse, and Pri- tium, B.C. 322, vcrnum, three of the cities which had experi- enced the harshest treatment, took the lead. A night at- tack seems to have been made on Rome, and great alarm caused. The Roman government, however, met the danger with its usual wisdom. While some recommended meas- ures of extreme violence, the Senate adopted a policy of conciliation. Terms were made with the rebels, some of whom were given, others promised, full citizenship. The discontented part of Latium was, in fact, incorporated into Rome. To mark the completeness and reality of the union, L. Fulvius, the leader of the revolt, became consul for the year, b.c, 321. Henceforth Latium ^was satisfied with its position, and continued faithful through all the later troub- les and rebellions. 8. An interval of five years only — b.c. 303 to 298 — sepa- rates the Second from the Third Samnite War. Rome util- intervaibe- ^^^^ ^* ^J Completely reducing the remnant of tween Second the JEquiau people, by bringing the four nations Samnite Ware, forming the Marsian League into the position of her subject-allies, by making alliances with the Frentani and Picentini, and by seizing and occupying the 420 ROME. [book v. strong position of Nequinum (Narnia) in Umbria. She also clurino- this period sent aid to the Lucanians, who were at- tacked by Cleonymus of Sparta. Samnium probably nego- tiated, during the pause, with the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, taking steps towards the formation of that " League of Italy " which she brought to bear against Kome in the ensuing war. 9. The Third Samnite War is the contest of confederated Italy against the terrible enemy whose greatness was now Third Sara- Seen to threaten every power in the peninsula. Generafout- ^^^ turning-point, which well deserves its place ^^°6- among the ten or twelve "Decisive Battles of the World," was the battle of Sentinum. After two years of comparatively petty Avarfare, Samnium, in b.c. 296, brought the projected alliance to bear. Gellius Egnatius marched, with the flower of the Samnite force, across Central Italy into Etruria. The Gauls and Umbrians joined ; and in b.c. 295, the confederate army of the four nations advanced upon Rome, which appeared to be on the brink of destruc- tion. But a bold step taken by the Romans saved them. Instead of standing merely on the defensive, they met the invaders with one army under the consuls Fabius and De- cius, while they marched another into the heart of Etruria. On hearing this, the selfish Etruscans, deserting their con- federates, drew off to protect their own country. The Sam- Battle of Sen- nites and Gauls retired across the Apennines to tiuum. Sentinum, losing the Umbrians on the way, who remained to protect their own towns. Rome followed the retreating force, and after a desperate struggle defeated it, thus really deciding the war. The confederation was bro- ken up. The Gauls took no further part in the contest. Rome carried it on separately with Etruria on the one side and Samnium on the other, till the exhaustion of both pow- ers compelled them to make peace. Samnium was forced to submit unconditionally, w^as mulcted in a portion of its ter- ritory, and became a subject-ally of Rome. Details of the War. First Period, b.c. 298 to 297. The Samnites, B.C. 298, form alliances with the Lucanians and Apulians. Roman armies invade Etruria and Samnium, defeat the Etruscans at Volaterra, and take Bovianum and Aufidena in Northern Samnium. — B.C. 297. Fabius defeats the Samnites and Decius the Apulians. Lucania compelled to submit to PART I., PER. III.] THIRD SAMNITE WAR. 421 Rome. Second Period, b.c. 296 to 295. Gellius Egnatiiis marches into Etnma.— B.C. 296. The whole Roman force being collected to meet him, Samnium invades Campania, which, however, Rome recovers towards the close of the year.— b.c. 295. The Gauls and Umbrians join the Etruscans and Samnites. Advance -of the allied army. Destruction of a Roman legion at Clusium. Romans invade Etraria. Allies retreat. Battle of Sentinum. The Gauls withdraw from the alliance. Third Period, b.c. 294: to 290. War carried on bv the Romans separately in Etruria and Samnium. Des- perate resistance of the Samnites. Great effort made in B.C. 292. Defeat of Fabius Gurges by C. Pontius, followed by the defeat and capture of Pon- tius by Fabius Maximus. Pontius led in triumph and pif to death, b.c. 291. The Samnites submit, b.c. 290. 10. Ten years intervened between the close of the Third Samnite War and the commencement of the next great Interval be- Struggle in which Rome was engaged. Muck tween'the obscuritv rcsts upon this interval, in which we Third Samnite •'., />t. • i . a j. • • ^.v. *. war and the lose the guidance of Livy without obtaining tnat SVb^o.290- of Plutarch. It appears, however, that shortly ^^^' after the close of the Third Samnite War troub- les broke out afresh in Southern Italy in. consequence of a war between the Lucanians and the Greeks of Thurii, b.c. 288. Rome interfered to protect Thurii, whereupon the Lu- canians effected a nnion against Rome of the Gauls (Seno- nes), Etruscans, Umbrians, Samnites, Lucanians, Bruttians, andTarentines, which, in the year b.c. 283, menaced the Re- public with destruction. But, though brought into serious danger, Rome triumphed over her difficulties. Fabricius de- feated the combined Lucanians and Bruttians, relieved Thu- rii, and received the submission of almost all the Greek towns of the neighborhood except Tarentum. Dolabella avenged on the Senonian Gauls the defeat of Metellus at Ar- retium, by seizing their country a-nd driving them beyond its borders. The Etruscans, and their allies, the Boii (Gauls), w^ere defeated with great slaughter at Lake Vadimon. Ta- rentum alone remained unpunished. It was probably to in- flict damage on this covert enemy, with whom as yet there had been no actual contest, that a Roman fleet was sent in B.C. 282, contrary to the terms of an existing treaty, to cruise round the heel of Italy. This fleet having been attacked and sunk by the Tarentines, who also took possession of Thurii, Rome in b.c. 281 declared war against Tarentum, which, ac- customed to lean on Greece for support, invited over the 422 ROME. [book v. Epirote prince Pyrrhus, who had already made himself a name by his victory over Demetrius Poliorcetes, and his first brief reign over Macedonia. (See p. 291.) 11. The war with Pyrrhus lasted six years, from b.c. 280 to 274. It was the first trial of strength between Macedon- ized Greece and Rome. Pyrrhus brought with War with , . . t i r> n ^ Pyrrhus, B.O. him into Italy an army oi 22,500 foot and 3000 2S0— 2T4. . . r . . horse, disciplined in the Macedonian fashion, and also 20 elepJiants. At the outset he obtained no troops from any Italians but the Tarentines, whose services were almost worthless. Nevertheless, in his first battle on the Siris, though with an army inferior in number, he completely de- feated the Romans, chiefly by the help of his elephants, which disconcerted the Roman cavalry. All Lower Italy then joined him ; and, in the remainder of the contest, he had the assistance of the Italian Greeks generally, of the Lu- canians, the Bruttians, and, above all, the Samnites. But neither after his first victory, near Heracleia, nor after his second, at Ausculum (Ascoli),was he able to effect any thing. The battles which he gained were stoutly contested, and cost him, each of them, several thousands of men, whom he could not replace and could ill spare. His power necessarily waned as time went on. His allies, except the Samnites, were of little value. His Greek troops harmonized ill with the Italians. Above all, while he fought for glory, the Ro- mans fought for their existence; and their patriotism and patient courage proved more than a match for the gallantry and brilliant strategy of their opponent. It was as much from disgust at his ill success, so far as the general ends of the war were concerned, as from the attraction of a tempt- ing offer, that Pyrrhus, in b.c. 278, quitted Italy for Sicily, accepted the Protectorate of the Greeks, and engaged in a war with the Carthaginians which threw them on the Ro- man side. Successful in this quarter to a certain extent, but, with his usual restlessness, leaving his conquest uncom- pleted, the Epirote prince returned to Italy with difficulty ; and, having lost Sicily almost at the moment of his depart- ure, engaged the Romans in a third battle near Beneventum, and being there completely defeated, gave up the war, and returned with the almost entire loss of his army, but with heightened reputation, to his native country. PART I., PER. III.] WAR WITH PYRRHUS. 423 Chronology of the War. Pyrrhus lands in Italy early in b.c. 280. Defeats Lagvinus near Heracleia in the autumn of the same year. Attempt to conclude peace fails. Advance of Pyrrhus into Apulia, b.c. 279. Battle of Ausculum. Pyrrhus invited into Sicily. Second attempt at a peace, b.c. 278. Pyrrhus, leaving garrisons in Tarentum and Locri, sails to Syracuse. The Romans recover all Southern Italy except Tarentum. Return of Pyr- rhus from Sicily, b.c. 276. Battle of Beneventum. Pyrrhus quits Italy. 12. The departure of Pyrrhus was followed rapidly by the complete subjugation of Southern Italy. Tarentum sur- consoiidation rendered b.c. 272. Lucania and Bruttium sub- powe^rfn pe*-^ mitted in the same year. Rhegium was stormed, ry"l"J'^276-^" ^•^- ^'^^' ^^ Samnium a guerrilla warfare was 265. maintained till b.c. 269, when resistance finally ceased. The Sallentines and Messapians were conquered in B.C. 266. At the same time Rome extended and consoli- dated her power in the North. A quarrel was picked with Picenum in b.c. 268. War and subjection followed; and, to prevent future resistance, half the nation was torn from its native land and transplanted to the opposite coast, where it received settlements on the Gulf of Salernum. In b.c. 266, Umbria was forced to make its submission ; and in the year following, Yolsinii, the chief of the Etruscan towns, was be- sieged, taken, and razed to the ground. At the close of the year b.c. 265, Rome reigned supreme over the length and breadth of Italy, from the Macra to Tarentum and Rhegium. 13. The chief means by which Rome established and se- cured her power was her system of colonies, with its supple- System of col- nient, her military roads. The foundation of col- ©uies. onies began, if we may believe the Roman histo- rian^ under the kings. At any rate, it is certain that early in the struggle between the combined Romans, Latins, and Hernici on the one hand and the Oscan nations on the other, the plan of establishing colonies, as garrisons, in towns taken from the enemy, was very widely adopted. Such colonies were made up, in equal or nearly equal proportions, of citi- zens of the three nations, who together formed the burgher or Patrician body in the city where they took up their abode, the previous inhabitants counting only as a " Plebs." The system, thus employed by Rome in conjunction with her allies, was afterwards made use of copiously in the con- quests which she efiected for her own sole advantage. As Terminus advanced, either colonies of Roman citizens (colo- 424 ROME. [book v. nioe civium JRomanorum),w'ho retained all their civic rights, or "Latin colonies " {colonim Latinm), consisting of Romans who by becoming colonists lost their rights of voting in the Roman " comitia " and of aspiring to honors (jus suffragii et Jionorum)^ but retained the rest of their citizenship, were planted far and wide over Italy. These colonists, being Ro- mans, having many Roman rights, and being planted in an invidious position among aliens, naturally clung to the moth- er-city, and were the great bulwarks of Roman power throughout the peninsula. The following places are said to have been founded as colonies under the kings : — Antemnee and Crustumerium, ascribed to Romulus ; Ostia, to An- cus ; Signia and Circeii, to Tarquinius Superbus. Among the joint colonies of the Romans, Latins, and Hernici, were probably Signia, founded B.C. 493 ; Velitrse, founded B.C. 492; Norba, founded B.C. 490; Cora and Suessa Po- metia, founded probably about the same time; Antium, founded B.C. 465, afterwards recovered by the Volscians; Ardea, founded b.c. 439; Lavici, founded b.c. 415 ; Circeii, re-founded b.c. 391 ; Vitellia, founded before b.c. 390 ; Satricum, founded b.c. 382 ; and Setia, founded b.c. 379, strengthened B.C. 376. Among Roman colonies, mostly, however, with Latin rights, were Sutrium, founded about b.c. 383; Nepete, founded b.c. 380 ; Antium, founded b.c. 335; Cales, founded b.c. 332; Anxur or TaiTacina, founded B.C. 326 ; Fregellse, founded b.c. 325 ; Luceria, founded b.c. 312 ; Suessa Aurunca and Pontiae, founded b.c. 311; Casinum and Interamna, founded B.C. 310; Saticula, founded probably about the same time; Sora and Alba Fucentia, founded b.c. 302; Carseoli, founded b.c. 301; Narnia, founded B.C. 299 ; Minturnge and Sinuessa, founded B.C. 296; Venusia, founded b.c. 291 — 20,000 colonists sent there ; Hatria in Picenum, founded b.c. 289 ; Sena, founded b.c. 283 ; Pajstum and Cosa, founded b.c. 273 ; Beneventum and Ariminum, founded b.c. 268 ; Pirmium and Castrum Novum, founded B.C. 264 ; and iEsernia, founded b.c. 263. Of these by far the greater num- ber were colonice Latince ; but Ostia, Circeii, and the maritime colonies gen- erally, were colonice civium Romanorum. 14. Closely connected with the Roman colonial system was that of the military roads. The genius of Appius Clau- dius Caecus first conceived the idea of connecting aiyroa . -^^^^ ^^\th_ her newly-annexed dependency, Cam- pania, by a solid paved road of excellent construction (b.c. 310 to 306). This road, which issued from the Porta Cape- na (Gate of Capua), passed through Aricia, Velitrae, Setia, Tarracina, Minturnse, Sinuessa, and Casilinum to Capua; whence it was carried, probably as early as b.c. 291, to Ve- nusia, and later to Brundusium. Much of the work still re- mains, and attracts the admiration of travellers. PART I., PER. III.] ROMAN GOVERNMENT OF ITALY. 425 It is doubtful whether any other of the great vun belong to this period. The " Via Valeria" probably took its name from the censor of B.C. 305, M. Valerius Maximus ; but it is not likely that any part of the real solid vi'a was made by him. On the general subject of the Roman Roads, see the work of Bergier, Histoire des grands chemins de V Empire Romaine (Paris, 1622, 4to) ; and NiBBY, Delle Vie degli Antichi dissertazione, in the 4th volume of the 4th Roman edition of Nardini's Roma Antica (Roma, 1818-20 ; 4 vols. 8vo). On the colonial system of the Romans, see Madvig, J. N., De Jure et Con- ditione Coloniarum Populi Romani, Haunije, ] 832 ; 4to. 15. The mode in which Rome, having attained her suprem- acy, administered the government of Italy, was exceeding- Relations of ly complicated. It is impossible in a work like Sib?ect com^- ^^^6 present to do more than point out the main muuities. features of the system, and distinguish, one from another, the principal classes into which the population of the state was divided. Broadly, we may say that the Ro- man Republic bore sway in Italy over a host of minor re- publics. Self-government was most widely spread. Every colony was a sort of independent community, electing its own officers and administering its own affairs. Every for- eign city under their rule was recognized by the Romans as a separate state, and was placed on a certain definite footing with regard to the central community. The most highly favored were the foederatce civitates — states that had submit- ted to Rome upon terms varying of course in different cases, but in all implying the management of their own affairs, the appointment of their own governors, and the administration of their own laws. Next to these in advantage of position were the mimicipia, foreign states which had received all the burdens together with some or all of the rights of Ro- man citizenship. Last of all came the dedititii, natives of communities which had surrendered themselves to Rome ab- solutely, and which had all the burdens Avithout any of the rights of citizens. Roman law was administered in these communities by a governor {prmfectus) appointed by Rome. Besides the classes above enumerated, and occupying a still lower position, were, (1) the native inhabitants of the cities occupied by Roman or Latin colonies, who were almost without rights ; and (2) the Slaves, who were the absolute property of their masters. 16. Rome reserved to herself three principal rights, where- by she regarded her sovereignty as sufficiently guarded, {a) 426 ROME. [book v. Rights of sov- She alone might make peace or declare war ; (b) tetl^edtoher- ^hc alouc might reccive embassies from foreign self by Rome, powers; and (c) she alone might coin money. She had also undoubtedly the right (d) of requiring from her subject-allies such contingents of troops as she needed in any war ; which involved a further right (e) of indirect taxation, since the contingents were armed and paid by the communi- ty which furnished them. She did not, like Athens, direct- ly tax her subject-allies; but she derived nevertheless an im- portant revenue from them. On the conquest of a state, Rome always claimed to succeed to the rights of the previ- ously existing government ; and, as each Italian state had a public domain of some kind or other, Rome, as she pushed her conquests, became mistress of a vast amount of real property of various kinds, as especially mines, forests, quar- ries, fisheries, salt-works, and the like. Further, generally, when a state submitted to her after a war, she required, be- yond all these sources of revenue, the cession of a tract of arable or pasture land, which she added to her old " ager publicus." Thus the domain of Rome was continually in- creasing ; and it was (at least in part) to collect the revenue from the domain throughout Italy that, in B.C. 267, the four " Italian quaestors " were appointed, " the first Roman func- tionaries to whom a residence and a district out of Rome were assigned by law." 17. The constitutional changes in Rome itself during the period under consideration were not very numerous or im- Constitution- P^i'tant. They consisted mainly in the carrying ai changes iu out to their losjical result of the Licinio-Sextian Rome Itself. . ° , . t • i . Equalization enactments — m the complete equalization, that is, of the Orders. ^^ ^^^ t WO Orders. By the laws of Publilius Philo, of Ovinius, and of the Ogulnii, the last vestiges of Pa- trician ascendency were removed, and the Plebeians were placed in all important respects on a complete equality with the Patricians. Admitted practically to a full moiety of the high governmental offices, they acquired by degrees, through the operation of the Ovinian law, an influence fully equal to that of the Patricians in the Senate. By the tribunate, which remained exclusively theirs, they had even an advan- tage over the other Order. The strong-hold of the exclusive party, which last yielded itself, was, naturally, that of relig- PART I., PER, III.] FIRST DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT. 427 ious privilege. But when the Pontificate and the Augur- ship were fairly divided between the Orders, the struggle between the "houses" and the commons was over, and there was nothing left for the latter to desire. Legislation of Publilius Philo, b.c, 339. One place in the censorship se- cured to the Plebeians. Pratorship (probably) thrown open. Right of the Patrician Assembly to interfere with legislation abolished, or made a mere form. Law of Ovinius (date uncertain) gives all ex-consuls, praetors, and curule gediles a right to seats in the Senate. Ogulnian Law, b.c. 300, en- larges the colleges of Pontiffs and Augurs, and gives half the places in each to the Plebeians. 18. But the termination of the internal struggle which had hitherto occupied the commonwealth, and secured it against New agita- the deadly evil of political stagnation, was not ture attempt' Complete before a new agitation manifested itself, c^miE cse- an agitation of a far more dangerous character iShthed?" "than that which was now just coming to an end. mocracy. Hitherto the right of suffrage at Rome, at any rate in the more important of the two popular assemblies — the tribes (comitia tributa) — had rested upon the double ba- sis of free birth and the possession of a plot of freehold land. About B.C. 312, the class which these qualifications excluded from the franchise began to exhibit symptoms of discontent. Appius Claudius Csecus, one of the boldest of political in- novators, perceiving these symptoms, and either regarding them as a real peril to the State or as indicating an occasion which he might turn to his own personal advantage, being censor in the year above mentioned, came forward as the champion of the excluded classes, and, after vainly attempt- ing to introduce individuals belonging to them into the Sen- ate, enrolled the entire mass both in the centuries and in the tribes. Nor was this all. Instead of assigning the new voters to the city tribes, within whose local limits they for the most part dwelt, Appius spread them through all, or a majority, of the tribes, and thus gave them practically an absolute control over the elections. Their power was soon seen, (1) in the election of a freedman, Cn. Flavius, to the cu- rule gedileship, which gave him a seat in the Senate for the remainder of his life ; and (2) in the election of tribunes who enabled Appius to prolong his term of ofiice illegally to the close of the fourth year. This was the inauguration of a 428 ROME. [book v. real ochlocrcacy, a government in which the preponderating weight belonged to the lowest class of the people. Evil consequences would no doubt have been rapidly developed, had not the work of Appius been to a great extent undone — the sting extracted from his measures — by the skill and bold- ness of two most sagacious censors. When Q. Fabius Maxi- „ , , musand P. Decius Mus, b.c. 304, removed all who Moderate ar- , ' . ' . rauoement were without landed qualification and all the Fabius Maxi- poorer frccdmcn from the country tribes, and dis- '""^' tributed them among the four city tribes only, the revolutionary force of Ap. Claudius's proceedings w^as annulled, and nothing remained but a very harmless, and al- most nominal enfranchisement of the lower orders. When the "factio forensis" could command the votes of four tribes only out of thirty-one, or ultimately of thirty-five, it was ren- dered powerless in the comitia tributa. In the centuries it was of course even weaker, since there wealth had a vast preponderance over mere numbers. 19. The pressure of poverty still continued to be felt at Rome for many years after the Licinian, and even after the Relief of pov- ^^nucian legislation, An insurrection, proceed- eitybymeans \r\cf to the leufftli of a sccession, occurred in b.c. of COlOUieS. c:" c:> ' ^ 287 in consequence of the wide-spread distress. An abolition of debts was found to be once more a State ne- cessity, and was submitted to Avith a view to peace and the contentation of the poorer classes. But the tide of military success, which soon afterwards set in, put a stop for a long term of years to this ground of complaint and disturbance. The numerous and large colonies which were continually be- ing sent out from b.c. 232 to 177, were an effectual relief to the proletariate, and put an end for the time to any thing like extreme poverty among Roman citizens. At the same time the farming of the revenue largely increased the wealth of the more opulent classes. It is not till about b.c. 133 that we find the questions of debt and of the relief of poverty once more brought into prominence and recognized as mat* ters which require the attention of statesmen. PART I., PEK. IV.] EXTERNAL RELATIONS. 429 FOURTH PERIOD. From the Commencement of the First War ivith Carthage to the ^^e of the Civil Broils under the Gracchi. B.C. 264 to 133. Sources. The most important of the ancient authorities for this period is PoLYBius, the earhest writer in whom we see fully developed the true spirit of historical criticism. If the great work of this author (see p. 17) had come down to us in a complete form, we should no more have needed any other authority for the period treated in it, than we need any work, besides that of Thucydides, for the history of the Pelopontiesian War, from b.c. 431 to 411. Unfortunately, the complete books descend no lower than b.c. 216 ; and even the fragments foil us from the year b.c. 146. Consequently, after b.c. 216 we have to depend very much upon other writers, as especially Livy, whose "Second Decade" covers the space from b.c. 218 to 166, thus taking up the history almost exactly where the complete books of Polybins break off. Next to Polybius and Livy may be placed Appian, whose Punica, Bellum Hannibalicum, and Iberica belong to this period and occasionally throw im- portant light upon the course of events. The epitome of Florus is not here of much value. The biographer, Plutarch, on the other hand, is a consid- erable help, his "Lives" of Fabius Maximus, P. JEmilius, Marcellus, M. Cato, and Flamininiis falling, all of them, within this brief space of one hun- dred and thirty years. The short Life of Hannibal by Corn. Nepos pos- sesses also some interest ; and occasional aid may be derived from Diodo- Rus, and Zonaras. Of modern writers on this portion of Roman History, besides those already noticed (supra, pp. 373 and 374), the following should be consulted : Montesquieu, Marquis de. Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains et de leur decadence. Amsterdam, 1734 ; 8vo. ]. In the "Fourth Period" of Roman History, as in the "Third" (see p. 415), and even more decidedly, the interest F.mrthPen- attaches itself to the external relations of the lutere^ronlie P^^^l® ''^^^^^^* *^^^^ ^^ their, internal condition, external his- The interval comprises the long struggle with Carthage, the Gallic War and conquest of the plain of the Po, the three Macedonian Wars, the war with Antiochus of Syria, the conquest of Greece, the Numantine War, and the reduction of most of the Spanish Peninsula. At the commencement of the period the dominion of Rome was confined to the mere peninsular portion of Italy ; at its close she bore sway over the whole of Southern Europe from the shores of the Atlantic to the straits of Constantinople, over the chief Mediterranean islands, and over a portion of North Africa; while, further, her influence was paramount throughout the East, where Pergamus and Egypt were her 430 KOME. [book v. dependents, and Syria existed merely by her sufferance. In B.C. 264, she had just reached a position entitling her to cou^ among the " Great Powers " of the world, as it then was ; to rank, i. e., with Carthage, Macedonia, and Syria ; in B.C. 134, she had absorbed two of these " Great Powers," and made the third a dependency. She was clearly the sole "Great Power" left; or, if there was a second, it was the newly-formed empire beyond the Euphrates — that of the Parthians — which rose up as Syria declined, and which ulti- mately remained the only counterpoise to the Roman state through the whole period of its greatness. 2. The circumstances of the struggle with Pyrrhus, and the Southern Italians, had forced Rome to become to some Commence- extent a maritime power. As she gradually mas- MiT^beKeu t^^'^^ Italy, it became necessary to protect her lime and coasts, exposed as they were to attack from Epi- rus, from Sicily, from Carthage, even from Greece, as experience showed. Accordingly, a fleet began to be formed as early as b-c. 338, which received constant addi- tions, and had by the year b.c. 267 acquired such importance that four "quaestors of the fleet" {qumstores classici) w^ere then appointed, and stationed at different pDrts of Italy, with the special object of guarding the coasts and keeping the marine in an eflicient condition. But this new tendency on the part of the great Italian state could not fail to provoke the jealousy of the chief maritime power of the Western Mediterranean, Carthage, whose policy it had always been to oppose the establishment of any naval rival in the waters which she regarded as her own. 'Thus, unfriendly feelings, arising out of a consciousness of clashing interests, had for some time been growing up between Carthage and Rome. Temporarily suspended during the height of the Pyrrhic War, when a common danger for a w^hile drew the two states together, they burst out at its close in greater force than ever; and nothing was needed but a decent pretext, in order that the two lukewarm allies should become open and avowed enemies. 3. The pretext was not long wanting. The Mamertines, a First Punic ^^dy of Campanian mercenaries who had seized War, B.n. 2G4 Mcssaua, beiuG^ threatened with destruction by the -241. . . combined Carthaginians and Syracusans, applied PART I., PER. IV.] FIRST PUNIC WAR. 431 for help to Rome, and were readily received into her alliance. Rome invaded Sicily, and by an act of treachery made her- self mistress of the disputed post. War with Carthagp nec- essarily followed, a war for the possession of Sicily, and for maritime supremacy in the Mediterranean. The most re- markable feature of the war was the rapid development of the Roman naval power during its course— a development which is without a parallel in the history of the world. With few and insignificant exceptions, the Romans were landsmen till b.c. 262. In that year they began to form a powerful fleet. Only two years later, b.c. 260, they com- pletely defeated, under Duilius, the whole naval force of the Carthaginians ; and the supremacy thus acquired they suc- ceeded in maintaining by the later victories of Regulus and Lutatius. Their victories by sea emboldened them to send an army across to Africa, and to attack their enemy in his own country. Success at first attended the eiforts of Regu- lus ; but after a little while he was involved in difficulties, and his entire army was either slain or captured. But not- withstanding this and numerous other disasters, the indomi- table spirit of the Romans prevailed. After twenty-three years of perpetual warfare, Carthage felt herself exhausted, and sued for peace. The terms which she obtained required her to evacuate Sicily and the adjacent islands, to pay to Rome a war contribution of 2200 talents, to acknowledge the independence of Hiero, king of Syracuse, and bind her- self not to make war on him or his allies. ' Details of the War. Invasion of Sicily by the Romans, b.c. 264:. ' Occupation of Messana. The Carthaginians and Hiero attempt its recovery, but fail. Hiero deserts the Carthaginian side and becomes an ally of Rome, B.C. 263. His example is followed by the Greek towns generally. The Ro- mans besiege Agrigentum, which is defended by Hannibal, son of Gisgo, b.c. 262. Attempt to raise the siege fails, and Agrigentum falls. First efforts of Rome to construct a powerful fleet. Fleet of 120 sail launched, b.c. 260. Victoiy of Duilius at Mylas, due to the invention of boarding bridges. Cor- sica attacked, b.c. 259. Aleria taken. Indecisive combat off Cape Tynda- ris, B.C. 257. Great victoiy of Ecnomus, b.c. 256, and invasion of Africa by M. Atilius Regulus, who is successful at first, but in b.c. 255 suffers a com- plete defeat, and falls into the enemy's hands. The Romans evacuate Afri- ca. Destruction of their fleet by storms. Great despondency at Rome, b.c. 253. The war confined to Sicily, where Thermse is taken, b.c. 252, and Eiyx, B.C. 249. Lilybasum, however, and Drepana still hold out; and in an attempt to take the latter, b.c 249, the Roman fleet is completely destroyed. 432 ROME. [book v. Six years of petty warfare follow, B.C. 248 to b.c. 242, the advantage remain- ing on the whole with the Carthaginians, who, under Hamilear Barea, recov- er some of their lost ground in Sicily, and at the same time infest the Roman coasts^vith their privateers. At last, however, in b.c. 241, Rome once more makes a great effort. A number of the citizens from their private resources build and man a fleet of 200 sail, which they present to the nation ; and with tliis fleet the consul, C. Lutatius, gains a great victory at the Agates Insulte, which completely breaks the spirit of the Carthaginians, and induces them to consent to a peace on the terms above mentioned. 4. The great importance of this war was, that it forced Kome to become a first-rarte naval power. Though the Ro- iraportanceof nians did not during its course obtain the com- tiie war. plete mastcry of the sea, they showed themselves fully a match for the Carthaginians on the element of which they had scarcely any previous experience. Their land force being much superior to that of Carthage, and their resources not greatly inferior, it became tolerably apparent that suc- cess would ultimately rest with them. Their chief deficiency was in generalship, wherein their commanders were decided- ly surpassed, not only by the Carthaginian patriot Hamil- ear, but even the mercenary Xanthippus. Here the Roman system was principally to blame, whereby the commanders were changed annually, and the same person was expected to be able to command equally well both by land and by sea. Carthage continued her commanders in office, and had separate ones for the land and the sea service. Even Car- thage, however, was unwise enough to deprive herself of the services of many an experienced captain by the barbarous practice of putting to death any general or admiral who ex- perienced a reverse. 5. An interval of twenty-three years separated the First from the Second Punic War. It was employed by both Farther prog- sidcs in energetic efforts to consolidate and ex- ress of Roi Seizure of Sardinia placed by the revolt of her mercenaries, made herself mistress of the island of Sardinia, and when, upon the submission of the mercenaries, Carthage required its restora- tion, played the part of the wolf in the fable, declared her- self injured by her victim, and threatened a renewal of the war. Exhausted Carthage had to purchase her forbearance by the cession of the island, and tlie payment of a fine ressofRome. t^nd their power. Rome, in b.c. 238, taking ad- Sardiniaand vantage of the positiou in which Carthage was VAKT I., PKK. IV.] WAR WITH THE BOIL 433 amounting to 1200 talents, B.C. 237. Rome then proceeded to annex Corsica; and soon afterwards (b.c. 227) she laid the foundation of her provincial system by the establish- ment of her first " Proconsuls," one to administer her posses- sions in Sicily, the other to govern Sardinia and Corsica. Chief Points of the Provincial System of Rome, The Proconsul unites in his o^vn person the supreme military and civil functions. He is at once commander-in-chief, governor, and supreme judge. The revenue, how- ever, is administered by quaestors responsible to the Senate. Native authori- ties are to a great extent tolerated ; and different degrees of privilege are conferred on different portions of a province. No regular contingent of troops is required : but in lieu of this burden, one-tenth of the produce of the whole land is claimed by Rome as hers, and a tax of 5 per cent, is levied on all imports and exports. 6. About the same time that she seized Sardinia, Rome was engaged in a Avar with the Boii (Gauls) and Ligures in •.u ^^ North Italy, in which the Boii are said to have War with the , ^ -rx r> t - 1 ■ Boii, B.0. 238- been the a2:2fressors. Unsuccessiul m their at- tempts during the campaigns of b.c. 238 and 237, these barbarians, in b.c. 236, invited the aid of their kindred tribes from beyond the Alps ; but the allies after a little wdiile fell out, and the Boii and Ligures were glad to buy peace of Rome by the cession of some of their lands. 7. Rome, soon afterwards, showed herself for the first time on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, and took part in Suppression *^^® affairs of Greece. The decay of Grecian pow- of iiiyrian pi- er had allowed the piratical dispositions of the II- racy. Locl.j?- , • ^ , r- -f ^i r ment effected lyrians to have tree course ; and the commerce of the Adriatic, the coasts of Epirus and Corcyra^ and perhaps even that of Italy to some extent, suffered from the constant attacks of Iiiyrian cruisers. Entreated to pro- tect them by the unhappy Greek cities, the Romans, in b.c. 230, sent an embassy to Scodra, to require the cessation of the piracies. Their ambassadors were murdered ; and a war necessarily followed. Rome, in b.c. 229, with a fleet of 200 ships, cleared the Adriatic, made the lUyrians of Scodra trib- utary, established Demetrius of Pharos as dependent dynast over the coasts and islands of Dalmatia, and accepted the protectorate of the Greeks of Apollonia, Epidamnus, and Corcyra. In return the Greeks acknowledged the Romans as their kin, an(i admitted them to participation in the Isth- mian games and the Eleusinian mysteries. Thus Rome ob- 19 431 ROME. [book v, tained a hold upon the opposite side of the Adriatic, and a right of interference in the affairs of Greece. 8. A still more important war soon followed. Rome, be- fore engaging in any further enterprises beyond the limits Conquest of of Italy, was anxious to extend her dominion to Gmf/,^i"o. 225 ^^^ natural boundary upon the north, the great -222. chain of the Alps which shuts off Italy from the rest of Europe. With this view, she proceeded, about b.c. 232, to make large assignments of land, and plant new and important colonies, in the territory of the Senones, thus aug- menting her strength towards the north and preparing for a great contest with the Gauls. These last, finding them- selves threatened, at once flew to arms. Obtaining aid from their kindred tribes in and beyond the Alps, they crossed the Apennines in b.c. 225, and spread themselves far and wide over Etruria, advancing as far as Clusium, and threatening Rome as in the days of Brennus. Three armies took the field against them, and though one, composed of Etruscans, was completely defeated, the two others, combin- ing their attack, gained a great victory over the invaders near Telamon, and forced them to evacuate Etruria. Rome then carried the war into the plain of the Po. Having allied herself with the Veneti, and even with the Gallic tribe ad- joining them, the Cenomani, she was able in a little time to reduce the whole tract to subjection. The Boii and Lin- gones submitted in b.c. 224 ; the Anari in b.c. 223 ; the Insu- bres were conquered after a fierce struggle, which occupied the years b.c. 223 and 222. Mediolanum and Comum, the last towns which held out, submitted in the last-named year, and Roman dominion was at length extended to the great barrier of the Alps. To establish herself firmly in the valuable tract thus conquered, Rome planted it thickly with colonies. Of these the most important Avere Placentia (Piacenza), Cremona, and Mutina (Modena) ; to which were added after- wards Parma, Mediolanum, Brixia, Comum, Verona, and Mantua. The newly-conquered tract was at the same time attached to the capital by the "Flaminian Way," which was carried to Narnia about B.C. 300, to Spole- tium in B.C. 240, and to Ariminium in B.C. 220. 9. These conquests were scarcely effected when fresh troubles broke out in Illyria. Demetrius, of Pharos, dis- satisfied with the position accorded him by the Romans, de- PART I., PER. IV.] CONQUEST OF CISALPINE GAUL. 435 War with De- clared liimself independent, attacked the Roman Fharo^s! 2.^c. allies, and encouraged the Illyrians to resume 21^- the practice of piracy. Allied with Antigonus Doson (see p. 299), he thought himself strong enough to defy the Roman power. But Antigonus dying, b.c. 220, and Philip, his successor, being a mere boy, a Roman army, in B.C. 219, chastised Demetrius, destroyed his capital, and drove him from his kingdom. 10. It was ill-judged in Rome to allow this petty quarrel to draw her attention to the East, when in the West an ene- Growthofthe ^^ ^^^ arisen, against whom her utmost efforts carthagiuiau were now needed. From the moment that Car- power lu. Spain, B.C. thagc Avas not only robbed of Sardinia, but forced 23G-220. ^ * £ i> / • XT. to pay a line lor having ventured to remonstrate against the wrong done her, the determination to resume the struggle with Rome at the first convenient opportunity became a fixed national sentiment. There w^as indeed a peace party in the Punic community; but it had little weight or force. The advocates of war, who had found their fitting leaders in the warriors of the Barcine family — Hamilcar, his sons, and son-in-law — were all-powerful in the government ; and under them it became and remained the one sole object of Carthage to bring herself into a position in which she could hope to renew her contest with her hated antagonist on such terms as might promise her a fair pros- pect of success. Xo sooner was the revolt of the mercena- ries put down (b.c. 237) by the judicious efforts of Hamilcar Barca, than the project was formed of obtaining in Spain a compensation, and more than a compensation, for all that had been lost in Sicily, Sardinia, and the lesser islands. Hamilcar, in the last nine years of his life, b.c. 236 to 228, established the Carthaginian power over the whole of South- ern and South-eastern Spain, the fairest portion of the penin- sula. His work was carried on and completed in the course of the next eight years, b.c. 227 to 220, by his son-in-law, Hasdrubal. Andalusia, Murcia, and Valencia were occu- pied. A warlike population, Ibeiic and Celtic, was reduced and trained to arms under Carthaginian oflicers. Towns were built ; trade prospered ; agriculture flourished. Above all, the rich silver-mines near Carthagena (Carthago Nova) were discovered and skillfully worked; Spain more than 436 ROME. [book v. paid her expenses ; and the home-treasury was amply pro- vided with those "sinews of war ".without which a sustain- ed military effort is impossible. 11. The indifference with which Rome saw this extension of the Carthaginian power is very surprising. She did in- passive atti- deed make alliance with the semi-Greek commu- tudeofRome. j^i^ies of Saguntum (Zacynthus) and Emporise about B.C. 226, and at the same time obtained a promise from Hasdrubal that he would not push his conquests beyond the Ebro; but otherwise she appeared unobservant or careless of her rival's acquisitions. Probably she thought that the designs of Carthage were in the main commercial, and re- garded an invasion of Italy from the side of Spain as simply an impossibility. Perhaps she thought her enemy's strength so much reduced, and her own so much increased, as to ren- der it inconceivable that the struggle should ever be renew- ed, unless she chose at her own time to force a contest. As she remained mistress of the sea, and Carthage did not even make any effort to dispute her maritime supremacy, it seem- ed difficult for her rival to attack her in any quarter, while it was easy for her to carry the war into any portion of the Carthaginian territory. 12. But Hannibal, sworn from his boyhood to eternal ha- tred of Rome, had determined, as soon as he succeeded to Plans of Han- ^^^^ Command (b.c. 220), on the mode and route nibai. })j -^yhich he would seek to give vent to his en- mity, to save his own nation and at the same time destroy her foe. Fully appreciating the weakness of Carthage for defense, it was his scheme to carry the war without a mo- ment's unnecessary delay into the enemy's country, to give the Romans ample employment there, and see if he could not exhaust their resources and shatter their confederacy. The land route from Spain to Italy had for him no terrors. He could count on the good dispositions of most of the Celtic tribes, who looked on him as the destined deliverer of Cisal- pine Gaul from the iron gripe of Rome. He probably knew but little of the dangers and difficulties of crossing the Alps ; but he was well aware that they had been often crossed by the Gauls, and that he would find in the Alpine valleys an ample supply of friendly and experienced guides. Arrived in Cisalpine Gaul, he would have the whole population with PART I., PER. IV.] SECOND PUNIC WAR. 437 him, and he would be able, after due consideration, to deter- mine on his further course. With the veteran army which he brought from Spain, and with his own strategic ability, he trusted to defeat any force that Rome could bring into the field against him. For ultimate success he depended on his power of loosening the ties which bound the Italic con- federacy together, of raising up enemies to Rome in Italy it- self, and at the same time of maintaining his army in such efficiency that it might be distinctly recognized as master of the open field, incapable of being resisted unless behind walls, or by defensive guerrilla warfare. With these views and objects, Hannibal, in b.c. 219, commenced the Second Punic War by laying siege to Saguntum. 1 3. The issue of the Second Punic War was determined by the dauntless resolution and the internal vigor of Rome. ^ „ . She had opposed to her the most consummate Second Pnnic / ^ . . , -, War: its gen- general of antiquity; a state as populous and richer in resources than her own; a veteran army ; a possible combination of various powerful allies ; above all, an amount of disafiection among her OAvn subjects, the extent of which could not be estimated beforehand, but which was at any rate sure to be considerable. Three bat- tles showed that Hannibal was irresistible in the field, and taught the Romans to avoid general engagements. The third was followed by a wide-spread defection of the Roman subject-allies — all Italy from Samnium and Campania south- ward passed over to the side of Hannibal. But the rest of* the federation stood firm. Not a Latin deserted to the ene- my. Central Italy from sea to sea held to Rome. She had the resources of Etruria, Umbria, Picenum, Sabina, Latium, to draw upon, besides her own. By immense efibrts, includ- ing the contraction of a large National Debt, she contrived to maintain her ground, and gradually to reduce Hannibal to the defensive. The alliances, by which Plannibal sought to better his position, with Syracuse, b.c. 215, and with Phil- ip of Macedon, b.c. 216, did him scant service, Rome in each case meeting the new enemy on his own ground, and there keeping him fully employed. The hopes of a successful is- sue to Carthage then rested upon the junction -of the second army of Spain, under Hasdrubal, with the reduced force of Hannibal in Italy, a junction frustrated by the battle of the 438 KOME. [book v. Metaurus, which was thus the turning-point of the war. Af- ter this reverse, the transfer of the war into Africa was a matter of course ; and this transfer rendered necessary the recall of Hannibal from Italy and the relinquishment of all the great hopes which his glorious enterprise had excited. There remained just a possibility that in a last pitched bat- tle on his native soil, Hannibal's genius might re-establish the superiority of the Carthaginian arms. But the battle of Zama removed this final chance. Hannibal met in Scipio Africanus a general, not indeed his equal, but far superior to any of those with whom he had been previously engaged ; and, his troops being mostly of inferior quality, he suffered, through no fault of his own, the great defeat which rendered further resistance impossible. Carthage, after Zama, became a dependent Roman ally. Details of the War. The Second Pnnic War may be divided into three periods — a first period of three years, from the fall of Saguntum to Camiffi, a period of uninterrupted Carthaginian victory, b.c. 218 to 216; a second period of nine years, from Cannse to the battle of the Metaurus, a time of alternate victory and reverse, during which there was still a good, hope that the great enterprise of the Carthaginian general might be crowned with ultimate success, b.c. 215 to 207; and a third period of six years, a time of constant Eoman advance and progress, when the termination of the war in favor of Rome was certain, and the only question was how long re- sistance could be protracted, b.c. 20G to 201. First Period, b.c. 218 to 216. — b.c. 218. Passage of the Pyrenees, and the Rhone. Encounter with the army of P. Cornelius Scipio on the left *bank of the river. March to the Alps, and passage of the great chain, prob- ably by the Little St. Bernard, in the month of September. Capture of Tu- rin. The Ligurians, and the Celts genei'ally, declare for Hannibal. Scipio defeated in a cavalry engagement on the Ticino. Great battle of the Trebia in the same year (December) makes Hannibal master of the whole of North- ern Italy. — B.C. 217. Passage of the Apennines, and march through the marshes of Northern Etruria. Hannibal loses an eye. Great victory on the shores of Lake Trasimene. Alarm at Rome. Q. Fabius Maximus made dictator. A siege expected. Hannibal marches through Umbria into Pi- cenum, where he rests and reorganizes his army. He then proceeds along the coast into Southern Italy, hoping to produce insuiTCction among the Ro- man allies, who, however, remain faithful. The dictator, Fabius (Cunctator), keeps an army in the field, but avoids an engagement. Hannibal winters in Apulia. — B.C. 216. Great effort made by Rome to crush the invader termi- nates in the terrible disaster of Cannai, where Rome loses from 70,000 to 80,000 men. Accession of Philip of Macedon and of Syracuse to the Car- thaginian alliance. General defection of the Southern Italians, and especially of Capua. Noble attitude of Rome in her hour of greatest danger. Resolve PART 1., TEii. IV.] bECOND PUNIC WAR. 43D to continue the war and, while maintaining the struggle both in Spain and Italy, to attack Macedonia and Syracuse. The question of the pass by •which Hannibal crossed the Alps has been a matter of much controversy, and can scarcely be said even now to be set- tled ; but the weight of modern authority is decidedly in favor of the Little St. Bernard. The chief works on the subject are : Whitaker, Hex. J., The Course of Hannibal over the Alps ascertained. London, 1794 ; 2 vols. 8vo- This writer argues in favor of the Great St. Bernard. Cramer (Dean) and Wickham, G.L., Dissertation on the Passage of Hannibal over the Alps. Oxford, 1820 ; 8vo. Long, H. L., The March of Hannibal from the Rhone to the Alps. Lon- don, 1831; 8vo. Ellis, Rev. R., A Treatise on HannihaTs Passage of the Alps, in ivhich his route is traced over the Little Mt. Cenis. Cambridge, 1854. And the same writer's Inquiry into the Ancient Routes between Italy and Gaul ; with an JExarnination of the Theory of Hannibal's Passage of the Alps by the Lit- tle St. Bernard. Cambridge, 1867 ; 8vo. Law, W. J., The Alps of Hannibal. London, 1866 ; 8vo. Second Period, b.c. 215 to 207. The Second period of the war is de- void of any great battles, until the one with which it closes, and is (compar- atively speaking) uninteresting. Hannibal, having to protect the Southern Italians, who have come over to him, is reduced to the defensive. As he can not detach the Latins, or the Northern Italians, from the Roman con- federacy, he needs some great accession of force in order to bring the war to a successful issue. For such an accession he long continues to hope ; but it never arrives. Philip of Macedon is kept employed in lUyricum and Greece from B.C. 214 to 207, when peace is made with him. (See p. 305.) Syra- cuse is besieged by Marcelhis, b.c. 214, and taken, b.c. 212. Hasdrubal is detained in Spain year after year, first by the brothers Cn. and P. Cornelius Scipio, and then by the young Publius (afterwards known as Africanus), until B.C. 208, when, at the sacrifice of a portion of his army, he makes his way to the northward, crosses the Pyrenees, and, wintering in Gaul, proceeds the next spring by the route which his brother had followed, across the Alps, into Italy. The Gauls and Ligurians join him. Etruria and Umbria waver in their allegiance. Rome seems to be brought into greater danger than ever. But once more her constancy and courage assert themselves. Every man capable of bearing arms is called out to fight. Twenty-three legions are enrolled. Above all, by a masterly manoeuvre, the consul, Claudius Nero, deceives Hannibal, and marching away to the north with half his army, con- centrates the great bulk of the Roman strength against Hasdrubal, and crush- es him on the Metaurus, before he can effect a junction with his long-expect- ant brother, b.c. 207. With the defeat of Hasdrubal disappears the last ray of hope for Carthage, which has no further reserve that can be brought into play with any prospect of affecting the general issue. Third Period, b.c. 206 to 201. It is surprising that the Romans did not carry the war into Africa in the year following the battle of the Metau- rus. Nothing more was to be feared from Hannibal, who had retreated into the farther corner of Bruttium. Much less was the expedition of Mago to 440 KG ME. [book v. North Italy, B.C. 205, a real danger. It would seem that the Senate hesi- tated owing to the want of any general of sufficient ability, who at the same time was sufficiently popular to call forth a national effort. Thus it was not till B.C. 204 that an expedition was actually sent into Africa, under the young Scipio, who had recently returned from Spain with a deservedly high reputa- tion. Scipio, having landed, besieged Utica, but was shortly driven back to the coast, and wintered on a promontory, where he intrenched himself. The next year, however, b.c. 203, he assumed an aggi-essive attitude; defeated the Carthaginian levies in two battles ; took Syphax prisoner ; and forced the Punic government, as a last resource, to recall Hannibal. That general arrived from Italy in b.c. 202, and after a vain attempt at negotiation, made a last effort to turn the scale in favor of his country at the battle of Zama, where, however, he suffered defeat, though a defeat without dishonor. Ne- gotiations were then renewed, and a peace was concluded (b.c. 201) on the terms which follow: — (1) The relinquishment by Carthage of all her terri- tory beyond the limits of Africa ; (2) an engagement on her part not to en- gage in war out of Africa, nor even in Africa without permission from the Romans ; (3) the payment to Rome of an annual contribution of 200 talents (£48,800) for the next fifty years; (4) the surrender of all their ships ex- cept ten, and all their elephants ; and (5) the restoration to Masinissa of all that had belonged to himself or to his ancestors. These terms were, on the whole, moderate and fair under the circumstances ; and it is creditable to Scipio that he had the clemency to propose, and to Hannibal that he had the wisdom to accept, them. The History of the Hnnnibalic, or Second Punic War, has been particu- larly well written by Dr. Arnold. See his History of Rome, vol. iii., pp. 63 to 455. 14. The gains of Rome by the Second Punic War were, in the first place, the complete removal of Carthage from the Gains of Rome position of a counterpoisc and rival to that of a by the war. gjnall dependent community, powerless for good or evil ; secondly, the addition to the Roman land dominion of the greater part of Spain, which was formed into two provinces, Citerior and Ulterior ; thirdly, the absorption of the previously independent state of Syracuse into the Ro- man province of Sicily ; fourthly, the setting up of a Roman protectorate over the native African tribes ; and fifthly, the full and complete establishment of Roman maritime suprem- acy over the -whole of the Western Mediterranean. The w^ar further tended to the greater consolidation of the Roman power in Italy. It crushed the last reasonable hopes of the Ligurians and Gauls in the north. It riveted their fetters more firmly than ever on the non-Latin races of the centre and the south, the Umbrians, Etruscans, Sabines, Picentians, Apulians, Bruttians. Throughout Italy large tracts of land PART I., PER. IV.] PROGRESS OF ROME. 44I were confiscated by the sovereign state ; and fresh colonies of Romans and Latins were sent out. In Campania and the southern Picenum, the whole soil was declared forfeit. The repulse of Hannibal involved a second subjugation of Italy, more complete and more harsh than the first. Everywhere, except in Latium, the native races were depressed, and a Lat- in dominion was established over the length and breadth of tlie hind. Note the strengthening of old and the foundation of new colonies at this penod :— Venusia strengthened in b.c. 200, Narnia in b.c. 199, Cosa in u.c. 197 ; Sipontum, Thurii (Copia), Croton, Salernum, and Puteoli, established in B.C. 194 ; Vibo (Valentia) in b.c. 192. In many places, moreover, where no town was built or occupied, the veterans were established on the confisca- ted lands as coloni. 15. Another result of the Hannibalic War, which com- pleted the subjugation of the Western Mediterranean basin. Collision has- was to hasten the collision between the aggres- Rome^aurthe ^ivc Republic and the East, which had long been East. evidently impending. Already, as early as b.c. 273, Rome had entered into friendly relations with Egypt, and even before this she had made a commercial treaty with Rhodes (see p. 307). About b.c. 245, she had offered to King Ptolemy Euergetes a contingent for his Syrian War (see p. 272) ; and soon afterwards she interceded with Seleucus Cal- linicus on behalf of the Ilians, her " kindred." Her wars with the Illyrian j^irates, b.c. 229 to 219, had brought her into contact with the states of Greece, more particularly with the ^tolians (see § 7) ; and finally, the alliance of Philip, king of Macedon, with Hannibal, had forced her to send a fleet and army across the Adriatic, and had closely connected her with Elis, with Sparta, and even Avith the Asiatic kingdom of Pergamus (see pp. 304, '5). Circumstan- ces had thus drawn her on, without any distinctly ambitious designs on her part, to an interference in the affairs of the East— an interference which, in the existing condition of the Oriental world, could not but have the most momentous con- sequences. For throughout the East, since the time of Al- exander, all things had tended to corruption and decay. In Greece, the spirit of patriotism, feebly kept alive in the hearts of a select few, such as Aratus and Philopoemen, was on the point of expiring. Intestine division made the very name 19* 442 EOME. [book v. of Hellas a mockery, and pointed her out as a ready prey to any invader. In Macedonia luxury had made vast strides ; military discipline and training had been neglected ; loyalty had altogether ceased to exist ; little remained but the in- heritance of a great name and of a system of tactics which Avas of small value, except under the animating influence of a good general. The condition of the other Alexandrine monarchies was even worse. In Syria and in Egypt, while the barbarian element had been raised but slightly abo\e its natural level by Hellenic influence, the Hellenic had suf- fered greatly by its contact with lower types of humanity. Tiie royal races, Seleucids and Ptolemies, were effete and de- generate; the armed force that they could bring into the field might be numerous, but it was contemptible ; and a general of even moderate abilities was a rarity. It was only among the purely Asiatic monarchies of the more remote East that any rival, really capable of coping with Rome, was now likely to show itself. The Macedonian system had lived out its day, and was ready to give place to the young, vig- orous, and boldly aggressive power Avhich had arisen in the West. 16. The conclusion of peace with Carthage was followed rapidly by an attack on Macedonia, for which the conduct --,, of Philip had furnished only too many pretexts. Second Mace- . . ^ -^ . •' * doiiiaii War, Philip had probably lent aid to Carthao'e in li o 200-197 L L J o her final struggle : he had certainly without any ]n'ovocation commenced an aggressive war against Rome's ancient ally, Egypt, and he had plunged also into hostilities with Attains and the Rhodians, both of whom were among the friends of Rome, the former being protected by a treaty (see p. 306). Rome was bound in honor to aid her allies ; and no blame can attach to her for commencing the Second Macedonian War in b.c. 200, and dispatching her troops across the Adriatic. Her conduct of the war was at first altogether mediocre ; but from the time that T. Quinctius Flamininus took the command (b.c. 198) it was simply ad- mirable, and deserved the success which attended it. The proclamation of general liberty to the Grecian states, while it could not fail of being popular, and was thus e:j«;ellently adapted to deprive Philip of his Hellenic allies, and to rally to the Roman cause the whole power of Hellas, involved no PART I., PER. IV.] SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR. 443 danger to Roman interests, which were perfectly safe under a system that established universal disunion. The gift of liberty to the Greeks by Rome in b.c. 198, is parallel to the similar gift of universal autonomy to the same people by Sparta and Persia in b.c. 387 (see p. 214) at the "Peace of Antalcidas." On both occasions, the idea under which the freedom was conceded was that expressed by the maxim "Divide et impera." The idea was not indeed now carried out to an extreme length. There was no dissolution of the leagues of Achaea, ^tolia, or Boeotia. These leagues Avere in fact too small to be formidable to such a power as Rome. And as they had embraced the Roman side during the con- tinuance of the war, their dissolution could scarcely be in- sisted on. Thessaly however was, even at this time, in pur- suance of the policy of separation, split up into four govern- ments. For the details of the Second Macedonian War, and for the terms on which peace was concluded, see pp. 307, '8. 17. The battle of Cynoscephalse, by which the Second Macedonian War was terminated, deserves a place among Battle of c n- ^^^^ "Decisive Battles of the World." The rela- oscephaipe,its tivc streni^th of the " legion " and the " phalanx " importaiice. i <^ 1 r» ""• • i ■^ was then lor the nrst time tried upon a grand scale ; and the superiority of the " legion " was asserted. No doubt, man for man, the Roman soldiers were better than the Macedonian ; but it was not this superiority which gained the day. The phalanx, as an organization, Avas clum- sy and unwieldy ; the legion was light, elastic, adapted to every variety of circumstances. The strength and Aveakness of the phalanx Avere never better shoAvn than at Cynosceph- alse ; and its weakness — its inability to form quickly, to main- tain its order on uneven ground, or to change front — lost the battle. The loss Avas complete, and irremediable. Macedo- nia was vanquished, And Rome became thenceforth the arbi- tress of the Avorld. 18. While her arms Avere thus triumphant in the East, Rome Avas also gaining additional strength in the West. In War with the ^^^^ vcry year of the conclusion of peace with Car- Boii aiKiiu- thao^c, B.C. 201, shc recommenced hostilities in the snores, u.o. ^ ' ' 201-191. plain of the Po, where the Gauls had ever sincp the invasion of Hannibal defied the Roman authority and 444 KOME. [book v. maintained their independence. It was necessary to recon- quer this important tract. Accordingly, from b.c. 201 to 191 , the Romans were engaged in a prolonged Gallic War in this district, in which, though ultimately successful, they suffered many reverses. Their garrisons at Placentia and Cremona were completely destroyed and swept away. More than one pitched battle was lost. It was only by energetic and re- peated efforts, and by skillfully fomenting the divisions among the tribes, that Rome once more established her do- minion over this fair and fertile region, forcing the Gauls to become her reluctant subjects. Details of the War, b.c. 201 to 191. Hostilities commence in the country of the Boii, who are assisted by the Carthaginian general, Hamilcar. The Romans are defeated, B.C. 201. Sack of Placentia, b.c. 200, and siege of Cremona. Hamilcar defeated near that city, Roman army defeated by the Insubres, b.c. 199. The Cenomani become allies of the Romans and help them to defeat the Insubres on the Mincius, b.c. 197. Fall of Comum, B.C. 19G. Peace made witli the Insubres. War continues with the Boii, B.C. 195 to 191. Great Roman victory of Mutina, b.c 193. Submission of the Boii, who cede one-half of their territory, B.C. 191. 19. The conquest of Gallia Cisalpina was followed by a fresh arrangement of the territory. The line of the Po was Result of the taken as that which sliould bound the strictly Ro- '^^'^^■- man possessions, and while " Gallia Transpada- na" was relinquished to the native tribes, with the excep- tion of certain strategic points, such as Cremona and Aqui- leia, " Gallia Cispadana " was incorporated absolutely 'into Italy. The colonies of Placentia and Cremona Avere re-es- tablished and reorganized. New foundations Avere made at Bononia (Bologna), Mutina (Modena), and Parma in the Boi- an country. The ^milian Way was carried on (b.c. 187) from Ariminum to Placentia. The Boians atid Lingones were rapidly and successfully Latinized. Beyond the Po, the Gallic communities, though allowed to retain their exist- ence and their native governments, and even excused from the payment of any tribute to their conquerors, were regard- ed as dependent upon Rome, and were especially required to check the incursions of the Alpine or Transalpine Celts, and to allow no fresh immigrants to settle on the southern side of the mountain-chain. 20. Meanwhile, in the East, tho defeat of Philip, the with- drawal of the Romans, and the restoration of the Greeks to PART I., PEK. IV.] WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS. 445 Unsettled fi'eeclom, had been far from producing tranquilli- stateofGreece ty. The ^tolian robber-community was dissat- isfied with the awards of Flamininus, and hoped, in the scramble that might follow a new war, to gain an in- crease of territory. Antiochiis of Syria was encouraged by the weakness of Macedon to extend his dominions in Asia Minor, and even to effect a lodgment in Europe, proceedings Avhich Rome could scarcely look upon with indifference. War broke out in Greece in the very year that Flamininus quitted it, b.c. 194, by the intrigues of the ^tolians, who were bent on creating a disturbance. At the same time, An- tiochus showed more and more that he did not fear to pro- voke the Romans, and was quite willing to measure his strength against theirs, if occasion offered. In b.c. 195 he received Hannibal at his court with special honors; and soon afterwards he entered into negotiations which had it for their object to unite Macedonia, Syria, and Carthage against the common foe. In b.c. 194 or 193 he contracted an alliance with the ^tolians; and finally, in b.c. 192, he proceeded with a force of 10,500 men from Asia into Greece. 21. This movement of Antiochus had been foreseen by the Romans, who about the same time landed on the coast War of Rome of Epirus With a force of 25,000 men. War was withAutio- thus, practically, declared on both sides. The chusthe ^ ' ^- 1- 1 1 . T -, o , Great, 1J.0. 192 Struggle was, directly and immediately, for the protectorate of Greece ; indirectly and prospect- ively, for political ascendency. Antiochus " the Great," as he was called, the master of all Asia from the valley of the Indus to the -ZEgean, thought himself quite competent to meet and defeat the upstart power which had lately ven- tured to intermeddle in the affairs of the " Successors of Al- exander." Narrow-minded and ignorant, he despised his adversary, and took the field with a force absurdly small, which he could without difl^iculty have quadrupled. The natural result followed. Rome easily defeated him in a pitched battle, drove him across the sea, and following him rapidly into his own country, shattered his power, and es- Great victory tablishcd her own prestige in Asia, by the great of Magnesia, yictory of Magnesia, which placed the Syrian em- pire at her mercy. Most fortunate was it for Rome that the sceptre of Syria was at this time wielded by so weak a mon- 446 ROME. [liooK v. arch. Had tlie occupant of the Seleucid throne possessed moderate capacity ; had he made a proper use of his oppor- tunities; had he given the genius of Hannibal, ^vhicli was placed at his disposal, full scope ; had he, by a frank and generous policy, attached Philip of Macedon to his side, the ambitious Republic might have been checked in mid-career, and have suffered a repulse from which there would have been no recovery for centuries. Details of the War avith Antiochus, b.c, 192 to 190. Antiocbus lands at Demetrias, B.C. 192, but witb only 10,000 foot, 500 borse, and six elepbants. He is made General-in-Cbief of the JEtolians. The Atbamani- ans, Chalcis in Euboea, Ebs, and Bceotia join bim. Epirus negotiates. Pbilip, offended at tbe encouragement given by Antiocbus to a pretender to tbe Macedonian crown, dechxres for tbe Romans. Tbe Romans, witb 40,000 men, enter Tbessaly, u.c. 191, and advance southward. Antiocbus occupies Tbermopylje witb bis small force, and gives tbe guard of the path over tbe mountains to tbe ^tolians, who are easily dislodged, whereupon tbe whole army of Antiochus breaks up and flies in disorder. He himself returns to Asia and assumes an attitude of defense. His partisans in Greece are forced to submit either to Pbilip or to tbe Romans. At sea, bis fleet is defeated by tbe Romans near Cyprus, in Ionia. Struggle for tbe mastery of the ^gean between the Romans, Pergamenes, and Rhodians on the one band, and Anti- ocbus, assisted by Hannibal, on the other, B.C. 190. Contest decided by tbe defeat of Hannibal at Aspendus, and of Polyxenidas, the admiral of Antio- cbus, at Corycus. The Roman army, under the command of tbe two Scip- ios, lands in Asia. Attempt of Antiocbus to negotiate fails. Battle of Mag- nesia decides tbe war. Antiocbus cedes Asia Minor north of the Taurus, and consents to pay tbe sum of 12,000 talents (nearly £3,000,000 sterling). 22. The " moderation " of Rome after the battle of Mag- nesia has been admired by many historians ; and it is cer- Eesnitsofthe tainly true that she did not acquire by her vic- victory. ^Qj.y ^ single inch of fresh territory, nor any di- rect advantage beyond the enrichment of the State treasury. But indirectly the advantages which she gained were con- siderable. She was able to reward her allies, Eumenes of Pergamus and the Rhodians, in such a way as to make it apparent to the whole East that the Roman alliance was highly profitable. She was able to establish, and she did establish, on the borders of Macedonia, a great and powerful state, a counterpoise to the only enemy which she now fear- ed in Europe. She was able to obtain a cheap renown by proclaiming once more the liberty of Greece, and insisting that the Greek cities of Asia Minor, or at any rate those PART I., i>EK. IV.] WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS. 447 wliich had lent her a,id, should be recognized as free — a proc- lamation which cost her nothing, and whereby she secured lierself a body of friends on whose services she might here- after count in this quarter. That she was content with these gains, that she evacuated Asia Minor, as she had pre- viously evacuated Greece (see § 20), was probably owing to the fact that she was not as yet prepared to occupy, and maintain her dominion over, countries so far distant from Rome. She had found the difficulty of holding even Spain as a part of her empire, and was forced by the perpetual at- tacks of the unconquered. and revolts of the conquered na- tives to maintain there perpetually an army of 40,000 men. She had not yet made up her mind to annex even Greece ; much less, therefore, could she think of holding the remote Asia Minor. It was sufficient for her to have repulsed a foe who had ventured to advance to her doors, to have in- creased her reputation by two glorious campaigns and a great victory, and to have paved the way for a future occu- pation of Western Asia, if circumstances should ever render it politic. The chief benefit which Asia Minor derived from this premature entrance into it of the Roman arms was through the campaign of Cn. Manlius Volso (B.C. 189) against the Gauls or Gahitians. The losses inflicted on the two tribes of the Tolistoboii and the Tectosagi secured tranquillity to the neigh- boring nations for a long term of years. But the motive of Manlius seems to have been plunder, 23. In Greece, the defeat of Antiochus was followed, nec- essarily, by the submission of the ^tolians, who were mulct- state of ed m large portions of their territory and made Greece. ^^ ^^j ^ hcavy fine. Rome annexed to her own dominions only Cephallenia and Zacynthus, distributing the rest among her allies, who, however, were very far from be- ing satisfied. The Achsean League and Philip were both equally displeased at the limits that were set to their ambi- tion, and were ready, should opportunity offer, to turn their arms against their recent ally. 24. In the West, four wars continued to occupy a good deal of the Roman attention, {a) Spain was still far from WavsofRome subdued ; and the Roman forces in the country ill the West, were year after year engaged against the Lusita- ni or the Celtiberi, with very doubtful success, until about 448 ROME. [book v. B.C. 181 to 178, when some decided advantages were gained. (b) In the mountainous Liguria the freedom-loving tribes showed the same spirit whicli has constantly been exhibited by mountaineers, as by the Swiss, the Circassians, and oth- ers. War raged in this region from b.c. 193 to 1*70 ; and the Roman domination over portions of the Western Apennines and the maritime Alps was only Avith the utmost difficulty established by the extirpation of the native races or their transplantation to distant regions. No attempt was made really to subjugate the entire territory. It was viewed as a training-school for the Roman soldiers and officers, standing to Rome very much as Circassia long stood to Russia, and as Algeria even now stands to France, (c) In Sardinia and (d) in Corsica perpetual wars, resembling slave-hunts, were waged with the native races of the interior, especially in the interval from b.c. 181 to 173. 25. The discontent of Philip (see § 23) did not lead him to any rash or imprudent measures. He defended his interests, Relations of ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ possiblc, by negotiations. When Roine with Rome insisted, he yielded. But all the while, he Macedou dnr- 'J ^ ' _ ing the last was nursinsf the stren^jth of Macedonia, recruit- years of Phil- . ip, B.C. 190- ins: her finances, increasing; the number of her al- 1 79 • • • lies, making every possible prej^aration for a re- newal of the struggle, which had gone so much against him at Cynoscephalae. Rome suspected him, but had not tlie face to declare actual war against so recent an ally and so complaisant a subordinate. She contented herself with nar- rowing his dominions, strengthening Eumenes against him, and sowing dissensions in his family. Demetrius, his young- er son, who lived at Rome as a hostage, was encouraged to raise his thoughts to the throne, which he was given to un- derstand Rome would gladly see him occupy. Whether De- metrius Avas willing to become a " cat's-paw " is not appar- ent ; but the Roman intrigues on his behalf certainly brought about his death, and caused the reign of Philip to end in sor- row and remorse, b.c. 179. (See p. 310.) 26. The accession of Perseus to the Macedonian throne was only so far a gain for Rome that he was less competent Position and than Philip to conduct a great enterprise. In SsfB^c.^179- ii^any respects the position of Macedonia was 1^'^- bettered by the change of sovereigns. Perseus, PART I., I'liu. IV.] THIRD MACEDONIAN WAK. 449 a young and brave prince, was popular, not only among big own subjects, but througliout Greece, where the national party had begun to see that independence was an impossi- ble dream, and that the choice really lay between subjection to the wdiolly foreign Romans and to the semi-Hellenic and now thoroughly hellenized Macedonians. Perseus, again, had no personal enemies. The kings of Syria and Egypt, who could not forgive his father the wrongs which they had suffered at his hands, had no quarrel with the present mon- arch; to whom the former (Seleucus IV.) readily gave his daughter in marriage. The design of Philip to re-establish Macedonia in a position of real independence was heartily adopted by his successor; and Rome learnt by every act of the new prince, that she had to expect shortly an outbreak of hostilities in this quarter. 27. Yet, for a while, she procrastinated. Her wars with Liguria, Sardinia, and Corsica still gave her occupation in Third Mace- the Wcst, while a new enemy, the Istri, provoked c^miMcuSs ^y the establishment of her colony of Aquileia 11,0. iTi. ^i> Q^ 183), caused her constant trouble and annoy- ance in the border land between Italy and Macedon,the Up- per Illyrian country. But, about b.c. 172, it became clear that further procrastination would be fatal to her interests — would, in fact, be equivalent to the withdrawal of all fur- ther interference with the affairs of Greece and the East. Perseus was becoming daily bolder and more powerful. His party among the Greeks was rapidly increasing. The ^to- lians called in his aid. The Boeotians made an alliance with him. Byzantium and Lampsacus placed themselves under his protection. Even the Rhodians paid him honor and ob- servance. If the protectorate of Greece was not to slip from the hands of Rome and to be resumed by Macedon, it was high time that Rome should take the field and vindicate her pretensions by force of arms. Accordingly, in the autumn of B.C. 172, an embassy was sent to Perseus, with demands wherewith it was impossible that he should comply; and when the envoys Avere abruptly dismissed, Avar Avas at once declared. For the details of the Third Macedonian War, and the causes of the ill success of Perseus, see Book IV., Period III., Part III. (pp. 311, 312). 28. The victory of Pydna, gained by L. ^milius Paulina 450 ROME. [book v. (June 22, b.c. 168), was a repetition of that at Cynosceph- aliB, but had even more important consequences. Important re- ' xi i • r, i -x li? • ^ suits of the Once more the legion showed itseli superior to ^^^' the phalanx ; but now the phalanx Avas not mere- ly defeated but destroyed, and with it fell the monarchy which had invented it and by its means attained to great- ness. Nor was this the whole. Not only did the kingdom of Alexander perish at Pydna, 144 years after his death, but the universal dominion of Rome over the civilized world was thereby finally established. The battle of Pydna was the last occasion upon which a civilized foe contended on something like equal terms with Rome for a separate and independent existence. All the wars in which Rome was engaged after this were either rebellions, aggressive wars upon barbarians Avith a view to conquest, or defensive wars against the barbarians who from time to time assailed her. The victories of Zama, Magnesia, and Pydna convinced all the world but the " outer barbarians " that it was in vain to struggle against Roman ascendency, that safety Avas only to be found in submission and obedience. Hence the progress of Rome from this time was, comparatively speaking, peace- ful. Her successes had now reduced the whole civilized world to dependence. When it Avas her pleasure to ex- change dependence for actual incorporation into her empire, 8he had simply to declare her Avill, and Avas, generally, unre- sisted. Occasionally, indeed, the state marked out for ab- sorption Avould in sheer despair take up arms; e. g., Acha&a, Carthage, Judaea. But for the most parfthere was no strug- gle, merely submission. Greece (except Achsea), Macedonia, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, Avere annexed peaceably ; and the only remaining great war of the Republic was Avith the bar- barian, Mithridates of Pontus. 29. But Rome, though her military successes had elevated her to this commanding position, was still loath to under- Settiement ^^^^ ^^^® actual government of the countries over made of the Avhich she had establislied her ascendency. Her territory. . . ^, . . •' , experiment in fepain Avas not encouraging; and she would Avillingly have obtained the advantages of a Avide- ly-extended sway, Avithout its drawbacks of enlarged respon- sibilities and ever-recurring difficulties and entanglements. Accordingly, her policy Avas still to leave the conquered re- PART I., PER. IV.] SETTLEMENT OF GREECE. 45 1 gions to rule themselves, but at the same time so tt) weaken them by separation, that they might never more be formida- ble, and so to watch over and direct their proceedings that these might in no way clash with the notions which she en- tertained of her own interests. Moreover, as she saw no rea- son why she should not obtain permanent pecuniary advan- tage from her victories, she determined to take from both Il- ly ricum and Macedonia a land-tax equal to one-half of the amount which had been previously exacted by the native sovereigns. Settlement of the Hellenic Peninsula, (a) Macedonia was dis- armed and broken np into four separate states, witliout rights of intermar- riage or of acquiring land within each other's territories. Each of the four states was a federative republic (see p. 312). The Royal demesnes and the right of working the mines (a royal prerogative) were assumed by Rome ; and the land-tax was commuted into an annual payment to Rome of 100 talents. (b) Illyria was divided into three small states. Certain cities which had favored Rome were exempted from taxation. The rest of the country was taxed at the rate of half of the former land-tax. The entire Ilhaian fleet was declared forfeit, and was presented to the Greek towns on the coast, (c) In Greece, the treatment of the several states varied consider- ably. The ^tolians were deprived of Amphipolis, and the Acarnanians of Leucas; Epirus was ravaged, 150,000 of the inhabitants sold into slavery, and the rest of the population delivered over to the government of a tyrant. All the leagues, except that of Acha^a, were dissolved ; and each city was made independent. The members of the patriotic party in the various states were accused of having favored Perseus, in act or thought, and were either executed or deported to Italy. Even Achoea, which had been the faithful ally of Rome throughout the struggle, was required to deliver up for trial a thou- sand of her chief men, who were thenceforward detained in Roman prisons as hostages for her good behavior. 30. While, however, professedly leaving the countries which she had conquered to govern themselves, Rome could Roman sys- "^^ bring hcrself really to let them act as they tern of com- pleased. What she did was to substitute for government a system 01 surveillance. Every- where she was continually sending commissioners (lef/ati), who not merely kept her acquainted with all that passed in the states which they visited, but actively interfered with the course of government, suggesting certain proceedings and forbidding others, acting as referees in all quarrels be- tween state and state, giving their decisions in the name of Rome, and threatening^ her vengeance on the recalcitrant. 452 ROME. [book v. 31. The subjugation of the enemies of Rome was al- ways followed by a tendency on her part to quarrel with „ , , „ her friends. Her friends were maintained and Treatment of reiganuis aud strengthened merely as counterpoises to some foe; and Avhen the foe ceased to exist or to be formidable, the friends were no longer needed. Thus the fall of Macedonia and complete prostration of Greece pro- duced an immediate coolness between Rome and her chief Eastern allies, Pergamus and Rhodes. The statement that Eiimencs had thoughts of joining Perseus against Rome, and eren entered into negotiations with him, seems quite unworthy of credit. The coohiess certainly began with Rome, and arose from her no longer needing Eumenes. Hence her intrigues with his brother Attalus, u.c. 1G7 ; her rejection of his request for (Enus and Maroneia ; her refusal to ad- mit him to an audience, b.c. IGG ; and her grant of independence to Pam- phylia, which was disputed between him and Antiochus. The Rhodians offended Rome by an offer to mediate between her and Per- seus, B.C. 1G8 ; but there is reason to believe that the Roman consul himself urged them to make the offer. Having fallen into the trap, they were pun- ished by the loss of all their possessions upon the main-land, by serious inter- ferences with their trade, and by the establishment of a free port at Delos, which greatly diminished their commercial gains. 32. The vast prestige which Rome acquired by the vic- tory of Pydna is strikingly shown by the fact that she was Interference able in the same year to deprive Antiochus Epi[)h- afui E^ypt"^"^ anes of the fruits of all his Egyptian successes, 15.C.1GS. jjy r^ j^^QYQ couimand haughtily issued by her com- missioner, Popillius. (See j^p. 256, 2*78.) Antiochus with- drew from Egypt when he was on the point of conquering it; and even relinquished the island of Cyprus to his antag- onist. Rome allowed him, however, to retain possession of Coele-Syria and Palestine. 33. The pacification of the East was followed by another of those pauses which occur from time to time in the history , , of the Roman Republic, after a great effort has Unimportant ^ ' • t t Avars from been made and a great success attained, when the government ap23ears to have been undecided as to its next step. Eighteen years intervene between the close of the Third Macedonian and the commencement of the Third Punic War — eighteen years, during which Rome was engaged in no contest of the least importance, unless it were that Avhich continued to be waged in Spain against the PART I., PKR. IV.] THIRD rUNlC WAR. 453 Lusitanians and a few other native tribes. She did not, in- deed, ever cease to push her dominion in some quarter. In the intervals between her great wars, she almost always prosecuted some petty quarrels; and this was the case in the interval between B.C. 168 and 150, when she carried on hostilities with several insignificant peoples, as the Celtic tribes, in the Alpine valleys, the Ligurians of the tract bor- dering on Nicoea (Nice) and Antipolis (Antibes), the Dalma- tians, the Corsicans, and others. Important successes of C. Sulpicius Gallus against the Eastern Ligurians and of his colleague M. Claudius Marcellus against the Celts in the Alps, B.C. 166. War in Corsica, b.c. 163 to 162. War with the Dalmatians, B.C. 156 to 155. War with the Western Ligurians, B.C. 154. War with the Celtiberians and Lusitanians, B.C. 153 to 150. 34. But the time came when the government was no longer content with these petty and trivial enterprises. Af- Chan^re of ^^^* eighteen years of irresolution, it was decided policy. Be- to take important matters in hand — to remove termination n ■, i • 1 • i -, to extend the out 01 the way the City which, however reduced, empire. ^^^^ ^^.^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ Rome's solc rival in the West- ern world, and to assume the actual government of a new dependency in a new continent. The determination to de- stroy Carthage and to form Africa into a province, was in no way forced upon Rome by circumstances, but was de- cided upon after abundant deliberation by the predominant party in the state, as the course best calculated to advance Roman interests. The grounds of quarrel with Carthage were miserably insufficient; and the tyranny of the stronger was probably never exerted in a grosser or more revolting form, than when Rome required that Carthage, which had observed, and more than observed, every obligation whereto she was bound in treaty, should nevertheless, for the greater advantage of Rome, cease to exist. It was not to be expect- ed that the idea of a political suicide would approve itself to the Carthaginian government. But less than this would not content Rome, which, having first secured every possible ad- vantage from the inclination of her adversary to make sacri- fices for peace, revealed finally a requirement that could not be accepted without war. 35. The Third Punic War lasted four years — from b.c. 149 to 146 inclusive. It was a struirffle into which CarthaQ:een 454 KOME. [hook v. Third Piiiiic tered purely from a feeling of despair, because Wai-ristc.' 149- the terms offered to her — the destruction of the tion of ''Afri- ^ity, and the removal of the people to an inland ^"•" situation — were such that death seemed prefera- ble to them. The resistance made was gallant and prolong- ed, though at no time was there any reasonable hope of suc- cess. Carthage was without ships, without allies, almost without arms, since she had recently surrendered armor and weapons for 200,000 men. Yet she maintained the unequal fight for four years, exhibiting a valor and an inventiveness worthy of her best days. At length, in B.C. 146, the Romans under Scipio ^milianus, forced their w^ay into the town, took it almost house by house, fired it in all directions, and ended by levelling it with the ground. The Carthaginian territory was then made into the " province " of "Africa ;" a land-tax and poll-tax were imposed; and the seat of govern- ment was fixed at Utica. The utter destruction of Cai'thage was parallel to that of Veii in b.c. 393, of Corinth in the same year with Carthage, and of Jerusalem, a,d, 70. Rome was unwilling that there should anywhere exist a city which could be viewed as rivalling her in size, wealth, or splendor. It is impossible that she could have really feared any thing from the power of Carthage. 30. During the continuance of the Carthaginian War, troubles broke out in the Hellenic peninsula, Avhich enabled Macedonian Rome to pursue in that quarter also the new pol- Wars.^^Mace- icy of annexation and absorption. A pretender, Achteabecome ^'^^^ gave out that he was the son of Perseus, "provinces." yaiscd the Standard of revolt in Macedonia, de- feated the Romans in a pitched battle, b.c. 149, and invaded Thessaly, but was in the following year himself defeated and made prisoner by Metellus. The opportunity was at once taken of reducing Macedonia into the form of a "province." At the same time, without even any tolerable pretext, a quarrel was picked with the Achaean League, b.c. 148, which was required to dissolve itself A brief war followed (see p. 314), which was terminated by Mummius, who plundered an4 destroyed Corinth, b.c. 146. Achtea was then practical- ly added to the empire, though she Avas still allowed for some years to amuse herself with some of the old forms of freedom, from which all vital force had departed. 37. But while Rome was thus extendine: herself in the PAKT 1., PKK. IV.] WAR IN fePAIN. 455 South and in the East, and adding new provinces to her em- War in Spain, pii'^, in her old provinces of the West her author- B.C. i4»-i33. j^y ^^g fiercely disputed ; and it was with the utmost difficulty that she maintained herself in possession. The native tribes of the Spanish Peninsula were brave and freedom-loving ; their country was strong and easy of de- fense; and Rome found it almost impossible to subjugate them. The Roman dominion had indeed never yet been es- tablished in the more northern and western portions of the country, which were held by the Lusitani, the Gallseci, the Yaccaii, and the Cantabri ; and a perpetual border war was consequently maintained, in which the Roman armies were frequently worsted. The gallantry and high spirit of the natives was especially shown from e.g. 149 to 140 under the leadership of the Lusitanian, Viriathus ; and again from b.c. 143 to 133, in the course of the desperate resistance offered to the Roman arms by the ^NTumantians. Rome was una- ble to overcome either enemy without having recourse to treachery. Details of the War in Spain, from b.c. 149 to 133. The Lusitani in- vade Turditania, b.c. 149. Viriathus, being made general, extricates them from a perilous position, and defeats the prretor Vetilius. For five years (b.c. 149 to 145) he continues the struggle with uniform success. In b.c. 145, the consul Fabius Maximus JEmilianus, undertakes the war and defeats him ; but he gains over most of the Celtiberians and becomes more powerful than ever. In b.c. 142, Viriathus was first defeated by, and then victorious over, Servilianus, the adopted brother of iEmilianus, after Avhich he obtained a peace on fair terms, which was ratified by the Senate, b.c. 141. This peace, however, the Romans broke in the ensuing year, b.c. 140, when the consul Senilius Ctepio first attacked Viriathus with his troops and then pro- cured his assassination. The Lusitani, upon this, submitted ; but the Nu- mantians, who had the year before completely defeated the consul Q. Pom- peius, continued the struggle with success, gaining victories over the pro-con- sul Popillius, in B.C. 138, and over the consul Hostilius Mancinus, in b.c. 137. On the second of these occasions a peace was made, which saved a Roman army of 20,000 men. But, as after the Caudine Forks, Rome repu- diated her engagements. War was renewed in b.c. 136, but with little suc- cess, the pro-consul Lepidus suffering a severe defeat. Calpurnius Piso, in B.C. 135, effected nothing. At last, in b.c. 134, the w\ir w^as undertaken by Scipio Africanus JEmilianus, who so improved the discipline of the Roman forces, that in the following year, B.C. 133, he succeeded in bringing the war to an end by starving out the Numantians, who fired their city and then slew themselves, rather than fall into the hands of the Romans. 38. While the freedom-lovino; tribes of the West showed 456 ROME. [hook v. so much reluctance to surrender their liberties into the Komeinher- hancls of Rome,in the East her dominion received dorn^of Per?a- ^ l^rgc extension by the voluntary act of one of mus, B.C. 133. her allies. Attains III., king of Pergamus, who held under his sovereignty the greater part of Asia Minor, was found at his death (b.c. 133) to have left his kingdom by will to the Roman people. This strange legacy was, as was natural, disputed by the expectant heir, Aristonicus, bas- tard son of Attains, and was afterwards denied by Mithrida- tes V. ; but there is no real ground for calling it in question. Rome had no doubt intrigued to obtain the cession, and con- sequently she did not hesitate to accept it. A short war with Aristonicus (b.c. 133 to 130) gave the Romans full pos- session of the territory, the greater portion of which was formed into a province ; Phrygia Major being, however, de- tached, and ceded to Mithridates TV., king of Pontus, who had assisted Rome in the brief sti'uggle. The territory of Rome at this time included, besides all Italy up to the Alps, the " provinces " (provincice=providentife, i. e., "cares " or "charges") of Hispania Ulterior and Hispania Citerior, of Africa (the old ten™o""%^ov- territory of Carthage), of Sicily, and of Sardinia and Corsica, iiices :" its in ti^e AVest ; and in the East, of Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia, enc eucy. ^^ ^^^^ absorbed portion of the kingdom of Pergamus. Gallia Cisalpina and Liguria were also "provinces." Each province was adminis- tered by a governor, who was either a "pro-consul," a "proetor," or a " pro- praetor." These governors received no stipend, but were entitled to certain contributions from the provincials for the support of themselves and their court, and might also receive voluntary gifts — two fertile sources of abuse and misgovernment. Their suite or court (cohors) consisted of a certain number of quaestors, of secretaries, notaries, lictors, augurs, public criers, etc. They had at once the chief civil authority and the military command in their provinces. They were irremovable during their term of office, which might be prolonged from year to year ; nor could any complaint be brought against them till their office was at an end. If serious complaints were then made, they could be brought to trial, either criminally before the people, or by civil action before judges chosen from among the senators. In neither case, however, was there much chance of condemnation ; and in the latter, the condemnation could be nothing but a fine, which was easily paid by th.e extortionate governor, who would often remain after it one of the richest men in Rome. It is evident that this system must have been grievously oppress- ive to the provincials, and fearfully corruptive of public morals at Rome. 39. The internal changes in the Roman government dur- ing the period here under consideration were gentle, grad- ual, and for the most part informal j but they amounted in TART I., PER. IV.] CHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION. 457 Chancres in course of time to a sensible and far from unirapor- the Roman tant modification. The Ions: struofffle between government i-r.-- T-mi- ^ at this time the Jratrician and I'lebeian orders was termma- ^'^ "^ ' ted by the Genucian revolution ; and, the chief Plebeian families being now placed on a par with the Patri- cians, a united nobility stood at the head of the nation, con- fronting and confronted by a proletariate, with only a rather small a'nd not very active middle class intervening between them. The proletariate, however, was in part amenable to the nobility, bein^ composed of persons who were its Cli- ents; and it was not difticult to keep the remaining mem- bers in good-humor by bestowing upon them from time to time allotments of land in the conquered territories. On the whole, it may be said that the proletariate was, during this period, at the beck and call of the nobles, while the only op- position which caused them anxiety w\is that of the middle class — Italian farmers principajly — who, supported by some of the less distinguished Plebeian " houses," formed an "op- position," which was sometimes formidable. 40. It was the object of the nobles, (1) to increase the power of the Senate as compared with the "comitia;" and Exaltation of (2) to bring the " comitia " themselves under ar- the Senate. istocratic influence. The exaltation of the Sen- ate was effected very gradually. The more important for- eign affairs became — and every thing was foreign out of Ita- ly — the greater grew to be the power of the Senate, which settled all such matters -without reference to the " comitia." And, with respect to home affairs, the more widely the fran- chise was extended (and it reached through the JRoman col- onies to very remote parts of Italy), the more numerous and varied the elements that were admitted to it, the less w^ere the " comitia " possessed of any distinct and positive will, and the more easy did it become to manipulate and manage them. As a rule, the people stood and assented to all pro- posals made by the magistrates. They w^ere too widely scattered over the territory to be instructed beforehand, too numerous to be addressed effectively at the time of voting — besides which, no one but the presiding magistrate had the right of addressing them. 41. To bring the "comitia" more completely under the hands of the government, the vast bodies of freedmen, who 20 458 KOME. [book v. Corruption of Constituted at this time the chief portion of the the"comitia." retainers (cUentes) of each noble house, were con- tinually admitted to the franchise, either by a positive en- actment, as in B.C. 240, or by the carelessness or collusion of the censors, who every five years made out anew the roll of the citizens. The lower classes of the independent voters were also systematically corruj)ted by the practice of lar- gesses, especially distributions of corn, and by the exhibition of games at the private cost of the magistrates, who curried favor with the voters by the splendor and expense of their shows. It was also, perhaps, to increase the influence of the nobles over the centuries that the change was made by which each of the five classes was assigned an equal number of votes; for the wealthier citizens not within the noble class were at this time the most inde23endent and the most likely to thwart the will of the government. 42. Still, no hard-and-fast line was drawn between the no- bles and the rest of the community, no barrier wliich could Kome falls not be overstcppcd. A family became noble dSfhe^niieof through its members obtaining any of the high a clique. ofiiccs of the State, and through its thus having " images of ancestors " to show. And legally the highest office was open to every citizen. Practically, however, the chief offices came to be confined almost to a clique. This was owing, in the first place, to the absolute need of great wealth for certain offices, as especially the sedileship, and to the law (passed in b.c. 180) by which a regular rotation of offices was fixed, and no one could reach the higher till he had first served the lower. But, beyond this, it is evident that after a time a thoroughly exclusive spirit grew up ; and all the influence of the nobles over the "comitia" was ex- erted to keep out of high office every " new man " — every one, that is, who did not belong to the narrow list of some forty or fifty "houses" who considered it their right to rule the commonwealth. See the work of Ruperti, Stemmata gentium Romanarum. Gottingen, 1795; 8vo. 43. The attempts of the " oi^position" (see § 39) were lim- weakandnav- ited to two kinds of efforts. First, they vainly thl^'^oppJst^ wasted their strength in noble but futile efforts tion," ^Q check the spread of luxury and corruption, in- PABT I., PER. v.] CORRUPTION. 459 eluding however under those harsh names much that modern society would regard as proper civilization and refinement. Secondly, they now and then succeeded by determined ex- ertions in raising to high office a "new man" — a Porcius Cato, or a C. Flaminius — who was a thorn in the side of the nobles during the remainder of his lifetime, but rarely effect- ed any political change of importance. Altogether, the " op- position" seems fairly taxable with narrow views and an in- ability to grapple with the difficulties of the situation. The age was one of "political mediocrities." Intent on pursuing their career of conquest abroad, the Roman people cared"* little and thought little of affairs at home. The State drift- ed into difficulties, which were unperceived and unsuspect- ed, till they suddenly declared themselves with startling vio- lence at the epoch whereat we have noAV arrived. . By far the best account of the internal condition of Rome at this period, which has been strangely neglected by most writers of Roman history, Avill be found in the Romische Geschichte of Mommsen, book iii., chaps, xi. and xii. FIFTH PERIOD. From the Commencement of internal Troubles under the Gracchi to the Establishment of the Empire under Augustus, B.C. 133 to a.d. 30. Sources. The continuous histories of this period, composed by ancient writers, whether Greek or Latin, if we except mere sketches and epitomes, are all lost. For the earlier portion of it — B.C. 133 to 70 — our materials are especially scanty. Plutarch, in his Lives of the Gracchi, of Marius, Sylla, Lucullus, Crassus, and Sertorius, and Appian, De Bellis Civilibus, are the chief authorities ; to which may be added Sallust's Jugurtha, a brilliant and valuable monograph, together Avith a few fragments of his Histories. In this comparative scarcity of sources, even the brief compendium of the preju- diced Paterculus, and the Epitomes of the careless and inaccurate Livy, come to have an importance. From about B.C. 70, there is an improvement both in the amount and in the character of the extant materials. Appian continues to be of service, as also does Plutarch in his Lives of Cicero, Pom- pey, Julius Ccesar, Cato the younger, Brutus, and Antonius; while we obtain, in addition, abundant information of the most authentic kind, first, from the contemporary >S/7eecAe5 and Letters of Cicero, and then from the Commenta- ries of C^SAR and Hirtius. The continuous narrative of Dio Cassius be- gins also from the year B.C. 69; the Catiline of Sallust belongs to the years B.C. 66 to 62 ; and Suetonius's Lives of Julius and Octavius fall, the one entirely, the other partially, within the date which terminates the period. Among modem works wholly or specially devoted to this period of Roman History may be mentioned — De Brosses, Histoire de la Repziblique Romaine dans le cours du Heme 460 ROME. [book v. Siecle. Dijon, 1777; 3 vols. 4to. (Translated into German, Avith addi- tions, by ScHLEUTER, in 1790.) Long, G., Decline of the Roman Republic. London, 1864; 2 vols, 8v&, A careful collection of facts, embracing an nnusually small amount of theo- ry. (This work belongs in part to the preceding period ; since it commences with the history of b.c. 154, and contains an account of the Avars in Spain with Viriathus and the Numantians, and of the contemporary civil history.) Drumann, W., Geschichte Roins in seinem Uehergange von der Repuhlik zur Monarchic. Konigsberg, 1834-44 ; 6 vols. 8vo. Lau, Th., Die Gracchen und ihre Zeit; Hamburg, 1854 , 8vo; and the Same author's Cornelius Sulla, eine Biographic; Hamburg, 1855 ; 8vo. NiTZSCH, K. W., Die Gracchen und ihre Vorganger. Berlin, 1847; 8vo. 1. An epoch is now reached at which the foreign wars of Rome become few and unimportant, while the internal General char- affairs of the State have once more a grave and pertod.^ ^Time absorbing interest. Civil troubles and commo- and mstmS^^ tions foUow One another witli great rapidity ; ance. and finally we come to a period when the arms of the Romans are turned against themselves, and the con- querors of the world engage in civil wars of extraordinary violence. The origin of these disturbances is to be found in the gulf which had been gradually forming and widening between the poor and the rich, the nobles and the proletari- ate. For a long series of years, from the termination of the Second Saranite War to the final settlement of Northern Italy (b.c. 303 to 1'77), the pressure of poverty had been continually kept down and alleviated, partly by the long and bloody struggles which decimated the population and so relieved the labor-market, partly by distributions of plun- der, and, above all, by assignations of lands. But the last Italian colony Avas sent out in b.c. lYV; and a new genera- tion had now grown up which had neither received nor ex- pected any such relief The lands of Italy were all occu- pied ; no nation within its borders remained to be conquer- ed ; and settlements beyond the seas possessed for the or- dinary Roman citizen few attractions. As the wars came to be less constant and less sanguinary, the population in- creased rapidly, and no vent was provided for the new- comers. The labor-market was overcrowded; it became difficult for a poor man to obtain a living ; and those dan- gers arose which such a condition of things is sure to bring upon a State. PART I., ri:R. v.] CIVIL TROUBLES. 461 The number of adult male Roman citizens, which was but 269,015 in B.C. 173, had increased to above 330,000 by B.C. 13G, and in n.c. 125 stood at 390,736. In B.C. 114 it was 394,336, and in b.c. 86, after the admission of the Italians, it was 463,000. 2. The state of affairs would have been very different, had the Licinian law with respect to the employment of free labor been enforced against the occupiers of SfS^aud the public domain. This domain, which had SoySt now become extremely large (see p. 426), had, ou'fhe State* naturally enough, been occupied by the capital- lauds. -g^ (which was nearly identical with the gov- erning) class, who had at the time seemed to compensate fairly'^the non-capitalists by extremely liberal allotments of small plots of ground in absolute property. But, while the poorer classes increased in number, the richer were station- ary, or even dwindled. Old "houses" became extinct, while new "houses" only with great difficulty pushed them- selves into the ruling order. There were no means of ob- taining much wealth at Rome except by the occupation of domain lands on a large scale, by the farming of the reve- nue or by the government of the provinces. But these sources of wealth were, all of them, at the disposal of the rulino- class, who assigned them, almost without exception, to members of their own families. Thus the wealthy were continually becoming more wealthy, while the poor grew poorer. There was no appreciable introduction of new blood into the ranks of the aristocracy. The domain land was in b.c. 133 engrossed by the members of some forty or fifty Roman "houses" and by a certain number of rich Ital- ians, of whom the former had grown to be enormously wealthy by inheritance, intermarriages, and the monopoly of government employments. The "modus agrorum" es- tablished by Licinius had fallen into oblivion, or at least into disuse; and several thousand "jugera" were probably often held by a single man. Still, in all this there would have been no very great hardship, had the domain land been cultivated by the free labor of Roman citizens, either wholly or in any decent pmportion. In that case, the noble " pos- sessor" must have conveyed to his estate, in whatever part of Italy it was situated, a body of poor Roman freemen, who would'have formed a sort of colony upon his land, and w—^'-^ Id 4g2 ROME. [r.ooiv v. have only differed from other colonists in working for wages instead of cultivating on their own account. The Roman labor-market would have been relieved, and no danger would liave threatened the State from its lower orders. But it seemed to the "possessor" more economical and more con- venient to cultivate his land by means of slaves, which the immerous wars of the times, together with the regular slave- trade, had made cheap. The Licinian enactment was there- fore very early set at naught ; and it was not enforced. Ev- erywhere over Italy the public domain was cultivated by gangs of slaves. 3. Among the more wise and patriotic of the Romans it had long been seen that this state of things was fraught Apprehension w4th peril. At Romc a proletariate daily becom- the'^stSiii^- ing poorer and more unwieldy, content hitherto r?onin?Gm'?: to be at the beck and call of the nobles, but if it chus to bring qy^qq o'rew to be hunc^ry and hopeless, then most forward his » . ° -^ i i • laws. dangerous — m Italy a vast slave population, com- 'j^osed largely of those who had known liberty and were not deficient hi intelligence, harshly treated and without any at- tachment to its masters, which might be expected on any fa- vorable opportunity to rise and fight desperately for freedom — the government, if an outbreak occurred, dependent on the swords of the soldiers, who might largely sympathize with the poorer classes, from which they were in great measure taken — such a combination boded ill for peace, and claimed the serious consideration of all who pretended to the name of statesmen. Unhappily, at Rome, statesmen were "few and far between;" yet, about B.C. 140, Lailius (the friend of Scipio) had recognized the peril of the situation, and had proposed some fresh agrarian enactments as a remedy, but had been frightened from his purpose by the opposition which the nobles threatened. Matters went on in the old groove till B.C. 133, when at length, a tribune of the Plebs, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus by name, a member of one of the noblest Plebeian houses, came forward with a set of proposi- tions which had for their object the relief of the existing dis- tress among the Roman citizens, and the improvement of the general condition of Italy by the substitution of free cultiva- tors of the small yeoman class for the gangs of disaffected slaves who were noAV spread over the country. The exact TAUT 1., PICK. V.J LAWS OF THE ELDER GKACCHUb. 40. J measures wliicli he proposed were, (1) The revival of the ob- solete law of Liciiiius, lixing the amount of domain land which a man might legally occupy at 500 jugera, with the modification that he might hold also 250 jugera for each of liis unemancipated adult sons ; (2) The appointment of a standing commission of three members to enforce the law ; (3) The division among the poorer citizens of the State lands which would by the operation of the first provision become vacant ; (4) The compensation of the possessores on account of their losses from improvements made on the lands winch they relinquished by the assignment to them of the portions of land which they legally retained in absolute ownership ; and (5) The proviso that the new allotments, when once made, should be inalienable. There is no reason to believe that Gracclius was actuated by any but pure and patriotic motives. The servile war which was raging in Sicily (b.c. 134 to 132) indicated a danger which might at any moment extend to Italy, and which did in fact show itself in places, as particularly at Minturnaj and Sinu- essa. And some poor-law or other, some legal provision for the relief of the distress at Rome, was a State necessity. 4. The propositions of Gracchus were intensely disagreea- ble to the bulk of the nobility and to a certain number of. His laws op- the richer Italians, who had, legally or illegally, pSV,'«.a become occupiers of the domain to an extent be- 133. yond that which it was proposed to establish as the limit. Naturally therefore his laws were opposed. The opposition was led by one of his own colleagues, the tribune Octavius, who by his veto prevented the vote of the tribes from being taken. An unseemly contention followed, which Gracchus, unfortunately for himself and for his cause, termi- nated by proposing to the tribes, and carrying, the deposition of his adversary. The laws were then passed, a commission was appointed (Gracchus, his brother Caius, and Ap. Claudi- us, his father-in-law), and the work of resumption and distri- bution commenced. 5. But it was more easy to initiate than to carry out a measure of such extent and complication, and ' one that _. - aroused such fierce passions, as that which the bold tribune had taken in hand. As he 'advanced in his work his popularity waned. His adversaries took heart ; and, to secure himself and his cause, he was forced to 464 ROME, [book v. propose fresh laws of a more and more revolutionary char- acter. The propositions which he made, and his conduct in endeavoring to secure his re-election, for the purpose of car- rying them, goaded his enemies to fury ; and the Senate it- self, with Scipio Nasica at its head, took the lead in a violent attack upon him as he presided in the Tribes, and murdered him in open day together with 300 of his partisans. The proposals of Gracchus to give the Equestrian Order a distinct political status, by conferring on it the right to furnish one-half of the jtidices, hitherto taken only from the Senate, to grant an appeal to the people in civil causes, and to claim for the people the entire right of administering the newly-gained kingdom of Pergamus (besides determining the disposition of the treasure in their own favor), were measures of a far more revolutionary character than his Agrarian Law, which was less severe than that of Licinius. 6. The open murder of a tribune of the Plebs engaged in the duties of his office was an unprecedented act in Roman The Ao-rarian history (for the assassination of Genucius, b.c. ofTi^GniS'^ 471, had been secret), and sufficiently indicated chus sets to the arrival of a' new period, when the old respect ter a while its for law and Order would no longer hold its aresuspenSd, grouud, siud the State would become a prey to 1J.C.129. ^YiQ violent and the unscrupulous. For the mo- ment, however, the evil deed done recoiled upon its authors. N'asica, denounced as a murderer on all hands, though iin- prosecuted, was forced to quit Italy and go into banishment. The Agrarian Commission of Gracchus was renewed, and al- lowed to continue its labors. Moderation on the part of the democratic leaders who had succeeded to the position of Gracchus would have secured important results for the poor from the martyrdom of their champion ; but the arbitrary conduct of the new commissioners, Carbo and Flaccus, dis- gusted the moderate party at Rome and large numbers of the Italians ; the Senate found itself strong enough to quash the Commission and assign the execution of the Sempronian Law to the ordinary executive, the consuls ; and finally, when, by the assassination of the younger Africanus, the democrats had put themselves decidedly in the wrong, it was able to go a step farther, and suspend proceedings un- der the law altogether. 7. A lull in the storm now occurred — a period of compar- ative tranquillity, during which only a few mutterings were FAKT I., PEK. v.] REFORMS OF THE GKACCIII. 465 Tranquillity heard, indications to the wise that all was not the'cfaims^oi^ over. A claim to the franchise began to be the itaiiaus. urged by the Latins and Italians, and to find ad- vocates among the democratic Romans, who thought that in the accession of these fresh members to the tribes they saw a means of more effectually controlling the Senate. Q. Fa- bius Flaccus, the consul of b.c. 125, formulated these claims into a law ; but the Senate contrived to tide over the diffi- culty by sending him upon foreign service. The revolt of Revolt of Fre- the disappointed Fregellse followed; and the geUse. bloody vengeance taken on the unhappy town frightened the Italians, for the time at any rate, into silence. Meanwhile, the younger Gracchus, who had gone as quaestor into Sardinia, b.c. 126, was detained there by the Senate's orders till b.c. 124, when he suddenly returned to Rome and announced himself as a candidate for the tribunate. Petty Wars op this Period. Revolt of Aiistonicus in Asia, b.c. 131. Revolt put down, b.c. 1 29. Wav in lUyria, ibid. Guerrilla War in Sardinia, B.C. 126 to 124. War with the Salluvii (Ligurians) for the protection of Massilia, B.C. 125 to 123. Balearic isles conquered by Metellus, b.c. 123. 8. The measures of C. Gracchus were more varied and more sweeping than those of his elder brother; but they Democratic re- Were cast in the same mould. He had the same ymxnger Grac- two objects in vicw — the relief of the poorer murdered v.c. classes, and the depression of the power of the I'^i- Senate. Like his brother, he fell a victim to his exertions in the popular cause ; but he effected more. His elevation of the Equestrian Order, and his system of corn-lar- gesses — the "Roman poor-law," as it has been called — sur- vived him, and became permanent parts of the constitution. To him is also attributable the extension of the Roman colo- nial system into the provinces. He was a great and good man; but he had a difficult part to play ; and he was want- ing in the tact and discretion which the circumstances of the times required. The Senate, being far more than his match in finesse and manoeuvre, triumphed over him, though not without once more having recourse to violence, and staining the streets and prisons of Rome with the blood of above 3000 of her citizens. Measures op the younger Gracchus. 1. Renewal of his brother's Agrarian Law, with modifications — ^viz. (a) A diminution in the size of the 20* 466 ROM^. [book v. allotments : (Jj) The retention of the allottees in the position of possessores hy the proviso tliat they should pay an annual quit-rent to the State ; (c) The requirement of good character as a condition in all claimants of allotments ; (d) An arrangement for settling the new allottees, or at any rate a portion of them, in colonies, at Capua, Tarentum, Carthage, and elsewhere. 2. Law requiring the State to sell corn at a loss to all Roman citizens who should apply for it, unsound in principle and injurious to the State in practice, but founded on the old precedent of similar sales in time of famine. 3. Law fix- ing the minimum of age for enlistment at 17, and requirmg the State to fur- nish the soldiers' clothes. 4. Law transferring the duty of furnishing juries (Judices) from the Senate to the knights (equites), and thereby elevating tlie knights into a distinct " Order." 5. Law requiring the Senate to determine the consular provinces beforehand, and to leave it to the consuls themselves to decide by lot or agreement which province each should administer. G. Law assigning the taxation of the new province of "Asia" to the Roman censors. 7. Law assigning the management of the public roads in Italy to the trib- unes of the Plebs. And 8. Proposal, which did not become law, to extend the Roman franchise, at any rate to all the Latin colonies ; perhaps to all free Italians. This last proposition, which was at once just and really advanta- geous to the State, lost C. Gracchus his popularity with the existing voters ; and the Senate then, by encouraging the tribune Livius Drusus to outbid him in popular offers, which were never intended to be carried out, completed his ruin. When, in B.C. 121, he failed to obtain his re-election to the trib- unate, the aristocrats knew that they might safely sweep him from their path. The colony sent, at the instance of C. Gracchus, to Carthage in b.c. 122, was followed by another, which was founded at Aquie Sextios (Aix in Pro- vence) in the same year, and by a third, Narbo Marcius (Narbonne), founded four years later, b.c. 118, on the coast of Gaul where it approaches Spain. 9. The death of C. Gracchus was followed within a short space by the practical repeal of his. Agrarian law. First the proviso that the allotments made under it should hiw is'lepeki- he inalienable was abrogated, so that the rich ^^* might recover them through mortgage or pur- chase. Then a law was passed forbidding any further allot- ments ("Lex Boria"), and imposing a quit-rent on all " pos- sessores," the whole amount of which was to be annually distributed among the poorer classes of the people. Final- ly, by the " Lex Thoria," the quit-rents were abolished, and the domain land in the hands of the " possessores " was made over to them absolutely. The other laws of C. Gracchus, except those which were in their nature temporary, seem to have remained in force either permanently or for some considei-able time. The "Lex Frumentaria" became the foundation of a regular system. That with respect to the "judices" lasted till the time of Sulla, who restored the right of furnishing them to the Senate, b.c. 80. PART I., PER. v.] ARISTOCRATICAL REACTION. 467 The History of the Gracchi and their period has been a favorite subject for historical monographs. Besides the works on this point mentioned above ( pp. 460, '61), the reader may consult Hegewisch, D. H., Geschichte der Gracchischen Unruhen. Altona, 1801. Heeren, A. H. L., Geschichte der hiirgerlichen Unruhen der Gracchen in his Vermischte historische Schriften, vol. iii. Gottingen, 1824. 10. The twenty years from b.c. 120 to 100 formed a time of comparative internal tranquillity. Rome during this pe- Tranquii peri- ^''^^^ ^^^^ undev the governinent of the aristocrat- od. Progress ical party, which directed her policy and filled up of corruption. !: n f-u i • ^ ai -o 4. ti, ^ i most ot the high omces. But the party was dur- ing the whole period losing ground. The corruption of the upper classes was gradually increasing, and — what was w'orse for their intei'ests — was becoming more generally known. The circumstances of the Jus^urthine War broue'ht it prominently into notice. At the same time the democrat- ic party was learning its strength. It found itself able by vigorous efforts to carry its candidates and its measures in the Tribes. It learnt to use the weapons which had proved SO" effectual in the hands of the nobles — violence and armed tumult — against them. And, towards the close of the peri- od, it obtained leaders as bold and ruthless as those who in the time of the Gracchi had secured the victory for the op- posite faction. The severe exercise of the censorship (especially b.c. 115), the sumptuary laws, the trials and inquiries (qucestiones) of this period, revealed rather than checked the growing corruption. Almost every man at Rome was found to have his price. Foreign princes bought their crowns of the Roman nobles, who in their turn bought their offices of the people. The judges, whether senators or knights, sold their decisions. Wealth continually flowed in from the gifts of the dependent monarchs and the plunder of the provincials. Enormous fortunes were made by almost every governor, quaistor, and farm- er of the revenue. 11. While internally Rome remained in tolerable tranquil- lity, externally she was engaged in several most important Wars of the and even dangerous wars. The year of the death period. q£> q Gracchus, B.C. 121, saw the conquest of Southern Gaul effected by the victories of Domitius and Fa- bins, and the formation of that nevf "Province" whereto the title has ever since adhered as a proper name (Provence). Three years later, b.c. 118, the troubles began in Africa which led to the Jugurthine War. That war was chiefly important 468 HOME. i^ijooK V. for the revelation which it made of Roman aristocratic cor- ruption, and for the fact that it first brought prominently into notice the two great party-leaders, Marius and Sulla. Scarcely was it ended when a real danger threatened Rome from the barbarians of the North, a danger from which Ma- rius, the best general of the time, with difficulty saved her. Details of the Jugtjrthine War. Assassination of Hiempsal by Ju- giu'tha, B.C. 118. Appeal of Adherbal to Rome, and partition of the kingdom JiT'-urthme between him and Juguvtha, B.C. 117. Aggressions of Jugnr- War, B.C. 111- tha on Adherbal, B.C. 116 to 113. His siege of Cirta — Ad- •^^^' herbal taken prisoner and killed, b.c. 112. The tribune C. Memmins forces the Senate to declare war against Jugurtha ; and the con- sul Calpurnius Bestia is sent against him ; but he bribes Calpurnius to make peace, b.c. 111. Jugurtha is summoned to Rome, and obeys the summons. Memmius accuses, but another tribune, Bgebius, protects him, and he is allow- ed to depart, notwithstanding that he has contrived at Rome the murder of his kinsman, Massiva, on whom the Romans were about to confer his crown. War resumed, b.c. 110, by the consul Albinus, who, however, effects noth- ing. His brother, Aulus, succeeds to the command as pro-prajtor, b.c. 101), and, being defeated, makes a peace which the Senate refuses to confirm ; and the war is intrusted to Metellus, who takes Marius with him as his lieutenant. Metellus captures Cirta, B.C. 108, and most of the other cities; Jugurtha takes refuge at the court of the Mauretanian king, Bocchus. Marius, having gone to Rome, obtains the consulship, and is sent out, b.c. 107, to supersede Metellus. L. Cornelius Sulla is appointed his qua3stor. Marius twice de- feats Bocchus. Long negotiations follow, which Sulla conducts, and at last Bocchus consents to surrender Jugurtha, b.c. 106, who is led in triumph and then starved to death, b.c. 104. 12. Before the war with Jugurtha was over, that with the Northern barbarians had begun. The Cimbri and Teutones cimbricrav- — Celts probably and Germans — issuing, as it ages. would Seem, from the tract beyond the Rhine and Danube, appeared suddenly in vast numbers in the re- gion between those streams and the Alps, ravaging it at their will, and from time to time threatening, and even crossing, the Roman frontier, and inflicting losses upon the Roman armies. The natives of the region especially subject to their ravages, in great part, joined them, especially the Amb rones, Tigurini, and Tectosages. As early as b.c. 113 a horde of Cimbri crossed the Alps and defeated the consul Cn. Papirius Carbo, in Istria. In b.c. 109, Cimbri appeared on the borders of Roman Gaul (Provence) and demanded lands. Opposed by the consul M. Junius Silanus, they at- PART I., PEK. v.] JUGURTHINE AND CIMBRIC WARS. 469 tacked and defeated him; and from this time till b.c. 101 the war raged almost continuously, Marius finally brmgmg it to a close by his victory near Vercellse in that year. Details of the Cimbric War. Defeat of Junius Silanus in Gaul, b.c. 109. Of L. Cassius Longinus, b.c. 107. Great defeat of Q. Servilius C»- pio and Cn. Mallius in the same region, B.C. 105, Marius Cimbric War, ^^^^ consul, B.C. 104. The Cimbri invade Spain, and engage "■^' ' the Celtiberians, Avho after a while defeat them and compel them to recross the Pyrenees. Marius, meanwhile, with Sulla as his legate, organ- izes his army. First appearance of the Teutones upon the scene, b.c. 103— they join the Cimbri in Gaul, and arrange a combined attack on Italy, the Teutones undertaking to force their way through Provence and the Western passes, while the Cimbri eaitered Switzerland and sought the passes already known to them towards the East. Marius, who is re-elected consul year af- ter year, remains in Provence to resist the Teutones, while his colleague of the year b.c. 102, C. Lutatius Catulus, awaits the Cimbri in North Italy. Great victory of Marius over the Teutones and Ambrones near Aqu» Sextiie (Aix)— 150,000 slain and 90,000 made prisoners, b.c. 102. Invasion of It- aly by the Cimbri, b.c. 101. Defeat of Lutatius on the Athesis (Adige). The Cimbri ascend the valley of the Po, expecting to form a junction with the Teutones. They are met near Vercellie by the combined armies of Ma- rius and Lutatius, and suffer a complete defeat-UO,000 fall; 60,000 are made prisoners ; and the war is thus brought to a close. 13. The victories of Aquae Sextiae and Yercellse raised Marius to a dangerous eminence. Never, since the first es- tablishment of the Republic, had a single citizen .SSomefna. SO far outshone all rivals. Had Marius possessed Snus! Bfo.' real statesmanship, he might have anticipated the 101-100. ^^j.^ (jf Julius, and have imposed himself on the State as its permanent head. But, though sufiiciently ambi- tious, he wanted judgment and firmness. He had no clear and definite views, either of the exact position to which he aspired, or of the means whereby he was to attain to it. His course was marked by hesitation and indecision. Endeavor- ing to please all parties, he pleased none. At first allying himself with Glaucia and Saturninus, he gave his sanction to the long series of measures by which the latter — the first thorough Roman demagogue — sought to secure the favor of the lower orders. He encouraged the persecution of Metel- lus, and gladly saw him driven into exile, thus deeply ofiend- ing the senatorial party. But when the violence and reck- lessness of his allies had provoked an armed resistance and civil disturbances began, he shrank from boldly casting in 470 HOME. [book v. his lot with the innovators, and, while attempting to screen, in fact sacrificed, his friends. Election of Marius to liis sixth consulship, b.c. 101. Saturninus seeks the tribunate, but is defeated by Nonius ; whereupon he has Nonius murdered and himself elected by a packed assembly in his place. He then, b.c. 100, brings forward the following measures : — (1) A law to assign extensive tracts of land in Cisalpine Gaul, and in Africa, to all those, whether Romans or Italians, who had served under Marius ; the amount which individuals were to receive being as much, in some instances, as J 00 jugers. (2) A law to plant large colonies in Sicily, Achaea, and Macedonia. (3) A law to supply the settlers with money from the public tionsury to enable them to stock their lands. Degradation of the Senate, which is required to sivear to the first law. Refusal of Metellus leads to his exile. Fourth law of Saturninus — to reduce the price of the corn annually distributed to Roman citizens (see p. 4G6) from 6| asses the modius to f of an as. Riots excited by the nobles prevent the passing of this law. Eresh riots at the consular elections. C. Memmius beaten to death by the partisans of Glaucia and Saturninus. The Senate declare Glaucia and Saturninus public enemies, who thereupon seize the Capitol. Hesitation of Marius ; he at last consents to act against them. They suri-ender, trusting to his protection. He endeavors to secure them a formal trial ; but the partisans of the Senate attack them in the Curia Hos- tilia, where Marius has confined them, and put them to death. 14. The fall of Saturninus was followed, b.c. 99, by the re- call of Metellus from banishment, and the voluntary exile of Time of trail- ^^^^ haughty and now generally unpopular Mari- 99-91^^'Re*'' ^^^' ^^^^^ great general but poor statesman re- newed troub- tired to Asia and visited the court of Mithridates. M.'Livius The triumph of his rival, though stained by the rusns. murder of another tribune, seemed for a time to have given peace to Rome ; but the period of tranquillity was not of long duration. In b.c. 91, M. Livius Drusus, the son of the Drusus who had opposed C. Gracchus, brought forward a set of measures which had for their object the reconcilement, at Rome, of the Senatorian with the Eques- trian Order, and, in Italy, of the claims of the Italians with those of the old citizens of Rome. There had now been for thirty years a struggle at Rome between the nobles and the bourgeoisie on the question of which of the two should fur- nish the judices (see p. 464) ; expectations had been also for about the same space of time held out to the Italians gen- erally that they would be accepted into full citizenshij). It was venturesome in Drusus to address himself at one and the same time to both these great questions. Successfully PART I., PER. v.] SOCIAL WAR. 471 to grapple with them a man was required of first-rate pow- ers, one who could bend opposing classes to his will, and compel or induce them to accept, however reluctantly, the compromise which he considered just or expedient. Drusus seems to have possessed mere good intentions, combined with average ability. He carried his "lex de judiciis," but was unable to pass that extending the franchise. Once more the Roman conservatives had recourse to assassina- tion, and delayed a necessary reform by a bold use of the knife. Drusus was murdered before his year of office was out ; and the laws which he had passed were declared null and void by the government. The "Lex Sempronia judiciaria," which made the knights furnish the "judices," B.C. 123 (see p. 464), was repealed, b.c. 106, by a law of Q. Cm- pio Servilius, which restored their old right to the Senate. But this Ser\ il- ian law was set aside by that of the tribune C. Servilius Glaucia, b.c. 10 i, which recalled into force the Sempronian enactment. The compromise of Drusus placed the knights and the Senate on an equal footing. Three hun- dred knights elected by the order, were to form the panel together with three hundred senators. The repeal of this law restored to the knights the exclu- sive possession of the much-coveted privilege. 15. The murder of Drusus drove the Italians to despair. Accustomed for many years to form an important element Social War, in the Roman armies, and long buoyed up with U.C. 90-88. hoj)es of obtaining the advantages of citizenship — the chief of which were lands, cheap corn, and the covert bribery of largesses — the tribes of Central and Southern Ita- ly, finding their champion murdered and their hopes dashed to the ground, flew to arms. Eight nations, chiefly of the Sabine stock, entered into close alliance, chose Corfinium in the Pelignian Apennines for their capital, and formed a fed- eral republic, to which they gave the name of " Italia." At the outset, great success attended the efibrt ; and it seemed as if Rome must have succumbed. Lucius Cgesar, one of the consuls, Perperna, one of his legates, and Postumius, the prse- tor, were defeated. The allies overran Campania, destroyed a consular army under Caepio, and entered into negotiations with tjie northern Italians, whose fidelity now wavered. But the sagacious policy of Rome changed the face of af- fairs, and secured her a triumph which she could not have accomplished by arms alone. The " Julian Law " conferred full citizenship both on such of the Italians as bad taken no 472 ROME. [cooic V. part in the war liithcrto, the Etruscans, Umbrians, Sabines proper, Hernicaus, etc., and also on all such as upon the pas- sage of the law ceased to take part in it. By this proviso the revolt became disorganized; a'" peace party" was form- ed in the ranks of the allies ; nation after nation fell away from the league ; Rome gained successes in the field ; and at last, when only Samniimi and Lucania remained in arms, the policy of concession was once more adroitly used, and the "Lex Plotia," which granted all that the allies had ever claimed, put an end to the war. Details of the Social War. Formation of the League between the eight nations — viz., the Marsi, Marmcini, Pehgni, Vestini, Picentini, Sam- nites, Apuli, and Lncani, B.C. 90. Pompa^dius and Papius made " consuls." Great successes of the alHes. Revolt threatens to spread into North Italy. Passage of the "Lex Julia." Resistance of the allies slackens, b.c. 89. Sulla and the elder Pompey gain advantages. Campania recovered. Cor- finium taken. Passage of the "Lex Plotia." Submission of the Peligni and Vestini, u.c. 88 — then of the Marrucini and Marsi. Rebellion trampled out in Lucania and Samnium. 16. The part taken by Marius in the Social War had re- dounded little to his credit. He had served as legate to the ^ ,^ ,. . consul Rutilius, in the first disastrous year, and Exaltation of , ^ ^ ,. ^ ' , , ^ -,. «» t -^ Sulla. Jeai- had declmed battle when Pompsedius offered it. us?^Histr^" Probably his sympathies were with the revolters, umph, B.C. 88. ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ desire to push them to extremi- ties. Sulla, on the other hand, had greatly increased his reputation by his campaigns of b.c. 89 and 88 ; and it was therefore natural that he should be selected by the Senate as the commander who Avas to undertake the war against Mithridates, which needed a first-rate general. But this se- lection deeply offended Marius, who had long regarded the conduct of that struggle as his due. Determined to displace his rival, or perhaps actuated by a less selfish motive, he suddenly undertook the open championship of the Italians, whose forced admission to the franchise the government was attempting to make a mockery by confining them, despite their large numbers, to some eight or ten tribes. At^his in- stigation, the tribune Sulpicius proposed and, by means of tumult, carried a law distributing the new voters through all the tribes, and thus giving them the complete control of the Comitia. At the same time, he enrolled in the tribes a PART I., PER. v.] SULLA AND M Alii L'S. 473 large number ot freedmen. Comitia thus formed passed, as a matter of course, an enactment depriving Sulla of his post, and transferring the command to Marius, b.c. 88. 1 7. The insulted consul was not prepared to submit to his adversary. Quitting Rome, he made an appeal to his le- Sniia takes up gions, and finding them ready to back his claims, flfs'lRoraVas 1^^ marchcd straight upon the capital The step a couqueror. gggms to have been a complete surprise to Mari- us, who had taken no j^recautions to meet it. In vain did the Roman people seek to defend their city from the hostile entrance of Roman troops under a Roman general. A threat of applying the torch to their houses quelled them. In vain Marius, collecting such forces as he could find, withstood his rival in the streets and at first repulsed him. The hasty lev- ies which alone he had been able to raise w^ere no match for the legionaries. The victory remained with Sulla ; and the defeated Marians were forced to seek safety in flight. Through a wonderful series of adventures, the late director of aiiairs at Rome, with his son, reached Africa an almost unattended fugitive. 18. INIeantime, at Rome, the consul, confident in his armed strength, proscribed his adversaries, repealed the Sulpician He departs laws, put Sulpicius himsclf to death, and passed Reaction/* various measures faA^orable to the nobility. But cfnnaandMa- ^^^ could not remain permanently at the capital. rius, B.C. 8T. rpj^g affairs of the East called him away ; and no sooner w^as he gone than the flames of civil war burst out afresh. Cinna, raised to the consulate by the popular -par- ty, endeavored to restore the exiled Marius and to re-enact the laws of Sulpicius. But the aristocrats took arms. Cin- na, forced to fly, threw himself, like Sulla, upon the legion- aries, and having obtained their support, and also that of the Italians generally, while at the same time he invited Marius over from Africa, marched on Rome with his parti- sans. Again the city was taken, and this time was treat- ed like one conquered from an enemy. The friends of Sulla w^ere butchered; the houses of the rich plundered; and the honor of noble families put at the mercy of slaves. Prose- cutions of those who had escaped the massacre followed. Sulla was proscribed, and a reign of terror was inaugurated which lasted for several months. But the death of Marius, 474 ROME. [book v. early iu b.c. 86, put a stop to tlie worst of tliese horrors, thoiio-li Rome remained for two years longer under a species of dictatorship, constitutional forms being suspended. Capture of Rome, b.c. 87. Marius and Cinna assume the consulship. Death of Marius, Jan. 13, B.C. 86. Cinna sole consul. Law of Valerius Flaccus reduces debts to one-third of their real amount. Cinna continues his consulship, and joins Avith himself Cn. Papirius Carbo, B.C. 85. Threatening attitude assumed by Sulla in the East. The .consuls determine to proceed against him, but the soldiers decline to engage in civil war, and murder Cin- na at Ancona. Carbo sole consul till B.C. 84, when Norbanus and L. Scipio are elected. Agrarian law proposed, and extension of the franchise to all who had served under Cinna or Marius. 19. Meanwhile, in the East, Sulla had been victorious over Mithridates, had recovered Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Mi^ nor, crushed Fimbria, the Marian partisan, who diticWai"^" sought to deprive him of his laurels, collected JS.0.SS-S4. ^^^^^ sums of money, and, above all, brought a large Roman army to feel that devotion to his person which is easily inspired in soldiers by a successful general. It is creditable to Sulla that he at no moment allowed his private quarrels to interfere with the public interests, but postponed the rectification of his own wrongs until he had taken ample vengeance for those of his country. The peace of Dardanus was in the highest degree honorable to Rome and humilia- ting to Mithridates, who not only abandoned all his con- quests, but consented to a fine of 2000 talents and surren- dered his fleet. Having accomplished in five campaigns, conducted mainly from his private resources, all the objects of the war, Sulla could with propriety address himself to the settlement of his quarrel with the Marians, and having put down Fimbria in Asia, could make his arrangements for fighting out the civil struggle, which had long been inevita- ble, in Italy and at Rome itself. Details of the First Mithridatic War. Mithridates overruns Asia Minor, and defeats the Roman general. Ma. Aquillius. General massacre of the Romans in Asia, B.C. 88. Revolt of Athens, into which Mithridates throws a strong garrison, B.C. 87. Sulla lands in Epirus, with 50,000 men. Siege of Athens and Piraeus. Athens taken, March 1, b.c. 8G. The Mith- ridatic generals, Archelaiis and Taxilas, defeated at Chagroneia. Archelaiis and Dorylaiis defeated near Orchomenus. The Marian, Elaccus, sent to su- persede Sulla, is murdered by his legate, Fimbria, who leads his army across the Hellespont and engages Mithridates in Asia, b.c. 85. Victory of Fim- bria in Bithynia. Sulla detained in Europe by the resistance of Mithridates's PART I., PER. v.] FIRST CIVIL WAR. 475 allies in Thrace. Victory of Lucullus over the Mithridatic fleet off Tenedos. Mithridates sues for peace. Peace agreed upon in a personal interview be- tween Sulla and Mithridates at Dardanus, B.C. 84. 20. The determination of Sulla to return to Italy at the head of his army, and measure his strength against that of Return of Syi- the Marians, had been apparent from the moment 83^;*^and Firs? when he declined to yield his command to Vale- CMi War. i-i^^s Flaccus, B.C. 86. The gage of battle had in fact been thrown down to him by his adversaries, when they declared him a public enemy, and he would have been more than human if he had not accepted it. He knew that the party of the nobles, whereof he was the representative, was still strong at Rome, and he felt that he could count on the army which he had now so often led to victory. The death of Marius had made him beyond dispute the first of living generals. There was none among the leaders of the oppo- site faction for whom he could feel much respect, unless it were the self-restrained and far from popular Sertorius. The strength of his adversaries lay in the Roman mob and in the Italians. For the former he had all a soldier's contempt ; but the latter he knew to be formidable. He therefore, with adroit policy, prefaced his return by a declaration that he "intended no interference with the rights of any citizen, new or old." The Italians accepted the j^ledge, and stood neutral during the opening scenes of the contest. History of the First Civil War. Sulla landed in Italy Avith no more than about 40,000 men. He Avas joined, hoAvever, almost immediately by Metellus Pius, by Crassus, and by Pompey. HaA-ing defeated the consul Norbanus near Capua, and seduced into his service the army of Scipio, the other consul, he passed the Avinter of B.C. 83 in Central Italy, Avhere he estab- lished the influence of his party. In b.c. 82 the Marians took the field Avith 200,000 men under Carbo and the young Marius, the ncAv consuls. Carbo fixed his quarters at Clusium, in Etruria, Avhere the Marian cause AA^as popu- lar. Young Marius occupied the strong Latin city of Praneste. Sulla at- tacked his more youthful antagonist first. Having defeated him in the great battle of Angiportus, he shut him up in Proeneste, and passing through Rome, Avhich Avas undefended, he attacked Carbo in his intrenchments, but failed to effect any thing. MeauAvhile young Marius had made an appeal to the Lu- canians and the Samnites, and had prevailed on them to espouse his cause. But the gallantry of C. Pontius Telesinus and his brave Italians, Avas exerted in Aain. The Northern army Avas destroyed in detail by Carbo's unskillful- ness, and the last hopes of the Marians Avere ruined by the battle of the Col- line Gate, where Sulla and Crassus, after a desperate struggle, succeeded in 476 ROME. [book v. defeating the remnants of Carbo's army i-einforced by the Italians under Tel- esinus. After the victory Sulla showed the stuff of which he was made by massacring in cold blood 6000 Samnite prisoners. 21. The triumph of Sulla and the nobles was stamed by a murderous cruelty such as Rome had never yet witncvssed. Cruel severity "^^^ ^^^^J ^^^'® *^® leaders of the late war, and of Sulla after evcrv relation of Marius that could be found, put his victow. ' r^ He abdicates, to death, but at Rome the wealthy bourgeoisie, "■^*^^' and in the provinces the disaffected Italians, were slaughtered by thousands. The fatal "lists" of the "pro- scribed " began ; and numbers of wholly innocent persons were executed merely on account of their wealth. Nearly 3000 are said to have perished at Rome, 12,000 at Prseneste, and numbers not much smaller at other Italian cities which had favored the Marians. The property of every victim was confiscated. Sulla remained lord of Rome, first with no title, then as "dictator," for the space of nearly three years, when he astonished the world by a voluntary abdication of power, a retirement to Puteoli, and a dedication of the re- mainder of his life to amusement and sensual pleasures. First, however, by his dictatorial power lie entirely reformed the Roman Constitution, depriving it of all elements of a popular character, and concentrating all power in the hands of the Senate. Internal Changes effected by Sulla. (1) Degradation of the trib- unate by the extinction of all its powers except tliat of protecting the per- sons of citizens against the other magistrates. (2) Sole right CoustituUou °^ initiating legislation given to the Senate. (3) The judicia placed once more in the hands of the Senate o\\\v. (4) Elec- tion to the high priestly offices of pontiffs and augurs abolished, and the prin- ciple of filling them up by " co-optation " re-established. (5) Restoration in a rigorous form of the "lex annalis," which required all candidates for high office to have passed through all the lower grades in a regular order, Avith fixed intervals of time between them. (6) Judicious measures against crimes — lex de sicariis, de veneftcns, etc. Besides these permanent enact- ments, Sulla, as dictator, undertook and effected a reconstruction of the Sen- ate, the Tribes, and the Centuries, which he aiTanged as he thought best. The Senate he filled up to the number of 300 from his own creatures. The Tribes he " purified " by rejecting all, Italians or others, who had taken part with the Marians in the late war, and giving the franchise to 10,000 emanci- pated slaves. . Of the Centuries he made out his own list, on what principles we are not told. He then submitted all his laws to the body which lie had thus constituted. Their acceptance was, it is plain, under the circumstances, a matter of course. PART I., rKK. v.] WAK WITH SEKTOKIUS. 4V7 On the character and legislation of Sulla, the student may consult with advantage the work of Lau, Th., Cornelius Sulla, eine Biographie. Hamburg, 1855 ; 8vo. 22. It was not to be expected that the violent changes introduced by Sulla into the Roman constitution could long Symptoms of I'emain unmodified. The popular party might be reaction. paralyzed by terror for a time; but it was sure to revive. The excesses of the nobles, now that their power was wholly unchecked, could not but provoke reaction. The very nobles themselves were scarcely likely to submit long to the restraints which the " lex annalis " placed Lepidus and upon their ambition. Accordingly, Ave find that siciniusfaii. j^^j^gjiately after Sulla's death, b.c. 78, an at- tempt was made by Lepidus, the consul, to rescind his laws and restore the former constitution. This attempt, it is true, failed, as being premature ; and so did the effort of the tribune Cn. Sicinius, in b.c. 76, to restore its powers to the tribunate. But, six years later, after the Sertorian and Gladiatorial Wars had been brought to an end and the strength of Mithridates broken, Sulla's constitution was wholly set aside, and the power of the nobles received a check from which it never subsequently recovered. 23. The individual who had the greatest share in bringing about the reversal of Sulla's j'eforms rose into notice under Rise of Pom- Sulla himself, but acquired the influence which en- pey to power. c^\q^ \^\jn. to effect a great constitutional change in the wars which intervened between the years b.c. 77 and 70. Cn. Pompeius, whose father was a " new man" {novus homo), and who was thus only just within the pale of the nobility, secured for himself a certain consideration by the zeal with which he worked for Sulla. Having crushed the Marians in Sicily and Africa, and lent effectual aid to the consul Catu- lus against Lepidus, he was rewarded in b.c. 77 by being sent as proconsul to Spain, where Sertorius, recently one of the Marian leaders, had established an independent kingdom, and defied all the efforts of the aged Metellus to reduce him. Originally the object of Sertorius was to maintain himself in a position of antagonism to Rome by the torius, n.c. 79- swords of the Spaniards ; but when Perperna and '^^' the remnant of the Marian party fled to him, his views became enlarged, and he aspired to reinstate his parti- 478 liOME, [book v. sans in anthority at Rome itself. He would probably have succeeded in this aim, had not Perperna, thinking that he had found an opportunity of supplanting him in the affec- tions of the Spaniards, removed him by assassination. The war was after this soon brought to a close, Perperna having neither Sertorius's genius for command nor his power of awakening personal attachment. Details of the Sertorian War. Flight of Sertorins from Italy to Spain, B.C. 83. He is expelled from Spain by C. Annius and crosses to Af- rica. At the invitation of the Lusitanians, he returns, B.C. 81, and, putting himself at their head, establishes a small independent kingdom. Metellus is sent against him, B.C. 79, but fails to effect any thing. By successiA-e victo- ries almost the whole peninsula is won from the Romans, A government is organized in which Spaniards and Romans share equally. Fei-perna joins Scrtorius with the remnant of the army of Lepidus, B.C. 77. Pompey sent to Spain as proconsul ; jealousy between him and Metellus. War continues Avith alternations of victory and defeat, B.C. 76 to 75. Sei'torius negotiates A.ith Mithridates, and aspires to impose his will on Rome. He becomes Inrsh to the Spaniards and addicts himself to the immoderate use of wine. Siege of Palencia, B.C. 74. Pompey retires Avith loss. Murder of Sertorius by Perperna, after the former had ordered the execution of the Spanish hos- tages, B.C. 72. Complete defeat of Perperna by Pompey, and end of the Avar within a fcAV Aveeks of Sertorius's death. 24. Before the Sertorian war was ended, that of the Gladi- ators had broken out. Si3artacus, a Thracian chief, who had -^ ,^. been made prisoner and then forced to become a War of the i -,-,, ., -,.. Giaciiators,B.c. gladiator, persuaded those m the same condition as himself at Capua to rise against their tyrants. Joined by vast numbers of slaves and outlaws, he soon found himself at the head of 100,000 men. Four generals sent against him were defeated signally, and during two entire years he ravaged Italy at his will, and even threatened Rome itself. But intestine division showed itself in his ranks; his lieutenants grew jealous of him; and in b.c. 71, the war was committed to the praetor Crassus, who in six months brought it to a termination. Spartacus fell, fight- ing bravely, near Brundusium. His followers generally dis- persed; but a body of 5000, which kept together, forced its way through Italy and had nearly reached the Alps, when Pompey on his return from Spain fell in with it and destroy- ed it utterly. About the same time, Crassus crucified all those wliom he had made prisoners, amounting to 6000. 25. The successful termination of these two important PART I., I'ER. v.] LAWS OF POMPEY AND CKASSUS. 470 struggles exalted in the public esteem two men especially, Cousuiship of the rich and shrewd Crassus, and the bland, at- c?assuJ,u!a tractive, and thoroughly respectable Pompey. ^^- To them the State had in its dangers committed itself; and they now claimed, not unnaturally, to be reward- ed for their services by the consulship. But the Sullasan constitution forbade their election ; and to elFect it the " lex annalis " had to be broken through. The breach thus made was rapidly enlarged. Though hitherto SuUa^ans, Pompey and Crassus had now, it would seem, become convinced, ei- ther that it was impossible to maintain a strictly oligarchi- cal constitution, or that such a constitution was not for their own personal interest. They had determined to throw them- selves upon tlie suj^port and sympathies of the Roman hour- geoisie^ or upper middle class, and resting upon this basis to defy the oligarchy. The moving spirit in the matter was, no doubt, Pompey, who easily persuaded his less clever col- league. Three measures were determined upon: — (l) The Their ie<^isia- I'Gstoration of the power of the tribunes, and the tiou. consequent resuscitation of the tribes ; (2) The transference of the judicia to a body of which one-third only should be furnished by the Senate, the knights furnishing one-third, and the remaining third being drawn from the Tribuni JErarii ; (3) A purification of the government from its grossest scandals, partly by prosecutions, as that of Ver- res, partly by a revival of the office of censor, which liad been suspended by Sulla. Despite a fierce opposition on. the part of the Senate, these measures were carried. The Senate was purged by the expulsion of sixty-four of its members. Verres Avas driven into exile. The control of the judicia was transferred from the nobles to the upper middle class. The paralysis of political life, wdiich Sulla's legislation had pro- duced, was terminated by the restoration of a double initia- tive, and the consequent rivalry betAveen two parties and two classes for the direction of the aifairs of the State. The accession of Cicero to the party of Pompey was an event of consider- able importance. It is doubtful whether any other orator could so thorough- ly and effectively have exposed the rottenness of the system upon which the provinces were administered ; and without such an exposure the Senatorial party would scarcely have suffered defeat. 26. A pause now occurred in the career of Pompey, who 480 ROME. [book v. took no province at the close of his consulship, apparently- contented with his achievements, or waiting till Pompey. somc great occasion should recall him to the serv- fnc? of Julius ice of the State. In this interval — b.c. 69 to 67 c«sar. — ^ j^g^^ character appeared upon the scene. C. Julius Caesar, the nephew of Marius and son-in-law of Cinna, whom Sulla had spared in a moment of weariness or weak- ness, acting probably in concert with Crassus and Pompey, exhibited at the funeral of Julia, his own aunt and the wid- ow of Marius, the bust of that hero. At the same time, he pleaded the cause of his uncle, Cornelius Cinna, and obtained his recall, together with that of other Marian partisans. His wife, Cornelia, dying, he connected himself with Pompey by marriage. At this time the qusestorship, and soon after- wards the sedileship, were conferred upon him. The Pom- peians regarded him with favor as a useful, but scarcely dangerous, adherent ; the men of more advanced opinions already looked upon him as their leader, the chief who might, and probably would, give effect to their ideas. 27. After two years of affected retirement, Pompey was once more, in b.c. 67, impatient for action. A danger had Pompey un- ^oug been growing up in the Eastern Mediterra- dertakesthe nean.which by this time had become an evil of war agaiust ' -^ the pirates. the first magnitude. The creeks and valleys of granted to Western Cilicia and Pamj)hylia (or Pisidia) had hira, B.C. 6 . f^^ii^i^ jj^^Q ^l^e hands of pirates, whose numerous fleets had continually increased in boldness, and who now ventured to plunder the coasts of Italy and intercept the corn-ships on which the food of Rome depended. Pomj^ey undertook the war against this foe, and the opportunity was seized by his creatures to invest him with a species of com- mand never before enjoyed, and dangerous as a precedent. He was given by the lex Gahinia authority over all the Mediterranean coasts, and over every city and territory within fifty miles of the sea-board, b.c. 67. These extraor- dinary powers were used quite unexceptionally ; Pompey applied them solely to the purposes of the war, which he began and ended in three months. First war with the pirates in Isauria (part of Pisidia), B.C. 75. Conducted with some success by the proconsul, Q. Sen'ilius — thence called Isauricus. Encouragement given to them by Mithridates. Appointment of M. Antonius PAKT I., FEB. v.] POMPEY AND C^SAR. 481 to conduct the war, b.c. 75. lie attacks Crete, which has fallen into their jjower, but fails, and dies there. Q. Metellus is sent against Crete, b.c. 68, and reduces it to the form of a province. Gabinian law authorizes the Sen- ate to appoint a general with extraordinary powers, and is passed, notwith- standing the opposition of the nobles. Pompey appointed, u.c. G7. By the simultaneous movements of a number of squadrons, he obtains a complete success. 28. The precedent set by the Gabinian law was soon fol- lowed. In B.C. 66 the tribune C. Manilius moved, and Cic- He concludes ero urged, that the entire command of the whole MuSates? East should be intrusted to Pompey for an indefi- B.0.65. jji^g term, " until he had brought the Mithridatic war to an end ;" and he once more set forth to employ his military talents for the advantage of his country. The Mith- ridatic war, conducted by Lucullus since b.c. 74, dragged on but slowly, partly in consequence of the aid given to Mithri- dates by Tigranes, partly owing to the economic measures of Lucullus himself, which alienated from him the affections of his soldiers. (See p. 333.) Pompey, by relaxing the strict rules of his predecessor, and by the politic device of an alli- ance with the Parthian king Phraates, terminated the war gloriously in the space of two years, driving Mithridates into the regions beyond the Caucasus, b.c. 65. For the details of the Third Mithridatic War, see pp. 333, 334. So long as Mithridates lived, the war was not regarded as wholly over. It might at any time have been rekindled. But the suicide of the aged monarch, in B.a 63, consequent upon the rebellion of his son, removed the last fear of a ft-esh outbreak, and left Pompey af liberty to settle the East at his pleasure. 29. After driving Mithridates beyond the Caucasus, Pom- pey proceeded to overrun and conquer the rest of Asia with- nis conquest in the Euphrates. He made himself master of PiStine^B^c. ^^^ kingdom of the Seleucidse without a blow, G4-G3. r^j^^ reduced it into a Roman province. He pro- ceeded through Coele-Syria to Judoea, besieged and took Je- rusalem, and entered the Holy of Holies. War with the Idumsean Arabs followed, but was interrupted by the death of Mithridates ; after which the Roman general, content with his gains, applied himself to the task of regulating and ar- ranging the conquered territory — a task which occupied him for the rest of the year. He then returned home in a tri- umphal progress, b.c. 62, and arrived at Rome early in B.C. 61. 21 482 KOME. [book v. • Besides Syria, Bithynia and Pontus were made Roman provinces. Phar- naces, the son of Mithridates, was allowed to retain the Crimea. Ariobar- zanes once more received Cappadocia. Deiotarns, pi-ince of Galatia, had his dominions extended. Hyrcanus was established as king of Judeea. 30. Meanwliile at Rome, the State had incurred the dan- ger of subversion at the hands of a daring profligate. L. ^ Serojius Catilina, a patrician of broken fortunes, Couspiracyof ^ I ^ . ' Catiline, u.c. a man representing no party unless it were that of the ruined spendthrifts and desperadoes Avith which Rome and Italy now abounded, having failed in an attempt to better his condition, by means of the consulate, with its reversionary province, b.c. 64, combined Avith others in a similar position to himself, and formed a plot to murder the consuls, seize Rome, and assume the government. Sup- port was expected, not only from the class of needy adven- turers, but from the discontented Italians, from the veterans of Sulla, eager for excitement and plunder, from the gladia- torial schools, from slaves and criminals, and from foreigners. The tacit aquiescence of the Marian party was counted on ; and Caesar, and even Crassus, were said to have been privy to the conspirators' designs. But the promptitude and ad- dress of Cicero, consul at the time, frustrated the scheme; and, after a short civil war, the danger was removed by the defeat of the rebels in Etruria, b.c. 62, and the death of the arch-conspirator. Pirst conspiracy of Catiline, B.C. 65, fails througb the death of Piso, Avho was to have supported it Avith his Spanish levies. Second conspiracy, b.c. 63. Catiline, denounced by Cicero, quits Rome. Execution of Lentulus and Cethegus. Catiline defeated by the proconsul, Antonius, b.c. 62. Falls in the battle. 31. In the absence of Pompey, the guidance of aifairs at Rome had been assumed chiefly by three men. These were Influence of ^^^^i Cicero, and Caesar. Crassus, who is some- Cato Cicero, times mentioned with them as a leader, was in Growing pow- reality too indolent and too Aveak in character to aesar. , -^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ account, and could only influence affairs by means of his enormous wealth. Cato, a descend- ant of the old censor, and a man of similar character, was at the head of the Senatorial party ; Caesar Avas the acknowl- edged chief of the Marians; Avhile Cicero held an intermedi- ate position, depending for his poAver almost wholly on his PART I., PER. v.] FIRST TRIUMVIRATE. 433 unrivalled eloquence, and having the confidence of neither of the two great factions. Of the three, the one whose gen- ius was the greatest, and whose influence manifestly tended to preponderate, was Caesar. Though bankrupt in fortune, such was the adroitness of his conduct, and such the inherent strength of the principles with which he was identified, that at every turn of affairs he rose higher, and tended to become more and more manifestly the first man in the Republic. Entitled to assist in the administration of justice after his sedileship, he boldly condemned to death agents in the Syl- Igean assassinations; he defeated the chief of the Senate, Cat- ulus, in a contest for the oflice of Pontifex Maximus ; ac- cused of complicity in the conspiracy of Catiline, he forced Cicero to admit that, on the contrary, he had given the in- formation which led to its detection ; elected praetor in b.c. 62, he bearded the Senate by the protection of Masintha, baflled their attempt to entangle him in a quarrel with the profligate Clodius, and finally, having obtained a loan of 830 talents (£200,000) from Crassus, he assumed in b.c. 61 the government of the Farther Spain, where he comj^leted the conquest of Lusitania, and made himself the favorite of an important army. His star was clearly in the ascendant when Pompey, after an unwise delay in the East, at length returned to Rome soon after Coesar had quitted it. 32. During his absence Pompey had become more and more an object of suspicion to the Senate ; and his own pro- Retmnof cccdiugs, as the time of his return approached, RoSe%.o?6i. ^^^^'^ ^^^^^^ calculated to insj^ire confidence. His ^ITZJ^y''''' creature, Metellus Nepos, who arrived in Rome league of B.C. 62, was HI Constant communication with the sar, and' eras- Marian chief, Caesar, and proposed early in that sus,B.c.6o. yg^j. ^i^g recall of Pompey, with his army, to Ita- ly, and the assignment to him of all the powers of the State, for the purpose of concluding the Catilinarian war. The boldness of Cato baflled this insidious attempt ; and, when the proconsul returned in B.C. 61, it was with a studious ap- pearance of moderation and respect for the law. He dis- banded his troops as soon as he touched the soil of Italy, came to Rome accompanied by only a few friends, obtained the consent of the Senate to his triumph, claimed no extraor- dinary honors, and merely demanded allotments for his sol- 484 ROME. [book v. diers and the ratification of liis Asiatic " acts," wliicli were all certainly within the terms of his commission. But the Senate had passed from undue alarm to undue contempt, and were pleased to thwart one whom they disliked and had so lately feared. Pompey's requests were refused — his " acts " were unconfirmed — and his veterans denied their promised allotments. Hereupon, Pompey accepted the overtures made to him by Caesar, w^ho efl:ected the private league or cabal known afterwards as the " First Triumvirate," between him- self, Pompey, and Crassus, the basis of which was understood to be antagonism to the Senatorial party, and the mainten- ance against all rivals of the triumvirs' power and influence. 33. The formation of the triumvirate was immediately followed by the election of Caesar to the consulate, and the Consulship of passing, by means of tumult and violence, of a Cffisar, B.0. 59. imn;^|)ei. of laws for the advantage of the people. The first of these was an Agrarian Bill on an extensive scale, which provided for the veterans of Pompey, and at the same time gave estates in Campania to a large portion of the Roman populace. A second forced the Senate to swear to the Bill under penalty of death. A third relaxed the terms on which the knights were farming the revenues of Asia. At the close of a consulate which was almost a dictator- ship, Coesar obtained for himself the government of the two Gauls and of Illyricum for a space of five years, thus secur- ing himself a wide field for the exercise of his military tal- ents, and obtaining the opportunity of forming a powerful army devoted wholly to his interests. The bonds between the two chief triumvirs were drawn tighter by the marriage of Pompey to Julia, the daughter of Crosar. Cajsarat the same time married Calpurnia, the daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso. 34. The triumvirs could not count on the firm establish- ment of their power, so long as the two party-leaders, Cicero Exile of cice- ^^^^ Cato, maintained unimpaired their high and ro, B.C.58. dignified position. Accordingly, they set them- selves through their creatures at once to remove from the seat of government these two statesmen, and to cast a per- manent slur upon their characters. The tribune Clodius drove Cicero into banishment on the charge of his having acted illegally in putting to death Lentulus and Cethegus. The great orator's property was confiscated, and his houses PART i.,rER. v.] MEASURES OF CLODIUS. 485 were demolished. As against Cato no plausible charge Catosentto could bc made, his removal was effected by Cyprus. thrusting upon him an unwelcome commission which was likely to bring odium on those engaged in it. He was sent to deprive Ptolemy of his kingdom of Cyprus on pretexts utterly frivolous, and to convert that island into a Koman province. Though Cato conducted himself with skill and with unimpeachable integrity in this delicate trans- action, yet the decline of his influence may be dated from his acceptance of an office unsuited to his character. 35. On Cicero the blow dealt by the triumvirs fell even more heavily. Though recalled from banishment within eighteen montlis of his quitting Italy, he never recovered his former position either in the opinion of others or in his own. Constitutionally timid, his exile effectually cowed him. He lost all confidence in the gratitude of his countrymen, in the afiection of his friends, in his own firmness and prudence. Henceforth he no longer aspired to direct the counsels of the State : his efforts were limited to moderating the violence of parties and securing his own personal safety by paying court to those in powei*. Towards the close of his career, indeed, he ventured once more to take a bolder attitude, but it was Avhen the star of Antony was beginning to pale be- fore the rise of a brighter luminary. In the Letters and Orations of Cicero Ave have by far the most important contributions to tlie history of the period betAveen SuHa and Augustus, Avhich the ravages of time have spared to us. The best Avorks on the Hfc and char- acter of the great orator are — Middleton's Life of Cicero. London, 1823 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Not super- seded by any later publication. WiELAND, Sdmmtliche Briefe des Cicero. Zurich, 1808 et seqq. ; 7 vols. 8vo. ' Merivale, ReA'. C, Life and Letters of Cicero. London, 1854 ; 8vo. 36. The tribune Clodius, who had moved and carried the measures by which Cicero and Cato were forced to quit ^ „ fr'- Kome, was not content to be a mere tool in the Recall of Lie- ' ero, IS.0.57; hands of the triumvirs. His measures for the aud prosecu- . -,..,. „ »,,... tionofcio- gratuitous distribution of corn, for the limitation of the censors' powers over the Senate, and for the re-establishment of the guilds, were probably concerted with Pompey; but it was not long before he exhUbited an 486 ROME. [book v. independent spirit, outraged his protector, and stood forward as a separate party-leader of the more violent kind. Pora- pey was thus forced to incline for a while towards the Sena- torians, to encourage the recall of Cicero, and to allow the prosecution of Clodius. It Avas the hope of the triumvir that affairs would fall into such a condition as manifestly to require a dictator, and that he would be selected for the of- fice. But the Senate's vigor was not yet exhausted ; it was content to reward Pom^Dey by a new commissionership (the proefectura muionce) ; to oppose its own " bravo," Milo, to Clodius ; and to foment discord between Pompey and Cras- sus, who naturally tended to become more and more jealous of each other. 37. Civil war would probably at this time have broken out, had it not been for the management of Caesar. At in- terviews which he held with Crassus and Pompey FrGsn iinuGr- standing be- at Ravcuna and Lucca, he succeeded in bringing tvveen the tri- . •■ , ^ j • • i ^ iimvirs, B.O. them to an agreement, and m arrangmg plans lor ^^' the further aggrandizement both of himself and them. He urged them to seek the consulate for the ensu- ing year, and to obtain for themselves such governments as suited them at its close. For himself he required the pro- longation of his proconsulship for a second term of five years. Within this period he could hope to have gained such successes as would dazzle the eyes of the Romans at home, and to have acquired unbounded influence over the veteran army, which would have then served ten years un- der his banner. 38. The Second Consulate of Pompey and Crassus, b.c. 55, brought about by violence and tumult, was a further step Second Con- towards the demoralization of the State, but pro- suiateofPom- cluccd a temporary lull in the strife of parties. pey audCras- , . ^ J . . ^ . . ,^ ^. SUP, n.o.55. ihe truimvu'S severally obtanied then* immedi- by' the Par- ate objccts. Despite the efforts of Cato, Caesar thiaus. ^^^^ assigned the Gauls for an additional term of five years. Pompey received the Spains for an equal period, while the rich East was made over to the avaricious Cras- sus, who became proconsul of Syria and commander-in-chief of the Roman forces in the Oriental provinces. Pompey, moreover, managed to establish the new principle of combin- ing the administration of a province with residence in the PAUT I., PKK. V.J AMBITION OF POMPEY. 487 capital. Under the pretext that his office of " prasfectus an- nonae " required his presence at Rome, he administered Spain by his legates, and, in the absence of Crassus, acquired the sole direction of affairs at the seat of empire. This position was still further secured to him by the death of Crassus in his rash expedition against the Parthians, b.c. 53. Departure of Crassus for the East, b.c. 55, He invades Mesopotamia, B.C. 54, and takes some unimportant towns, but returns into Syria for the winter. Second invasion, B.C. * 53. Crassus completely defeated in the country between the Belik and the Khabour, and soon afterwards treacher- ously seized by the Parthian general at a conference, and, in the tumult which ensued, slain. 39. The death of Crassus, by reducing the triumvirate to a duumvirate, precipitated the struggle which had been long Ambition of in^pending. The tie of relationship which united Pompey. He Pompev and Caesar had been dissolved by the forces Caesar ^•'. at it t-» to a rapture, death of Julia, B.C. 54. Another check on Fom- pey's ambition was removed by the murder of Clodius in an affray with Milo, b.c. 53. After this Pompey apparently thought that the time was at length come when, if Caesar could be disgraced, the State must fall wholly into his hands. He therefore encouraged the proposals that were made by the extreme aristocrats to deprive Caesar prema- turely of his proconsular office, or at any rate to prevent him from suing for the consulship until he had ceased to be the lord of legions. After himself holding the office of sole con- sul for the space of six months, b.c. 52, and obtaining the pro- longation of his own proconsulship for a further term of live years, he sought to reduce his partner and rival to the mere rank of an ordinary citizen. It was not to be supposed that Caesar would consent to this change, a change which would have placed his very life at his enemies' mercy. War was certain from the moment when, in spite of the veto of two tribunes, the Senate, at Pompey's instigation, appointed Cae- sar's successor, and required him, before standing for the con- sulate, to resign his proconsular command. Caesar would have lost all at which he had aimed for ten years, had he yielded obedience to this mandate. To expect him to do so was to look for antique self-denial and patriotism in an age when these virtues had been long out of date, and in an in- dividual who had never shown any signs of them. 488 ROME. [book v. Campaigns or C.esak between b.c. 58 and b.c. 50. Great migration of the Helvetii from SAvitzerland to Central Gaul, b.c. 58. They are pursued by Caisar, defeated in two battles, and forced to return. Campaign against the German chief, Ariovistus ; the Suevi are driven across the Rhine. Con- quest of Gallia Belgica, and submission of Northern Aquitania, b.c. 57. Galba, sent to occupy the Rhone valley above the Lake of Geneva, is defeat- ed and forced to retire. Great revolt of the Veneti and other tribes in Aquitania, B.C. 56. The Veneti receive help from Britain, but are shortly reduced to subjection. Southern Aquitania reduced by P. Crassus. Fresh invasion of Gaul by German tribes, b.c 55. Ciesar defeats them, drives them across the Rhine, and carries the war into Germany, proper by a raid across the Rhine. Later in the same year he invades Britain, and receives the submission of some chiefs, but loses most of his fleet by a storm. Sec- ond invasion of Britain, b.c 54. Defeat of Cassevelaun, and nominal sub- jection of his kingdom to a small tribute. Revolt breaks out in Gaul, but is suppressed. Destruction of the Eburones, b.c 53. Gaul continues unset- tled. Great rebellion under Vercingetorix, B.C. 52. Caisar defeated at Ger- govia. Danger of his position. Vercingetorix rashly offers battle, is defeat- ed, blockaded in his fortified camp, and forced to surrender. Last remnants of the rebellion trampled out, b.c 51. 40. On hearing of the Senatorial decrees, the resolve of Caesar was soon taken. He would appeal to the arbitrament Second Civil of arms. At the head of a veteran army devoted ^!^^m\ghto( to his person, with all the resources of Gaul to Pompey. draw upon, and endeared to the Italians general- ly as 'the successor of Marius, he felt himself more than a match for Pompey and the Senate*, and was ready to engage any force that they could bring against him. Accordingly he "crossed the Rubicon," and began his march upon Rome. Pompey had probably expected this movement, and had de- termined upon the line of conduct which he would pursue. He would not attempt to defend Italy, but would retire upon the East. In that scene of his old glories he would draw together a power sufficient, not only to secure him against his rival, but to re-enter and re-conquer Italy. He would drag the Senate with him, and having carried it be- yond the seas, would be its master instead of its slave. Hav- ing the command of the sea, he would coop up his rival in Italy, until the time came when his land forces were ready to swoop down upon their prey. With these views he re- tired as Caesar advanced, making only a show of resistance, and finally crossed from Brundisium to Epirus without fight- ing a battle. PART I., PER. v.] SUCCESS OF CiESAR. 489 41. By the retirement of Pompey, all Italy was thrown into Caesar's arms. He acquired the immense moral advan- Cffisar master tage of holding the seat of government, and of of Italy. being thus able to impart to all his acts the color of legitimacy. He secured also important material gains ; first, in the acquisition of the State-treasure, which Pompey most unaccountably neglected to carry off; and, further, in the power which he obtained of draAving recruits from the Italian nations, who still furnished their best soldiers to the Roman armies. The submission of Italy drew with it almost of necessity that of Sardinia and Sicily ; and thus the power of the proconsul was at once established over the entire mid- dle region of the Empire, reaching from the German Ocean to'the Sea of Africa, and from the Pyrenees to Mount Scar- dus. Pompey possessed the East, Africa, and Spain ; and, had his counsels been inspired with energy and decision, he might perhaps have advanced from three sides on his rival, and have crushed him between the masses of three converg- ing armies. But the conqueror of Mithridates was now old, and had lost the vigor and promptitude of his early years. He allowed Caesar, acting from a central position, to strike He takes the Separately at the different points of his extended offensive ev- line. First, Spain was attacked, and, for the time, erywhere, and ' % „ . ' ' ' is everywhere rcduccd to suojcction ; then, the war was trans- vic ouous. fei-i-ed to the East, and its issue (practically) de- cided at Pharsalia ; after this, the Pompeians were crushed in Africa; and finally, the party having rallied in Spain, was overwhelmed and blotted out at Munda. These four Avars occupied the great soldier during the chief portion of five years (b.c. 49 to 45) ; in the course of which, however, he found time also to reduce Egypt, and to chastise Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, at Zela. Details op Cesar's Wars between e.g. 49 and b.c. 45. (a) First War in Spain. March of Caesar through Gaul to the Pyrenees, b.c. 49. Siege of Massilia, which declares for Pompey. Caesar encounters the Pora- peian forces under Afranius and Petreius at Ilerda (Lerida). After suffer- ing one defeat, he outmanoeuvres his opponents, and forces them to sun*ender themselves. Terentius Varro in Southern Spain, after vacillating between the two causes, declares against Caesar, but is deserted by his soldiers and capitulates. Soon afterwards Massiha is taken. Defeat of Cesar's lieu- tenant. Curio, in Africa, and destruction of his ainny by the Pompeians and Juba. (6) Wak in the Hellenic Peninsula. Caesar, through the neg- 21* 490 EOME. [book v. ligence of the Fompeian admirals, crosses the Adriatic unopposed, January, B.C. 48. Pompey meets him at Dyrrhachium, but dechnes a battle, intrencli- ing himself, so as to cover the town. Csesav blockades his position, but Pom- pey, after watching patiently for his opportunity, breaks up tlie blockade and gains a A'ictory over the Cajsarean army. This success ruined his cause. It rendered his officers unmanageable, and forced him to give the Ccesareans battle at Pharsalia, in an open plain, where the superiority of Caesar's troops, and the better generalship of their commander, led to the complete defeat of the grand army on which rested all Pompey's hopes of final triumph. Had lie possessed more resolution, he might no doubt have prolonged the contest, as his party did, even after his death ; but, however he had acted, it is scarce- ly possible that he could have retrieved liis signal defeat. His choice cf Egypt as a refuge Avas, as the event proved, ill-judged ; but the treachery lo which he fell a victim could scarcely have been anticipated, and we can un- derstand, even if we can not justify, his reluctance to quit the East, (c) War in Egypt. The necessity of following up his adversary, and striking, if it were necessary, a last blow, drew Caisar to Egypt, where he found him- Belf in a most critical position. He landed with a force not exceeding 4000 men, and, being ensnared by the charms of Cleopatra, was soon regarded with jealousy by the young khig, her brother and rival, while the hatred with which the Egyptians generally viewed foreign interference with their con- cerns was easily roused against him by the king's ministers. Quarrels and street fights between his soldiers and the Alexandrians gave liim a pretext for assuming a hostile attitude. Accordingly he seized and fortified the l*haros, burnt the Egyptian fleet, and sent hastily for reinforcements. The Egyptians on their side blockaded him in the Pharos, cut oft" his supplies of water, and endeavored to starve him into submission. But the advance of Mithridates of Pergamus (b.c. 47) relieved the Roman general; and the Egyptian army, placed between two fires, was speedily defeated and destroy- ed. The young king perished ; and Casar was able to arrange matters to the satisfaction of all parties by investing Cleopatra, under certain conditions (see p. 283), with the actual sole government, (d) War with Pharnaces. The dissensions of the Romans among themselves encouraged the son of Mithridates to attempt the recovery of his father's empire. Immediately after the battle of Pharsalia, he advanced into Lesser Armenia and Cappa- docia. Opposed by Calvinus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, he defeated him in a pitched battle and destroyed his army. He then occupied Pontus. Caasar, who was at this time blockaded in Egypt, could do nothing ; but no sooner was he released, than he marched Avith all speed to encounter this new enemy. The hosts met at Zela in Pontus, and CjBsar was as usual vic- torious. The laconic bulletin, " Veni, vidi, vici," expressed the rapidity of his conquest. Pharnaces escaped from the battle, but was soon afterwards killed, and his kingdom served to reward Mithridates of Pergamus. (e) War in Africa. The Pompeians who escaped from Pharsalia established themselves in the Roman province of Af)'ica, where they had the support of Juba, the king of Numidia. They were commanded by Scipio, the father of Pompey's widow, Cato, and Varus, proconsul of the province. Much jeal- ousy existed among the commanders. Coesar landed in Africa in Decem- ber, B.C. 47. In his first engagement near Leptis he was worsted ; but PART I., PER. v.] C^SAR AS A STATESMAN. 49 1 early in B.C. 46 he redeemed this mischance by the great victory of Thapsus, which destroyed the republican force in this quarter. Scipio, Cato, and Juba killed themselves ; and Africa submitted to the conqueror. (/) Second War in Spain. Revolt fii-st broke out in Spain among the Caesarean le- gionaries, who were seduced by the republican spirit which prevailed among the Romanized natives. The revolters received important accessions to their ranks after the battle of Thapsus, being reinforced by the remnants of the African army. Varus, Labienus, and the two sons of Pompey, Cnseus and Sextus, joined them ; and Cn. Pompeius was intrusted with the chief com- mand. A vigorous stand was made against the troops which Ceesar led in person across the Pyrenees ; and in the final battle, which took place at Munda (March, B.C. 45), the dictator was in greater personal danger than ever before. But the victory when gained was complete. Thirty thousand Pompeians were left on the field ; among them Labienus and Varus. Cn. Pompeius fled, but was overtaken and slain. Sextus alone escaped, and found a refuge Avith some of the hill tribes, who defied the Roman arms. The settlement of Spain after the battle of Munda was a work of difficulty, and occupied the dictator for nearly six months. 42. The claim of Csesar to be considered one of the world's greatest men rests less upon his military exploits, important Cjesar'^ civil ^^ these Undoubtedly were, than upon his views acimiuistra- and efforts as a statesman and social reformer. It was his great merit that he understood how the time for the Republic had gone by; how nothing but constant anarchy at home and constant oj^pression abroad could result from the continuance of that governmental form under which Rome had flourished so w^onderfully in simpler and ruder ages. He saw distinctly that the hour had ar- rived for monarchy ; that, for the interests of all classes, of the provincials, of the Italians, of the Romans, of the very nobles themselves, a permanent supreme ruler w^as required ; and the only man fit at the time to exercise that oftice of su- preme ruler he knew to be himself He knew, too, though perhaps he failed to estimate aright, the Roman attachment to old forms, and he therefore assumed, in b.c. 47, the perpet- ual " dictatorship," whereby he reconciled the actual estab- lishment of an absolute monarchy with the constitutional purism which had weight with so many of his contempora- ries. Having thus secured the substance of power, he pro- ceeded, even in the midst of his constant wars, to bring for- ward a series of measures, which were, in most cases, at once moderate, judicious, and popular. He enlarged the Senate to the number of 90Q, and filled up its ranks from the pro- 492 ROME. [book v. viucials no less than from the class of Roman citizens. He once more confined the judicia to the senators and equites. He raised to the rank of citizens the entire population of Transpadane Gaul, and numerous communities in Gaul be- yond the Alps, in Spain, and elsewhere. He enfranchised all professors of the liberal sciences. He put down the political clubs. He gave his veterans lands, chiefly beyond the seas, planting them, among other places, at Corinth and Carthage, cities which he did not fear to rebuild. He arranged mat- ters between the two classes of debtors and creditors on a principle which left financial honesty untouched. He re-en- acted the old Licinian law, which required the employment of free labor on estates in Italy in a certain fixed proportion to the number of slaves. He encouraged an increase in the free population by granting exemptions to those w^ho had as many as three children. He proposed the codification of the laws, commenced a survey of the empire, and reformed the calendar. When it is remembered that Caesar only held power for the space of about five years, and that the greater portion of this period w^as occupied by a series of most im- portant wars, such legislative prolificness, such well-planned, varied, and (in some cases) most comprehensive schemes, can not but provoke our admiration. 43. But the dictator, though endued with political insight far beyond any of his contemporaries, was, after all, only a fallible mortal. He may neither have been March 'i5,'b.o. wholly Corrupted by his passion for Cleopatra, '^^' nor so much intoxicated by the possession of su- preme power as to have w^antonly disregarded the prejudices which stood in the way of his ambition. But at any rate he misjudged the temper of the people among whom his lot was cast, when, because his own logical mind saw that monarchy was inevitable, he encouraged its open proclamation, without making sufficient allow^ance for the attachment of large class- es of the nation to phrases. Pie thus provoked the conspir- acy to which he fell a victim, and can not be exonerated from the charge of having contributed to his own downfall. The conspiracy against the life of J. Caesar, formed by Bru- tus and Cassius, found so many abettors, not from the mere blind envy of the nobles towards a superior, but because there was in sprained into the Roman mind a detestation of PART I., PER. v.] DEATH OF C^SAR. 493 royalty. The event proved that this prejudice might be overcome, in course of time, by adroit management ; but Cgesar boldly and without disguise affronted the feeling, not aware, as it would seem, of the danger he was incurring. His death, March 15, b.c. 54, introduced another period of bloody struggle and civil war, which lasted until the great victory gained by Octavius at Actium, b.c. 31. The biography of Julius Caesar has been a favorite subject with historians ; but it can scarcely be said that any "Life" yet published is thoroughly satis- factory. Among those which demand notice are the following : Celsus, Jul., De Vita et Rebus gestis J. Ccesaris. London, 1G97: 8vo. De Bury, Histoire de la Vie de Jules Cesar. Paris, 1758 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Meissner, a. G.. Leben Co^sar's^ continued by Haken, J. C. L. Berlin, 1811 ; in four parts. Napoleon, Louis, Histoire de Jules Cesar. Paris, first volume publish- ed in 1865 ; second A'olume in 1866. The second volume ends with the passage of the Rubicon and entrance into Italy. A work written with the mere view of justifying a modern usurpation can scarcely be expected to be impartial. 44. The knot of enthusiasts and malcontents, who had ven- tured on the revolutionary measure of assassinating the chief Weaknessand of the State, had made no adequate provision for thf co^nspira- what was to follow. Apparently, they had hoped power ?eM ^^^^ ^^^^ the Senate and the people would unite by Antony. ^q applaud their deed, and would joyfully hasten to re-establish the old republican government. But the gen- eral feeling which their act aroused was not one of rejoicing, but of consternation. The noble and rich feared the recur- rence of a period of lawlessness and anarchy. The poorer classes, who were indifferent as to the form of the govern- ment, provided it fed and amused them, looked coldly on the men who, merely on account of a name, had plunged the State into fresh troubles. The numerous class of those who had benefited by Caesar's legislation trembled lest his mur- der should be followed by the abrogation of his laws. None knew what to expect next — whether proscription, civil war, or massacre. Had the conspirators possessed among them a commanding mind, had they had a programme prepared, and had they promptly acted on it, the Republic might perhaps have been galvanized into fresh life, and the final establish- ment of despotism might have been deferred, if it could not be averted. But at the exact time when resolution and 494 ROME. [book v. quick action were needed, they hesitated and procrastinated. Their remissness gave the sole consul, Antony, an opportu- nity of which he was not slow to avail himself. Having secured the co-operation of Lepidus, Caesar's master of the horse, who alone had an armed force on the spot, he pos- sessed himself of the treasures and papers of the dictator, entered into negotiations with the " Liberators," and while professedly recognizing the legitimate authority of the Sen- ate, contrived in a short time to obtain the substance of su- preme power for himself. His colleague, Dolabella, elected consul in the place of Caesar, became his tool. The " Libera- tors," fearful for their personal safety, desj^ite the " amnes- ty " whereto all had agreed, quitted Rome and threw them- selves upon the provinces. Antony was on the point of ob- taining all that his heart desired, when the claims and pro- ceedings of a youth — almost a boy — who unexpectedly ap- peared upon the scene, introduced fresh complications, and, checking Antony in mid-career, rendered it doubtful for a while whether he would not fall as suddenly as he had risen. 45. C. Octavius, the youthful rival of Antony, was the grand-nephew of J. Caesar, being the grandson of his sister, Arrival of oc- Julia. He had enjoyed for several years a large thrsceue!^'iie portion of the dictator's favor, and in his last itlTgSSs?"' testament had been named as his chief heir and Antouy. gQ^ by adoption. Absent from Rome at the date of Caesar's murder, he lost no time in proceeding to the capi- tal, claiming the rights and accepting the obligations which devolved on him as Caesar's heir. With consummate adroit- ness he contrived to gain the good-will of all parties. The soldiers were brought to see in him the true representative of their loved and lost commander; the populace was won by shows, by stirring appeals, by the payment of Caesar's legacy to them out of his own private resources ; the Liber- ators, and especially Cicero, who had made common cause with them, were cajoled into believing that he had no per- sonal ambition, and only sought to defeat the selfish designs of Antony. Even with Antony there was established, we can not say how early, an understanding, that the quarrel between the two Caesareans was not to be pushed d Vou- trance^ but was to be prosecuted as between enemies who might one day be friends. Thus guarded on all sides, Octa- PART I., PER. v.] THIRD CIVIL WAR. 495 viiis ventured, though absolutely without office, to collect an army, which he paid out of his own resources, and to take up a position, from which he might either defend or threaten Rome. Encouraged by his proceedings, Cicero re-entered the political arena, and took up the attitude against Antony which had been successful against Catiline. By the scries of speeches and pamphlets known as " the Pliiiippics," he crushed the popularity of the proconsul, drove him from Rome, and freed the Senate from his influence. Antony re- tired to his province of Cisalpine Gaul, and there commenced the Third Civil War by besieging Decimus Brutus, the pre- vious governor, in Mutina. Hereupon the Senate bade the new consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, to act against him, and, at Cicero's instance, invested the young Octavius with the prir3- torship, and joined him in the command with the consuls. 46. The short war known as the " Bellum Mutinense" fv>l- lowed. In two battles, one at Forum Gallorum, the other Third Civil under the walls of Mutina, Antony's troops were War com- defeated by the army of the Senate, and he him- mences with . . the'/Beihun self, dcspairinj^ of present success, crossed the Mutinense .... n.c. 44-43. ' Alps to joiu Lcpidus in Gaul. But the two vic- coniYsmaster tories were dearly won, at the cost of two most of Rome. important lives. Hirtius and Pansa, the two hon- est consuls, both fell ; and Octavius, finding himself the sole commander, was encouraged to put aside his reserve and show himself in his true colors. He refused to join Decimus Brutus in the pursuit of Antony, and thus aided the latter's escape. He claimed the whole merit of the war, and boldly demanded a triumph ; finally, he sent a detachment of his soldiers to Rome, to demand the consulship for him ; when the Senate, alarmed at his attitude, refused these requests, he at once threw off the mask, marched with all his troops on Rome, plundering as he advanced, and at the head of his le- gions imposed his will on the government. Possessed of su- preme power, it pleased him to assume the title of consul, and to give himself, as a nominal colleague in the office, his cousin, Q. Pedius. The Mutine War began in December, B.C. 44. It terminated with the battle of Mutina, April 14, b.c. 43. Octavius and Pedius were proclaimed consuls, September 22 of the same year. 47. It was the policy of Octavius to secure for all his acts, 496 ROME. [book v. SO far as he possibly could, legal sanctions. He now, there- Formation of foi*e, required and obtained the confirmation of TRiS?iKrTE, J^is adoption. Determined to proceed to extrem- 1J.C.43. ities against the "Liberators," he had them at- tainted, and, as they had all fled from Rome upon his en- trance, condemned in their absence. A similar sentence was, at his instance, passed on Sext. Pompeius. Octavius was made generalissimo of all the forces of the Republic, and was authorized to act against, or, if it pleased him better, treat with, Antony and Lepidus. It was on this latter course that he had long before decided. Only by the aid of Antony could he hope to triumph over Cassius and the Bruti, whose party in the West was in no wise contemptible, and who had all the resources of the East at their disposal. Accordingly, Antony and Lepidus were invited to confer with Octavius on an island in the river Reno, and the result was the for- mation of the (so-called) "Second Triumvirate" — the first government which really bore the name — a self-constituted Board of Three, who were conjointly to rule the State. The triumvirs concluded their agreement, November 27, b.c. 43. Its terms were : — (1) The establishment of the rule of the Three for a space of five years under the title of "Triumviri Reipublicae constituendre ;" (2) A di- vision of the provinces among the Three — Lepidus was to have Spain and Gallia Narbonensis ; Antony the rest of Gaul beyond the Alps and Gallia Cisalpina ; Octavius (or Octavian, as he was now called), Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa ; (3) A pi'oscription on a large scale, partly to strike terror into the adverse ranks, partly to obtain funds for carrying on the war effectively ; (4) The assignment of eighteen Italian cities with their lands as settlements for the legionaries, when the war should be over ; and (5) Certain arrange- ments as to the immediate conduct of affairs, — Lepidus was to receive the consulship, and to remain in Italy with three legions ; Octavian and Antony were to conduct the war in the East, each with twenty legions. 48. On the opening of negotiations between Octavian and Antony, Decimus Brutus had been deserted by his soldiers, Death of Dec- «ind, when lie attempted to escape from Italy, had SrSmeut ^^^^ scizcd and put to death. The West was of the pro- thus pacified; and the triumvirs could therefore ficrintiori concentrate their whole attention, first upon the destruction of their enemies at home, and then upon the war in the East. The proscription was relentlessly enforced. Among its victims were Cicero, the tribune Salvius, Annalis, one of the praetors, Cicero's brother Quintus, and his nephew. PART I., PER. v.] SECOND TRIUMVIRATE. 497 Quintus's son. The lists, which followed rapidly one upon the other, contained altogether the names of 300 senators and 2000 knights. The property of the proscribed was seized. The soldiers, let loose through Italy under the pre- tense of hunting out the proscribed, ravaged and wasted at their pleasure. Private malice obtained its gratification with impunity. Numbers were murdered merely because they were rich, and their property was coveted by the tri- umvirs or their creatures. 49. Early in B.C. 42 military operations were commenced. Octavian, whose province of Sicily had been occupied by War between Scxtus Pompcius, made an attempt to Avrest it audThe^^Lib- f^'om his hands : but his admiral, Salvidienus, be- erators." {^^g defeated in a naval engagement near Messa- na, the enterprise was given up. Antony had already cross- ed from Italy to Epirus ; Octavian now followed him. Their combined forces, which exceeded 120,000 men, marched un- resisted through Epirus and Macedonia, and had reached Thrace before they were confronted by the "Liberators." These now brought up the full strength of the East against the Western legions ; their legionary infantry amounted to 80,000 ; their cavalry to 20,000 ; and they had Asiatic levies in addition. Still, however, their forces were outnumbered by those of their adversaries ; whose legionaries were proba- bly not fewer than 120,000, while their cavalry was reckon- ed at 13,000. Brutus and Cassius had departed for the East in the autumn of b.c, 44, when their position in Rome became desperate. They were by decree of the Senate the hiwful governors of Macedonia and Syria. Brutus entered quiet- ly on his province ; but Cassius had to fight for his witli Dolabella, who had obtained it/7-07n the people after Cassius's departure. Dolabella, having put to death Trebonius, proconsul of Asia, one of CiBsar's murderers, was attack- ed by Cassius, shut up in Laodiceia, and driven to commit suicide, June 5, B.C. 43. From this time the authority of the "Liberators" was acknowl- edged generally throughout the East, and they drew freely on the resources of the country. 50. The two armies met at Philippi (the ancient Creni- des) ; and the fate of the Roman world was decided in a Battles at twofold battle. In the first fight Brutus defeat- Phiiippi, ^ ed Octavian, but Antony gained a decided advan- tage over Cassius, who, unaware of his colleague's victory, committed suicide. In the second, three weeks later, 498 ROME. [book v. the army of Brutus was completely overcome, and he himself, escaping from the field, could only follow the example of Cas- sius, and kill himself With Brutus fell the Republic. The usurpation of Csesar had suspended, but not destroyed it. It had revived after his death. The coarse brutality of An- tony, the craft of Octavian, had separately failed to put it down. Conjoined they achieved greater success. The Re- public, albeit some of its forms remained, was in reality swept away at Philippi. The absolute ascendency of indi- viduals, which is monarchy, was then established. There might afterwards be several competitors for the supreme power ; and struggles, fierce and bitter, might be carried on between them ; but no thought was entertained of resusci- tating any more the dead form of the Republic ; the contest was simply one between difierent aspirants to the supreme authority. 51. The immediate consequence of the victory at Philippi was a fresh arrangement of the Roman world among the tri- umvirs. As Antony preferred the East, Octavian Arrau cements ,.*'.,. ,. , after the sec- Consented to relmquish it to him; but it was necessary that he should be compensated for the sacrifice. His colleague therefore yielded to him Italy and Spain, which last Lepidus was required to relinquish, obtain- ing instead the Roman "Africa." The facile Lepidus sub- mitted readily to the new partition ; and while Antony re- ceived the homage of the East, and himself succumbed to the charms of Cleopatra at Tarsus, Octavian undertook the direction of afiairs at the seat of government. 52. But there was no real cordiality, no mutual respect, no sense even of a common interest, among the triumvirs. Civil War iu '^^^^ Roman world was scarcely theirs before they Italy between began to quaiTcl ovcr it. Octavian beins^ in dif- Octavian and ^.i^- -n c i • -,.. the party of iiculties at Kome irom the scarcity oi provisions " ""^" consequent on the attitude of Sextus Pompeius, from the despair of the Italians driven from their cities and lands to make room for the veterans, and from the discon- tent of many of the veterans themselves, whose rewards fell short of their hopes, Antony began to intrigue against him and to seek his downfall. The embers of discontent were fanned into a flame by the triumvir's brother, Lucius, and his wife Fulvia, who shortly put themselves at the head of PART I., PEii. V.J PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. 499 an insurrectionary force, and disputed with Octavian the mastery of Italy. The hopes, however, of the insurgents were smothered in the smoke of Perusia (b.c. 40) ; and on the return of Antony to Italy, the rivals, at the FeaceoiBrun- . it dusium, B.C. instance of the soldiery, came to an accommoda- 40 . tion. Octavian received the whole West, includ- ing both the Gauls and also Illyricuni; Antony was obliged to content himself with a diminished East ; Lepidus kept Africa. Fulvia having opportunely died, the "Peace of Brundusium" was sealed by a marriage, Octavian giving the hand of his widowed sister, Octavia, to his reconciled colleague. 53. The pact of Brundusium was modified in the ensuing year, B.C. 39, by the admission of Sextus Pompeius into part- Treaty of Mi- nership with the triumvirs. It was agreed that senum. War ^^^ ghould retain Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica ; of Octaviau Pompdusr ^"^ ^^^^^ ^® should further receive Achaea, on U.C. 38-36. condition of his evacuating certain strongholds which he possessed in Italy. He for his part undertook to provide Rome plentifully with corn. This agreement, how- ever — known as the " Treaty of Misenum " — was never exe- cuted. Sextus did not receive Achaea, and therefore kept possession of the strongholds. Octavian, in retaliation, en- couraged the defection of his lieutenants, and received from one of them, Menodorus, a fleet and several forts in Sardinia and Corsica. Sextus, upon this, flew to arms ; and a naval war began between him and Octavian, which led, after sev- eral turns of fortune, to his comj^lete defeat and expulsion from Sicily. Details of the Pompeian War. Sextus plunders Campania, and cuts oif the Roman supplies of corn, b.c. 38. His admiral, Menecrates, defeats one of Octavian's fleets near Cumse, while he destroys another, under Octavi- an himself, in the Straits of Messina. Folly of Sextus, who makes no use of his victories. Octavian builds fresh fleets, receives 130 ships from Antony, and prepares to renew the war, b.c, 37. War renewed in the summer of B.C. 36. Lepidus, summoned from Africa, brings a squadron. Victory gained by Agrippa over a Pompeian squadron off Mylie, counterbalanced by the complete defeat of Octavian at Tauromenium. War determined by a great sea-fight off Naulochus, where the Caesarean fleet, commanded by Agrippa, gains a signal victoiy. Sextus, in despair, flies to Asia. 54. But Octavian had scarcely time to congratulate him- self on his success, when he became aware of a new danger. 500 ROME. [book v. The Pompeian land forces, which were consider- Lepidus,B.o. able, opened communications with Lepidus, and ^^' having, conjointly with his troops, plundered Mes- sana, saluted him as their imperator, and ranged themselves under his banner. The weak noble, finding himself at the head of twenty legions, was intoxicated with his good-for- tune, and assuming an attitude of comjolete independence and even of hostility, set Octavian at defiance. A fresh and bloody struggle would have followed but for the prompt boldness of the young Cresar ; who, entering his rival's camp, unarmed and almost unattended, made an eloquent appeal to the soldiers, which was successful. Deserting Lepidus in a body, they declared for Octavian ; who degraded his fallen rival from the triumvirship, but spared his life, and allowed him to retain his oftice of chief pontiff. Lepidus lived till B.C. 12. He was at first required to reside at Circeii, but was afterwards brought to Rome, not so much out of favor, as for his greater humiliation. 55. With the removal of Lepidus a war between Octavian and Antony became imminent. The bond of affinity by Coolness be- "^^^^^^^^ i^ li^^ been attempted to unite the inter- tvveeu octavi- ests of the rivals had failed. The wild and rou^h an and Auto- • -, n t • t i i^ ^ ny. Proceed- Autony soon tired oi his discreet but somewhat iiy^n*the East, cold spousc ; and his roving fa^ncy returned to ij.c. 37-34. ^^g voluptuous Egyptian, from whom it had strayed for a while. In b.c. 37, on setting out for the Par- thian War, he left Octavia behind him in Italy ; and ere the year b.c. 36 was out, he had reunited himself to his old mis- tress. Henceforth until his death she retained her influence over him unimpaired ; and we must ascribe the deterioration in Antony's character to this degrading connection. His great preparations against the Parthians had no commensu- rate result. After three campaigns, one in Media Atropa- tene (b.c. 36), wherein he acquired no honors, the others in Armenia (b.c. 35 to 34), where he was somewhat more suc- cessful, Antony abstained from military enterprise and de- voted himself to pleasure. The autumn of b.c. 34 was given up to debauchery and dissipation. In the infiituation caused by his passion, Antony not only acknowledged Cassarion, and assigned crowns to his own children by Cleopatra, but actu- ally ceded to Cleopatra, a foreigner, the Roman provinces PAKT I., PKR. v.] I'ARTHIAN WAR OF ANTONY. 501 of Ca3le-Syria and Cyprus. Such conduct was no doubt treasonable, and furnished Octavian with the decent pretext for a declaration of war, for which he had long been waiting. Parthian and Armenian Wars of Antony. In b.c. 40, after the fall of Brutus and Cassius, the Parthians, under Pacorus, and assisted by the Ro- man refugee Q. Labienus, had overrun the East and carried all before them. They lost ground, however, in the following year, being attacked by Ventidi- ws, one of Antony's lieutenants, who defeated and slew Labienus (b.c. 39), and, in b.c. 38, gained a victory over Pacorus. Antony's expedition (b.c. 3G) was undertaken against Phraates, the brother of Pacorus, who had become king. Having allied himself with Artavasdes, king of Armenia, he led an expedition into Media Atropatene, which was under another Artavasdes, a dependent of the Parthian monarch. Antony penetrated as far as Praaspa, the capital, and laid siege to it, but was baffled and forced to retreat. His Armenian allies deserted him, and his retreat was disastrous in the extreme. The next year, he made an attack upon Armenia ; and the year following, B.C. 34, having again invaded the countiy, he seized the person of Artavasdes and conveyed him to Alexandria, to grace his triumph. 56. Meanwhile Octavian had been exercising his legions, raising his reputation, and adding important tracts to the , Roman Empire in the West. In b.c. 35 he at- SllCCSSSGS dDcL popularity of tacked the Salassi and Taurisci, nations of the c avian. "Western Alps ; and in the course of the two fol- lowing years he reduced to subjection the Liburni and lapy- des in Dalmatia and the Pannonians in the valley of the Save. A new province was here added to the State. Octa- vian himself received a wound ; and his popularity, to which he artfully added by causing Agrippa as aedile to lavish vast sums on the improvement and adornment of the capital, was now at its height. His good -fortune enabled him at the same juncture to add a second province to the Empire in Mauretania, which was annexed peaceably on the death of Bocchus. Feeling himself assured of his position and of the good-will of the Roman people, Octavian now resolved to precipitate the rupture with his rival, for which he had been preparing ever since the formation of the triumvirate. 57. The year b.c. 32 was passed by the rivals in mutual recriminations, in threats, insults, and preparations for the War between coming Struggle. Antony divorced Octavia with Autcniy"deci- all the harshncss allowable by Roman law ; made " B^utieofAc- ^^ alliance with the Parthians ; collected a vast tium," B.0. 31. fleet ; levied troops throughout all the East ; as- 502 ROME. [book v. sembled his armaments on the coast of Epirus, and prepared to cross into Italy. Octavian inveighed against Antony in the Senate ; drove his partisans from Rome; caused his will to be opened and published ; had Cleopatra declared a pub- lic enemy ; and, collecting together all the forces of the Westj occupied the eastern shore of Italy with his fleets and armies. For a while the two rivals watched each other across the strait. At length, in the spring of b.c. 31, Octa- vian, though his forces were inferior in number, made the plunge. His fleet took Corcyra. His army was safely con- veyed to Epirus. Both were rapidly directed towards the Ambracian Gulf, where lay the fleet and army of his adver- sary. The work of seduction then began. Octavian found little difiiculty in drawing over to his service one Antonian oflicer after another, Antony's indecision and his infatuation i")r Cleopatra having greatly disgusted his followers. These lepeated defections reduced the triumvir to a state of de- spondency, and led him most unhappily to accept Cleopatra's fatal counsels. Under pretense of giving battle to his ad- versary's fleet, Antony, on the morning of September 2, b.c. 31, put to sea with the deliberate intention of deserting his land force and flying with Cleopatra to Egypt. Actium was not a battle in any proper sense of the term. It was an oc- casion on which a commander voluntarily sacrificed the greater portion of his fleet in order to escape with the re- mainder. We can with difficulty understand how Antony Avas induced to yield every thing to his adversary without really striking a blow. But the fact that he did so yield is plain. He left his land army without orders, to fight or make terms, as it pleased ; he left his fleet, not when it was defeated, but when it was still struggling manfully, and but for his flight might have been victorious. It was his deser- tion which decided the engagement, and, with it^ the fate of the Roman world. It is with good reason that the Empire is regarded as dating from the day of Actium. Though An- tony existed, and resisted, for nearly a year longer in Egypt, it was only as a desperate man, clinging to life till the last moment. From the day of Actinm Octavian was sole mas- ter of the Roman world. Conclusion of the Struggle with Antony. When Antony fled, his fleet lost heart, and the remainder of it was annihilated. His land force, af- PART I., PKK. VI.] BATTLE OF ACTIUM. 503 ter waiting a week for him to return to it, surrendered. Octavian, having founded Nicopolis and spent the winter at Rome, jn-oceeded in li.c. 30 to Egypt, landing at Pelusium, wliich submitted to him without a blow. Anto- ny attempted to defend Alexandria, and was successful in a cavalry skirmish, but soon afterwards suflfered a defeat. His fleet and army then deserted him ; and, having no resource left, he committed suicide. Cleopatra follow- ed his example ; and Octavian, being now master of Egypt, reduced it into the form of a Roman province. Anthyllus, Antony's son by Eulvia, Cajsa- rion, Canidius, commander of the land force at Actium, Cassias Parmensis, one of Cicsar's mui'derers, and several other "Antonians," were ruthlessly put to death. SIXTH PERIOD. From the Establishment of the Empire under Augustus to the Destruction of the Roman Power in the West by Odoacer, from B.C. 31 to a.d. 476. Preliminary Remarks on the Geographical Extent and Principal Divisions of the Roman Empire, 1. The boundaries of the Roman Empire, as established by- Augustus, may be stated in a general way, as follows :— On the north, the British Channel, the German Ocean, boundS of the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euxine ; on the the Empire. ^^^^^ ^^^ Euphrates and the desert of Syria; on the south, the great African desert ; and on the west, the At- lantic. It extended from east to west a distance of fifty de- grees, or about 2700 miles, between Cape Finisterre and the vicinity of Erzeroum. Its average breadth was about fifteen deo-rees, or above 1000 miles. It comprised the modern coun- tries of' Portugal, Spain, France, Belgium, Western Holland, Rhenish Prussia, parts of Baden and Wurtemberg, most of Bavaria, Switzerland, Italy, the Tyrol, Austria Proper, West- ern Hungary, Croatia, Slavonia, Servia, Turkey in Europe, Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, Idumeea, Egypt, the Cy- renaica, Tripoli, Tunis, Algeria, and most of Marocco. Its area may be roughly estimated at a million and a half of square miles. . • j j • 2. The entire Empire, exclusive of Italy, was divided mto "Provinces," which may be conveniently grouped under Three groups three heads: viz., the Western, or European ;_ the of provinces. Eastern, or Asiatic ; and the Southern, or African. The Western, or European, provinces were fourteen in num- ber; viz., Spain, Gaul, Germany, Vindelicia, Rhaetia, Nori- cum', Pannonia, Moesia, Illyricum, Macedonia, Thrace, Achaea, 504 KOME. [book v, Sicily, and Sardinia; the Eastern, or Asiatic, were eight, viz., Asia Proj^er, Bithynia, Galatia, Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Cili- cia, Syria, and Palestine ; the Southern or African were five, viz., Egypt, the Cyrena'ica (including Crete), Africa Proper, Numidia, and Mauretania. The entire number was thus twenty-seven. 3. Spain (Hispania, Iberia), the most western of the Eu- ropean provinces, included the entire peninsula, and was ^ washed on all sides by the sea exceptinsj towards Western or . , . *'. -i ^ /-^ i European: the uortli-cast, whcrc it was separated irom Gaul ^^^^' by the Pyrenees. It was subdivided into three distinct portions, generally administered by three different governors : viz. (a) Lusitania, or the country of the Lusitani, corresponding nearly to the modern Portugal; (b) Bsetica, the country about the Bsetis (or Guadalquivir), the modern Andalucia ; and (c) Tarraconensis, comprising all the rest of ^ .^ . the peninsula- (a) Lusitania was inhabited by Lusitania. ^ ^ ..,^'' -, r^ ^^ - - 1 1 three principal races, the Gallaeci in the north (Gallicia), the Lusitani in the centre, and the Turdetani in the south. It had three great rivers, the Durius (Douro), the Tagus (Tajo), and the Anas (Guadiana). The chief towns were Augusta Emerita on the Anas, now Merida, and Olisipo on the Tagus, now IJsboa (Lisbon), (b) Btetica was inhabited by the Turduli towards the north and the Bastuli towards the south. Its only im- portant river was the Btetis. Its chief towns were Corduba (Cordova) and Hispalis (Sevilla) in the interior, and on the Taiiacoueii- coast Gades, now Cadiz. (c) Tarraconensis, by ^^*' -• far the largest of the three subdivisions, com- prised the upper courses of the Durius, Tagus, and Anas, and the entire tract watered by the Iberus (Ebro), Turia, Sucro (Jucar), and Tader (Segura) rivers. It Avas inhabited, to- wards the north, by the Astures, Cantabri, Yaccaei, Yascones, and others ; in the central regions, by the Carpetani, Celti- beri, and Ilergetes ; and, along the east coast, by the Indige- tes, Ausetani, Cosetani, Ilercavones, Suessetani, Contestani, etc. Its chief cities were Tarraco, the capital, on the east coast, now Tarragona ; Carthago Nova (Carthagena) ; Cae- sar-Augusta (Zaragoza or Saragossa), on the Iberus; Tole- turn (Toledo), on the Upper Tagus ; and Ilerda (Lerida). In Tarraconensis were also included the Balearic isles, Major I'ART I., FER. VI.] rilOVlNCP:S OF THE EMPIRE. 505 (Majorca) and Minor (Minorca), and the Pityusa?, Ebiisus (Ivica), and Ophiusa (Formentera). 4. Ganl (Gallia), which adjoined Spain to tlie north-east, corresponded nearly with the modern France, ^ut included also portions of Belgium and Switzerland. It was bounded on the Avest and north by the ocean ; on the east by Roman Germany, Rhretia, and Gallia Cisalpina ; on the south by the Pyi'enees and the Mediterra- nean. It had five principal rivers : the Scaldis (Scheldt) and Sequana (Sehie) in the north ; the Liger (Loire) and Garumna (Garonne) towards the west ; and the Rhodanus (Rhone) in the south. Augustus subdivided it into four re- gions : viz. (a) Aquitania, the country of the Aquitani, to- wards the south-west, from the Pyrenees to the Loire ; (b) Lugdunensis, to the north-west, reaching from Cape Finis- terreto Lyons (Lngdunum), the capital ; (c) Narbonensis, to- wards the south-east, between Aquitariia and the maritime Alps; and (d) Belgica, towards the north-east, reaching from the British Channel to the lake of Geneva, (a) Aquitania comprised the basins of the Garumna (Garonne), qui ania. p^^^.^j^^^g (Dordogne), Carantonus (Charente), and half the basin of the Liger (Loire). Its chief tribes were the Aquitani in the south, the Santones and Pictones towards the north-west, the Bituriges towards the north-east, in the tract about Bourges, and the Arverni to the south-east, in Auvergne. The most important cities were Climberris and Burdigala (Bourdeaux). {b) Lugdunensis consisted of the , , . reoiion between the Loire and the Seine, together LugClUUeilSlS. p, /.IT 1 • 1 in with a tongue oi land stretchmg along the Saone to a little below Lyons. Its principal tribes were the ^dui in the south; the Senones, Parisii, Carnutes, and Cadurci in the inteiior ; the Veneti, Osismii, Curiosolitae, Unelli, and Lexovii upon the coast. The capital, Lugdunum, was incon- veniently placed at the extreme south-east of the province. The other important towns were Lutetia Parisiorum (Paris), Genabum (Orleans), and Juliomagus (Angers), (c) Narbo- , , . nensis extended from the Upper Garonne on the Narbouensis. , ^_ i i • -i i west to the V ar upon the east, lymg along the Pyrenees and the Mediterranean. Inland it reached as far as the Cevennes, the Middle Rhone, and the lake of Geneva. The chief tribes inhabiting it were the Yolc^e in the west, 22 506 HOME. [book v. the Allobroges in the tract between the Rhone and thelsere (Isara), the Vocontii between the Isere and the Durance, and the Salluvii on the coast near Marseilles. Its principal cities were Narbo, the capital, now Narbonne, on the Medi- terranean; Tolosa (Toulouse), Vienna (Vienne), Nemausus (Nismes), Geneva, and Massilia (Marseilles). (d) Belgica lay between the Seine and the Scheldt, and ex- '^ tended southward to the Bernese Alps and the northern shore of the lake of Geneva. It was bounded on the east by the Roman Germany and Rhostia, on the west by Gallia Lugdunensis, and on the south by Gallia Narbonen- sis and Gallia Cisalpina. The principal tribes were, in the north, the Caletes, Ambiani, Bellovaci, Atrebates, Morini, and Nervii ; in the central region, the Suessiones, the Remi, the Treviri, the Leuci, and the Lingones ; towards the south , the Sequani and the Helvetii. The most important tOAvns were Noviodunmn (^oissons),Durocortoruni (Reims), Augus- ta Trevirorum (Treves), Divodurum (Metz), Vesontio (Besan- 9on),and Aventicum (Avenches, in Switzerland). 5. Germany (which is sometimes included in Gaul) com- prised two divisions, the Lower (Inferior) and the Upper (Superior). Lower Germany lay npon the sea- coast, be- Germauy: twccu the mouth of the Scheldt and that. of the Lower. Rhine. It comprised Eastern Belgium, Western Holland, and Rhenish Prussia as far south as tlie Ahr. Its chief tribes were the Batavi and Menapii in the north ; the Ubii on the Rhine near Cologne; the Eburones and Con- drusi on the Mosa (Meuse) ; and the Segni in the Ardennes. The principal towns were Noviomagus (Nimeguen), Colonia Agrippinensis (Cologne), and Bonna (Bonn). Upper Ger- many was a narrow strip of land along the course of the Rhine from Remaaren, at the mouth of the Ahr TJpper, . . valley, to the point at which the Rhine receives the waters of the Aar. It was inhabited by the Caracates, the Yangiones, the Nemetes, the Triboci, and the Rauraci. The principal cities were Ad Confluentes (Coblenz), Mogon- tiacum (Mayence), Borbetomagus (Worms), Argentoratum (Strasburg), and Augusta Rauracorum (Basle). 6. Yindelicia, or the country of the Yindelici, lay between the Danube and the Bavarian Alps. It corresponded nearly with Bavaria south of the Danube, including however a cor- PART I., PER. VI.] PKOVINCES OF THE EMPIRE. 507 vindeiicia. ^^^' between the Rhine and the Upper Danube, which now belongs to Wurtemberg and Baden. It was inhabited, towards the north, by the Vindelici ; towards the south, by the Brigantes. The chief cities were Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg) and Brigantia on the Lake of Constance (Bregenz). 7. Rhsetia lay south of Vindeiicia and east of the country of the Helvetii. It included the modern Tyrol, the Yorarl- berg, and the part of Switzerland known as the Rhsetia. r-^ - a •. . -i i • -. Grisons. Among its tribes were, besides the Rhseti, the Venostes, Vennones, Brixentes, Tridentini, Me- doaci, etc. Its chief cities were Veldidena (Wilten, near Inspriick), Curia (Chur or Coire), and Tridentum (Trent). 8. ISToricum, which lay east of Vindeiicia and Rh^tia, stretched along the Danube from its junction with the Inn ^^ , to a point a little above Vienna. It comprised Noncum. 01 • /-i • i • t 1 ^ » . htyria, Carinthia, and the greater part ot Austria Proper. The chief cities were Juvavia (Salzburg) and Boio- durum (Passau). 9. Pannonia, one of the most important of the Roman provinces, lay east and partly south of Noricum. It was bounded on two sides, the north and east, by the Pannonia. -r-k i i • ^ • -, • n • -, Danube, which in this part of its course makes the remarkable bend to the south by which its lower is thrown three degrees south of its upper course. On the west an artifical line divided Pannonia from ISToricum ; on the south it was separated from Illyricum by the mountains directly south of the valley of the Save. It thus comprised all Hungary south of the Danube, together with allSlavonia, and parts of Austria Proper, of Styria, Croatia, and Bosnia. It was divided, like Germany, into Upper and Lower. Up- per Pannonia adjoined Noricum, extending along the Danube from a little above Vienna to the mouth of the Arrabo (Raab). Its chief tribes were the Boii in the north, the Latovici, Jassii, and Colapini in the south, along the course of the Save. The principal towns were Vindobona (Vienna) and Carnuntum on the Danube, Siscia (Zissek) on the Save, and ^mona (Laybach) Ijetween the Save and the Alpes Julioe. Lower Pannonia lay Lower. i i t^ along the Danube from the mouth of the Arrabo to. that of the Save. Its most important cities were Acincum 508 ROME. [book v. Bucla)-Pestli) and Acimincum (Peterwardin) on the Danube, Miirsa (Esseg) on the Drave, and on the Save Sirniium (Za- batz or Alt-Schabaaz) and Taurunum (Semlin). 10. Moesia was the last of the Danubian provinces. It lay along the river from its junction with the Save to its . mouth, extending southward to the line of the Balkan. Its western boundary, which separated it from Illyria, was the course of the Drinus (Drina). It corresponded thus almost exactly to the modern Servia and Bulgaria. The Romans divided it, like Pannonia, into Su- perior and Inferior. Moesia Superior reached *^ ^' from the Drinus and the mouth of the Save to the little river Cebrus or Ciabrus (Ischia), whence a line drawn southward separated it from Mcesia Inferior. It com- prised thus Servia and a part of Western Bulgaria. The chief towns were Singidunum (Belgrade) and Naissus (Nis- sa). Moesia Inferior, a lono-er but a narrower tract, stretched from the Ciabrus to the mouth of the great river. It comprised about nine-tenths of the modern Bulgaria, together with a small portion of Roume- lia. The chief towns were Dorostolum (Silistria) and Axi- opolis (Rassova) on the Danube, and Odessus (Varna), Tomi (Tomisvar), and Istrus (Kustendjeh), on the coast of the Euxine. 11. Illyricum lay along the western shore of the Adriatic from the peninsula of Istria to Anion (Avlona) in Epirus. It thus comprised the present Montenegro, the Iler- yiicum. zegovina, and the greater part of Albania. The more northern portion of Illyricum was known as Dalmatia, the more southern as Illyria Proper. Among the principal tribes inhabiting it Avere the lapydes and Liburni in the north ; the Breuci, Mazsei, Dsesitiatte, and Deimates in the mid-region ; and the Autariatoe, Parthini, and Taulantii in the south. Its chief towns were Scardona (which retains its name), Narona on the Naro (Narenta), Epidaurus on the Gulf of Cattaro, Scodra (Scutari, on the Bojana), Lissus (Lesch or Allessio, on the Drin), Dyrrhachium (Durazzo), and Appollonia (Pollina). These were all situated on or near the coast. 12. Macedonia lay south of Illyricum and Moesia Superior, and extended across the peninsula from the Adriatic to the PART I., PKR. VI.] PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE. 509 „ , . ^^i^ean. On the east it was bounded by Thrace, Macedonia. , ,. ^ . , . , . ^.-^ *^ ^ the nne 01 separation benig the river JNestus. On the south an artificial line, carried from the Ambracian to the Maliac Gulf, divided it from Achaea. It comprised, be- sides the ancient Macedon, most of Epirus and the whole of Thessaly. Its chief towns were Nicopolis, on the Gulf of Ambracia or Actium, built by Augustus to celebrate his vic- tory ; Edessa, Pella, Beroea, Thessalonica, and Philippi. 13. South of Moesia Inferior and east of Macedonia was Tlirace, which under the first Ca3sars still retained a semi-in- dependent position, being governed by kings of its own, Rhescuporis-, and others ; but was re- duced into the form of a province by Claudius. The princi- pal tribes in Roman times were the Odrysic, the Bessi, and the CcElet93. The cities of most importance were Byzantium and Apollonia (Sizeboli) upon the coast, and Philippofis (Filibe), and afterwards Hadrianopolis, in the interior. 14. Achsea lay directly south of Macedonia, corresponding almost exactly with the modern Kingdom of Greece. It in- cluded the Ionian islands and the Cyclades, but not Crete, which belonged to the Cyrenaica. The chief towns were Patrse (Patras), Corinth, and Athens. 15. The Eastern or Asiatic provinces have now to be brief- ly described. As alrexidy stated (p. 504), they were eight in Eastern or number : viz., Asio Proper,Bithynia, Galatia, Pam- Abiatic: phylia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, and Palestine. 16. Asia Proper, which included the ancient Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and a part of Phrygia, occupied the whole western coast of Asia Minor, extending from the Cianian Gulf in the Propontis to Caunus on the Sea of Rhodes. Inland it reached to about the 32d degree of east longitude, where it adjoined Galatia and Caj^padocia. Bi- thynia bounded it on the north, Pamphylia on the south. The Roman capital of Asia Proper was Ephesus; but the following towns were of almost equal importance : Smyrna, Pergamus, Sardis, Apameia Cibotus, and Synnada. 17. Bithynia, which lay north, or rather north-east, of " Asia," had nearly its old dimensions, extending along the „.,^ . coast from the mouth of the Macestus on the west Bithynia. to that of the Parthenius upon the east. Inland it reached a little south of the 40th parallel, being bounded Asia Proper. ' 5]0 ROME. [book v. towards the south-east by the upper course of the Sangarius (Sakkariyeh), which separated it from both "Asia" and Ga- latia. Its Roman capital was Nicomedia (now Ismid), in the inner recess of the Gulf of Astacus. Its other important cities were Nica?a (Iznik), Chalcedon (Scutari), and Heracleia (Eregli). 18. Galatia was situated to the east of Bithynia. It in- cluded the ancient Paphlagonia, North-eastern Phrygia, and a part of Western Cappadocia. The southern part of the province, which lay on both sides the river Halys, was Galatia Proper, and was inhabited by the three tribes of the Tolistoboii, the Tectosages, and the Trocmi. The chief city of Galatia was Ancyra (Angora) on the Upper Sangarius. Other important towns were Pessinus on the western border, in the country of the Tolistoboii, Tavia east of the Halys, in the country of the Trocmi, and Sinope on the Euxine. 19. Pamphylia, situated to the south of "Asia," contained the four subdivisions of Pamphylia Proper, the region origi- nally bearing: the name (see p. 29), Lycia, Pisidia, and Isauria. It extended along the southern coast of Asia Minor from Caunus to Coracesium, and reach- ed inland to the Lakes of Bei-Shehr and Egerdir. Its chief city was Perga in Pamj)hylia Proper ; besides which it con- tained the following towns of note: Xanthus in Lycia, Eten- na and Antioch in Pisidia, Oroanda and Isaura in Isauria. 20. Cappadocia adjoined Galatia and Pamphylia towards the east. Like Pamphylia, it comprised four regions : viz., Lycaonia, the most western, which adjoined Isau- ria and "Asia ;" Cappadocia Proper, east of Ly- caonia, on both sides of the river Halys ; Pontus, north of Cappadocia Proper, between it and the Euxine ; and Armenia Minor, south-east of Pontus, a rugged mountain tract lying along the L^pper Euphrates. The chief city of Cappadocia was Csesarea Mazaca (Kaisariyeh), between Mount Argseus and the Halys. It contained also the important towns of Iconium (Koniyeh) in Lycaonia ; Tyana and Melitene (Ma- latiyeh) in Cappadocia Proper ; and Amisus, Trapezus (Treb- izond), Amasia, Sebastia, and Nicopolis in Pontus. 21. Cilicia lay east of Pamphylia and south of Cappadocia. It reached alono- the south coast of Asia Minor from Corace- TAUT T., rKR. vr.] PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE. 511 siiini to Alexandria (Iskanderoun). The eastern ^"'"''* portion of the province was known as Campestris, the western as Montana or Aspera. Tarsus, on the Cydnus, was its capital. Other important towns were Issus in the pass of the name, Mopsuestia on the Pyramus, and Scleuceia on* the Calycadnus, near its mouth. 22. Syria, which adjoined Cappadocia and Cilicia, extend- ed from about the 38th parallel upon the north to Mount Carmel towards the south, a distance of nearly ^^"'"^ 400 miles. It was bounded on the east by the Euphrates as far as Thapsacus and then by the waterless Syrian desert. Southward it adjoined on Palestine. The province was divided into ten principal regions:— (l) Com- magene, towards the north, between Cilicia and Armenia ; chief city, Samosata (Sumeisat) on the Euphrates, commagene. ^^j Cyrrhcstica, south of Commagene, between Cilicia and Mesopotamia; chief cities, Cirrhus, Zeugma (Rum-kaleh), and Bambyce or Hierapolis (Bambuk). (3) Seleucis, on the coast, south of Cilicia and south-west of Cyrrhestica; chief city, Antioch, with its suburb, Daphne, and its port, Seleuceia. (4) Casiotis, south of Seleucis, so called from the Mons Casius, extending along the shore from the foot of that mountain to the river Eleutherus (Xahr-el- Kebir) ; chief cities, Laodiceia and Marathus. (5) Phoenicia, a thin slip of coast, due south of Casiotis, reach- Phoenicia. -^^^ ^^,^^^ ^^le rivcr "Eleutherus to Mount Carmel; chief towns, Antaradus, Berytus (Beyrut), Sidon, Tyre, and Ptolemais (Acre). (6) Chalybonitis, south of Cyrrhestica, and east of Seleucis, lying between Seleucis and the Euphra- tes ; chief city, Chalybon (now Aleppo). (7) Chalcis or Chal- cidice, south of Chalybonitis ; chief city, Chalcis, on the lake into which the river of Aleppo empties itself. (8) Apamene, south of Chalcidice, and east of Casiotis, comprising a large portion of the Orontes valley, together with the country east of it ; chief city, Apameia ; important towns, Epiphaneia (Hamah) and Emesa (Hems). (9) Ccele-Syria, south of Apa- mene and east of Phoenicia, consisting of the val- coeie-syiia. ^^^ between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, to- gether with the Anti-Lebanon itself and the fertile tract at its eastern base towards Damascus ; chief cities, Damascus, Abila, and Heliopolis (Balbek). And (10) Palmyr6ne, the 612 KOME. [book v. desert tract south of Clialyhonitis and oast of Chalcidice and Apameiie, com^jrisiug some fertile oases, of which a myiLiit. ^.^^ principal contained the famous Tadmor or Palmyra, " the city of Palms." The capital of the entire Syrian province was Antioch, on the Lower Orontes. The most important of the other cities in Roman times were Da- mascus and Emesa. 23. Palestine, which adjoined Syria on the south, was, like Syria, divided up into a number of districts. The chief of Palestine: these were Galilee, Samaria, Judaea, Idumsea, and Galilee. Peraea, wdiich last included IturaBa, Trachonitis, Auranitis, Batanaea, etc. Galilee was entirely an inland re- gion, being shut out from the coast by the strip of territory belonging to Phcenicia. It reached from Hermon on the north to the plain of Esdraelon and valley of Beth-shan upon the south. The most important of its cities were Cjb- sarea Philippi, near the site of the ancient Dan, Tiberias, on the lake of the name, Capernaum, and Jotapata. Samaria, which lay south of Galilee, extended from the plain of Esdraelon to the hill-country of Benja- min (about lat. 32°). It reached across from the sea to the Jordan, including the rich plain of Sharon as w^ell as the hill- country of Manasseh and Ephraim. The chief cities in Ro- man times were Caesarea, upon the coast; Sebaste (Samaria), Neapolis (Shechem), now Nablus, and Shiloh, in the interior. Judaea, w^hich succeeded Samaria towards the south, occupied the coast line from a little to the north of Joppa (Jaffa) to Raphia (Refah). Eastward it was bounded by the Jordan and the Dead Sea, southward by Idumaea or Edom. It comprised the hill-country of Judah and Benjamin, the desert towards the Dead Sea, and the rich Shefelah or plain of the Philistines. The chief towns were Jerusalem, Hebron, and Joppa (Jaffa). Idumaea, or "Ro- man Arabia," was the tract between Judiea and Egypt ; it included the Sinaitic peninsula, Idu- maea Proper, and a narrow tract along the eastern coast of the Red Sea, reaching as far south as lat. 24°. The chief city was Petra. Peraea, or the tract across Jor- dan, comprised the entire habitable country be- tween the great river of Palestine and the Syrian desert. The more northern parts were known as Ituraea and Tracho- PART I., PER. VI.] PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE. 513 nitis; below these came Anratiitis (the Hauran), Galaditis (Gilead), Ammonitis, and Moabitis. The chief cities were Gerasa (Jerash) and Gadara. 24. The African or Southern provinces were six in num- ber : viz., Egypt ; the Cyrenaica, including Crete ; Africa Southern or Proper; Numidia ; and Mauretania. Of these Afbican: Egypt was by far the most important, being the granary of the Empire. 25. Egypt, according to Roman notions, included, besides the Delta and the valley of the Nile, first, the entire tract between the Nile and the Red Sea ; secondly, the ^^^^^' north coast of Africa from the western mouth of the Nile as far as Paraetonium ; and thirdly, the oases of the Libyan desert as far west as long. 28°. Southward the limit was Syene, now Assouan. In Egypt Proper, or the Nile val- ley and Delta, three regions were recognized— ^gyptus Infe- rior, or the Delta, which contained thirty-five nomes; Hepta- nomis, the mid-region, containing seven ; and ^gyptus Su- perior, the Upper valley, containing fifteen. The capital of the province Avas Alexandria; other important towns were, in Lower Egypt, Pelusium, Sais, and Heliopolis ; in the Hep- tanomis, Arsinoe, Heracleopolis, Antinoe, and Hermopolis Magna; in iEgyptus Superior, Thebes, Panopolis, Abydus, Ombos, and Syene. 26. The Cyrenaica adjoined Egypt upon the west, and extended along the coast from long. 27° to 19°. It was a tolerably broad tract, reaching so far inland as to Cyrenaica. j^^^^^^^g ^^le oasis of Ammon, and perhaps that of Aujilah. The chief towns were Berenice (now Benghazi), Arsinoe (Teuchira), Ptolema'is, near Barca (now Dolmeta), and Cyrene (now Grennah). In Crete, which belonged to this province; the most important towns were Gnossus on the north coast, and Gortyna in the interior. 27. Africa Proper corresponded nearly to the two modern Beyliks of Tunis and Tripoli. It extended along the shore from Automalax on the Greater Syrtis to the riv- Afiica. ^^ Tusca (Wady-ez-zain), which divided it from Numidia. The province was made up of two very different regions, viz., a narrow strip of flat coast reaching from Auto- malax to the Gulf of Khabs or Lesser Syrtis, and a broad, hilly, and extremely fertile region, north of the Syrtis and 22* 514 ROME. [book v. the salt lake known as the Shibkah, the former correspond- ing to the modern Tripoli, the latter to Tunis. The chief towns were, in the western hill-tract, Hadrumetum, Car- thage, Utica, and Hij^po Zaritus ; in the low eastern region, Tacape and Leptis Magna, or Neapolis. 28. Numidia was, comparatively speaking, a small tract, its sea-board reaching only from the Tusca *to the Ampsaga, a distance of about 150 miles. Inland it extend- ed as far as the Atlas mountains. Its chief town was Hippo Regius, the modern Bona. 29. Mauretania, the country of the Mauri or Moors, ex- tended from the river Ampsaga on the east to about Cape Ghir (lat..30° 35') upon the west. It correspond- ed in a measure to the modern Marocco and Al- geria, but did not reach so far either eastward or westward. The province was subdivided into two portions, which were called respectively Tingitana and Csesariensis. Tingitana readied from Cape Ghir to the mouth of the Mulucha (Mul- wia). It took its name from Tingis, the capital, now Tan- giers. Csesariensis Lay between the Mulucha and the Amp- saga. The chief cities were Csesarea and Igilgilis, both on the Mediterranean. 30. Such was the extent, and such were the divisions and subdivisions of the Roman Empire under Augustus. Dur- „ ,. insj the century, however, which followed upon Further ex- , .^ , / x -, , \ -,. icusionofthe his decease (a.d. 14 to 114) several large addi- "^^ ^ ' tions were made to the Roman territory ; these will now require a few words of notice. The most impor- tant of them were those of the Agri Decumates, of Britain, Dacia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. 31. The Agri Decumates fell under Roman protection towards the close of the reign of Augustus, but were not AgriDecuma- incorporated into the Empire till about b.c. 100. ^^^- They consisted of a tract between the Upper Danube and the Middle Rhine, reaching from about Ingol- stadt on the one stream to the mouth of the Lahn upon the other, and thus comprising most of Wurtemberg and Baden, together with a portion of South-western Prussia. The most important city in this region was Sumalocenna on the Upper Main. 32. Britain was conquered as far as the Dee and the Wash i-AKT I., PEK. VI.] PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE. 515 under Claudius, and was probably at once reduced to the Britannia, ^^^^ ^^ ^ Roman province. The chief tribes of this portion of the island were the Cantii in Kent, the Trinobantes in Essex, the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk, the Catyeuchlani, Dobuni, and Cornavii, in the mid- land counties, the Regni in Sussex, Surrey and Hants, the Belgse in Somerset and Wilts, the Damnonii in Devon and Cornwall, the Silures in South Wales, and the Ordovices in North Wales. The most important cities were Camulo- dunum (Colchester), Londinium (London), Yerulamium (St. Alban's), Isca (Caerleon upon Usk), and Deva (Chester). Under Nero and YeSpasian further conquests were made ; and under Titus the frontier was advanced as far north as the Friths of Forth and Clyde, which thenceforth formed the real limit of "Britannia Romana." The Highlands of Scotland remained in the possession of the Caledonii, and no attempt was ever made to conquer Ireland (Hibernia or lerne). The tribes of the North were chiefly the Damnii, Selgovse, and Otadeni in the Scotch Lowlands ; the Brigan- tes in Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Durham ; and the Coritani in Lincoln and Notts. The most important of the Northern cities was Eboracum (York). 33. Dacia, which was added to the Empire by Trajan, com- prised Hungary east of the Theiss, together with the. modern . principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. On the west the Theiss separated it from the Jazy- ges Metanastae, who held the tongue of land between the Danube and Theiss rivers. The Carpathians formed its boundary upon the north. Eastward it reached to the Hierasus, which is either the Sereth, or more probably the Pruth. Southward it was divided from Moesia by the Dan- ube. The native capital was Zermizegethusa, which became Ulpia Trajana under the Romans. Other important towns were Tibiscum (Temesvar), Apulum (Carloburg), and Napo- ca (Neumarkt). 34. Armenia, which, like Dacia, was conquered by Trajan, adjoined upon the east the Roman province of Cappadocia, and extended thence to the Caspian. On the north it was bounded by the river Kur or Cyrus, on the south by the Mons Masius, on the south-east by the hiojh mountain-chain between the lakes of Yan and Urumi- 516 KOME. - [iJooK V. yeh, and by the river Araxes (Aras). Its chief cities were Artaxata on the Araxes, Amida (Diarbekr) in the upper val- lev of the Tigris, and Tigranocerta on the flanks of Mount Niphates. 35. Mesopotamia, likewise one of Trajan's conquests, lay south of Armenia, extending from the crest of the Mons Ma- sius almost to the shore of the Persian Gulf, and comjDrising the whole tract between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. Its chief regions were Osrhoene and Mygdonia in tlie nortli, in the south Babylonia and Mesene. In Roman times, Se- leucia, on the Tigris, was its most important city. Other places of some consequence were Edessa and Carrhse (Ha- ran) in Osrhoene, Nisibis in Mygdonia, Circesium near the mouth of the Khabur, and Hatra in the desert between the Kliabur and the Tigris. 36. Assyria, conquered by Trajan, and again by Septimius Severus, lay east of the Tigris, between that stream and the mountains. Southward it extended to the Lesser Zab, or perhaps to the Diyaleh, The only town of importance which it contained was Arbela. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. FIRST SECTION. From the Battle of Actium, B.C. 31, to the Death of Commodus, a.d. 192. Sources. The only continuous history which we possess for this period is that of Dio Cassics (books li. to Ixii.), the lost portions of whose work may be supplied from the abridgment of Xiphilinus. For the earher Emperors the most important authority is Tacitus, whose Annals and His- tories gave a continuous account of Roman affairs from the closing years of Augustus to the death of Domitian. Unfortunately, large portions of both these works are lost, and no abridgment supplies their place. Much inter- esting information is conveyed by the biographical work of Suetonius (vitce xii. Ccesariim), in which time has luckily made no gaps ; but the scandalous stories told by this anecdote-monger are not always to be received as truth. Some light is thrown upon the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius by the His- tory of Velleius Paterculus, and on those of Galba and Otho by their Lives in Plutarch. The Oriental history of the period receives important illustration from the two great works of Josephus (^Antiquitates Judaicce and De Bella J udaico). PART I., PER. VI.] REIGN OF AUGUSTUS. 51 7 Among monuments bearing upon the time, may be mentioned as of great interest and importance the — Marvior Ancyranum, or Great Inscription of Augustus found at Angora (Ancyra), containing his own account of the chief facts of his administration. Best edition, that of Mommsen (Res gestce D. Augusti. Berolini, 1865 ; 8vo), in which the fragments of a Greek translation of the document, found at ApoUonia in Pisidia, are collated. Of modern works treating the history of this period, the following are the most valuable : IIoECK, K., Rotnische Geschichte vom Verfall der Repuhlik his zur Vol- lendung der Monarchie unter Constantin. Gottingen, 1841-50 ; Svo. Merivale, Rev. C, History of the Romans under the Empire. London, 1860-1862 ; 7 vols. Svo. Thierry, Ajtedee, Tableau de Empire Romain jusqu'a la Chute du Gouvernement Imperial en Occident. Paris, 1862 ; 12mo. De Champagny, Les Cesars. Paris, 1859 (3d edition); 3 vols. Svo. With its continuation Les Antonins. Paris, 1863 ; 3 vols. Svo. 1. If we regard the reign of Augustus as commencing with the victory of Actium, we must assign to his sole ad- EeignofAu- ^linistration the long term of forty-five years. gnstus, K.C 31 Pie was thirty-two years of asje when he obtain- to a.p.i4 His tt ni-r» titles audpovv- ed the Undisputed mastery of the Koman world: he lived to be seventy-seven. This long tenure of power, joined to his own prudence and sagacity, enabled him to settle the foundations of the Empire on so firm and solid a basis, that they were never, except for a moment, shaken afterwards. To his prudence and sagacity it was also due that the Empire took the particular shape which in point of fact it at first assumed ; that, instead of being, like the kingdoms of the East, an open and undisguised des- potism, it was an absolute monarchy concealed under re- publican forms. Warned by the fate of Julius, the inheritor of his position resolved to cloak his assumption of supreme and unlimited authority under all possible constitutional formalities. Carefully eschewing every illegal title, avoid- ing even the name " Dictator," to which unpleasant recollec- tions attached from its having been borne by Marius and Sulla, he built up a composite power by simply obtaining for himself, in a way generally recognized as legal, all the various offices of the State which had any real political sig- nificance. These offices, moreover, were mostly taken not in perpetuity, but for a term of years, and were renewed from time to time at the pressing instance of the Senate. 513 ROME. [book v. Some of them were also, to a certain extent, shared with <)tliers — a further apparmt safeguard. State and grandeur were at the same time avoided ; no new insignia of office were introduced ; the manners and deportment of the ruler were citizen-like. Thus both the great parties in the State were fairly satisfied: it was not difficult for republicans to flatter themselves that the Republic still existed ; while monarchists were with better reason convinced that it had passed away forever. The titles and offices assumed by Augustus v.-eve the following : — (1) That of Imperator, or commander-in-chief, conferred on him B.C. 30, which implied the proconsulare imperium, or command of all the provinces ; (2) That of Princeps Senatns (b.c. 28), which enabled him to lead the Senate by entitling him to speak first on all questions which came before, it ; (3) That of per- petual tribune, involved in the tribunicia potestas, which he obtained B.C. 23 ; (4) That of perpetual consul, involved in the -consularis potestas, assumed for life in b.c. 19 ; (5) That of perpetual censor, involved in the. potestas censoria, obtained at the same date ; and (6) That of Pontifex Maximus, taken at the death of Lepidus, b.c. 12. The agnomen of "Augustus," and the honoraiy title of " Pater Patriae/' were mere distinctions, conferring no rights. 2. The chief apparent check on the authority of Augustus was the Senate. Retaining the prestige of a great name, Position of the favorably regarded by large numbers among the itrA^stuslnd people, and possessed of considerable powers in his successors, respect of taxation, of administration, and of nomination to high offices, the Senate, had it been animated by a bold and courageous spirit, might have formed not merely an ornamental adjunct to the throne, but a real coun- terbalancing power in the State, a barrier against oppression and tyranny. The Senate had its own treasury {(Erarium), which was distinct from the privy purse (Jiscus) of the Em- peror ; it divided with the Emperor the government of the Roman world, having its own senatorial provinces {provi7icice Senatus)^ as he had his imperial ones {provincim Ccesaris); it appointed " presidents " and " proconsuls " to administer the one, as he did his " lieutenants " (legati) to administer the other. It was recognized as the ultimate seat of all civil power and authority. It alone conferred the " imperium," or right to exercise rule over the provincials and the citi- zens. Legally and constitutionally, the Emperor derived his authority from the Senate ; and it was always the ac- knowledgment of the Senate, by whatever means obtained, PART I., PER. VI.] REIGN OF AUGUSTUS. 519 which was regarded as imparting legitimacy to the preten- sions of any new aspirant. The Senate was, however, pre- vented from proving any eifectnal check upon the "prince" by the cupidity and timidity w^hich prevailed among its members. All the bolder spirits had perished in the civil wars ; and the senators of Augustus, elevated or confirmed in their seats by him, preferred courting his favor by adula- tion to imperilling their jDOsition by the display of an incon- venient independence. As time went on, and worse Emper- ors than Augustus filled his place, the conduct which had been at first dictated by selfish hopes continued as the result of fear. Over the head of every, one who thwarted the im- perial will impended, like the sword of Damocles, the " lex de maj estate." By degrees the Senate relinquished all iis powers, or suflfered them to become merely nominal; and the Roman "prince" became as absolute a despot as ever was Oriental shah or sultan. The Senate of Augustus was limited to 600 members. It was composed of persons whose continuance in it he had safictioned on those occasions when, as censor, he " purged the Senate," or whom he had himself appointed. To obtain a seat in it, a property qualification was necessary ; and this was grad- ually raised by Augustus from 400,000 to 1,200,000 sesterces. It was com- posed, not simply of Romans and Italians, but also to a certain extent of provincials. Provincial members, however, were obliged to reside, and, in later times, to hold landed property, in Italy. 3. During the principate of Augustus, the " people " con- tinued to possess some remnants of their ancient privileges. Gradual ex- ^^ile the Emperor nominated absolutely the con- tinctionotpop- suls and one-half of the other mas^istrates, the ularnghts. '^ ^ t r> -,. tribes elected, irom among candidates whom the •Emperor had approved, the remainder.^ Legislation followed its old course, and the entire series of " Leges Julise" enact- ed under Augustus, received the sanction of both the Senate and the Centuries. The judicial rights alone of the people were at this time absolutely extinguished, the prerogative of pardon which the Emperor assumed taking the place of the " provocatio ad populum." But the tendency of the Empire was, naturally, to infringe more and more on the remaining popular rights ; and, though a certain show of election, and a certain title to a share in legislation, were maintained by the great assemblies up to the time when the Empire fell, 520 ROME. [book v. yet practically from the reign of Tiberius the people ceased to possess any real political power or privilege. 4. The political power, of which the Senate and people were deprived, could not, in so large an empire as Rome, be all exercised by one man. It was necessary that a Privy Coun- the Emperor should either devolve upon his fa- "^' vorites great part of the actual work of govern- ment, or that he should be assisted in his laborious duties by a regularly constituted Council of State. The temper and circumstances of Augustus inclined him to adopt the more liberal course ; and hence the institution in his time (b.c. 21) of a Privy Council {concilium secretum 2)rincipis), in which all important affairs of State were debated and legis- lative measures were prepared and put into shape. The jealousy of his successors allowed this institution to drop out of the imperial system, and substituted favorites — the mere creatures of the prince — for the legally constituted council- lors of Augustus. The Council of Augustus consisted of the chief annual magistrates, and of fifteen Senators elected by the rest of the Senate for a period of six months. It was thus a sort of Standing Committee of the Senate. 5. As it was the object of Augustus to conceal, so far as possible, the greatness of the change which his measures ef- Coutinuation fected in the government, the magistrates of the atioi?o?new^' Republic were in almost every instance maintain- offices. ^^^ though with powers greatly diminished. The State had still its consuls, praetors, quaestors, aediles, and trib- unes ; but these magistracies conveyed dignity rather than authority, and were coveted chiefly as distinctions. The really important offices were certain new ones, which the changed condition of affairs rendered necessary; as especial- ly, the " praefecture oi the city " {prmfectura itrhis)^ an office restored from the old regal times, and the commandership of the praetorian guard {prwfectura cohortium prmtoriarwn)^ which became shortly the second dignity in the State. The Praetorian Guard, instituted by Augustus for the security of his person, comprised ten cohorts of a thousand men each. It consisted exclusively of Italian soldiers, and included both horse and foot. Three cohorts only were quartered in Rome — the remainder were dispersed among the neighboring cities. Tiberius collected the whole body in a camp just outside the walls of Rome. PAKT I., PER. VI. J REIGN OP AUGUSTUS. 50 j 6. It was, indeed, in the military rather than in the civil institutions of the empire, that something like a real check Power of the existed iipon the caprices of arbitrary power, so army. ^j^^^^ misgovern ment beyond a certain point was rendered dangerous. The security of the empire against both external and internal foes required the maintenance of a standing army of great magnitude; and the necessity of conciliating the affections, or at least retaining the respect, of this armed force imposed limits, that few but madmen overstepped, on the imperial liberty of action. Not only had the prsetorians and their officers to be kept in good-hu- mor, but the five-and-twenty or thirty legions upon the front- iers — no carpet soldiers, but hardy troops, the real salt of the Roman world — had to be favorably impressed, if an emper- or wished to feel himself securely seated upon his throne. This check was the more valuable, as, practically, none other existed. It sufficed, during the period with which we are here more especially concerned — that from Augustus to Com modus — to render good government the rule, and tyran- ny the comparatively rare exception, only about fifty-seveil years out of the 223 having been years of suffering and op- pression. v. The organization of the army was somewhat complica- ted. The entire military force may be divided under the itsorganiza- two heads of those troops which preserved order *^"°* at Rome, and those which maintained the terror of the Roman name in the jorovinces. The troops of the capital were of two kinds : (a) the prtetorians, of whom an account has already been given (supra, § 5), and (b) the " city cohorts " {cohortes urhanoe)^ a sort of armed police, whose number in the time of Augustus was 6000. The troops maintained in the provinces were likewise of two kinds : (c) those of the regular army, or the legionaries, and (c?) the irregulars, who were called " auxilia," i. e., auxilia- ries. The legions constituted the main strength of the sys- tem. They were " divisions," not " regiments." Each of them comprised the three elements of a Roman army:— horse, foot, and artillery — in certain definite proportions, and (in the time of Augustus) numbered probably a little under 7000 men. Augustus maintained twenty-five legions, who formed thus a military force, armed and trained in the best possible 522 ROME. [book v. way, which did not fall much short of 175,000. The auxil- iaries, or troops supplied by the provincials, were about equal in number. Thus the entire force maintained in the early empire may be reckoned at 350,000 or 360,000 men. The Ijegion of Augustus was organized as follows : (1) Infantry — ten "companies" (cohortes), containing 555 men each, except the first, which was of double strength, and tlierefore contained 1110 men ; total, 6105 men. (2) Cavalry — ten "troops" {turmce), containing 66 men each, except the first, which had twice the number; total, 726 men. (3) Artillery — two large and ten small "machinte," with a sufficiency of men to work them, number unknown ; probably not less than 70. Total (probable) strength of the entire legion, 6901. 8. The disposition of the legions varied from time to time, but only within somewhat narrow limits, the military Disposition of Strength of tlic empire being always massed the legions, principally upon the northern and eastern front- iers, or on the lines of the Rhine, the Danube, and the Eu- phrates, where alone had the Romans at this date auy formi- dable foreign enemies. Thirteen or fourteen legions usually guarded the northern, or European, frontier, distributed in nearly equal proportions between the Rhenish and the Da- nubian provinces. In the East, from four to seven legions sufficed to keep in check the barbarians of Asia. Three le- gions were commonly required by Spain, which always cher- ished hopes of independence. The important province of Egypt required the presence of two legions, and the rest of Roman Africa was guarded by an equal number. Two le- gions were also usually stationed in Britain after its con- quest. The older and more peaceful provinces, as Gallia Narbonensis, Sardinia, Sicily, Macedonia, Achsea, Asia, Bi- thynia, etc., were unoccupied by any regular force, order being maintained in them by some inconsiderable native levies. 9. The financial system of the Empire differed but little from that of the later Republic, both the sources of revenue Finances of and the items of expenditure being, for the most the Empire. ^^^.^^ identical. Augustus contented himself, in the main, with simplifying the practice which he found es- tablished, onlj^ in a very few cases adding a new impost. The revenue continued to be derived from the two great sources of (1) the State property, and (2) taxes; and these PART I., TER. VI.] liElGN OF AUGUSTUS. 52^ la^ continued to be either (a) Direct, or (b) Indirect. The chief expenditure was on the military force, land and naval ; on the civil service ; on public works ; and on shows and largesses. It is difficult to form an exact estimate of the probable amount of these several items ; but, on the whole, it seems most likely that the entire annual expenditure must have amounted to at least twenty-five millions of pounds sterling. The principal alterations made by Augustus were: — (1) The substitution of a fixed money payment for the tribute in kind previously levied in the provinces ; (2) The imposition of the vicesivia hcereditatium et legatorum, or five per cent, legacy duty, payable by all Koman citizens on property left them by any other than their next of kin ; and (3) The imposition of restric- tions on celibacy by the Lex Papia Poppcea, which augmented the revenue by the forfeitures incurred under it. Augustus also distributed at his will the different items of revenue between the cerarmm and the^scws (see § 2), enriching the latter at the expense of the former. 10. Though it was as a civil administrator that Augustus obtained his chief reputation, yet much of his attention was Wars of Au- ^^^^ givcu to military affairs, and the w\ars in gustus iu which he eno^aojed, either in person or by his lieu- tia, Arabia, tenants, Were numerous and important. Ihe auuoiiia.e c. complete Subjugation of Northern and North- western Spain was effected, partly by himself, partly by Agrippa and Carisius, in the space of nine years, from b.c. 27 to 19. In B.C. 24, an attempt was made by ^lius Gallus to extend the dominion of Rome into the spice region of Ara- bia Felix ; but this expedition Avas unsuccessful. Better for- tune attended on th(j efforts of the Emperor's step-sons, Dru- sus and Tiberius, in the years b.c. 16 and 15, to reduce the independent tribes of the Eastern Alps, especially the RhaB- tians and Yindelicians. Two campaigns sufficed for the complete reduction of the entire tract between the Lombar- do- Venetian plain and the course of the Upper Danube, the "foi'tress of modern freedom." More difficulty, however, was experienced in subduing the tribes of the Middle and Lower Danube. In Noricum, Pannonia, and Moesia, a gal- lant spirit of independence showed itself; and it was only after frequent revolts that the subjugation of these tracts was effected (between b.c. 12 and a.d. 9). 11. But the most important of all the Roman wars of this period was that with the Germans. The rapid conquest of 52 i ROME. [kook v. Failure of the Gaul and of the tracts south of the Danube en- subdue*Ger- couragecl the Romans to hope for similar success many. against the tribes Avho dwelt in Central Europe, between the Danube and the Baltic. In a military point of view, it would have been a vast gain, could they have advanced their frontier to the line of the Vistula and the Dniester. Augustus seems to have conceived such a design. Accordingly, from about the year b.c. 12, systematic efforts were made for the subjugation of the German races east of the Rhine and north of the Danube, the Usipetes, Chatti, Si- gambri, Suevi, Cherusci, Marcomanni, etc. Fi'om the year B.C. 12 to A.D. 5, a continuous series of attacks was direct- ed against these nations, first by Drusus, and then, after his death (b.c. 9), by Tiberius. Yast armies penetrated deep into the interior; fleets coasted the northei'n shore and as- cended the great rivers to co-operate with the land force; forts were erected ; the Roman language and laws were in- troduced; and the entire tract between the Rhine and the Elbe was brought into apparent subjection. But the real spirit of the nation was unsubdued. After a brief period of sullen submission (a.d. 5 to 8), revolt suddenly broke out (a.d. 9). Arminius, a prince of the Cherusci, took the lead. The Romans were attacked, three entire legions under Va- rus destroyed, and German independence recovered. Hence- forth, though Rome sometimes, in ostentation, or as a meas- ure of precaution, marched her armies into the district be- tween the Rhine and the Elbe, yet no attempt was made at conquest or permanent occupation. The Rhine and Danube became the recognized limits of the empire, and, except the Agri Decumates, Rome held no land on the right bank of the former river. Details op the War with Germany. Tire war began with an attack by Drusus in B.C. 12, Avhich Avas chiefly from the sea-board, and had no great success. Fresh expeditions were made, however, by land, in u.c. 11 and 9, ttnder the conduct of the same prince, and in these he had better fortune. He reduced the Chatti, caused the Marcomanni to retire eastward, ravaged the country of tlie Cherusci, and reached (b.c. 11) the banks of the Weser, and (b.c. 9) those of the Elbe. He died, however,, in the last-named year, from the effects of an accident, on his return from his expedition. The com- mand was then assigned to Tiberius, who held it for two years (b.c. 8 to 7), when he was succeeded by Domitius ^nobarbus, who was followed by Vini- cius. Tiberius then, on his retm-n from Rhodes, once more took the conduct TART I., PER. VI.] KEIGN OF AUGUSTUS. 525 of the war (a.d. 4), and making his attack both by hind and sea, gained im- portant successes. Almost all the tribes between the Rhine and Elbe sub- mitted to him. He was proceeding (in a.d, G) to invade the Marcomanni in their new country of Bohemia, when the revolt in Pannonia (see § 10) called him off to the recovery of that province. Quintilius Varus succeeded him in the command, and, discontinuing warlike operations, applied himself' to the organization of the submitted territory ; but his measures, which were harsh, disgusted the populations, and drove them to revolt under Arminius (a.d. 9). The destruction of the legions and recoveiy of independence fol- lowed in the same year. In a.d. 10, Tiberius for the third time took the command; but his efforts were now confined to the mere re-establishment of the honor of Rome by incursions across the Rhine, which the Germans did not venture to resist. The same course was pursued by Germanicus during the short remainder of Augustus's reign (a.d. 12 to 14). 12. The internal tranquillity of Rome was during the whole of Augustus's long reign never once interrupted. Flourishing Revolutionary passions had to a great extent condition of exhausted themselves, and the piiidence and' vis:- the Roman . , ' i t m world under ilance 01 the ^.mj^ei'or never relaxed. The arts Augustus. of peace flourished. Augustus "found Rome of brick and left it of marble." He gave a warm encourage- ment to literature, and with such effect that the most bril- liant period of each nation's literary liistory is wont to take name from him. Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Tibullus, Propertius, Varius, Livy, adorned his court, and formed an assemblage of talent never surpassed and rarely equalled. Commerce pursued its course securely under his rule, and, though a little checked by sumptuary laws, became continually more and more profitable. Much attention was given to agricul- ture ; and the productiveness of the land, both in Italy and the provinces, increased. Altogether, the Augustan age must be regarded as one of much material prosperity, ele- gance, and refinement ; and it can create no surprise that the mass of the population were contented with the new regime. 13. The "good-fortune" of Augustus, which the ancients admired, was limited to his public, and did not attach to his Domestic mis- P^'ivate life. He suffiered greatly from ill health, AuSistus"^ more especially in his earlier years. Though Helidopts his thrice married — to Claudia, to Scribonia, and to berius, and Livia — lie had no son; and his only daughter, hfra^a" hi^s^uc Julia, disgraced him by her excesses. His first cessor. son-iu-law, Marcellus, was cut off" by sickness in 526 HOME. [book v. the flower of his age ; and his second, Agrippa, died when he was but a little more than fifty. Towards his third, Ti- berius, he never felt warmly ; and it was from nQcessity rather than choice that he raised him to the second place in' the empire. It was no doubt among his most cherished wishes to have been succeeded by one of his own blood ; but of the three sons born to his daughter, Julia, the two elder, Caius and Lucius, died just as they reached manhood, the latter in a.d. 2, the former in a.d. 4, while the third, Agrippa Posthumus, was of so dull and stolid a temperament, that not even the partiality of family afiection could blind the Emperor to his unfitness. Deprived thus of all support from those of his own race and lineage, Augustus in his old age was forced to lean wholly upon his wife and the male scions of her family. These were Tiberius, the son, and Germani- ( us, the grandson of Livia, son of the deceased Drusus. ^Vhen the aged Emperor, feeling the approach of death, re- solved to make distinct arrangements for the succession, his choice fell on the former, whom he adopted, and associated with himself in some of the most important of the imperial functions. At the same time, he required Tiberius to adopt his nephew, Germanicus, and gave the latter the hand of his own granddaughter, Agrippina. Augustus lived to see (a.d. 12) the birth of a great-grandson, the issue of this union, and thus left one male descendant, who in course of time inherited his crown. Special works on the life and times of Augustus were written in the last century by Blackwell and Larry ; but these can not be recommended to the reader. Of far greater importance are the following : LoEBELL, Ueber das Principat des Augustus, in Raumer's Historisches Taschenhuch, for the year 1834, Weichert, a., Imperatoris Ccvsaris Augusti Scriptorum Reliquice ; Fasc. i., Grim£B, 1841; 4to. 14. Augustus died a.d. 14, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. There is no reason to believe that his end was Eeif'nofTibc- ^^^stened by Livia, or by any of those about him. rius%.D. 14- His health had long been giving way, and, but ances at his for the tender care of his attached wife, he would probably have died sooner. His place was taken, after some coquetry, by Tiberius, with the entire assent of the Senate and people of Rome, though not without opposi- PART 1., ii:R. vi.J REIGN OF TIBERIUS. 527 tion on the part of the army. It is important to observe that, even at this early date, the legions had an inkling of their strength, and would have proclaimed an emperor, and drawn their swords in his cause, had not the object of their choice, Germanicus, shrunk from the treason. Tiberius was indebted to the generosity of his young kinsman, or to his want of ambition, for his establishment in the imperial dig- nity without a struggle. It is perhaps not surprising that he felt more jealousy than gratitude towards one who had been proclaimed his rival; but he can not be exonerated from blame for so manifesting his jealousy as to make it generally felt that to vex, thwart, or injure his nephew was the shortest w^ay to his favor. 15. The reign of Tiberius may be conveniently divided into three periods: — (l) From his accession to his retire- Tripie ciivis- ^^^"^ ^^'^^" *^^^ Capital (a.d: 14 to 26 = 12 years); ion of h^ (2) From his retirement to the death of Seianus reign. First ) ' . . '^ Period, A.D. (a.d. 26 to 31=5 years) ; and (3) From the death of Sejanus to his own (a.d. 31 to 37=6 years). The main events of the first period were the exploits and death of Germanicus ; the rise of Sejanus to power; and the death of Drusus, Tiberius's only son. During three years Germanicus attempted the re-conquest of Western Germany, and ravaged Avith his legions the entire country between the Rhine and the Elbe. But no permanent effect was produced by his incursions ; and Tiberius, after a while, removed him from the West to the East, fearful j^erhaps of his becoming too dear to the German legions. In the management of the East he gave him as a coadjutor the ambitious and reckless Piso, who sought to bring his administration into contempt, and was believed to have removed him by poison. It is perhaps uncertain whether Germanicus did not really die a natural death, though his own conviction that he was poi- soned is indubitable. Cappadocia and Commagene were not formally reduced to the condition of Roman provinces till the arrival of Germanicus in the East, a.d. 17. Pre- viously to this they were Roman dependencies under native kings. Armenia continued in this condition. 16. The rise of Sejanus to power is to be connected with RiseofSeja- the general policy of Tiberius as a ruler, which nus to power, ^^^g characterized by a curious mixture of sus- 528 HOME. [uooiv v. piciousness with over-confidence. Distrusting his own abil- ities, doubtful of his right to the throne, he saw on every side of liini possible rivals — aspirants Avho might thrust him from his high place. The noblest and wealthiest of the Pa- tricians, the members and connections of the Julian house, and the princes of his own flxmily, were the especial objects of his jealousy. These, therefore, he sought to depress ; he called none of them to his aid ; he formed of them no "Privy Council," as Augustus had done, but resolved to administer the entire empire by his own unassisted exertions. Inde- fatigable as he was in business, this, after a while, he found to be impossible; and he was thus led to look out for a helper, who should be too mean in origin and position to be dangerous, while he possessed the qualities which would render him useful. Such an one he tliought to have found in jElius Sejanus, the' mere son of a Roman knight, a pro- vincial of Yulsinii, whom he made " PrcTtorian Prefect," and who gradually acquired over him the most unbounded in- fluence. As with his chief assistant at Kome, so with his lesser assistants in the provinces, Tiberius chose them carefully from among those whom he did not fear, and then continued them, without change or recall, in their govern- ments. 17. The death of Drusus was the result of the criminal ambition of Sejanus, which nothing could content short of Death of Dm- the first place in the empire. Having seduced mlntiiTtt Livilla, the wife of Drusus and niece of Tiberius, riustoCaprete. gejanus, with her aid, took him oif by poison (a.d. 23). His crime being undiscovered, he soon afterwards (a.d. 25) requested the permission of Tiberius to marry the widow. The request took Tiberius by surprise ; it opened his eyes to his favorite's ambition, but it did not at once de- stroy his influence. Declining the proposal made to him, he allowed his minister to persuade him to quit Rome, retire to Capreae, and yield into his hands the entire conduct of afiairs at the capital. 18. The influence of Sejanus was now at its height, and was made use of in two ways — to remove the chief remain- second Peri- ing members of the imperial family, and to ob- F^iii'of s?S^' *^"^ ^^^^ ^^^^ admission into it. By lies and in- uus. trigues he procured the arrest and imprisonment 1-AKT i„ lEK. VI.] IIEIGN OF TIBERIUS. 509 of Agrippina and her two elder sons, Nero and Drusus. By pressing his claims, he obtained at last the consent of the Emperor to the marriage whereto he aspired, and was actu- ally betrothed to Livilla. At the same time, he Avas made joint consul with his master. But at this point his good- fortune stopped. In the very act of raising his favorite so liiglj, the Emperor had become jealous of him. Signs of his changed feelings soon appeared ; and Sejanus, anxious to an- ticipate the blow which he felt to be impending, formed a plot to assassinate his master. Failing, however, to act with due promptness, he was betrayed, degraded from his com- mand, seized^ and executed, a.d. 31. 19. It might have been hoped that Tiberius, relieved from the influence of his cruel and crafty minister, would have re- Third Period, vcrtcd to the (comparatively) mild policy of his Rcigao?Ter- ^^arlicr years.. But the actual result was the re- »"o'". verse of this. The discovery that he had been deceived in the man on whom alone he had reposed confi- dence, rendered him more suspicions than ever. The knowl- edge, which he now acquired, that his own son had been murdered, affrighted Iiim. Hencefortli Tiberius became a monster of tyranny, because he trusted no one, because he saw in merit of whatever kind at once a reproach and a dan- ger. Hence a "Reign of Terror" followed the execution ot Sejanus. In the fall of the favorite all his friends, all who had paid court to him, were implicated ; in the guilt of Li- villa, the equal guilt of the other relatives of Germani- cus was regarded as proved. Nero, therefore, Drusus, and Agrippina, as well as Livilla, Avere put to death; hundreds of nobles, men, women, and even children, were massacred. The cruel tyrant, skulking in his island abode, issued his bloody decrees, and at the same time gave himself up to strange and unnatural forms of profligacy, seeking in them, ^., . ^. perhaps, a refuge from remorse. At lenorth,when Tiberius dies. ^ ,-^-' ^ t ■, - .,,^' he had reached his seventy -eighth year, his strong constitution failed, and he died after a short illness, A.D. 37. 20. The political and legal changes belonging to the reign Legal aud con- of Tibcrius wcre not many in number, but they chauge"dur- ^^'^re of Considerable importance. Among his first iug his reigu. acts was the extinction of the last vestig^e of pop- 23 530 HOME. [book v. ular liberty, by the withdrawal from the "comitia tribu- ta"ofall share in the appointment of magistrates. Their right of selection from among the Emperor's canelidates was transferred to the Senate, and henceforth the tribes met merely pro forma, to confirm the choice of that body. A second, and still more vital, change tv^s the usurpation by the Emperor of the right to condemn to death, and execiite iDithout trials all those who were obnoxious to him, or at any rate all whom the tribunals had once committed to prison. A third innovation was the extension of the "lex de majes- tate " to words and even thoughts, and the introduction by these means of " constructive treason " into the list of capi- tal oifenses. It is scarcely necessary to observe ho^v these changes tended in the direction of despotism, which was still further promoted by the establishment of the entire body of praetorian guards in a camj) immediately outside of Rome, for the sole purpose of overawing, and, if need Avere, coercing the citizens. On the character of Tiberius, the reader may consult the work of A. Stahr, Tiberius. Berlin, 1863 ; 8vo. 21. The demise of Tiberius revealed a vital defect in the imperial system, viz., the want of any regular and establish- Cains (or Ca- ed law of succession. Tiberius had associated ce"ed?TTberi- iio^^ody, had designated nobody by his will, had "s- left the State to shift for itself, careless whether or no there followed on his decease a deluge. Under these circumstances, the Senate, the proetorians, and the people might all conceive that the right of appointing an imperator, if not even that of determining whether or no any new im- perator should be appointed, rested with them. A collision might easily have occurred, but the circumstances were for- tunately such as to produce a complete accord between the three possible disputants. Soldiers, Senate, and people united in putting aside any glowing dream of the Republic, and in calling to the throne Caius, the only surviving son of Germanicus and Agrippina, whose parentage rendered him universally popular, while his age was suitable, and his char- acter, so far as it was known, unobjectionable. Besides Caius, the only tAVO persons Avhose connection with previous im- perators pointed them out to notice were Claudius, the brother of Germani- cus, and Tiberius Gemellus, the son of Drusus and grandson of Tibeiins. TART I., PER. VI.] KEIGN OF CAIUS. 531 But the latter was too young (he was but 17) to be regarded as capable of discharging the duties of an emperor ; while the former was a recluse, Avhose existence was scarcely known joutside the palace. Thus Caius had, practical- ly, no rival. 22. The reign of Caius, or Caligula, as he is generally termed, lasted less than four years (from March, a. d. 37, to Rei^iiofCai- January, A.D. 41), but was long enough to fully us, A.D. 37-41. clisplay the disastrous effects of the possession of arbitrary power on a weak and ill-balanced mind. At first mild, generous, and seemingly amiable, he rapidly degener- ated into a cruel and fantastic tyrant, savage, merciless, and mocking. Dissipating in a few months the vast hoards of Tiberius, who had left in the treasury a sum exceeding twenty-one millions of our money, he was driven to supply his needs, in part by an oppressive taxation, but mainly from confiscations of large estates, to procure which it was only necessary to make a free use of the law of " majestas." Ex- ecutions, suicides, exiles followed each other throughout his reign in an unceasing succession, the Emperor becomingt more and more careless of bloodshed. The most wanton ex- travagance exhausted the resources of the State. Not con- tent with the ordinary forms of profligacy, Caius lived in open incest with his sister, Drusilla. After his own severe illness, and her death (a.d. 38), the violence of his feelings, which he had long ceased to control, and the strange con- trast, which those events brought home to him, between his weakness and his strength, his unlimited power over the lives of others, and his impotence to avert death, seem to have shattered his reason, and to have rendered him actually in- sane. His self-deification, his architectural extravagances, his absurd expeditions and still wilder projects, which all be- long to the latter half of his reign, have been justly thought to indicate that his mind was actually unhinged. The awful spectacle of a madman absolute master of the civilized world is here presented to us ; and the peril inherent in the despot- ic form of government is shown in the clearest light. The human suffering compressed into Caligula's short reign can scarcely be calculated. What would have been the result, had he been allowed to live out his natural term of life? His murder Fortunately for the world, tyranny, when it reaches a certain point, provokes resistance. 532 ROME. ■ [book v. Caius was struck down in the fourth year of his reign, and the thirtieth of his life, by the swords of two of his guards, whom he had insulted beyond endurance. 23. This sudden blow, whereby the State was left wiiolly without a head, was an event for which the imperial consti- importauce of tution had made no provision ; and its occurrence the crisis. produced a crisis of vast importance for its eftect on the imperial constitution itself, which suffered a modifica- tion. Two questions presented themselves to be determined by the course of events: — (l) "Was the Empire accidental and temporary, or was it tlie regular and established form of government ?" And (2) " In the latter case, with whom did it rest, in case of a sudden vacancy for which no prepa- ration had been made, to select a successor?" The all but entire abolition of the Comitia put the claim of the people to be heard on either point out of the question : the deter- mination necessarily rested with the Senate or the soldiers. Had the Senate been sufficiently prompt, it might not im- ^probably have determined both points in its own favor ; it might have restored the Kepublic, or it might have nomi- nated an emperor. But it was unprepared; it hesitated; it occupied itself with talk ; and the opportunity, w^hich it might have seized, passed away forever. For the praeto- rians, accidentally finding Claudius in the palace, and aware of the hesitation of the Senate, assumed the right of choice, proclaimed him emperor, and thereby asserted and estab- lished both the fixity of the Empire and the right of the army to nominate the imperator. Henceforth for more than half a century the nominees of the army w^ore the crown, and the Senate was content Avith the mere ratification of the army's choice. It was not till the tyranny of Domitian had thrown discredit on the sol- diers' emperors that the Senate (a.d. 96) once more took' heart, and ventured to nominate a sovereign. 24. Claudius, who succeeded Caius, was his uncle, being the younger brother of Germanicus, and thus, though con- Reio-n of ciau- "^^^^ed with the Julian house, not by birth a dins', A.n. 41- member of it. His reisjn la^ed between thirteen 54. Influeuce n -r r\ of his wives and fourteen years, from January, a.d. 41, to Oc- tober, A.D. 54. Though mild, diligent, and well- intentioned, he was by nature and education unfitted to rule, PAKT i.,PER.vi.] KEIGN OF CLAUDIUS. 533 more especially in a corrupt commonwealth. Shy, weak, and awkward, he had been considered from his birth " wanting," had been debarred from public life till he was forty-six years of age, and had acquired the temper and habits of a recluse student. Left to himself, he might have reigned respecta- bly; but it was his misfortune to fall under the influence of persons grievously unprincipled, whose characters he was unable to read, and who made him their tool and cat's-paw. His wives, Messalina and Agrippina, and his freedmen, Pal- las and Narcissus, had tlie real direction of affairs during his reign ; and it Avas to them, and not to Claudius himself, that the corruption and cruelties which disgraced his principate were owing; The death of the infamous Messalina, to which he consented, can not be charged against him as a crime, for it was thoroughly merited ; and the sway of Agrippina, though in the end it had disastrous effects, was not without counterbalancing advantages. The princess who recalled Seneca from exile and made him her son's tutor, w^ho ad- vanced to power the honest Burrhus, and protected many an accused noble, can not be regarded as wholly a malign influ- ence. Her fear of suffering the jDunishment due to her infi- delity, and her natural desire to see her son upon the throne. Murdered by ^^d her on at last to crime of the deepest dye. Agrippina. gj-^g ^q^]^ advantage of her position to poison the unhappy Claudius in the sixty-fourth year of his age, and the fourteenth of his reign. In the reign of Claudius several useful and important works were con- structed ; the empire received further consolidation ; and in one direction its bounds were considerably extended. Of the " works," the most remarkable were the "Aqua Claudia" and the "Aqua Aniena Nova," two great aque- ducts which brought water to Kome from a distance of forty miles ; the "Portus Romanus," or new harbor at Ostia; and the "Emissarium Fuci- num," or tunnel to carry oiF the superfluous waters of Lake Fucinus. The consolidation of the empire was advanced by changing Mauretania(A.D. 42), Lycia (a.b. 43), Judasa (a.d. 44), and Thrace (a.d. 47) from dependencies into actual provinces. The extension of the empire was towards the north- west, where Britain was conquered, mainly by A. Plautius, but partly by Claudius in person, as far north as a line drawn from the Wash to the mouth of the Dee (see pp. 514, 515). 25. Claudius left behind him a son, Britannicus, who was however but thirteen years old at his father's death. The crown, therefore, naturally fell to his adopted son, Nero, who 534 ROME. [book v. Reign of l^ad married his daughter, Octavia, and who was, S^^%ts"ea?iy nioreover, a direct descendant of Augustus. Pro- promise, claimed by the praetorians as soon as the demise of his father-in-law was known, he was at once accepted by the Senate, whom the circumstances of the elevation of Claudius (see § 23) had made conscious of their weakness. The feelings which greeted his accession were similar to those called forth on a similar occasion by Caligula. Noth- ing but good could, it was thought, proceed from the grand- son of Germanicus, the comrade of Lucan, the pupil of Sene- ca. Nor were these hopes disappointed for a considerable time. During the first five years of his principate — the fa- mous " quinquennium Neronis " — all went well, at any rate, outside the palace ; the " golden age " seemed to have re- turned ; Nero forbade delation, remitted taxes, gave liberal largesses, made assignments of lands, enriched the treasury from his private stores, removed some of the burdens of the provincials. During this period Seneca and Burrhus were ins advisers; and their judicious counsels produced a mild but firm government. Within the palace there were, indeed. His first great already scandals and crimes: the impatient son crime. j^j-^^j ^j^g exacting mother soon quarrelled ; and the quarrel led to the first of Nero's domestic tragedies, the poisoning of Britannicus (a.d. 55). This was soon followed by the disgrace of the queen-mother, who was banished from court and made the object of cruel suspicions. The gay prince, passing his time in amusements and debaucheries, fell now (a.d. 58) under the influence of a fierce and ambitious woman, the infamous Poppaea Sabina, wife of Otho, who con- sented to be his mistress, and aspired to become His liiter p''of- ligacyancityr- his queen. At her instigation Nero assassinated '^""^* first his mother Agrippina (a.d. 59), and then his wife Octavia (a.d. 62), whom he had previously repudiated. He now plunged into evil courses of all kinds. He murder- ed Burrhus, broke with Seneca, and put himself under the direction of a new favorite, Tigellinus, a man of the worst character. Henceforth he was altogether a tyrant. Peck- less in his extravagance, he encouraged delation in order to replenish his treasury ; he oppressed the provincials by im- posing on them forced contributions, over and above the taxes ; he shocked public opinion by performing as a singer PART I., PKK. VI.] REIGN OF NEKO. 535* and n charioteer before his subjects; he displayed complete indifference to the sufferings of the Romans at the time of the great fire ; he openly encouraged prostitution and even worse vices ; and he began the cruel practice of persecuting Jews and Christians for their opinions, which disgraced the empire from his time to that of Constantine. After this tyr- anny had encfured for five years, something of a spirit of re- sistance appeared; conspiracy ventured to raise its head, but only to be detected and struck down (a.d. G5). Fear now made the Emperor more cruel than ever. Executions and assassinations followed each oth<^r in more and more rapid succession. All the rich and powerful, all the descendants of Augustus, all those who were noted for virtue, lost their lives. At last he grew jealous of his own creatures, the leg- ates who commanded legions upon the frontiers, and deter- mined on sacrificing them. The valiant Corbulo, command- er of the forces of the East, was entrapped and executed. Kufus and Proculus Scribonius, who had the chief authority in the two Germanics, were recalled and forced to kill them- selves. A similar fate menaced all the chiefs of legions, who, . on learning their peril, rose in arms against the geJerais. His tymut. Galba and Otho in Spain, Vindex in '^^^^^* Gaul, Claudius Macer in Africa, Virginius Rufus and Fonteius Capito in Germany, raised the standard of re- volt almost at the same time. The multitude of pretenders to empire seemed at first to promise ill for the cause of re- bellion, and in one case there was actual war between the troops of two of them, terminating in the death of one (Vin- dex) ; but after a while, by general agreement, Galba Avas chosen to conduct the contest, and, all chance of dividing his adversaries beilig over, the hopes of Nero fell. Deserted on all hands, even by Tigellinus and the praetorians,^ he was forced to call on a slave to dispatch him, that he might not fall alive into the hands of his enemies. IS^ero died on the 9th of June, a.d. 68, at the age of thirty, in the fourteenth year of his principate. The chief events in the external histoiy of Rome belonging to the reign of Nero were:—!. The revolt of Britain under Boadicea (a.d. 61), with the destruction of Camulodunum and Londinium, and the recovery of the prov- ince by Suetonius Paulinus ; 2. The war with the Parthians and Armeni- ans waged by Corbulo (a.d. 56 to 63), which advanced Terminus slightly at '530 liO.ME. [iiooiv V. the extreme north-east corner of the empire ; and 3. The commencement of the Jewish war (a.d, G6), in consequence of the oppressive government of Gessius Florus. The discipline of the legions was still for the most part maintained successfully ; and the superiority of the Roman arms was exhib- ited or confessed on every frontier. 26. Though the law of hereditary succession in the em- pire had at no time been formally established, or even ^s- Resnitsofthe scrted with any distinctness under the early Cse- the'jSian ^^ ^^^'^' J^^ there can be no doubt that the extinc- house. tion of the Julian family by the death of Nero paved the way for fresh civil commotions, by practically opening the prospect of obtaining supreme power to numer- ous claimants. Hitherto the Romans had not in fact looked for an imperator beyond the members, actual or adopted, of a single liouse. Henceforth the first place in the State was a prize at which any one might aim, no family ever subse- quently obtaining the same hold on power, or the same pres- tige in the eyes of the Romans as the Julian. 27. S. Sulpicius Galba, who became emperor in April, a.d. 68, by the will of the Spanish legions, and the acquiescence Reign of Gal- of his* brother-commanders in Gaul and Germany, ba, A.D. 68-69. ^j^g ^ Roman cast in the antique mould — severe, simple, unbending. He w^as thus ill fitted to bear rule in a state so corrupt as Rome had come to be ; and the disasters which followed his appointment might have been antici- pated by any one possessed of moderate foresight. His strictness and his parsimony disgusted at once the soldiers and the populace ; and Avhen Otho, who had hoped to be nominated his successor, turned against him on account of his adopting Piso Licinianus, he found himself with scarce- ly a friend, and was almost instantly overpo^^ered and slain (January 15, a.d. 69). His adopted son, Piso, shared his fate ; and the obsequious Senate at once acknowledged Otho as Emperor. 28. M. Salvius Otho, the husband of the infamous Poppsea Sabina, was a dissolute noble, who had run through a long er.i-u course of vice, and Avhb, having^ exhausted all EeignofOtho, . ' '. ^ .=• . • • p Jan. to April, Other cxcitcments, determmed m the spirit oi a gambler to play for empire. Successful in seiz- ing the throne, he found his right to it disputed by another of Galba's officers, the commander of the German legions. PART I., PER. VI.] GALEA, OTHO, AND VITELLIUS. 537 Vitellius. Nothing daunted, he resolved to appeal to the arbitrament of arms, and to bring matters to an issue as soon as possible. When in the great battle of Bedriacum fortune declared against him, he took her at her word, gave up the struggle as carelessly as he had begun it, and by a prompt suicide made the empire over to his rival. Otho died, April 16, a.d. 69, after a reign of barely three months. 29. In exchanging the rule of Otho for that of Vitellius, the Roman world lost rather than gained. Otho was profli- Keigu of vi- gate, reckless, sensual ; but he was brave. Yi- . to i)ec.^Ji^ tellius had all Otho's vices in excess, and, in ad- C9- ' dition, was cowardly and vacillating. He gained the empire not by his own exertions, but by those of his generals, Caecina and Valens. Having gained it, he speedily lost it by weakness, laziness, and incapacity. We search his character in vain for any redeeming trait : he possessed no one of the qualities, moral or mental, which fit a man to be a ruler. What was most peculiar in him was his wonderful gluttony, a feature of his character in which he was unrival- led. It is not sui'prising that the Roman world declined to acquiesce long in his rule ; for while, morally, he was equal- ly detestable with the worst prmces of the Julian house, intellectually he was far their inferior. The standard of Revolt of ves- rcvolt was raiscd against him, after he had reign- Ss^Sfhif^'^' ^^ ^ ^^^^ months, by Vespasian, commander in success. Judaea, who was supported by Mucianus, the president of Syria, and the legions of the East generally. The analogy of the previous civil contests would have led us to expect the defeat of an aspirant who, with troops de- rived from this quarter, assailed the master of the West. But Vespasian had advantages at no former time possessed by any Oriental pretender. He was infinitely superior, as a general and statesman, to his antagonist. He had all the " respectability " of the empire in his favor, a general disgust being felt at the degrading vices and stupid supineness of Vitellius. Above all, he did not depend upon the East sole- ly, but was supp'orted also by the legions of the central provinces — Mcesia, Pannonia, lUyricum — troops as brave and hardy as any in the whole empire. Hence his attack was successful. Securing in his own person Egypt, ^e granary of Rome, he sent his generals, Antonius Primus and Muci- 23* 538 ROME. [book v. anus, into Italy. The (second) battle of Bedriacum, which was gained by Antonius, in fact decided the contest; but it was prolonged for several months, chiefly through the ob- stinacy of the Vitellian soldiery, ^vho would not permit their leader to abdicate. In a struggle which followed between the two parties inside the city, the Capitol was assaulted and taken, the Capitoline temple burnt, and Flavins Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, slain. Soon afterwards the Fla- vian army stormed and took Rome, defeated and destroyed tlie Vitellians, and, obtaining possession of the Em^^erors person, put him to an ignominious death. 30. Though Vitellius did not perish till December 21, a.d. 69, yet the accession of his successor, T. Flavins Yespasianus, • ^^ was dated from the 1st of July, nearly six months KeignofVes- ,. ^^ . • j / /r- pasian, A.D. 69 earlier. Vespasian reigned ten years (irom a.d. ~'^' 69 to 79), and did much to recover the empire from the state of depression and exhaustion into which the civil struggles of the two preceding years had brought it. By his general, Cerialis, he suppressed the revolt of Ger- many and eastern Gaul, which, under Ciyilis, Sabinus, and Classicus, had threatened to deprive Rome of some of her most important provinces. By the skill and valor of his elder son, Titus, he put down the rebellion of the Jews, and destroyed the magnificent city which alone, of all the cities of the earth, was, by her beauty and her prestige, a rival to the Roman metropolis. The limits of the empire were dur- ing his reign advanced in Britain from the line of the Dee and Wash, to that of the Solway Frith and Tyne, by the generalship of Agricola, The finances, which had fallen into complete disorder, were replaced upon a sound footing. The discipline of the army, w^hich Otho and Vitellius had great- ly relaxed, was re-established. Employment was given to the people by the construction of great works, as, particular- ly, the Temple of Peace, and the Flavian Amphitheatre or " Coliseum." Education and literature w^ere encouraged by grants of money to their professors. The exceptional treat- ment of the Stoics, who were banished from Rome, arose from political motives, and was perhaps a state necessity. Altogether, Vespasian must be regarded as the best ruler that Rome^Jiad had since Augustus — a ruler who knew how to combine firmness with leniency, economy with libe'rality. pAiiT I., PEK. VI.] VESPASIAN AND TITUS. 539 and a generally pacific policy with military vigor upon proper occasion. Details of Vespasian's Wars. (1) War with Civilis, a.d. 69, 70. Civilis aimed iit establishing an independent Germany on the left bank of the Rhine. Professing a wish to help Vespasian and injure Vitellius, he gradually overpowered the Roman troops which guarded the province, or induced them to join him. Not satisfied with this success, he urged the Gauls to follow his example, and prevailed on Sabinus and Classicus to pro- claim a Gallic empire. But the proclamation awoke no response among the weak and plastic Celts, who were satisfied with their position under the Ro- mans. Gaul Avas easily pacified, and Civilis, after three defeats, was forced to quit his newly-formed kingdom and retire across the Rhine. (2) War WITH THE Jeavs. Vcspasian was appointed to conduct this war by Nero, A.D. 66. His first campaign was in Galilee, a.d. 67. He took Jotapata, capturing the historian Josephus, made himself master of Tiberias and Tari- chea, and reduced all northern Palestine. In the course of the next year, A.D. 68, he advanced southward to Jericho and Ctesarea. Inactive during the earlier part of a.d. 60, on account of the civil contests, he left the prose- cution of the war to his son Titus, when he quitted Palestine for Egypt : and Titus, early in a.d. 70,. commenced the siege of the capital. Jerusalem was taken, after a desperate resistance, in the autumn of the same year ; its in- habitants were massacred or sold as slaves ; and the whole city Avas razed to the ground. (3) War in Britain, Agricola, made governor of Britain by Vespasian in a.d. 78, began his career by the complete reduction of the Ordovices, the chief tribe of North Wales. He then (a.d. 70) attacked the Brigantes and other inhabitants of the tract between the Wash and the Tyne, and subdued the island as far as the Tyne and Solway, establisliing a line of forts across the isthmus Avhich unites England Avith Scotland. (The remain- der of the British War belongs to the reigns of Titus and Domitian.) On the legislation of Vespasian, the student may consult the Avork of— Cramer, A.G., D. Vespasianus, sive de vita et legislatione T. Flavii Ves- pasiani commentarius. Jenaj, 1785. 31. Vespasian Lad taken care before his decease to associ- ate his elder son, Titus, in the empire ; and thus the latter KeignofTi- was, at his father's death, acknowledged without tus, A.D. 79-81. any difficulty as sovereign. His character was mild but weak; he cared too much for popularity; and was so prodigal of the resources of the State, that, had his reign been prolonged, he must have had recourse to confiscations or exactions in order to replenish an empty treasury. For- tunate ■ in his early death, he left behind liini a character unstained by any worse vice than voluptuousness. Even the public calamities w^hich marked his reign— the great eruption of Vesuvius, which overwhelmed Pompeii and Her- culaneum, a terrible fire at Rome, and a desti'uctive pesti- -;)6. 540 ROME. [book v. lence — detracted but little from the general estimation in which he was held, being regarded as judgments, not on the prince, but on the nation. Titus held the throne for the short term of two years and two months, dying Sept. 13, A.D. 81, when he was not quite forty. Titus continued Agricola in his British command, and the third and fourth campaigns of that general belong to his reign. In these campaigns Agricola reduced the Scotch lowlands, and advanced the Roman frontier from the line of the Tyne and Solway to that of the Friths of Forth and Clyde. 32. Domitian, the younger brother of Titus, though not associated by him in the empire, had been pointed out by him as his successor; and the incipient right thus Eeign of Do- ^ ^ . . ' . .^ „ ^ . , tiau, A.D.S1 conferred met with no opposition irom either Senate or army. Of a morose and jealous tem- per, he had sorely tried the affection of both his father and brother ; but they had borne patiently with his faults, and done their best to lessen them. It might have been hoped that on attaining to a position in which he had no longer a rival, he would have become better satisfied, and more geni- al; but a rooted self-distrust seems to have rendered him morbidly suspicious of merit of any kind, while an inward nnhappiness made him intolerant of other men's pleasures and satisfactions. Had he succeeded in gathering real lau- rels on the banks of the Rhine and Danube, the gratification of his self-love would probably have improved his temper; but, as it was, his inability to gain any brilliant success in either quarter disappointed and still further soured him. His tyranny Morosc and sevcrc by nature, as time went on ho and murder. l3ecame crucl ; not content with strictly enforcing obsolete laws, he revived the system of accusations, condem- nations, and forfeitures, which had been discontinued since the days of Nero; having decimated the ranks of the nobles, and provoked the conspiracy of Saturninus, he became still more barbarous through fear ; and, ending by distrusting every one and seeking to strike terror into all, he drew upon himself, just as his sixteenth year had begun, the fate which he deserved. He was murdered by the freedmen of the palace, whom his latest executions threatened, on the 18th ofSeptember, A.D. 90. Wars of Domitian. (1) War in Britain. Agricola, retained by Do- mitian in his command for three years, proceeded in a.d. 83 to attack the PAR-^ I., PER. VI.] DOMITIAK 541 Caledonians in the low country north and north-east of the Frith of Forth. Having defeated them in several engagements, and explored the character of the country, he again attacked them in a.d. 84, defeated their leader, Gal- gacus, in a great battle (probably near Forfar), and threatened to conquer the Avhole island. His fleet explored the coast as far as Cape Wrath, and ascertained the limits of Britain northward. Further successes were pre- vented by his sudden recall, towards the close of a. d. 8-1, by his jealous mas- ter, (2) War in Germany. In a.d. 84, Domitian crossed the Rhine, and made an expedition in person against the Chatti, Avhich was attended with no important success, but served to strike terror into the tribes in this quar- ter. In A.D. 87 he attacked the Marcomanni and their neighbors the Quadi and Sarmatag, but his arms met Avith reverses. (3) War with the Daci- ANS. This, which was far the most important of Domitian's wars, com- menced in his first year, a.d. 81, by an incursion of the Daci into Moesia, where they defeated a Koman legion, and ravaged the province to the foot of Mount Haemus. It was not till a.d. 8G that Domitian made an attempt to avenge this disaster. His troops crossed the Danube and invaded Dacia, but were completely defeated by the enemy. This defeat was followed in a.d. 87 by a Roman victory ; but three years afterwards (a.d. 90), a peace was made with this formidable enemy on terms disgraceful to the Romans. It was agreed to pay tlie Dacians an annual tribute on condition of their undertaking to abstain from incursions into Mcesia. This was the first time that imperial Rome had consented to purchase peace of an enemy. 33. The cruelties of Domitian had thrown discredit on the hereditary principle, to which, though it had no legal force, Advantage his elevation to the principate was, in point of crisis by the fact, due. The Senate, which now for the first cSSl^ts'""' time since the death of Caligula found itself in a powers. position to claim and exercise authority, proceed- ed therefore to elect for sovereign an aged and childless man, one whose circumstances rendered it impossible that he should seek to impose upon them a dynast3^ It is remarka- ble that the praetorians, though they felt aggrieved by the murder of Domitian, and demanded the punishment of his assassins, made no opposition to the Senate's selection, but tacitly suffered the Fathers to assume a i^rerogative which, however it might be viewed as legally inherent in them, they had never previously exercised. Perhaps the lesson taught by Otho's fall was still in their minds, and they feared lest, if they attempted to create an emperor, they might again provoke the hostility of the legions. At any rate, the result was that the Senate at this juncture increased its power, and by its prompt action obtained a position and a consideration of which it had been deprived for more than a century. 542 ROME. [Bo»K v. 34. M. Cocceius Nerva, on whom the choice of the Senate fell, was a man of mild and lenient temperament, of fair abil- EeiguofNer- itics, and of the lax morals common in his day. va, A.D. %-98. Uq ^yc^^^ sixty-five or seventy years old at his ac- cession, and reigned only one year and fonr months. For tlie bloody regime of Domitian he substituted a government of extreme gentleness; for his extravagant expenditure, economy and retrenchment ; for his attempted enforcement of antique manners, an almost universal tolerance. He re- lieved poverty by distributions of land, and by a poor-law which threw on the State the maintenance of many desti- tute children. He continued the best of Domitian's laws, and made some excellent enactments of his own, as especial- ly one against delation. When the public tranquillity was ■threatened by the violence of the prsetorians, who put to death without trial and without his consent the murderers of Domitian, he took the wise step of securing the future of the State by publicly appointing, with the sanction of the Adoption of Senate, a colleague and successor, selecting for Trajan. i\^q oflice the pcrson who of all living Romans appeared to be the fittest, and adopting him with the usual ceremonies. The example thus set passed into a principle of the government. Henceforth it became recognized as the duty of each successive emperor to select from out of the entire population of the empire the person most fit to bear rule, and make him liis adopted son and successor. The adoption practised by the princes of the Julian house was different from this, since they chose only from among their own relatives and close connections. The act of Galba in adopting Piso (see § 27) was similar in intention, but the choice was unhappy. 35. M. Ulpius Trajanus, on whom the choice of Nerva had fallen, was a provincial Roman, a native of the colony of Ital- ica in Spain. His father had been consul and jan, A.i>. 98- procousul ; but otherwise his lamily was undis- tinguished. He himself had been bred up in the camp, and had served with distinction under his father. He had obtained the consulship in a.d. 91, under Domitian, and had been commander of the Lower Germany under both Domitian and Nerva. Readily accepted by the Senate, and thoroughly popular with the legions, he ascended the throne under favorable auspices, which the events of his reign did PAKT I., PER. VI.] NEKVA AND TRAJAN. 543 not belie. The Romans regarded him as the best of all their princes : and, thousjh tried by a Christian, or even His character. . . a philosojihic standard, he was far from being a good man, since he was addicted to wine and to low sensual pleasures, yet, taking the circumstances of the times into ac- count, we can understand his surname of " Optimus." He was brave, laborious,magnanimous, simple and unassuming in his habits, affable in his manners, genial ; he knew how to combine strictness with leniency, liberality with economy, and devotion to business with sociability and cheerfulness. And if we may thus consider him, in a qualified sense, "good," we may certainly without any reserve pronounce him " great." Both as a general and as an administrator he stands in the front rank of Roman rulers, equalling Augus- tus in the one respect, and nearly equalling Julius in tlie other. Though he could not materially improve the impe- rial form of government, which took its color wholly from the character of the reigning prince, yet he gave to the government while he exercised it the best aspect of which it Avas capable. He sternly suj)pressed delation, al- lowed the Senate perfect freedom of speech, ab- stained from all interference in its appointments, and in so- cial converse treated its members as equals. Indefatigable in business, he managed almost alone the affairs of his vast empire, carrying on a voluminous correspondence with the governors of provinces, and directing them how to proceed in all cases, hearing carefully all the appeals made to him, and sometimes even judging causes in the first instance. His administration of the finances was extraordinarily good. Without increasing taxation, without having recourse to confiscations, he contrived to have always so full an excheq- uer, that neither his military expeditions nor his great works (which were numerous both in Rome and the provinces), nor his measures for the relief of the necessitous among his sub- jects, were ever cramped or stinted for want of means. He extended and systematized the irregular poor-law of Nerva ; made loans at a low rate of interest to the proprietors of en- cumbered estates ; repaired the ravages of earthquakes and tempests; founded colonies; constructed various military roads ; bridged the Rhine and Danube ; adorned w4th works of utility and ornament both provincial towns and the capi- 544 ROME. [book v. tal. He spent little upon himself. His column and his tri- His "reat nmphal arch may be regarded as constructed for Avorks. }jis own glory ; but his chief works, his great Fo- rum at Rome, his mole at Centumcella3 (Civita Vecchia), his harbor at Ancona, his roads, his bridges, his aqueducts, weiie for the benefit. of his subjects, and justly increased the affec- tion wherewith they regarded him. If he had any fault as a ruler, it was an undue ambition to extend Terminus, and to be known to fjiture ages as a conqueror. There were no His conquests ^^ubt reasons of policy which led him to make no real gain hig Daciau and Oriental expeditions, but never- to the empire. , , , • t rry\ . • r- theless they were mistakc^S. The time for con- quest was gone by ; and the truest wisdom would have been to have rested content with the limits which had been fixed by Augustus — the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates. Trajan's conquests had for the most part to be surrendered immediately after his decease; and the prestige of Rome was more injured by their abandonment than it had been advanced by his long series of victories. Wars of Trajan. (1) War with the Dacians, a.d. 101-106. The war was aggressive on the part of the Romans, and commenced with an inva- sion of Dacia in a.d. 101, which was completely snccessful. Zermizegethu- sa, the capital, was occupied. The next year a great battle was fought at Tapa;, in which Decebalus was worsted ; whereupon he sued for peace. Hard terms were granted him, a.d. 103. In a.d. 104 he rebelled, and Tra- jan again took the field and caiTied all before him. Decebalus and his no- bles slew themselves. Dacia was made into a province, colonies being plant- ed at Zermizegethusa, Apulum, Napoca, and Cerna, (2) War in the East. The generally unquiet state of the East, and particularly the machinations of the Jews, induced Trajan to strike a blow at Parthia. The conflicting claims of the two empires to direct the affairs of Armenia was the nominal ground of quarrel. The Wiir began by Trajan's invading Armenia, a.d. 115, and taking possession of the country, which he reduced at once to the condition of a province. He then rapidly overran and conquered Mesopotamia and Assyria, which he put upon the same footing. The next year, a.d. IIG, he marched southward, took Ctesiphon and Seleucia, and ravaged* the Parthian territory as for as Susa. But now revolts broke out in his rear. Seleucia re- belled and Avas retaken. Hatra (El Hadr) successfully resisted Trajan him- self. Retreat from an untenable position became necessary. Trajan there- fore relinquished his most southern conquests to a Parthian prince, Partha- maspates, who consented to hold his kingdom as a Roman fief, and retired to Antioch, still retaining, however, as the fruits of the war, the three new prov- inces of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. A portion of Arabia, the tract about Petra, was also added to the empire under Trajan, by an expedition under the conduct of Cornelius Palma. PART I., PER. VI.] REIGN OF HADRIAN. 545 36. Tmjan, on his return from the East, found his liealth failing. He was sixty-five years old, and had overtaxed his Death of Tra- Constitution by the fatigue and exposure which jau. Difficui- he had undersjone in his recent canipaiQ'ns. He spect to the had nominated no successor before quitting Rome, ncc bsiou. ^^^^ .^ ^^^g ^^^^ ^^ ^1^^ j^g^ importance to supply this omission. But regard for the constitutional riglits, which it had been his policy to recognize in the Senate, in- duced him to postpone the formal act as long as possible, and it is uncertain whether he did not delay till too late. The alleged adoption of Hadrian by his predecessor w^as perhaps a contrivance of the Empress, Plotina, after the death of her husband. It was, at any rate, secret and in- formal ; and the new throne w^as consequently unstable. But the judicious conduct of Hadrian in the crisis overcame all difiiculties; and his authority was acknowledged with- out hesitation both by the army and the Senate. Among special sources for the history of Trajan, the most important are (1) the Panegyricus of the yomiger Pliny; and (2) the correspondence between the same Pliny and Trajan himself, when the former was governor of Bithynia, -which forms the Tenth Book of Pliny's Letters. This last, a unique remnant of antiquity, gives us an insight Avhich is most Aaluable, both into the character of the particular emperor and into the general method of Roman administration. Of modern writers on the reign of Trajan it is only necessary to mention Francke, whose Geschichte Trajans tmd seiner Zeitgenossen (published in 1837) has superseded all former works on the period. 37. Hadrian, who succeeded Trajan in a.d. 117, had a reign of nearly twenty-one years (from August, a.d. 117, to .^ Jt^ly, A.D. 138). He was forty-tw^o years old at drian, A.D.iiT his acccssion, and had the advantao-e (as it was -138 ... now considered) of being childless. Distantly related to Trajan, he had served under him with distinction, and had been admitted to an intimacy both with him and with the Empress. In many features of his character he re- sembled Trajan. He had the same geniality, the same aiFa- ble manners, the same power of uniting liberal and even mag-nificent expenditure with thrift and economy, His character. . ^ ^^ . _ . , .^.- the same moderation and anxiety to maintain a show of free government. . Again, like Trajan, he was inde- fatigable in his attention to business, and ready to grapple with an infinite multiplicity of details ; he was a friend to 546 ROME. [book v. literature, and a zealous patron of the fine arts ; tliougli lax in his morals, he avoided scandals, and never suffered his love of pleasure to interfere with his duties as prince. He differed from Trajan, partly, in a certain jealousy and irrita- bihty of temper, which towards the close of his life betray- ed him into some lamentable acts of cruelty towards those about his person ; but chiefly, in the absence of any desire for military glory, and a j)reference for the arts of peace above the triumphs and trophies of successful warfare. Ha- drian's reign was marked by two extraordinary novelties : first, the voluntary relinquishment of large portions of Ro- He surrenders ^n^i^ territory (Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyr- 'imScou-'^^' ^^)^ which were evacuated immediately after his quests. accession ; and secondly, the continued visitation by the Emperor of the various provinces under his dominion, and his residence for prolonged periods at several provincial capitals. York (Eboracum), Athens, Antioch, Alexandria, were in turns honored by the presence of the Emperor and his court. Fifteen or sixteen years out of the twenty-one years of his reign were occupied by these provincial prog- resses, which he was the first to institute. Hadrian showed himself manifestly not the chief of a municipality, but the sovereign of an empire. He made no difference between the various races which peopled his dominions. With all he as- sociated in the most friendly way ; ascertained their wish- es ; made himself acquainted with their characters ; exerted himself to supply their wants. The great works which he loved to construct were distributed fairly over the different regions of the empire. If Rome could boast his mausoleum, and his grand Temple of Rome and Venus, to Tibur belong- ed his villa, to Athens his Olympeium, to Britain and the Rhenish provinces his great ramparts, to Tarraco his temple of Augustus, to Nismes (Nemausus) one of his basilicas, to Alexandria a number of his most costly buildings. Hadri- an's reign has been pronounced with reason " the best of the imperial series." To have combined for twenty years un- broken peace with the maintenance of a contented and effi- cient army ; liberal expenditure with a full exchequer, re- plenished by no oppressive or unworthy means ; a free- speaking Senate with a firm and strong monarchy, is no mean glory. Hadrian also deserves praise for the choice PART I., PER. VI.] REIGN OF ANTONINUS PIUS. 54 Y His choice of wliich he made of a successor. His first selection a successor, ^^..^g ii^(jee(^ fv^^. fi-Qm happy. L. Ceionius Yerus may not have deserved all the hard things which have been said of him ; but it seems clear that he was a fop and a vo- luptuary — one, therefore, from whom the laborious discharge of the onerous duties of an emperor could scarcely have been expected. On his death, in a.d. 138, Hadrian at once sup- plied his place by the formal adoption of T. Aurelius Antoni- nus, a man of eminent merit, qualified in all respects to bear rule. He would perhaps have done best, had he left to his successor the same power of free selection Avhich he had him- self exercised ; but the ties of afi*ection induced him to re- quire Antoninus to adopt as sons his own nephew, M. Annius Verus, together with L. Verus, the son of his first choice, L. Ceionius (or, after his adojjtion, L. ^lius) Verus. The only wars of any importance during tlie reign of Hadrian were one witii the Roxolani in his second year, a.d. 118, which he terminated by an agreement to pay them an annual subsidy ; and one with the revolted Jews, mider Barcochebas, which lasted from a.d. 131 to 135. This war ended with the complete defeat of the Jews, their final dispersion, and absolute banish- ment from Palestine. It was followed by the establishment of -^lia Capito- lina as a Roman colony, on the site of Jerusalem, Our chief sources for the history of Hadrian are his Life by Spartianus (contained in the Histori(p Augustce Scriptores in), and Xipiiilinus's Epitome of the Sixty-ninth Book of Dig Cassius. Much light is thrown on the pe- riod by his coins and inscriptions, which are numerous. Among special works on the history of this prince, Avritten by moderns, the following are worthy of notice : WooG, C. Ch., De eruditione Hadriani Imperatoris et lihris ah eo scriptis. Lipsice, 1769 ; 4to. Flemmer, J. M., De itinerihus et rebus gestis Hadriani sectmdum numorum et scriptorum testimonia. Havnia3, 183G ; 8vo. Gregorovius, F., Geschichte des Rdmischen Kaisars Hadrian. Konigs- berg, 1851 ; 8vo. 38. T. Aurelius Antoninus, the adopted son and successor of Hadrian, ascended the throne in July, a.d. 138. He was , . fifty-one years old at this time, and reisrned twen- touinus Pins, ty-thrcG ycai's, dymg a.d. 161, when he had at- tained the age of seventy-four. It has been said that the people is fortunate which has no history ; and this was eminently the condition of the Romans under the first Antonine. Blameless alike in his public and his private life, he maintained the empire in a state of peace and general 548 KOME. [book v. content, wliich rendered his reign peculiarly uneventful. A few troubles upon the frontiers, in Egypt, Dacia, Britain, and Mauretania employed the arms of his lieutenants, but gave rise to no war of any magnitude. Internally, Antoninus made no changes. He continued the liberal policy of his predecessors, Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian, towards the Sen- ate ; discouraged, delation ; was generous in gifts and lar- gesses, yet never exhausted the resources of the treasury ; encouraged learning; erected numerous important build- ings ; Avatched over the whole of the empire with a father's care, and made the happiness of his subjects his main, if not even his sole, object. Indulgent by temperament and con- viction, he extended even to the Christians the leniency which was a principle of his government, and was the first emperor who actively protected them. In his domestic life Antoninus was less happy than his virtues deserved. His wife, Faustina, was noted for her irregularities ; his two boys died before his elevation to the throne ; and his daughter, Annia Faustina, whom he married to the elder of his adopt- ed sons, M. Aurelius, was far from spotless. He enjoyed, however, in the affection, the respect, and the growing prom- ise of this amiable and excellent prince, some compensation for his other domestic troubles. With just discernment, he drew a sharp line of distinction between the two sons as- signed him by Hadrian. Towards the elder, M. Annius (or, after his adoption, M. Aurelius) Verus, he showed the high- est favor, marrying him to his daughter, associating him in the government, and formally appointing him his sole suc- cessor. In the younger (L. ^Elius Verus) he reposed no con- fidence whatever; he advanced him to no public post; and gave him no prospect, however distant, of the succession. Tlie troubles, scarcely deserving to be dignified with the name of wars, which ruffled the tranquillity of this reign, were principally (I) A revolt of the Brigantes in Britain, a.d. 140, which was chastised by Lollius Urbicus, who also occupied the tract between the Solway and the Clyde, and erected the barrier drawn from the Clyde to the Forth, which was known as the *' Wall of Antonine." (2) A rebellion (probably of the Jews) in Egypt. (3) Troubles in Dacia, complicated perhaps by the simultaneous attacks of a new enemy, the Alani. (4) Disturbances in Mauretania, Avhere the nomads sought to recover lands won by the Romans from the desert. The dates of the Jewish, Dacian, and Mauretanian troubles can not be fixed. The chief ancient authority for the events of this reign is the Life of Anto- FAKT I., PER. VI.] KEIGN OF MARCUS AURELIUS. 549 nintis Pius, by Jul. Capitolinus, contained in tlie Historic Augustce Scrip- tores already quoted (p. 547). This meagre biography is scantily eked out from the Epitome of Xipiiilinus, who had before him only a few fragments of Dio, from Eutropius, Aurelius Victor* and Fronto. The best edi- tion of Fronto is that of Aug. Maius. Mediolani, 1815 ; 2 vols. 8vo. Of modern works on the period, the most important is that of the Comte DE Champagny (already mentioned, supra, p. 517), Les Antonins, which treats, however, of the entire period from Vespasian to Commodus. 39. M. Aurelius, who took the name of Antoninus after the death of his adoptive father, ascended the throne, a.d. 161, at Eeign of Mar- ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^'^^'^^- ^® I'eigned nineteen years, from cus^meims, March, A.D. 161, to March, A.D. 180. Although the embodiment of the highest Roman virtue — brave, strict, self-denying, laborious, energetic, patient of injuries, affectionate, kind, and in mental power not much behind the greatest of previous emperors — he had, nevertheless, a sad and unhappy reign, through a concurrence of calamities, for only one of which had he himself to blame. His unworthy colleague, Lucius Verus, was by his own sole act associated with him in the empire ; and the anxiety and grief which this prince caused him must be regarded as the consequence of a foolish and undue affection. But his domestic troubles — the loose conduct of his wife Faustina, the deaths of his eldest son and of a daughter, the evil disposition of his sec- ond son, Commodus — arose from no fault of his own. Aure- lius is taxable with no unfaithfulness to his marriage-bed, Avith no neglect of the health or moral training of his off- spring ; still less can the great calamities of his reign, the terrible plague, and the aggressive attitude assumed by the barbarians of the East and North, be ascribed to any negli- gence or weakness in the reigning monarch. He met the pretensions of the Parthians to exercise sovereignty over Armenia with firmness and vigor; and though here he did not take the field in person, yet the success of his generals and lieutenants reflects credit upon him. "When the barba- rians of the North begali to show themselves formidable, he put himself at the head of the legions, and during the space of fourteen years — from a.d. 167 to his death in a.d. 180 — occupied himself almost unceasingly in efforts to check the invaders and secure the frontier against their incursions. Successful in many battles against all his enemies, he never- theless failed in the great object of the war,w^hich w^as effect- 550 • HOME. [book v. ually to repel the Northern nations, and to strike such ter- ror into them as to make them desist from their attacks. From liis reign the bai'barians of the North became a per- petual danger to Kome — a danger which increased as time XX.. -, went on. But the causes of this chansje of atti- New attitude ° of the North- tude are to be sought — mamly, at any rate — not within, but beyond the limits of the Roman do- minion. A great movement of races had commenced in the lands beyond the Danube. "Slavonic and Scythic (or Tura- nian) hordes were pressing westward, and more and more cramping the Germans in their ancient seats. The Slaves themselves were being forced to yield to the advancing Scyths ; and the wave of invasion which broke upon the Ro- man frontier was impelled by a rising tide of migration far in its rear, which forced it on, and would not allow it to fall 1 ack. At the same time, a decline Avas going on in the vig- or of the Roman national life ; the race was becoming ex- hausted ; the discipline of the legions tended to relax ; long periods of almost unbroken peace, like the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, produced a military degeneracy ; and by the progress of natural decay the empire was becoming- less and less capable of resisting attack. Under these cir- cumstances, it is creditable to Aurelius that he succeeded in maintaining the boundaries of the empire in the north, while he advanced them in the east, where once more Mesopotamia was made a Roman province, and the line of demarkation be- tween Rome and Parthia became the Tigris instead of the Euphrates. Details of the Wars of Aurelius. (1) Parthian War, a.d. 162- 166. On the accession of Aurelius, the Parthians break the peace by an in- vasion of Armenia, a.d. 161. Severianus marches against them, but is de- feated and slain. Verus, sent to assume the command (a.d, 162), proceeds no farther than Antioch ; but Avidius Cassius, prefect of Syria, and Statius Priscus take the offensive. The latter drives the Parthians from Armenia; the former invades Mesopotamia, captures Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and Babylon, burns the royal palace at Ctesiphon (a.d. 165), and forces the Parthians to sue for peace. Peace is granted, a.d. 166, Mesopotamia being ceded to Rome, and Armenia restored to its old condition of a semi-independent mon- archy. (2) War with the Quadi and Marcomanni, a.d. 167-174. The Quadi and Marcomanni ravage Pannonia, cross the Alps into Italy, and reach Aquileia, a.d. 167. Both emperore proceed against them — they re- treat acrof-s the Alps. In a.d. 168 the emperors cross the Alps, s^nd, hav- ing provided for the defense of the passes, return to Italy. Death of Verus. PART I., lEK. VI.] KEIGN OF COMMODUS. 55 1 The weakness of the Roman efforts in these two years encouraged a general rising of the tribes along the Danube, almost all of whom now took arms, A.D. 1G9. Aurelius now took post on the Danube, and remained there, sum- mer and winter, for at least three years — probably a.d. 1G9-172. In a.d. 17-i he gains a great victory over the Quadi, ascribed to miraculous rain and lightning. On hearing of the revolt of Cassius, a.d. 175, he makes a peace or truce. (8) War with the Sarmatians, Marcomanni, Quadi, etc., A.D. 178-180. The Marcomanni break the peace and gain successes. Au- relius and Commodus proceed against them, a.d. 178. Victoiy of Paternus, A.D. 179. Death of Aurelius at Vindobona (Vienna), a.d. 180. The rebellion of Avidius Cassius in Asia was put down without any con- flict, Cassius being slain by his own soldiers ; but it called Aurelius to the East, where he passed portions of two years, a.d. 175-6. The special ancient sources for the history of this reign are the Lives of M. Aurelius, L. Verus, and Avidius Cassius, in the Historice Augustce Scrip- tores, the two former composed by Jul. Capitolinus, the last by Vulca- tius Gallicanus. Light is thrown on the character of Aurelius himself, from his correspondence with Fronto (see p. 549), and his Meditations (Ta £if kavTov), of which the best edition is probably still that of Stanhope (Lon- don, 1697 ; 4to). The best edition of the Historic Atigustm Scriptores is that of Jordan and Eyssenhardt (Berolini, 1864 ; 2 vols. 8vo). Among modern works on the subject may be mentioned the following : Bach, N., De Marco Aurelio Antonino Imperatore philosophante ex ipsius Commentariis scriptio philologica. Lipsiee, 1826 ; 8vo. Westenberg, J. O., Divus Marcus, seu dissert ationes ad Constitufiones M. Aurelii Antonini Imperatoris. Lugd. Bat., 1736 ; 4to. Meiners, Ch., De M. Aurelii Antonini ingenio, moribus, et scrip tis ; in the Commentationes Societal. Gotting., vol. vi. 40. The eighty-four consecutive years of good govern- ment which Rome had now enjoyed were due to the prac- Returntothe *^^^^ Substitution for the hereditary principle of principle of the powcr of nominating a successor. This pow- hereclitary , t , . t . , . . succession. er had been exercised in the most conscientious ReignofCom- t . • , • ^ £> • ^ t modus, A.I). and i^atriotic way by lour successive rulers, and iso-192. ^1^^ result had been most beneficial to the com- munity. But the four rulers had been all childless, or at any rate had had no male offspring; and thus it had not been necessary for any of them to balance a sense of public duty against the feeling 0/ parental affection. With M. Au- relius the case was different. Having a single dearly-loved son, in some respects promising, he allowed the tender par- tiality of the father to prevail over the cold prudence of the sovereign ; and, persuading himself that Commodus would prove a tolerable ruler, associated him in the government (a.d. 177) at the early age of fifteen. "Hence Commodus 552 ROME. [book v. necessarily succeeded him, having begun to reign three years before his father's death. Few dispositions would have borne this premature removal of restraint and admis- sion to uncontrolled authority. Such a trial was peculiarly unfitted for the weak character of Commodus. Falling un- der the influence of favorites, this wretched prince degener- ated rapidly into a cruel, licentious, and avaricious tyrant. He began his sole reign (March, a.d. 180) by buying a peace of the Marcomanni and Quadi ; after which he returned to Rome, and took no further part in any military expeditions. For about three years he reigned decently well, suffering the administration to retain the character which Aurelius had given it. But in a.d. 183, after the discovery of a plot to murder him, in which many senators were implicated, he commenced the career of a tyrant. Delation thinned the ranks of the Senate, wdiile confiscation enriched the treasury. Justice was commonly bought and sold. The ministers, Pe- rennis, praetorian prefect, and after him Oleander, a freedman, were sufiered to enrich themselves by every nefarious art, and then successively sacrificed, a.d. 186 and 189. Passing his time in guilty pleasures and in the diversions of the am- phitheatre, wherein " the Roman Hercules " exhibited him- self as a marksman and a gladiator, Commodus cared not how the empire was governed, so long as he could amuse himself as he ]3leased, and remove by his warrants all whom lie suspected or feared. At length, some of those whom ho had proscribed and was about to sacrifice — Marcia, one of his concubines, Eclectus, his chamberlain, and Lsetus, prefect of the praetorians — learning his intention, anticipated their fate by strangling him in his bedroom. Commodus was murdered, a.d. 192, after he had reigned twelve years and nine months. The wars of this reign were unimportant. Clodius Albinus and Pescen- nius Niger defended Daeia against the attacks of the Sarmatians and Scyths. In Britain, Marcellus Ulpius re-established the Roman authority orer the tract between the Solway and the Clyde, which had been again occupied by the barbarians, a.d. 184. The authorities for the reign of Commodus are (besides the fragments of Dig), his Life, by -^nus Lampridius, in the Historicc Augustce Scriptores, and the History of Herodian, M'hich commences with his accession. (Best edition, that of Bekker; Berlin, 1826; 8vo.) The regular narrative of Gibbon also here commences. PART I., PEK. VI.] REIGN OF COMMODUS. 553 41. The disorganization of the emj^ire, which commenced as early as Galba, arrested in its natural progress by such Increasing wisc and firm princes as Vespasian, Trajan, Ha- tioi?oni!e'^" <^^i*ian, and the t^yo great Antonines,,made rapid Empire. stridcs Under Commodus, who was too weak and too conscious of his demerits to venture on repressing dis- orders, or punishing those engaged in them. The numerous desertions, w hich enabled Maternus to form a band that rav- aged Spain and Gaul, and gave him hopes of seizing the em- pire, the deputation of 1500 legionaries from Britain, which demanded and obtained the downfall of Perennis, and the open conflict' between the praetorians and the city cohorts which preceded the death of Cleander, are indications of military insubordination and of the dissolution of the bonds of discipline, such as no former reign discloses to us. It is evident that the army, in w^hich lay the last hope of Roman unity and greatness, was itself becoming disorganized. No common spirit animated its diflerent parts. The city guards, the praetorians, and the legionaries, had diflTerent interests. The legionaries themselves had their own quarrels and jeal- ousies. The soldiers Avere tired of the military life, and, mingling with the provincials, engaged in trade or agricul- ture, or else turned themselves into banditti and preyed nj^on the rest of the community. Meanwhile, population was declining, and production consequently diminishing, while luxury and extravagance continued to prevail among the upper classes, and to exhaust the resources of the State. Above all, the general morality was continually becoming worse and worse. Despite a few bright examples in high places, the tone of society grew everywhere more and more corrupt. Purity of life, except among the despised Chris- tians, was almost unknown. Patriotism had ceased to exist, and was not yet replaced by loyalty. Decline and decrep- itude showed themselves in almos-t every portion of the body politic, and a general despondency, the result of a con- sciousness of debility, pervaded all classes. Nevertheless, under all this apparent weakness Avas an extraordinary re- serve of strength. The empire, Avliich nnder Commodus seemed to be tottering to its fall, still stood, and resisted the most terrible attacks from without, for the further sj)ace of two full centuries. 24 554 ROME. 'lBook v. Some excellent remarks on the general condition of the empire at this period will be found in the concluding chapter of Mr. Merivales Romans under the Empire. SECOND SECTION. From the Death of Commodus to the Accession of Diocletian, a.d. 193-284, Sources, (1) Authors: Dio Cassius, as reported in the work of Xipiii- LiNUS (Lib. Ixiii.-lxxx), is still our most trustworthy guide for the general history ; but this fragmentary production must be supplemented from Hero- DiAN (see p. 552), and from the Historice Augustce Scrijjtores, as well as from the epitomists, Eutropius, Aurelius Victor, and Sextus Rufds„ The works of these last-named Avriters cover the entire space, whereas Die's his- tory stops short at his consulate, a.d. 229, and Herodian's terminate? at the accession of the third Gordian, a.d. 238. Zosimus (Historice novce libri sex ; ed. Bekker, in the Corpus Hist. Byz. Bonnro, 1837) ; and Zonaras (Annales; ed. Finder, in the same series. Bonnie, 1841), are also occasion- ally serviceable. From a.d. 226 the histoiy of Agatiiias (ed. Niebuhr. Bonn, 1828) is of importance. To these various authors may be added the Fragments of Dexippus, whereof there are several collections. The best, probably, is that in the Fragmenta Historicorum Grcccorum of C. Muller (Faris, 1841-9 ; vol. iii., pp. 666-687). (2) Coins and medals, valuable for the preceding period, are still more useful for this. Works illustrating the History of the Empire from them have been written by Foy-Vaillant, J. (Nmnismata Augustorum et Ccesarum. Rome, 1713 ; 3 vols, folio), and Cooke, W. {The Medallic History of Imperial Rome. London, 1781; 2 vols.). For representations of the coins, see vol. vii. of the great work of Eckiiel (Doctrina Nummorum Veteriim. Vindobona;, 1792 ; 8 vols. 4to ; and com- pare MiONNET, Description des Medailles. Faris, 1806-37; 18 vols. 12mo). The great modern work on the period is the celebrated History of the De- cline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by Edward Gibbon, of Avhich the best edition is that of Dr. W. Smith. London, 1851 ; 8 vols. 8vo. This work, though less accurate and trustworthy than it was formerly thought to be, is still the best on the subject whereof it treats. The sensible reader will make allowance for the unfairness and bias natural in a professed skeptic. Among other works which, like that of Gibbon, while they embrace the period^go considerably beyond it, may be mentioned : Montesquieu, Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains et de leur decadence, in his (Euvres completes. Faris, 1718 ; 5 vols. 8vo. And SiSMONDi, Histoire de la chute de V Empire Romain et du declin de la civiL isation. Faris, 1835; 2 vols. ^8 vo. 1. The special characteristic of the period on which we now enter is military tyranny — the usurpation of supreme power by the soldiers, who had at last discovered their ■AKT I., PER. vi.J • KEIGN OF PEKTINAX. too Gejierai char- Strength, find nominated or removed emperors at 'Sertodfrom ^lieir pleasure. Constant disquiet and disturb- Pttitinax to ance was the result of this unhappy discovery — ■ Uiocltjtiaii 11./ J twenty-five emperors wore the purple in tlie space of ninety-two years, their reigns thus averaghig less than four years apiece. Two reigns only during the entire pe- riod — those of the two Severi — exceeded ten years. De- ducting these, the average for a reign is reduced to two years. It was of course impossible under these circum- stances that any renovation of the empire or restoration of pristine vigor should be effected. The internal administra- tion was indeed scarcely a subject of attention. Each em- peror was fully occupied by the necessity of maintaining his own power against rival pretenders, generally Avith as good claims as his own, and resisting the attacks of the barbari- ans, who were continually increasing in strength and audac- ity. Tlie few good princes who held the throne exerted themselves mainly to strengthen and invigorate the army by the re-establishment and strict enforcement of discipline. Reform in this quarter was sadly needed ; but to accomplish it was most difficult. A strict emperop usually fell a victim to his reforming zeal, which rapidly alienated the affections of the soldiers. 2. The assassins of Commodus, having effected their pur- pose, acted with decision and promptness. La?tus and Eclec- ReiguofPer- tus proceeded to the house of Pertinax, prefect to°£rch 2s!' of the city, revealed their deed, and offered him A.D.193. i^i^g crown. With a reluctance which may well have been unfeigned, this aged senator, a man of experience in business, and of unblemished character, one of the few re- maining friends of M. Aurelius, signified his consent. In- fluenced by Laetus, the praetorians consented somewhat sul- lenly to accept him ; the Senate, surprised and overjoyed, hailed the new reign with acclamations. But the difficulties of Pertinax began when his authority was acknowledged. An empty treasury required economy and retrenchment, while a greedy soldiery and a demoralized people clamored for shows and for a donative. The donative, which had been promised, was paid; but this necessitated a still stricter cur- tailment of other expenses. The courtiers and the citizens grumbled at a frugality to which they were unaccustomed ; 556 ROME. ■ [book v. the soldiers dreaded lest a virtuous prince should enforce on them the restraints of discipline ; the " king-maker," Lcetus, was disappointed that the ruler whom he had set up would not consent to be a mere puppet. Within three months of his acceptance of power, Pertinax found himself almost with- out a friend; and when the prretorians, instigated by Lretus, broke out in open mutiny, he unresistingly succumbed, and was dispatched by their swords. The only special source for the history of Pertinax is his Life by Jul, Capitolinus, in the Hist. August. Scriptores, 3. The praetorians, who had murdered Pertinax, are said to have set up the office of emperor to public auction^ and ,^.^ to have sold it to M. Didius Julianus, a rich sen- Eeigu of Did- ,. -r^ -, . ,1 ius juiiauus, ator, once srovernor oi Dalmatia, whose elevation March 2S to ^' . ^ - , ^, .... ' ^ jime2,A.n. cost him more than three millions oi our money, ^^^' Julianus was acknowledged by the Senate, and reigned at Rome for rather more than tAVO months ; but his authority was never established over the provinces. In three different quarters — in Britain, in Pannonia, and in Syr- ia — the legions, on learning the death of Pertinax and the scandalous circumstances of Julianus's appointment,invested their leaders, Albinus, Severus, and Niger, with the purple, and declared against the choice of the prsetorians. Of the three pretenders, Severus was at once the most energetic and the nearest Pome. Taking advantage of his position, he rapidly led his army across the Alps, advanced through Italy upon the capital, seduced the prietorians by his emis- saries, and was accepted by the Senate as emperor. The luckless Julianus was deposed, condemned to death, and executed. The Life of Didius Julianus, by -^lius Spartianus, in the Hist. Attgust. Scriptores, is the chief source for his history. 4. The first act of Severus on obtaining the empire was to disarm and disband the existing praetorians, who were for- ReignofSep- bidden to reside thenceforth within a hundred tusjTd^ wt- i^iles of the capital. He then addressed himself 211- to the contest with his rivals. First temporizing with AlbinuSj the commander in Britain, whom he promised to make his successor, he led his whole force against the Eastern emperor, Pescennius Niger, defeated his troops in two great battles, at Cyzicus and Issus. captured him, and PART I., I'Ku. VI.] REIGN OF tSEi'TlMlUS SEVERUS. 557 put him to death. He then declared openly against Albinus, who advanced into Gaul and tried the fortune of war in an engagement near Lyons, w^here he too suffered defeat and was slain. Severus was now master of the whole empire, and might safely have shown mercy to the partisans of his rivals, against Avhom he had no just grounds of complaint. But he was of a stern and cruel temper. Forty-one sen- ators and great numbers of the rich provincials w^ere exe- cuted for the crime of opposing him ; and his government w^as established on a more tyrannical footing than any for- mer emperor had ventured on. The Senate was deprived Advauceofthe of even the show of power, and openly oppressed Swarci^cies- ^"4 insulted. The empire became a complete potism. military despotism. In lieu of the old praetori- ans, a body of 40,000 troops, selected from the legionaries, formed the garrison of Rome, and acted as the Emperor's body-guard. Their chief, the praetorian prefect {Prwfectiis prmtorio)^ became the second person in the kingdom, and a dangerous rival to the sovereign. Not only the command of the guards, but legislative and judicial power, and espe- cially the control of the finances, were intrusted to him. Severus attempted, but without much effect, to improve the general discipline of the legionaries ; he also showed liim- self an active and good commander. His expedition against the Parthians (a.d. 197-8) w^as, on the w^hole, remarkably prosperous, the Parthian capital, Ctesiphon, falling into his hands, and Adiabene being made a dependency. In Britain his arms had no such decisive success; but still he chastised the Caledonians, a.d. 208-9, and extended the limits of the empire in this quarter. His later years were saddened by the unconcealed enmity of his two sons, who were scarcely restrained, by their common dependence upon their father, from an open and deadly quarrel. Determined that neither should be left at the mercy of the other, he associated both in the empire, and recommended both to the army as his successors. He died at York, a.d. 211, at the age of sixty- five, having reigned eighteen years. The "Augustan History" contains, besides the Life of Severus by Spar- TiANUS, Lives of Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus, the former by Spar- TiANUs, the latter by Jul. Capitolinus. 5. The two sons of Severus, Caracallus (wrongl}^ called 558 HOME. [book v. Caracalla) and Geta, reigned conjointly for the space of a sinf^le year, mutually hatinp- and suspectincj one EeiguofCara- , at t r» i • V- r> • callus, A.D. another. At the end oi that time, alter a fruit- '^l''-'^17 less attempt had been made to settle their quar- rel by a division of the empire, Caracallns, under pretense of a reconciliation, met his brother Geta in the apartments of the Empress-mother, Julia Domna, and there had him mur- dered in her arms (Feb. a.d. 212). After this he reigned for five years alone, showing himself a most execrable tyrant. Twenty thousand persons were put to death under the vague title of " friends of Geta ;" among them a daughter of M. Aurelius, a son of Pertinax, a nephew of Commodus, and the great jurist Papinian. Caracallus then, made restless by his guilty conscience, quitted Rome never to return, and com- menced a series of aimless wanderings through the provinces. He visited Gaul, Rh^tia, Dacia, Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and Mesopotamia, everywhere marking his track with blood, and grievously oj^pressing the provincials. Knowing himself to be generally hated, he endeavored to secure the affections of the soldiers by combining excessive rewards for service with very remiss discipline, thus doubly injuring the empire. The vigor of the army melted away under his lax rule ; and the resources of the State Avere ex- hausted by his ruinous profaseness, which led him to devise new and ingenious modes of increasing taxation. It may have been also his desire to gratify his army Avliich induced him to plunge into his great war. In the West he liad en- gaged in no hostilities of importance, having merely Avhen in Gaul made an insignificant expedition against the Ale- manni, a.d. 214; but after he had transferred his residence to the East, he determined on an attempt to conquei* Parthia. Fixing his head-quarters at Edessa in Mesopotamia, he pro- ceeded to tread in his father's footsteps, crossed the Tigris, took Arbela, and drove the Parthians to seek refuge in the mountains, a.d. 216. Another campaign would have follow- ed; but, before it could begin, Caracallus was murdered by the praetorian prefect Macrinus, who knew Ins own life to be in danger. In order to extend the incidence of the " succession-tax " (vicesima Jiceredi- tatium), Caracallus suddenly conferred the riglits of citizenship on the whole Roman world. At the same time, he increased the tax from five per cent, to ten. PART 1., FKK. VI.] CAliACALLUiS AND MACKINUS. 55() The Lives of Caracallus and Geta, by iELius Spartiancs, contained in the Hist. August, Scriptores, form tlie chief special source for the history of these princes. 6. Macriinis, proclaimed emperor after some hesitation by the soldiers, and acknowledged by the Senate, began his Rv fM I'eign by attempts to undo the evil policy of Car- crmus, A.D.' acallus, the ruinous effects of wliich were mani- fest. He withdrew at once from the Parthian war, which threatened to be tedious and expensive, consent- ing to purchase peace of the enemy. Not venturing to in- terfere with the rewards of the existing soldiery, he enlisted recruits upon lower terms. He diminished the burdens of the citizens by restoring the " succession-tax" to its old rate of live per cent. These proceedings were no doubt salutary, and popular with the mass of his subjects; but they were disagreeable to the army, and the army was now the real depository of supreme power. Hence Macrinus, like Perti- nax, soon fell a victim to his reforming zeal. The disaffec- tion of the soldiers was artfully fomented by Msesa, sister of Julia Domna, the late empress, who induced them to raise to the throne her grandson Avitus, or Bassianus, then high- priest of Elagabalus, in the great temple at Emesa (Hems), whom she declared to be a son of Caracallus. Macrinus did not yield Avithout a struggle ; but, quitting the field while the battle w^as still doubtful, he ruined his own cause by his cowardice. Pursued by the soldiers of his rival, he was cap- tured at Chalcedon, brought back to Antioch, and put to death. His son, Diadumenus, on whom he had conferred the title of Caesar, shared his fate. Two Lives in the Hist. August. Scriptores bear upon this reign — that of Macrinus by Capitolinus, and that of Diadumenus by Lampridius. T. Avitus, or Bassianus, on his accession to the throne took the name of M. Aurelius Antoninus, and assumed as Eei. 249- pied by one of its own number. His short reign of two years only is chiefly remarkable for the first appearance of a new and formidable enemy — the Goths — who invaded the empire in vast force, a.d. 250, traversed Dacia, crossed the Danube, spread devastation over Moesia, and even passed the Balkan and burst into Thrace. Decius, unsuccessful in'A.D. 250, endeavored in the following year to retrieve his ill-fortune, by destroying the Gothic host on its retreat. He was defeated, however, in a great battle near Forum Trebonii, in Moesia, and, together with his eldest son, whom he had associated in the empire, lost his life. 14. Under these unhappy circumstances, the Senate was allowed to regulate the succession to the empire; which Reit^uofGai- ^^^ determined in favor of Gallus, one of the Ills, A.D. 251- generals of Decius, and of Decias's young son, "^ Hostilianus. Volusianus, the son of Gallus, was also associated in the imperial dignity. The real authority rested, however, ^ith Gallus, whose age and experience placed him far above his colleagues. He commenced his reign by purchasing a peace from the Goths, to whom he consented to pay an annual tribute, on condition of their respecting the Roman frontier, a.d. 252. He then returned to Rome, where he rapidly became unpopular, partly because PART I., PEK. vi.J DECIUS TO VALERIAN. 565 of the disgraceful peace which he had made, partly on ac- comit of his inertness amid the fresh calamities which afflict- ed the imhappy State. Pestilence raged in Rome, and over, most of the empire; while fresh hordes of barbarians, incited by the success of the Goths, poured across the Danube, ^milianu'fe, governor of Pannonia and Mcesia, having met and defeated these marauders, was proclaimed emperor by his army, and, marching npon Rome, easily established his authority. Gallus and his son (Hostilian had died of the plague) led out an army against him, but were slain by their own soldiers at Interamna on the Nar, near Spoletium. JEmilian was then acknowledged by the Senate. 15. The destruction of Gallus and Yolusianus was soon avenged. Licinius Valerianus, a Roman of nnblemished character, whom Decius had wished to invest Mmniau,A.-D. with the office of censor, and whom Gallus had ^^* sent to bring to his aid the legions of Gaul and Germany, arrived in Italy soon after the accession of iEmil- ian, and resolved to dispute his title to the crown. The op- posing armies once more met near Spoletium, and, by a just retribution, ^milian suifered the fate of his predecessors, three months after he had ascended the throne. 16. The calamities of the empire went on continually in- creasing. On the Lower Rhine there had been formed a confederacy of several German tribes, the Chau- kS a!!!""" ci^ Cherusci, Chatti, and others, which, under the Smesofthe name of Franks (i. e.. Freemen), became one of empire. Rome's most formidable enemies. South of these, the Alemanni, in the tract between the Lahn and Switzer- land, had broken through the Roman rampart, absorbed the Agri Decumates, together with a portion of Vindelicia, and assumed from this position an aggressive attitude, threaten- ing not only Gaul but Rhaetia, and even Italy. On the Low- er Danube and on the shores of the Euxine, the Goths, who had now taken to the sea, menaced with their numerous fleets Thrace, Pontus, Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece. Finally, in the remote East, Persia, under its new monarchs, the Sassanidge, was growing in strength, and extending it- self at the expense of Rome towards the north-west. Vale- rian, already sixty years of age at his accession, felt his ina- bility to grapple with these various dangers, and associated. 566 ROME. [book v. in his second year, a.d. 254, his son Gallienus in the empire. Bnt the young jjrince was no more equal to the occasion than his aged father. The entire joint reign of Valerian and his son (a.d. 254 to 260), as well as the succeed- liemis, A.D.' ' ing sole reign of the latter (a.d. 260 to 268), was 2b0-26s. ^^^^ uninterrupted series of disorders- and disas- ters. The Franks harried Gaul and Spain at their will, and even passed into Africa. The Alemanni crossed the Rhae- tian Alps, invaded Italy, and advanced as far on the way to Rome as Ravenna. The Goths occupied Dacia, and, issu- ing with their fleets from the Cimmerian Bosphorus, ravaged Northern and Western Asia Minor, destroyed Pityus, Trebi- zond, Chalcedon, Nicomedia, Nicgea, Prusa, Cius, Cyzicus, and Ephesus, overran Greece, took Athens and Corinth, and car- ried off an immense booty into the i-egions beyond the Dan- ube. The Persians, under Sapor, conquered Armenia, in- vaded Mesopotamia, defeated Valerian and took him prison- er near Edessa, advanced into Syria, surprised and burnt Antioch, took Tarsus and Caesarea Mazaca, and returned tri- umphant into their own country. At the same time, and in consequence of the general disorganization which these vari- ous invasions produced, numerous independent sovereigns started up in different parts of the Roman empire, as Odena- thus in the East, who reisrned at Palmyra over Time of the j c? »/ " Thirty Ty- Syria and the adjacent countries, Posthumus and rants." Victorinus in Gaul, Celsus in Africa, Ingenuus and Aureolus in lUyria, Macrianus in Asia Minor, I^iso in Thessa- ly, ^milianus in Egypt, etc. These sovereigns — known as the " Thirty Tyrants " — had for the most part brief and in- glorious reigns ; and their kingdoms were generally as short- lived as themselves. In two quarters, however, a tendency to a permanent splitting-up of the empire was exhibited. The kingdom of Odenathus passed from that prince to his widow Zenobia,.and lasted for ten years — from a.d. 264 to 273. The Gallic monarchy of Posthumus showed still great- er vitality, continuing for seventeen years, under four suc- cessive princes, Posthumus, Victorinus, Marius, and Tetricus. Gallienus, quite incapable of grappling with the terrible dif- ficulties of the time, aimed at little more than maintaining his authority in Italy. Even there, however, he was attack- ed by Aureolus ; and in the war which followed, his own sol PAKT I., I'Eii. VI.] GALLIENUS TO AUKELIAN. 507 cliers slew liim as be lay before Milan, into wbieb Aureolus bad tbrown bimself, a.d. 268. The chief authority for this troublous period is Tkkbkllius Pollio, Avhose Lives of Valerian, Gallienus, and the "Thirty Tyrants" are contained in the "Augustan History." Aurei.ius Victor, Zosimus, and Zoxaras must also be consulted. For the Gothic wars the best authority is Jornandes, De Getarum sive Gothorum origine et rebus gestis. Hamburg, IGll ; 4to. For the history of the "Thirty Tyrants," the student may consult with ad- vantage Manso's Dissertation at the end of his Lehen Constantins des Gross- en. Breslau, 181.7 ; 8vo. 17. From tbe state of extreme weakness and disorganiza- tion wbicli Rome bad now readied, a state wbicb seemed to „ ,. , portend ber almost immediate dissolution, sbe Partial recov- i . ^ , • p i i eryoftheRo- was raiscd oy a succession ol able emperors, mpue. ^^,j^^^ altbougli tbeir reigns w^ere nnbappily sboi t, contrived at once to reunite tbe fragments into wbicb tbe empire bad begun to split, and to maintain for tbe most part tbe integrity of tbe frontiers against tbe barbarians. Claudius, Aurelian, Tacitus, Probus, and Carus — five war- like princes — reigned from a.d. 268 to 283, and in tliis space of fifteen years, tbe progress tbat was made towards a recov- ery of tbe poAver and prestige of Rome is most remarkable. „ , M. Aurelius Claudius, tbe successor of Gallienus, ReignofClau- , . -, ^ ^^ ^v.^ . t dms, A.D.2GS- wbo reigucd from a.d. 268 to 270, gamed a great victory over tlie Alemanni in Nortbern Italy in A.D. 268, and anotber over tbe Gotbs at Nissa in Moesia, A.D. 269. His successor, L. Domitius Aurelianus, EeignofAu- _ ^ ^ t . -r» • ^^-^ reiian,A.D.27o routcd an army of Goths m Pannoma, a.d. 270, and effectually cbecked tbe Alemanni in Nortb Italy. Bent on reuniting tbe fragments of tbe empire, be un- dertook a war against Zenobia, a.d. 272, and brougbt it to a liappy conclusion tbe year after. He tben turned bis arms against tbe great Western kingdom of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, wbicb was beld by Tetricus, and succeeded in re-es- tablisbing tbe -au'tbority of Rome over tbose regions, a.d. 274. He was about to proceed against tbe Persians, a.d. 275, wben be fell a victim to tbe malice of bis private secre- tary, Eros (or Mnestbeus), wbose misconduct be bad tbreat- ened to pmiisb. The "Augustan History" contains a Life of Claudius by Trebellius Pollio, and one of Aurelian by Flavius Vopiscus. The splendor of its ruins and the romantic story of its queen, Zenobia, 508 ROME. [book v. have attached a special interest to Palmyra and its brief life as an independ- ent kingdom. Odenathus, the founder, first distinguished himself by raising an army against Sapor, when that prince had defeated Valerian, and inflict- ing losses upon him during his retreat. He was acknowledged as a sort of colleague to Gallienus, a.d. 264. Murdered by his nephew, Majonius, a.d. 267, he was succeeded by his widow, Zenobia, who avenged him by putting Mteonius to death, and ruled from a.d. 267 to 273, as regent for her son Va- balathus. In the reign of Claudius she made an attempt to conquer Egypt, which was unsuccessful, a.d, 269. Aurelian attacked her, a.d. 272, defeated her in two gi-eat battles, near Antioch and Emesa (Hems), pursued her to Palmyra, and (a.d. 273) forced her to surrender. The city was mildly treat- ed at first, but, revolting as soon as Aurelian had returned to Europe, was de- stroyed. Zenobia, transferred to Italy, became a Roman matron. On the architectural glories of Palmyra the student may consult the follow- ing works : Wood, H., The Ruins of Palmyra. London, 1753 ; folio. A magnificent work for the time at which it was published. Not superseded by any later one. Addison, C. G., Damascus and Palmyra. London, 1838 ; 2 vols. 8vo. 18; The military glories of Aurelian's reign have thrown into some obscurity his prudential measures; yet to these „ , , Rome probably owed as much. He finally relin- He abandons .,1 i^-, -.t-t -, i i "i* Daciaaudfor- quished to the Goths and Vandals the outlymg province of Dacia, which had proved from the time of its occupation by Trajan nothing but an incum- brance to the empire. The Roman inhabitants were re- moved across the Danube into Moesia, a part of which was henceforth known as " Dacia Aureliani." Aurelian also for- tified the capital anew, thus securing it from a cotq:> de main, which the incursions of the Alemanni had shown to be a real danger. His walls, which were restored by Honorius, con- tinue, with some small exceptions, to be those of the modern city. On the walls of Aurelian, see Becker, De Itomce veteris muris atque portis, Lipsise, 1842 ; 8vo ; and Bunsen, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom. (See p. 388.) 19. The assassination of Aurelian was displeasing to the army which he commanded; and the soldiers, instead of al- Kei u of Taci- ^^wing any of their ofiicers to assume the purple, tus, A.D.2T5- applied to the Senate to appoint a new emperor. The Senate hesitated; but, after an interval of six months, comj^lied with the request, and elected M. Clau- dius Tacitus, one of their body. A pleasing dream was en- tertained for a few weeks of restoring: something: like the old PART I., PER. VI.] AURELIiVN TO PROBUS. 5G9 Republic; but the illusion soon vanished. Tacitus was called away from Home by an irruption of the Alani into Asia Mi- nor, and there perished, six or seven months after his acces- sion, either from weakness or through military violence. The Life of Tacitus, by Vopiscus,,in the Uist. August. Scriptores, is the special authority for this reign, 20. On learning the death of Tacitus, Florian, his brother, assumed the imperial dignity at Rome, while the army of KeigusofFio- the East Vaised to the purple their general, M. aud'probSf' Aurelius Probus. A bloody contest for the em- A.D. 27G-28-2. pii-e seemed impending ; but it was prevented by the lukewarmness of Florian's soldiers in his cause. Sacri- ficing their leader, who survived his brother little more than three months, they passed over to his rival, Avho thus became undisputed emperor. Probus was a w^arlike, and at the same time a careful and prudent prince, anxious to benefit his subjects, not merely by military expeditions, but by the arts of peace. He delivered. Gaul from the German hordes which infested it, and carried the Roman arms once more be- yond the Rhine to the banks of the Neckar and the Elbe. The "Agri Decumates" became again a portion of the em- pire, and the rampart of Hadrian was restored and strength- ened. On the Danube Probus chastised the Sarmatians, and by the mere terror of his arms induced the Goths to sue for peace. In Asia Minor he recovered Isanria, Avhich had fall- en into the hands of robbers. In Africa he pacified Egypt. The court of Persia sought his alliance. The troubles raised by the pretenders, Saturninus in the East, and Proculus and Bonosus in the West, he suppressed without any difiiculty. Among his plans for recruiting the strength of the empire two are specially noticeable — (1) the settlement in most of the frontier provinces of large bodies of captured or fugitive barbarians, Franks, Vandals, Bastarnse, Gepidse, etc., and (2) the improvement of agriculture by the drainage of marshy tracts and the planting of suitable localities with the grape. The first of these j^lans was attended with a good deal of success ; the second unfortunately provoked an outbreak which cost Probus his life. He had ventured to employ his soldiers in agricultural labors, which were distasteful to them, and perhaps injurious to their health. On this ac- count they mutinied, seized their arms, and, in a moment of 570 ROME. [book v. passion, stained their hands with his blood. Probus died, A.t). 282. after a reign of six years and six months. The "Augustan History" contains Lives of Florian, Probus, Satuminus, Proculus, and Bonosus, all written by Flavius Vopiscus, who flourished under Diocletian and Constantine. 21. After murdering Probus, the soldiers conferred the purple on M. Aurelius Carus, prefect of the praetorians, who Joint reign of proclaimed his two sons, Carinus and Numeria- ^m^ ^^ 282 '^^Sj " Caesars," and associated the elder, Carinus, -2S3. ' in the cares of empire. Leaving this prince to conduct affairs in the West, Carus proceeded at the head of a laro-e army to Illyricum, where he inflicted a severe defeat on the Sarmatians, killing 16,000, and taking 20,000 prisoners; after which he proceeded to Persia, where he carried all before him, overrunning Mesopotamia, and taking Seleucia and Ctes- iphon. The complete conquest of Persia was anticipated ; but the sudden death of the Emperor — whom diflerent authors report to have been murdered, to have died of disease, and to have been killed by lightning — put a stop to the expedi- tion, and saved the kingdom of the Sassanidae. Carus died, A.D. 283, after he had reigned a little more than a year. On his death, his son Numerian was acknowledged as emperor. 22. The year following, a.d. 284, saw the death of Nume- rian, who was murdered at Perinthus by his father-in-law, the praBtorian prefect, Arrius Aper. Carinus still menan%.»! ruled in the West ; but the army of the East, dis- 283-284. covering the death of Numerian, which was con- cealed, set up a rival emperor in the person of Diocletian, who slew Aper with his own hand, and, marching westward, defeated Carinus, who was then assassinated by one of his officers, A.D. 285. The ' ' Augustan History " concludes at this point with Lives of Carus, Ca- rinus, and Numerian, the work of their contemporary, Fl. Vopiscus. 23. The period of extreme military license here terminates. For ninety-two years, from a.d. 193 to 284, the soldiers had General re- enjoyed almost continuously the privilege of ap- viewofthe pointing whomsoever they pleased to the office "^ ^ ' of supreme ruler. In a few instances they had allowed a favorite prince — a Severus, a Valerian, a Claudius, a Carus — to nominate an associate or a successor; and on one occasion they had put the nomination unreservedly into PART I., PER. VI.] PROBUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 5 71 the hands of the Senate; but generally they had asserted and maintained their right, at each vacancy of the throne, to choose and proclaim the imperator. They had likewise taken upon themselves to remove by assassination even the rulers of their own choice, w^hen they became oppressive or ill any w^ay unpopular. Ten emperors had thus 23erished by military violence in the space of sixty-six years (a.d. 217 to 283), among them the virtuous Alexander, the mild Gordia- nus, the excellent Probus — and thus every emperor knew that he held office simply during the good pleasure of the troops, and that if he offended them his life would be the forfeit. Such a system w^as tolerable in only one respect — it tended naturally to place power in the hands of able generals. But its evils far more than counterbalanced this advantage. Be- sides the general sense of insecurity which it produced, and the absence of any thing like plan or steady system in the administration, consequent upon tlie rapid change of rulers, it necessarily led to the utter demoralization of the army, Avhicli involved as a necessary result the absolute ruin of the empire. The army was, under the imperial system, the " salt " of the Roman world ; to corrupt it was to sap the very life of the State. Yet how could discipline be main- tained, when every general ^vas bent on ingratiating him- self with his troops, in the hope of gaining what had come to be regarded as the great prize of his profession, and ev- ery emperor was aware that to institute a searching reform would be to sign his own death-warrant ? It was fortunate for Rome that she had powerful enemies upon her frontiers. But for the pressure thus put both upon the men and the of- ficers, her armies would have degenerated much more rapid- ly than they actually did, and her ruin would have been pre- cipitated. THIRD SECTION. From the Accession of Diocletian, a.d. 284, to the final Division of the Empire, a.d. 395. Sources. Besides the Epitomists, Eutropius, Aurelius Victor, Ru- Fus, ZoNARAS, and Orosius, the most important authorities for this period are, (1) Zosimus, whose Historia Nova covers the space between the acces- sion of Macrinus, a.d. 217, and the sixteenth year of Honorius, a.d. 410; (2) Ammianus Marcellinus, whose eighteen books of Histories contain a prolix account of the events which happened between a.d. 353 and 378 ; and 572 ROME. [book v. (3) the obscure authors of the Panegyrics, Mamertinus, Eumenius, Naza- Kius, etc., -who must be consulted for the entire period between Diocletian and Theodosius (a.d. 284 to 395). Of inferior importance, yet still of con- siderable value, are the Christian writers, Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica ; ed. BuKTON. Oxoniis, 18oG ; 8vo, and Vita Constantini Magni ; ed. Hei- NiCHEN. Lipsia;, 1830), Lactantius {Opera. Biponti, 1786 ; 2 vols. 8vo), John op Malala (in C, Mitllek's Fragm. Hist. 6r?-cec., vol. iv.), John of Antioch (in the same collection), Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Eva- GRiTJS, etc. The Armenian History of Moses of Choren is occasionally serviceable (see p. 311). Another important source is the Codex Theodosi- anus (ed. Sismondi. Lipsiai, 1736-45 ; 6 vols, folio), Avhich gives the laws passed between a.d. 313 and 438, and the Codex Justinianus (ed. Kriegel. LipsiiB, 1844 ; 3 vols. 8vo), which contains numerous laAvs of emperors be- tween Hadrian and Constantine. Coins, medals, and inscriptions are also valuable for the period. Among modern works treating especially, or inclusively, of the period, are the following : Le Beau, Histoire du Bas-Empire commengant a Constantin le Grand (continued by Ameilhon). Paris, 1824 ; 20 vols. 8vo. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (see p. 554). Chapters xiii. to xxviii. treat of this period. Niebuhr, Lectures on the History of Rome ; edited by Dr. L. Schmitz. London, 1849 ; 3 vols. 8vo. Lectures cxxix. to cxxxviii. 1. With the accession of Diocletian the declining empire experienced another remarkable revival, a revival, more- Fresh revival over, of a new character, involving many changes, Secomfar* and Constituting a fresh phase of imperialism, pK?ofim- which contrasts strongly with the previous one. periaiism. Power passed away from the hands of the sol- diers, and tended to become dynastic ; the principle of as- sociation, adopted on a wide scale, gave stability to the gov- ernment ; the helm of the State was grasped by firm hands, and various new arrangements were made, all favorable to absolutism. Such restraint as the Senate had up to this time exercised on the despotic authority of the emperors — a restraint slightest no doubt in the cases where it was most needed, yet still in the worst case not wholly nugatory — was completely removed by the departure of the Court from Rome, and the erection of other cities — Nicomedia, Milan, Constantinople — into seats of government. When Rome Avas no longer the capital, the Roman Senate became a mere municipal body, directing the affairs of a single provincial town; and as its lost privileges were not transferred to another assembly, the Emperor remained the sole source of PART I., PER. VI.] NEW PHASE OF IMPERIALISM. 573 law, the sole fountain of honor, the one and only principle of authority. Again, the influence of the praetorians, who, in their fortified camp, at once guarding and commanding Rome, had constituted another check on the absolute power of the princes, ceased with- the reforms of Diocletian and Oonstantine, who respectively diminished their numbers and suppressed them. The Orientalization of the Court, the comparative seclusion of the monarch, and the multiplica- tion of ofiicers and ceremonies, weakened, if it did not even destroy, such little control as public opinion had hitherto exercised over the caprices of the monarch. Above all, the multiplication of emperors and the care taken to secure the throne against such an occurrence as a vacancy, took from the legionaries the power, which they had so long ex- ercised and so much abused, of making and destroying mon- archs at their will, and placed the imperial authority almost beyond the risk of danger from military violence. 2. While the principle of authority was thus gaining in strength, and the anarchy which had prevailed for more Establishment than half a century was giving place to the firm, ty as thVstate if somewhat over-despotic, rule of princes who fnfSn of f^l^ themselves secure in their possession of the fresh life. throne, another quite separate and most impor- tant change was taking place, whereby new life was infused into the community. Christianity, hitherto treated as inim- ical to the StatCj contemned and ignored, or else down-trod- den and oppressed, found itself at length taken into favor by the civil power, being first tolerated by Galerius, after he had vainly endeavored to root it out, and then established by Constantine. As there can be no doubt that by this time the great mass of the intellect and virtue of the nation had passed over to the Christian side, the State can not but have gained considerably by a change which enabled it to employ freely these persons. 3. But scarcely any political change is without it« draw- backs. The establishment of Christianity as the State relig- Advantages ion, while it alienated those w^ho still adhered to Hshment ^ ' heathenism, tended to corrupt Christianity itself, certahTS? re^ which persecution had kept pure, turned the at- suits. tention of the rulers from the defense and safety of the empire to minute questions of heterodoxy and ortho^ 574 ROME. [book v. doxy, and engaged the civil power in new struggles with its own subjects, whom it was called upon to coerce as heretics or schismatics. Moreover, the adoption of Christianity by a state, all whose antecedents were bound up with heathenism, was like the putting of a "new patch on an old garment," which could not bear the alteration. All the old associations, all the old motives to self-sacrifice and patriotism, all the old watch-words and rallying cries were discredited ; and new ones, in harmony with the new religion, could not at once be extemporized. A change of religion, even though from false to true, can not but shake a nation to its very core ; and the Roman body-politic was too old and too infirm not to suifer severely from such a disturbance. The change came too late thoroughly to revive and renovate ; it may therefore, not improbably, have weakened and helped towards dissolution. 4. Nor were the other political changes of the period wholly and altogether beneficial. The partition of the su- Eviis attend- preme power among numerous co-ordinate em- Suges°onhe pcrors was a fertile source of quarrel and misun- period. derstanding, and gave rise to frequent civil wars. The local principle on which the partition was made in- creased the tendency towards a disruption of the empire into fragments, which had already manifested itself (see p. 566). The degradation of Rome and the exaltation of rival capitals worked in the same direction, and was likewise a breaking with the past which could not but be trying and hazardous. The completer despotism gave, no doubt, new vigor to the administration ; but it was irksome and revolt- ing to the feelings of many, more especially in the provinces of the West ; it alienated their afiections, and jirepared them to submit readily to a change of governors. 5. But, if the remedies devised by the statesmen of the Diocletianic period were insufficient to restore the Empire Balance of ad- to its pristine Strength and vigor, at any rate vor^ofthe^ ^^' ^^1 acted as stimulants, and revived the mori- changes. bund State very wonderfully for a space of time not inconsiderable. From the accession of Diocletian to the death of Theodosius the Great (a.d. 284 to 395), is a period exceeding a century. During the whole of it, Rome main- tained her frontiers and her unity, rolled back each wave of invasion as it broke upon her, and showed Zierself superior to PART I., PER. VI. J DIOCLETIAN. 575 all the surrounding peoples. For the gleam of glory which thus gilds her closing day, must we nob regard her as in a great measure indebted to the reforms of Diocletian and Constantino ? C. Diocletian was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, in September, a.d. 284. He defeated Carinus, and entered on Reign of Dio- ^^^^ ^^^^ Sovereignty, in the following year. His cietiau and fji-gt public mcasurc (a.d. 286) was to associate in Maximian, ■, -T-, • t A.D. 284^05. the Empire, imder the title ol "Auo-ustus" his Galerins and , ^ . ' n r • • f -. -. . constautius comrade m arms, Maximian, a man who had risen "CTesuis. fi-oni the ranks, and w^ho had few merits besides that of being a good general. A few years later (a.d. 292), he completed his scheme of government by the further crea- tion of two " Csesars," who were to stand to the two "Au- gusti " as sons and successors. Galerius and Constantius, se- lected respectively for this important office by Diocletian and Maximian, were both of them active and able generals, younger than their patrons, and well suited to fill the j)osi- tion w^hich was assigned to them. They readily accepted the offers of the two emperors, and, after repudiating their own wives, married respectively the daughter and the step- daughter of their patrons. The Imperial College being thus complete, Diocletian jDroceeded to a division of the empire analogous to that which had formerly taken place under the triumvirs (see p. 496). Reserving to the elder "Augusti" the more settled provinces, he assigned to the " Csesars " those which required the care of younger and more active men. Gaul, Spain, and Britain, with the defense of the Rhine against the Germans, Avere intrusted to Constantius; the Danubian provinces, Noricum, Pannonia, and Moesia, to Ga- lerius ; Italy and Africa to Maximian ; while Diocletian him- self retained Thrace, Macedon, Egypt, and the East. It was understood, however, that the unity of the empire w^as to be preserved ; the " Caesars " were to be subordinate to the "Augusti ;" and the younger "Augustus " was to respect the superior dignity of the elder. The four princes were to form an imperial " Board " or " College," and were to govern the whole State by their united wisdom. On the relative position of the ^'August!" and the "Cresars," the reader may consult a Dissertation by Manso at the end of his Leben Constantins des Grossen (see p. 567). 576 ROME. [uooK v. 7. The complex governmental system thus established by- Diocletian worked thoroughly well while he himself retained Success of the the superintendence of the machine which he had "ew system of ji^yented. No quarrels arose ; the " Caesars " re- warsofthe strained themselves within the limits set them; period pros- -, «^ • • i ^ - -i • parous. and Maxnuian was always ready to submit his judgment to that of his benefactor. Many dangers from without, and some from within, threatened the State ; but they were met with energy and combated with success by the imperial rulers. In Britain, for a while (a.d. 287 to. 293), a rebel chief, Carausius, a German probably, defied the Ko- man arms, and maintained an independent sovereignty ; but the authority of Rome was re-established in this quarter (a.d. 296) by the victories of Constantius. Maximian put down the troubles which, as early as a.d. 287, had broken out in Gaul; while at a later date (a.d. 297), Constantius delivered the same province from a furious invasion of the Alemanni. Galerius, after maintaining for many years the honor of the Roman arms upon the Danube, engaged the Persians in the far East, and although at first signally de- feated (a.d. 297), made up for his defeat by a great victory in the year following, which led to a peace very advanta- geous to the Romans. Finally, Diocletian and Maximian subdued revolt in Africa, chastised the Moors and the Egyp- tians, and put to death the pretenders who had raised the standard of revolt in those regions. Details of the British and Persian Wars. (1) British War. Re- volt of Carausius, a.d. 287. He is attacked by Maximian and repulses him, a.d. 289. Peace made ; Carausius allowed the title of Augustus, a.d. 290. Death of Carausius, who is murdered by his first minister, AUectus, a.d. 293. Allectus becomes king. Landing of Constantius in Britain, a.d. 296. De- feat and death of Allectus, and recovery of the island. (2) Persian War. War provoked by the Romans, who seize Armenia and make it over to their vassal, Tiridates, a.d. 286. Araienia recovered by the Persians, a.d. 296. Galerius enters Mesopotamia, a.d. 297, and, after one or two indecisive en- gagements, is met and defeated by the Persians near Carrhte (Hairan). Having collected a new army, he advances through Armenia upon Assyria, and defeats the Persian king, Narses, in the mountains, a.d. 298. Peace is made the same year, by the cession to the Romans of several small provinces beyond the Tigris, and the enlargement of the dominions of Tiridates. 8. But while success attended the arms of Diocletian and his colleagues against whatever enemy they were turned, fAUT I., i-EK. VI. J DIOCLeTIAN. 577 Defects iu the whether foreign or domestic, the results achieved mfnfstration. t)y thc internal administration of the empire were of theT'hris- ^^^^ Satisfactory. After long consideration, Dio- tians. cletian determined, towards the close of a.d. 302, to compel uniformity of religion, and for this purpose issued an edict against the Christians (a.d. 303), Avhich led to ter- rible excesses. Throughout the entire empire, except in the extreme West, where Constantius protected those of the " new religion," one- half of the community found itself pro- scribed ; the most relentless persecution followed ; thou- sands were put to death in almost every province ; the churches were demolished, endowments confiscated, the sa- cred books burnt, meetings for worship prohibited, the cler- gy declared enemies of the State, A war of extermination commenced, to which there seemed to be no end; for, as usual, the "blood of the martyrs" proved the "seed of the Church," and the ranks of the Christians were replenished as fast as they were thinned. A state of things worse than eivil war prevailed, authority being engaged in a conflict in which it could not succeed, and being thus brought into dis- repute, while the most cruel sufferings were day by day in- flicted on the citizens who were least deserving of them. 9. Nor was suffering at this period confined to the Chris- tians. The establishment of four Courts instead of one, and General snf- the multiplication of ofiicials and of armies, vastly op"?fssKe^ augmented the expenditure ; and a heavy increase taxation. ^f taxation was the necessary consequence. The provinces groaned under the burden of oppressive imposts ; Avhich were wrung from the reluctant tax-payer by violence and even by torture. Industry sank beneath a system which left it without reward ; production diminished ; and the price of all commodities rose. To meet this evil, a futile attempt was made to fix by law a maximum of prices for all the necessaries, and most of the commodities, of life, for corn, wine, and oil, salt, honey, butchers'-meat, vegetables, clothes, fish, fruit, laborers' wages, schoolmasters' and advo- cates' fees, boots and Aides, harness, timber, and beer. Such an interference with the natural course of trade could only aggravate the evils which it was intended to allay. The celebrated *' Edict of Diocletian," discovered by Col. Leake at Eski- Hissar in Asia Minor, appears to have been issued in a.d. 301. It runs in 25 578 ROME. [I5COK V. the name of the four emperors, and fixes the price of all the articles aboA-e named, and of many others, in denarii. An excellent edition of the Edict has been published by Mommsen, under the title, Das Edict Diocletians de pretiis rerum venalium. Leipzig, 1851 ; 8vo. 10. The severe illness which afflicted Diocletian in a.d. 304, was probably the chief cause determining him on the Diocletian i^ost Celebrated act of his life — his abdication. andMaximi- His health made rest necessary for him; and he au abdicate, *' ' A. I). 305: Save- may naturally have desired to preside over the min'are made stcps whicli required to be taken in order to se- " Caesars. ' ^^^^.^ ^^^ Continuance of his system after he him- self should have quitted life. Accordingly, he formally ab- dicated his power in a.d. 305, after a reign of twenty-one years, and compelled Maximian to do the same. The two " Caesars," Galerius and Constantius, became hereupon "Au- gusti," and should, according to the original design of Dio- cletian, have respectively succeeded to the provinces of the East and of the West, and have each appointed a " Caesar " to rule a portion of his dominions. But the partiality of Di- ocletian for his own " Caesar" and son-in-law, Galerius, or his conviction that the empire required a chief ruler to prevent it from breaking up, produced a modification of the original plan. Galerius, with Diocletian's sanction, appointed both the new " Caesars," and assigned them their governments, giving to his nephew Maximin, Syria and Egypt ; to his friend Se- verus, Italy and Africa. Constantius simply retained what he already had. Galerius reserved for his own share the entire tract between Gaul and Syria, and was thus master, in his own person or by his deputies, of three-fourths of the empire. 11. The new partition of the empire was followed shortly by the death of Constantius, who expired at York, July 24, Constantius ^'^' ^^^- ^^^ ^^^ dcccase, the legions immediate- dies, a.d. sog. ly proclaimed his son, Constantine, his successor. oGvcrus is *{ ■*■ ^ ^ made "Au- This was an infringement of the new order of gus US. things ; but Galerius felt liimself obliged to con- done it, to recognize a legitimate " Caesar " in the new prince, while he raised Severus to the rank^ "Augustus." The har- mony of the empire was thus still preserved, in spite of the irregularity which had threatened to disturb it, and the Ro- man world continued to be still amicably governed by four princes, two of whom were "Augusti" and two "Caesars." PART I., VER. vi.J CONSTAi^TINE. 579 12. Bat it was not long before the tranquillity was inter- rupted. Maxcntius, son of Maximian, took advantage of the Revolt of discontent prevalent in Rome and Italy owing to Miixentins ; the loss of privilege and dignity, to raise the six emperors, Standard of rcvolt, assume the imperial orna- A.D. 307-309. jjj(3j^|^g^ jjjj(j iboldly proclaim himself emperor. His father, Maximian, joined him, and resumed the rank of "Au- gustus." In vain Severus hurried to Rome, and endeavored to crush the insurrection. Abandoned by his troops, he fell into his enemy's hands, and w^as compelled to end his life by suicide, a.d. 307. In vain Galerius, at the head of all the forces of the central and eastern provinces, sought to impose his will on the rebellious Romans and Italians; after a short campaign he was obliged to retreat without effecting any thing. . Maximian and Maxentius, Avho had allied themselves with Constantino, held their ground successfully against the efforts of their antagonists ; and for a brief space the empire was administered peacefully by six emperors, Constantine, Maximian, and Maxentius in the West ; in the East, Galeri- us, Maximin, and Licinius, who had received the imperial dignity from Galerius after the death of Severus. 13. The inherent evil of tlie new system of government now began to show itself First, Maximian and Maxentius Wars between quarrelled, and the former was forced to take ref- mtulononhe ^g^ with Constantino. Then Constantine him- CoJstanUnl,'' ^^^^ ^^^ *^ defend his position against the in- A.n. 324. ' trigues of his father-in-law, and having defeated him, put him to death, a.d. 310. In the next year Galerius perished by the miserable death which has often befallen persecutors ; and the rulers of the Roman world were thus reduced to four, Constantine in the West, Maxentius in Italy and Africa, Licinius in Illyricum and Thrace, Maximin in Egypt and Asia. But no friendly feeling now united the members of the Imperial College. War broke out between Constantine and Maxentius in a.d. 312, and between Licinius and Maximin in the year following. In each case the strug- gle was soon decided. Constantine vanquished his adversa- ry in two battles — one near Yerona, the other at the Colline gate — and became master of Rome and Italy. Maxentius perished in the Tiber. Maximin was defeated by Licinius in a single great fight, near Heracleia ; but the victory was de- 580 ROME. [ijooK V. cisive, being followed shortly by the defeated emperor's sui- cide. It remained that the two victors, lords respectively of the East and of the West, should measure their strength against each other. This they did in a.d. 314; and after a long and bloody struggle, interrupted by an interval of peace (a.d. 315 to 322), victory declared itself in favor of the Western legions, and Constantine, wdio is not without reason given the epithet of " the Great," became sole master of the reunited Roman Empire. The defeated Licinius was, as a matter of course, put to death, a.d. 324. Details of the War betaveen Constantine and Licinius, a.d. 314 to 324. War provoked by the intrigues of Licinius. First battle at Cibalis on the Save. Licinius, defeated with great loss, escapes with difficulty, a.d. 314. Second battle at Mardia, in Thrace. Constantine again successful. Peace made. Pannonia, Illyricum, Moesia (or Dacia), Macedonia, and Greece ceded to Constantine. Peace broken by the ambition of Constan* tine, who is bent on obtaining the whole empire, a.d. 323. Licinius, defeat- ed near Hadrianople, throws himself into Byzantium. Siege of Byzantium and flight of Licinius to Asia. Last battle at Chrysopolis in Bithynia. Li- cinius, once more defeated, submits, and is put to death, a.d. 324. 14. The reign of Constantine the Great is the turning- point of this period of the history. He completed the revo- ReignofCou- lution whicli Diocletian had begun. By his en- soe-m ' He' *"'^ abolition of the praetorians, and conversion rsteraofDj^- ^^ ^^^^^^' P^'^fects into purely civil officers, he se- cietiau. g. cured the State as far as was possible from the tyranny of the sword. By the erection of his new capital, and the formal transfer of the seat of government from Rome to Byzantium, he put the finishing stroke to the deg- radation of the old metropolis, destroyed forever the power of the Senate, and freed the emperors from all those galling restrictions which old constitutional forms and usages im- posed upon them. By his organization of the Court on a thoroughly Eastern model, he stamped finally on the later empire the character of Orientalism which attaches to it. Finally, by his new division of the empire into Prefectures^ and his assignment of difierent portions of his dominions to his sons and nephews, on whom he conferred the titles of " Caesar," or '' King," he maintained in a modified form the principles of a federated as distinct from a centralized gov- ernment, and of joint as distinct from sole rule, which was the most original, and at the same time the most doubtful, of Diocletian's conceptions. PART I., PKK. VI.] KEFORMS OF CONSTANTINE. 581 An excellent account of the new organization of the empire under Con- stantine has been written by Marquardt, and will be found in Becker's Ilandbuch der Rijmischen Alterthumer, vol. iii,, part i. (Leipzig, 1843-04: ; 5 vols. 8vo). The chief points of the organization were the following : The whole empire was divided into four prefectures {pr(pfecturcp), each under its prtetorian prefect (j)rcpfectus prcetorio). These were, I. The Pre- New arrange- lecture of the Gauls (prcefectura Galliarum), comprising meutofthcT three dioceses, each under a vicar (vicarius), those, namely, provinces. ^^ ^^^ gp,^j„^ ^^2) Gaul, or the Seven Provinces, and (3) Brit- ain ; which were further subdivided into governments, under consulars (con- sul ares) or presidents (2)r(vsides), seven in Spain, seventeen in Gaul, and five in Britain — Total, 29. 11. The Prefecture of Italy, comprising like- wise three dioceses, those of (1) the city of Rome, (2) Italy, and (3) Africa, and subdivided into thirty governments, under consulars, presidents, correct- ors (correctores) or dukes (duces), five in Africa, ten in the diocese of the city of Rome, which corresponded to Southern and Central Italy, and four- teen in the Italian diocese, which comprised North Italy, Rhastia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Dalmatia — Total, 30. III. The Prefecture of Illyri- CUM, divided into two dioceses, (1) Dacia, and (2) Macedonia, the former comprising five, and the latter six governments ; to which must be further added Achsea, which had its own proconsul. Total number of governments, 12. IV. The Prefecture of the East (prcefectura Orientis), which contained five dioceses, those of (1) the East (Orientis), (2) Egypt, (3) Asia, (-t) Pontus, and (5) Thrace ; forming altogether forty-six governments, un- der consulars, presidents, correctors, dukes, and counts (comites), fifteen of which were in "the East," or Syria and Mesopotamia, six in the diocese of Egypt, eight in that of "Asia" (Asia Minor), eleven in Pontus, and six in Thrace ; while two others were extra-diocesan, those of the Hellespont and the Greek islands. Total, in this prefecture, 48. Grand total of govern- ments in the four prefectures, 1 19. The organization of the Court was as follows : At its head were seven chief officers — (1) the grand chamberlain (prcepositus sancti cuhiculi) ; under . whom was, first, his deputy (vicarius), and secondly, the counts of the Court of the palace and the bedchamber (comites palatii and cuhicu- and its offi- larii), who had the superintendence respectively of the royal table and wardrobe, and were marshalled in four divisions. (2) The chancellor, or "master of the offices" (magister officiorum), who was at once a judge and a minister, it being his duty to determine all causes in which persons connected with the Court were concerned, to receive and an- swer memorials, to direct the ports and arsenals, and to receive the envoys of foreign powers. The business of this important functionary was transact- ed in four distinct offices (scrinia), and employed 148 clerks. (3) The quces- tor, an officer who has no correspondent in modem times. He was the or- gan of the Emperor in legislation, composed and usually suggested his edicts, and resolved the doubts of inferior judges. (4) The treasurer-general, or "count of the sacred largesses" (comes sacrarum largitionum), who supei*- intended the collection and disbursement of the revenue, a business conduct- ed in eleven diiferent offices, and employing several hundreds of people. (5) The master of the privy purse (comes rei principis), who managed the Em- 582 HOME. [book v. peror's private estate, (G) and (7) The two commanders of the household troops (comites domesticorum), the heads respectively of the two bands of cav- alry and infantry, which had taken the place of the old prtetorians, and watched over the safety of the Emperor. This service was now intrusted almost exclusively to Armenians ! The chief authority for these details is the Notitia dignitatum utriusque imperii, of which a good edition has been published by Bocking. (Bonna;, 1839-53 ; 2 vols. 8vo.) 15. But the reforms of Constantine were not limited by the range of his predecessor's conceptions. He established, not merely at the Court, but throughout the em- forms of con- pire, a graduated nobility, the archetype of the ItionSfkiio^-" modern systems, mainly but not wholly official, biiity. composed of three ranks: (l) the "illustrious" {illustres) ; (2) the " respectable " (sjJectaMles) ; and (3) the "right honorable" {darissimi). To the "illustrious" class belonged («) the consuls during their term of office ; {b) the patricians, life peers, who received the title of " patricius " at the will of the Emperor ; (c) the pnetorian prefects, six in number, four provincial and two metropolitan — the prefects respectively of Rome and Constantinople ; (d) the masters- general of the cavalry and infantry ; and (e) the seven chief officers of the Court, mentioned in the preceding section. Under the head of "respectable" were included {a) the pro- consuls of Asia, Africa, and Achaea ; (b) the heads of the thir- teen dioceses, whatever their special title, whether vicar, count, or augustal prefect ; and (c) the second rank of offi- cers in the army, thirty-five in number, of whom ten were " counts" and the remainder " dukes." The subordinate gov- ernors of provinces, consulars, presidents, and correctors, to- gether with the other members of the Roman and Constanti- nopolitan Senates, constituted the class of " right honora- bles " or " clarissimi." Constantine likewise reor- tion of the ganized the Roman army. He multiplied the ^^^^^' number and reduced the strength of the legions, which were raised from thirty or thirty-one to a hundred and thirty-two, while the strength of each sank from 6000 to 1000 or 1500. He divided the soldiers into the two classes of " pal- atines " and " borderers," the former quartered in the chief towns of the empire, the latter stationed upon the frontiers. The whole army he placed nnder two (later, under four) commanders, called respectively, " master of the horse " i'AKT I., I'EK. VI.] REFOKMS OF CONSTANTINE. 583 {magister eqidtwn) and " master of the foot " {magister pe- ditiim)^ but each practically commanding mixed armies in the field. Next in rank to them were the various " counts " and " dukes," who acted as lieutenant or divisional generals, and were stationed in the more exposed provinces. 16. It is not certain that Constantino made any change in the nature or amount of the taxes which the imj^erial gov- ernment exacted from its subjects. But the fact Commence- „ . ,. . ,, , mentofthe^ that the "era oi mdictions dates irom a year within his reign (Sept. 1,a.d. 312) would seem to imply that the practice of making a new survey of the em- pire for financial purposes every fifteen years Avas com- menced by him. The land-tax (ccqntatio or imlictio), with its supplement, the poll-tax {capitatio hmnana or plebeici)^ the tax on trades {ciiirimi lustrale)^ the indirect taxes, cus- toms, etc., the forced contributions {aurimi coronariuni) were, all of them, imposts of old standing at this time ; and it is not easy to see that Constantino added any others. He was probably rigid in his exaction of taxes, and may have been the first to require that all payments to the treasury should be made in gold ; but the charge of oppressing his subjects by the imposition of new and unheard-of burdens, which rests upon the sole testimony of the prejudiced Zosi- mus, is certainly " not proven." The ' ' era of indictions " did not come into use till the twelfth century, and thus belongs to modern, rather than to ancient, history. But the finan- cial employment of a cycle of fifteen years probably dates from the seventh year of Constantine. On the general subject of the later Roman taxation the student should con- sult the great work of Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittel- alter. Heidelberg, 1834-1851 ; 7 vols. 8vo. Second edition. 17. But the great change, the crowning reform, introduced and carried through by Constantine was his reformation of Change of the religion. Here he did not so much go beyond as Heathenlm"* directly coutradict the ideal of Diocletian. Dio- partiaf am- ^ cletian, and after him Galerius, had endeavored ShChiis- *^ destroy Christianity, root and branch, by the tianity. fire of persecution. But they had failed; and Galerius had acknowledged the failure by an edict issued from his death-bed, which permitted to the Christians the free exercise of their religion, and invited them to aid the 584 KOME. [book v. suffering emperor by their prayers. Galerius, however, and the emperors of his appointment, though they tolerated Christianity, had remained heathens, and had continued to maintain heathenism as the State religion. It remained for Constantine not merely to tolerate, but in a certain sense to establish, the new religion; to recognize its bishops and clergy as privileged persons, to contribute largely towards its endowment, to allow the meetings and give effect to the decrees of its councils, to conform the jurisprudence of the State to its precepts and its practices. Hence the laws Consequent against infixnticidc, against adultery, against ped- changesinUic gr^sty, against rape and seduction passed at this deuce. period; hence the edict for the general observ- ance of Sunday, and the new and strong restrictions upon the facility of divorce. Constantine did not indeed, as has sometimes been supposed, proscribe heathenism ; he did not shut up the temples, neither did he forbid the offering of sac- rifice. But he completely dissociated the State from hea- thenism, and to a certain extent allied it with Christianity ; he stopped all magisterial offering of sacrifice ; be shut up the temples where the ritual was immoral. Though not a baptized Christian till shortly before his death, he threw the whole weight of his encouragement on the Christian side ; and the rapid increase in the number of professing Chris- tians, which now set in, must be regarded as in great part the effect of his patronage. 18. The character of Constantine has been variously esti- mated, according as his patronage of Christianity has been Character of li^^d or disliked. Tlie most impartial writers Constantine. yjew him as a man in whom vice and virtue, weakness and strength of mind were curiously blended. His military talents and his power of organization are in- contestable. His activity, courage, prudence, and affection- ateness can not be questioned. But he was less clement and humane than it was to have been expected that the first Christian emperor would have shown himself; he was strangely superstitious ; and his religion, so far as it can be gathered from his public acts, his coins, his medals, and his recorded speeches, was a curious medley of Christianity and paganism, which it is not pleasant to contemplate. His character deteriorated as time went on. His best period is PART I., VEIL VI.] DEATH OF CONSTANTINE. 585 that of his administration of Gaul, a.d. 306 to 312. As he grew older, he became more suspicious, more irritable, more harsh and severe in his punishments. The darkest shadow which rests upon his reign is connected with the execution of his son, Crispus, and his nepliew, Licinius, events of the year a.d. 326 ; but it is impossible to say whether these acts were, or were not, a State necessity — whether they punished a contemplated crime, or were cruelties which had their ori- gin in a wicked and unworthy jealousy. The harmony which subsisted between Constantino and his other sons, and the kindness which he showed towards his half-brothers and their offspring, may reasonably incline us to the belief that in the great tragedy of his domestic life Constantino was rather unfortunate than guilty. The story that Constantine put to death his second wife, Fausta, on the charge of intriguing with a groom, discredited even by Gibbon, is more than doubtful. 19. The later years of Constantine were troubled by the barbarians of the North and East, who once more assumed His wars and the aggressive, and invaded, or threatened to in- respfcf to\^he vade, the Roman territory. In the vigor of his successiou. youth and middle age he had repelled such at- tacks in person, defeating the Franks and Alemanni in Gaul, A.D. 309, and the Goths and Sarmatians upon the Danube, A.D. 322. Less active as he approached old age, he employed the arms of his eldest son, Constantine, to chastise the Goths in A.D. 332, and allowed the hostile proceedings of the Per- sians (a.d. 336) to pass unrebuked. At the same time he made preparations for the succession, in anticipation of his own demise, creating his third son, Constans, and his neph- ew, Dalmatius, "Caesars," making another nephew, Hanni- balianus. Rex, and assigning to these two nephews and his His death, three surviving sons the administration of differ- A.D. 33T. ent portions of his dominions. Constantine died, May 22, a.d. 337, having reigned nearly thirty-one years. The young Constantine was assigned the prcefectura Galliaruvi ; Constan- tius the prcefectura Orientis, excepting Pontus, Cappadocia, and Armenia Minor; Constans the prcefectura Italice; Dalmatius the prcefectura Illyrici. Hannibalianus received Pontus, Cappadocia, and Armenia Minor for his "kingdom." Several Lives of Constantine the Great have been written. The best is that of • 25* 586 ROME, [1500K v, Manso, J. C. F., Leben Constantins des Grossen. Breslau, 1817 ; 8vo. The student may also consult with advantage BuKKiiAKDT, J., Die Zeit Constantins des Grossen. Basel, 1853; royal 8vo. The dealings of Constantine ,with the Christians and the ecclesiastical as- pect of his reign are best given in Dean Milman's History of Christianity (3 vols. 8vo, London, 1840), vol. ii. 20. The designs of Constantine with resjoectto the succes- sion were not allowed to take full effect. Troubles follow- joint reign of ed close upon his decease, which led to the re- of c^ustau^"^ moval of Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, and the t"^^- murder of most of their near relations and parti- sans. The three sons of Constantine divided his dominions between them, Constantine retaining the portion assigned him by his father, viz., the Gauls, Constans receiving the share of Dalmatius besides his own, and Constantins absorb- ing the "kingdom" of Hannibalianus. But the brothers could not long remain at peace among themselves. Con- stantine, the eldest, discontented with his share, required Constans to relinquish to him the diocese of Africa, and when the latter demurred, invaded his territories and sought to compel the surrender. He had, however, miscalculated his strength, and was easily defeated and slain (a.d. 340). Constans took possession of his government, but, ruling ty- rannically, was, ten years later (a.d. 350), conspired against by his generals and ministers, one of whom, Magnentius, as- sumed the purjDle, captured and slew Constans, and reigned in his stead. Meanwhile, Constantins was engaged in an Rise and foil unsucccssful war against the Persians under their SsS."35o-' k^ii») Sapor, who aimed at recovering the prov- 2^3- inces ceded to Galerius by his grandfather. Re- called by the dangerous condition of the West, where, be- sides Magnentius, another officer, Yetranio, general in Illyri- cum, had been proclaimed emperor, Constantins in the space of three years (a.d. 350 to 353) put down all opposition, forc- ing Vetranio to abdicate his dignity and retire into private life (a.d. 350), and driving Magnentius, after twice defeating him — at Mursa in Pannonia, a.d. 351, and at Mount Seleucus in Gaul, a.d. 353 — to take refuge in suicide. Constantins thus, in the sixteenth year after the death of liis fatlier Con- stantine, reunited under his sole rule the scattered fragments of the Roman world* PART I., PER. VI.] THE SONS OF CONSTANTINE. 587 21. The sole reign of Constantius, which lasted from a.d. 353 to 361, was a period of mixed disaster and success, ex- Soie reign of hausting to the empire, but not inglorious. His n.c^'SSi!' Tt>loody contest with Magnentius had greatly His wars. weakened the Roman military force, and exposed the empire almost without defense to the attacks of the bar- barians. German tribes had been actually encouraged by Constantius to cross the Rhine, and had planted themselves firmly on its left bank. The Quadi and Sarraatians ceased to respect the frontier of the Danube. In the East Sapor resumed his aggressive operations, and poured his hosts into tlie Roman province of Mesopotamia. But though the Ro- man arms sustained many reverses, especially in the East, and though the provinces suffered grievously from hostile inroads, yet on every side the honor of the empire was up- lield or^vindicated, and no permanent conquest of Roman territory was effected. Constantius repulsed the Quadi and attacked them in their own abodes, a.d. 357 ; set a king de- voted to his interests over the Sarmatse, a.d. 359 ; and pre- vented Sapor from occupying the regions w^hich he overran with his army, a.d. 360. In the West, the efforts of Julian were crowned with still more decided success. The Franks and Alemanni, defeated in a number of battles (a.d. 356 to 358), evacuated their new conquests and retired to the right bank of the Rhine ; but even here the vengeance of the Ro- mans followed them. Julian led three expeditions across the great river, ravaged Germany far and wide, and returned into Gaul with a rich booty. 22. In his relations with the princes of his family Constan- tius was peculiarly unhappy. At his accession, a.d. 337, he His treatment had Sanctioned, if he had not even commanded, GanasTnd Ju- ^hc massacre of his two surviving uncles and sev- 1''^"- en of his cousins. Two cousins only, Gallus and Julian, boys of six and twelve respectively, he had spared. Having no male offspring, and having lost his two brothers,^ who died childless, it was only to these two princes that he could look, if he desired heirs of his own blood and lineage. Accordingly, when the troubles caused by Magnentius sum- moned him to the West, a.d. 350, he drew forth Gallus from the retirenient in which he bred him up, conferred upon him the title of " Caesar," and intrusted to him the administration 588 HOME. [book v. of the East. But the ill-trained prince having grievously abused his trust, was in a.d. 354 summoned to appear before Constantius at Milan, and, when he obeyed, was seized while upon his journey, imprisoned and put to death. Shortly af- terwards (a.d. 355) Julian was, by the influence of the Em- press, Eusebia, advanced to the dignity made vacant by his half-brother's decease and invested with the government of the Gauls ; but the Emperor was from first to last jealous of his young kinsman and harsh in his treatment of him. At length, when he found himself about to be deprived of the troops who constituted his sole defense, Julian allowed his soldiers to proclaim him emperor (a.d. 360), and march- ed eastward to maintain his cause in arms. Another civil war would have followed had not Constantius opportunely died (a.d. 361) and left the throne open to his rival. * The persecution of the orthodox Christians by Constantius, and his en- couragement of Arianism, belong to ecclesiastical rather than to civil history. His reign is the time of "Athanasius contra mundum." 23. Julian, the last prince of the house of Constantine, who succeeded to the undivided empire on the death of ,^ ,. Constantius, was a man of unquestionable ability Reiguof Juh- I T 1 1 T ■■ 1 -, • an, A.D. 3G0- and 01 nearly blameless moral character ; but his 363 . . . reign was a misfortune for the empire. A pagan from conviction, he not only restored Paganism to its old position as the established religion of the State, but endeav- ored to destroy Christianity by depriving its professors of the advantages of wealth, knowledge, and power, and perti- naciously directing against them every weapon of petty per- secution. The success of his enterprise, had it been possible, would have deeply injured the State, since it would have substituted a degraded morality and an effete religion for an ethical system in which even skeptics can find no fault, and a faith whose vitality is evidenced by its continuing to exist and to flourish at the present day. But success was wholly impossible; even a partial success could only have been gained at the expense of a prolonged civil war; and thus the sole result of the emperor's futile attempt was to cause a large amount of actual suffering, to exasperate the two parties against each other, and to prolong a struggle which could only end in one way. The religious counter- PART I., I'Eu. VI.] KEIGN OF JULIAN. 589 revolution which he designed was altogether a mistake and an anachronism; and it was well for the empire that the brevity of liis reign confined the time of suffering and of struggle within narrow limits. 24, Nor was the great military expedition which Julian undertook against the Persians more fortunate in its results His expedi- than his crusade against the faith of half liis sub- the"pSnl, jects. The end at which he aimed— the actual A.D.3C3. destruction of the Persian empire — was grand, and the plans which he formed for the accomplishment of his object were not ill-devised; but he had underrated the difficulty of his undertaking, and had counted too much on all his plans being carried out successfully. The allies on whose assistance he reckoned — Armenia and Liberia — failed him ; his second army, which had been directed to take the line of the Tigris and join him before Ctesiphon, never made its appearance ; he himself accomplished without disaster his march along the Euphrates and the Nahr-Malcha to the Persian capital, but he found his forces insufficient to under- take its siege, and after an imprudent delay he was compel- led, just as the heats of summer were coming on, to com- mence his retreat. But the multitudinous enemy hung about his rear, cut off his stragglers, deprived him of sup- plies, and even ventured, where the ground was favorable, to occupy and interrupt his line of march. ' Like the Ten Thousand Greeks (see p. 120) in their retreat through the same regions, the Roman army had day after day to fight TT- 1 ,-u its way. At length in one of these numerous His death. ^•'^ r- iT^ mi it combats Julian fell, ihe soldiers, forced to sup- ply his place, created the Christian, Jovian, emperor ; and Jovian procured himself a safe retreat from Persia with the remnant of Julian's army by relinquishing the provinces ceded to Galerius in a.d. 248 (see § 7), together with a por- tion of Mesopotamia. The best account of the Emperor Julian and his times is in the work of Neander, a., Ueber den Kaiser Julian und sein Zeitalter. Leipzig, 1812; 8vo. 25. The reign of Jovian lasted only a few months — from Reign of Jovi- J^^"®, A.D. 363, to February, a.d. 364 — but it was a^ A.D. 363- long enough to enable him to reverse his prede- cessor's religious changes, and restore Christian- 590 KOME. [book v. ity to its former position. He conducted the army of Julian from the eastern bank of the Tigris to Ancyra in Phrygia, religiously performed the stipulations of his treaty with Sa- por, replaced Athanasius on his episcopal throne, and issued an edict of universal toleration. His death, February 17, A.D. 364, was sudden and mysterious, but is most probably to be ascribed to natural causes. 26. An interregnum of ten days followed the death of Jovian. At its close the great officials of the empire took Joint reif^n of ^^P^^ thcmselvcs to nominate a monarch, and se- Vaientinran lectcd Valcnthiian, a Christian and a brave offi- and Valeus. , i t % . , t . . , , , vaieutinijin, ccr, who had scrved with distmction both on the Rhine and in Persia. The army ratified the choice, but required the new emperor to associate a col- league, being anxious (apparently) to prevent the recurrence of such a time of uncertainty and suspense as they had just experienced. Valentinian conferred the purple on his younger brother, Valens, and committed to his hands the administration of the "praefectura Orientis," reserving the rest of the erajDire for himself. He fixed his court at Milan, and from this centre, or sometimes from Treves, he governed with vigor and success, though not without occasional cruel- ty, the various provinces of the West. In person, or by his generals, he defeated the Picts and Scots in Britain, the Sax- ons in Northern Gaul, the Franks and Alemanni upon the Rhine, and the Quadi upon the Danube, everywhere main- taining the frontier and defending it by castles and ram- parts. He suppressed the revolt of Firmus in Africa, and re-established the Roman authority over Nuraidia and Mau- retania. As early as a.d. 367, he associated his son, Gratian, in the honors of the imperial dignity, but gave him no share in the government. He died at Bregetio, on the Danube, November 17, a.d. 375, when he had reigned between eleven and twelve years. 27. Meanw^hile, the weaker Yalens in the East, cruel, timid, and governed by favorites, with difficulty maintained him- Vaiens,A.D. Self upon the throne wdiich he owed, not to his 3G4-378. ^^^,jj merit, but to the affection or the jealousy of his brother. The insurrection of Procopius liad nearly brought his reign to an end in the year after his accession, A.D. 365, but was suppressed by tlie courage and devotion of rAiiT I., PER. VI.] JOVIAN TO GKATIAN. 591 the brave and unselfish Salliist. War witli the Visigoths, who had embraced the cause of Procopius, followed, a.d. 367, and was concluded by a peace, a.d. 369, of which the barba- rians dictated the terras. A campaign against Sapor, a.d. 3*71, had no result of importance. In the following year there was a conspiracy at Antioch which threatened the life of the Emperor. But the great event of the reign of Valens was the irruption of the Huns into Europe, and the conse- quent precipitation on the Koman Empire of the dispossess- ed Goths, who, received as suppliants and fugitives, were in a little while driven by ill-treatment to declare themselves enemies, and in the two battles of Marcianople and Adriano- ple proved their superiority over the Roman armies, defeat- ing first the generals of Valens, and then Valens himseirj who was slain at Adrianople, with two-thirds of his soldiers, A.D. 378. That the Huns weve Turanians from the steppes of Northern or Central Asia seems to be certain, but their exact race is a point which can never be settled. They were probably either Mongols, Turks, or Oigurs. Their iden- tity with the Hiong-nu, assumed by Gibbon, is disputable. Nothing is known of the causes which led to their migration ; but we have sufficient evidence of their appearance as a new nation, about a.d. 370, on the northern shores of the Black Sea, of their conquest of the Alani in the tract between the Wolga and the Don, and of their repeated victories over the Goths under Hermanric and his successor, Withimer. The Gothic kingdom of Herman- ric had extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea, comprising South-western Russia, Poland, and Eastern Prussia, and extending over various cognate tribes, of which the two most important were the Ostrogoths (Eastern Goths) and the Visigoths (Western Goths) in the tract between the Theiss and the Dnieper. Driven from their lands by the fluns, the Visigoths first, and the Ostrogoths after them, requested and obtained leave from the Romans to cross the Danube into Mcesia. The numbers of the Visigoths alone have been estimated at a million. The difficulty of feeding such a multitude, and perhaps acts of oppression and extortion on the part of the Roman officials, led to the armed outbreak in which Valens lost his life. The re- sult might have been different if he had waited for the forces of the West, which were marching to his aid at the time when he provoked an engage- ment. 28. On the death of Valentinian, a.d. 375, he had been suc- ceeded by his son Gratian, a youth of seventeen, who imme- ReignofGra- diately associated in the government his brother, 383"'vfUent&- Valentinian II., a boy of five. Gratian, the pupil Themiosius 1. ^^ ^^^^ Christian poet, Ausonius, was amiable but associated. weak. So long as the instructors of his youth 592 ROME. [book v. maintained their authority over him, he conducted himself with credit and seemed to be an excellent ruler. Gaul was delivered from the Alemanni under his auspices by the vic- tory of Argentaria (a.d. 378); and the East, which the pre- cipitation of his uncle had prevented him from saving, was wisely placed under the superintendence of Theodosius, whom Gratian raised from a private station to be his col- league, A.D. 379. The prefecture of lUyricum was voluntari- ly ceded by the Western to the Eastern Emperor. But as advancing manhood emancipated Gratian from control, the natural softness and weakness of his character displayed it- self. Unworthy favorites obtained from him the direction of public aifairs, and cruelly abused his confidence. Hunt- ing became his passion; and the hours which should have been given to business were devoted to the pleasures and excitement of the chase. The army was neglected and re- sented its treatment ; the indolent emperor was despised ; in a short time revolt broke out. Maximus, a Roman settled in Britain, was invested with the purple by the British le- gions, and passed over into Gaul, with the intention of en- gaging Gratian. But the Gallic legions refused to fight; and Gratian, quitting Paris, where he held his court, fled to Lyons, and was there overtaken and slain, a.d. 383. 29. Maximus, successful thus far, obtained an acknowledg- ment of his dignity from Theodosius, on condition of his ac- knowledging in his turn the title of Yalentinian imiis,A,D.383- IT., and leaving him in undisturbed possession of ^^^' the Italian prefecture, which had been made over to him by his brother. But the ambition of the usurper in- duced him after a few years to break his engagement. In August, A.D. 387, he crossed the Alps, invaded Italy, and drove Valentinian to take refuge in the East. There the great Theodosius, after some hesitation, embraced the cause of his nephew, married his sister Galla, and, defeating Maxi- mus in Pannonia, a.d. 388, replaced the young Valentinian upon the throne. 30. Valentinian II., who now at the age of eighteen be- came for the second time emperor, was amiable and weak, Second reign like his brother. He allowed a subject, Argo- iiTaSss?'^ bastes, a Frank by race, to obtain a position in ^^'^- the kingdom similar to that occupied by the PART I., I'ER. VI.] MAXIMUS TO TIIEODOSIUS I. 593 " mayors of the palace " under tlie Merovingian kings of France; and then, becoming aware of liis own want of au- thority, attempted to remove him, but in vain. Argobastes asserted his power, refused to lay down his office, and after a few days murdered his master, a.d. 392, and placed a crea- ture of his own, one Eugenius, upon the throne. 31. The new emperor was not acknowledged by Tlieodo- sius, whose natural indignation at the contempt shown for Eci<-uofE ^^^^ arrangements was stimulated by the prayers {jtenms, a.i.. and tcars of his wife, Galla, the sister of the mur- dered monarch. After temporizing for some months, while he collected a formidable force, the Eastei-n emperor invaded the provinces of the West, defeating his rival by the help of his own troops near Aquileia, and caused his head to be struck from his shoulders, a.d. 394. The Frank, Argobastes, became a fugitive, and soon afterwards terminated his life by suicide. 32. The reign of Theodosius in the East runs parallel with those of Gratian, Maximus, Valentinian II., and Eugenius Reign of The- in the Wcst, Commencing a.d. 379, in the fourtli Great"fiD.'^^ year of Gratian, and terminating a.d. 395, the subjects the^ y^^^' ^^^cr the death of Eugenius. It is a reign Goths. which surprises us by its wonderful vigor. Tlie- odosius truly deserved the name of "Great." By a combi- nation of patience and caution with vast military skill, he in the course of five years (a.d. 379 to 384) eifectually reduced the hordes of the Visigoths to subjection, converted them from enemies into subjects, and was able to use their swoi-ds against his other adversaries. It was no doubt an evil that these barbarians, and the Ostrogoths also, after their defeat in A.D. 386, were settled within the limits of the empire, in Moesia, Thrace, Illyricum, and Asia Minor ; since they wei-e not sufficiently civilized to amalgamate with the other sub- jects of the State. But Theodosius had only a choice of evils. If he had not given the barbarians settlements, he would have driven them to despair; and more was to be feared from their despair than even from their fickleness and turbulence. Theodosius himself kept the Goths quiet while he lived. He employed them with good effect against Max- imus and Eugenius. If his successors had had his talents, the new subjects of the empire might, very possibly, have 594 ROME. [book v. been kept iinclcr control, and have become its strength m- steacl of proving its weakness. 33. The vigor of Theodosius, which was employed with such good effect against the Goths, and against the usurpers who troubled the repose of the West, found an- tioijof'iiaga'us Other and more questionable vent in the regula- anci heretics, ^j^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^.^j^ ^^ j^.^ g^^^jects and in earnest and prolonged efforts to establish uniformity of religion. A qualified persecution of heathenism had .been sanctioned by some previous emperors. Theodosius broadly forbade all exercise of the chief rites of the old pagan religion under the extreme penalty of death ; shut up or destroyed the temples ; confiscated the old endowments ; and made every act of the worship penal. Towards heretics he acted with equal decision, but with somewhat less harshness. The Ari- ans and other sects condemned by the Councils of Nice (a.d. 325) and Constantinople (a.d. 381) were compelled to relin- quish their churches, vacate their sees, and make over their endowments to the orthodox; they were forbidden to preach, to ordain ministers, and even to meet for public wor- ship ; but the penalty in case of disobedience rarely went beyond a fine or exile, and practically the penalties were very seldom enforced. The administration of Theodosius was very much less severe than his laws; and to judge him from his code alone would give a false idea of his character. 34. Still Theodosius can not be wholly absolved fi-om the charge of violence and cruelty. His temper was capricious ; His clemency ^^<^, whilc upon somc occasions he exhibited an and severity, extraordinary degree of clemency and gentleness under extreme provocation, as when (in a.d. 387) he par- doned the insolence of Antiochenes,yet on others he allowed the fury which opposition awoke in him to have free course, and involved the innocent and the guilty in one sweeping sentence of punishment. The most notable example of this culpable severity is to be found in the famous massacre of the Thessalonians, for which he was comjDclled to do penance by St. Ambrose (a.d. 390). 35. The victory of Theodosius over the usurper, Eugenius, a.d. 394, had made him master of the West, and reunited for Final division the last time the whole of the Roman Avorld un- of the empire, ^^y ^j^g sccptre of a single monarch. But the PART I., PER. VI.] DEATH OF THEODOSIUS. 595 union did not last longer than a few months. It had come to be an accepted principle of the imperial policy that the weight of the internal administration, and the defense of the frontiers against the barbarians, was a burden beyond the powers of any single man. From the accession of Diocletian the Roman world had been governed, excepting on rare oc- casions, by a plurality of princes ; and it had been the usual practice to partition out the provinces among them. Theo- dosius, therefore, had no sooner defeated Eugenius, than he sent for his younger son. Honoring, a boy of eleven, and pre- pared to make over to him the Western Empire. Soon after- wards, finding his end approaching, he formally divided his dominions between his two sons, leaving the East to Arca- dius, the elder, and the West to Honorius, whom he jjlaced Theodosius's "nder the guardianship of the general Stilicho. death. ^ Theodosius expired at Milan in the fiftieth year of his age and the sixteenth of his reign, January 17, a.d. 395. A Life of Theodosius was written in the seventeenth century by Flechier, bishop of Nismes (Paris, 1G79 ; 4to) ; but it can not be recommended to the student. A better idea of the time will be derived from the work of Mueller, P. E., De genio sceculi Theodosiani. Ilavni^e, 1798 ; 2 vols. 8vo. FOURTH SECTION. History of the Western Empire from the Accession of Honorius, A.D. 395, to the Deposition of Romulus Augustus, a.d. 476. Sources. For the reign of Honorius Zosoius is our chief authority ; but his prejudiced history must be supplemented and often corrected from the works of the poet Claudian (ed. Koxig, Gottinga^, 1808 ; 8vo), who is how- ever too eulogistic. Both for this and for the subsequent period, the Epitome of Orosius, and the Chronicles of Prosper and Marcellinus are of serv- ice. JoRNANDES, the Gotliic historian (see p. 567), rises 'in importance, as the history of the Goths becomes more and more closely intermixed with that of the Romans. The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates, Sozomen, Theod- ORET, etc., and the chronologers, Idatius, Isodorus, etc., have an occa- sional value. Other authors will be mentioned under particular heads. No modern writers of repute have specially treated this last and saddest period of the history of Rome. The student must consult Gibbon, chaps. xxix. to xxxviii., and Niebuhr, Lectures on the History of Rome, lectures cxxxv. to cxxxviii. He may also with advantage compare Milman, History of Latin Christianity (London, 1854 ; 5 vols. 8vo) ; books ii. and iii. 1. Hitherto the East and West, if politically separate gov- ernments, had been united by sympathy, by the mutual 596 ROME. [book v. Last period of lending and receiving of assistance, and by the Eraph^lfA.™ i(^ea^ at any rate, that in some sense they formed 3'J5-47C. one empire. With Arcadius and Honorius this idea begins to fade and disappear ; relations of friendship between the governments are replaced by feelings of jeal- ousy, of mutual repulsion, of suspicion, distrust, and dislike. Hence the disruption of the empire is ordinarily dated from this time, though the separation was really so gradual that the historian acts somewhat arbitrarily in fixing on any definite point. There is, however, none better than the date commonly taken ; and, as the Eastern or Byzantine Empire belongs confessedly to Modern and not to Ancient History, the fortunes of the Western Empire will alone be followed in this concluding section of the history of Ancient Rome. 2. The origin of the estrangement between tlie East and West appears to have been the mutual jealousy and conflict- Estrangement ing pretensions of Rufinus, the minister of the EasTauV^^ Eastern, and Stilicho, the general and guardian West. of ^}^g Western emperor. This jealousy cost Rufinus his life, and rendered the relations between the two states unsatisfactory. The ill-will was brought to a head, when the Goths of Moesia and Thrace, having revolted un- der Alaric, instead of being sternly repressed by the Eastern Invasions of ^™P<^i'or, were treated with and induced to re- the Goths un- movc to a region from which they threatened Italy. When Alaric was made by Arcadius master-general of the Eastern Illyricum, a.d. 398, it was felt at once that the West was menaced ; and the dreadful in- vasions which followed were ascribed, not without some show of reason, to the connivance of the Emperor of the East, who, to save his own territories, had let the Goths loose upon his brother's. The first invasion, in a.d. 402, car- ried devastation over the rich plains of Northern Italy, but was effectually checked by Stilicho, who completely defeat- ed Alaric in the battle of Pollentia (March 29, a.d. 403) and forced him to retire into Illyricum. The second invasion, a.d. 408, was more disastrous. The empire had lost the services of Stilicho, who had been sacrificed to the jealousy of an ungrateful master. Alaric marched upon Rome, and formed the siege of the city, but after some months consent- ed to spare it on the receipt of an enormous ransom, a.d. 409. PART I., PER. VI.] KEIGN OF IIONOUIUS. 507 He then souglit to come to terms with Iloiiorius, who had fixed his court at Ravciiiia; but, being insulted during the negotiations, he broke them off, once more marched on Rome, starved the city into submission, and entered it as its master, a.d. 410. A puppet emperor was set up in the person of a certain Attains, who was however, after a few months, again degraded by Alaric to a private condition. The court of Ravenna still refusing the terms of peace which Alaric offered, he finally, in August, a.d. 410, resolved to push hostility to the utmost. Advancing a third time Sack of Rome, ^U^^" Rome, he took and sacked the city, overran A.u. 410. Southern Italy, and made himself master of the whole peninsula from the walls of Ravenna to the Sicilian sea. The Roman Empire of the West would probably have now come to an end, had not death overtaken the bold Goth in the midst of his conquests. His brother-in-law, Adolphus, who succeeded him, had neither his talents nor his ambition. After exhausting Southern Italy by plunder and ravage for the space of tw^o years, he made peace with Honorius, ac- cepted his sister, Placidia, in marriage, and withdrew his army from Italy into Gaul, a.d. 412. 3. Nor w^ere the sack of Rome and the devastation of Ita- ly by the Goths the only calamities which afflicted the em- otherti-oub- P^^"^ during this miserable period. The invasion H^;, J"7^^^?^ of the combined Vandals, Suevi, Burojundians, and ofRhadagai- ., . ^ -r», -, • / ^ , . , SUP. Loss of Alani, under Rhadagaisus (a.d. 405), which car- proviuces. ^^^^^ ^^,^ ^^^^ swoi'd over the regions between the Alps and the Arno, would have been regarded as a misfor- tune of the first magnitude, if it had not been thrown into the shade by the more terrible visitation of the Goths. Stil- icho, indeed, with consummate generalship, defeated this formidable host, slew Rhadagaisus, and forced the remainder of his army to retire. Italy, after suffering riwage through its whole extent from the wild and savage hordes of Sarma- tia and Germany, was by the year a.d. 412 cleared of all its invaders, and was once more ruled in peace by the son of Theodosius. But, if no worse calamity than utter exhaust- ion was inflicted on the centre of the empire, a sadder fate began to overtake the extremities, fi-om which Rome with- drew her protection, or which were torn from her by the barbarians. The remnant of the host of Rhadagaisus, Van- 598 HOME. [hook v. dais, Burgundians, and others, after quitting Italy, passed into Gaul (a.d. 406), overran the region between the Rhine and the Pyrenees, and took possession of a broad tract which became known as " Burgundy." Passing thence into Spain, they carried all before them, spreading themselves over the entire peninsula from the Pyrenees to the straits of Gibral- tar. In Southern Gaul and Spain they w^ere shortly follow- ed by the Goths, who, under Adolphus, crossed the mount- ains, drove the Vandals into Gallicia and B?etica (thence called Vandalusia or Andalusia), and established in Spain and Aquitaine the " Kingdom of the Visigoths," which, al- though for a time (a.d. 414 to 418) nominally subject to Rome, became under Theodoric I. (a.d. 418) completely in- dependent. About the same time Britain was finally cut adrift from the empire. In Gaul the Franks followed the (. xample of the Burgundians, and, crossing the Lower Rhine, established themselves in the region about Cologne and Treves. Thus almost the whole of the prefectura Galliarum passed out of the hands of the Romans, who retained noth- ing w^est of the Alps but the province of Gallia Lugdunensis. 4. It is not surprising that during this troublous period Honorius found his right to the throne disputed by pretend- Kevoitsaiid ^rs. Besides Attains (see § 2), there arose in Af- usuipatious. j.j(3r^ r^ Moorish usurper, named Gildo, who as-. sumed the government of the "Five Provinces," a.d. 398, but was defeated by the Romans under Mascezel, Gildo's brother. In Britain a Constantine was proclaimed emperoi', A.D. 40V, who associated on the throne his son, Constans, and extended his dominion at one time (a.d. 408 to 409) over the greater portion of Gaul and Spain ; but after the revolt of his general, Gerontius, in the last-named province, he was de- feated and put to death by Constantius, one of Honorius's commanders^ a.d. 411. A second revolt occurred in Africa under Gount Heraclian, a.d. 413. Assuming the purple, he ventured to invade Italy, but was defeated in the neighbor- hood of Rome, and, on returning to his province, was put to death by his indignant subjects. After the death of Con- stantine, the sovereignty of Roman Gaul was assumed by Jovinus, a.d. 412, who associated on the throne his brother, Sebastian ; but these usurpers were easily put down by the Gothic leader, Adolphus, a.d. 413. The latter years of Ho- PAKT I., VEIL VI.] II0N0KIL6 TO VALENTINIAN III. 599 norius (a.d. 413 to 423) were free from troubles of this kind. The weak prince strengthened liimself by marrying his sis- ter, Placidia, the widow of the Gothic chief, Adolphus, to Constantius, his successful general, and associating the latter in the government, a.d. 421. Constantius, however, reigned only seven months, and he was soon followed to the tomb by his unhappy colleague, who died of a dropsy, August 27, A.D. 423, Avithout making any arrangements for the succes- sion. 5. The vacant throne was seized by John, principal secre- tary of the late emperor; but Theodosius II., who had suc- Reignofjohu ceeded his father, Arcadius, in the Empire of the fyf" A^D.^423-" East, refused to acknowledge the usurper, and ^-^' claimed the throne for his infant nephew, Valen- tinian, the son of Constantius and Placidia. A naval and military expedition, which he sent to Italy, was at first un- successful ; but, after a while, signs of disaffection appeared among the Italian soldiers, who preferred a monarch de- scended from the great Theodosius to an unknown upstart. Treachery opened the gates of Ravenna to the Eastern army, and John, delivered into the hands of his enemies, was beheaded at Aquileia, a.d. 425. 6. The nephew of Honorius, who was now raised to the throne, was a child of no more than six years of age. He „, , Avas therefore placed under the sjuardianship of entinian III., his mother, Placidia, who administered the em- pire from A.D. 425 to 450. The government of an infant and a woman was ill suited for a kingdom placed in desperate circumstances, and precipitated the ruin which had long been visibly impending. The jealousy felt by the general Aetius towards Boniface, Count of Africa, and the unworthy treatment of the latter, drove him into rebellion, induced him to invite over the Vandals from Spain, a.d. 428, and led to the loss of the African diocese, and the establish- ment of a Vandal kingdom in that region by the renowned Gexseric, a.d. 429 to 439. Family arrangements connected with the betrothment of Valentinian to Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius II., had even before this (a.d. 425) detached from the West and made over to the East the provinces of Pannonia, Noricum, and Dalmatia. Excepting for some pre- carious possessions in Gaul and Spain, the Western Empire 600 ROME. [book v. was now confined to the three countries of Vindelicia, Rhae- tia, and Italy. The sword of Aetius mamtained with tolera- ble success the dimensions of Roman Gaul against the at- tacks, from opposite sides, of the Visigoths and the Franks, A.D. 435 to 450 ; but his contest with the latter brought into the field a new foe, the terrible Attila, king of the Huns, Avho, professing to embrace the cause of a fugitive Frankish kinjx, crossed the Rhine into Gaul at the head of a vast army, and spread devastation far and wide over the coun- try. The Romans and Visigoths were forced into a tempo- rary alliance, and united their arms against the Scyth. On the field of Chalons the question was tried and determined (a.d. 451), whether the predominance of power in Western Europe w^as to fall to the Tatars or to the Teutons, to a sav- age race, heathen, anarchical, and destructive, or to one ^vhich had embraced Christianity, which had aptitudes for oi-ganization and law, and could construct as well as destroy. The decision was, fortunately, in favor of the Teutons. At- tila retreated beyond the Rhine ; and although in a.d. 452 lie endeavored to retrieve his failure, invading Italy, and spreading desolation over the whole plain of the Po, yet it was only to retreat once more to his palace in the wilds of Hungary. The year following, a.d. 453, he burst a blood- vessel, and died suddenly ; and the* West w^as delivered from all peril of becoming the prey of Tatar hordes. Two years later, Valentinian also lost his life, being murdered, A.D. 455, by Maximus, whose wife he had dishonored, and the retainers of Aetius, whom, on grounds of suspicion, he had executed. The history of Attila has engaged the pens of several able writers. Among them may be noticed Mueller, J., Attila, der Held desfunften Jahrhunderts. Leipzig, 1806 ; 8vo. Klemm, G. F., Attila nach der Geschichte, Sage, und Legende dargestellt. Berlin, 1827 ; 8vo. Herbert, Dean, Attila, King of the Huns: a Poem. London, 1838; 8vo. The Notes to this work are elal)orate and highly valuable. V. Maximus, the murderer of Valentinian III., succeeded him EeignofMax- as emperor, but reigned less than three months moJ^nfi^ (March 16 to June^ 12, a.d. 455). Anxious to A.t). 455. strengthen his hold upon the throne by connect- PAKT I., PEK. VI.] MAXIMUM TO MAJORIAN. 601 ing himself with the royal house of Theodosins, he married his son, Palladiiis, to the daughter of Yalentiniaii, and forced Eudoxia, Valentinian's widow, and daughter of Theodosius II., to become his wife. The outraged matron implored the aid of Genseric, whose fleet commanded the Mediterranean ; and the bold Vandal, greedy after the spoil of Italy, readily responded to her call. His landing at Ostia was the signal for the Romans to rise against their sovereign, in whom they saw the author of their calamities ; but the murder of the Roman emperor failed to propitiate the Vandalic king, ^ , whose mind was intent upon plunder. Despite deied by Gen- the intercession 01 r^ope Leo, Grenseric entered Rome with his troops, and gave it up to them to pillage for fourteen days. Whatever Attila had left was now carried off. Eudoxia and her two daughters were made prisoners and borne away to Carthage. Even the churches were not spared. All that yet remained in Rome of public or private wealth, of sacred or profane treasure, was transported to the vessels of Genseric, and removed to Africa. 8. This terrible calamity so paralyzed the Romans, that they appointed no emperor in the place of Maximus. When, . however, the news that the throne was vacant tus,A.D.456- reached Gaul, Avitus, the commander of the le^ gions there, induced his soldiers to proclaim him ; and, as he was supported by the Visigoths of Western Gaul and Spain, Rome and Italy for a brief space acknowledged him as their sovereign. But Italian pride chafed against the imposition of a monarch from w^ithout ; and Count Ricimer, a Goth, who commanded the foreign troops in the pay of Rome, disliked the rule of an emperor in wiiose appointment he had had no hand. Avitus was therefore required to ab- dicate, after he had held the throne a little more than a year ; lie consented, and, laying aside the imperial office, became Bishop of Placentia, but died within a few months of his ab- dication, whether by disease or violence is uncertain. 9. It was evidently the wish of Count Ricimer to assume the crown which he had forced Avitus to resign ; but he Interregnum, saw that Rome was not yet prepared to submit SrSfn, A.^'" herself to the rule of a barbarian, and he there- 45T-461. fore, after an interval of six months, placed an 26 G02 ROME. [book v% emperor on the throne in the person of Majorian, who ruled well for four years, from a.d. 457 to 461. Majorian, who was a man of talent and character, addressed himself espe- cially to the struggle with the Vandals of Africa, whose con- stant depredations deprived Italy of repose. Not content with chastising the disorderly bands which ravaged his coasts, he prepared to invade the territory of Genseric with a fleet and army. These were collected at the Spanish port of Carthagena ; but the emissaries of Genseric secretly destroyed the fleet ; and Majorian, having returned to Italy, was, like Avitus, forced to abdicate. Count Ricimer being jealous of his jt9?^o/e^e, and desirous of appointing an emperor of inferior ability. 10. The imperial title and ensigns were now conferred on a puppet named Severus, who served as a convenient screen, RuieofKici- behind which Count Ricimer concealed the au- 46t!' Severus thority which he himself really wielded. But Em"eror?rora ^^^^^'^^ flying at the end of four years, a.d. 465, A.D. 461-465. Ricimer at length felt himself sufticiently strong to take openly the sole and entire direction of the aflairs of Italy. He respected Roman prejudices, however, so far as to abstain from the assumption of the imperial name. His position was a difficult one, for the Emperor of the East looked coldly on him, Avhile he was exposed to constant at- tack from the powerful fleets of Genseric and Marcellinus, the sovereigns of Africa and Dalmatia, and had further to fear the hostility of ^gidius, Roman commander in Gaul, who refused to acknowledge his authority. The peril of his situation compelled him, two years after the death of Seve- rus, A.D. 467, to apply for aid to the Eastern emperor, Leo, and to accept the terms on which that prince was Avilling to succor him. The terms Avere galling to his pride. Italy was required by Leo to submit to a sovereign of his choice, which fell on Anthemius, a Byzantine nobleman of distinc- tion. 11. The establishment of Anthemius as "Emperor of the West " was followed by a serious effort against the terrible Reio-nofAn- ^^i^dals, who were now the enemy from whom themhis, A.D. Ralv Suffered the most. Alliance was made be- 467-472. "^ tween Leo, Anthemius, and Marcellinus ; and while the Dalmatian fleet jirotected Italy and retook Sar- PART I., PKK. VI.] MAJORIAN TO AUGUSTULUS. 603 dinia, two great expeditions were directed by the Eastern emperor npon Carthage, a.d. 468. One of these, starting from Egypt, attacked Tripoli, surprised the cities of that province, and proceeded along the coast westward. The other, which consisted of 1113 ships, having on board 100,000 men, was directed npon Cape Bona, about forty miles from Carthage, and should at once have laid siege to the town. But Basiliscus, the commander, allowed himself to be amused by negotiations while the cunning Genseric made prepara- tions for the destruction of the fleet, which he accomplished by means of fire-ships, thus entirely frustrating the attack. The remnant of the expedition withdrew ; Genseric recover- ed Sardinia, and shortly afterwards established his power over Sicily, thus obtaining a position from which he men- aced Italy more than ever before. But the " Empire," as it was still called, was to be subverted, not by its external, but its internal foes. Though Ricimer had consented to the nomination of Anthemius as emperor, and had bound him- self to his cause by accepting his daughter in marriage, yet it was not long before discord and jealousy separated the pro- fessed friends. As Anthemius had fixed his court at Rome, Ricimer retired to Milan, Avhence he could readily corre- spond with the barbarians of Spain, Gaul, and Pannonia. Having collected a considerable army, he marched to the gates of Rome, proclaimed Olybrius, the husband of Placidia (youngest daughter of Valentinian III.), emperor, and, forc- ing his way into the city, slew Anthemius, and established Olybrius upon the throne (July 11, a.d. 472). 12. The Western Empire had now, in the space of sixteen years, experienced the rule of six difi*erent sovereigns. In Reigns of oiy- the four ycars of continued existence which still us! Neporand I'^maiucd to it, four other " emperors " were about SS'^Ib"' to hold the sceptre. The first of these, Olybrius, 472-476. retained his authority for little more than three months, ascending the throne, July 11, and dying by a natu- ral death, October 23. The chief event of his reign was the death of Count Ricimer, who expired forty days after his capture of Rome, August 20, leaving the command of his army to his nephew, Gundobald, a Burgundian. Gundobald gave the purple, in a.d. 473, to Glycerins, an obscure soldier; but the Eastern emperor, Leo, interposed for the second time, 004 ROME. [book v. and assigned the throne to Julius Nepos, tlie nephew of Mar- cellinus, and liis successor in the sovereignty of Dahnatia. Nepos easily prevailed over Glycerins, Avho exchanged his imperial dignity, a.d. 474, for the bishopric of Salona; but the new emperor was scarcely settled upon the throne, when the barbarian mercenaries, who were noAV all-powerful in Italy, revolted under the patrician Orestes, a.d. 475, and in- vested with the purple his son, Romulus Augustus, called, by way of contempt, "Augustulus." Augustulus, the last of the Western emperors, reigned less than a year (Octobei* 31, A.D. 475 to August 23, a.d. 476). The mercenaries, shortly after his accession, demanded one-third of the lands of Italy, and, when their demand was refused, took arms under the command of their German chief, Odoacer, slew Orestes, the Emperor's father, and deprived Augustulus of his sovereign- ty. The dignity of Emperor of the West was then formally abolished ; and Odoacer ascended the throne as the first bar- barian " King of Italy." 13. The history of the Western Roman Empire here ter- minates. The Empire had endured 507 years (b.c. 31 to a.d. Duration of ^''^)i ^^^^^^' sevcnty-scven princes. Attaining its uie Empire, greatest magnitude in the reign of Trajan, when decline and it extended from the Pillars of Hercules and the Friths of Forth and Clyde to the Caspian and the Persian Gulf, it had gradually broken up and contracted its limits, until it had come to be almost confined to Italy. Its ruin had been caused partly by internal decay, but mainly through the repeated invasions of vast hordes of barbarians. Goths, Vandals, Huns, Burgundians, Suevi, Alani, Alemauni, Franks, Heruli had precipitated themselves in a ceaseless succession on the regions which Roman civilization had turned into gardens, and poured in a resistless torrent over province after province. The force of the attack fell mainly upon the AYest. After the first rush of the Goths across the Lower Danube, in the time of Yalens, the tide of migration took wholly a westerly course. Pannonia, Spain, Africa, most of Gaul, were occupied by the invaders. Italy attract- ed each more powerful spoiler, and host after host desolated its fertile plains. Rome herself was taken repeatedly, and was sacked twice, by Alaric and by Genserio. She felt that she needed all her resources for her own defense, and was PAKT II.] PARTHIA. 605 therefore obliged to relinquish such outlying provinces as no foe had captured. Hence, Britain, parts of Gaul, Vindelicia, and probably Kha3tia, were abandoned : Pannonia, Noricum, and Dalmatia were parted with ; at. last, nothing remained but Italy; and Italy could not undertake to defend herself. Her rulers had long ceased to put any trust m Italian sol- diers, and had drawn their recruits from the outlying prov- inces rather than from the heart of the empire. Finally, they had thought it excellent strategy to take the barba- rians themselves into pay, and to fight Huns wath GothSj and Goths with Burgundians or Vandals. But this policy at last proved fatal. The barbarians, perceiving their strength, determined to exert it, and to have Iti^ly for themselves. It was more pleasant to be masters than servants. The impe- rial power had in fact been long existing upon sufferance; the edifice was without due support, and it only needed the touch of a finger to make it fall. What Odoacer did, Rici- mer might have done with as much ease ; but the facility of an enterprise is not always apparent beforehand. PART II. HISTORY OF PARTHIA. Geographical Outline of the Parthian Empire. 1. The Parthian Empire at its greatest extent comprised the countries between the Euphrates and the Indus, reach- Extent of the ing northward as far as the Araxes, the Caspian, empire. c^^^ ^^ Lower Oxus, and southward to the Per- sian Gulf 'and the Indian Ocean. It thus covered, in the main, the same ground with the Persian empire of Cyrus and with the original kingdom of the Seleucidae; but it w^as less extensive than either of those great monarchies. It did not include Syria, or Phoenicia, or Palestine, or Armenia, or any portion of Asia Minor, nor does it seera to have com- prised the valley of the Upper Oxus, much less that of the Jaxartes. Its greatest length, between the Euphrates and the Indus, may be estimated at about one thousand nine hundred miles, while its greatest width, between the Lower Oxus and the Indian Ocean, may have equalled, or a little GOG rAKTllIA. [book v. exceeded, a thousand miles. Its area can not have fallen much short of a million square miles. 2. But of this vast sjDace a very large proportion was scarcely habitable. The Mesopotamian, Persian, Kharesmi- . an, Gedrosian, and Carmanian deserts occupy at Large area oc- ' ' . ^-^ ciipied by des- least one-half of the region between the Euphra- tes and the Indus ; and, though not absolutely incapable of supporting human life, these tracts can at the best sustain a very sj^arse and scanty population. Such pos- sessions add but little to the strength of the empire which comprises them, and thus may be omitted froiu consideration when we seek to form an estimate of its power and resources. About half a million square miles remain when we have de- ducted the deserts ; an area only one-third of that of Rome (see p. 503), but still very much larger than that of any mod- ern European state excepting Russia. 3. The Parthian Empire was, like most others, divided into provinces. Of these the most imj)ortant were, in the west. Division iuto Mesopotamia and Babylonia; in the mid-region, provinces. Atropatcne, Media, Assyria, Susiana, and Persia ; towards the east, Parthyene or Parthia Proper, Hyrcanift, Margiana, Aria, Zarangia, Carmania, Sacastane, Arachosia, and Gedrosia. Other minor divisions were Chalonitis, Cam- badene, Mesene, Rhagiana, Choarene, Comisene, Artacene, Apavarcticene, etc. It will be observed that the main prov- inces were for the most part identical, in name at any rate, with provinces of the old Persian Empire, already described in this work (see pp. 30-35). As, however, even in prov- inces of this class certain changes have often to be noted in respect of boundaries, or principal towns, it seems best to run briefly through the entire list. i. Meso2yotamia. The name of Mesopotamia was applied by the Parthians, not to the whole region between the Tigris ^ . and Euphrates rivers, but only to the upper por- Mesopotamia. . ^t , , ^ ^ *' , i i , tion 01 it — the tract bounded on the north by the Mons Masius, and on the south by a canal uniting the two streams a little above the 33d parallel. Its chief cities were Anthemusia, Nicephorium, Carrhse, Europus, Nisibis, and Hatra. ii. Babylonia lay below Mesopotamia, extending to the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris, and including a tract TAKT II.] GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 607 Bab lonii. ^^ considerable size and importance on the right bank of the former river. Its chief towns were Seleuceia on the Tigris, Babylon, Borsippa, and Vologesia. iii. 3Iestne, called also Characene, Avas the tract below Babylonia, reaching to the shores of the Persian Gulf. Its . capital was Charax Si)asini, at the confluence, probably, of the Kuran with the Euphrates. The only other city of any importance was Teredon or Diridotis, on the Gulf, at the mouth of the EujDhrates. Mesene was fa- mous for its thick groves of palm-trees. iv. Susiana had nearly its old boundaries and dimensions (see p. 34). Its chief cities were Susa and Badaca. V. Assyria^ according to the nomenclature of the Parthian period, designated a tract which lay wholly to the east of the Tio'ris, extendino; from Armenia on the north Assyria. a • ^ ^ i t • i i to feusiana on the south, and interposed between Mesopotamia and Media Magna. It was divided into nu- merous districts, among which the most important were Cor- dyene (the country of the Kurds) in the north, Adiabene, the tract about the two Zab rivers, Arbelitis, the region about Arbela, Chalonitis, the country about Holwan, and Apolloni- atis or Sittacene, the tract upon the lower course of the Di- yaleh river. In this district was situated Ctesiphon, the cap- ital of the whole empire. Other important towns were Ar- bela, the capital of Arbelitis, Apollonia, the old capital of Apolloniatis, and Artemita, in the same region, which be- came under the Parthian s, Chalasar. vi. Atropatene lay between the northern part of Assyria (Cordyene) and the western shore of the Caspian, thus cor- responding nearly to the modern Azerbijan. Its ropa ene. ^j^jg^" ^-^^ ^^^^ Gaza or Gazaca (afterwards Can- zaca), now TaJikt-i- Suleiman. Atropatene was not so abso- lutely a part of the Parthian Empire as most of the other provinces. It was a fief over w'hich the Parthian monarch claimed a sort of feudal supremacy; but was governed by its own princes, who were sometimes not even appointed by the Parthian king. vii. Media lay south and south-east of Atropatene, extend- ing from the Kizil Uzen and the Caspian on the north, to Media ^bout the 32d parallel towards the south, where it adjoined on Susiana and Persia. It 'contained COS rAKTIIIA. [book v. several districts, of which the chief were Media Inferior, Me- dia Superior, Cambadene, and Rhagiaiia. The chief towns were Ecbatana (now Haniadan), Bagistana (Behistun), Con- cobar (Kungawur), Aspadana (Isfahan), Rhages or Europus (Kaleh Erij), and Charax. viii. Persia, like Susiana, retained its old dimensions and boundaries, except that it had ceased to be regarded as com- Persia pi'ising Carmania, which was reckoned a distinct country. After the destruction of Persepolis by Alexander, Pasargadse seems to have been the chief city. ix. Carmania adjoined Persia upon the east. It extended from the Persian Gulf to about the 33d parallel, thus mcludnig a large portion oi the desert oi Iran. The chief town was Carmana (now Kerman). x. Parthyene, or Parthia Proper, lay north of Carmania and west of Media Magna. It comprised the old country of ^ ^, . the name, too-ether with most of the desert which in early times was known as Sagartia. (See p. 31.) Among its subdivisions were Choarene, Comisene, Ar- tacene, Tabiene, etc. The capital city was Hecatompylus. Other important towns were Apameia in Choarene, near the Caspian Gates, and Parthaunisa, or Nisaea (Nishapur). xi. Hyrcania was north of Parthia, being the tract at the south-eastern corner of the Caspian, along the course of the ; . river Gurgan. Its chief cities were Syrinx, Tape, on the shore of the Caspian, Carta (perhaps the earlier Zadracarta), Talabroce, and Samariane. xii. Margiana was situated east and north-east of Parthia and Hyrcania, in the low plain betw^een the Elburz range * . and the Sea of Aral. It lay along the course of the river Margus (now the Murg-ab). The only city in Parthian times was Antiocheia (Merv ?). xiii. Aria included the district which bore the same name under the Persians (see p. 32), but comprised also the tract . between Herat and the Hamoon or Sea of Seis- tan. Its chief city was Artacoana (Herat). Oth- er towns of some consequence were Phra (Furrah),Gari (Gi- risk), and Bis (Bist). xiv. Zarangia, or Drangiana, had come to be used in a narrower accei:)tation than the ancient one. (See aiaugia. .^^ g^;^ j^ ^^^g j-^q^^ q^\j c^ small tract close upon PART II., PER. I.] SOURCES OF THE HISTORY. 609 the Hamoon, the district upon the Haroot-rud and Furrah- rud being reckoned to Aria, and that on the Lower Helmend being se'parated off, and foraiing the new province of Sacas- tane? The chief town of Zarangia was Prophthasia. XV. Sacastcme lay south of Zarangia, corresponding to the Segestan of the Arabian geographers, which is now known as Seistan. Its chief cities were Sigal and Alexan- sacastan6. ^^^^^^j^^ Sacastane (i. e., the land of Sac^) had probably been occupied by a colony of Scyths in the inter- val between Alexander's conquests and the formation of the Parthian Empire. xvi. Arachosia (or "White India," as the Parthians called it) seems to have been identical with the country known by the same name to the Persians. (See p. 32.) It Arachosia. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Sacastane, and corresponded nearly with the modern Kandahar, The capital was Alexandropo- lis, on the Arachotus (Arghand-ab). Its other chief cities were Demetrias, Pharsana, and Parabeste. xvii. Gedrosia retained in the main its ancient limits, which were nearly those of the modern Beluchistan (see p. 32). It was, however, perhaps somewhat en- Gedrosia. cj.(jached upon towards the north by Sacastane. The province lay south of this tract and of Arachosia and east of Carmania. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PARTHIAN EMPIRE. FIRST PERIOD. From the Foundation of the Kingdom, about B.C. 255, to the Creation of the Empire by Mithridates or Arsaces VI., about B.C. 174. Sources. The sources for the history of Parthia are scanty and scattered. Of native sources, we possess only a very incomplete series of coins, generally without dates and without the special name of the king ; and a few mutilated inscriptions. No classical author, so far as we know, ever treated of the history of Parthia as a whole ; and few ever made Parthian history, in any of its portions, even a special subject of attention. Arrian's Parthica was a mere account of the Parthian War of Trajan, written from a Roman point of view ; and of this work there only remain about twenty short fragments. (See the fragments collected in C. Mtjller's Fragmenta Hist. Gracorum, vol. iii., pp. 586-591.) Strabo's account of the Parthian manners and cus- toms in the sixth book of his Historical Memoirs, and the second book of his 26* 610 PAKTHIA. [book v. Continuation of Pohjhius, would liave been most interesting ; but these works have wholly perished. The extant writer who tells us most about the Par- thians is Justin ; but this careless historian has most imperfectly reported his authority, Trogus Pompeius, and needs pei^petual correction. For the earlier history we are reduced to scattered notices in Strabo, Arrian, Jus- tin, PoLYBius, LuciAN, and Phlegon of Tralles ; for the middle portion, from the time of Phraates III. to Vonones I., we have Appian in his Mithri- datica and Syriaca, Justin, Plutarch in his Lives of Lucullus, Pompey, Crassus, and Antony, Josephus in his Antiquitates Judaicce, and Dio Cas- sius (bks. XXXV., Iv.) ; for the later history, from Vonones to the destruction of the monarchy, our authorities are Tacitus in his Annals, Josephus, Sui:- tonius, Herodian, the Historice Augustce Scriptores, and, above all, Dig (bks. Ivi.-lxxviii.), Modern works treating specially on the subject of Parthian history are not very numerous. The best are the following : Foy-Vaillant, J., Arsacidarum Imperium, sive Regum Parthorum Histo- ria adjidem numismatum accommodata. Parisiis, 1725 ; 4to. Du Pour de Longuerue, Annates Arsacidarum. Argentorat., 1732; 4to. Richter, C. F,, Historisch-kritischer Versuch uher die Arsaciden und Sas- saniden-Dynastien. Gottingen, 1804 ; 8vo. Tychsen, T. C, Commentationes de nummis Persarum et Arsacidarum, published in the Commentationes novce Societat. Scient. Gotting., vols. i. and iii. Abstracts of the history are given in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, sub voc. Arsacid^, and by Mr. Clinton in his Fasti Romani. Oxford, 1845-50 ; 2 vols. 4to. (See vol. ii. pp. 243-250.) 1. Parthia, which, ill the earlier times of the Persian mon- archy, formed a portion only of a large satrapy extending d f nof ^^'^"^ ^^^^ Iranic desert to the Jaxartes, and from the kingdom the Caspian to Samarcand, appears towards the close of the Persian period to have constituted a satrapy by itself (or with the mere addition of Hyrcania),in which condition it was continued by the successors of Alex- ander. Tranquillity was preserved till about b.c. 255, when the weakness of Antiochus Theus, and the success of the Bactrian rebellion (see p. 342), encouraged the Parthians to rise against their Greek masters, and to declare themselves an independent people. Their leader in the revolt was a certain Arsaces. This person was the commander of a body of Scythian Dahae from the banks of the Ochus, who mi- grated into Parthia, and obtaining the ascendency in the country, raised tlieir general to the position of king. There was, probably, sufficient affinity between the immigrant Da- hae and the previous-inhabitants of the region for the two PART II., PER. I.] EARLY IQNGS. 611 races readily to coalesce ; both appear to have been Tura- nian ; and the Dahae were so completely absorbed that we hear nothing of them, in the subsequent history. The names of'-'Parthia" and "Parthian" prevailed; and the whole na- tion presents to us one uniform type. 2. This type is one of a low and coarse character. The manners of the Parthians, even at the height of their power, Character of ^^^ ^ tinge of Tatar barbarism. Their mimetic the people. art was rude, compared, not only Avith that of the Greeks, but even of the Persians. In their architecture they imitated the heavy and massive constructions of the Babylonians. Their appearance was repulsive. They were treacherous in war, indolent and unrefined in peace. Still they possessed qualities which fitted them to become a rul- ing nation. They were brave, enterprising, and fond of war; while they had also a certain talent for organization and ad- ministration. They are not ill-represented by the modern Turks, who are allied to them in race, and rule over some of the same countries. • 3. Arsaces, the first king, reigned, we are told, only two years, probably from b.c. 255 to 253. He occupied himself Rei^uofAr- ^^^^^^7 ^^ Consolidating his dominion over the eaces I., about Parthians themselves, many of whom resisted his 15 c 255—253 . J J authority. Antiochus Theus, wliose rule he had subverted, seems to have made no effort to recover his hold on Parthia, being too much engaged in his war with Ptole- my Philadelphus. (See p. 251.) Arsaces, however, appears to have fallen in battle. 4. The first Arsaces was succeeded by his brother, Teri- dates, who had assisted him in his original revolt. He took Reign of Arsa- the title of Arsaccs after his brother's death; and daleYLSout ^^^^ practice thus begun passed into a custom, B.C. 253-216. which continued to the very close of the empire. Teridates, or Arsaces H., reigned thirty-seven years, from B.C. 253 to 216. He made himself master of Hyrcania, prob- ably about B.C. 240, thereby drawing upon himself the hos- tility both of Seleucus Callinicus, whom he deprived of a province, and of Diodotus I. of Bactria, who became alarmed at the increasing power of his neighbor. Callinicus and Di- odotus, accordingly, made common cause ; and the former led an expedition against Teridates, b.c. 237, which alarmed 612 PAKTHIA. [book v. him so that at first he fled from Parthia into Scythia. Dio- dotus I., however, dying and being succeeded by his son, Diodotus II., Teridates found a means of breaking up the alliance, and drew over the Bactrian prince to his side.* A great battle followed ; and, Callinicus being signally defeat- ed, Parthian independence was regarded as at length fully established. In Justin's Epitome of the History of Trogus Pompeius the acts of the first and second Arsaces are assigned to a single monarch. He is to be cor- rected from Syncellus, who followed Arrian. 5. Teridates was succeeded by a son, whose real name is unknown, but who reigned as Arsaces III. Pursuing the ^ . , . aijorressive policy of his father, he overran East- ces III., about ern Media, and threatened to conquer the entire province, about b.c. 214. Antiochus the Great, upon this, marched against him (b.c. 213), drove his troops from Media, took his capital, Hecatompylus, and pursuing him into Hyrcania, there brought him to an engagement, the issue of which was doubtful. Arsaces greatly distin- guished himself; and the Syrian monarch, finding the con- quest of the new kingdom impossible, came to terms with his foe, confirming him in the possession of both Parthia and Hyrcania, but probably requiring him to furnish a contin- gent to his projected Eastern expedition, b.c. 206. It is un- certain how long Arsaces III. lived after this ; but the best authorities assign him a reign of about twenty years — from B.C. 216 to 196. 6. Priapatius (Arsaces IV.) now became king, and reigned for fifteen years — from about b.c. 196 to 181. He appears EeignofPria- to have been an un warlike prince, and to have cesiv.),^b^out ^een content with maintaining, without any at- B.0. 196-181. tempt to extend, his dominions. The Bactrian monarchs of this period were aggressive and powerful (see pp. 343, 344), which may in part account for this pause in the Parthian conquests. Priapatius left two sons, Phraates and Mithridates, the former of whom succeeded him. 7. Phraates I. (Arsaces Y.) had a short reign, probably from about b.c. 181 to 174. Nothing is known of him ex- Reign of Phra- cepting that he extended his dominions by the cerv.)Jtbout conquest of the Marcli, one of the most powerful B.0.181-1T4 tribes of the Elburz, and, though he had many PART 11., PER. II.] FOUNDATION OF THE EMPIRE. g13 children, left his crown to his brother, Mithridates, whom he regarded as peculiarly fitted for the kingly office. Mithri- dates justified this opinion by the extensive conquests of which an account will be given in the next section. He transformed the small kingdom which he received from Phraates into a vast and flourishing empire, and established the governmental system on which that empire was thence- forth administered. SECOND PERIOD. From the Foundation of the Empire hy Mithridates 1., about b.c. 174, to the Commencement of the Wars with the Romans, B.C. 54. 1. The Parthian dominion had hitherto been confined to a comparatively narrow territory between the Caspian Gates ReicrnofMith- ^" ^^^® ^^^^ hand and the districts of Aria (Herat) lidates I. (Ar- and Margiana (Merv) upon the other. The neigh- about b.c.'i74- boring Bactria, with its Greek princes (see pp. 342 -344) and its semi-Greek civilization, had been a far more powerful state, and had probably acted as a con- stant check upon the aspirations of its weaker sister. Con- scious of their weakness, the Parthian monarchs had culti- vated good relations Avith the Bactrians ; and, so far as ap- pears, no war had hitherto broken out between the conter- minous powers. But with the accession of Mithridates I. (Arsaces VI.) this state of things came to an end. The Bac- trian princes were about this time directing their arms to- wards the East, bent on establishing their authority in Afi*- ghanistan and North-western India. It would seem that while their main strength was employed in this quarter, the provinces nearer home were left without adequate defense, and tempted the cupidity of the Parthians. Mithridates I, who was contemporary with Eucratides of Bactria, began aggressions on the Bactrian kingdom, probably soon after his accession. Success attended his efforts, and he deprived Eucratides of at least two provinces. A few years later, on the death of Antiochus Epij^hanes, b.c. 164, he turned his arms against the West. After a protracted struggle, he suc- ceeded in reducing Media to obedience. He then conquered Susiana, Persia, and Babylonia, extending his dominion on this side as far as the lower course of the Euphrates. Nor did these gains content him. After the death of Eucratides 614 PARTHIA. [book v. (about B.C. 160), he resumed his war with the Bactrians, and completely destroyed their kingdom. In vain did these un- fortunately isolated Greeks implore the help of their Syrian brethren. Demetrius Nicator, who in b.c. 140 endeavored to relieve them, was defeated and made prisoner by Mithrida- tes, who retained him in captivity till his own death, about B.C. 136. The Indian conquests of Mithridates I., which rest on the authority of Di- odorus and Orosius, are extremely doubtful. Trogus appears to have known nothing of them. 2. The satrapial system, which had been introduced by the Persians, and continued by Alexander and his successors, Organization was not that adopted by Mithridates in the or- of the empire, ganization of his empire. On the contrary, he re- verted to the older and simpler plan, which prevailed in the East before the rise of the Persians to power. This was to allow each nation to have its own native king, its own laws and usages, and simply to require the subjection of all these monarchs to the chief of the ruling nation as lord paramount, or feudal head. Hence the title " King of Kings," so com- mon on the Parthian coins from the time of Mithridates. Each " king " was bound to furnish a contingent of troops when required, and likewise an annual tribute ; but other- wise they were independent. 3. The constitution under which the Parthians themselves were ruled was a kind of limited monarchy. The king was Constitution permanently advised by two councils, one consist- ofParthia. |^^g ^f ^j-^^ members of his own royal house, the other of the great men (/ley lardveg), corn-prising both the tem- poral and spiritual chiefs of the nation (the ao(l)ot and the /za- yoi). The monarchy was elective, the kings, however, being necessarily taken from the family of the Arsacidae. When the 7)iegistanes had nominated a monarch, the right of plac- ing the diadem on his head belonged to the surena, or field- marshal. The megistanes claimed a right to depose a mon- arch who displeased them ; but any attempt to exercise this privilege was sure to lead to a civil war, and it was force, not law, which determined whether the prince should retain or forfeit his crown. 4. The Parthians affected, in the main, Persian customs. The same state and dignity were maintained by the Arsaci- PABT II., PER. II.] WAKS WITH SYRIA. 615 dse as bv the Achsemenidse. The Court migrated Manners and -,.^. /. ^i , r^^ • u x? customs, art, at difiereiit seasons of the year to Ctesipnon, Jb.c, ^*^' batana, aud Ilyrcania. Polygamy was practised on a large scale, not only by the monarch, but by the nobles. Luxury, however, was at no time carried to the same extent by the Parthians as it had been by the Persians ; the former continued to the last a rude, coarse, vigorous people. In some few respects they adopted Greek manners, as in the character of their coins and the legends upon them, which are Greek from first to last, and evidently imitated from the coins of the Seleucidoe. Their mimetic art shows also Gre- cian influences ; but it never attained to any high degree of excellence. 5. The founder of the Empire, Mithridates I, was succeed- ed upon the throne by his son, Phraates II., who is known Rei?nofPhra. as Arsaces VII., and reigned about nine or ton cS vn.),t'.o!" years, from about b.c. 136 to 127. The earlier 136-12T.' ' ■ " part of his reign seems to have been quiet and peaceful; but about b.c. 129, Antiochus Sidetes, who reigned over Syria, undertook an expedition to the East for the pur- pose of releasing his brother Demetrius, and humbling the pride of the Parthians. Success at first attended his efibrts. Phraates w^as defeated in three battles, and Babylonia was recovered by the Syrians. A general disposition to revolt showed itself among the Parthian feudatories. Phraates, reduced to straits, released Demetrius and sent him into Syria (see p. 258), while at the same time he invoked the aid of the Turanian hordes who bordered his northern frontier. Before these allies, however, could arrive, he had brought the Syrian monarch into difiiculties, attacked and overpow- ered his army in its winter-quarters, and slain Sidetes him- self in a battle. He now determined to invade Syria ; but the Turanians, whose aid he had invoked, discontented Avith their treatment, attacked him. A war with these nomads followed, in which Phraates was unsuccessful. His army, composed in part of captured Greeks, played him false ; and he himself fell in the fight, about b.c. 127. 6. On the death of Phraates II., his uncle, Artabanus, w^as placed upon the throne. The Syrian wars now entirely ceased, no efibrt being made by the Seleucidae, after the death of Sidetes, to recover their Eastern provinces. But 616 PARTHIA. [book v. ... the place of this enemy was taken by one more banus (Arsa- formidable, ihe iuranian races ol the tract be- about b.'c' 12T yond the Oxus had been long increasmg in pow- ~^"'** er. Their incursions across the river, in some of which they reached Hyrcania and Parthia Proper, were con- stant. We have seen that Phraates II., alarmed at the at- tack of Sidetes, called them in to his aid, and afterwards lost his life in a war with them. The same fate befell his succes- sor. In an engagement with a Turanian tribe called Tocha- ri, he received a wound in his arm, from the effects of which he died, about b.c. 124. 7. Artabanus was succeeded by his son, Mithridates II., who is known as Arsaces IX. He was a warlike and power- Rei nofMith- **^^^ prince, whosc achievements procured him the ridatesii.(Ar- epithet of " the Great." He effectually quelled about B.c.'i24 the Spirit of the northern nomads, whom he de- "^ ■ feated in several engagements ; and, in a long series of wars, he extended the Parthian power in many di- rections. At length he engaged in a contest with the Ar- menian king, Ortoadistes (Artavasdes?), who was compelled to a disadvantageous peace, for his observance of which he gave hostages, among them Tigranes, a prince of the blood royal. Tigranes induced the Parthian monarch to aid him in gaining the Armenian throne, by undertaking to cede to him a part of Armenia ; and this cession took place about B.C. 96. But here the successes of Mithridates came to an end. Tigranes, having become king of Armenia, declared war against his benefactor, recovered the ceded territory, invaded Parthia itself, conquered Adiabene, and forced the kings of Atropatene and Gordyene to become his tributaries, about B.C. 90 to 87. (See p. 339.) Soon after this Mithri- dates seems to have died, after a reign which must have ex- ceeded thirty-five years. The first contact of the Parthians with the Romans occun-ed in this reign, Mithridates's envoy, Orobazus, having had an interview with Sulla, the Sena- torian commissioner in Asia, b.c. 92. 8. It is uncertain who was the immediate successor of Mithridates II. The list of Trogus, as reported by Justin, is here faulty; and from the incidental notices of other writ- ers, the succession of the kings can only be determined conjecturally. It is usual to place after Mithridates II. a PART II., PER. II.] ALLIANCE WITH ROME. G] Y Uucertainsuc- certain Mnasciras, wlio is mentioned by Lucian posedreigt"of ^"^^ ^ ^ai'tliian nionarcli. But tliere is no evidence Mutisciras that Mnasciras followed immediatelu after Mithri- (Arsaces X.), i , tt .it • i , . about 1J.C. 87- elates 11., 01' even that he rejgned at this period. ^^' The next king whom we can positively place after Mithridates II. is Sanatroeces, who mounted the throne about B.C. 76. 9. Sanatroeces (Arsaces XL), at the age of eighty, became king of Parthia by the assistance of the Sacaraucae, one of Reign of sa- ^^^^ Turanian tribes of the north. He reigned natroeces, 1J.C. scvcn yeai'S Only, from about b.c. 76 to 69. He was contemporary with Tigranes of Armenia and Mithridates of Pontus, and seems to have been engaged in war with the former; but the particulars of this contest are unknown. The name of this king appears in the classical writers under various forms, as Sintruces, Sintricus, and Sinatruces. But the native form, as appears by a coin, is Sanatroeces (^avaTpoLKTjg). 10. Phraates, son of Sanatroeces, succeeded him, and took the title of Gfdc ("God"). Ascending the throne at the Eeign of Phra- moment when the Mithridatic War entered on a Ss xii.)fi.a' i^<^w phase, the losses of the Pontic monarch hav- 69-Go. ijjg forced him to seek a refuge in Armenia (see p. 333), and Rome being about to transfer the struggle into this quarter, he was naturally drawn into the contest. Both sides sought his alliance ; but it was not till Pompey took the direction of the war, b.c. 66, that the Parthian monarch desisted from an attitude of neutrality. He then made an alliance with the Romans, and while Pompey pressed Mith- ridates with all his forces, Phraates made an attack upon Ti- granes. The diversion determined the Mithridatic War in favor of Rome ; but, as usual, when her object was gained, the great republic repaid assistance with ingratitude. Ti- granes was, in b.c. 65, aided by the Romans against Phraa- tes. The province of Gordyene, which Phraates had recov- ered, was retaken by the Romans and assigned to Armenia. It was in vain that the Parthian king remonstrated. Pom- pey was inexorable ; and Phraates, about b.c. 63, came to terms with Tigranes. Shortly afterwards (b.c. 60) he died, poisoned, as was reputed, by his two sons, Mithridates and Orodes. 618 ' PARTHIA. [book v. By the results of the Mithridatic War, the Roman and Parthian Empires became conterminous. Rome absorbed Syria (see p. 2G1), which bordered on the Parthian province of Mesopotamia, the Euphrates flowing between them. Hence colhsion between the two great powers became imminent. 11. Mithridates, the elder of the two sons of Phraates III., succeeded him. Tigraiies I. havnig died in Armenia, and „ . .,,.,, Artavasdes, liis second son, having^ seized the Reign of Mith- nr- i -t i t • rjdatesiii. thi'onc, Mithridatcs became ens^ao'ed in a war (Arsaces . . xiiL),i!.o.co- with Armenia on behalf of his brother-in-law, Ti- ^^* granes, the eldest son of the late king. His ef- forts, however, were unsuccessful, and had no eftect but to alienate Artavasdes. After a reign of a few years, Mithri- dates was deposed by the Parthian nobles (see § 3) ; and, though he maintained himself for some considerable time in J3abyIon, he Avas at last captured and put to death. Oro- des, his brother, whom the Parthians had made king in his room, succeeded him, about b.c. 55. THIRD PERIOD. From the Commencement of the Wars with Rome, B.C. 54, to the Destruction of the Parthian Empire hy the Persians, a.d. 22G. 1. The aggressive policy systematically pursued by the Roman Republic rendered a war with Parthia the natural KeifrnofOro- sequcl to the victories over Mithridates and Ti- cesxiv.)!'^' granes. The struggle with these princes had re- cSssus ^b"o^^ vealed to Rome the existence of an Oriental pow- 54^3. ' er greater and richer than either Pontus or Ar- menia ; and the jealousy, as well as the cupidity, of the re- public was stirred by the revelation. No special grounds of complaint or quarrel were regarded as necessary before the war could be commenced. It was enough that the time had arrived when it seemed to be for the interest of Rome to increase her empire at the expense of Parthia. War was declared without even a pretext, b.c, 55, and in the following year Crassus attacked Orodes. The faikire of the expedition of Crassus (see p. 487) was owing, in part to his age and incapacity, in part to an undue contempt of the Parthian prowess. It was only by bitter experience that the Romans learnt to respect the Par- thians as soldiers, and to regard them as greatly superior to most other Orientals. TAUT n., PKU. III.] WARS WITH HOME. G19 2. The immediate result of the disastrous expedition of Crassus was the advance of the Parthians across the Eu- Parthiauex- phratcs. In B.C. 52, and again in the year after, peditious into pncorus, the SOU of Orodes, at the head of a large Syria, n.<;. 52- -^ ""^ ' , t n i^ir *. 51, and 40-3S, and well-appoHited army, crossed irom Mesopota- mia into Syria, and ravaged the Roman territory far and wide. Upper Syria was overrun, Cilicia invaded, Antioch and Antigoneia threatened, the Roman general, Bibulus, de- feated. Cassius, however, gained certain successes ; and sus- picion having been thrown upon the loyalty of Pacorus, Oro- des recalled him, and withdrew his troops within the Eu- phrates. But eleven years later he made a second advance. Once more Pacorus, this time assisted by the Roman refu- gee, Labienus, crossed the Euphrates, b.c. 40, and invaded the' Syrian presidency. A Roman army, under Decidius Saxa, was destroyed ; Antioch, Apameia, Sidon, Ptolemais, were occupied ; Jerusalem was entered and plundered, and Antigonus set, as Parthian viceroy, upon the throne (see p. 354). The Parthians were complete masters of Syria, Phoe- nicia, and Palestine ; and proceeded to invade Asia Minor, occupying the whole south coast, as far as Caria, and send- ing their plundering bands into Ionia and the Roman "Asia." At this point, however, their progress was stayed, and reverses began to befall them. Ventidius defeated and slew Labienus in B.C. 39, and gained a similar success over Pacorus in the next year. The Parthians retired from Syria, never to reoccupy it, and henceforth were content to resist the attacks and aggressions of the Romans. ^ 3. The death of Orodes followed closely upon this defeat, B.C. 37. He either died of grief for the loss of Pacorus, or was murdered by Phraates, the son whom he had SSandacces- put forward as his successor when he heard of ?eriv!,^i!!r" Pacorus's decease. Phraates IV. succeeded him, fionofTnt'- and reigned as Arsaces XV. Against him Anto- uy,B.o.3G. • jjy^ ij^ JJ.C. 36, led his great expedition. (For this, see p. 501.) Once more on Parthian soil the Romans Avere completely baffled ; and the retreat of Antony was almost as disastrous as that of the army of Crassus. The Parthian power issued from these early contests with Rome intact ; each side held its own ; and it seemed as if the Euphrates was to be a permanent barrier which the Terminus of nei- ther nation could cross. 620 TARTHIA. [book v. 4. An uninteresting period of the Parthian history now sets in. Rome and Parthia abstain equally from direct at- Duii period of tacks upon cach other, while each endeavors to S-^^^ffom^B!c. obtain a predominant influence in Armenia, which 30 to A.D. 114. alternately leans on one or other of the two pow- ers. Troubles are excited by the Romans within the Par- thian royal family ; and almost every reign exhibits one or more pretenders to the throne, who disturb and sometimes expel the legitimate monarch. This period lasted 150 years — from the retreat of Antony, e.g. 36, to the sixteenth year of Trajan, a.d. 114. It is unnecessary to do more than brief- ly indicate the succession of the kings during this space. Line of Kings from Phraates IV. to CnosRoiis, b,c. 37 to a.d. 107. Phraates IV. (Arsaces XV.) reigned from B.C. 37 to a.d. 4. He was an- noyed by a pretender named Tiridates, Avhom Augustus encouraged, and was finally murdered by his female slave, Thermusa, whom he had married. Phraataces, the son of Phraates IV. and this Thermusa, succeeded as Arsa- ces XVI. He reigned only a few months, being put to death by the Parthi- ans, who gave the crown to a certain Orodes, a member of the royal family, whose exact relationship to the preceding monarchs is unknown. Orodes II. (Arsaces XVII.) reigned, like Phraataces, for a few months only, being put to death about a.d. 5, on account of his cruelty. The Parthians then sent to Rome for Vonones, the eldest of the sons of Phraates IV., who was sent to them by Augustus, and ruled from about a.d. G to 14, as Arsaces XVIII., when he was compelled to yield his crown to another member of the royal ftvmily, Artabanus. Artabanus II. (Arsaces XIX.) held the throne from about A.D. 14 to 44. His reign was stormy, troubled by a revolt of the Bab- ylonian Jews, by pretenders whom Tiberius supported, and by rebellions of the tributary monarchs. At his death, war broke out between two of his sons, Gotarzes and . Vardanes, who both claimed the kingdom. Vardanes, the younger, was siTCcessful after a sharp struggle, and reigned as Arsaces XX., from about a.d. 44 to 48, when Gotarzes renewed the fight, and the Parthians, deserting Vardanes, slew him and made Gotarzes king. Gotarzes (Arsaces XXI.) held the throne from a.d. 48 to 50. The chief event of his reign was a war with the pretender Meherdates, son of Vonones I., who was supported by the Romans, but fell after a short contest. Gotarzes himself died soon afterwards, probably by a natural death. The next king was Vo- nones II. (Arsaces XXII.). He was a member of the royal family, and had governed Media Atropatene under Gotarzes, but seems not to have been a near relation. His reign, which lasted only a few months, was unmarked by any unimportant event. Vologeses I. (Arsaces XXIIL), the eldest of his sons, succeeded him. He reigned for the space of forty years, from about A.D. 50 to 90, and was contemporary with eight Roman emperors — Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. The conten- tion between Rome and- Parthia, with respect to supremacy over Armenia, came to a head during his reign, when his brother, Tiridates, to Avhom he PAiiT II., riiK. in.] WARS WITH HOME. 621 had given the Armenian crown, was so harassed by the Romans— more espe- cially by Nero's general, Corbulo, a.d. 5G to G4— that he consented at last to renounce his allegiance to ParU^a, and to accept the Armenian kingdom from Nero, wbich he heM thenceforth as a Roman fief, a.u. G5. After this, . Parthia remained at peace with Rome for nearly half a century, and very lit- tle is known of its condition. Vologeses seems to have died about a.d. 90. He left two sons, Facorus and Chosroes, the elder of whom, Pacorus, suc- ceeded him. Pacorus (Arsaces XXIV.), who succeeded Vologeses, reigned from about a.d. 90 to 107. Nothing is known of him except that he beauti- fied Ctesiphon. He was succeeded, about a.d. 107, by his brother Chosroes, in whose reign the Parthian history again becomes important and interesting. 5. Chosroes (Arsaces XXy.),on obtaining the crown, pro- ceeded almost immediately to assert the authority of Par- Reign of - thia over Armenia by deposing the reigning mon- S'cS xxv^r -^^'ch, Exedares, and placing his nephew, Partha- l^D. 101-121.'^ masiris, the son of Pacorus, npon the Armenian Tnyau'.^''''' "^ throne. This act furnished an excuse to Trajan for his Eastern expedition, a part of his great scheme of conquest. (See p. 544.) The earlier operations of the Ro- man emperor were altogether successful ; he deprived Par- thamasiris of his kingdom, and made Armenia a Pvoman province without a struggle ; he rapidly overran Mesopota- mia and Assyria, taking the cities one after another, and add- ed those countries to the empire ; he pressed southward, took Seleuceia, Ctesiphon, and Babylon, descended the Tigris to the sea, and received the submission of Mesene, the tract upon the Persian Gulf. In another direction his arms pene- trated as far as Susa. But it was easier to conquer than to hold, lievolts broke out in the countries already occupied, at Seleuceia, at Edessa, at Nisibis, at Hatra, and elsewhere. Trajan felt that he must retire. To cover the ignominy of his retreat, he held an assembly at Ctesiphon, and placed his more southern conquests under the sovereignty of a mock king, a native named Parthamaspates. His other conquests, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, he maintained and strongly garrisoned. But they continued Roman for only about'two years (a.d. 115 to 11 7). The first act of Hadrian was to relinquish the whole results of the Parthi- SJaudSby an war (^fcrajan, and to withdraw the legions Hadrian. ^,.^^.^ the line of the Euphrates (see p. 546). Chosroes returned to his capital, Parthamaspates quitting it and falling back on his Roman friends, who made him king 622 FARTIIIA. [book v. of Armenia. The Parthian empire was restored to its old limits; and friendly relations subsisted between Chosroes and Hadrian until the death of the former, probably about A.D. 121. 6. The successor of Chosroes was his son, Yologeses II. (Arsaces XXVI.), who reigned from about a.d. 121 to 149. ,,, , He kept the peace with Rome throughout the KeignofVolo- «,.. , , i t geses the lid wholc of his reign, though sorely tempted to in- xxviTh), A?D. terfere with the affairs of Armenia, which had re- i2i-i4y. verted to the position of a Roman hef He was contemporary with Antoninus Pius. The only important event of his reign was an invasion of Media Atropatene by the Alani, who were becoming formidable in the tract be- tween the Black Sea and the Caspian. Vologeses bribed these enemies to retire. 1. His successor was another Yologeses, the third of the name, who was probably his son. He reigned from about Reign of voio- A.D. 149 to 192. During the lifetime of Antoni- fSsac^s^t™ n^^s Pius, he remained at peace with the Romans; xxviith), "but soon after the accession of M. Aurelius (b.c. about A.i^.l49- . .^ 102. 161) he provoked a war by invading Armenia for the purpose of severing its connection with Rome. At the outset he was successful; Armenia was occupied; Severi anus, Roman prefect of Cappadocia, was defeated, his army destroyed, and he himself slain ; the Parthian hordes once more crossed the Euphrates, and carried devastation into Syria; but their triumph was short-lived. Verus was sent to the East ; and though individually he did nothing, yet his generals gained great advantages. The Parthians were driven from Syria and Armenia; Mesopotamia was occu- pied ; Seleuceia, Ctesiphon, and Babylon taken ; and the royal palace at Ctesiphon burnt (a.d. 165). Parthia then sued for peace, and obtained it by ceding Mesopotamia, and allowing Armenia to return to the position of a Roman de- pendency (see p. 551). Vologeses, thus humbled, remained quiet during his later years, living on friendly terms with M. Aurelius and with Commodus. ^^ 8. Vologeses III. left two sons, ^^fcgeses and Tiridates, of whom the elder, Vologeses, succeeded him. This prince, having unfortunately attached himself to the cause of Pescennius Niger, a.d. 193, was attacked by the Roman em^ PART II., I'EK. III.] FALL OF THE EMFIllE. 623 Reign of voio- peror, Septimiiis Severns, after he had defeated f^rsaces^l^J^ Niger, and suffered important reverses. The Ro- S^ut"D.^i92 ^^^^ army advanced through Mesopotamia to the -213. Tigris, crossed into Assyria, and occupied Adia- bene, descended the river in ships to Ctesiphon, which it took aiid pjpndered, captured also Seleuceia and Babylon, and re- turned without suffering any worse defeat than a double re- pulse from the walls of Hatra. The only permanent fruit of the campaign was, however, the addition of Adiabene, or Northern Assyria, to the empire, which the Partliian mon- arch Avas forced to cede to his adversary, a.d. 199. Nothing more is known of Vologeses IV., excepting that he left sev- eral sons, and that he reigned till about a.d. 212 or 213. Some Avriters (as Clinton) interpose between Vologeses III. and IV. a cei-- tain Pacorus, whose name exists upon a coin, with a date equivalent to a.d. 198. But as it seems certain from Dio that a Vologeses, and not a Pacorus, Avas the opponent of Severus in that year, and almost certain that this same Vologeses lived on into the reign of Caracallus, we must regard Pacorus as a pretender, who, when Vologeses IV. was driven from his capital, claimed the throne. 9. Upon the death of Vologeses IV., a contention arose between his sons with respect to the succession, which seems Reign ofvoio- to havc fallen, after a short struggle, to another flrsace^th? Vologescs, who was king when Caracallus, wish- SJif 1^^.213 i"S to pick a quarrel with Parthia, sent to de- -210. mand the surrender of two refugees, Tiridates and Antiochus. Vologeses at first refused ; but, when he was threatened with invasion, yielded, a.d. 215. Soon after this he must have ceased to reign, for we find Caracallus, in A.D. 216, negotiating with Artabanus. 10. Artabanus (Arsaces XXX.), the last king of Parthia, is thought to have been a son of Vologeses IV. and a broth- Reign of Ar- er of Vologeses V. He reigned from a.d. 215 iiw^Ars^c^es or 216 to 226. Caracallus, bent on a Parthian aboift™'2i5 campaign, in which he was 1Bo rival Alexander, l22G.De- gei;it, in A.D. 216, to demand the daughter of Ar- struction of / ■ ? *— * the empire. tabanus in marriage. Artabanus refused, and Caracallus immediately crossed the Euphrates, took pos- session of Osrhoene, proceeded through Mesopotamia to the Tigris, invaded Adiabene, took Arbela, and drove the Par- thians into the mountains. He then returned to Edessa in 624 PARTHIA. Tbooic v, Osrhoene, and was proceeding in the year, following to re- new his attack, when he was murdered by order of Macri- nus, his praetorian prefect. Macrinus then carried on the war for a short time, but, being twice defeated by Artaba- nus near Nisibis, he was content to purchase peace by the expenditure of a large sum of money and the surrelMer 'of all the Roman possessions beyond the Euphrates, The do- minions of the Parthians were thus once more extended to their ancient limits, and Artabanus had even reclaimed and exercised the old Parthian suzerainty over Armenia, by ap- pointing his own brother to be king, when suddenly an in- surrection broke out in the south. The Persians, under Ar- taxerxes, the son of Sassan, rebelled, after four centuries of subjection, against their Parthian lords, defeated the forces of Artabanus in three great battles, and in the third slew that king himself. The Parthian empire came thus sudden- ly to an end,A.D. 226, when it had given few signs of internal decay or weakness. It was succeeded by the Kew Persian Monarchy, or Kingdom of the Sassanidae, which lasted from A.D. 226 to 652. This revolution was a recovery by tlie old Arian race of the supremacy so long wielded by the Tatars. It was accompanied by a complete change in the government and the religion. The new Persian kingdom had important relations with Home during almost the whole period of its continuance ; but, as these relations were chiefly with the Eastern empire, whose history the design of this work does not include, no account will be here given of tho Sassanian dynasty. Those who wish for information on the subject will find it in the following works : RiciiTEE, C. F., Historisch-Kritischer Versuch, etc. (see p. 654). Malcolm, Sir J., History of Persia. London, 1815 ; 2 vols. 4to. De Sacy, S., Memoires sur diverses Antiquites de la Perse, et sur les Me- dailles des Sassanides, avec Vhistoire des Sassanides par Mirkhond. Paris, 1793; 4to. D'Herbelot, Bihliotheque Orientale ou Dictionnaire universe!, contenant tout ce qui fait connaitre les peuples de V Orient. Paris, 1781-83 ; 6 vols. 8vo. A brief outline of the history is given by Mr. Clinton in his Fasti Ro- mani, vol. ii. pp. 259-263 ; and a somewhat fuller account will be found in Dr. Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Biography, sub voc. SASSANID^. APPENDIX. 625 < < Q t-H o < §5«: ^IK <5 p f5 ^ J 3 g g |-| w < ^ [coco 27 626 lI'FENDIX. eg pa f-o_S 2 £ £f ■5 si E S 5s P| ' -2 — S £f — !2 ?"-,% H g -5 o o« 3 APPENDIX. 627 ^»l to !- gj hJ03 " S >. fp:2 M n 1^ e M £ M.^ 53 "Sa^ s 3 Ji tc -o. o ^ o G.a.i; >. gJJS s11 — Oj ■" Is (1< 5P Jl'^ " o -^ '> ° '^ J w . w** "S K - 3 ^H P "1 S -«:^ 55 i ^ ffl ►:! <1 -i f-i M M !> 630 APPENDIX. M <3 . I ^ Cfi o n ^ g w S w fe < ^ O 5 « w m O t3 r||| oil m SI ^ I W ►? -.§9 5^-^' 3"^ g i^3 2-2 C "OE ::^3 So < S:^;.2 "2 -s:S| .2~" §0=^ .- «tf| i i^G •i"-' rt rss s ■^3 s IS ^ Or? s S 1 rf iiJ < -rr, a — S » - JULIU! m. Cor Ju n. Pomp ^ zl ^ - s ^|§ if ^' 6^ <5 ^- £ 5 S MS APrENDIX. 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