THE HISPANIC FOUNDATION 
 
 Class 
 Book. 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 ARCHER M, HUNTINGTON 
 
 PURCHASING FUND 
 

■^-^ 
 
 THOM ]iaPD0N3 <fiU- 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON 
 
 B Y 
 
 JAREU SPARKS, L. L. D. 
 
 TWO VOLUMES IX ONE, ABKIDGKD BY THE .' 
 
 AUTHOK. 
 
 A U B U R X : 
 DERBY & MILLER. 
 
 1851. 
 
' S737 
 
 VMSMINGTONIANA 
 
 Entered accorJing in act of Cnii^'ress in tne year 1310, by 
 
 J A R E n Sparks, 
 
 In the Clerk's oOice of the District Court of the Iiistrict of Massachusetts. 
 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The first volume of the work, entitled 
 The Writings of Washington, in twelve 
 octavo volumes, consists of a Life of Wash- 
 ington. This has been published in a sep- 
 arate form, with a preface, from which the 
 following extract is taken. 
 
 - "The materials for the Life, as well as 
 for the large work, have been drawn from 
 a great variety of sources ; from the manu- 
 scripts at Mount Vernon, papers in the 
 public offices of London, Paris, Washing- 
 ton, and all the old Thirteen States; and 
 also from the private papers of many of the 
 principal leaders in the Revolution. The 
 entire mass of manuscripts left by General 
 Washington, consisting of more than two 
 hundred folio volumes, was in the author's 
 
IV ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 hands ten years. From these materials it 
 has been his aim to select and combine the 
 most important facts, tending to exhibit in 
 their true light the character, actions, and 
 opinions of Washington." 
 
 To accommodate a larger number of pur- 
 chasers and readers, -an abridgment of the 
 original Life is here presented to the pub- 
 lic. The omissions are mostly of a political 
 or general nature. The biographical in- 
 cidents and other parts, which constitute 
 the narrative, have been preserved without 
 change and nearly complete. 
 
 April, 1840. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 VOLUME FIRST 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Origin of the Washington Family. — John and Lawrence 
 Washington emigrate to America. — Birth of George 
 Washington. — His early Education. — His Fondnesi fcr 
 mathematical Studies and athletic Amusements, and his 
 methodical Habits . . . 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a 
 Midshipman. — He becomes a practical Surveyor. — En- 
 gages in the Employment of Lord Fairfax. — Continues 
 the Business of Surveying for three Years. — Appointed 
 Adjutant of one of the Districts in Virginia. — Voyage to 
 Barbadoes with his Brother 14 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers 
 of Virginia. — Major Washington is sent by the Governor 
 of Virginia to warn the Intruders to retire. — Crosses the 
 Allegany Mountains. — Meets Indians on the Ohio River, 
 who accompany him to the French Garrison. — Indian 
 Speech. — Interviews witli the French Commander. — Per- 
 ilous Adventures during his Journey, and in crossing the 
 Allegany River. — Returns to Williamsburg and reports to 
 the Governor . 25 
 
Tl CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Troops raised for a western Expedition, and put under the 
 Command of Major Washington. — Governor Dinwiddie. 
 
 — Military Preparations. — Washington appointed Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel. — Marches to the Allegany Mountains. — 
 Joined by Parties of Indians. — Skirmish with a French 
 Detachment under Jumonville. — The chief Command de- 
 volves on Colonel Washington. — His generous Sentiments 
 respecting the Terms of Service 43 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Fort Necessity. — Indians. — Movements of the Army. — 
 Battle of the Great Meadows. — Vote of Thanks by the 
 House of Burgesses. — Washington disapproves the Gov- 
 ernor's Measures and resigns his Commission 63 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Engages in the Expedition under General Braddock. — DifB- 
 culties encountered by the Army in its March. — Battle of 
 the Monongahela. — Its disastrous Results. — Bravery and 
 good Conduct of Colonel Washington in that Action. — 
 His prudent Advice to General Braddock 77 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Colonel Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the 
 Virginia Forces. — Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants. 
 
 — DiflBculties with an Officer holding a King's Commission 
 concerning Rank. — Washington visits General Shirley at 
 Boston upon this Subject. — His Claim confirmed. — Re- 
 turns and repairs to his Head-quarters at Winchester. — 
 Embarrassments of his Situation. — Testimonies of Confi- 
 dence in his Character and Ability 9 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Occurrences of the Campaign. — Incursions of the Savages 
 
 — Plan of Fortifications for the Interior. — Fort Cumber- 
 
CONTENTS. Vll 
 
 land. — Memorial presented by Colonel Washington to the 
 Earl of Loudoun on the State of Military Affairs in Virgin- 
 ia. — Governor Dinwiddie sails for England. — An Expedi- 
 tion against -^o"^^ Duquesne planned by the British Minis- 
 try, to be under the Command of General Forbes. — The 
 Virginia Army augmented, and united with the Regular 
 Troops in this Enterprise 106 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland. — Acts in 
 Concert with Colonel Bouquet. — Joins the main Army at 
 Raystown under General Forbes. — Forms a Plan of March 
 suited to the Mountains and Woods. — Commands the ad- 
 vanced Division of the Army. — Capture of Fort Du- 
 quesne. — He returns to Virginia, resigns his Commission, 
 and retires to private Life 118 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Washington's Marriage. — For many Years a Member of the 
 Virginia House of Burgesses. — His Pursuits and Habits 
 as a Planter. — A Vestryman in the Church, and active in 
 Parish Affairs. — His Opinion of the Stamp Act. — Takes 
 an early and decided Stand against the Course pursued by 
 the British Government towards the Colonies. — Approves 
 the JNon-importation Agreements 135 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Joins heartily in all the Measures of Opposition. — His Ser- 
 vices in procuring the Lands promised to the Officers and 
 Soldiers in the French War. — Performs a Tour to the 
 Ohio and Kenhawa Rivers for the purpose of selecting 
 those Lands. — Takes an active Part at different Times in 
 the Proceedings of the Virginia Legislature in defending 
 the Rights of the Colonies. — His Opinions on this Sub- 
 ject. — Chosen to command several Independent Compa- 
 nies of Militia. — A Delegate to the first and second Vir- 
 ginia Conventions. — A Member of the Continental Con- 
 gress 1^0 
 
Viii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Meeting of the second Congress. — Washington chosen 
 Commander-in-chief of the Continental Army. — Repairs 
 to Cambridge, and takes the Command. — State of the 
 Army. — His Intercourse with Congress. — Numerous Af- 
 fairs devolve on him 168 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Correspondence with General Gage. — Councils of War re- 
 specting an Assault on Boston. — Organization of a new 
 Continental Army. — Difficulties in procuring Recruits. — 
 Militia called out. — Maritime Affairs. — Armed Vessels. 
 
 — General Howe takes Command of the British Army. — 
 Condition of the American Army at the End of the Year. 
 
 — Washington's Arrangement of his private Affairs. . . . 189 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Plans for an Attack on Boston. — Condition of the Army. — 
 Dorchester Heights fortified. — Evacuation of Boston. — 
 Troops march to New York. — AVashington repairs to Con- 
 gress. — His View? in Regard to the State of the Country. 
 
 — Machinations of the Tories, and Measures taken to de- 
 feat them. — Declaration of Independence. ...... 208 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation 
 with the Colonies. — Mode of addressing Letters to Wash- 
 ington attempted by the British Admiral and General. — 
 Strength and Condition of the two Armies. — Battle of 
 Long Island. — Remarks on the Battle 228 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 New York evacuated, and the British take Possession of the 
 City. — The American Army posted at Haerlem Heights 
 and Fort Washington. — Situation and Prospects of the 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 Army.— Its new Organization. — The British land in 
 Westchester County, and march into the Country. . . . 244 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Washington advances to White Plains and forms an Encamp- 
 ment. — Battle of Chatterton's Kill. — Part of the Ameri- 
 can Army crosses the Hudson. — Capture of Fort Wash- 
 ington and Fort Lee. — General Washington retreats 
 through New Jersey, and crosses the Delaware at Trenton, 
 
 — Conduct and Character of General Lee. — Reduced 
 State of the Army 260 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 General Washington invested with extraordinary Powers by 
 Congress. — His Manner of using them. — He recrosses 
 the Delaware. — Battle of Trenton. — Battle of Princeton. 
 
 — The Army goes into Winter Quarters at Morristown. — 
 Remarks on these Events 277 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 General Washington's Proclamation — His Preparations for 
 the next Campaign. — Exchange of Prisoners. — Condition 
 of the American Prisoners in New York. — Military Oper- 
 ations in New Jersey. — The Army crosses the Delaware 
 and encamps near Germantown. — Washington's first In- 
 terview with Lafayette 294 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Sir William Howe lands at the Head of Elk. — Battle of the 
 Brandy wine. — New Powers conferred on Washington by 
 Congress. — Battle of Germantown. — Skirmishes at White- 
 marsh. — Sufferings of the Army. — Winter Encampment 
 at Valley Forge 311 
 
 ^Q 
 
LIFE 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Origin of the Washington Family. — John and Lawrence Wash- 
 ington emigrate to America. — Birth of George Washington. 
 — His early Education. — His Fondness for mathematical 
 Studies and athletic Amusements, and his methodical Habits. 
 
 The name of Washington, as applied to a 
 family, is proved from authentic records to 
 have been first known about the middle of 
 the thirteenth century. There was previous- 
 ly a manor of that name in the County of 
 Durham, in England, the proprietor of which, 
 according to a custom not unusual in those 
 days, took the name of his estate. From this 
 gentleman, who was originally called William 
 de Hertburn, have descended the branches of 
 the Washington family, which have since 
 spread themselves over various parts of Great 
 Britain and America. 
 
 Few individuals of the family have attain- 
 ed to such eminence in the eye of the public, 
 
 v^ot,. I, 1 
 
2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 as to give perpetuity to the memory of their 
 deeds or their character ; yet, in the local his- 
 tories of England, the name is frequently men- 
 tioned with respect, and as denoting persons of 
 consideration, wealth, and influence. Among 
 them were scholars, divines, and lawyers, well 
 known to their contemporaries. Several re- 
 ceived the honors of knighthood... Sir Henry 
 Washington is renowned for his bravery and 
 address in sustaining the siege of Worcester 
 against the Parliamentary forces during the 
 civil wars, and is commended by Clarendon 
 for his good conduct at the taking of Bristol. 
 For the most part it would appear, however, 
 from such facts as can now be ascertained, that 
 the heads of families were substantial propri- 
 etors of lands, residing on their estates and 
 holding a reputable station in the higher class, 
 of agriculturists. Proofs of their opulence 
 may still be seen in the monuments erected in 
 churches, and the records of the transfer of 
 property. 
 
 In the year 1538, the manor of Sulgrave, in 
 Northamptonshire, was granted to Lawrence 
 Washington, of Gray's Inn, and for some- time 
 Mayor of Northampton. He was probably 
 born at Warton, in Lancashire, where his fa- 
 ther lived. The grandson of this first propri- 
 etor of Sulgrave, who was of the same name, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 
 
 had many children, two of whom, that is, 
 John and Lawrence Washington, being the 
 second and fourth sons, emigrated to Virginia 
 about the year 1657, and settled at Bridge's 
 Creek, on the Potomac River, in the County ■ 
 of Westmoreland. The eldest brother. Sir 
 William Washington, married a half-sister of 
 George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. Law- 
 rence had been a student at Oxford. John had 
 resided on an estate at South Cave in York- 
 shire, which gave rise to an erroneous tradi- 
 tion among his descendants, that their ancestor 
 came from the North of England. The two 
 brothers bought lands in Virginia, and became 
 successful planters. 
 
 John Washington, not long after coming to 
 America, was employed in a military command 
 against the Indians, and rose to the rank of 
 Colonel. The parish, also, in which he lived 
 was named after him. He married Anne 
 Pope, by whom he had two sons, Lawrence 
 and John, and a daughter. The elder son, 
 Lawrence, married Mildred Warner, of Glou- 
 cester County, and had three children, John, 
 Augustine, and Mildred. 
 
 Augustine Vv'ashington, the second son, was 
 twice married. His first wife was Jane But- 
 ler, by whom he had three sons and a daugh- 
 ter ; Butler, who died in infancy, Lawrence, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Augustine, and Jane, the last of. whom died 
 likewise when a child. Bj'" his second wife, 
 Mai'y Ball, to whom he was married on the 6th 
 of March, 1730, he had six children, George, 
 Betty, Samuel, John Augustine, Charles, and 
 Mildred. George Y/ashington was born in 
 Westmoreland County, Virginia, on the 22d 
 of February, 1732, being the eldest son by 
 the second marriage, great-grandson of John 
 Washington, who emigrated to America, and 
 the sixth in descent from the first Lawrence 
 Washington of Sulgrave. 
 
 At the time of George Washington's birth, 
 his father resided near the banks of the Po- 
 tomac in Westmoreland County : but he re- 
 moved not long afterwards to an estate owned 
 by him in Stafford County, on the east side 
 of the Rappahannoc River, opposite Freder- 
 icksburg. Here he lived till his death, which 
 happened, after a sudden and short illness, on 
 the 12th of April, 1743, at the age of forty- 
 nine. He was buried at Bridge's Creek, in 
 the tomb of his ancestors. Little is known of 
 his character or his acts. It appears by his will, 
 however, that he possessed a large and valua- 
 ble property in lands ; and, as this had been 
 acquired chiefly by his own industry and en- 
 terprise, it may be inferred, that, in the con- 
 cerns of business, he was methodical, skilful, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 
 
 honorable, and energetic. His occupation was 
 that of a planter, which, from the first settle- 
 ment of the country, had been the pursuit of 
 nearly all the principal gentlemen of Virginia. 
 
 Each of his sons inherited from him a sepa- 
 rate plantation. To the eldest, Lawrence, he 
 bequeathed an estate near Hunting Creek, af- 
 terwards Mount Vernon, which then consisted 
 of twenty-five hundred acres ; and also other 
 lands, and shares in iron-works situated in 
 Virginia and Maryland, which were produc- 
 tive. The second son had for his part an es- 
 tate in Westmoreland. To George were left 
 the lands and mansion where his father lived 
 at the time of his decease ; and to each of 
 the other sons, an estate of six or seven hun- 
 dred acres. The youngest daughter died when 
 an infant, and for the only remaining one a 
 suitable provision was made in the will. It 
 is thus seen, that Augustine Washington, al- 
 though suddenly cut off" in the vigor of man- 
 hood, left all his children in a state of com- 
 parative independence. Confiding in the pru- 
 dence of the mother, he directed that the 
 proceeds of all the property of her children 
 should be at her disposal, till they should 
 respectively come of age. 
 
 This weighty charge of five young chil- 
 dren, the eldest of whom was eleven years 
 
6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 old. the superintendence of their education, 
 and the management of comphcated aflairs, 
 demanded no common share of resohition, re- 
 source of mind, and strength of character. In 
 these important duties Mrs. Washington ac- 
 quitted herself with great fidelity to her trust, 
 and with entire success. Her good sense, as- 
 siduity, tenderness, and vigilance overcame 
 every obstacle ; and, as the richest reward of 
 a mother's solicitude tind toil, she had the hap- 
 piness to see all her children come forward 
 with a fair promise into life, filling the sphere 
 allotted to them in a manner equally honora- 
 ble to themselves, and to the parent who had 
 been the only guide of their principles, con- 
 duct, and habits. She lived to witness the 
 noble career of her eldest son, till by his own 
 rare merits he was raised to the head of a na- 
 tion, and applauded and revered by the whole 
 world. It has been said, that there never was 
 a great man, the elements of whose greatness 
 might not be traced to the original character- 
 istics or early influence of his mother. If this 
 be true, how much do mankind owe to the 
 mother of Washington. 
 
 Under the colonial governments, particular- 
 ly in the southern provinces, the means of 
 education were circumscribed. The thinness 
 of population, and the broad line which sepa- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 
 
 rated the rich from the poor, prevented the 
 establishment of schools on such a basis as 
 would open the door of instruction to all clas- 
 ses, and thus prepare the way for higher sem- 
 inaries of learning. Young men destined for 
 the learned professions, whose parents could 
 afford the expense, were occasionally sent to 
 England. But the planters generally sought 
 no other education for their sons, than such as 
 would fit them to be practical men of busi- 
 ness. In a few cases, this was derived from a 
 private tutor ; in others, from a teacher of the 
 common schools, whose qualifications would 
 naturally be limited to the demands of his 
 employers^ and who was seldom competent to 
 impart more than the simplest elements of 
 knowledge. When he had inculcated the 
 m3''steries of reading, writing, arithmetic, and 
 keeping accounts, his skill was exhausted, and 
 the duties of his vocation were fulfilled. If 
 his pupils aspired to higher attainments, they 
 were compelled to leave their master behind, 
 and find their way without a guide. 
 
 To a school of this description was George 
 Washington indebted for all the aids his mind 
 received in its early discipline and culture. 
 How far he profited by these slender advan- 
 tages, or was distinguished for his application 
 and love of study, can only be conjectured 
 
8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 from the results. Tradition reports, that he 
 was inquisitive, docile, and diligent ; but it 
 adds, that his military propensities and passion 
 for active sports displayed themselves in his 
 boyhood ; that he formed his schoolmates into 
 companies, who paraded, marched, and fought 
 mimic battles, in which he was always the 
 commander of one of the parties. He had a 
 fondness for the athletic amusements of run- 
 ning, jumping, wrestling,. tossing bars, and oth- 
 er feats of agility and bodily exercise. Indeed 
 it is well known, that these practices were 
 continued by him after he had arrived at the 
 age of mature life. It has also been said, that 
 while at school his probity and demeanor 
 were such, as to win the deference of the 
 other boys, who were accustomed to make 
 him the arbiter of their disputes, and never 
 failed to be satisfied with his judgment. Such 
 are some of the incidents of his juvenile years, 
 remembered and related by his contemporaries 
 after he had risen to greatness. 
 
 There are not wanting evidences of his 
 early proficiency in some branches of study. 
 His manuscript schoolbooks, from the time he 
 was thirteen years old, have been preserved. 
 He had already mastered the difiicult parts of 
 arithmetic, and these books begin with geom- 
 etry. But there is one, of a previous date, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 
 
 which deserves notice, as giving an insight 
 into the original cast of his mind, and the sub- 
 jects to which his education was directed. It 
 is singular, that a boy of thirteen should occu- 
 py himself in studying the dry and intricate 
 forms of business, which are rarely attended 
 to till the affairs of life call them into use, 
 and even then rather as an act of necessity 
 than of pleasure. But many pages of the 
 manuscript in question are taken up with 
 copies of what he calls Forms of Writing, 
 such as notes of hand, bills of exchange, re- 
 ceipts, bonds, indentures, bills of sale, land 
 warrants, leases, deeds, and wills, written out 
 Avith care, the prominent words in large and 
 varied characters in imitation of a clerk's hand. 
 Then follow selections in rhyme, more distin- 
 guished for the sentiments they contain, and 
 the religious tone that pervades them, than for 
 their poetical beauties. 
 
 But the most remarkable part of the book 
 is that, in which is compiled a system of max- 
 ims and regulations of conduct, drawn from 
 miscellaneous sources, and arranged under the 
 head of Rules of Behavior in Company and 
 Conversation. Some of these are unimpor- 
 tant, and suited only to form the habits of a 
 child ; others are of a higher import, fitted to 
 soften and polish the manners, to keep alive 
 
10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the best affections of the heart, to impress the 
 obhgation of the moral virtues, to teach what 
 is due to others in the social relations, and 
 above all to inculcate the practice of a perfect 
 self-control. 
 
 In studying the character of Washington it 
 is obvious, that this code of rules had an influ- 
 ence upon his whole life. His temperament 
 was ardent, his passions strong, and, amidst 
 the multiplied scenes of temptation and ex- 
 citement through which he passed, it was his 
 constant effort and ultimate triumph to check 
 the one and subdue the other. His intercourse 
 with men, private and public, in every walk 
 and station, was marked with a consistency, 
 a fitness to occasions, a dignity, decorum, con- 
 descension, and mildness, a respect for the 
 claims of others, and a delicate perception of 
 the nicer shades of civility, which were not 
 more the dictates of his native good sense and 
 incomparable judgment, than the fruits of a 
 long and unwearied discipline. 
 
 He left school in the autumn preceding, his 
 sixteenth birthday. The last two years had 
 been devoted to the study of geometry, trigo- 
 nometry, and surveying, for which he had a 
 decided partiality. It is probable, also, that 
 his friends, discovering this inclination, en- 
 couraged him in yielding to it, with the view 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11 
 
 of qualifying him for the profession of a sur- 
 veyor, which was then a lucrative employ- 
 ment, and led to opportunities of selecting val- 
 uable new lands. During the last summer he 
 was at school, we find him surveying the fields 
 around the schoolhoase and in the adjoining 
 plantations, of which .the boundaries, angles, 
 and measurements, the plots and calculations, 
 are entered with formality and precision in his 
 books. 
 
 Nor was his skill confined to the more sim- 
 ple processes of the art. He used logarithms, 
 and proved the accin-acy of his work by dif- 
 ferent methods. The manuscripts fill several 
 quires of paper, and are remarkable for the 
 care with which they were kept, the neatness 
 and uniformity of the handwriting, the beauty 
 of the diagrams, and a precise method and ar- 
 rangement in copying out tables and columns 
 of figures. 
 
 These particulars will not be thought too 
 trivial to be mentioned, when it is known, 
 that he retained similar habits through life. 
 His business papers, daybooks, legers, and 
 letter-books, in which before the Revolution 
 no one wrote but himself, exhibit specimens 
 of the same studious care and exactness. 
 Every fact occupies a clear and distinct place, 
 the handwriting is round and rcrrlai. ■s.^-nhnut 
 
Ik 
 
 12 LIFE OF WASHINGTOiN. 
 
 interlineations, blots, or blemishes; and, if 
 mistakes occurred, the faulty words were so 
 skilfully erased and corrected, as to render the 
 defect invisible except to a scrutinizing eye. 
 The constructing of tables, diagrams, and oth- 
 er figures relating to numbers or classification, 
 was an exercise in which he seems at all times 
 to have taken much delight. If any of his 
 farms were to be divided into new lots, a plan 
 was first drawn on paper; if he meditated a 
 rotation of crops, or a change in the mode of 
 culture, the various items of expense, labor, 
 products, and profits were reduced to tabular 
 forms; and in his written instructions to his 
 managers, which were annually repeated, the 
 same method was pursued. 
 
 Except the above branches of the mathe- 
 matics, his acquirements did not extend be- 
 yond the subjects usually taught to boys of 
 his age at the common schools. It is even 
 doubtful whether he received any instruction 
 in the principles of language. His earliest 
 compositions were often faulty in grammati- 
 cal construction. By practice, reading, and 
 study, he gradually overcame this defect, till 
 at length he wrote with accuracy, purity of 
 idiom, and a striking appropriateness of phra- 
 seology and clearness oT style. In the choice 
 of his words, to express precisely and forcibly 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 
 
 his meaniDg, he was always scrupulous. In 
 this respect his language may be said to have 
 reflected the image of his mind, in which can- 
 dor, sincerity, and directness were prevailing 
 traits. 
 
 No aid was derived from any other than 
 his native tongue. He never even commenced 
 the study of the ancient classics. After the 
 French officers had joined the American army 
 in the Revolution, and particularly while the 
 forces under Count de Rochambeau were in 
 the country, he bestowed some degree of at- 
 tention on that language ; but at no time could 
 he write or converse in it, or indeed translate 
 any paper. 
 
14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a Mid- 
 shipman. — He becomes a practical Surveyor. — Engages in 
 the Employment of Lord Fairfax. — Continues the Business 
 of Surveying for three Years. — Appointed Adjutant of one 
 of the Districts in Virginia. — Voyage to Barbadoes with bis 
 Brother. 
 
 While at school a project was entertained 
 by his friends, which, if it had been ma- 
 tured, would have changed his own destiny, 
 and perhaps have produced an important in- 
 fluence upon that of his country. His eld- 
 est brother, Lawrence, had been an officer 
 in the late war, and served at the siege of 
 Carthagena and in the West Indies. Being 
 a well informed and accomplished gentleman, 
 he had acquired the esteem and confidence of 
 General Wentworth and Admiral Vernon, the 
 commanders of the expedition, with whom he 
 afterwards kept up a friendly correspondence. 
 Having observed the military turn of his 
 young brother, and looking upon the British 
 navy as the most direct road to distinction in 
 that line, he obtained for George a midship- 
 man's warrant, in the year 1746, when he was 
 fourteen years old. This step was taken with 
 his acquiescence, if not at his request, and he 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 
 
 prepared with a buoyant spirit for his depar- 
 ture ; but, as the time approached, the soli- 
 citude of his motlier interposed with an au- 
 thority, to which nature gave a claim. 
 
 At this critical juncture, Mr. Jackson, a 
 friend of the family, wrote to Lawrence Wash- 
 ington as follows. " 1 am afraid Mrs. Wash- 
 ington will not keep up to her first resolution. 
 She seems to dislike George's going to sea, 
 and says several persons have told her it was 
 a bad scheme. She offers several trifling ob- 
 jections, such as fond, unthinking mothers 
 habitually suggest ; and I find that one word 
 against his going has more weight than ten for 
 it." She persisted in opposing the plan, and 
 it was given up. Nor ought this decision to 
 be ascribed to obstinacy, or maternal weakness. 
 This was her eldest son, whose character and 
 manners must already have exhibited a prom- 
 ise, full of solace and ■ hope to a widowed 
 mother, on whom alone devolved the charge 
 of four younger children. To see him sep- 
 arated from her at so tender an age, exposed 
 to the perils of accident and the world's rough 
 usage, without a parent's voice to counsel or a 
 parent's hand to guide, and to enter on a the- 
 atre of action, which would for ever remove 
 him from her presence, was a trial of her for- 
 titude and sense of duty, which she could not 
 
16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 be expected to hazard without rehictaiice and 
 concern. 
 
 Soon after leaving school he went to re- 
 side with his brother Lawrence, at his seat on 
 the Potomac River, which had been called 
 Mount Vernon, in compliment to the admiral 
 of that name. The winter was passed in his 
 favorite study of the mathematics, and in the 
 exercise of practical surveying, merely with 
 the view of becoming famiUar with the ap- 
 plication of principles and the use of instru- 
 ments. At this time he was introduced to 
 Lord Fairfax, and other members of the Fair- 
 fax family, established in that part of Vir- 
 ginia. 
 
 Lawrence Washington had married a daugh- 
 ter of William Fairfax, a gentleman of consid- 
 eration on account of his wealth, character, 
 and political station, being many years a mem- 
 ber and for some time president of his Majes- 
 ty's Council in the Colony. His seat was at 
 Belvoir, a short distance from Mount Vernon. 
 He had an interesting family of several sons 
 and daughters, intelligent and cultivated, with 
 whom George associated on terms of intimacy, 
 and formed attachments that were ever after 
 valuable to him. In the father he found a 
 friend and adviser, as well as a man skilled 
 in affairs, of wide experience, and of an en- 
 
LIFE OF WASHIISGTON. 17 
 
 lightened uacierstaiidiiig. To his fortunate 
 acquaintance with this family he was mainly 
 indebted for the opportunities of performing 
 those acts, which laid the foundation of his 
 subsequent successes and advancement. 
 
 Lord Fairfax, a distant relative of William 
 Fairfax, was a man of an eccentric turn of 
 mind, of great private Avorth, generous, and 
 hospitable. Possessing by inheritance a vast 
 tract of country, situate between the Potomac 
 and Rappahannoc Rivers, and stretching across 
 the Allegany Mountains, he made a voyage 
 to Vn-ginia to examine this domain. So well 
 pleased was he with the climate and mode of 
 life that he resolved, after going back to Eng- 
 land and arranging his affairs, to return and 
 spend his days in the midst of this remote ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 The immense tracts of wild lands, belong- 
 ing to Lord Fairfax in the rich valleys of 
 the Allegany Mountains, had not been sur- 
 veyed. Settlers were finding their way up 
 the streams, selecting the fertile places, and 
 securing an occupancy without warrant or li- 
 cense. To enable the proprietor to claim his 
 quitrents and give legal titles, it was necessary 
 that those lands should be divided into lots 
 and accurately measured. So favorable an 
 opuiion had he formed of the abilities and at- 
 
 VOL. I. 2 
 
18 LIFE OF WASHINGTOjN. [1748. 
 
 tainmeiits of young Washington, that he in- 
 trusted to him this responsible service : and 
 he set off on his first surveying expedition in 
 March, just a month from the day he was six- 
 teen years old, accompanied by George Fair- 
 fax, the eldest son of William Fairfax. 
 
 The enterprise was arduous, requiring dis- 
 cretion and skill, and attended with priva- 
 tions and fatigues to which he had not been 
 accustomed. After crossing the first range of 
 the Alleganies, the party entered a wilderness. 
 From that lime their nights were passed under 
 the open sky, or in tents or rude cabins afford- 
 ing but a treacherous shelter against the in- 
 clemency of the weather. The winds some- 
 times beat upon them, and prostrated them to 
 the ground. Winter still lingered on the sum- 
 mits of the mountains ; the rivers, swollen by 
 melting snows and recent rains, were impassa- 
 ble at the usual fords, except by swimming 
 the horses ; the roads and paths through the 
 woods were obstructed by swamps, rocks, and 
 precipices. The lands surveyed by him lay 
 on the South Branch of the Potomac, seventy 
 miles above its junction with the other branch 
 of that river. 
 
 The task was executed in such a manner, 
 as to give entire satisfaction to his employer, 
 confirm the good opinion of his friends, and 
 
JEt.16.] life of WASHINGTON. 19 
 
 establish his reputation as a surveyor. On 
 other accounts it was beneficial to him. It 
 inspired a confidence in himself, kindled fresh 
 hopes, and prepared the way for new suc- 
 cesses. He had moreover acquired a knowl- 
 edge of parts of the country hitherto little 
 known, which were to be the scene of his 
 first military operations ; and had witnessed 
 modes of life, with v/hich it was necessary 
 for him to become familiar in fulfilling the 
 high trusts that awaited him. During this 
 expedition he was also present at an Indian 
 war dance, ^i^ had his first interview with 
 a race, on whose condition in peace and war 
 he was to have a wider influence than any 
 other man. 
 
 Having received a commission or appoint- 
 ment, as a public surveyor, which gave au- 
 thority to his surveys and enabled him to en- 
 ter them in the county offices, he devoted three 
 years to this pursuit, without any intervals of 
 relaxation except the winter months. Portions 
 of each year Vvere passed among the Allega- 
 nies, where he surveyed lands on branches of 
 the Potomac River, which penetrated far in a 
 southern direction among the lofty ridges and 
 spurs of those mountains. The exposures and 
 hardships of these expeditions could be en- 
 dured only for a few weeks together. As a 
 
20 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJVf. [1751. 
 
 relief, he would come down into the settled 
 parts, and survey private tracts and farms, thus 
 applying himself to the uninterrupted exercise 
 of his profession. 
 
 There being few surveyors at that time 
 in Virginia, and the demand for them great, 
 the pay allowed for their services was pro- 
 portionably high. By diligence and habits of 
 despatch, the employment was lucrative ; and, 
 what was more important, his probity and tal- 
 ents for business were at a very early age made 
 known to gentlemen, whose standing in socie- 
 ty rendered their friendship and^terest a sub- 
 stantial benefit. During these three years his 
 home was with his brother at Mount Vernon, 
 as being nearer the scene of his labors than 
 his mother's residence ; but he often visited 
 her, and assisted in the superintendence of her 
 affairs. 
 
 At the age of nineteen his character had 
 made so favorable an impression, that he was 
 appointed to an office of considerable distinc- 
 tion and responsibility by the government of 
 Virginia. The frontiers were threatened with 
 Indian depredations and French encroach- 
 ments, and, as a precautionary measure, it was 
 resolved to put the militia in a condition for 
 defence. To carry this into effect, the prov- 
 ince was divided into districts, having in each 
 
JEt. 19.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 21 
 
 an officer called an adjutant-general with the 
 rank of major, whose duty it was to assemble 
 and exercise the militia, inspect their arms, 
 and enforce all the regulations for discipline 
 prescribed by the laws. George Washington 
 was commissioned to take charge of one of 
 these districts. The post was probably ob- 
 tained through the influence of his brother 
 and William Fairfax, the former a delegate in 
 the House of Burgesses, the latter a member 
 of the governor's Council. The pay was one 
 hundred and fifty pounds a year. 
 
 His milita^ propensities had not subsided. 
 They rather increased with his years. In 
 Virginia were many officers, besides his broth- 
 er, who had served in the recent war. Un- 
 der their tuition he studied tactics,- learned 
 the manual exercise, and became expert in 
 the use of the sword. He read the principal 
 books on the military art, and joined prac- 
 tice to theory as far as circumstances would 
 permit. This new station, therefore, was in 
 accordance with his inclinations, and he en- 
 tered upon it with alacrity and zeal. 
 
 But he had scarcely engaged in this service, 
 when he was called to perform another duty, 
 deeply interesting in its claims on his sensibil- 
 ity and fraternal affection. Lawrence Wash- 
 ington, originally of a slender constitution, had 
 
 ^,*-^r 
 
22 LIFR OF WASHINGTO?^, [1752. 
 
 been for some time suffering under a pulmo- 
 nary attack, which was now thought to be 
 approaching a dangerous crisis. The physi- 
 cians recommended a voyage to the West In- 
 dies, and the experiment of a warmer chmate. 
 The necessity of having some friend near him, 
 and his attachment to George, were reasons for 
 desiring his company. They sailed for Bar- 
 badoes in the month of September, 1751, and* 
 landed on that island after a passage of five 
 weeks. 
 
 The change of air, the hospitality of the 
 inhabitants, the novelty of the scene, and the 
 assiduous attentions of his brmher, revived 
 the spirits of the patient, and seemed at first to 
 renovate his strength. But the hope was de- 
 lusive, and the old symptoms returned. The 
 trial of a few weeks produced no essential al- 
 teration for the better ; and he determined to 
 proceed to Bermuda in the spring, and that in 
 the mean time his brother should go back to 
 Virginia, and accompany his wife to that isl- 
 and. Accordingly, George took passage in a 
 vessel bound to the Chesapeake, and, after en- 
 countering a most tempestuous voyage, reached 
 home in February, having been absent some- 
 what more than four months. 
 
 He had the smallpox in Barbadoes. The 
 disease was severe, but, witli the aid of good 
 
^T. 20.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 
 
 medical attendance, he was able to go abroad 
 in three weeks. 
 
 The first letter frorh his brother at Bermu- 
 da gave an encouraging account of his health, 
 and expressed a wish that his wife should join 
 him there ; but it was followed by another, 
 of a different tenor, which prevented her de- 
 parture. Finding no essential relief, he came 
 home in the summer, and sank rapidly into 
 his grave, at the age of thirty-four, leaving a 
 wife, an infant daughter, and a large circle of 
 friends, to deplore a loss keenly felt by them 
 all. Few men have been more beloved for 
 their amiable qualities, or admired for those 
 higher traits of character which give dignity 
 to virtue, and a charm to accomplishments of 
 mind and manners. 
 
 By this melancholy event, new duties and 
 responsibilities devolved upon George. Large 
 estates were left by the deceased brother, the 
 immediate care of which demanded his over- 
 sight. He had likewise been appointed one 
 of the executors of the will, in which was 
 an eventual interest of considerable magnitude 
 pertaining to himself. The estate at Mount 
 Vernon was bequeathed to the surviving daugh- 
 ter ; and, in case of her demise without is- 
 sue, this estate and other lands were to pass to 
 George, with the reservation of the use of the 
 
24 L i 1' i: V W A S ! i I N G 'i' O .\ . [1752. 
 
 same to the wife during her lifetime. Al- 
 though he was the youngest executor, yet his 
 acquaintance with his brother's concerns, and 
 the confidence always reposed in him by the 
 deceased, were gromids for placing the busi- 
 ness principally in his hands. His time and 
 thoughts, for several months, were taken up 
 with these affairs, complicated in their nature, 
 and requiring delicacy and caution in their 
 management. 
 
 His private employments, however, did not 
 draw him away from his public duties as 
 adjutant-general. Indeed, the snhere of that 
 office was enlarged. Soon ai^r Governor 
 Dinwiddle came to Virginia, the colony was 
 portioned into four grand military divisions. 
 Major Washington's appointment was then re- 
 newed, and the northern division was allotted 
 to him. It included several counties, each of 
 which was to be visited at stated times by the 
 adjutant, in order to train and instruct the 
 militia ofiicers, review the companies on pa- 
 rade, inspect the arms and accoutrements, and 
 establish a uniform system of manosuvres and 
 discipline. These exercises, so congenial to 
 his taste, were equally advantageous to him- 
 self and to the subordinate officers, who could 
 not fail to be animated by his example, activi- 
 ty, and enthusiasm. 
 
/Et. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers of 
 Virginia. — Major Washington is sent by the Governor of Vir- 
 ginia to warn the Intruders to retire. — Crosses the Allegany 
 Mountains. — Meets Indians on the Ohio River, who accompa- 
 ny him to the French Garrison. — Indian Speech. — Interviews 
 with the French Commander. — Perilous Adventures during his 
 Journey, and in crossing the Allegany River. — Returns to 
 Williamsburg and reports to the Governor. 
 
 The time was now at hand, when the 
 higher destinies of Washington were to un- 
 fold themselves. Intelligence came from the 
 frontiers, that the French had crossed the 
 Lakes from Canada in force, and were about 
 to establish posts and erect fortifications on 
 the waters of the Ohio. It was rumored, 
 also, that, alarmed for their safety, the friend- 
 ly Indians were beginning to waver in their 
 fidelity; and the hostile tribes, encouraged 
 by the presence and support of the French, 
 exhibited symptoms of open war. The cri- 
 sis, in the opinion of Governor Dinwiddle 
 and his Council, called for an immediate 
 inquiry. A messenger had already been sent 
 over the mountains, in the character of a 
 trader, with presents of powder, lead, and 
 guns for the Indians, instructed to ascertain 
 
26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 
 
 their temper, penetrate their designs, and, 
 above all, to trace out the artifices and move- 
 ments of the French. 
 
 This messenger, either intimidated or de- 
 ceived by the savages, executed his mission 
 imperfectly. He went as far as the Ohio 
 River, met some of the friendly sachems, de- 
 livered his presents, stayed a few days with 
 them, and then returned. He brought back 
 various reports concerning the French, narrated 
 to him by the Indians, who had been in their 
 camp at Lake Erie, and who magnified their 
 strength and formidable appearance, telling 
 him, that they took every Englishman pris- 
 oner, whom they found beyond the Allega- 
 nies, because all that country belonged to the 
 French King, and no Englishman had a right 
 to trade with the Indians in the King's ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 In the mean time the British ministry, an- 
 ticipating from the political aspect of affairs a 
 rupture with France, despatched orders to the 
 governor of Virginia to build two forts near 
 the Ohio River, for the purpose of securing 
 possession, driving off intruders, and retaining 
 the alliance of the Indians, or holding them in 
 check. Thirty pieces of light cannon and 
 eighty barrels of powder were sent out from 
 England for the use of the forts. 
 
^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHIJMGTON. 27 
 
 These orders came too late. Before they 
 arrived, the governor of Canada had been dili- 
 gently employed for a whole season in pushing 
 forward troops across the Lakes, with muni- 
 tions of war and other supplies, and a footing 
 had already been gained in the heart of the 
 disputed territory. Bodies of armed men had 
 likewise ascended the Mississippi from New 
 Orleans to act in concert, and established them- 
 selves on the southern waters of the Ohio. 
 
 As a first step towards executing the orders 
 of the ministers, Governor Dinwiddle resolved 
 to send a commissioner in due form, and in- 
 vested with suitable powers, to confer with 
 the officer commanding the French forces, and 
 inquire by what authority he presumed to in- 
 vade the King's dominions, and what were his 
 designs. The commission was delicate and 
 hazardous, requiring discretion, ability, experi- 
 ence in the modes of travelling in the woods, 
 and a knowledge of Indian manners. These 
 requisites were believed to be combined in 
 Major Washington, and the important service 
 was intrusted to him, although 'as yet but 
 twenty-one years old. 
 
 Fortified with written instructions, with 
 credentials and a passport to which the great 
 seal of the colony was affixed, he departed 
 from Williamsburg, the seat of government in 
 
28 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 [1753. 
 
 Yirginia, on the 31st of October, 1753. The 
 distance before him to tlie extreme point of 
 his destination, by the route he would pursue, 
 was about five hundred and sixty miles, in 
 great part over lofty and rugged mountains, 
 and more than half of the way through the 
 heart of a wilderness, where no traces of civi- 
 lization as yet appeared. 
 
 Passing through the towns of Fredericks- 
 burg, Alexandria, and Winchester, he arrived 
 at Will's Creek in fourteen days. John Da- 
 vidson had joined him as Indian interpreter ; 
 and Jacob Vanbraam, a Dutchman by birth, 
 and formerly an officer in the army, was em- 
 ployed to assist in his intercourse with the 
 French, being acquainted with their language. 
 At Will's Creek he found Mr. Gist, a person 
 long accustomed to the woods, having several 
 times penetrated far into the interior, and late- 
 ly begun a settlement in the valley between 
 the last, ridge of the Alleganies and the Mo- 
 nongahela River. Mr. Gist consented to go 
 with him as a guide. Four other men, two 
 of them Indian traders, were added as attend- 
 ants. 
 
 The party was now increased to eight per- 
 sons. With horses, tents, baggage, and pro- 
 visions, suited to the expedition, they left the 
 extreme verge of civilization at Will's Creek, 
 
^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASBINGTON. 29 
 
 and entered the forests. The inclemency of 
 the season, the Alleganies cov^ered with snow 
 and the valleys flooded hy the swelling waters, 
 the rough passages over the mountains and 
 the difficulties in crossing the streams by frail 
 rafts, fording, or swimming, were obstacles 
 that could be overcome but slowly and with 
 patience. They at length reached the Fork 
 of the Ohio, where the Monongahela and Al- 
 legany unite to form that river. The place 
 was critically examined by Major Washington, 
 and he was impressed with the advantages it 
 aflbrded as a military post, both for defence 
 and a depository of supplies, in case of hos- 
 tilities in that quarter ; and it was by his ad- 
 vice, that a fortification M^as shortly afterwards 
 begun there, which became celebrated in "two 
 wars. 
 
 Hastening onward to Logstown, about twen- 
 ty miles below the Fork, he called together 
 some of the Indian chiefs, and delivered to 
 them the governor's message, soliciting a guard 
 to the French encampments. The principal 
 sachem was Tanacharison, otherwise called 
 the Half-King. He was friendly to the 
 English, or rather he was unfriendly to the 
 French ; not that he loved one more than the 
 other, but he valued his rights and indepen- 
 dence. In the simplicity of his heart, he sup- 
 
30 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 
 
 posed the English sought only an intercourse 
 of trade, an exchange of arms, powder, and 
 goods, for skins and furs, which would be 
 beneficial to the Indians. When the French 
 came with arms in their hands, took posses- 
 sion of the country, and built forts, his suspi- 
 cions were awakened, and he saw no other 
 method of defeating their designs, than by 
 adhering to the Enghsh. Tanacharison, as a 
 deputy from several tribes, had been to the 
 head-quarters of the French commandant, and 
 made a speech to him, the substance of which 
 he related to Major Washington. 
 
 "Fathers," said he, "I am come to tell you 
 your own speeches ; what your own mouths 
 have declared. Fathers, you in former days 
 set a silver basin before us, wherein there was 
 the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations 
 to come and eat of it, to eat in peace and 
 plenty, and not to be churlish to one another ; 
 and that if any such person should be found 
 to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge 
 of the dish a rod, which you must scourge 
 them with ; and if your father should get 
 foolish, in my old days, I desire you may use 
 it upon me as well as others. 
 
 "Now, fathers, it is you who are the distur- 
 bers in this land, by coming and building your 
 
^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 
 
 towns, and taking it away unknown to us, 
 and by force. 
 
 " Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time 
 ago, at a place called Montreal, where we de- 
 sired you to stay, and not to come and intrude 
 upon our land. I now desire you may de- 
 spatch to that place ; for be it known to you, 
 fathers, that this is our land and not yours. 
 
 " Fathers, I desire you may hear me in 
 civilness ; if not, we must handle that rod 
 which was laid down for the use of the ob- 
 streperous. If you had come in a peaceable 
 manner, like our brothers the English, we 
 would not have been against your trading 
 with us as they do ; but to come, fathers, and 
 build houses upon our land, and to take it by 
 force, is what we cannot submit to. 
 
 ''Fathers, both you and the English are 
 white ; we live in a country between ; there- 
 fore, the land belongs to neither one nor the 
 other. But the Great Being above allowed it 
 to be a place of residence for us ; so, fathers, 
 I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our 
 brothers the English ; for I will keep you at 
 arm's length. I lay this down as a -trial for 
 both, to see which will have the greatest re- 
 gard to it, and that side we will stand by, and 
 make equal sharers Avith us. Our brothers, the 
 English, have heard this, and I come now to 
 
32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 
 
 tell it to you ; foj; I am not afraid to discharge 
 you off this land." 
 
 The sachems at length met in council, and 
 Major Washington addressed to them a speech, 
 explaining the objects of his mission, and the 
 wishes of the governor. He then gave them 
 a string of wampum, the Indian token of 
 friendship and alliance. They consulted to- 
 gether, and deputed Tanacharison to reply in 
 the name of the whole. His language was 
 pacific, and the escort was promised ; but, the 
 young warriors being out on a hunting party, 
 three or four days were consumed in waiting 
 for their return. As his business was pressing, 
 Major Washington could delay no longer, and 
 he finally set off, accompanied by four Indians 
 only, Tanacharison being of the number. 
 
 The distance to the station of the French 
 commandant was one hundred and twenty 
 miles. The journey was performed without 
 any important incident, except at Venango, 
 one of the French outposts, where various 
 stratagems were used to detain the Indians. 
 He was civilly treated, however, by Captain 
 Joncaire, the principal officer, who told him 
 where the head-quarters were established. 
 Rain and snow fell continually, and, after in- 
 credible toils from exposure and the badness 
 of the travellins: tiirou^h an illimitable forest. 
 
iEx.Sl.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON.'. 33 
 
 intersected with deep streams and morasses, 
 he was rejoiced to find himself at the end of 
 his journey, forty-one days from the time he 
 left WiUiamsburg. 
 
 M. -de St. Pierre, the commandant, was an 
 elderly person, a knight of the military order 
 of St. Louis, and courteous in his manners. 
 At the first interview he prornised immediate 
 attention to the letter from Governor Dinwid- 
 dle, and every thing was provided for the 
 convenience and comfort of Major Washington 
 and his party while they remained at the fort. 
 At the next meeting the commission and letter 
 were produced, read, translated, and deliberate- 
 ly explained. The commandant counselled 
 with his officers, and in two days an answer 
 was returned. 
 
 The governor's letter asserted, that the lands 
 on the Ohio belonged to the crown of Great 
 Britain, expressed his surprise at the encroach- 
 ments of the French, demanded by whose au- 
 thority an armed force had crossed the Lakes, 
 and urged a speedy and peaceful departure. 
 M. de St. Pierre replied in the style of a sol- 
 dier, saying it did not belong to him to discuss 
 treaties, that such a message should have been 
 sent to the IMarquis Duquesne, Governor of 
 Canada, by whose instructions he acted, and 
 whose orders he should be careful to obey, 
 
 VOL, I. 3 
 
 L-. 
 
34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1733. 
 
 and that the summons to retire could not be 
 compUed with. The tone was respectful, but 
 uncomplying and determined. 
 
 While the French officers were holding 
 consultations, and getting the despatch ready. 
 Major Washington took an opportunity'' to 
 look around and examine the fort. His at- 
 tendants were . instructed to do the same. 
 He was thus enabled to bring away an ac- 
 curate description of its form, size, construc- 
 tion, cannon, and barracks. His men counted 
 the canoes in the river, and such as were part- 
 ly finished. The fort was situate on a branch 
 of French Creek, about fifteen miles south of 
 Lake Erie. A plan of it^ drawn by Major 
 Washington, was sent to the British govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The snow was falling so fast, that he or- 
 dered back his horses to Venango, resolved to 
 go down himself by water, a canoe having 
 been oflered to him for that purpose. He had 
 been entertained with great politeness ; nor 
 did the complaisance of M. de St. Pierre ex- 
 haust itself in mere forms of civility. The 
 canoe, by his order, was plentifully stocked 
 with provisions, liquors, and every other sup- 
 ply that could be wanted. 
 
 But the same artifices were practised and 
 expedients tried, as at Venango, to lure away 
 
yET. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 
 
 the Indians, and keep them behind. Many 
 temptations were held out, presents given, and 
 others promised. The Half-King was a man 
 of consequence, whose friendship was not to 
 be lost, if it could possibly be retained. He 
 persisted in his reserve, however, and now 
 offered a second time to the French command- 
 ant the speech-belt, or wampum, as indicating 
 that the alliance between them was broken- 
 off. The latter refused to accept it, and sooth- , 
 ed the savage with soft words and fair profes- 
 sions, saying it was his wish to live in amity 
 and peace with the Indians, and to trade with 
 them, and that he would immediately send 
 goods to their towns. These attempts to in- 
 veigle the Half-King and his companions were 
 discovered by Major Washington, who com- 
 plained of the delay, and insinuated the cause. 
 M. de St. Pierre was urbane, as usual, seemed 
 ignorant of all that passed, could not tell why 
 the Indians stayed, and declared nothing 
 should be wanting on his part to fulfil Major 
 Washington's desires. Finally, after much 
 perplexity and trouble, the whole party em- 
 barked in a canoe. 
 
 The passage down was slow, fatiguing, 
 and perilous. Rocks, shallows, drifting trees, 
 and currents kept them in constant alarm. 
 '^ Many times," says Major Washington in his 
 
36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 
 
 Journal, " all hands were obliged to get out, 
 and remain in the water half an hour or more 
 in getting over the shoals. At one place the 
 ice had lodged, and made it impassable by 
 water ; and we were obliged to carry our ca- 
 noe across a neck of land a quarter of a mile 
 over." In six days they landed at Venango, 
 a distance of one hundred and thirty miles by 
 the winding of the stream. 
 
 The horses were found here, but in so ema- 
 ciated and pitiable a condition, that it was 
 doubtful whether they could perform the jour- 
 ney. The baggage and provisions were all to 
 be transported on their backs. To lighten 
 their burden, as much as possible, Major Wash- 
 ington, clad in an Indian walking-dress, deter- 
 mined to proceed on foot, with Mr. Gist and 
 Mr. Vanbraam, putting the horses under the 
 direction of the drivers. After three days' 
 travel, the horses becoming more feeble, and 
 the cold and snow hourly increasing, this 
 mode of journeying proved so tardy and dis- 
 couraging, that another was resorted to. Mr. 
 Vanbraam took charge of the horses, with 
 orders to go on as fast as he could. Major 
 Washington, with a knapsack on his back, 
 containing his papers and food, and with a 
 gull in his hand, left the party, accompanied 
 only by Mr. Gist, equipped in the same man- 
 
iET. 21.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 
 
 ner. They turned out of the path, and di- 
 rected their coiu'se through the woods so as to 
 strike the Allegany River, and cross it near 
 Shannopins Town, two or three miles above 
 the Fork of the Ohio. The next day an ad- 
 venture occurred, which is well narrated by 
 Mr. Gist in a diary written by him at the 
 time. 
 
 " We rose early in the morning, and set out 
 about two o'clock, and got to the Murdering 
 Town on the southeast fork of Beaver Creek. 
 Here we met with an Indian, whom I thought 
 I had seen at Joncaire's, at Yenango, when on 
 our journey up to the French fort. This fel- 
 low called me by my Indian name, and pre- 
 tended to be glad to see me. He asked us 
 several questions, as, how we came to travel 
 on foot, when we left Venango, where we 
 parted with our horses, and when they would 
 be there. Major Washington insisted on trav- 
 elling by the nearest way to the Forks of the 
 Allegany. We asked the Indian if he could 
 go with us, and show us the nearest way. 
 The Indian seemed very glad, and ready to go 
 with us ; upon which we set out, and the In- 
 dian took the Major's pack. We travelled 
 very brisk for eight or ten miles, when the 
 Major's feet grew very sore, and he very wea- 
 ry, and the Indian steered too much northeast- 
 
38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 
 
 wardly. The Major desired to encamp ; upon 
 which the Indian asked to carry his gun, but 
 he refused; and then the Indian grew churl- 
 ish, and pressed us to keep on, telHng us there 
 were Ottawa Indians in those woods, and they 
 would scalp us, if we lay out ; but go to his 
 cabin, and we should be safe. 
 
 '' I thought very ill of the fellow, but did 
 not care to let the Major know I mistrusted 
 him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as 
 I did. The Indian said he could hear a gun 
 from his cabin, and steered us more north- 
 wardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said 
 two whoops might be heard from his cabin. 
 We went two miles further. Then the Major 
 said he would stay at the next water, and we 
 desired the Indian to stop at the next water ; 
 but, before we came to the water, we came to 
 a clear meadow. It was very light, and snow 
 Vv^as on the ground. The Indian made a stop, 
 and turned about. The Major saw him point 
 his gun towards us, and he fired. Said the 
 Major, 'Are you shot?' 'No,' said I; upon 
 which the Indian ran forward to a big stand- 
 ing white oak, and began loading his gun, but 
 we were soon with him. I would have killed 
 him, but the Major would not suffer me. We 
 let him charge his gun. We found he put in 
 a ball ; then we took care of him. Either 
 
 
Mr. 21.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 39 
 
 the Major or I always stood by the guns. We 
 made him make a fire for us by a little run, as 
 if we intended to sleep there. I said to the 
 Major, ' As you will not have him killed, we 
 must get him away, and then we must travel 
 all night ; ' upon which I said to the Indian, 
 ' I suppose you were lost, and fired your gun.' 
 He said he knew the way to his cabin, and it 
 was but a little way. ' Well,' said I, ' do you 
 go home ; and, as we are tired, we will follow 
 your track in the morning, and here is a cake 
 of bread for you, and you must give us meat 
 in the morning.' He was glad to get away.. 
 I followed him, and listened, until he was 
 fairly out of the way ; and then we went 
 about half a mile, when we made a fire, set 
 our compass, fixed our course, and travelled all 
 night. In the morning we were on the head 
 of Piny Creek." 
 
 Whether it was the intention of the Indian 
 to kill either of them can only be conjectured. 
 The circumstances were extremely suspicious. 
 Major Washington hints at this incident in his 
 Journal. " We fell in with a party of French 
 Indians," says he, " who had lain in wait for 
 us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not 
 fifteen steps off", but fortunately missed. We 
 took the fellow in custody, and kept him till 
 nine o'clock at night ; then let him go, and 
 
i! 
 
 40 LIFE OF VVASHI?;GT0N. [1753. 
 
 walked all the remaining part of the night l^ 
 
 without making any stop, that we might get || 
 
 the start so far as to be out of the reach of ;j 
 
 their pursuit the next day, since we were well :; 
 
 assured they would follow our track as soon '} 
 
 as it was light." No more was seen or heard i 
 
 of them. The next night, at dusk, the trav- ji 
 
 ellers came to the Allegany River, a little i| 
 
 above Shannopins, where they expected to ; 
 
 cross over on the ice ; but in this they were il 
 
 disappointed, the river being frozen only a few 
 yards on each side, and a great body of broken 
 ice driving rapidly down the current. 
 
 Weary and exhausted they were compelled 
 to pass the night on the bank of the river, ex- 
 posed to the rigor of the weather, making their 
 beds on the snow, with no other covering than 
 their blankets. When the morning came, their 
 invention was the only resource for providing 
 the mean5 of gaining the opposite shore. 
 
 " There was no way of getting over," says 
 Major Washington, "but on a raft ; which wo 
 set about with but one poor hatchet, and fin- 
 ished just after sunsetting. This was a whole 
 day's work. We next got it launched, and 
 went on board of it ; then set off. But before 
 we were half way over, we were jammed in 
 the ice in such a manner, that we expected 
 every moment our raft would sink, and our- 
 
JEv.n.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 
 
 selves perish. I put out my setting-pole to try 
 to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by ; 
 when the rapidity of the stream threw it with 
 so much violence against the pole, that it jerk- 
 ed me out into ten feet water. But I fortu- 
 nately saved myself by catching hold of one 
 of the raft logs. Notwithstanding all our ef- 
 forts we could not get the raft to either shore, 
 but were obliged, as we were near an island, 
 to quit our raft, and make to it." 
 
 This providential escape from most immi- 
 nent danger, was not the end of their calami- 
 ties. They were thrown upon a desert island ; 
 the weather was intensely cold ; Mr. Gist's 
 hands and feet were frozen ; and their suffer- 
 ings through the night were extreme. A 
 gleam of hope appeared with the dawn of 
 morning. Between the island and the eastern 
 bank of the river, the ice had congealed so 
 hard as to bear their weight. They crossed 
 over without accident, and the same day 
 reached a trading post recently established by 
 Mr. Frazier, near the spot where eighteen 
 months afterwards was fought the memorable 
 battle of the Monongahela. 
 
 Here they rested two or three days, both 
 to recruit themselves, and to procure horses. 
 Meantime Major Washington paid a compli- 
 mentary visit to Queen Aliquippa, an Indian 
 
42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753 
 
 princess, who resided at the confluence of the 
 Monongahela and Yoiighiogany Rivers. She 
 had expressed dissatisfaction, that he had neg- 
 lected this mark of respect on his way out. 
 An apology, seconded by the more substantial 
 token of a present, soothed her wounded dig- 
 nity, and secured a gracious reception. 
 
 Nothing was heard of Vanbraam and his 
 party. Anxious to hasten back, and report to 
 the governor the result of his mission, Major 
 Washington did not wait for them. With 
 Mr. Gist he recrossed the Alleganies to Will's 
 Creek, and thence proceeded with despatch to 
 Williamsburg, where he arrived on the 16th 
 of January, having been absent eleven weeks. 
 
^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Troops raised for a western Expedition, and put under the Com- 
 mand of Major Washington. — Governor Dinwiddie. — Milita- 
 ry Preparations. — Washington appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 — Marches to the Allegany Mountains. — Joined by Parties of 
 Indians. — Skirmish with a French Detachment under Jumon- 
 viUe. — The chief Command devolves on Colonel Washing- 
 ton. — His generous Sentiments respecting the Terms of Ser- 
 vice. 
 
 The intentions and movements of the 
 French being now understood, Governor Din- 
 widdie thought the occasion demanded prompt 
 and energetic action. He called his Council 
 together, and laid before them Major Washing- 
 ton's journal, and the letter of the French 
 commandant. It was agreed that the instruc- 
 tions heretofore received from the ministry 
 imposed it as a duty, in case of an invasion of 
 the King's dominions, to repel it by a resort to 
 arms. 
 
 Without waiting for the burgesses to con- 
 vene, the Council advised the immediate en- 
 listment of two hundred men, with directions 
 to march to the Ohio, and build one or two 
 forts there, before the French should be able 
 to descend the river in the spring, as they had 
 threatened to do. An order was issued for 
 raising two companies, of one hundred men 
 
44 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN. [1734. 
 
 each, in the northern counties by voluntary 
 enhstments, or, if that method should prove 
 impracticable, by drafts from the militia. The 
 conduct of Major Washington had hitherto 
 been marked with so much prudence, resolu- 
 tion, and capacity, that he was appointed to 
 the chief command of these troops, apparently 
 by the unanimous voice of the Council. 
 
 To make an impression on the minds of the 
 people, and if possible to work them up to 
 some degree of enthusiasm, and excite their 
 indignation against the invaders. Governor Din- 
 widdle caused Major Washington's journal to 
 be published. It was copied into nearly all the 
 newspapers of the other colonies. In London 
 it was reprinted, under the auspices of the 
 government, and accounted a document of 
 much importance, as unfolding the views of 
 the French, and announcing the first positive 
 proof of their hostile acts in the disputed ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 Nothing more was expected from the smeill 
 military preparations set on foot by the gov- 
 ernor and Council, than to take a position on 
 the Ohio before the French should come down 
 the river, and unite with the parties from New 
 Orleans. The command of one of the two 
 companies was given to Captain Trent, who, 
 being acquainted with the frontiers, was sent 
 
^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45 
 
 forward to enlist his men among the traders 
 and back settlers, and ordered to commence 
 with all speed the building of a fort at the 
 Fork of the Ohio, in conformity with the rec- 
 ommendation of Major Washington, who had 
 examined that place, as we have seen, with a 
 view to its military advantages. 
 
 At the same time. Major Washington was 
 stationed at Alexandria, as a convenient situa- 
 tion for the rendezvous of his men, and for su- 
 perintending the transportation of supplies and 
 the cannon intended to be mounted in the fort. 
 Lord Fairfax, holding the office of county- 
 lieutenant, which gave him authority over the 
 militia in his neighborhood, was active in pro- 
 curing enlistments and rendering other ser- 
 vices to his young friend. The governor's 
 instructions to the officers bore a warlike as- 
 pect. They were to drive away, kill, and de- 
 stroy, or seize as prisoners, all persons, not the 
 subjects of the King of Great Britain, who 
 should attempt to settle or take possession of 
 the lands on the Ohio River or any of its trib- 
 utaries. 
 
 When the Assembly met, a difference of 
 opinion prevailed, as to the measures that 
 ought to be pursued ; but ten thousand pounds 
 were finally voted for the defence of the colo- 
 ny, cloaked under the title of "an act for the 
 
46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1734. 
 
 encouragement and protection of the settlers 
 on the Mississippi." The governor's equa- 
 nimity was severely tried. The King's pre- 
 rogative and his own dignity he thought were 
 not treated with due respect. So obtuse were 
 some of the burgesses, that they could not 
 perceive the justice of the King's claim to 
 the lands in question, and they had the bold- 
 ness to let their doubts be known in a full As- 
 sembly. '" You may well conceive," said the 
 governor in writing to a friend, " how I fired 
 at this ; that an English legislature should pre- 
 sume to doubt the right of his Majesty to the 
 interior parts of this continent, the back of his 
 dominions." And, alluding to one of the mem- 
 bers, he added, " How this French spirit could 
 possess a person of his high distinction and 
 sense, I know not." Another point was still 
 more annoying to him. The Assembly ap- 
 pointed commissioners to superintend the ap- 
 propriation of the funds. This act he took as 
 a slight to himself, since by virtue of his of- 
 fice the disposal of money for public uses 
 ought to rest exclusively with the governor. 
 Such was his view of the matter, and he de- 
 clared that nothing but the extreme urgency 
 of the case should have induced him to sign 
 the bill. 
 
 To the Earl of Holdernesse he complained 
 
yET. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 
 
 of the wayward temper and strange doings of 
 the Assembly. " I am sorry to find them," 
 said he, " very much in a republican way of 
 thinking ; and, indeed, they do not act in a 
 proper constitutional way, but make encroach- 
 ments on the prerogative of the crown, in 
 which some former governors have submitted 
 too much to them ; and, I fear, without a very 
 particular instruction, it will be difficult to 
 bring them to order." Notwithstanding these 
 grievances, the governor's zeal for the public 
 good rose above his personal feelings, and he 
 applied himself ardently to the work he had 
 undertaken. 
 
 With the means now provided by the legis- 
 lature, the military establishment was increas- 
 ed to six companies, under the command of 
 Colonel Joshua Fry. He was an Englishman 
 by birth, educated at Oxford, skilled in the 
 mathematical sciences, and much esteemed for 
 his amiable qualities and gentlemanly charac- 
 ter. Major Washington was made second in 
 command, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. 
 Subordinate officers were commissioned, and, 
 to quicken the military zeal of the people, and 
 give alacrity to the recruiting service, Govern- 
 or Dinwiddie issued a proclamation granting 
 two hundred thousand acres of land on the 
 Ohio River, to be divided among the troops, 
 
 3q 
 
48 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [175^1. 
 
 who should engage in the proposed expedition, 
 and releasing the same from quitrents for fif- 
 teen years. One thousand acres were ordered 
 to be laid off, contiguous to tlie fort at the 
 Fork of the Ohio, for the use of the soldiers 
 doing duty there, to be called the garrison 
 Imids. 
 
 The reasons assigned by the governor to 
 the ministers for making this grant were, that 
 he hoped the soldiers would become perma- 
 nent settlers, and that it was better to secure 
 the lands by such a bounty, than to allow the 
 French to take quiet possession of as many 
 millions of acres as he had granted thousands. 
 His proclamation was sanctioned by the King, 
 but it was not well received in another quar- 
 ter. The Assembly of Pennsylvania took 
 alarm at the freedom, with which lands, situ- 
 ate as they said in that province, were given 
 away. Governor Hamilton wrote an expostu- 
 latory letter. It was a perplexing case ; but 
 Governor Dinwiddle escaped from the difficul- 
 ty by replying, that the claims of Pennsylva- 
 nia were at least doubtful, tlie boundary line 
 not having been run, that the object in view 
 equally concerned both provinces, that his 
 grant did not necessarily imply future juris- 
 diction, and that, if the Pennsylvania claim 
 should be established, the quitrents might 
 
JEt. 22.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 49 
 
 eventually be paid to the proprietary instead 
 of the crown. 
 
 Fresh encouragement was inspired by a let- 
 ter from the Earl of Holdernesse, authorizing 
 Governor Dinwiddle to call to his aid two in- 
 dependent companies from New York, and 
 one from South Carolina. These were colo- 
 nial troops, raised and supported at the King's 
 charge, and commanded by officers with royal 
 commissions. They could be marched to any 
 part of the continent. None of these compa- 
 nies had ever been stationed in Virginia. Ex- 
 presses were immediately despatched to the 
 governors of the above colonies, requesting 
 them to order forward, the companies without 
 delay. News came from North Carolina, also, 
 that the Assembly had voted twelve thousand 
 pounds for defence, and that a respectable 
 force would soon be in the field to join their 
 neighbors in the common cause. 
 
 Although feebly sustained by the other col- 
 onies, the Virginians did not abate their exer- 
 tions. The enlistments went on with consid- 
 erable success. Colonel Washington continued 
 his head-quarters at Alexandria till the begin- 
 ning of April. Two companies had been col- 
 lected at that place, with which he marched 
 to Will's Creek, where he arrived on the 20th, 
 having been joined on the way by another 
 
 VOL. I. 4 
 
50 LIFE OF WASHlkGTbN. \1154. 
 
 company under Captain Stephen. The march 
 was slow and fatiguing, on account of the 
 roughness of the roads, and the difficulty of 
 procuring wagons to convey the baggage. It 
 was necessary to put the militia law in exe- 
 cution, which authorized impressments; but 
 measures of this sort are always disliked by 
 the people, and orders are tardily obeyed or 
 evaded. The artillery and some of the heavi- 
 er articles went by water up the Potomac. 
 
 A party of Captain Trent's men had already 
 gone to the Ohio, and begun to build a fort. 
 Just before Colonel Washington reached Will's 
 Creek, a rumor came from the interior, that 
 these men were taken' by the French ; and 
 two days afterwards the alarming intelligence 
 was confirmed by the ensign of Captain 
 Trent's company. He reported, that, while 
 they were at work, forty-one in number, a 
 body of French troops descended the river 
 from Venango, consisting of one thousand men, 
 with eighteen pieces of cannon, sixty bateaux, 
 and three hundred canoes, under the command 
 of Captain Contrecoeur, and summoned them 
 to surrender, threatening to take forcible pos- 
 session of the fort, if this summons were not 
 immediately obeyed. No alternative remained, 
 and, the captain and lieutenant being absent. 
 Ensign Ward acceded to articles of capitula- 
 
iEx. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 61 
 
 tion, and gave np the fort, but was permitted 
 to retire with his men. He came to Will's 
 Creek, and brought the news of the disaster. 
 His statement, however, as to the numbers of 
 the French, their cannon and boats, turned 
 out to be very much exaggerated. This was 
 the first open act of hostility in the memorable 
 war of seven years that followed. The French 
 enlarged and completed the fort, which they 
 called Fort Duquesne, in compliment to the 
 governor of Canada. 
 
 To the little army under Colonel Washing- 
 ton, as yet amounting to no more than three 
 small companies, this was a critical moment. 
 They occupied an outpost, beyond which there 
 was no barrier to oppose the formidable French 
 force on the Ohio. Even a detachment, well 
 armed and disciplined, might surround and cut 
 them off. Colonel Fry had not joined them, 
 and the whole responsibility rested on the 
 Lieutenant-Colonel. He instantly sent ex- 
 presses to the governors of Virginia, Maryland, 
 and Pennsylvania, setting forth his weak and 
 exposed condition, and calling for reinforce- 
 ments. He then held a council of war. Not- 
 withstanding the dangers that threatened on 
 every side, it was resolved to push boldly into 
 the wilderness, to clear and prepare the road 
 as they advanced, and, if possible, to penetrate 
 
62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1734. 
 
 to the Monongaliela at the mouth of Red-stone 
 Creek, and erect there a fortification. The 
 soldiers would thus be employed, their appre- 
 hensions quieted, the bane of idleness avoided, 
 and a way opened for the more expeditious 
 march of the troops in the rear. 
 
 So .many obstacles intervened, that the pro- 
 gress was slow. Trees were to be felled, 
 bridges made, marshes filled up, and rocks re- 
 moved. In the midst of these difficulties the 
 -provisions failed, the commissaries having neg- 
 lected to fulfil their engagements, and there 
 was great distress for want of bread. 
 
 At the Youghiogany, where they were de- 
 tained in constructing a bridge. Colonel Wash- 
 ington was told by the traders and Indians, 
 that except at one place a passage might be 
 had by water down that river. To ascertain 
 this point, extremely advantageous if true, he 
 embarked in a canoe with five men on a tour 
 of discovery, leaving the army under the com- 
 mand of a subordinate officer. His hopes 
 were disappointed. After navigating the river 
 in his canoe .near thirty miles, encountering 
 rocks and shoals, he passed between two 
 mountains, and came to a fall that arrested his 
 course, and rendered any further attempt im- 
 practicable. He returned, and the project of 
 a conveyance by water was given up. 
 
(Et. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 
 
 He had scarcely rejoined the army, when a 
 message was brought to him from his old friend 
 Tanacharison, or the Half-Xing, then with 
 his people near the Monongahela River, which 
 warned him to be on his guard, as a party of 
 French had been out two days, and were then 
 marching towards him determined to attack 
 the first English they should meet. His ac- 
 count was confirmed by another, which stated 
 the French to be only fifteen miles distant. 
 
 Not knowing their number, or at what mo- 
 ment they might approach, he hastened to a 
 place called the Great Meadows, cleared away 
 the bushes, threw up an entrenchment, and 
 prepared, as he expressed it, "a charming field 
 for an encounter." He then mounted some 
 of the soldiers on wagon-horses, and sent them 
 out to reconnoitre. They came back without 
 having seen any traces of the enemy ; but the 
 camp was alarmed in the night, the sentries 
 fired, and all hands were kept under arras till 
 morning. Mr. Gist came to the camp, also, 
 and reported that a French detachment, con- 
 si.'^^ting of fifty men, had been at his settlement 
 the day before, and that he had observed their 
 tracks within five miles of the Great Meadows. 
 
 The approach of the French, with hostile 
 designs, was now deemed certain ; and the 
 best preparation was made to receive them, 
 
54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1764. 
 
 which circumstances would permit. In the 
 mean time, about nine o'clock at night, anoth- 
 er express came from the Half-King, who was 
 then with a party of his warriors about six 
 miles from the camp, stating that he had seen 
 the tracks of two Frenchmen, and that the 
 whole detachment was near that place. Colonel 
 Washington immediately put himself at the 
 head of forty men, leaving the rest to guard 
 the camp, and set off to join the Half- King. 
 The night was dark, the rain fell in torrents, 
 the paths through the woods were narrow and 
 intricate, and the soldiers often lost their way, 
 groping in the bushes, and clambering over 
 rocks and fallen trees. 
 
 The whole night was passed in the march, 
 and they got to the Indian encampment just 
 before sunrise. A council was held with 
 Tanacharison and his chief warriors, and it 
 was agreed that they should march in concert 
 against the French. Two Indians went out 
 to ascertain the position of the enemy, which 
 was discovered to be in an obscure retreat, 
 surrounded by rocks, half a mile from the 
 road. The plan of attack was then formed. 
 Colonel Washington and his men were to ad- 
 vance on the right, and the Indians on the 
 left. The march was pursued in single file, 
 according to the Indian manner, till they came 
 
iET.22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55 
 
 SO near as to be discovered by the French, 
 who instantly seized their arms, and put them- 
 selves in an attitude of defence. 
 
 At this moment the firing commenced on 
 both sides. A smart skirmish ensued, which 
 was kept up for a quarter of an hour, when 
 the French ceased to resist. M. de Jumon- 
 vilie, the commander of the French party, and 
 ten of his men, were killed. Twenty-two 
 were taken prisoners, one of Avhom was 
 wounded. A Canadian made his escape dur- 
 ing the action. One of Colonel Washington's 
 men was killed, and two or three were wound- 
 ed. No harm happened to the Indians, as the 
 enemy's fire was directed chiefly against the 
 English. This event occurred on the 28th of 
 May. The prisoners were conducted to the 
 Great Meadows, and thence under a guard to 
 Governor Dinwiddle. 
 
 No transaction in the life of Washington 
 has been so much misrepresented, or so little 
 understood, as this skirmish with Jumonville. 
 It being the first conflict of arms in the war, 
 a notoriety was given to it, particularly in Eu- 
 rope, altogether disproportioned to its impor- 
 tance. War had not yet been declared be- 
 tween Great Britain and France^ and indeed 
 the diplomatists on both sides were making 
 great professions of friendship. It was the 
 
66 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1734^ 
 
 policy of each nation to exaggerate the pro- 
 ceedings of the other on their colonial fron- 
 tiers, and to make them a handle for recrimi- 
 nation and complaints, by throwing upon the 
 - adverse party the blame of committing the 
 first acts of aggression. Hence, when the in- 
 telligence of the skirmish with Jumonville 
 got to Paris, it was officially published by the 
 government, in connexion with a memoir and 
 various papers, and his death was called a 
 ^ murder. It was said, that, while bearing a 
 
 summons as a civil messenger without any 
 hostile intentions, he was waylaid and assas- 
 sinated. The report was industriously circu- 
 lated, and gained credence with the multitude. 
 M. Thomas, a poet and scholar of repute, 
 seized the occasion to write an epic, entitled 
 '' Ju7no7iviUe,'' in which he tasked his inven- 
 tion to draw a tragical picture of the fate of 
 his hero. The fabric of the story and the in- 
 cidents were alike fictitious. But the tale 
 passed from fiction to history, and to this day 
 it is repeated by the French historians, who in 
 other respects render justice to the character 
 of Washington, and who can find no other 
 apology for this act, than his youth and inex- 
 perience, an«l the ferocity of his men. 
 
 The mistakes of the French writers were 
 not unknown to Washington ; but, conscious 
 
^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57 
 
 of having acted in strict conformity with his 
 orders and military usage, he took no pains to 
 correct them, except in a single letter to a 
 friend, written several years afterwards, which 
 related mostly to the errors in the French ac- 
 count of the subsequent action of the Great 
 Meadows. Unfortunately all his correspond- 
 ence and the other papers, which he wrote 
 during this campaign, were lost the next year 
 at the battle of the Monongahela : and he was 
 thus deprived of the only authentic materials, 
 that could be used for explanation and de- 
 fence. The most important of these papers 
 have recently been found, and they afford not 
 only a complete vindication of the conduct of 
 Colonel Washington in this affair, but show 
 that it met with the unqualified approbation 
 of the governor and legislature of Virginia, 
 and of the British ministry. 
 
 It is true that Jumonville was the bearer of 
 a summons ; but this was unknown to Colonel 
 Washington, nor did the mode in which the 
 former approached the English camp indicate 
 that he came on an errand of peace. He was 
 at the head of an armed force, he sent out 
 spies in advance, concealed himself and his 
 party two days in an obscure place near the 
 camp, and despatched messengers with intelli- 
 gence to his commander at the fort. These 
 
58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1754 
 
 were strong evidences of a hostile intention ; 
 and, had Colonel Washington not regarded 
 them in that light, he would have been justly 
 censurable for ignorance or neglect of duty. 
 
 The summons itself was by no means con- 
 ciliatory, and, if Colonel Washington had actu- 
 ally known, that the French officer had such a 
 paper in his pocket, he could not properly do 
 otherwise than he did, under the circumstan- 
 ces in which M. de Jumonville chose to place 
 himself. It warned the English to retire be- 
 low the Alleganies, and threatened compulsory 
 measures if it should not be obeyed. The 
 presumption was, that the summons was only 
 a feint, in case the party should be captured, 
 and that Jumonville was to remain conceal- 
 ed, and wait for reinforcements, after he had 
 reconnoitred the English camp, and ascer- 
 tained its strength. If such were not the ob- 
 ject, the consequences are justly chargeable on 
 the indiscretion of M. de Jumonville in the 
 extraordinary mode of conducting his enter- 
 prise. 
 
 The labors and dangers of the field were 
 not the only troubles, with which Colonel 
 Washington at this time had to contend. By 
 an ill-timed parsimony, the pay of the officers 
 was reduced so low, as to create murmurs and 
 discontent throughout the camp. Complaints 
 
^T.22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 59 
 
 grew loud and vehement, accompanied with 
 threats to resign and leave the army to its fate. 
 Under this pressure the character of Washing- 
 ton shone with the same purity and lustre, that 
 often distinguished it afterwards on similar 
 trying occasions. In his letters to the gov- 
 ernor he assumed a firm and manly tone, de- 
 manded for himself and his associates an al- 
 lowance equal to that received by the King's 
 troops, and deprecated the idea of being placed 
 upon a footing, which should imply an inferi- 
 ority in rank, or in the value of their services. 
 While he took this high stand in defending 
 the just claims of the officers, he endeavored 
 to calm their feelings, and reconcile them to 
 their condition, by appeals to their honor and 
 the obligations of duty. " I have communi- 
 cated your sentiments to the other officers," 
 said he to the governor, " and, as far as I could 
 put on the hypocrite, set forth the advantages 
 that may accrue, and advised them to accept 
 the terms, as a refusal might reflect dishonor 
 upon their character, leaving it to the world to 
 assign what reason it pleases for their quitting 
 the service." And again ; "I considered the 
 pernicious consequences that would attend a 
 disunion, and was therefore too much attached 
 to my country's interests to suffer it to ripen." 
 In this way he concealed his uneasiness, and 
 
&0 LIFE OF WASHIINGTON. [1754.. 
 
 tranquillized the minds of his officers, al- 
 though he felt the wrongs they suffered, and 
 approved the spirit that would not tamely sub- 
 mit to them. 
 
 As to himself, it was not so much the small- 
 ness of the pay, that gave him concern, as the 
 indignity and injustice of having his services 
 estimated, at a lower rate, than in the Brit- 
 ish establishment, when in reality no service 
 could be more severe and hazardous, or promise 
 less of glory, than the one in which he was 
 engaged. " Now if we could be fortunate 
 enough," said he, *' to drive the French from 
 the Ohio, as far as your Honor would please to 
 have them sent, in any short time, our pay 
 will not be sufficient to discharge our first ex- 
 penses. I would not have you imagine from 
 this, that I have said all these things to have 
 our pay increased, but to justify myself, and 
 to show you that our complaints are not frivo- 
 lous, but founded on strict reason. For my 
 own part, it is a matter almost indifferent, 
 whether I serve for full pay, or as a generous 
 volunteer. Indeed, did my circumstances cor- 
 respond with my inclinations, I should not 
 hesitate a moment to prefer the latter ; for the 
 motives that have led me here are pure and 
 noble. I had no view of acquisition, but that 
 of honor, by serving my King and country." 
 
Mr. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 61 
 
 In this declaration, uttered in the sincerity of 
 his heart, we perceive the principles, the emi- 
 nent virtues, that dictated every act of his 
 public life. 
 
 Colonel Fry having died suddenly at Will's 
 Creek, while on his way to join the army, the 
 chief command devolved on Colonel Washing- 
 ton. Recruits were brought forward by Major 
 Muse. The North Carolina troops, to the 
 number of about three hundred and fifty, led 
 by Colonel Innes, arrived at Winchester. The 
 governor was then in that town, holding a 
 council with Indians, and he appointed Innes 
 commander of the expedition, but confirmed |: 
 
 Colonel Washington's command of the Vir- ii 
 
 . . . ° II 
 
 gima regnnent. !i- 
 
 The appointment of Innes was an unpopu- | 
 
 lar measure in Virginia, as he was from an- i 
 
 other colony ; and the governor was accused .j 
 
 of partiality for an old friend and countryman, jj 
 
 both he and Innes being Scotchmen by birth. ij 
 
 No ill consequences ensued. Neither Colonel 
 Innes nor his troops advanced beyond Win- j 
 
 Chester. To promote enlistments the men j 
 
 were extravagantly paid ; and, when the mon- } 
 
 ey raised by the Assembly of North Carolina 
 for their support was expended, they dispersed 
 of their own accord. An Independent Com- 
 pany from South Carolina, consisting of one 
 
G2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. C1754. 
 
 hundred men under Captain Mackay, arrived 
 at the Great Meadows, Two companies from 
 New York landed at Alexandria, and marched 
 to the interior, but not in time to overtake or 
 succor the army in advance. 
 
Mt.22.] life of WASHINGTON. 63 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Fort Necessity. — Indians. — Movements of the Army. — Battle 
 of the Great Meadows. — Vote of Thanks by the House of 
 Burgesses. — Washington disapproves the Governor's Measures 
 and resicrns bis Commission. 
 
 It was foreseen by Colonel Washington, 
 that, when the French at Fort Duquesne 
 should get the news of Jumonville's defeat, 
 a strong detachment would be sent out against 
 him. As a preparation for this event, he set 
 all his men at work to enlarge the intrench- 
 ment at the Great Meadows, and erect pali- 
 sades. To the structure thus hastily thrown 
 up he gave the name of Foj't Necessity. 
 
 The Indians, who leaned to the English in- 
 terest, fled before the French and flocked to 
 the camp, bringing along their wives and chil- 
 dren, and putting them under his protection. 
 Among them came Tanacharison and his peo- 
 ple, Q,ueen Aliquippa and her son, and other 
 persons of distinction, till between forty and 
 fifty families gathered around him, and laid 
 his magazine of supplies under a heavy con- 
 tribution. 
 
 The forces at the Great Meadows, including 
 Captain Mackay's company, had now increased 
 
64 LIFE OF WASIIIxNGTON. [1154 
 
 to about four hundred men. But a new diffi- 
 culty arose, which threatened disagreeable 
 consequences. Captain Mackay had a royal 
 commission, which in his opinion pnt hira 
 above the authority of Colonel Washington, 
 who was a colonial officer, commissioned by 
 the Governor of Virginia. He was a man of 
 mild and gentlemanly manners, and no per- 
 sonal differences interrupted the harmony be- 
 tween them ; but still he declined receiving 
 the orders of the colonel, and his company 
 occupied a separate encampment. At this cri- 
 sis, when an attack was daily expected, and 
 when a perfect union of design and action 
 was essential, such a state of things was so 
 unpropitious, that Colonel Washington wrote 
 earnestly to the governor to settle the contro- 
 versy by a positive order under his own hand. 
 The governor hesitated, because he was not 
 sure, that Captain Mackay's pretensions were 
 inconsistent with the rule adopted by the min- 
 istry, namely, that all officers with King's 
 commissions should take rank of those com- 
 missioned in the colonies. 
 
 To avoid altercation, and prevent the conta- 
 gious example of disobedience from infecting 
 the troops. Colonel Washington resolved to ad- 
 vance with a large part of his army, and, if 
 not obstructed by the enemy, to go on by 
 
JEr.22.] Liri: OF WASHINGTON. 65 
 
 the shortest route to tlie Monongahela River. 
 Captain Mackay's company was left at Fort 
 Necessity, as a guard to that post. The road 
 was to be cleared and levelled for artillery car- 
 riages ; and the process was so laborious, that 
 it took two weeks to effect a passage through 
 the gorge of the mountains to Gist's settle- 
 ment, a distance of only thirteen miles. The 
 Indians were troublesome with their speeches, 
 councils, and importunities for presents, partic- 
 ularly a party from the interior, who feigned 
 friendship, but who were discovered to be 
 spies from the French. Due vigilance was 
 practised, and scouts Avere kept abroad, even 
 as far as the neighborhood of Fort Duquesne, 
 so that the first motions of the enemy might 
 be detected. 
 
 It was at length told by French deserters 
 and Indians, that Fort Duquesne was rein- 
 forced by troops from Canada, and that a 
 strong detachment would shortly march against 
 the English. A council of war being called, 
 it was at first thought best to make a stand, 
 and wait the approach of the enemy at Gist's 
 plantation. An intrenchment for defence was 
 begun. Captain Mackay was requested to come 
 forward with his company, and the scouting 
 parlies were ordered to return to the camp. 
 Captain Mackay promptly joined the advanced 
 
 VOL. I. 5 
 
66 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 
 
 division ; and another council decided, that 
 the enemy's force was so large, as to leave no 
 reasonable hope of a successful resistance, and 
 that a retreat was rrecessary. 
 
 In the face of many obstacles this deter- 
 mination was executed. The horses were 
 few and weak, and a severe service was im- 
 posed on the men, who were obliged to bear 
 heavy burdens, and drag nine swivels over a 
 broken road. Colonel Washington set a wor- 
 thy example to his officers, by lading his horse 
 with public stores, going on foot, and paying 
 the soldiers a reward for carrying his baggage. 
 In two days they all got back to the Great 
 Meadows. It was not the intention at first to 
 halt at this place, but the men had become so jl 
 
 much fatigued from great labor, and a defi- ji 
 
 ciency of provisions, that they could draw the i 
 
 swivels no further, nor carry the baggage on jj 
 
 their backs. They had been eight days with- ;' 
 
 out bread, and at the Great Meadows they j 
 
 found only a few bags of flour. It was thought } 
 
 advisable to wait here, therefore, and fortify | 
 
 themselves in the best manner they could, till 
 they should receive supplies and reinforce- 
 ments. They had heard of the arrival at 
 Alexandria, of two Independent Companies 
 from New York twenty days before, and it 
 was presumed they must by this time have 
 
iET.22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 67 
 
 reached Will's Creek. An express was sent 
 to hasten them on, with as much despatch £is 
 possible. 
 
 Meantime Colonel Washington set his men 
 to felling trees, and carrying logs to the fort, 
 with a view to raise a breastwork, and enlarge 
 and strengthen the fortification in the best 
 manner, that circumstances would permit. 
 The space of ground, called the Great Mea- 
 dows, is a level bottom, through which passes 
 a small creek, and is surrounded by hills of a 
 moderate and gradual ascent. This bottom, 
 or glade, is entirely level, covered with long 
 grass and small bushes, and varies in width. 
 At the point where the fort stood, it is about 
 two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the 
 base of one hill to that of the opposite. The 
 position of the fort was well chosen, being 
 about one hundred yards from the upland, or 
 wooded ground, on the one side, and one hun- 
 dred and fifty on the other, and so situated on 
 the margin of the creek, as to afibrd an easy 
 access to water. At one point the high ground 
 comes within sixty yards of the fort, and this 
 was the nearest distance to which an enemy 
 could approach under the shelter of trees. 
 The outlines of the fort were still visible, 
 when the spot was visited by the writer in 
 1830, occupying an irregular square, the di- 
 
68 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 
 
 mensions of which were about one hundred 
 feet on each side. One of the angles was pro- 
 longed further than the others, for the purpose 
 of reaching the water in the creek. On the 
 west side, next to the nearest wood, were 
 three entrances, protected by short breast- 
 works, or bastions. The remains of a ditch, 
 stretching" round the south and west sides, 
 were also distinctly seen. The site of this 
 fort, named Foi't Necessity from the circum- 
 stances attending its erection and original use, 
 is three or four hundred yards south of what 
 is now called the National Road, four miles 
 from the foot of Laurel Hill, and fifty miles 
 from Cumberland at Will's Creek. 
 
 On the 3d of July, early in the morning, an 
 alarm was received from a sentinel, who had 
 been wounded by the enemy ; and at nine 
 o'clock intelhgence came, that the whole body 
 of the enemy, amounting, as was reported, to 
 nine hundred men, was only four miles off. 
 At eleven o'clock they approached the fort, 
 and began to fire, at the distance of six hun- 
 dred yards, but without eflect. Colonel Wash- 
 ington had drawn up his men on the open and 
 level ground outside of the trenches, waiting 
 for the attack, which he presumed would be 
 made as soon as the enemy's forces emerged 
 from the woods ; and he ordered his men to 
 
^T. 22.] LIFE OF W.ASHINGTON. 69 
 
 reserve their fire, till they should be near 
 enough to do execution. The distant firing 
 was supposed to be a stratagem to draw Wash- 
 ington's men into the woods, and thus to take 
 them at a disadvantage. He suspected the 
 design, and maintained his post till he found 
 the French did not incline to leave the woods, 
 and attack the fort by an assault, as he sup- 
 posed they would, considering their superiority 
 of numbers. He then drew his men back 
 within the trenches, and gave them orders to 
 fire according to their discretion, as suitable 
 opportunities might present themselves. The 
 French and Indians remained on the side of 
 the rising ground, which was nearest to the 
 fort, and, sheltered by the trees, kept up a 
 brisk fire of musketry, but never appeared in 
 the open plain below. The rain fell heavily 
 through the da}?-, the trenches were filled with 
 water, and many of the arms of Colonel 
 Washington's men were out of order, and 
 used with difiiculty. 
 
 In this way the battle continued from eleven 
 o'clock in the morning till eight at night, 
 when the French called and requested a par- 
 ley. Suspecting this to be a feint to procure 
 the admission of an officer into the fort, that 
 he might discover their condition, Colonel 
 Washington at first declined listening to the 
 
7Q LIFE OF WASHINGTOJX. [1754. 
 
 proposal ; but when the call was repeated, with 
 the additional request that an officer might be 
 sent to them, engaging at the same time their 
 parole for his safety, he sent out Captain Yan- 
 braam, the only person under his command, 
 that could speak French, except the Chevalier 
 de Peyrouny, an ensign in the Virginia regi- 
 ment, who was dangerously wounded, and 
 disabled from rendering any service on this 
 occasion. Vanbraam returned, and brought 
 with him from M. de Villiers, the French 
 commander, proposed articles of capitulation. 
 These he read and pretended to interpret, and, 
 some changes having been made by mutual 
 agreement, both parties signed them about 
 midnight. 
 
 By the terms of the capitulation, the whole 
 garrison was to retire, and return without mo- 
 lestation to the inhabited parts of the country; 
 and the French commander promised, that no 
 embarrassment should be interposed, either by 
 his own men or the savages. The English 
 were to take away every thing in their pos- 
 session, except their artillery, and lo march 
 out of the fort the next morning with the 
 honors of war, their drums beating and colors 
 flying. As the French had killed all the 
 horses and cattle. Colonel Washington had no 
 means of transporting his heavy baggage and 
 
iET. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 71 
 
 Stores ; and it was conceded to him, that his 
 men might conceal their eflects, and that a 
 guard might be left to protect them, till horses 
 could be sent up to take them away. Colonel 
 Washington agreed to restore the prisoners, 
 who had been taken at the skirmish with Ju- 
 monville ; and, as a surety for this article, two 
 hostages. Captain Vanbraam and Captain Sto- 
 bo, were delivered up to the French, and 
 were to be retained till the prisoners should 
 return. It was moreover agreed, that the 
 party capitulating should not attempt to build 
 any more establishments at that place, or be- 
 yond the mountains, for the space of a year. 
 
 Early the next morning Colonel Washing- 
 ton began to march from the fort in good or- 
 der ; but he had proceeded only a short dis- 
 tance, when a body of one hundred Indians, 
 being a reinforcement to the French, came 
 upon him, and could hardly be restrained from 
 attacking his men. They pilfered the bag- 
 gage and did other mischief. He marched 
 forward, however, with as much speed as pos- 
 sible in the weakened and encumbered condi- 
 tion of his army, there being no other mode 
 of conveying the wounded men and the bag- 
 gage, than on the soldiers' backs. As the 
 provisions were nearly exhausted, no time was 
 to be lost ; and, leaving much of the baggage 
 
 4q 
 
72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 
 
 behind, he hastened to Will's Creek, where all 
 the necessary supplies were in store. Thence 
 Colonel Washington and Captain Mackay pro- 
 ceeded to Williamsburg, and communicated in 
 person to Governor Dinwiddle the events of 
 the campaign. 
 
 The exact number of men engaged in the 
 action caniiot be ascertained. According to a 
 return made out by Colonel Washington him- 
 self, the Virginia regiment consisted of three 
 hundred and five, including officers, of whom 
 twelve M^ere killed and forty-three wounded. 
 Captain Mackay's company was supposed to 
 contain about one hundred, but the number 
 of killed and wounded is not known. The 
 Independent Companies from New York did 
 I not reach the army before the action. 
 
 The conduct of the commander and of the 
 troops was highly approved by the governor 
 and Council, and received merited applause 
 from the public. As soon as the House of 
 Burgesses assembled, they jxtssed a vote of 
 thanks to Colonel Washington and his officers 
 " for their bravery and gallant defence of their 
 country." A pistole Avas granted from the 
 public treasury to each of the soldiers. 
 
 Thus commenced the military career of 
 Washington, and thus ended his first cam- 
 paign. Although as yet a youth, with small 
 
^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73 
 
 experience, unskilled in war, and relying on 
 his own resources, he had behaved with the 
 prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a 
 veteran commander. Rigid in discipline, but 
 sharing the hardships and solicitous for the 
 welfare of his soldiers, he had secured their 
 obedience and won their esteem amidst priva- 
 tions, sufferings, and perils, that have seldom 
 been surpassed. 
 
 Notwithstanding the late discomfiture, Gov- 
 ernor Dinwiddle's ardor did not abate. It was 
 indeed a foible with him, that his zeal out- 
 stripped his knowledge and discretion. Whol- 
 ly ignorant of military affairs, he undertook to 
 organize the army, prescribe rules, issue or- 
 ders, form plans of operation, and manage the 
 details. Hence frequent blunders and con- 
 fusion. Colonel Washington rejoined his regi- 
 ment, which had marched by way of Win- 
 chester to Alexandria. He there received or- 
 ders to fill up the companies by enlistments, 
 and lead them without delay to Will's Creek, 
 where Colonel Innes was employed in build- 
 ing Fort Cumberland, with a remnant of the 
 North Carolina troops, and the three indepen- 
 dent companies, that had come to Virginia 
 from South Carolina and New York. It was 
 the governor's project, that the united forces 
 should immediately cross the Alleganies, and 
 
74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 
 
 drive the French from Fort Diiqiiesne, or build 
 another fort beyond the mountains. 
 
 Astonished that such a scheme should be 
 contemplated, at a season of the year when 
 the mountains would be rendered impassable 
 by the snows and rigor of the climate, and 
 with an army destitute of supplies, feeble in 
 numbers, and worn down by fatigue, Colonel 
 Washington wrote a letter of strong remon- 
 strance to a member of the governor's Council, 
 representing the absurdity and even impossi- 
 bility of such an enterprise. His regiment 
 was reduced by death, wounds, and sickness. 
 He was ordered to obtain recruits, but not a 
 farthing of money had been provided. He 
 was ordered to march, but his men had neith- 
 er arms, tents, ammunition, clothing, nor pro- 
 visions, sufficient to enable them to take the 
 field, and no means existed for procuring 
 them. It is enough to say, that the scheme 
 was abandoned. 
 
 The governor was destined to struggle with 
 difficulties, and to have his hopes defeated. 
 The Assembly were so perverse, as not to 
 yield to all his demands, and he never ceased 
 to complain of their " republican way of think- 
 ing," and to deplore their want of respect for 
 the authority of his office and the prerogative 
 of the crown. He had lately prorogued them, 
 
iET, 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 
 
 as a punishment for their obstinacy, and writ- 
 ten to the ministry, that the representatives of 
 the people seemed to him infatuated, and that 
 he was satisfied " the progress of the French 
 would never be effectually opposed, but by 
 means of an act of Parliament to compel the 
 colonies to contribute to the common cause in- 
 dependently of assemblies." When the bur- 
 gesses came together again, however, he was 
 consoled by their good nature in granting 
 twenty thousand pounds for the public ser- 
 vice ; and he soon received ten thousand 
 pounds in specie from the government in 
 England for the same object. 
 
 Thus encouraged he formed new plans, and, 
 as the gift of ten thousand pounds was under 
 his control, he could appropriate it as he 
 pleased. He enlarged the army to ten com- 
 panies, of one hundred men each, and put the 
 whole upon the establishment of independent 
 companies, by which the highest officers in 
 the Virginia regiment would be captains, and 
 even these inferior to officers of the same rank 
 holding King's commissions. The effect was 
 to reduce Colonel Washington to the rank of 
 captain, and put him under officers whom he 
 had commanded. Such a degradation, of 
 course, was not to be submitted to by a high- 
 minded man. He resigned his commission, 
 and retired from the armv. 
 
76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 
 
 Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, soon after 
 received an appointment from the King as 
 commander-in-chief of the forces employed to 
 act against the French. Knowing Colonel 
 Washington's character, and the importance 
 of his aid, Governor Sharpe solicited him, by 
 a letter from himself and another from one of 
 his officers,- to resume his station. It was in- 
 timated, that he might hold his former com- 
 mission. " This idea," said Washington in 
 reply, "has filled me with surprise ; for, if you 
 think me capable of holding a commission, 
 that has neither rank nor emolument annexed 
 to it, you must entertain a very contemptible 
 opinion of my weakness, and believe me to 
 be more empty than the commission itself." 
 He promptly declined the invitation, and add- 
 ed ; "I shall have the consolation of know- 
 ing, that I have opened the way, when the 
 smallness of our numbers exposed us to the 
 attacks of a superior enemy ; and that I have 
 had the thanks of my country for the services 
 I have rendered." 
 
 Thus sustained within himself, neither seek- 
 ing redress nor venting complaints, he passed 
 the winter in retirement. He acknowledged 
 his partiality, however, for the profession of 
 arms, and his -ambition to acquire experience 
 and skill in the military art. Nor did he wait 
 long for an opportunity to gratify his wishes. 
 
iET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. It 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Engages in the Expedition under General Braddock. — Difficulties 
 encountered by the Army in its March. — Battle of the Monon- 
 gahela. — Its disastrous Results. — Bravery and good Conduct 
 of Colonel Washington in that Action. — His prudent Advice 
 to General Braddock 
 
 Early in the spring, General Braddock land- 
 ed in Virginia, with two regiments of regnlar 
 troops from Great Britain, which it was snp- 
 posed wonld bear down all opposition, and 
 drive back the intruding French to Canada. 
 The people were elated with joy, and already 
 the war on the frontier seemed hastening to 
 an end. Colonel Washington acceded to a re- 
 quest from General Braddock to take part in 
 the campaign as one of his military family, in 
 which he would retain his former rank, and 
 the objections on that score would be obvi- 
 ated. 
 
 His views on the subject were explained, 
 with a becoming frankness and elevation of 
 mind, in a letter to a friend, "I may be al- 
 lowed," said he, '' to claim some merit, if it is 
 considered that the sole motive, which invites 
 me to the field, is the laudable desire of serv- 
 ing my country'-, not the gratification of any 
 ambitious or lucrative plans. This, I flatter 
 
78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 
 
 myself, will manifestly appear by my going as 
 a volunteer without expectation of reward or 
 prospect of obtaining a command, as I am con- 
 fidently assured it is not in General Braddock's 
 power to give me a commission that I would 
 accept." Again, " If there is any merit in my 
 case, I am unwilling to hazard it among my 
 friends, without this exposition of facts, as 
 they might conceive that some advantageous 
 offers had engaged my services, when, in real- 
 ity, it is otherwise, for I expect to be a consid- 
 erable loser in my private affairs by going. It 
 is true I have been importuned to make this 
 campaign by General Braddock, as a member 
 of his family, he conceiving, I suppose, that 
 the small knowledge I have had an opportuni- 
 ty of acquiring of the country and the Indians 
 is worthy of his notice, and may be useful to 
 him in the progress of the expedition." In- 
 fluenced by these honorable and generous mo- 
 tives, he accepted the offer, and prepared to 
 engage in the service as a volunteer. 
 
 Several companies of Braddock's two regi- 
 ments were cantoned at Alexandria, at which 
 place the commander himself met the govern- 
 ors of five colonies, in order to concert a gen- 
 eral scheme of military operations. Colonel 
 Washington was introduced to these gentle- 
 men ; and the manner in which he was re- 
 
^T. 33.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 
 
 ceived by them gave a flattering testimony of 
 the consideration, which his name and charac- 
 ter had already inspired. With the deport- 
 ment and civilities of Governor Shirley lie 
 was particularly pleased. 
 
 General Braddock marched to the interior, 
 and was overtaken by Colonel Washington at 
 Winchester, when the latter assumed the sta- 
 tion and duties of aid-de-camp. The troops 
 followed in divisions by different routes, and 
 all assembled at Will's Creek. Here the gen- 
 eral was disappointed, vexed, and thrown into 
 paroxysms of ill humor, at not finding in read- 
 iness the horses, and wagons, which had been 
 promised, and on which he depended for trans- 
 porting the baggage, tents, provisions, and ar- 
 tillery beyond that post. The contractors 
 had proved faithless, either from neglect or 
 inability. 
 
 The embarrassment was at last removed by 
 the patriotic zeal and activity of Franklin. 
 Being postmaster-general of the provinces, he 
 visited the commander during his march, with 
 the view of devising some plan to facilitate 
 the transmission of the mail to and from the 
 army. On certain conditions he agreed to 
 procure one hundred and fifty wagons, and 
 the requisite number of horses. By prompt 
 exertions, and by his influence among the far- 
 
80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 
 
 mers of Pennsylvania, he obtained them all 
 and sent them to Will's Creek. This act was 
 praised by General Braddock in a letter to the 
 ministry ; bnt he passed a severe censnre upon 
 the authorities of the country by adding, " that 
 it was the only instance of address and integ- 
 rity, which he had seen in the provinces." 
 
 While these preparations were in progress, 
 Colonel Washington was sent on a mission to 
 Williamsburg to procure money for the mili- 
 tary chest. The trust was executed with de- 
 spatch and success. On returning to camp he 
 found that a detachment of five hundred men 
 had marched in advance ; and all the troops 
 were immediately put in motion, except a 
 small party left as a guard at Fort Cumber- 
 land. The scene was new to the general and 
 his officers, and obstacles presented themselves 
 at every step, which they had not anticipated. 
 The roughness of the road made it impossible 
 for the usual number of horses to drag the 
 wagons, loaded as they were, not only with 
 the supplies and munitions, but with superflu- 
 ous baggage, and the camp equipage of the 
 officers ; and they were obliged to double the 
 teams, thus detaining the whole train of wag- 
 ons, till those in front were forced along by 
 this tedious process. 
 
 It was soon apparent, that, with these hin- 
 
yET. 23.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 81 
 
 drances, the season might be consumed in 
 crossing the mountains. A council of war was 
 resorted to ; but before it met, the general pri- 
 vately asked the opinion of Colonel Washing- 
 ton. " I urged him," said he, " in the warm- 
 est terms I was able, to push forward, if he 
 even did it with a small but chosen band, with 
 such artillery and light stores as were necessa- 
 ry, leaving the heavy artillery and baggage 
 with the rear division to follow by slow and 
 easy marches, which they might do safely 
 while we were advancing in front." His rea- 
 son for pressing this measure was, that, from 
 the best advices, an accession of force was 
 shortly expected at Fort Duquesne, and that it 
 was of the utmost moment to make the attack 
 before such an event should occur. It was 
 moreover important to divide the army, be- 
 cause the narrowness of the road, and the dif- 
 ficulty of getting the wagons along, caused it 
 to be stretched into a line four miles in length, 
 by which the soldiers were so much scattered, 
 that they might be attacked and routed at any 
 point, even by small parties, before a proper 
 force could be brought to their support. 
 
 These suggestions prevailed in the council, 
 and were approved by the general. The army 
 was separated into two divisions. Braddock 
 led the advanced division of twelve hundred 
 
 VOL. I. 6 
 
82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. 
 
 men lightly equipped, taking only such car- 
 riages and articles as were absolutely essential. 
 Colonel Dunbar, with the residue of the army, 
 about six hundred, remained in the rear. 
 
 At this time Colonel Washington was seized 
 with a raging fever, which was so violent as 
 to alarm the physician ; and, as an act of hu- 
 manity, the. general ordered him to proceed no 
 further, till the danger was over ; with a sol- 
 emn pledge, that he should be brought up to 
 the front of the army before it should reach 
 the French fort. Consigned to a wagon, and 
 to the physician's care, he continued with the 
 rear division nearly two weeks, when he was 
 enabled to be moved forward by slow stages, 
 but not without much pain from weakness and 
 the jolting of the vehicle. He overtook the 
 general at the mouth of the Youghiogany 
 River, fifteen miles from Fort Duquesne, the 
 evening before the battle of the Monongahela. 
 
 The officers and soldiers were now in the 
 highest spirits, and firm in the conviction, that 
 they should within a few hours victoriously 
 enter the walls of Fort Duquesne. The -steep 
 and rugged grounds, on the north side of the 
 Monongahela, prevented the army from march- 
 ing in that direction, and it was necessary in 
 approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles 
 distant, to ford the river twice, and march a 
 
iET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 
 
 part of the way on the south side. Early on 
 the morning of the 9th, all things were in 
 readiness, and the whole train passed through 
 the river a little below the mouth of the You- 
 ghiogany, and proceeded in perfect order along 
 the southern margin of the Monongahela. 
 Washington was often heard to say during his 
 lifetime, that the most beautiful spectacle he 
 had ever beheld was the display of the British 
 troops on this eventful morning. Every man 
 was neatly dressed in full uniform, the soldiers 
 were arranged in columns and marched in ex- 
 act order, the sun gleamed from their burnish- 
 ed arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their 
 right, and the deep forest overshadowed them 
 with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers 
 and men were equally inspirited with cheering 
 hopes and confident anticipations. 
 
 In this manner they marched forward till 
 about noon, when they arrived at the second 
 crossing-place, ten miles from Fort Duquesne. 
 They halted but a little time, and then began 
 to ford the river and regain its northern bank. 
 As soon as they had crossed, they came upon 
 a level plain, elevated only a few feet above 
 the surface of the river, and extending north- 
 ward nearly half a mile from its margin. 
 Then commenced a gradual ascent at an angle 
 of about three degrees, which terminated in 
 
84 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 
 
 hills of a considerable height at no great dis- 
 tance beyond. The road from the fording- 
 place to Fort Duqnesne led across the plain 
 and up this ascent, and thence proceeded 
 through an uneven country, at that time cov- 
 ered with woods. 
 
 By the order of march, a body of three 
 hundred men, under Colonel Gage, made the 
 advanced party, which was immediately fol- 
 lowed by another of two hundred. Next 
 came the general with the columns of artille- 
 ry, the main body of the army, and the bag- 
 gage. At one o'clock, the whole had crossed 
 the river, and almost at this moment a sharp 
 firing was heard upon the advanced parties, 
 who were now ascending the hill, and had 
 proceeded about a hundred yards from the ter- 
 mination of the plain. A heavy discharge of 
 musketry was poured in upon their front, 
 which was the first intelligence they had of 
 the proximity of an enemy, and this was sud- 
 denly followed by another on the right flank. 
 They were filled with the greater consterna- 
 tion, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing 
 seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They 
 fired in their turn, however, but quite at ran- 
 dom, and obviously without effect. 
 
 The general hastened forward to the relief 
 of the advanced parties ; but, before he could 
 
Mr. 23.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 85 
 
 reach the spot which they occupied, they gave 
 way and fell back upon the artillery and the 
 other columns of the army, causing extreme 
 confusion, and striking the whole mass with 
 such a panic, that no order could afterwards be 
 restored. The general and the officers behaved 
 with the utmost courage, and used every effort 
 to rally the men, and bring them to order, but 
 all in vain. In this state they continued near- 
 ly three hours, huddling together in confused 
 bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their 
 own officers and men, and doing no percep- 
 tible harm to the enemy. The Virginia pro- 
 vincials were the only troops, who seemed to 
 retain their senses, and they behaved with a 
 bravery and resolution worthy of a better fate. 
 They adopted the Indian mode, and fought 
 each man for himself behind a tree. This 
 was prohibited by the general, who endeavor- 
 ed to form his men into platoons and columns, 
 as if they had been manoeuvring on the plains 
 of Flanders. Meantime the French and In- 
 dians, concealed in the ravines and behind 
 trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing dis- 
 charge of musketry, singling out their objects, 
 taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage 
 almost unparalleled in the annals of modern 
 warfare. More than half of the whole army, 
 which had crossed the river in so proud an 
 
86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. 
 
 array only three hours before, were killed or 
 wounded. The general himself received a 
 mortal wound, and many of his best officers 
 fell by his side. 
 
 During the whole of the action, as reported 
 by an officer who witnessed his conduct, 
 Colonel Washington behaved with "the great- 
 est courage and resolution." Captains Orme 
 and Morris, the two other aids-de-camp, were 
 wounded and disabled, and the duty of dis- 
 tributing the general's orders devolved on him 
 alone. He rode in every direction, and was a 
 conspicuous mark for the enemy's sharp-shoot- 
 ers. "By the all powerful dispensations of 
 Providence," said he, in a letter to his brother, 
 "I have been protected beyond all human 
 probability or expectation ; for I had four bul- 
 lets through my coat, and two horses shot 
 under me, yet I escaped mihurt, although 
 death was levelling my companions on every 
 side of me." So bloody a contest has rarely 
 been witnessed. The number of officers in 
 the engagement was eighty-six, of whom twen- 
 ty-six were killed, and thirty-seven wounded. 
 The killed and wounded of the privates 
 Eimounted to seven hundred and fourteen. On 
 the other hand, the enemy's loss was small. 
 Their force amounted at least to eight hun- 
 dred and fifty men, of whom six hundred 
 
iET.23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 87 
 
 were Indians. According to the returns, not 
 more than forty were killed. They fought in 
 deep ravines, concealed by the bushes, and the 
 balls of the English passed over their heads. 
 
 The remnant of Braddock's army being put 
 to flight, and having reci'ossed the river, Col- 
 onel Washington hastened to meet Colonel 
 Dunbar, and order up horses and wagons for 
 the wounded. Three days were occupied in 
 retreating to Gist's plantation. The enemy 
 did not pursue them. Satiated with carnage 
 and plunder, the Indians could not be tempted 
 from the battle-field, and the French were too 
 few to act without their aid. The unfortunate 
 general, dying of his wounds, was transported 
 first in a tumbril, then on a horse, and at last 
 was carried by the soldiers. He expired the 
 fourth day after the battle, and was buried in 
 the road near Fort Necessity. A new panic 
 seized the troops ; disorder and confusion 
 reigned ; the artillery was destroyed ; the 
 public stores and heavy baggage were burnt, 
 no one could tell by whose orders ; nor were 
 discipline and tranquillity restored, till the 
 straggling and bewildered companies arrived 
 at Fort Cumberland. Colonel Washington, 
 no longer connected with the service, and de- 
 bilitated by his late illness, stayed there a 
 
88 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIV. [1755. 
 
 few days to regain strength, and then returned 
 to Mount Vernon. 
 
 Such was the termination of an enterprise, 
 one of the most memorable in American his- 
 tory, and almost unparalleled for its disastel's, 
 and the universal disappointment and conster- 
 nation it occasioned. Notwithstanding its total 
 and even disgraceful failure, the bitter invec- 
 tives everywhere poured out against its prin- 
 cipal conductors, and the reproaches heaped 
 upon the memory of its ill-fated commander, 
 yet the fame and character of Washington 
 were greatly enhanced by it. His intrepidity 
 and good conduct were lauded by his compan- 
 ions in arms, and proclaimed from province to 
 province. Contrary to his will, and in spite 
 of his efforts, he had gathered laurels from the 
 defeat and ruin of others. Had the expedition 
 been successful, these laurels would have 
 adorned the brow of his superiors. It might 
 have been said of him, that he had done his 
 duty, and acquitted himself honorably ; but he 
 could not have been the prominent and single 
 object of public regard ; nor could he, by a 
 long series of common events, have risen to 
 so high an eminence, or acquired in so wide a 
 sphere the admiration and confidence of the 
 people. For himself, for his country, for man- 
 kind, therefore, this catastrophe, in appearance 
 
Mr. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 89 
 
 SO calamitous and so deeply deplored at the 
 time, should unquestionably be considered as 
 a wise and beneficent dispensation of Provi- 
 dence. 
 
 It was known, that he gave prudent coun- 
 sel to General Braddock, which was little 
 heeded. During the march, a body of Indians 
 offered their services, which, at the earnest 
 recommendation and request of Washington, 
 were accepted, but in so cold a manner, and 
 the Indians were treated with so much neg- 
 lect, that they withdrew one after another in 
 disgust. On the evening preceding the action, 
 they came again to camp, and renewed their 
 offer. Again Colonel Washington interposed, 
 and urged the importance of these men as 
 scouts and out-guards, their knowledge of the 
 ground, and skill in fighting among woods. 
 Relying on the prowess of his regular troops, 
 and disdaining such allies, the general peremp- 
 torily refused to receive them, in a tone not 
 more decided than ungracious. Had a scout- 
 ing party of a dozen Indians preceded the 
 army after it crossed the Monongahela, they 
 would have detected the enemy in the ravines, 
 and reversed the fortunes of the day. 
 
 General Braddock was a brave man and an 
 experienced officer ; but, arrogant and obsti- 
 nate, he had the weakness, at all times a 
 
90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. 
 
 folly and in his case an infatuation, to de- 
 spise his enemy. Ignorant of the country, of 
 the mode of warfare in which he was en- 
 gaged, and of the force opposed to him, he 
 refused counsel, neglected precautions, and 
 thus lost his life. 
 
^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Colonel Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the Vir- 
 ginia Forces. — Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants. — DifS- 
 culties with an Officer holding a King's Commission concerning 
 Rank. — Washington visits General Shirley at Boston upon thia 
 Subject. — His Claim confirmed. — Returns and repairs to his 
 Head-quarters at Winchester. — Embarrassments of his Situa- 
 tion. — Testimonies of Confidence in his Character and Ability. 
 
 Although Colonel Washington retired to a 
 private station at Mount Vernon, he did not 
 neglect his duties to the public. Still holding 
 the office of adjutant-general of the militia, 
 he circulated orders for them to assemble at 
 certain times and places to be exercised and 
 reviewed. So much were the inhabitants 
 alarmed at the recent successes of the enemy, 
 that their martial spirit received a new im- 
 pulse, and volunteer companies began to be 
 organized. Their ardor was stimulated from 
 the pulpit, and it was in a sermon to one of 
 these companies, that the accomplished and 
 eloquent Samuel Davies pronounced the cele- 
 brated encomium in a single sentence, which 
 has often been quoted as prophetic. After 
 praising the zeal and courage, which had beer 
 shown by the Virginia troops, the preacher 
 added J "As a remarkable instance of this, I 
 
92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 
 
 may point out to the public that heroic youth, 
 Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope 
 Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal 
 a manner for some important service to his 
 country." This was but the echo of the gen- 
 eral voice, and it is a proof of the high esti- 
 mation in which the character of Washington 
 was at this time held by his countrymen, and 
 of the hopes it had raised. 
 
 Another and more substantial proof soon 
 followed. The Virginia legislature voted forty 
 thousand pounds for the public service, and 
 enlarged their regiment to sixteen companies. 
 Three hundred pounds were likewise granted 
 to Colonel Washington, and proportional sums 
 to the other officers and privates, "for their 
 gallant behavior and losses " at the battle of 
 the Monongahela. 
 
 While the bill was pending, his friends . in 
 the Assembly wrote to him, urging his attend- 
 ance at Williamsburg, and expressing their 
 wishes, that he might be appointed to the 
 command of the army under its new organi- 
 zation. Interest was made for another person, 
 which was known to be countenanced by the 
 governor's predilections. To these letters, 
 and particularly to one from his elder brother, 
 then a member of the Assembly, he replied in 
 language worthy of himself, dignified, disin- 
 
^T. 23] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 
 
 terested, firm. He said that he had served 
 two campaigns, besides performing a perilous 
 journey, had suffered much in his health and 
 affairs, had been deprived of his commission 
 in a way to wound his feelings, had gone out 
 and fought as a volunteer, and that the result 
 of the whole was vexation and disappoint- 
 ment. He added, however, "I am always 
 willing and ready to render my country any 
 services that I am capable of, but never upon 
 the terms I have done." He did not absolute- 
 ly refuse to accept the command, if it should 
 be offered, but said he would not seek what 
 he did not covet, nor be thought to solicit 
 what he would receive only as voluntarily 
 bestowed by his countrymen. Standing on 
 this high ground, he prescribed several condi- 
 tions as essential ; among others, a voice in 
 choosing his officers, a better system of mili- 
 tary regulations, more promptness in paying 
 the troops, and a thorough reform, inducing 
 activity and method, in all the departments for 
 procuring supplies. 
 
 No one, probably, was more surprised than 
 himself, that all his requisitions should be 
 complied with. The appointment was con- 
 firmed in the fullest latitude of his demands, 
 with the additional privilege of an aid-de- 
 camp and secretary. He had been at home 
 
^4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 
 
 but four weeks, when he was called to Wil- 
 h'amsburg to receive his instructions and make 
 arrangements for organizing the new army. 
 Public opinion had subdued the governor's 
 partiality for another candidate, and he acqui- 
 esced with apparent satisfaction. In a letter 
 to the ministry, he spoke of Colonel Washing- 
 ton as "a man of great merit and resolution," 
 adding, " I am convinced, if General Braddock 
 had survived, he would have recommended 
 him to the royal favor, which I beg your in- 
 terest in recommending." How far the min- 
 ister's interest was effectual is uncertain ; but 
 no royal favor to Washington ever crossed the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 Being now established in a command of 
 high responsibility, he applied himself to the 
 discharge of its duties with his accustomed en- 
 ergy and circumspection. Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Adam Stephen and Major Andrew Lewis were 
 the field-officers next in rank. His head- 
 quarters were fixed at Winchester. After put- 
 ting afiairs in train, sending out recruiting o/fi- 
 cers, and reporting to the governor the state 
 of the old regiment and estimates for the new, 
 he performed a tour of inspection among the 
 mountains, visiting all the outposts along the 
 frontier from Fort Cumberland to Fort Din- 
 widdie on Jackson's River, giving the necessa- 
 
^T.23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 
 
 ry orders, and obtaining, from personal obser- 
 vation, a knowledge of every thing within the 
 compass of his command. Scarcely was this 
 service completed, when an express overtook 
 him, on his way to Williamsburg, bringing 
 intelligence that the Indians had broken into 
 the back settlements, committed ravages and 
 murders, and spread terror on every side. He 
 hastened back to head-quarters, called in the 
 recruits, summoned the militia to assemble, 
 and ordered out such a force as he could mus- 
 ter to repel the ruthless invaders. The check 
 was timely and effectual, but not such as to 
 quiet the fears of the inhabitants, who flocked 
 in families from their homes ; and so great 
 was the panic, that many of them continued 
 their flight till they had crossed the Blue 
 Ridge. 
 
 There was a circumstance at this time con- 
 nected with his command, which caused dis- 
 content both to himself and to his ofiicers. 
 At Fort Cumberland was a Captain Dag wor- 
 thy, commissioned by Governor Sharpe, who 
 had under him a small company of Maryland 
 troops. This person had held a royal commis- 
 sion in the last war, upon which he now 
 plumed himself, refusing obedience to any pro- 
 vincial ofiicer, however high in rank. Hence, 
 whenever Colonel Washington was at Fort 
 
 5q 
 
96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1755. 
 
 Cumberland, the Maryland captain would pay 
 no regard to his orders. The example was 
 mischievous, and kept the garrison in perpetu- 
 al feuds and insubordination. The affair was 
 laid in due form before Governor Dinwiddle, 
 and his positive order in the case was request- 
 ed. Not caring to venture his authority in 
 deciding a doubtful question, the governor re- 
 frained from interference, but at the same time 
 told Colonel Washington that the pretensions 
 of Dagworthy were frivolous ; and he seemed 
 not a little incensed, that a captain with thirty 
 men should presume to dispute the rank of the 
 commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces, who 
 had been commissioned under his own hand. 
 In short, he intimated to Colonel Washington, 
 that Dagworthy might be arrested, according 
 to military usage, taking care, nevertheless, to 
 give no order on the subject. 
 
 This vacillation of the governor only in- 
 creased the embarrassment. In the first place, 
 the fort was in Maryland, and Dagworthy act- 
 ed under the governor of that colony, who 
 was known to encourage his claim. Again, in 
 General Braddock's time, Dagworthy, on the 
 ground of his old commission, had been put 
 above provincial officers of higher rank. With 
 these precedents before him, Colonel Washing- 
 ton did not choose to hazard an arrest, for 
 
yET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97 
 
 which he might himself be called to account. 
 He was prompt, however, in his determination, 
 either to resign his commission, as he had for- 
 merly done for a similar reason, or to have this 
 difficulty removed. 
 
 As a last resort, it was proposed to refer the 
 matter to General Shirley, now the command- 
 er-in-chief of his Majesty's armies in America ; 
 and it was the request of the officers, that the 
 petition should be presented by Colonel Wash- 
 ington in person. The proposal was approved 
 by the governor, who consented to his absence, 
 and furnished him with letters to the General 
 and other persons of distinction. 
 
 Despatching orders to Colonel Stephen, who 
 was left with the command of the Virginia 
 troops, he made no delay in preparing for his 
 departure. He commenced his tour on the 
 4th of February, 1756. General Shirley was 
 at Boston. . A journey of five hundred miles 
 was to be performed in the depth of winter. 
 Attended by his aid-de-camp. Captain Mercer, 
 and by Captain Stewart, he travelled the whole 
 way on horseback, pursuing the route through 
 Philadelphia, New York, New London, and 
 Rhode Island. He stopped several days in the 
 principal cities, where his character, and the 
 curiosity to see a person so renowned for his 
 bravery and miraculous escape at Braddock's 
 
 VOL. T. 7 
 
98 LIFE OF Washington. [1756. 
 
 defeat, procured for him much notice. He 
 was poUtely received hy General Shirley, who 
 acceded to his petition in its fullest extent, 
 giving a pointed order in writing, that Dag- 
 worthy should be subject to his command. 
 The journey was advantageous in other re- 
 spects. The plan of operations for the coming 
 campaign was explained to him by the Gener- 
 al ; and he formed acquaintances and acquired 
 knowledge eminently useful to him at a fu- 
 ture day. He was absent from Virginia seven 
 weeks. 
 
 While in New York, he was lodged and 
 kindly entertained at the house of Mr. Bev- 
 erley Robinson, between whom and himself 
 an intimacy of friendship subsisted, which in- 
 deed continued without change, till severed 
 by their opposite fortunes twenty years after- 
 wards in the Revolution. It happened that 
 Miss Mary Phillips, a sister of Mrs. Robinson, 
 and a young lady of rare accomplishments, 
 was an inmate in the family. The charms of 
 this lady made a deep impression upon the 
 heart of the Virginia Colonel. He went to 
 Boston, returned, and was again welcomed to 
 the hospitality of Mr. Robinson. He lingered 
 there, till duty called him away ; but he was 
 careful to intrust his secret to a confidential 
 friend, whose letters kept him informed of ev- 
 
iET.24,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 
 
 ery important event. In a few months intel- 
 ligence came, that a rival was in the field, and 
 that the consequences could not be answered 
 for, if he delayed to renew his visits to New 
 York. Whether time, the bustle of a camp, 
 or the scenes of war, had moderated his admi- 
 ration, or whether he despaired of success, is 
 not known. He never saw the lady again, till 
 she was married to that same rival. Captain 
 Morris, his former associate in arms, and one 
 of Braddock's aids-de-camp. 
 
 He had before felt the influence of the ten- 
 der passion. At the age of seventeen he was 
 smitten by the graces of a fair one, whom he 
 called a " Lowland beauty," and whose praises 
 he recorded in glowing strains, \vhile wander- 
 ing with his surveyor's compass among the 
 Allegany Mountains. On that occasion he 
 Avrote desponding letters to a friend, and in- 
 dited plaintive verses, but never ventured to 
 reveal his emotions to the lady, who was un- 
 consciously the cause of his pains. 
 
 As the Assembly was to convene just at the 
 time of his return, he hastened to Williams- 
 burg, in order to mature a plan for employing 
 the army during the summer. The idea of 
 offensive operations was abandoned at the out- 
 set. Neither artillery, engineers, nor the means 
 of transportation necessary for such an object, 
 
100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 
 
 could be procured. Pennsylvania and Mary- 
 land, aroused at last from their apathy, had 
 appropriated money for defence ; but, not in- 
 clined to unite with Virginia or each other in 
 any concerted measures, they were contented 
 to expend their substance in fortifying their 
 own borders. If a more liberal policy had 
 predominated, if these colonies had smothered 
 their local jealousies and looked only to their 
 common interests, they might by a single com- 
 bined eflfort have driven the French from the 
 Ohio, and rested in quiet the remainder of the 
 war. There being no hope of such a result, 
 it was foreseen by the Virginians, that the 
 most strenuous exertions would be requisite to 
 defend the long line of their frontiers against 
 the inroads of the savages. 
 
 The Assembly readily came to a determina- 
 tion, therefore, to augment the army to fifteen 
 hundred men. A bill was enacted for drafting 
 militia to supply the deficiency of recruits, and 
 commissioners were appointed to superintend 
 the business, of whom the Speaker was chair- 
 man. These drafted men were to serve till 
 December, to be incorporated into the army, 
 and subjected to the military code. By an 
 express clause in the law, they could not be 
 marched out of the province. 
 
 Colonel Washington repaired to his head- 
 
^T.2J..] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 
 
 quarters at Winchester. A few men only 
 were stationed there, the regiment being most- 
 ly dispersed at different posts in the interior, 
 so situated as to afford the best protection to 
 the inhabitants. The enemy were on the 
 alert. Scarcely a day passed without new ac- 
 counts of Indian depredations and massacres. 
 The scouting parties and even the forts were 
 attacked, and many of the soldiers and some 
 of the bravest officers killed. So bold were 
 the savages, that they committed robberies 
 and murders within twenty miles of Winches- 
 ter, and serious apprehensions were entertained 
 for the safety of that place. 
 
 Rumors were also circulated to the dispar- 
 agement of the army, charging the officers 
 with gross irregularities and neglect of duty, 
 and indirectly throwing the blame upon the 
 commander. A malicious person filled a ga- 
 zette with tales of this sort, which seemed for 
 the moment to receive public countenance. 
 Conscious of having acted with the utmost 
 vigilance, knowing the falsehood and wicked- 
 ness of these slanders, and indignant at so 
 base a manoeuvre to stain his character, it was 
 his first impulse to retire from a station, in 
 which patriotism, the purest intentions, hard- 
 ships, and sacrifices, were rewarded only with 
 calumny and reproach. 
 
jj 108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 
 
 '\ 
 
 This intimation was viewed by his friends 
 in the House of Burgesses and the Council 
 with much concern, as their letters testified. 
 ISIingling approbation with remonstrance, and 
 ! praise with advice, they made such representa- 
 
 tions, as it was not easy for him to disregard. 
 '* You cannot but know," said Landon Carter, 
 " tliat nothing but waut of power in your 
 country * has prevented it from adding every i 
 
 i^ honor and reward, that perfect merit could 
 have entitled itself to. How are we grieved 'i 
 
 . to hear Colonel George Washington hinting to !{ 
 
 J! ^his country, tliat he is willing to retire ! Give ij 
 
 me leave, as your intimate friend, to persuade ij 
 
 : 3'ou to forget, that any thing has been said to ;• 
 
 your dishonor ; and recollect, that it could not »! 
 
 have come from any man that knew you. 'i 
 
 And, as it may have been the artifice of one ,i 
 
 in no esteem among your countrymen, to raise ■ 
 
 in you such unjust suspicions, as would induce 
 you to desert the cause, that his own prefer- 
 ment might meet with no obstacle, I am con- 
 fident you will endeavor to give us the good 
 effects, not only of duty, but of great cheer- 
 fulness and satisfaction, in such a service. P 
 No, Sir, rather let Braddock's bed be your aim, r 
 
 ♦Meaning hy cowitry the popular branch of the legis- 
 lature, or the people of Virginia generally. 
 
iET. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 
 
 than any thing that might discolor those lau- 
 rels, which I promise myself are kept in store 
 for you." Another friend wrote ; " From my 
 constant attendance in the House, I can v/ith 
 great truth say, 1 never heard your conduct 
 questioned. Whenever you are mentioned, it 
 is with the greatest respect. Your orders and 
 instructions appear in a light worthy of the 
 most experienced officer. I can assure you, 
 that a very great majority of the House prefer 
 you to any other person."' 
 
 Colonel Fairfax, his early patron, and a 
 member of the governor's Council, wrote in 
 terms still more soothing. " Your endeavors 
 in the service and defence of your country 
 must redound to your honor ; therefore do not 
 let any unavoidable interruptions sicken your 
 mind in the attempts you may pursue. Your 
 good health and fortune are the toast of every 
 table. Among the Romans, such a general 
 acclamation and public regard, shown to any 
 of their chieftains, were always esteemed a 
 high honor, and gratefully accepted." The 
 Speaker of the House of Burgesses expressed 
 similar sentiments, in language equally flatter- 
 ing and kind. '• Our hopes, dear George, are 
 all fixed on you for bringing our affairs to a 
 happy issue. Consider of what fatal conse- 
 quences to your country your resigning the 
 
104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17oG. 
 
 command at this time may be ; more especial- 
 ly as there is no doubt most of the officers 
 would follow your example. I hope you will 
 allow your ruling passion, the love of your 
 country, to stifle your resentment, at least till 
 the arrival of Lord Loudoun, or the meeting of 
 the Assembly, when you may be sure of hav- 
 ing justice done. Who those of your pretend- 
 ed friends are, who give credit to the malicious 
 reflections in that scandalous libel, I assure 
 you I am ignorant, and do declare, that I never 
 heard any man of honor or reputation speak 
 the least disrespectfully of you, or censure your 
 conduct, and there is no well-wisher to his 
 country, that would not be greatly concerned 
 to hear of your resigning." 
 
 The same solicitude was manifested by ma- 
 ny persons in different parts of the province. 
 A voice so loud and so unanimous he could 
 not refuse to obey. By degrees the plot was 
 unravelled. The governor, being a Scotch- 
 man, was surroynded by a knot of his Caledo- 
 nian friends, who wished to profit by this alli- 
 ance, and obtain for themselves a larger share 
 of consideration, than they could command in 
 the present order of things. The discontented, 
 and such as thought their merits undervalued, 
 naturally fell into this faction. To create dis- 
 satisfaction in the army, and cause the officers 
 
Mt.U.] life of WASHINGTON. 105 
 
 to resign from disgust, would not only distract 
 the councils of the ruling party, but make room 
 for new promotions. Colonel Innes, the gov- 
 ernor's favorite, would ascend to the chief 
 command, and the subordinate places would be 
 reserved for his adherents. Hence false ru- 
 mors were set afloat, and the pen of detraction 
 was busy to disseminate them. The artifice 
 was easily seen through, and its aims were de- 
 feated, by the leaders on the patriotic side, 
 who looked to Colonel Washington as a pillar 
 of support to their cause. 
 
106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Occurrences of the Campaign. — Incursions of the Savages. — 
 Plan of Fortifications for the Interior. — Fort Cumberland. — 
 Memorial presented by Colonel Washington to the Earl of 
 Loudoun on the State of Military Affairs in Virginia. — Gov 
 ernor Dinwiddle sails for England. — An Expedition against 
 Fort Duqu6sne planned by the British Ministry, to be under 
 the Command of General Forbes. — The Virginia Army aug- 
 mented, and united with the Regular Troops in this Enter- 
 prise. 
 
 The campaign, being a defensive one, pre- 
 sented no opportunities for acquiring glory ; 
 but the demands on the resources and address 
 of the commander were not the less pressing. 
 The scene varied little from that of the pre- 
 ceding year, except that the difficulties were 
 more numerous and complicated. There were 
 the same unceasing incursions of the savages, 
 but more sanguinary and terrifying, the same 
 tardiness in the enlistments, the same troubles 
 with the militia, the same neglect in supplying 
 the wants of tlie army : and on every side were 
 heard murmurs of discontent from the soldiers, 
 and cries of distress from the inhabitants. 
 
 And what increased these vexations was, 
 that the governor, tenacious of his authority, 
 intrusted as little power as possible to the head 
 of the army. Totally unskilled in military 
 
iET. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107 
 
 affairs, and residing two hundred miles from 
 the scene of action, he yet undertook to regu- 
 late the principal operations, sending expresses 
 back and forth, and issuing vague and contra- 
 dictory orders, seldom adapted to circumstan- 
 ces, frequently impracticable. This absurd in- 
 terference was borne with becoming patience 
 and fortitude by the Commander-in-chief; but 
 not without keen remonstrance to the Speaker 
 of the Assembly and other friends, against be- 
 ing made responsible for military events, while 
 the power to control them was withheld, or so 
 heavily clogged as to pai^alyze its action. The 
 patriotic party in the legislature sympathized 
 with him, and would gladly have procured re- 
 dress, had not the governor possessed preroga- 
 tives, which they could not encroach upon, 
 and which he seemed ambitious to exercise ; 
 the more so, perhaps, as the leaders of the ma- 
 jority, learning his foible in this respect, had 
 thwarted many of his schemes, and especially 
 had assumed to themselves the appropriation 
 of the public moneys, which by ancient usage 
 had been under the direction of the governor 
 and Council. 
 
 The summer and autumn were passed in 
 skirmishes with the Indians, repairing the old 
 forts, and building new ones. By the advice 
 of Colonel Washington a large fort was begun 
 
108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 
 
 at Winchester, as a depository for the military 
 stores, and a rallying-point for the settlers and 
 troops, should they be driven from the frontiers. 
 It was called Eort Loudoun, in honor of the 
 Earl of Loudoun, who had now succeeded 
 General Shirley in the American command. 
 
 Another enterprise of greater magnitude was 
 likewise set on foot by order of the Assembly ; 
 which was a line of forts extending through 
 the ranges of the Allegany Mountains from the 
 Potomac River to the borders of North Caro- 
 lina, a distance of more than three hundred 
 miles, thus forming a barrier to the whole fron- 
 tier. The scheme was not liked by the gov- 
 ernor. Colonel Washington disapproved it. 
 He objected, that the forts would be too far 
 asunder to support each other, that the Indians 
 might pass between them unmolested, that 
 they would be expensive, and cause the troops 
 to be so much dispersed as to prevent their 
 being brought together on an emergency, thus 
 tempting the enemy to come out in large par- 
 ties and attack the weaker points. He be- 
 lieved, that three or four strong garrisons would 
 constitute a better defence. In conformity 
 with his instructions, however, he drew up a 
 plan embracing a chain of twenty-three forts, 
 and fixing their several positions. He sent out 
 parties to execute the works, and visited them 
 
^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 
 
 himself from time to time. On one occasion 
 he made a tour throughout the whole line to 
 the southern limits of Virginia, exposed to im- 
 minent danger from the savages, who hovered 
 around the small forts, and lay in wait to inter- 
 cept and murder all who came in their way. 
 
 In the midst of these toils, another source 
 of vexation occurred in the affair of Fort 
 Cumberland. As this was now an outpost ac- 
 cessible to the enemy, easily assailed from the 
 hills surrounding it, and containing a large 
 quantity of stores, which required a guard of 
 one hundred and fifty men, who might sudden- 
 ly be cut off, Colonel Washington advised the 
 removal of the stores to a safer position. The 
 post was, moreover, in Maryland, and ought 
 to be supported, if kepf up at all, at the ex- 
 pense of that colony. For some reason not 
 explained, the governor had set his heart on 
 retaining Fort Cumberland. He said it was a 
 King's fort, and he wrote to Lord Loudoun in 
 such terms, as to draw from him, not only a 
 peremptory order to keep the fort, but an im- 
 plied censure on the designs and conduct of 
 Colonel Washington in regard to it. So far 
 did the governor suffer his warmth and obsti- 
 nacy to carry him, that he ordered Fort Cum- 
 berland to be strengthened by calling in the 
 smaller garrisons, and even drawing away the 
 
110 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 
 
 troops from Winchester, thus deranging the 
 plan of operations, which the Assembly had 
 authorized, and which the whole army had 
 been employed during the season to effect. 
 
 It is no wonder, that the commander's pa- 
 tience and equanimity began to forsake him. 
 In a letter to the Speaker, he said ; " The late 
 order reverses, confuses, and incommodes every 
 thing ; to say nothing of the extraordinary ex- 
 pense of carriage, disappointments, losses, and 
 alterations, which must fall heavy on the coun- 
 try. Whence it arises, or why, I am truly ig- 
 norant ; but my strongest representations of 
 matters relative to the peace of the frontiers 
 are disregarded, as idle and frivolous ; my 
 propositions and measures, as partial and sel- 
 fish ; and all my sincerest endeavors for the 
 service of my country are perverted to the 
 worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, 
 and uncertain ; to-day approved, to-morrow 
 condemned. Left to act and proceed at hazard, 
 accountable for the consequences, and blamed 
 without the benefit of defence, if you can 
 think my situation capable of exciting the 
 smallest degree of envy, or affording the least 
 satisfaction, the truth is yet hidden from you, 
 and you entertain notions very different from 
 the reahty of the case. However, I am deter- 
 mined to bear up under all these embarrass- 
 
iET. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ill 
 
 ments some time longer, in hope of a better 
 regulation on the arrival of Lord Loudoun, to 
 whom I look for the future fate of Virginia." 
 
 The year was now drawing to a close. As 
 the Earl of Loudoun was expected soon in 
 Virginia, Colonel Washington resolved to await 
 his arrival, and lay before him a general expo- 
 sition of the state of affairs, and, if possible, to 
 have the Virginia troops put upon the regular 
 establishment under the direction of his Lord- 
 ship, as the only mode by which the command 
 of them could be useful to his country, or 
 honorable to himself In anticipation of this 
 event he drew up an able and luminous state- 
 ment, which he transmitted to Lord Loudoun, 
 then with the armies at the north. 
 
 The paper begins with a modest apology for 
 intruding upon his Lordship's notice, which is 
 followed by a brief sketch of the history of 
 the war in Virginia, and of the part acted in 
 it by the author. With the discrimination of 
 an acute observer and an experienced officer, 
 he traced a narrative of events, exposed the 
 errors that had been committed and their con- 
 sequences, both in the civil and military de- 
 partments, explained their causes, and sug? 
 gested remedies for the future. The commu- 
 nication was favorably received, and acknowl- 
 edged in a complimentary reply. 
 
Ii2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. 
 
 Lord Loudoun did not execute his first pur- 
 pose of going to Virginia, but summoned a 
 meeting of several governors and principal 
 officers at Philadelphia, to consult on a com- 
 prehensive plan for the next campaign. Col- 
 onel Washington attended the meeting, where 
 he met with a flattering reception from the 
 Commander-in-chief, who solicited and duly 
 valued his counsels. The result, however, 
 was only a partial fulfilment of his hopes. In 
 the grand scheme of operations it was decided, 
 that the main eff'orts should be made on the 
 Lakes and Canada borders, where the enemy's 
 forces were embodied, and that the middle and 
 southern colonies should continue in a defen- 
 sive posture. He had the satisfaction to find, 
 nevertheless, that his advice was followed in 
 regard to local arrangements. The Virginia 
 troops were withdrawn from Fort Cumberland, 
 which was left to the charge of Maryland. 
 Colonel Stanwix was stationed in the interior 
 of Pennsylvania, with five companies from the 
 Royal American Regiments ; and, although 
 the Virginia commander was unsuccessful in 
 his endeavors to be placed upon the British 
 establishment, yet, in conformity with his 
 wishes, he was to act in concert with that 
 officer, and be in some sort under his orders. 
 
 He strenuously recommended an expedition 
 
JEt.25.] life of WASHINGTON. 113 
 
 against Port Daquesrie, believing it might be 
 effected with a certainty of success, since the 
 French must necessarily leave that garrison in 
 a weak condition, in order to concentrate their 
 force at the north to meet the formidable prep- 
 arations making against them in that quarter. 
 The wisdom of this advice was afterwards 
 manifest to all ; and, had it been seasonably 
 heeded, it would have saved the expense of 
 another campaign, besides preventing the rav- 
 ages and murders committed in the mean time 
 on the border settlers. In these views, if not 
 in others, he had the hearty concurrence of 
 Governor Dinwiddie. 
 
 From the conference at Philadelphia he re- 
 turned to his usual station at Winchester. The 
 remainder of the season was passed in a rou- 
 tine of duties so nearly resembling those of 
 the two preceding years, as to afford little nov- 
 elty or interest for a separate recital. Em- 
 boldened by successes, the Indians continued 
 their hostilities, attacking the outposts, and 
 killing the defenceless inhabitants. In short, 
 the service had nothing in it to reward gener- 
 ous sacrifices, or gratify a noble ambition. As 
 a school of experience it ultimately proved 
 advantageous to him. It was his good for-, 
 tune, likewise, to gain honor and reputation 
 even in so barren a field, by retaining the con- 
 
 VOL. I. 8 
 
114 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758, 
 
 fidence of his fellow citizens, and fulfilling 
 the expectations of his friends in the legisla- 
 ture, who had pressed upon him the comni'and, 
 and urged his holding it. 
 
 But the fatigue of body and mind, which 
 he suffered from the severity of his labors, 
 gradually undermined his strength, and his 
 physician insisted on his retiring from the ar- 
 my. He went to Mount Vernon, where his 
 disease settled into a fever, and reduced him 
 so low, that he was confined four months, till 
 the 1st of March, 1758, before he was able to 
 resume his command. 
 
 Governor Dinwiddle sailed for England in 
 the month of January. His departure was 
 not regretted. However amiable in his social 
 relations, however zealous in the discharge of 
 his public trusts, he failed to win the hearts, 
 or commaftid the respect, of the people. Least 
 of all was he qualified to transact military af- 
 fairs. His whole course of conduct was mark- 
 ed with a confusion, uncertainty, and way- 
 wardness, which caused infinite perplexity to 
 the commander of the Virginia troops. Every 
 one regarded the change as salutary to the in- 
 terests of the colony. His place was filled for 
 a short time by John Blair, President of the 
 Council, till the arrival of Francis Fauquier, 
 the next governor. The Earl of Loudoun 
 
^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 
 
 had been commissioned as successor to Gov- 
 ernor Dinwiddie, but his military occupations 
 at the north prevented his entering upon the 
 duties of the office. 
 
 A brighter prospect now opened to Colonel 
 Washington. As soon as his health was re- 
 stored, he went back to the army ; and from 
 that time met with a hearty cooperation in all 
 his measures. He was happy to find, also, 
 that his early and constant wishes were at last 
 to be realized by a combined expedition to the 
 Ohio. New energy had been recently infused 
 in the British councils by the accession of 
 Mr. Pitt to the ministry. That statesman, al- 
 ways guided by an enlarged policy, always 
 friendly to the colonies, and understanding 
 their condition and importance much better 
 than his predecessors, resolved on a vigorous 
 prosecution of the war in America. One of 
 his first acts was a plan for the campaign of 
 1758, in which offensive operations were to 
 be pursued throughout the frontiers. General 
 Forbes was appointed to take command of an 
 expedition against Fort Duquesne. To pre- 
 pare the way, Mr. Pitt, knowing the temper of 
 the people, and profiting by the mistakes here- 
 tofore committed, wrote a circular letter to the 
 colonies most nearly concerned, and requested 
 their united aid on such terms, as were acceded 
 
116 LIFE OF AVASHIiVGTON. [1758 
 
 to with alacrity, and carried into effect with 
 •promptitude and spirit. He proposed that all 
 the colonial troops should be supplied with 
 arms, ammunition, tents, and provisions, at the 
 King's charge ; leaving to the colonies no other 
 expense, than that of levying, clothing, and 
 paying the men. It was moreover stipulated, 
 that the provincial officers, when joined with 
 the King's troops, should hold rank according 
 to their commissions. Had this wise and equi- 
 table policy been put in practice three years 
 before, it would have given a very different 
 aspect to the war in America, by diminishing 
 the heavy burdens of the people, promoting 
 harmony and good feeling, producing content- 
 ment among the troops, and drawing out the 
 resources and strength of the country in a 
 more effectual manner. 
 
 The Virginia Assembly met, and immedi- 
 ately complied with the requisitions of the 
 minister, augmenting their army to two thou- 
 sand men, offering a bounty for enlistments, 
 and placing the whole under tlie general direc- 
 tion of the commander of his Majesty's forces, 
 for the express purpose of marching against 
 Fort Duquesne. They were divided into two 
 regiments. The first was under Colonel Wash- 
 ington, who was likewise commander-in-chief 
 of all the Virginia troops as before. At the 
 
iET.ZG.j LIFE OF WASHINGTON 117 
 
 head of the second regiment was Colonel Byrd. 
 As General Forbes was detained at Philadel- 
 phia several weeks, Colonel Bouquet was sta- 
 tioned in the central parts of Pennsylvania 
 with the advanced division of regular troops, 
 to which the provincials joined themselves as 
 fast as they were ready. To fix on a uniform 
 plan of action, and make the necessary arrange- 
 ments, Colonel Washington had an interview 
 at Conococheague with that officer, and with 
 Sir John St. Clair, quartermaster-general of the 
 combined army. He also visited Williams- 
 burg, to advise with the President and Coancil 
 respecting many essential points ; for he was 
 not only obliged to perform his military duties, 
 but to suggest to the civil authorities the prop- 
 er modes of proceeding in relation to the army, 
 and press upon them continually the execution 
 of the laws, and the fulfilment of the pledges 
 contained in the recent acts of the Assembly. 
 The arrival of Governor Fauquier had a favor- 
 able influence ; as he warmly espoused the in- 
 terests of the colony, and showed a friendly 
 regard for the commander of its troops, as well 
 as a just deference to his opinions. 
 
118 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland. — Acts in 
 Concert with Colonel Bouquet. — Joins the main Army at Rays- 
 town under General Forbes. — Forms a Plan of March suited 
 to the Mountains and Woods. — Commands the advanced Di- 
 vision of the Army. — Capture of Fort Duquesne. — He returns 
 to Virginia, resigns bis Commission, and retires to private Life. 
 
 Fob some time Colonel Washington was ac- 
 tively employed at Winchester, in collecting 
 and training the newly enlisted men, calling 
 in the parties from the small forts and supply- 
 ing their places Avith drafted militia, engaging 
 wagons and horses, and putting all things in 
 readiness to march. There was much delay, 
 and the soldiers began to be disorderly from 
 inaction, and the inhabitants of the vicinity 
 to murmur at the pressure laid upon them for 
 provisions and other supplies. A party of 
 Cherokee Indians, who had been tempted to 
 join the expedition, with the prospect of rich 
 presents from the King's stores, came forward 
 so early, that they grew weary, discontented, 
 and troublesome, and finally most of them 
 went off in a fit of ill-humor. 
 
 It was a day of joy to him, therefore, when 
 he received orders to march the Virginia regi- 
 ments from Winchester to Fort Cumberland. 
 
Mr.m.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 119 
 
 This was effected by detachments, which at 
 the same time covered the convoys of wagons 
 and packhorses. The whole arrived at Fort 
 Cumberland early in July, except a small 
 guard left at Fort Loudoun to protect' and pros- 
 ecute the works at that place. Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Stephen had proceeded by another 
 route through a part of Pennsylvania, with six 
 companies of the first regiment, and joined 
 Colonel Bouquet at Raystown, thirty miles 
 from Fort Cumberland, and the head-quarters 
 of the combined army. Both regiments, in- 
 cluding officers and privates, amounted to 
 about eighteen hundred men. The illness of 
 General Forbes detained him long on the way 
 from Philadelphia. During this time Colonel 
 Washington continued at Fort Cumberland, 
 and his troops were employed, some as scout- 
 ing parties, and others in opening a new road 
 to Raystown and repairing the old one towards 
 the Great Meadows. 
 
 He resorted to an expedient, which proved 
 highh'' beneficial to the service. " My men 
 are bare of regimental clothing," said he, in a 
 letter to Colonel Bouquet, " and I have no 
 prospect of a supply. So far from regretting 
 this want during the present campaign, if I 
 were left to pursue my own inclinations, I 
 would not only order the men to adopt the 
 
 6q 
 
120 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN. [1768 
 
 Indian dress, but cause the officers to do it 
 also, and be the first to set the example my- 
 self. Nothing but the uncertainty of obtain- 
 ing the general approbation causes me to hesi- 
 tate a moment to leave my regimentals at this 
 place, and proceed as light as any Indian in 
 the woods. It is an unbecoming dress, I own ; 
 but convenience, rather than show, I think 
 should be consulted." He equipped in an In- 
 dian dress two companies, which had been or- 
 dered to advance to the main body ; and it was 
 so much approved by Colonel Bouquet, that 
 he encouraged the army to adopt it. " The 
 dress," he replied, " takes very well here. We 
 see nothing but shirts and blankets. It should 
 be our pattern in this expedition." Its light- 
 ness and convenience were suited to the heat 
 of summer, and it saved expense and trouble. 
 He had been but a few days at Fort Cum- 
 berland, when he learned with great surprise, 
 that General Forbes was hesitating as to the 
 route he should pursue in crossing the moun- 
 tains to Fort Duquesne. The road, over which 
 General Braddock marched, was the only one 
 that had been cvit through the wilderness for 
 the passage of wagons and artillery ; and, as 
 its construction had cost immense toil, it seem- 
 ed incredible that any other route should be 
 attempted, or even thought of, so late in the 
 
^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN. 121 
 
 season. His sentiments being asked, he ex- 
 pressed them in the most unreserved manner, 
 and with a cogency of argument, that could 
 have been set aside only by a determination 
 on the part of the general, arising from mo- 
 tives foreign to the absolute merits of the case. 
 Colonel Bouquet, who participated in the gen- 
 eral's views, desired a consultation with Wash- 
 ington on the subject. "Nothing," said he, 
 " can exceed your generous dispositions for the 
 service. I see, with the utmost satisfaction, 
 that you are above the influences of prejudice, 
 and ready to go heartily where reason and 
 judgment shall direct. I wish sincerely that 
 we may all entertain one and the same opin- 
 ion ; therefore I desire to have an interview 
 with you at the houses built half way between 
 our camps." This proposal was acceded to, 
 and the matter was deliberately discussed. 
 
 It was represented by Colonel Washington, 
 that a great deal of pains had been taken for- 
 merly by the Ohio Company, with the aid of 
 traders and Indians, to ascertain the most prac- 
 ticable route to the western country ; that the 
 one from Will's Creek was selected as far pref- 
 erable to any other ; that a road had accord- 
 ingly been made, over which General Brad- 
 dock's army had passed ; and that this road 
 required but slight repairs to put it in good 
 
122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 
 
 condition. Even if another route could be 
 found, he thought the experiment a hazardous 
 one at so advanced a stage in the season, as it 
 would retard the operations, and, he feared, 
 inevitably defeat the objects, of the campaign, 
 and defer the capture of Fort Duquesne to an- 
 other year. Such a result would dishearten 
 the colonies, which had made extraordinary 
 efforts to raise men and money for the present 
 enterprise, with the full expectation of its suc- 
 cess ; it would moreover embolden the south- 
 ern Indians, already disaffected, who would 
 seize the opportunity to commit new hostilities, 
 thereby distressing the inhabitants, strength- 
 ening the enemy, and adding to the difficulty 
 of a future conquest. But, admitting it possi- 
 ble, that a new road could be made from Rays- 
 town through Pennsylvania, yet no advantage 
 could be derived from it, that did not actually 
 exist in an equal or greater degree in Brad- 
 dock's Road. Forage for the horses was abun- 
 dant in the meadows bordering the latter; the 
 streams were fordable, and the defiles easy to 
 be passed. 
 
 These reasons, so obvious and forcible, did 
 not change the purpose of the general, who, 
 it was believed, had been influenced by the 
 Pennsylvanians to construct a new road, which 
 would be a lasting benefit to that province, by 
 
^T.26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 
 
 Opening a more direct channel of intercourse 
 with the West. Colonel Bouquet, of course, 
 adhered to the views of his general. 
 
 There was another project, which Colonel 
 Washington disapproved, and which his advice 
 prevailed to counteract. The general propos- 
 ed to march the army in two divisions, one 
 by Braddock's Road, the other directly from 
 Raystown, making the road as it advanced. 
 To this scheme he strenuously objected. Di- 
 viding the army would weaken it, and the 
 routes were so far apart, without any means of 
 communication between the two, that one di- 
 vision could not succor the other in case of an 
 attack ; and it was certain the enemy would 
 take advantage of such an oversight. Again, 
 if the division marching first should escort the 
 convoy and be driven back, there would be a 
 perilous risk of losing the stores and artillery, 
 and of bringing total ruin upon the expedition. 
 In short, every mischief, that could befall a 
 divided army, acting against the concentrated 
 force of an enemy, was to be apprehended. 
 The project was laid aside. 
 
 His opinion was likewise desired, as to the 
 best mode of advancing by deposits. He made 
 an estimate, on the supposition of marching 
 by Braddock's Road, in which it Avas shown, 
 that the whole army might be at Fort Du- 
 
124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1768. 
 
 quesne in thirty-four days, and have then on 
 hand a supply of provisions for eighty-seven 
 days. Perceiving Colonel Bouquet's bias in 
 favor of the general's ideas, he could scarcely 
 hope his suggestions would be received. So 
 strong were his fears for the fate of the expe- 
 dition, that he wrote in moving terms to 
 Major Halket, his former associate in Brad- 
 dock's army, and now one of General Forbes's 
 family. 
 
 " I am just returned," said he, " from a con- 
 ference with Colonel Bouquet. I find him 
 fixed, 1 think I may say unalterably fixed, to 
 lead you a new way to the Ohio, through a 
 road, every inch of which is to be cut at this 
 advanced season, when we have scarce time 
 left to tread the beaten track, universally con- 
 fessed to be the best passage through the 
 mountains. 
 
 " If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point 
 with the general, all is lost, — all is lost in- 
 deed, — our enterprise will be ruined, and we 
 shall be stopped at the Laurel Hill this winter ; 
 but not to gather laurels, except of the kind 
 that covers the mountains. The southern 
 Indians will turn against us, and these colo- 
 nies will be desolated by such an accession to 
 the enemy's strength. These must be the 
 consequences of a miscarriage ; and a miscar- 
 
^T.26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 
 
 riage is the almost necessary consequence of 
 an attempt to march the army by this new 
 route. I have given my reasons at large to 
 Colonel Bouquet. He desired that I would do 
 so, that he might forward them to the gene- 
 ral. Should this happen, you will be able to 
 judge of their weight. 
 
 " I am uninfluenced by prejudice, having no 
 hopes or fears but for the general good. Of 
 this you may be assured, and that my sincere 
 sentiments are spoken on this occasion." 
 
 These representations were vain. Colonel 
 Bouquet was ordered to send forward parties 
 to work upon the new road. Six weeks had 
 been expended in this arduous labor, when 
 General Forbes reached the camp at Rays- 
 town, about the middle of September. Forty- 
 five miles only had been gained by the ad- 
 vanced party, then constructing a fort at Loyal 
 Hanna, the main army still being at Rays- 
 town, and the larger part of the Virginia 
 troops at Fort Cumberland. At that moment 
 the whole army might have been before the 
 walls of Fort Duquesne, if they had marched 
 as advised by Washington. An easy victory 
 would have ensued; for it was ascertained, 
 that the French at that time, including In- 
 dians, numbered not more than eight hundred 
 
126 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 
 
 men. Under General Forbes six thousand 
 were in the field. 
 
 In reporting these facts to the Speaker of 
 the Virginia Assembly, Colonel Washington 
 said ; " See, therefore, how our time has been 
 misspent. Behold how the golden opportuni- 
 ty has been lost, perhaps never more to be re- 
 gained ! How is it to be accounted for ? Can 
 General Forbes have orders for this ? Impos- 
 sible. Will, then, our injured country pass by 
 such abuses? I hope not. Rather let a full 
 representation of the matter go to his Majesty. 
 Let him know how grossly his glory and in- 
 terest, and the public money, are prostituted." 
 About this time occurred the ill concerted and 
 unfortunate adventure under Major Grant, who 
 was suffered to push forward to the very doors 
 of the enemy a light detachment, which was 
 attacked, cut up, and routed, and he and his 
 principal officers were taken prisoners. 
 
 These proceedings, and the counsels by 
 which General Forbes seemed to be guided, 
 were so unsatisfactory to the Yirginia House 
 of Burgesses, and gave so discouraging a pre- 
 sage of the future, that they resolved to recall 
 their troops, and place them on their own fron- 
 tier. But, when it was known, from subse- 
 quent intelligence, that the expedition was in 
 progress, and foreseen that its failure might be 
 
^T.26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 127 
 
 ascribed to the withdrawing of the Virginia 
 regiments, and perhaps be actually caused by 
 such a measure, they revoked their resolves, 
 and extended the term of service to the end 
 of the year. 
 
 General Forbes had no sooner taken the com- 
 mand in person at Raystown, than he called to 
 head-quarters Colonel Washington, who was 
 followed by those companies of his regiments, 
 which had been posted at Fort Cumberland. 
 Notwithstanding the strenuous opposition he 
 had manifested to the plans of operation, as an 
 act of duty, while they were in suspense, he 
 suppressed his feelings and subdued his reluc- 
 tance, from the same motive, the moment they 
 were decided upon, and he then engaged 
 heartily in promoting their execution. If he 
 was mortified at the little attention hitherto 
 paid to his advice, he was compensated by the 
 deference now shown to his opinions and 
 judgment. He attended the councils of war, 
 and was consulted upon every important meas- 
 ure by the general, at whose request he drew 
 up a line of march and order of battle, by 
 which the army could advance with facility 
 and safety through the woods. The fate of 
 Braddock, and its causes, were too deeply im- 
 pressed on General Forbes's mind to be for- 
 gotten or disregarded. Unaccustomed to this 
 
128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 
 
 mode of warfare, more wise and less confident 
 than his predecessor, he was glad to seek the 
 aid of one, whose knowledge and experience 
 would be available, where valor might waste 
 its eiforts in vain, and discipline and strength 
 be ensnared by the artifices of a crafty foe. 
 
 Several weeks previously, when the first 
 detachments began to march. Colonel Wash- 
 ington requested to be put in the advance. 
 Alluding to the troops, which were to compose 
 the first party, he wrote to Colonel Bouquet ; 
 "I pray your interest, most sincerely, with the 
 general, to get myself and my regiment in- 
 cluded in the number. If any argument is 
 needed to obtain this favor, I hope without 
 vanity I may be allowed to say, that, from 
 long intimacy with these woods, and frequent 
 scouting in them, my men are at least as well 
 acquainted with all the passes and difficulties 
 as any troops that will be employed." The 
 request was now complied with. He received 
 General Forbes's orders to march with his regi- 
 ment ; and at Loyal Hanna he was placed at 
 the head of a division, or brigade, amounting 
 to one thousand men, who were to move in 
 front of the main army, and to act as pioneers 
 in clearing the road, keeping out scouts and 
 patrolling guards to prevent a surprise, and 
 throwing up intrenchments at proper stations 
 
^T. 26] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 
 
 as a security to the deposits of provisions. 
 While in this command, he had the temporary 
 rank of brigadier. 
 
 The month of November had set in, before 
 General Forbes, with the artillery and main 
 body of the army, arrived at Loyal Hanna. 
 The road was extremely bad, and difficulties 
 without number interposed at every step to 
 cause delays, discouragement, and suffering. 
 The season of frost had come, and the sum- 
 mits of the hills were whitened with snow. 
 It was no wonder that the spirits of the sol- 
 diers should flag, scantily clothed and fed, as 
 they were, and encountering hardships from 
 want, exposure, and incessant labor. More 
 than fifty miles, through pathless and rugged 
 wilds, still intervened between the army and 
 Fort Duquesne. A council of war was held, 
 and it was decided to be unadvisable, if not 
 impracticable, to prosecute the campaign any 
 further till the next season, and that a winter 
 encampment among the mountains, or a re- 
 treat to the frontier settlements, was the only 
 alternative that remained. Thus far all the 
 anticipations of Washington had been realized. 
 
 A mere accident, however, which happened 
 just at this crisis, turned the scale of fortune, 
 and brought hope out of despair. Three pris- 
 oners were taken, who gave such a report of 
 
 VOL. I. 9 
 
130 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 
 
 the weak state of the garrison at Fort Du- 
 quesne, that the council reversed their decis- 
 ion, and resolved to hazard an effort, which 
 held out a possibility of success, and in any 
 event could be scarcely more ruinous than the 
 alternative first proposed. Henceforward the 
 march was pursued without tents or heavy 
 baggage, and with only a light train of ar- 
 tillery. The troops, animated by the exam- 
 ple of the officers, performed their tasks with 
 renovated ardor and alacrity. Washington re- 
 sumed his command in front, attending person- 
 ally to the cutting of the road, establishing 
 deposits of provisions, and preparing the way. 
 for the main army. 
 
 No material event occurred till the 25th of 
 November, when General Forbes took posses- 
 sion of Fort Duquesne, or rather the place 
 where it had stood. The enemy, reduced in 
 number to about five hundred men, and de- 
 serted by the Indians, had abandoned the fort 
 the day before, set fire to it, and gone down 
 the Ohio in boats. Thus ended an expedition, 
 in which more than six thousand men had 
 been employed for five months. Rejoiced that 
 their toils were over, the troops forgot their 
 sufferings ; and the people of the middle prov- 
 inces, who had murmured loudly at the dilato- 
 ry manner in which the campaign had been 
 
iEx. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 131 
 
 carried on, were contented with the issue in 
 this consummation of their wishes. The con- 
 tinued illness of General Forbes had perhaps 
 operated unfavorably. He was esteemed a 
 worthy and brave man, possessing eminent 
 military talents. Worn down with infirmities, 
 which had been increased by the fatigues of 
 the campaign, he died a few weeks afterwards 
 at Philadelphia. 
 
 The lateness of the season rendered it im- 
 possible, that the French should attempt to re- 
 cover the ground they had lost before the next 
 year. It was necessary, however, that a small 
 garrison should be left there, as well to retain 
 possession of the post, as to keep the Indians 
 in check and win their alliance. Two hun- 
 dred of the Virginia troops were detached for 
 this service, by the express order of the gener- 
 al, but against the remonstrances of their com- 
 mander, who thought they had performed their 
 full share of duty. General Forbes said he 
 had no authority to leave any of the King's 
 forces for that purpose, and the place was then 
 understood to be within the jurisdiction of Vir- 
 ginia. This latter circumstance was probably 
 the reason, why the task of defence was not 
 assigned to the Pennsylvanians. The French 
 name of the fort was changed to Fort Pitt, 
 in honor of the minister by whose counsels 
 
132 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758 
 
 the expedition for capturing it had been under- 
 taken. 
 
 On his return, Colonel Washington stopped 
 a short time at Loyal Hanna, where he wrote 
 a circular letter to the frontier inhabitants, 
 requesting them to take out provisions to the 
 men at the fort, who would be in great dis- 
 tress if not immediately supplied, and promis- 
 ing a liberal compensation for every thing that 
 should thus be furnished. He then proceed- 
 ed by way of Mount Vernon to Williamsburg. 
 The remainder of his troops marched to Win- 
 chester, where they went into winter quarters. 
 
 For some months it had been his determina- 
 tion, if this campaign should prove successful, 
 to retire from his command at its close. By 
 gaining possession of the Ohio, the great ob- 
 ject of the war in the middle colonies was ac- 
 complished ; and, as he had abandoned the 
 idea of making any further attempts to be uni- 
 ted to the British establishment, there was no 
 prospect of rising higher in the military line ; 
 so that neither his duty as a citizen, nor his 
 ambition as a soldier, operated any longer to 
 retain him in the service. The one had been 
 faithfully discharged, the other had yielded to 
 the force of circumstances, and to the visions 
 of the tranquil enjoyments of private life, 
 which now opened upon his mind. After set- 
 
^T.26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 133 
 
 tling all his public accounts, therefore, he re- 
 signed his commission the last week in De- 
 cember, having been actively and almost un- 
 interruptedly engaged in the service of his 
 country more than five years. 
 
 On this occasion he received from the ofii- 
 cers, who had served under him, a testimony 
 of their attachment, which must have been as 
 grateful to his feelings, as it was honorable to 
 his character. They sent him an address, 
 written in camp, expressive of the satisfaction 
 they had derived from his conduct as com- 
 mander, the sincerity of his friendship, and his 
 affable demeanor; and of the high opinion 
 they entertained of his military talents, patri- 
 otism, and private virtues. 
 
 The events of this war h^d a more impor- 
 tant influence on the life and character of 
 Washington, than might at first be supposed. 
 They proved to him and to the world his men- 
 tal resources, courage, fortitude, and power 
 over the will and actions of others. They 
 were in fact a school of practical knowledge 
 and discipline, qualifying him for the great 
 work in which he was to be engaged at a fu- 
 ture day. The duties of his station at the 
 head of the Virginia troops, and the difficulties 
 he had to contend with during an active war- 
 fare of five years, bore a strong resemblance to 
 
134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1768. 
 
 those, that devolved on him as Commander-in- 
 chief of the American armies in the Revolu- 
 tion. They differed in magnitude, and in the 
 ends to be attained ; but it will be seen, as we 
 proceed, that they were analogous in many 
 striking particulars, and that the former were 
 an essential preparation for the latter. 
 
^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 135 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Washington's Marriage. — For many Years a Member of the Vir- 
 ginia House of Burgesses. — His Pursuits and Habits as a Plan- 
 ter. — A Vestryman in the Church, and active in Parish Affairs. 
 — His Opinion of the Stamp Act. — Takes an early and decided 
 Stand against tlie Course pursued by the British Government 
 towards the Colonies. — Approves the Non-importation Agree- 
 ments. 
 
 In the course of the preceding year, Colonel 
 Washington had paid his addresses successful- 
 ly to Mrs. Martha Custis, to whom he was 
 married on the 6th of January, 1759. This 
 lady was three months younger than himself, 
 widow of John Parke Custis, and distinguish- 
 ed alike for her beauty, accomplishments, and 
 wealth. She was the daughter of John Daii- 
 dridge. At the time of her second marriage 
 she had two children, a son and daughter, the 
 former six years old, the latter four. Mr. 
 Custis had left large landed estates in New 
 Kent County, and forty-five thousand pounds 
 sterling in money. One third part of this 
 property she held in her own right, the other 
 tw'o thirds being equally divided between her 
 children. 
 
 By this marriage an accession of more than 
 one hundred thousand dollars was made to 
 
136 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759. 
 
 Colonel Washington's fortune, which was al- 
 ready considerable in the estate at Mount Ver- 
 non, and other lands which he had selected 
 during his surveying expeditions and obtained 
 at different times. To the management of his 
 extensive private affairs his thoughts were now 
 turned. He also took upon himself the guar- 
 dianship of Mrs. Washington's two children, 
 and the care of their property, which trust he 
 discharged with all the faithfulness and assidu- 
 ity of a father, till the son became of age, and 
 till the daughter died in her nineteenth year. 
 This union was in every respect felicitous. It 
 continued forty years. To her intimate ac- 
 quaintances and to the nation, the character of 
 Mrs. Washington was ever a theme of praise. 
 Affable and courteous, exemplary in her deport- 
 ment, remarkable for her deeds of charity and 
 piety, unostentatious and without vanity, she 
 adorned by her domestic virtues the sphere of 
 private life^ and filled with dignity every sta- 
 tion in whf^ she was placed. 
 
 While engaged in the last campaign. Colonel 
 Washington had been elected a representative 
 to the House of Burgesses, in Virginia, from 
 Frederic County. Having determined to quit 
 the military line, and being yet inclined to 
 serve his country in a civil capacity, this 
 choice of the people was peculiarly gratifying 
 
^T. 27.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 137 
 
 to him. As this was the first time he had 
 been proposed for the popular suffrages, his 
 friends urged him to leave the army for a few 
 days, and repair to Winchester, where the 
 election was to be held. But, regarding his 
 duties in the field as outweighing every other 
 consideration, he remained at his post, and the 
 election was carried without his personal soli- 
 citation or inflaence. There were four candi- 
 dates, and he was chosen by a large majority 
 over all his competitors. The success was 
 beyond his most sanguine anticipations. 
 
 He did not establish himself at Mount Ver- 
 non till three months after his marriage, but 
 continued at Williamsburg, or in the vicinity 
 of that place, probably arranging the affairs of 
 Mrs. Washington's estate. At the same time 
 there was a session of the House of Burgesses, 
 which he attended. It was during this session, 
 that an incident occurred, which has been 
 graphically described by Mr. Wirt. " By a 
 vote of the House, the Speaker, Mr. Robinson, 
 was directed to return their thanks to Colonel 
 Washington, on behalf of the colony, for the 
 distinguished military services which he had 
 rendered to his country. As soon as Colonel 
 Washington took his seat, Mr. Robinson, in 
 obedience to this order, and following the im- 
 pulse of his own generous and grateful heart, 
 
138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759. 
 
 discharged the duty with great dignity, but 
 with such warmth of coloring and strength of 
 expression, as entirely confounded the young 
 hero. He rose to express his acknowledg- 
 ments for the honor ; but such was his trepi- 
 dation and confusion, that he could not give 
 distinct utterance to a single syllable. He 
 blushed, stammered, and trembled for a sec- 
 ond ; when the Speaker relieved him by a 
 stroke of address, that would have done honor 
 to Louis the Fourteenth in his proudest and 
 happiest moment. ' Sit down, Mr. Washing- 
 ton,' said he, with a conciliating smile ; ' your 
 modesty equals your valor; and that surpasses 
 the power of any language that I possess.' " * 
 From this time till the beginning of the 
 Revolution, a period of fifteen years, Washing- 
 ton was constantly a member of the House of 
 Burgesses, being returned by a large majority 
 of votes at every election. For seven years 
 he represented, jointly with another delegate, 
 the County of Frederic, and afterwards the 
 County of Fairfax, in which he resided. There 
 were commonly two sessions in a year, and 
 sometimes three. It appears, from a record left 
 in his handwriting, that he gave his attend- 
 ance punctually, and from the beginning to 
 
^T, 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 
 
 the end of almost every session. It was a 
 maxim with him through life, to execute 
 punctually and thoroughly every charge which 
 he undertook. 
 
 His influence in public bodies was produced 
 more by the soundness of his judgment, his 
 quick perceptions, and his directness and un- 
 deviating sincerity, than by eloquence or art 
 in recommending his opinions. He seldom 
 spoke, never harangued, and it is not known 
 that he ever made a set speech, or entered into 
 a stormy debate. But his attention was at all 
 times awake. He studied profoundly the 
 prominent topics of discussion, and, whenever 
 occasion required, was prepared to deliver his 
 sentiments clearly, and to act with decision 
 and firmness. 
 
 After suitable preparations had been made, 
 he retired with Mrs. Washington to the charm- 
 ing retreat at Mount Vernon, resolved to de- 
 vote his remaining years to the pursuit of ag- 
 riculture, with no higher aims than to increase 
 his fortune, cultivate the social virtues, fulfil 
 his duties as a citizen, and sustain in its ele- 
 vated dignity and worth the character of a 
 country gentleman. For this sphere he was 
 extremely well fitted, both by his tastes and 
 his habits of business. In all the scenes of 
 his public career, even when his renown was 
 
140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759-1764. 
 
 the highest, and he was the most actively en- 
 gaged in great affairs, there was no subject 
 upon which his mind dwelt with so Hvely an 
 interest and pleasure as on that of agriculture. 
 Nor was there ever a moment, when his 
 thoughts would not recur to his tranquil home 
 at Mount Vernon, as the seat of his purest 
 happiness, or when he would not have return- 
 ed to it with unfeigned delight. 
 
 The occupation of a Virginia planter before 
 the Revolution afforded little variety of inci- 
 dents. Few modes of existence could be 
 more monotonous. The staple product, par- 
 ticularly in the lower counties, was tobacco, 
 to the culture of which Washington chiefly 
 directed his care. This he exported to Lon- 
 don for a market, making the shipments in his 
 own name, and putting the tobacco on board 
 vessels, which came up the Potomac River to 
 his mansion at Mount Vernon, or to such other 
 points as were most convenient. He had also 
 correspondents in Bristol and Liverpool, to 
 whom he sometimes consigned tobacco. 
 
 In those days, it was the practice of the 
 Virginia planters to import directly from Lon- 
 don all the articles of common use. Twice a 
 year Washington forwarded lists of such arti- 
 cles to his agent, comprising not only the 
 necessaries and conveniences for household 
 
^T. 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 
 
 purposes, ploughs, hoes, spades, scythes, and 
 other implements of agriculture, saddles, bri- 
 dles, and harness for his horses, but likewise 
 every article of wearing apparel for himself 
 and the different members of his family, spe- 
 cifying the names of each, and the ages of 
 Mrs. Washington's two children, as well as the 
 size, description, and quality of the several ar- 
 ticles. He required his agent to send him, in 
 addition to a general bill of the whole, the 
 original vouchers of the shopkeepers and me- 
 chanics, from whom purchases had been made. 
 So particular was he in these concerns, that 
 for many years he recorded with his own 
 hand, in books prepared for the purpose, all the 
 long lists of orders, and copies of the multifa- 
 rious receipts from the different merchants and 
 tradesmen, who had supplied the goods. In 
 this way he kept a perfect oversight of the 
 business, ascertained the prices, could detect 
 any imposition, mismanagement, or careless- 
 ness, and tell when any advantage was taken 
 of him even in the smallest matter, of which, 
 when discovered, he did not fail to remind his 
 correspondents the next time he wrote. 
 
 During the whole of this period, in short, 
 
 his industry was equal to his enterprise in 
 
 'business. His daybooks, legers, and letter 
 
 books were all kept by himself; nor does it 
 
142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759-17G4. 
 
 appear, that he was in the habit, on any oc- 
 casion, of resorting to the aid of a clerk or 
 secretary. He usually drew up his con- 
 tracts, deeds, and other papers, requiring legal 
 knowledge and accuracy. It was a rule with 
 him, in private as well as public transac- 
 tions, not to rely on others for what he could 
 do himself. 
 
 Although his pursuits were those of a re- 
 tired farmer, yet he was by no means secluded 
 from social intercourse with persons of intelli- 
 gence and refinement. During the periods of 
 his attending the House of Burgesses at Wil- 
 liamsburg, he met on terms of intimacy the 
 eminent men of Virginia, who, in imitation of 
 the governors (sometimes noblemen, and al- 
 ways from the higher ranks of English socie- 
 ty), lived in a style of magnificence, which 
 has long since passed away, and given place 
 to the republican simplicity of modern times. 
 He was sl frequent visiter at Annapolis, the 
 seat of government in Maryland, renowned as 
 the resort of the polite, wealthy, and fashion- 
 able. At* Mount Vernon he returned the 
 civilities he had received, and practised, on a 
 large and generous scale, the hospitality for 
 which the southern planters have ever been 
 distinguished. When he was at home, a day 
 seldom passed without the company of frieiicls 
 
^T. 27-32.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 
 
 or strangers at his house. In his diaries the 
 names of these visiters are often mentioned, 
 and we find among tliem the governors of 
 Virginia and Maryland, and nearly all the cel- 
 ebrated men of the southern and middle colo- 
 nies, who were at that time and afterwards 
 conspicuous in the history of the country. 
 
 One of his nearest neighbors was George 
 Mason, of Gunston Hall, a man possessing re- 
 markable intellectual powers, deeply conver 
 sant with political science, and thoroughly 
 versed in the topics of dispute then existing 
 between England and America. Lord Fairfax 
 was also a constant guest at Mount Vernon, 
 who, although eccentric in his habits, possess- 
 ed a cultivated mind, social qualities, and a 
 perfect knowledge of the world. To these 
 may be added a large circle of relatives and 
 acquaintances, who sought his society, and to 
 whom his house was always open. 
 
 Washington had a relish for amusements. 
 In his earlier years, as we have seen, he was 
 fond of athletic sports, and feats of agility 
 and strength. When he was at Williamsburg 
 or Annapolis, he commonly attended the the- 
 atrical exhibitions, such as were presented on 
 the American boards at that day. But his 
 chief diversion was the chase. At the proper ■ 
 season, it was not unusual for him to go out 
 
 7q 
 
144 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759-1764. 
 
 two or three times in a ^\neelc with horses, 
 dogs, and horns, in pursuit of foxes, accompa- 
 nied by a small party of gentlemen, either his 
 neighbors, or such visiters as happened to be 
 at Mount Yernon. If we may judge by his 
 own account, however, he could seldom boast 
 of brilliant success in these excursions. He 
 was not disheartened by disappointment ; and 
 when the foxes eluded his pursuit, he consoled 
 himself with the reflection, that the main end 
 in view, excitement and recreation, had been 
 gained. 
 
 Another favorite exercise was fowling. His 
 youthful rambles in the woods, on his survey- 
 ing expeditions, had made him familiar with 
 the use of his gun. Game of various kinds 
 abounded on his plantations, particularly the 
 species of wild duck, which at certain seasons 
 resorts in great numbers to the waters of the 
 Chesapeake, and is so much esteemed for its 
 superior quality. He was expert in the art of 
 duck-shooting, and often practised it; 
 
 Connected with this subject, an anecdote is 
 related of him, illustrative of his resolution 
 and courage. A person of lawless habits and 
 reckless character had frequently entered upon 
 the grounds near Mount Vernon, and shot 
 ducks and other game. More than once he 
 had been warned to desist, and not to return. 
 
^T. 33] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 145 
 
 It was his custom to cross the Potomac in a 
 canoe, and ascend the creeks to some obscure 
 place, where he could be concealed from ob- 
 servation. One day, hearing the discharge of 
 a musket, Washington mounted his horse, and 
 rode in the direction of the sound. The in- 
 truder discovered his approach, and had just 
 time to gain the canoe and push it from the 
 shore, when Washington emerged from the 
 bushes at the distance of a few yards. The 
 man raised his gun, cocked it, pointed it at 
 him, and took deliberate aim ; but, without a 
 moment's hesitation, he rode into the water, 
 seized the prow of the canoe, drew it to land, 
 disarmed his antagonist, and inflicted on him a 
 chastisement, which he never again chose to 
 run the hazard of encountering. 
 
 But neither his private occupations, nor his 
 important duties as one of the legislators of 
 the province, prevented Washington from tak- 
 ing an active part in many concerns of less 
 moment, wherein he could be useful to his 
 friends or the community. He assumed trusts 
 at the solicitation of others, which sometimes 
 involved much labor and responsibility, and in 
 which he had no personal interest ; and cheer- 
 fully rendered his services as an arbitrator in 
 settling disputes. Such was the confidence in 
 his candor and judgment, and such his known 
 
 VOL. I. 10 
 
146 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. 
 
 desire to promote peace and concord, that he 
 was often called upon to perform offices of this 
 kind ; and it was rare that his decision was 
 unsatisfactory ; for, however the parties might 
 differ in opinion, they were persuaded that 
 their cause could not be submitted to a more 
 impartial or competent judge. 
 
 His usefulness extended to every object 
 within the sphere of his influence. In the af- 
 fairs of Truro Parish, to which Mount Vernon 
 belonged, he took a lively concern and exer- 
 cised a salutary control. He was a vestryman 
 of that parish. On one occasion he gained a 
 triumph of some moment, which Mr. Masse y, 
 the clergyman, who lived to an advanced age, 
 used to mention as an instance of his address. 
 The old church was falling to rain, and it was 
 resolved that another should be built. Several 
 meetings were held, and a warm dispute arose 
 respecting its location, the old one being re- 
 mote from the centre, and inconveniently situ- 
 ated for many of the parishioners. A meeting 
 for settling the question was finally held, 
 George Mason, who led the party that adhered 
 to the ancient site, made an eloquent harangue, 
 in which he appealed with great effect to the 
 sensibilities of the people, conjuring them not 
 to desert the spot consecrated by the bones of 
 their ancestors and the most hallowed associ- 
 
yET. 33.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 147 
 
 ations. Mr. Massey said every one present 
 seemed moved by this discourse, and, for the 
 moment, he thought there would not be a dis- 
 senting voice. Washington then rose and drew 
 from his pocket a roll of paper, containing an 
 exact survey of Truro Parish, on which was 
 marked the site of the old chiu'ch, the proposed 
 site of the new one, and the place where each 
 parishioner resided. He spread this map before 
 the audience, explained it in a few words, and 
 then added, that it was for them to determine, 
 whether they would be carried away by an 
 impulse of feeling, or act upon the obvious 
 principles of reason and justice. The argu- 
 ment, thus confirmed by ocular demonstra- 
 tion, was conclusive, and the church was erect- 
 ed on the new site. 
 
 At the close of the French war, he had an 
 arduous service to perform, as one of the com- 
 missioners for settling the military accounts of 
 the colony, Avhich were complicated and of 
 large extent. His intimate knowledge of the 
 subject, and the sympathy he felt for his com- 
 panions in arms, and all who had aided the 
 cause of their country, were motives for throw- 
 ing this task chiefly upon him, and he executed 
 it faithfully. 
 
 British writers have asserted, and perhaps 
 believed, that Washington's sentiments did not 
 
148 LIFK OF WASHINGTON. [1767. 
 
 harmonize with tliose of the leaders, who re- 
 sisted the aggressions of the mother country 
 at the beginning of the great struggle for in- 
 dependence, and that he was brought tardily 
 into the measures of opposition. This opin- 
 ion probably arose from the circumstance of 
 his name not being mentioned among the con- 
 spicuous actors, and was strengthened by the 
 spurious letters ascribed to him in the first part 
 of the war, of which more will be said here- 
 after. These letters were first published in 
 England, and so artfully written, that they 
 might easily mislead those, who were willing 
 to be deceived on the side of their prejudices 
 and wishes. It is nevertheless true, that no 
 man in America took a more early, open, and 
 decided part in asserting and defending the 
 rights of the colonies, and opposing the pre- 
 tensions set up by the British government. In 
 the Yirginia legislature he went heart and 
 hand with Henrj'", Randolph, Lee, Wythe, 
 and the other prominent leaders of the time. 
 His opinions and principles were consistent 
 throughout. That he looked for a concilia- 
 tion, till the convening of the first Congress, 
 and perhaps till the petition of that Congress 
 had been rejected by the King, there is no 
 doubt ; and so did Franklin, Jay, Jefferson, 
 John Adams, and probably all the other master 
 
yET. 55.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 149 
 
 spirits, Avho gave the tone to public sentiment 
 and action. 
 
 His disapprobation of the Stamp Act was 
 expressed in unqualified terms. He spoke of 
 it, in a letter written at the time, as an "un- 
 constitutional method of taxation/' and " a 
 direful attack on the liberties of the colonists." 
 And subsequently he said, " The repeal of the 
 Stamp Act, to whatever cause owing, ought 
 much to be rejoiced at ; for, had the Parlia- 
 ment of Great Britain resolved upon enforcing 
 it, the consequences, I conceive, would have 
 been more direful than is generally appre- 
 hended, both to the mother country and her 
 colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumen- 
 tal in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the 
 thanks of every British subject, and have mine 
 cordially." He was present in the Virginia 
 legislature, when Patrick Henry offered his 
 celebrated resolutions on this subject. I have 
 found no record of his vote ; but it may be 
 presumed, from his well-known sentiments, 
 and from his frankness in avowing them, that 
 he stood in the ranks of the patriotic party, to 
 which he ever afterwards rendered his most 
 zealous support. 
 
150 l^TFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Joins heartily in all the Measures of Opposition. — His Servi- 
 ces in procuring the Lands promised to the Officers and Sol- 
 diers in the French War. — Performs a Tour to the Ohio and 
 Kenhavva Piivers for the purpose of selecting those Lands. — 
 Takes an acti.ve Fart at different Times in the Proceedings 
 of the Virginia Legislature in defending the Rights of the Col- 
 onies. — His Opinions on this Subject. — Chosen to command 
 several Independent Companies of Militia. — A Delegate to 
 the first and second Virginia Conventions. — A Member of the 
 Continental Congress. 
 
 The spirit of discontent and opposition dif- 
 fused itself rapidly in all the provinces. In 
 the month of April, 1769, just before the as- 
 sembling of the Virginia legislature, Colonel 
 Washington received sundry papers, contain- 
 ing the resolves and proceedings of the mer- 
 chants of Philadelphia. These papers he com- 
 municated to his neighbor and friend, George 
 Mason, accompanied by a letter, in which he 
 declared his own opinions in a tone of energy 
 and decision, that could leave no room to 
 doubt, as to his sense of the matter, and the 
 ground he was prepared to take. 
 
 "At a time," said he, "when our lordly 
 masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with 
 nothing less, than the deprivation of American 
 freedom, it seems highly necessary that some- 
 thing should be done to avert the stroke, and 
 
/Et.37.] life of WASHINGTON. 151 
 
 maintain the liberty v.iiich we have derived 
 from our ancestors. But the manner of doing 
 it, to answer the purpose effectnally, is the 
 point in question. 
 
 " That no man should scruple, or hesitate a 
 moment, to use arms in defence of. so valuable 
 a blessing, is clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I 
 would beg leave to add, should be the last re- 
 source, the dernier rcsoj^t. We have already, 
 it is said, proved the incfficacy of addresses tfi 
 the throne, and remonstrances to Parliament. 
 How far, then, their attention to our rights 
 and privileges is to be awakened or alarmed, 
 by starving their trade and manufactures, re- 
 mains to be tried. 
 
 " The northern colonics, it appears, are en- 
 deavoring to adopt this scheme. In my opin- 
 ion it is a good one, and must be attended 
 with salutary eflects, provided it can be carried 
 pretty generally into execution." 
 
 These sentiments were cordially reciprocat- 
 ed by Mr. Mason, who agreed that steps ought 
 immediately to be taken to bring about a con- 
 cert of action between Virginia and the north- 
 ern colonies. This gentleman, who after- 
 wards drafted the first conscitution of Virginia, 
 and was a skilful writer, drew up a series of 
 articles in the form of an Association. The 
 Burgesses met ia May, and, as Mr. Mason was 
 
152 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. 
 
 not then one of their number, Washington 
 took charge of the paper, with the view of 
 laying it before the Assembly. As soon as the 
 Burgesses had come together, and gone through 
 with the forms of opening the session, they 
 proceeded to consider the late doings of Par- 
 liament, and passed several bold and pointed 
 resolves, denying the authority of Parliament 
 to impose taxes and enact laws hostile to the 
 ancient liberties of the colonists. The gov- 
 ernor, Lord Botetourt, deservedly popular for 
 his amiable manners and the real interest he 
 felt in the welfare of the people, and at heart 
 opposed to the ministerial pretensions, could 
 not, in justice to his sovereign and the trust 
 reposed in him, silently witness these symp- 
 toms of disaffection and disobedience. He 
 went the next day to the Capitol, summoned 
 the Burgesses to meet him in the council 
 chamber, and there dissolved the Assembly. 
 Not intimidated by this exercise of the pre- 
 rogative, although a virtual reprimand, they 
 forthwith repaired in a body to a private house, 
 and unanimously adopted the non-importation 
 agreement, which had been prepared by George 
 Mason, and presented by Washington. Every 
 member subscribed his name to it, and it was 
 then printed and dispersed in the country for 
 the signatures of the people. 
 
iET. 37.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 
 
 Washington was scrupulous in observing 
 this agreement ; and, when he sent his cus- 
 tomary annual orders to London for goods to 
 be used in his family, he strictly enjoined his 
 correspondents to forward none of the enu- 
 merated articles, unless the offensive acts of 
 Parliament should in the mean time be re- 
 pealed. 
 
 In the midst of his public engagements, 
 another affair, extremely vexatious in its de- 
 tails, employed much of his attention. The 
 claims of the officers and soldiers to lands, 
 granted by Governor Dinwiddle as a reward 
 for their services at the beginning of the 
 French war, met with innumerable obstacles 
 for a long time, first from the ministry in 
 England, and next from the authorities in 
 Virginia. By his unwearied exertions, how- 
 ever, and by these alone, and mostly at his 
 own expense, the matter was at last adjusted. 
 Nor did he remit his efforts, till every officer 
 and private soldier had received his due pro- 
 portion. Where deaths had occurred, the 
 heirs were sought out, and their claims veri- 
 fied and allowed. Even Yanbraam, who was 
 believed to have deceived him at the capitula- 
 tion of the Great Meadows, and who went as 
 a hostage to Canada, thence to England, and 
 never returned to America, was not forgotten 
 
154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [i770. 
 
 in the distribution. His share was reserved, 
 and he was informed that it was at his dis- 
 posal. 
 
 While this business was in progress, Wash- 
 ington resolved to visit the western lands in 
 person, and select for the surveys siicli tracts 
 as would have an intrinsic value, both in re- 
 gard to their location and quality. This was 
 the more important, as it was necessary to take 
 the land in large tracts, and then divide it ac- 
 cording to a prescribed ratio. 
 
 In the autumn of 1770, accompanied by 
 his friend, Dr. Craik, who had been his com- 
 panion in arms at the battles of the Great 
 Meadows and of the Monongahela, he per- 
 formed a tour of nine weeks for this purpose. 
 Proceeding to Pittsbnrg on hoi'seback, he there 
 embarked in a canoe, and descended the Ohio 
 River to the Great Kenhawa, a distance of 
 two hundred and sixty-five miles. 
 
 At that time there were no inhabitants on 
 the Ohio below Pittsbnrg, except the natives 
 of the forest. A few traders had wandered 
 into those regions, and land speculators had 
 sent out emissaries to explore the country, but 
 no permanent settlements had been formed. 
 He was attended down the river by William 
 Crawford, a person accustomed to the woods, 
 and a part of the way by Colonel Croghan, 
 
.V 
 JEt.SC] life of WASHINGTON. 155 
 
 distinguished for his knowledge of Indian af- 
 fairs. TIic voyage was fatiguing and some- 
 what hazardous, as they were exposed without 
 sheUer to the inclemency of the weather, and 
 no one of the party was experienced in the 
 navigatioii of the stream. At night they land- 
 ed and encamped. Occasionally they walked 
 through the woods, leaving the canoe in charge 
 of the oarsmen. They were thus enabled to 
 inspect the lands, and form a judgment of the 
 soil. Washington Avas also gratified to meet 
 several of his former Indian friends, who, hear- 
 ing of his journey, came to see him at different 
 places. Among others, he recognised a chief, 
 who had gone with him to the fort on French 
 Creek, sixteen years before. They all greeted 
 him with much ceremonious respect, making 
 speeches according to their manner, welcoming 
 him to their country, exhibiting their usual 
 tokens of friendship and hospitality, and ex- 
 pressing a desire to maintain a pacific inter- 
 course with their white neighbors of Virginia. 
 After arriving at the mouth of the Great 
 Kenhawa, he ascended that river about four- 
 teen miles, and examined the lands in the vi- 
 cinity. He had an opportunity, likewise, to 
 practise his favorite amusement of hunting. 
 Buffaloes, deer, turkeys, ducksj and other wild 
 game, were found in great abundance. Pleas- 
 
i5G LIFE OF WASniNGTON. [1771. 
 
 ed with the situation, aspect, and resources of 
 the country, he selected various tracts of land, 
 which were ultimately surveyed and appropri- 
 ated to fulfil the pledges to the army. Having 
 accomplished his object, he returned up the 
 Ohio, and thence to Mount Vernon. 
 
 Some months afterwards he assented to a 
 proposal from Lord Dunmore, governor of Vir- 
 ginia, to join him in an excursion to the west- 
 ern country, and the preparations were partly 
 made ; but family afflictions occurring at the 
 time, in the death of Mrs. Washington's only 
 daughter, prevented him from executing the 
 design. 
 
 The crisis was now approaching, which was 
 to call Washington from his retreat, and to en- 
 gage him in the widest sphere of public action. 
 The complaints, remonstrances, and lofty spirit 
 of the colonists had wrought no other impres- 
 sion on the British ministry, than to confirm 
 them in their delusions, and stimulate them to 
 new acts of encroachment and severity, mis- 
 taking the calls of justice for the clamor of 
 factious discontent, and eager to complete by 
 the arm of power the work, which they had 
 begun with rashness and pursued with obsti- 
 nacy. Although apparently shrouded in the 
 shades of Mount Vernon, Washington was a 
 close observer of every movement, and per- 
 
^T. 41.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 
 
 fectly master of the history and prhiciples of 
 the controversy. Associating, as he did, with 
 the eminent men of his day, and exercising 
 without intermission the civil functions of a 
 legislator, every topic had been brought under 
 his notice and minutely examined. We have 
 seen the part he had already acted ; and, such 
 were his caution, the rectitude of his motives, 
 his power of discrimination, and his unerring 
 judgment, that he was never known to desert 
 a cause he had once embraced, or change an 
 opinion, which, from a full knowledge of facts, 
 he had deliberately formed. 
 
 The dissolution of the Assembly by Lord 
 Botetourt had no other effect than to elicit a 
 signal proof of the sentiments of the people, 
 and their acquiescence in the acts of their rep- 
 resentatives. At the new election every mem- 
 ber was returned, who had sat in the former 
 Assembly. In the mean time Lord Botetourt 
 died, and the Earl of Dun more succeeded him 
 as governor, of Virginia. The temper shown 
 by the Burgesses, at their first meeting after 
 he took possession of the government, was not 
 such as to make him desirous of their aid, so 
 long as he could dispense with it, and he pro- 
 rogued them by proclamations from time to 
 time till the 4th of March, 1773. This As- 
 sembly is memorable for having brought for- 
 
158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774 
 
 ward the resolves, instituting a Committee of 
 Correspondence, and recommending the same 
 to the legislatures of the otlier colonies, there- 
 by establishing channels of intelligence and a 
 bond of union, which proved of the utmost 
 importance to the general cause. Washington 
 was present, and gave his hearty support to 
 these resolves. 
 
 The next session, which took place in May, 
 1774, was productive of still more decisive 
 measures. Soon after the members had come 
 together, news reached Williamsburg of the 
 act of Parliament for shutting up the port of 
 Boston, and inflicting other disabilities on the 
 inhabitants of that town, which was to take 
 efl^t on the 1st of June. The sympathy and 
 patriotic feelings of the Burgesses were strong- 
 ly excited ; and they forthwith passed an or- 
 der, deprecating this ministerial procedure, as a 
 hostile invasion, and setting apart the 1st of 
 June to be observed " as a day of fasting, hu- 
 miliation, and prayer, to implore the Divine 
 interposition for averting the heavy calamity, 
 which threatened destruction to their civil 
 rights and the evils of civil war, and to give 
 them one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, 
 by all just and proper means, every injury to 
 American rights." The governor was alarmed 
 
Mr.i'i.] LliL Of WASHINGTON. 159 
 
 at these symptoms, and dissolved the House 
 the next morniug. 
 
 Not to be diverted from their purpose, how- 
 ever, the delegates repaired immediately to the 
 Raleigh Tavern, eighty-nine in number, or- 
 ganized themselves into a committee, and drew 
 up and signed an Association, in which, after 
 expressing in strong language their dissatisfac- 
 tion with the late doings of the British Parlia- 
 ment, and their opinion that the vital interests 
 of all the colonies were equally concerned, 
 they advised the Committee of Correspond- 
 ence to communicate with the Committees of 
 the other colonics, on the expediency of ap- 
 pointing deputies to meet in a general con- 
 gress. Although the idea of a congress was 
 in the minds of many persons throughout the 
 continent, had been suggested by Franklin the 
 year before, and proposed in town meetings at 
 Boston and New York, yet this was the first 
 public assembly by which it was formally rec- 
 ommended. As the governor had dissolved 
 the legislature, and no other business seemed 
 necessary to be done, many of the delegates 
 returned to their homes. Such as stayed be- 
 hind, attended the religious services on the 
 day appointed for the fast. Washington writes 
 in his Diary, that he " went to church, and 
 fasted all day." 
 
160 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1774. 
 
 While they were waiting to perform this 
 duty, letters were received from Boston, giving 
 an account of a town meeting in that place, 
 and a resolution to call on the inhabitants of 
 the colonies generally to enter into an agree- 
 ment, that they would hold no further com- 
 mercial intercourse with Great Britain, either 
 by imports or exports. Twenty-five of the late 
 delegates were still in Williamsburg, among 
 whom was Washington ; and, on the 29th of 
 May, they met to consider the subject. On 
 one essential point they differed in opinion ; 
 and, as their number was small, they thought 
 it not proper to determine upon any public act, 
 which should go abroad as the presumed sense 
 of the colony. They did no more, therefore, 
 than state the matter clearly in a circular let- 
 ter, and recommend a meeting of deputies at 
 WiUiamsburg on the 1st of August, for the 
 purpose of a more full and deliberate discus- 
 sion. The circular was printed, and distribu- 
 ted in the several counties. 
 
 The members, who dissented from the 
 proposition in its comprehensive form, were 
 not satisfied as to the prohibition of exports. 
 All agreed, that the non-importation compact 
 should be strictly adhered to, and even en- 
 larged, so as to include every article except 
 such as were indispensable for common use, 
 
^T.42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTO^J. 161 
 
 and could be obtained only from Great Britain. 
 Exports stood on a different footing. Large 
 debts were due to merchants in England, 
 which could be paid in no other way than by 
 exporting produce from the colonies. To 
 withhold this produce was in effect a refusal 
 to pay a just debt. Washington was strenu- 
 ous on this head, and insisted, that, whatever 
 might be done prospectively, honor and jus- 
 tice required a faithful discharge of all obliga- 
 tions previously contracted. The reply was, 
 that the colonists, after all, were the greatest 
 sufferers, that the English merchants could 
 not expect an exemption from the calamities 
 brought upon the nation by the weakness or 
 wickedness of their rulers, and that the debts 
 would in the end be paid. He was not con- 
 vinced by this reasoning. At any rate, he was 
 not willing to make it the basis of action, till 
 other less objectionable methods should be 
 found unavailing. 
 
 In conformity to the advice of the circular 
 letter, meetings were held in the several coun- 
 ties, resolutions were adopted, and delegates 
 appointed to meet in convention at Williams- 
 burg on the 1st of August. In Fairfax Coun- 
 ty, Washington presided as chairman of the 
 meetings, and was one of a committee to pre- 
 pare a series of resolves expressive of the sense 
 
 VOL I. 11 
 
162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. 
 
 of the people. The resolves themselves, twen- 
 ty-four in all, were drafted by George Mason ; 
 and they constitute one of the ablest and most 
 luminous expositions of the points at issue be- 
 tween Great Britain and the colonies, which 
 are to be found among the public documents 
 of that period. Embracing the great princi- 
 ples and facts, clothed in a nervous and appro- 
 priate style, they are equally marked with 
 dignity, firmness, intelligence, and wisdom. 
 They are moreover of special interest as con- 
 taining the opinions of Washington at a criti- 
 cal time, when he was soon to be raised by 
 his countrymen to a station of the highest 
 trust and responsibility. 
 
 The Convention met at Williamsburg on 
 the day proposed. Washington was a mem- 
 ber from Fairfax County. One of the princi- 
 pal acts of this Convention was to adopt a 
 new Association, more extensive in its prohi- 
 bitions than the former, and fixing on certain 
 times when all further intercourse with Brit- 
 ish merchants, both by imports and exports, 
 was to be suspended, unless the offensive 
 acts of Parliament should previously be re- 
 pealed. In its general features, this Association 
 was nearly the same as the Fairfax County 
 Resolves. After sitting six days, appointing 
 Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George 
 
^T. 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 163 
 
 Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, 
 Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton 
 delegates to the general Congress, and furnish- 
 ing them -with instructions, the Convention 
 dissolved. 
 
 The day appointed throughout the colonies 
 for the meeting of the first Congress, at Phil- 
 adelphia, was the 5th of September. Two 
 of Washington's associates, Mr. Henry and 
 Mr. Pendleton, stopped on their way at Mount 
 Vernon, whence they all pursued their journey 
 together, and were present at the opening of 
 the Congress. The proceedings of this as- 
 sembly need not here be recounted. As the 
 debates were never made public, the part per- 
 formed by each individual cannot now be 
 known. It has only been ascertained, that 
 Dickinson "drafted the petition to the King and 
 the address to the inhabitants of Quebec, Jay 
 the address to the people of Great Britain, and 
 Lee the memorial to the inhabitants of the 
 British colonies ; state papers of great histori- 
 cal value, which extorted a eulogy from Chat- 
 ham, and which will ever be regarded as 
 among the ablest specimens of practical talent 
 and political wisdom. 
 
 Mr. Wirt relates an anecdote of Washington, 
 which shows in what estimation he was held 
 by the members of the first Congress. Soon 
 
164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. 
 
 after Patrick Henry returned home, being asked 
 " whom he thought the greatest man in Con- 
 gress," he rephed, " If you speak of eloquence, 
 Mr. Rutledge of South CaroHna is by far the 
 greatest orator ; but, if you speak of soHd in- 
 formation and sound judgment. Colonel Wash- 
 ington is unquestionably the greatest man on 
 that floor."* This opinion was verified by ev- 
 ery act of his hfe. His knowledge, on the 
 subjects to which he gave his attention, was 
 most thorough and exact ; and all the world 
 has agreed, that no other man has given such 
 proofs of the soundness of his judgment. 
 
 The business of the Congress being over, 
 Washington went back to the occupations of 
 his farm. Little leisure was left him, however, 
 for these favorite pursuits. It had long been 
 a custom in Virginia to form independent com- 
 panies for military discipline. These compa- 
 nies chose their own officers, adopted uniforms, 
 and provided themselves with colors, arms, and 
 drums, but were governed by the general regu- 
 lations of the militia laws. . Companies of this 
 description had recently been encouraged by 
 Governor Dunmore, who had an Indian war 
 upon his hands, and was fitting out a formida- 
 ble expedition to the West. 
 
^T. 43] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 166 
 
 Their martial spirit was quickened, when it 
 was perceived that their services might be 
 wanted in a cause of vastly greater moment. 
 As the first military character in the province, 
 Colonel Washington was much consulted by 
 the officers, and his counsels were implicitly 
 followed. He had hardly returned from the 
 Congress, when he was solicited by the inde- 
 pendent company of Prince William County 
 to take command of them as field-officer. Oth- 
 er companies tendered him the same honor ; 
 and it seemed to be the unanimous expectation 
 of the people, that, in the event of a war, he 
 would be placed at the head of the Virginia 
 forces. He yielded to the solicitations of the 
 companies, reviewed them at the different points 
 of rendezvous, animated them by his example ; 
 and his advice and instructions were received 
 by them as orders, which they were bound to 
 obey. 
 
 The second Virginia Convention met at 
 Richmond on the 20th of March, 1775. Wash- 
 ington attended as a delegate. The proceed- 
 ings of the general Congress were first taken 
 up, examined, discussed, and approved. Pat- 
 rick Henry then introduced resolutions to es- 
 tablish a more efficient system of embodying, 
 arming, and disciplining the militia. This 
 proposition was startling to some of the mem- 
 
166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 bers, who thought so bold a step premature, 
 till the result of the last petition to the King 
 should be more fully known. It was carried 
 by a majority, however, who, like Washington, 
 after the experiments already tried, had no faith 
 in the success of petitions. A committee, of 
 which Washington was a member, was accord- 
 ingly selected to report a plan. Deference 
 would naturally be paid to his superior knowl- 
 edge and experience in military affairs, and it 
 may be presumed that the scheme was chiefly 
 modelled by him. In defending the above 
 resolutions, Patrick Henry made the celebrated 
 speech, in which he said ; " We must fight ! 
 I repeat it. Sir, we must fight ! An appeal to 
 arms and the God of hosts is all that is left 
 us ! " 
 
 The Convention next took notice of the in- 
 ternal state of the province. To remedy the 
 wants, which the people would suffer from the 
 cessation of imports, it was proposed to devise 
 a plan for the encouragement of arts and man- 
 ufactures. Washington was likewise on the 
 committee for digesting and preparing this plan. 
 Various articles were enumerated, most essen- 
 tial for use, which it was believed might be 
 manufactured in the colony, and methods were 
 indicated for accomplishing so desirable an end. 
 The people were advised to form themselves 
 
^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167 
 
 into societies and committees for mutual intel- 
 ligence and aid, to offer premiums, and to pro- 
 mote the culture of wool, cotton, flax, and 
 hemp. The members of the Convention 
 agreed, that they would use home manufac- 
 tures in preference to any others, and recom- 
 mended this patriotic practice to their constit- 
 uents. 
 
 The former delegates were rechosen to rep- 
 resent Virginia in the next Continental Con- 
 gress. On the day. this choice was made, 
 Washington wrote to his brother, approving 
 his zeal in training an independent company, 
 and adding ; " I shall very cheerfully accept 
 the honor of commanding it, if occasion re- 
 quire it to be drawn out, as it is my full inten- 
 tion to devote my life and fortune in the cause 
 we are engaged in, if needful." The time of 
 need soon arrived. 
 
168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Meeting of the second Congress. — Washington chosen Com- 
 mander-in-chief of the Continental Army. — Repairs to Cam- 
 bridge, and takes the Command. — State of the Army. — Hia 
 Intercourse with Congress. — Numerous Affairs devolve on 
 him. 
 
 When the second Congress assembled, on 
 the 10th of May, 1775, the relations between 
 the colonies and Great Britain had assumed 
 an aspect no longer doubtful. The petition 
 of the former Congress, though received by 
 the King, had been treated with silent neglect, 
 and had produced no change of measures or 
 purpose. The tone of the ministry and pro- 
 ceedings of Parliament indicated a fixed deter- 
 mination to persevere in their oppressive de- 
 mands, and to achieve by force what they 
 could not effect by the menaces of power, or 
 the terror of the civil arm. Hostilities had in 
 fact commenced. The tragical day at Lexing- 
 ton and Concord had occurred. The inexcus- 
 able rashness of General Gage, in sending 
 troops into the country on an errand of plun- 
 der and bloodshed, had roused the indigna- 
 tion of the inhabitants ; and the yeomanry of 
 New England were flying to arms and rallying 
 around the standard of American liberty. An 
 
^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 169 
 
 army, respectable for numbers, strong in spirit 
 and the justice of their cause, had collected in 
 the vicinity of Boston, prepared for combat, 
 and resolved to resist any further encroach- 
 ments of the now declared enemies to their 
 country. 
 
 Such was the crisis, which presented itself 
 to the Congress when they met, and which 
 called for the exercise of all their wisdom and 
 firmness. Notwithstanding the hope, perhaps 
 belief, entertained by many, that a reconcilia- 
 tion would still take place on honorable and 
 satisfactory terms, yet all perceived the neces- 
 sity of prompt and decided action. To shrink 
 at this moment, to temporize and delay, would 
 be a confession of weakness, an evidence of 
 irresolution, which might prove of incalculable 
 injury, both by damping the ardor of the 
 Americans, and by strengthening the confi- 
 dence of their foes. Whatever difierence of 
 opinion there might be on other points, every 
 member felt, that the hour of preparation was 
 come, and that an organized system must be 
 instituted, which would draw out and concen- 
 trate the military resources of the country. 
 
 While Congress were deliberating on this 
 subject, Washington wrote a letter to a friend 
 in England, in which, after speaking of the 
 battle of Lexington, he says ; " This may 
 
170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 serve to convince Lord Sandwich, and others 
 of the same sentiment, that Americans will 
 fight for their liberties and property, how- 
 ever pusillanimous in his Lordship's eyes they 
 may appear in other respects. Unhappy it is, 
 though, to reflect, that a brother's sword has 
 been sheathed in a brother's breast, and that 
 the once happy and peaceful plains of America 
 are either to be drenched in blood, or inhabited 
 by slaves. Sad alternative ! But can a virtuous 
 man hesitate in his choice ? " 
 
 Congress first proceeded to consider the state 
 of the country, and to provide for defence. 
 Committees were appointed to prepare reports, 
 and it is a proof of the estimation in which 
 the practical talents and experience of Wash- 
 ington were held, that he was chairman of all 
 these committees ; first, for recommending what 
 posts should be occupied in the province of 
 New York ; secondly, for devising ways and 
 means of procuring ammunition and milita- 
 ry stores ; thirdly, for making an estimate of 
 money necessary to be raised ; fourthly, for pre- 
 paring rules and regulations for the govern- 
 ment of the army. By voting unanimously, 
 that " these colonies be immediately put into 
 a state of defence," Congress virtually assumed 
 a control over the military operations of the 
 whole, and the basis of their plans was laid 
 
^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 171 
 
 accordingly. From that time the forces under 
 the direction of Congress were called the Con- 
 tinental Army. They also resolved to raise 
 ten companies of riflemen in Pennsylvania, 
 Maryland, and Virginia, which were to march 
 and join the army near Boston as soon as pos- 
 sible, and to be paid by the continent. 
 
 These preliminary arrangements being fin- 
 ished, the next thing was to appoint a Com- 
 mander-in-chief of the American armies. This 
 was a task of more delicacy and difficulty than 
 might at first be supposed. Many considera- 
 tions were to be weighed, besides the personal 
 qualifications of any individual for that high 
 station, either as to character, abilities, or mil- 
 itary skill. In the first place, it was essential 
 that he should be acceptable to all the colonies, 
 and particularly to such, as, from their position 
 or extent, would be compelled to take the 
 largest share in the war. Otherwise local 
 jealousies and discontents might spring up, 
 which would defeat the best laid schemes, 
 and possibly ruin the cause. Next, there were 
 ofiicers in the country, older in years than 
 Colonel Washington, who had acquired a rep- 
 utation in the last war, and whose services 
 would be necessary. To pass over such, as 
 should be thought by themselves or their 
 friends to have higher claims, on the score of 
 
172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 former rank and standing, a point on which 
 military men are always so sensitive, might be 
 a hazardous experiment. ., Besides, the troops 
 already in the field were wholly from the 
 New England provinces, and it was uncertain 
 how far they would be reconciled to a com- 
 mander from the south, with whom no one 
 among them had a personal acquaintance, and 
 who could not be supposed to understand their 
 habits, feelings, and prepossessions, x^ General 
 Ward, who had hitherto been at the head of 
 the army by the appointment of Massachu- 
 setts, and whose command was cheerfully ac- 
 quiesced in by the other New England colo- 
 nies, was an officer of experience and ability, 
 and it was questionable in what light an at- 
 tempt to supersede him might be viewed. 
 
 These difficulties were deeply felt by the 
 members of Congress, and examined in all 
 their bearings. Nor had they come together 
 without previously pondering the subject, and 
 ascertaining, as far as they could, the views of 
 men of influence in different places. From 
 the first Congress they had gone home with 
 most favorable impressions of the character 
 and talents of Colonel Washington. All the 
 world acknowledged his military accomplish- 
 ments, intellectual resources, courage, cool- 
 ness, and control over the minds of others. 
 
^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 
 
 Five years' experience, in a responsible and 
 arduous service, had afforded ample proofs of 
 these qualities. It was fortunate, also, that 
 political motives conspired to fix the choice on 
 him in preference to any other person. Vir- 
 ginia was powerful in wealth and numbers, 
 and doubly so in its men of brilliant parts, 
 who had espoused the cause of the continent 
 with a spirit and resolution, which had no- 
 where else been surpassed. To take the com- 
 mander of the American armies from that 
 province was a dictate of policy, which the 
 Avise and prudent would not overlook, and 
 none but the narrow-minded could disapprove. 
 
 It should be said, to the credit of the New 
 England delegates, that they were among the 
 foremost to propose, and the most zealous to 
 promote, the appointment of Colonel Wash- 
 ington. As the contest had begun in Massa- 
 chusetts, the inhabitants of Avhich had been 
 the chief sufferers, and as the existing army 
 was mostly raised there, it could not have 
 been thought an extravagant assumption, had 
 that colony aspired to the honor of furnishing 
 a Commander-in-chief. But, happily for Amer- 
 ica, the patriots of that day rose far above the 
 sordid aims of selfishness and party rivalships. 
 
 While the discussions were going on in 
 Congress respecting military preparations, Mr. 
 
174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 John Adams, one of the delegates from Massa- 
 chusetts, moved that the army, then besieging 
 the British troops in Boston, should be adopted 
 by Congress as a Continental army ; and, in 
 the course of his observations enforcing this 
 motion, he said it was his intention to propose 
 for the office of Commander-in-chief a gentle- 
 man from Virginia, who was at that time a 
 member of their own body. His remarks 
 were so pointed, that all present perceived 
 them to apply to Colonel Washington, who, 
 upon hearing this reference to himself, retired 
 from his seat and withdrew. When the day 
 for the appointment arrived, the nomination 
 was made by Mr. Thomas Johnson, of Mary- 
 land. The choice was by ballot, and, on in- 
 specting the votes, it was found that Colonel 
 Washington was unanimously elected. As 
 soon as the result was ascertained, the House 
 adjourned. On the convening of Congress the 
 next morning, the president communicated to 
 him officially the notice of his appointment, 
 and he rose in his place and signified his ac- 
 ceptance in a brief and appropriate reply. 
 
 After expressing his thanks for the signal 
 honor done him by Congress, and his concern, 
 " from the consciousness that his abilities and 
 military experience might not be equal to the 
 extensive and important trust," he added ; 
 
Mr. 4:3.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 
 
 '' Lest some nnliicky event should happen, 
 unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be 
 remembered by every gentleman in the room, 
 that I this day declare with the utmost sincer- 
 ity, I do not think myself equal to the com- 
 mand I am honored with." Before the elec- 
 tion it had been voted, that ifive hundred dol- 
 lars a month should be allowed for the pay 
 and expenses of the general. On this point 
 he said, " I beg leave to assure the Congress, 
 that, as no pecuniary consideration could have 
 tempted me to accept this arduous employ- 
 ^nent, at the expense of my domestic ease and 
 nappiness, I do not wish to make any profit 
 from it. I will keep an exact account of my 
 expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will dis- 
 charge ; and that is all I desire." 
 
 The appointment was made on the 15th of 
 June. Four days afterwards he received his 
 commission from the president of Congress, in 
 which he was declared to be Commander-in- 
 chief of all the forces then raised, or that 
 should be raised, in the united colonies, or that 
 should voluntarily offer their service for the 
 defence of American Liberty. The members 
 of Congress pledged themselves by a unani- 
 mous "resolve, to maintain, assist, and adhere 
 to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the 
 same cause. Four major-generals and eight 
 
176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 brigadiers were likewise appointed for the Con- 
 tinental army. To the former rank were cho- 
 sen Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuy- 
 ler, and Israel Putnam ; to the latter, Seth 
 Pomroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, 
 William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thom- 
 as, John Sullivan, and Nathanael Greene. To 
 these was added Horatio Gates, as adjutant- 
 general, with the rank of brigadier. 
 
 The situation of affairs required the com- 
 mander's presence as soon as possible at Cam- 
 bridge, where the army was stationed. Every 
 necessary arrangement with Congress was in 
 a short time completed, and he left Philadel- 
 phia on the 21st of June, accompanied by 
 General Lee and General Schuyler, and es- 
 corted by a volunteer troop of light-horse from 
 the city, which continued with him to New 
 York. He had reviewed in Philadelphia, at 
 the request of the officers, several militia 
 companies of infantry, rangers, riflemen, and 
 light-horse. Wherever he appeared, the peo- 
 ple manifested great enthusiasm, and eager- 
 ness to show him all the respect to which his 
 new rank entitled him. The Provincial Con- 
 gress of New York was then sitting ; and, 
 when it was known that General Washington 
 was on the road, a committee from that body 
 was deputed to meet him at Newark, and at- 
 
JEt.43.] life of WASHINGTON. 177 
 
 tend him across Hudson's River. On his arri- 
 val, addresses of congratulation and civility 
 passed between him and the New York Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The particulars of the battle of Bunker's 
 Hill reached him there, and increased his anx- 
 iety to hasten forward to the army. General 
 Schuyler was to remain in New York, as com- 
 mander of the military operations in that 
 quarter. This was a delicate position, as the 
 British Governor Tryon was then in the city, 
 a ship of war in the harbor keeping the inhab- 
 itants in awe, and throughout the province 
 were many powerful and avowed friends of 
 the royal cause. But great confidence was 
 placed in the fidelity, discretion, and firmness 
 of General Schuyler. After giving him in- 
 structions suitable to the exigencies of the 
 case. General Washington again pursued his 
 journey, escorted by volunteer military compa- 
 nies. In this manner he travelled to Springfield, 
 where he was met by a committee from the 
 Massachusetts Provincial Congress, who were 
 instructed to provide escorts, and to attend him 
 in person, through the remainder of the route. 
 He arrived in Cambridge on the 2d of July, 
 and took command of the army the next day. 
 
 His fii'st care was to ascertain the numbers, 
 position, and arrangements of the troops, to 
 
 VOL. I. 12 
 
178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775 
 
 inspect the posts they occupied, and to gain a 
 knowledge of the strength and plans of the 
 enemy. The British general was himself 
 stationed in Boston, with the light-horse and a 
 few other troops ; the .bulk of his army lay on 
 Bunker's Hill, busy in throwing up intrench- 
 ments ] and the remainder were on the neck 
 of land between Boston and Roxbury, which 
 had been strongly fortified. The Americans 
 were so posted as to form a complete line of 
 siege around Boston and Charlestown, extend- 
 ing nearly twelve miles from Mystic River to 
 Dorchester. Intrenchments and redoubts had 
 been begun at different points in this line, and 
 these works were still in progress. The regi- 
 ments from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, 
 and part of those from Connecticut, occupied 
 Winter Hill and Prospect Hill ; several of the 
 Massachusetts regiments were at Cambridge, 
 and others from Connecticut and Massachusetts 
 covered the high grounds in Roxbury. 
 
 Having acquainted himself with this state 
 of affairs. General Washington convened a 
 council of war. It was the opinion of the 
 council, that, according to the best information 
 that could be obtained, the enemy's available 
 force in Boston amounted to eleven thousand 
 five hundred men, including the regular troops, 
 Tories, and such sailors as might be spared 
 
iET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 179 
 
 from the fleet. It was also advised, without a 
 dissenting voice, that the posts now occupied 
 should be held and defended, and that twenty- 
 two thousand men were necessary to give 
 proper security to so long an extent of lines. 
 A place of rendezvous, in case the army should 
 be attacked and routed, was likewise agreed 
 upon. 
 
 The difficulty was perceived of sustaining 
 posts so widely separated, almost under the 
 guns of the enemy, and exposed at many 
 points to sudden assaults ; and the question of 
 removing further into the country to a stronger 
 position was discussed. But this was thought 
 to be neither politic in itself, nor without haz- 
 ard in the execution. It would discourage the 
 men, elate the enemy, and have an ill effect 
 upon the minds of the people. This consid- 
 eration, added to the uncertainty of finding a 
 better place at which to make a stand, and to 
 the great labor and charge already bestowed 
 on the works for defence, was regarded as con- 
 clusive against a change. 
 
 The American army, including the sick and 
 absent, amounted to about seventeen thousand 
 men ; but the number present, fit for duty, 
 was only fourteen thousand five hundred. 
 This was so far short of the number wanted, 
 that the council recommended an immediate 
 
180 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 application to the New England governments 
 to make up the deficiency by new recruits. 
 
 It will easily be supposed, that an army, 
 collected as this had been on the spur of the 
 moment from different provinces and under dif- 
 ferent regulations, would be defective in many 
 essential parts. There were few tents and 
 stores, no supply of clothing, no military chest, 
 no general organization. The regiments acted 
 under their respective commanders, who were 
 united only by mutual consent, bound together 
 by no military law, and, except those from 
 Massachusetts, yielding obedience to General 
 Ward rather from courtesy and the necessity 
 of the case, than from any recognition of his 
 superior authority. The troops of each prov- 
 ince were regulated by their own militia laws. 
 These were various and discordant ; and hence 
 no general system could prevail. Discipline 
 was lax ; disorders frequent. 
 
 But the most alarming want was that of am- 
 munition, respecting which the officers them- 
 selves seem to have been deceived, till General 
 Washington discovered, to his great astonish- 
 ment, that there was not powder enough in 
 the whole camp for nine cartridges to a man. 
 
 Out of these materials, and in the midst of 
 these embarrassments, it was General Wash- 
 ington's first task to form, commission, and 
 
^T.43.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 
 
 systematize an army. Another circumstance 
 caused great perplexity from the beginning. 
 The appointment of general officers by Con- 
 gress had given much dissatisfaction. The 
 pretensions to rank, on the score of former ser- 
 vices, had not been well adjusted. The sub- 
 ordinate officers and private soldiers mingled 
 their sympathies and complaints, and threat- 
 ened to leave the army unless these grievances 
 should be redressed. Symptoms of discontent 
 appeared in every quarter, and threatened to 
 destroy the little that remained of method and 
 discipline. The ferment was gradually allay- 
 ed by the prudence of Washington, who refer- 
 red the matter to Congress, and proceeded 
 steadily to mature his plans. 
 
 He arranged the army into six brigades, of 
 six regiments each, in such a manner, that the 
 troops from the same colony should be brought 
 together, as far as practicable, and act under a 
 commander from that colony. Of the whole 
 he made three grand divisions, each consisting 
 of two brigades or twelve regiments. The 
 division forming the left wing was stationed at 
 Winter Hill, and commanded by Major-General 
 Lee; the centre division was at Cambridge, 
 under Major-General Putnam ; and the right 
 wmg at Roxbury, under Major-General Ward. 
 
182 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 
 
 The head-quarters of the Commander-in-chief 
 were with the centre at Cambridge. 
 
 Thus was planted the original germ of the 
 Continental army, to foster the growth and 
 strength of which required the utmost care 
 and address. All the officers were commis- 
 sioned anew by Congress, although no changes 
 of rank were attempted, and no appointments 
 made, except of the major and brigadier gen- 
 erals. By degrees the system worked itself 
 into a tolerable method ; but, after all, it was 
 full of imperfections, which no art or skill 
 could remedy. The soldiers had been enlisted 
 by their respective governments for a definite 
 time and object, and they looked upon this 
 contract as one which they were bound to ful- 
 fil, but not such as could put them under any 
 other power. Each individual regarded him- 
 self as a party concerned, and claimed his 
 rights as a citizen. 
 
 Hence, when the rules and regulations of 
 the Continental army, which had been pre- 
 scribed by Congress, were presented to them, 
 many would not accede, because they did not 
 enlist on such terms, and they were apprehen- 
 sive some new obligations might devolve on 
 them by giving their assent. Having left their 
 homes to fight for liberty, they chose to assert 
 it first in their own behalf However repug- 
 
.Et. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183 
 
 nant this temper was to the existence of an 
 army, the commander yielded to his good 
 sense, and resorted to no other force than that 
 of argument and facts, judiciously set forth 
 from time to time in the general orders ; tena- 
 cious of his authority no further than the pub- 
 lic good exacted, and forbearing to oppose prej- 
 udices, which could not be softened by per- 
 suasion nor subdued by severity. He left it 
 optional with the men to subscribe the articles 
 or not, making it a necessary condition only 
 with the new recruits, who enlisted into the 
 Continental ranks. 
 
 In addition to the management and direc- 
 tion of the armies in the field, which is all 
 that is usually expected from a commander-in- 
 chief, a most responsible service of a different 
 kind was thrown upon General Washington. 
 Congress, as the civil head of the confederacy, 
 was as yet feeble in its powers, imperfectly 
 organized, distrustful of its" control over the 
 public will, and wholly unversed in military 
 concerns. Nor did unanimity reign among its 
 members. On the great point of resistance, 
 till wrongs should be redressed, there was but 
 one voice. As to the means of attaining this 
 end, a wide difference prevailed. Some were 
 timid, fixing their hopes upon a speedy recon- 
 ciliation ; others doubted the abihty of the 
 
184 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 country to sustain a contest ; others were in- 
 fluenced by local interests ; while others again 
 were resolute, and allowed all thoughts of fu- 
 ture consequences to be swallowed up in the 
 single consideration of the justice of their 
 cause. The majority were of this last descrip- 
 tion. • Yet even these men, dauntless in spirit, 
 and willing to risk every thing on their own 
 account, were haunted by a spectre, which 
 gave them great uneasiness. History had told 
 them of the danger of military power, the 
 ambition of aspiring leaders, and the chains 
 that had been forged and riveted on an unsus- 
 picious people by standing armies. These les- 
 sons made a deep impression, and infused a 
 distrust incompatible with enlarged schemes 
 or energetic action. Thus it was, that the 
 same ardor of patriotism, which impelled them 
 to encounter every hazard, operated as a check 
 to the only measures by which their object 
 could be gained. 
 
 These misgivings were early discovered by 
 Washington. He respected the motive, al- 
 though he could not but lament its effects. 
 Conscious, on his own part, of the highest 
 purity of purpose, and harboring no latent 
 thought, which was not directed to the best 
 good of his country, if he felt wounded at this 
 suspicion, he did not suffer it to appear in his 
 
&-V 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 185 
 
 conduct, nor to alter his opinion of the watch- 
 ful guardians of the people's liberty. Exam- 
 ple, he wisely thought, would be more regard- 
 ed than complaint, more persuasive than words. 
 If ability and courage are necessary in a com- 
 mander, he soon saw, that, in his case at least, 
 patience, forbearance, and fortitude were not 
 less so. 
 
 A regular army and a military system were 
 to be created, and on such principles as would 
 msure their stability and continuance. This 
 great work was to be executed mainly by the 
 Commander-in-chief. Congress might approve, 
 sanction, and aid ; but it was his task to in- 
 vent, combine, organize, establish, and sustain. 
 To this end he kept up an unremitted corre- 
 spondence with Congress during the whole war. 
 His letters were read to the House in full ses- 
 sion, anl5 almost every important resolution re- 
 specting the army was adopted on his sugges- 
 tion or recommendation, and emanated from 
 his mind. He was thus literally the centre of 
 motion to this immense and complicated ma- 
 chine, not more in directing its operations, 
 than in providing for its existence, and pre- 
 serving from derangement and ruin its various 
 parts. His perplexities were often increased 
 by the distance at which he was stationed 
 from Congress, the tardy movements of that 
 
186 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 body, and the long time it took to obtain the 
 results of their deliberations. By a constant 
 watchfulness and forethought, and by antici- 
 pating the future in his communications, he 
 contrived to lessen this inconvenience as far as 
 it could be done. 
 
 Besides his unceasing intercourse with Con- 
 gress, he was obliged to correspond with the 
 heads of the provincial governments, and af- 
 terwards with the governors and legislatures 
 of the States, with conventions, committees, 
 and civil magistrates. In these were really 
 vested the executive powers of the confederat- 
 ed government. Congress recommended, ad- 
 vised, resolved ; they voted men and supplies, 
 assigning due proportions to the respective 
 States ; here their authority ceased. The rest 
 was left to the will of the people, exercised 
 through their representatives in the State legis- 
 latures. These bodies required the perpetual 
 promptings of the Commander-in-chief, with 
 forcible representations of the weakness and 
 wants of the army, and appeals to all the mo- 
 tives which could stimulate patriotism or touch 
 the springs of interest. One advantage, how- 
 ever, attended these harassing relations, which 
 might compensate for so extraordinary a weight 
 of care and responsibility. They brought him 
 into more direct contact with the sources of 
 
>Et. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 
 
 power, and enabled him to extend his influ- 
 ence, and the fruits of his wisdom, into chan- 
 nels where they were most needed, and would 
 produce the best effects ; thus enlarging the 
 compass of his own consideration, and pro- 
 moting public harmony and union. 
 
 He had not been long in camp, when he 
 was called uj)on to exercise his firmness in a 
 manner, that for a moment threatened disa- 
 greeable consequences. The enemy's armed 
 vessels were hovering on the coast, seizing 
 small craft, and menacing towns on the sea- 
 board. The inhabitants were alarmed, and 
 claimed protection. The legislature of Massa- 
 chusetts and the governor of Connecticut ap- 
 plied to Washington with a formal request, 
 that he would detach troops from the army for 
 that purpose. To refuse this request was del- 
 icate ; to grant it, dangerous. In the former 
 case, it would excite the clamors of the peo- 
 ple and the dissatisfaction of their rulers ; in 
 the latter, it would weaken the army so much, 
 as to leave the camp exposed to a successful 
 assault, and the country around Boston to in- 
 sult and ravage. The army itself might be 
 dispersed, and the hopes of the continent 
 blighted in the bud. He did not hesitate. 
 He declined, and stated his reasons in lan- 
 guage so judicious and forcible, as to avoid 
 
188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 giving offence, and to blunt the edge of dis- 
 appointment. This precedent was followed 
 throughout the war. It was established as a 
 rule, that attacks of the enemy at isolated 
 points along the coast must be repelled by the 
 militia in the vicinity, except when the Con- 
 tinental army was in a condition to make 
 detachments without jeoparding the general 
 cause. 
 
^T.43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Correspondence with General Gage. — Councils of War respect- 
 ing an Assault on Boston. — Organization of a new Continental 
 Army. — Difficulties in procuring Recruits — Militia called out 
 — Maritime Affairs. — Armed Vessels. — General Howe takes 
 Command of the British Army. — Condition of the American 
 Army at the End of the Year. — Washington's Arrangement of 
 his private Affairs. 
 
 General Gage commanded the British troops 
 in Boston. Prisoners had fallen into his hands 
 on the eventful day at Bunker's Hill, and he 
 had seized other persons accused of disaffec- 
 tion to the King. These he had thrown in- 
 discriminately into prison, no distinction being 
 made between officers, soldiers, and citizens. 
 The report went abroad that they were treated 
 with great severity. Justice to his country, 
 and the calls of humanity, made it incumbent 
 on Washington to remonstrate against such 
 conduct. He wrote to the British general. 
 The occasion awakened recollections of more 
 than common interest. Just twenty years had 
 elapsed since he and Gage fought side by side 
 on the bloody battle-field of the Monongahela. 
 An intimacy then subsisted between them, 
 which was cherished afterwards by a friendly 
 correspondence. Far different was the rela- 
 
190 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 tion in which they now stood to each other, 
 at the head of contending armies ; the one 
 obeying the commands of his sovereign, the 
 other upholding the cause of an oppressed 
 people. 
 
 Their letters were significant of the change. 
 The remonstrance of Washington, clothed in 
 dignified but pointed language, represented 
 the impolicy as well as cruelty of ill treatment 
 to prisoners, since it would impose upon him 
 the necessity of retaliating, and there would 
 be no end to the horrors of war, if such a sys- 
 tem were pursued. General Gage denied the 
 charge of harsh usage, and took credit to him- 
 self for his clemency in sparing persons, 
 "whose lives by the law of the land were 
 destined to the cord." As to difference of 
 rank, he professed not to know any, which 
 was not derived from the King. 
 
 These principles set at nought all the rules 
 of honorable warfare, and indicated that the 
 highest ofiicers in the American army, if cap- 
 tured, would be treated as culprits. The only 
 apparent remedy was retaliation. The prison- 
 ers in Washington's possession were immedi- 
 ately ordered into the country, and he gave 
 directions that they should receive in every 
 respect the same treatment, as was known to 
 be practised on the unfortunate sufferprs in 
 
^T. 4^] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 191 
 
 Boston. Such was his first impulse ; but, 
 however justified by the laws of war, he could 
 not reconcile to himself an act, which should 
 inflict punishment on innocent men for the 
 folly or obduracy of a commander. The or- 
 der was countermanded, while the prisoners 
 were on the road to Northampton, the place of 
 their destination ; and Colonel Reed, one of 
 his aids-de-camp, wrote to the committee of 
 the town, directing that the prisoners should 
 be at liberty to go abroad on their parole. He 
 added ; " The General further requests, that 
 every other indulgence and civility consistent 
 with their security may be shown to them, as 
 long as they demean themselves with decency 
 and good manners. As they have committed 
 no hostility against the people of this country, 
 they have a just claim to mild treatment ; and 
 the General does not doubt, that your conduct 
 towards them will be such, as to compel their 
 grateful acknowledgments, that Americans are 
 as merciful as they are brave." 
 
 In replying to General Gage's letter, Wash- 
 ington said; "You affect. Sir, to despise all 
 rank not derived from the same source as your 
 own. I cannot conceive one more honorable, 
 than that which flows from the uncorrupted 
 choice of a brave and free people, the purest 
 source and original fountain of all power. Far 
 
 9q 
 
192 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 from making it a plea for crueltf, a mind of 
 true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would 
 apprehend and respect it." The indiscretion 
 and weakness of the British general's conduct 
 admit of no defence ; yet it should be remem- 
 bered, that he v/as taught by his superiors to 
 look upoti the asserters of liberty in America 
 as rebels, and to treat tliem as such. Little 
 can be said, however, in praise ef his political 
 sagacity, knowledge of human nature, or en- 
 largement of mind. 
 
 The army was soon augmented by the com- 
 panies of riflemen from Virginia, Pennsylva- 
 nia, and Maryland, which had been raised in 
 compliance with a resolution of the Continen- 
 tal Congress. The companies were filled up 
 . with surprising quickness, and on their arrival 
 in camp the numbers of several of them 
 exceeded the prescribed limit. Within two 
 months from the time the orders were sent 
 out, they had been enlisted and equipped, and 
 had marched from four to seven hundred miles 
 to the army at Cambridge. 
 
 General Washington had tlie satisfaction to 
 find, also, that the reinforcements of militia, 
 which he had requested from the New Eng- 
 land governments to strengthen his camp, 
 came in as expeditiously as could be desired. 
 
 The deficiency of powder in the camp at 
 
iET.43.] LIFE OF VVASHINGTOiV. 193 
 
 Cambridge continued to be a cause of extreme 
 anxiety to Washington. Small quantities were 
 collected, but in no proportion to the demand. 
 What added to his concern was, that the ene- 
 my might discover his weakness on this ac- 
 count, and march out to attack him. In such 
 an event, the whole army must inevitably be 
 routed and dispersed. Secrecy was indispen- 
 sable ; and consequently the people at large 
 were as ignorant of his condition, as the ene- 
 my within their lines. Murmurs began to be 
 audible that the army was inactive, and that a 
 superiority of numbers might justify an at- 
 tempt against the town. The subject was re- 
 ferred to a council of general ' officers, who 
 unanimously opposed such an experiment. A 
 report next gained credit, that tenderness for 
 the inhabitants of the town, and reluctance to 
 burn their houses and property, were motives 
 for this forbearance. Congress, either partici- 
 pating this sentiment, or willing to hazard the 
 consequences, hinted their wishes to the gen- 
 eral by suggesting, that, " if he thought it 
 practicable to defeat the enemy and gain pos- 
 session of the town, it would be advisable to 
 make the attack upon the first favorable occa- 
 sion, and before the arrival of reinforcements, 
 which Congress apprehended might soon be 
 expected." Another council was called, a 
 
 VOL. I. 13 
 
194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775 
 
 month after the above, to consider this sugges- 
 tion, and again there was a unanimous voice 
 against it. Whatever Washington's own opin- 
 ion may have been, he was constrained to ac- 
 quiesce in silence ; for it would have been 
 highly imprudent to undertake such an enter- 
 prise, while all the officers were opposed to it, 
 and his actual condition demanded conceal- 
 ment from the public. 
 
 Occasional cannonades and skirmishes took 
 place at the advanced points on the lines, but 
 the enemy showed no disposition to leave their 
 intrenchments. In fact, they never meditated 
 an attack, unless reinforcements should arrive. 
 General Gage, wrote to Lord Dartmouth, that 
 such an attempt, if successful, would be fruit- 
 less, as there were neither horses nor carriages 
 for transportation, and no other end could be 
 answered than to drive the Americans from 
 one strong-hold to another. 
 
 The time was drawing near when it would 
 be necessary to form a new army. The Con- 
 necticut and Rhode Island troops were engaged 
 to serve only till the beginning of December, 
 and none be^'-ond the end of that month. The 
 attention of Congress had been called to the 
 subject, and a committee of three members 
 was appointed to repair to the camp, and meet 
 delegates from the New England colonies, for 
 
iET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 
 
 the purpose of devising the most effectual 
 means of continuing, regulating, and support- 
 ing the Continental army. Franklin, Lynch, 
 and Harrison were the committee, and they 
 joined tlie delegates at Washington's head- 
 quarters on the 18th of October. 
 
 As the persons constituting this convention 
 were unskilled in military affairs, the plan 
 proposed by General Washington, which had 
 been discussed and matured by a council of 
 officers, was in the main adopted. It was con- 
 ceived, that, to give proper security, the Amer- 
 ican army ought to be numerically twice as 
 large as that of the enemy in Boston. TAventy- 
 six regiments, therefore, were assigned for the 
 new organization, besides riflemen and artil- 
 lery, each regiment being divided into eight 
 companies. The whole number of men would 
 then by estimate amount to twenty thousand 
 three hundred and seventy-two. Many of 
 those already on the ground, whose term of 
 service was soon to expire, it was hoped would 
 reenlist, and the deficiency was to be supplied 
 by recruits from the country. The delegates 
 supposed that thirty-two thousand men might 
 be raised in the four New England colonies for 
 one year, the period fixed by Congress for all 
 the enlistments. 
 
 After the convention was dissolved, the 
 
196 LIFF, OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 committee from Congress continued to sit, and 
 took various other subjects into consideration. 
 The articles of war underwent a revision, and 
 several changes were introduced, which expe- 
 rience had proved 4i^ be necessary. Regula- 
 tions for disposing of prizes captured at sea, 
 for the exchange of prisoners, the employment 
 of Indians, and many local details relating to 
 the army, came under notice, and certain defi- 
 nite rules were agreed upon. When the com- 
 mittee returned to Congress, their proceedings 
 were approved and confirmed. 
 
 This conference was of great service to the 
 Commander-in-chief. It afforded an opportu- 
 nity of expressing his sentiments with more 
 freedom and fulness, than he could do by writ- 
 ten communications. A system was likewise 
 formed for future operations in which he could 
 confide, as both Congress and the eastern col- 
 onies were bound to support the measures 
 agreed upon by their representatives. 
 
 The next step was to organize the army ac- 
 cording to the new arrangement, to appoint the 
 colonels and inferior officers of the several regi- 
 ments, and issue recruiting orders. This was 
 an affair of great delicacy and embarrassment. 
 It was in the highest degree important to re- 
 tain as many of the men as possible, who were 
 now in the ranks ; and it was soon discovered, 
 
^T. 43.] LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON. 197 
 
 that very few would remain, unless they could 
 know beforehand what officers they were to 
 serve under, and could have all their partiali- 
 ties gratified. Local considerations threw ma- 
 ny obstacles in the way. Care must be taken, 
 that each colony should have its due proportion 
 of officers, according to the number of men it 
 was expected to furnish ; and that their rank 
 should be so adjusted as to suit the caprices of 
 some, and the extravagant claims of others. 
 The task was formidable, but it was at last 
 accomplished, and the recruiting began. 
 
 In addition to the concerns of the army, 
 Washington was obliged to bestow much time 
 and attention on maritime affairs. No public 
 vessels as yet belonged to the continent, nor 
 had Congress made any provision for a naval 
 warfare. While the British troops and the in- 
 habitants of Boston were slmt up within the 
 limits of that town, and excluded from a di- 
 rect intercourse with the country, it was ne- 
 cessary that all their supplies should come to 
 them by water ; and the large number of ves- 
 sels employed in this service suggested the 
 idea of fitting out cruisers in the ports along 
 the coast to capture them. Having no instruc- 
 tions to this efi"ect, yet believing it compatible 
 with the general design of annoying and dis- 
 tressing the enemy, Washington took on him- 
 
198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 
 
 self the responsibility of equipping and send- 
 ing out armed vessels. Agents were employed 
 in Salem, Beverly, Marblehead, and Plymouth, 
 to procure and fit them out, and they were 
 manned by officers and sailors from the army. 
 His instructions to the captains were precise 
 and guarded ; and, that he might seem to act 
 under the authority of his commission, he or- 
 dered them to " take command of a detach- 
 ment of the army, with which they were to 
 proceed on board, cruise against such vessels 
 as were found in the service of the enemy, and 
 seize all such as were laden with soldiers, 
 arms, ammunition, or provisions." 
 
 In a few weeks six armed schooners were 
 under sail, cruising in the waters of Massachu- 
 setts Bay. Several captures were made, and 
 particularly a valuable one by Captain Manly, 
 consisting of munitions of war. But, on the 
 whole, the first enterprises were not crowned 
 with signal success. Some of the officers 
 proved incompetent, the men mutinied, and 
 the management of the business in its details 
 caused infinite trouble. The system was im- 
 proved by degrees, other vessels were fitted 
 out, and Congress provided prize-courts and 
 regulations, which resulted at length in the 
 establishment of a Continental Navy. But 
 General Washington was not relieved from 
 
JEt. 43.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHITMGTOW. 
 
 199 
 
 this charge, till after the enemy evacuated 
 Boston. 
 
 One incident illustrative of his character 
 should be here mentioned. Two armed ves- 
 sels were despatched to the River St. Law- 
 rence, with orders to intercept two brigantines, 
 which it had been understood were to sail 
 from England to Quebec with arms anc^ am- 
 munition. Failing in this object, the captains 
 made a descent upon the Island of St. John's, 
 pillaged the inhabitants, and brought some of 
 them away prisoners. Whether this act was 
 consistent or not with the customary rules of 
 warfare, it was severely reprimanded by Wash- 
 ington, who immediately set the prisoners at 
 liberty, treated them with the greatest kind- 
 ness, restored all the property that had been 
 taken, and provided the best means in his 
 power to send them back to their homes. 
 
 The burning of Falmouth, an act of per- 
 sonal malice and cruel wantonness on the part 
 of a British naval officer, and the threats of the 
 enemy that the same fate should fall upon oth- 
 er seaport towns, produced consternation, and 
 the most pressing requests to General Washing- 
 ton for assistance in powder, arms, and troops. 
 Again he was compelled, by the necessities 
 of his own situation, to withhold the relief so 
 strenuously solicited. His sympathies were 
 
200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 keenly affected by their siifFerings, and his pop- 
 ularity was jeoparded by the refusal ; yet in 
 this case, as in all others, a stern sense of duty 
 subdued his private feelings and fortified his 
 judgment. 
 
 When the news of the battle of Bunker's 
 Hill reached the British cabinet. General Gage 
 was recalled, " in order to give his Majesty 
 exact information of every thing, and suggest 
 such matters as his knowledge and experience 
 of the. service enabled him to furnish." In 
 the dearly bought victory at Bunker's Hill he 
 had made a discovery, which seems to have 
 been not less astonishing to himself, than mor- 
 tifying to the ministers. " The trials we have 
 had," said he, in a letter to Lord Dartmouth, 
 " show the rebels are not the despicable rabble 
 too many have supposed them to be." In the 
 opinion of the ministers this intelligence show- 
 ed likewise, that General Gage had been duped 
 by ill advisers or his own ignorance, and that, 
 either from obstinacy, want of address, or in- 
 capacity, he was not competent. to the station 
 he occupied. On the 1st of October he was 
 superseded in the command by General Howe. 
 
 The abilities of this officer were perhaps su- 
 perior to those of his predecessor, but they did 
 not grow by experience in the public estima- 
 tion. He possessed the advantage, however, 
 
 •• 
 
iET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOIM. 201 
 
 of not having mingled in the exciting events, 
 in which General Gage had acted such a part 
 as to bring down upon him the ill will and 
 reproaches of the people. General Howe was 
 a brother of Lord Howe, who had been slain 
 at Ticonderoga in the last war, and whose 
 memory was ever cherished with warm affec- 
 tion by the colonists. Hence he had nothing 
 to contend against but the physical force, de- 
 termined spirit, and political skill of the Amer- 
 icans. Prejudices were in his favor, and no 
 antipathies existed. Unluckily he imbibed the 
 idea, that he was quelling a rebellion, and that 
 a scrupulous regard to the rules of honorable 
 warfare was not exacted in such a contest. It 
 v/ould be hard to blame him, perhaps, on this 
 score, since he was only conforming to the 
 spirit of his instructions ; yet a little more dis- 
 cernment in penetrating the actual state of 
 things around him, a little more discretion and 
 sagacity in adapting his conduct to circumstan- 
 ces, would have shown his character in a bet- 
 ter light without diminishing the value of his 
 services in the cause he was set to maintain. 
 
 The enlistments in the new army went on 
 slowly. The dissatisfaction and cabals of the 
 officers, the exacting temper and undisciplined 
 habits of the men, occasioned endless perplex- 
 ities. General Washington felt intense anx- 
 
202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 
 
 iety. His patience and fortitude were tried in 
 the severest manner, A month's experiment 
 had obtained only five thousand recruits. At 
 one time he was flattered with promises, at 
 another ahiiost every gleam of hope was ex- 
 tinguished, till at length, when the term of 
 service of the Connecticut troops was about to 
 expire, it was ascertained that they would go 
 off in a body, and leave a fearful blank in an 
 army already deficient in numbers, and weak- 
 ened by internal disorders. He appealed to 
 every motive, which could stimulate their pa- 
 triotism, pride, or sense of honor, but all in 
 vain ; and it was with the greatest difficulty, 
 that he could persuade them to stay ten days 
 longer, till the militia could be assembled to 
 supply their place. 
 
 Orders were issued for calling in the militia. 
 By a prudent foresight he had suggested to 
 Congress the necessity of being intrusted with 
 this authority'", and it was granted in general 
 terms. But here again a new trouble arose. 
 TJie same spectre of military domination, 
 which had from the first struck so much dread 
 into the minds of many persons, and had lim- 
 ited the existence of the present army to one 
 year, was still busy in spreading its terrors, and 
 tormenting its adversaries. If the Commander- 
 in-chief could call out the whole force of the 
 
^T. 43.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHIISGTON. 
 
 203 
 
 country at his option, where would be the 
 bounds of his power, where the checks to 
 soaring ambition, where the safeguard of the 
 people's hberties? Such questions were ask- 
 ed in a tone of triumphant confidence, imply- 
 ing that they could not be answered. Happi- 
 ly Congress put an end to them by a simple 
 expedient. They amended their resolve, by 
 making it incumbent on the Commander-in- 
 chief to gain the consent of the executive au- 
 thority of each colony, before he summoned 
 its militia. In fact he had hitherto proceeded 
 in this way, and probably always would have 
 done so ; but this form of the resolve allayed 
 the fears of the alarmists, and was equally ef- 
 fectual. 
 
 When General Washington complained to 
 Governor Trumbull of the extraordinary con- 
 duct of the Connecticut troops, the latter re- 
 plied ; " There is great difficulty to support 
 liberty, to exercise government, and maintain 
 subordination, and at the same time to prevent 
 the operation of licentious and levelling prin- 
 ciples, which many very easily imbibe. The 
 pulse of a New England man beats high for 
 liberty; his engagement in the service he 
 thinks purely voluntary ; therefore, when the 
 time of enlistment is out, he thinks himself 
 not holden without further engagement. This 
 
2G-i LIFE Ox^ VVASHINGTOiSi. [IT/o. 
 
 was the case in the last war. I greatly fear 
 its operation amongst the soldiers of the other 
 colonies, as I am sensible this is the genius 
 and spirit of our people." Anotlier considera- 
 tion had great weight, perhaps greater than all 
 the rest. The men expected a bounty. A 
 soldiers pay did not satisfy them, as they 
 could obtain better wages in other employ- 
 ments, without the fatigue and privations of a 
 camp. Congress had declared against boun- 
 ties, and they could not be offered, unless the 
 colonies should choose to do it individually on 
 their own account. 
 
 At the end of the year, when the old army 
 was dissolved, the whole number of the new 
 establishment was nine thousand six hundred 
 and fifty. More than a thousand of these 
 men were absent on furloughs, which it had 
 been necessary to grant as a condition of recn- 
 listment. This result was peculiarly discour- 
 aging. " It is easier to conceive than de- 
 scribe," said General Washington, " the situa- 
 tion of my mind for some time past, and 
 my feelings under our present circumstances. 
 Search the volumes of history through, and 1 
 much question whether a case similar to ours 
 is to be foimd ; namely, to maintain a post 
 against the flower of the British troops for six 
 months together, without powder, and then to 
 
^T. 43.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 205 
 
 have one army disbanded and another to be 
 raised within the same distance of a reinforced 
 enemy." His immediate safety, however, was 
 secured by the addition of five thousand mili- 
 tia, who soon came in, and were to remain till 
 the middle of January. And the advanced 
 state of the season rendered it improbable that 
 the enemy would undertake sudden enterpri- 
 ses. 
 
 When General Washington accepted the ap- 
 pointment of Congress, he supposed it would 
 be in his power to visit his family in the win- 
 ter, and attend for a short space to his private 
 affairs. This was found impracticable, or at 
 least inconsistent with the duties of his charge ; 
 and Mrs. Washington joined him at head-quar- 
 ters in December, where she remained till the 
 next spring. This was her practice during the 
 war. She passed the winters with her husband 
 in camp, and returned at the opening of the 
 campaigns to Mount Vernon. 
 
 His large estates were consigned to the care 
 of a superintendent, Mr. Lund Washington, in 
 whom he had confidence, and who e?:ecuted 
 the trust with diligence and fidelity. Not- 
 withstanding the multitude of public concerns, 
 which at all times pressed heavily, and which 
 he never neglected, the thoughts of General 
 Washington constantly reverted to his farms. 
 
206 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 
 
 In the midst of the most stirring and eventful 
 scenes of the war, he kept up an unremitted 
 correspondence with his manager, in which he 
 entered into details, gave minute instractions, 
 and exacted in return frequent and full reports 
 of the particulars relating to the culture of his 
 lands, their products, the condition of the la- 
 borers, and' every transaction of business. 
 From the beginning to the end of the Revolu- 
 tion, Lund Washington wrote to the General 
 as often at least as two or three times a month, 
 and commonly every week, detailing minute- 
 ly all the events that occurred on the planta- 
 tions, his purchases, sales, and payments of 
 money, the kinds and quantity of produce, oc- 
 cupations of the laborers, and whatever else 
 could tend to explain the precise condition and 
 progress of the business in his hands. These 
 letters were regularly answered by the Gene- 
 ral, even when the weight and embarrassment 
 of public duties pressed most heavily upon 
 him, and full instructions were returned for 
 regulating the plans and conduct of the mana- 
 ger. Hardly any copies of this description of 
 letters were recorded, if retained, and the origi- 
 nals have been lost or destroyed. But Lund 
 Washington's letters are preserved, and they 
 give evidence of the extraordinary attention 
 bestowed by the Commander-in-chief on his 
 
iET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 
 
 domestic affairs, though several hundred miles 
 from home, and bearing a burden of public 
 cares, which alone was enough to distract and 
 exhaust the firmest mind. 
 
 An extract from one of his letters on these 
 topics will show a trait of character, and the 
 footing on which he left his household at 
 Mount Vernon. 
 
 ''' Let the hospitality of the house, with re- 
 spect to the poor, be kept up. Let no one go 
 hungry away. If any of this kind of people 
 should be in want of corn, supply their neces- 
 sities, provided it does not encourage them in 
 idleness ; and I have no objection to your giv- 
 ing my money in charity, to the amount of 
 forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think 
 it well bestowed. What I mean by having no 
 objection is, that it is my desire that it should 
 be done. You are to consider, that neither 
 myself nor wife is now in the way to do these 
 good offices. In all other respects, I recom- 
 mend it to you, and have no doubt of your 
 observing the greatest economy and frugality ; 
 as I suppose you know, that I do not get a far- 
 thing for my services here, more than my gx- 
 penses. It becomes necessary, therefore, for 
 me to be saving at home." 
 
 19 
 
208 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Plans for an Attack on Boston. — Condition of the Army. — Dor- 
 chester. Heights fortified. — Evacuation of Boston. — Troops 
 inarch to New York. — Washington repairs to Congress. — His 
 Views in Regard to the State of the Country. — Machinations 
 of the Tories, and Measures taken to defeat them. — Declara- 
 tion of Independence. 
 
 Towards the end of December it was as- 
 certained, that General Howe was fitting out 
 a part of his fleet in the harbor of Boston for 
 some secret enterprise. Its destination could 
 only be conjectured ; but the season of the 
 year and other circumstances induced a belief, 
 that an operation at the south was in view. 
 Fears were entertained for New York, then in 
 a defenceless condition, feeble from the timid 
 counsels of its provincial Congress, awed by a 
 British man-of-war, and distracted by the arti- 
 fi.ces of Governor Tryon, whose presence and 
 address had kept together on Long Island a 
 formidable body of Tories, some concealed, 
 others undisguised. 
 
 No efforts were to be spared to prevent the 
 enemy from gaining possession of so important 
 a post as New York, which, with Hudson's 
 River, opened a direct channel to Canada, 
 through which an invading army might pass, 
 
JE.T.43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 209 
 
 to the great injury of the interior country, 
 if not to the discomfiture of the army in 
 the northern department. In the present state 
 of General Washington's forces, he could not 
 send a detachment from camp. As the most 
 promising scheme that offered, General Lee 
 was despatched, with instructions from the 
 Commander-in-chief to raise volunteers in Con- 
 necticut, hasten forward to New York, call to 
 his aid other troops from New Jersey, put the 
 city in the best posture of defence which his 
 means would permit, disarm the Tories and 
 other persons inimical to the rights and liber- 
 ties of America, and guard the fortifications 
 on Hudson's River. 
 
 Meantime General Washington became more 
 and more impatient to make an attack on Bos- 
 ton. He summoned a council of officers on 
 the 16th of January, to whom with strong ar- 
 guments he urged the necessity of such an at- 
 tempt before the enemy should be reinforced, 
 and requested their opinion. They agreed 
 that the attack ought not to be deferred a mo- 
 ment after there should be a fair hope of its 
 succeeding; but, with the force then in the 
 field, they believed it impracticable. That 
 his feelings were keenly afi"ected by his situa- 
 tion, is apparent from the tone of a letter writ- 
 ten at the time. " Could I have foreseen the 
 
 VOL. I. 14 
 
210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 difficulties," said he, '' which have come upon 
 us ; could I have known that such backward- 
 ness would have been discovered by the old 
 soldiers to the service, all the generals upon 
 earth should not have convinced me of the 
 propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston 
 till this time." He alludes here to the soldiers 
 of the first army, who had refused to enlist, 
 and gone home, in much greater numbers than 
 he had anticipated. 
 
 The new regiments were increasing very 
 tardily. The time for which the five thou- 
 sand militia engaged to serve had expired, 
 and a few only could be prevailed upon to 
 stay longer. Another call for militia was 
 indispensable. Seven regiments were appor- 
 tioned to Massachusetts, four to Connecticut, 
 and two to New Hampshire. By the time 
 these should come in, it was hoped the ice on 
 the waters around Boston would be frozen 
 hard enough to facilitate an assault on the 
 town. 
 
 Besides the want of powder, which had at 
 no time been supplied in any adequate quanti- 
 ty, the deficiency of arms threatened serious 
 consequences. There were nearly two thou- 
 sand men in camp without firelocks. Every 
 expedient was tried to procure them, but with 
 little effect. The New England governments 
 
M.T.i3.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 
 
 had none to furnish. The mihtia, rekictant to 
 part with their arms, carried them away when 
 they returned home. Officers were sent into 
 the country with money to purchase them. A 
 few were obtained in this way, but not enough 
 to arm all the men. 
 
 Despondency was seldom known, perhaps 
 never, to unsettle the constancy or self-com- 
 mand of Washington. He seemed to gather 
 new strength by resisting the pressure of diffi- 
 culties thickening around him. Borne up by 
 a conscious integrity, weighing well every act 
 of his life, convinced of the justice of his 
 cause, and habitually trusting in the direction 
 of an overruling Providence, his far-reaching 
 mind looked steadily to the end, and he went 
 onward, resolute in purpose, strong in hope. 
 The events of the last six months, however, 
 and the position in which he was now placed, 
 could not but awaken anxious forebodings, and 
 touch his sensibility. He saw his own reputa- 
 tion and the vital interests of his country in 
 jeopardy. The means of rescuing the one 
 from unmerited censure, and securing the oth- 
 er on a solid basis, were feeble, remote, uncer- 
 tain. The follovv^ing is his language on the 
 occasion, contained in a letter to a friend. 
 
 " I know the unhappy predicament in which 
 I stand ; 1 know that nuich is expected of me ; 
 
213 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 I know, that, without men, without arms, 
 without ammunition, without any thing fit for 
 the accommodation of a soldier, httle is to be 
 done ; and, what is mortifying. I know that I 
 cannot stand justified to the world without 
 exposing my own weakness, and injuring the 
 cause, by declaring my wants, which I am de- 
 termined not to do, further than unavoidable 
 necessity brings every man acquainted with 
 them. My situation is so irksome to me at 
 times, that, if I did not consult the public 
 good more than my own tranquillity, I should 
 long ere this have put every thing on the cast 
 of a die. So far from my having an army of 
 twenty thousand men well armed, I have been 
 here with less than half that number, includ- 
 ing sick, furloughed, and on command, and 
 those neither armed nor clothed as they should 
 be. In short, my situation has been such, that 
 I have been obliged to use art to conceal it 
 from my own officers." 
 
 As a contrast to this representation, proving 
 the buoyancy of his mind and his determined 
 spirit under the heaviest depression, another 
 passage is here quoted from the same letter. 
 
 ''With respect to myself, I have never en- 
 tertained an idea of an accommodation, since 
 I heard of the measures, which were adopted 
 in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. 
 
^T.43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOTM. 213 
 
 The King's speech has confirmed the senti- 
 ments I entertained upon the news of that af- 
 fair ; and, if every man was of my mind, the 
 ministers of Great Britain should know, in a 
 few words, upon what issue the cause should 
 be put. I would not be deceived by artful 
 declarations, nor specious pretences ; nor would 
 I be amused by unmeaning propositions ; but, 
 in open, undisguised, and manly terms, pro- 
 claim our wrongs, and our resolution to be re- 
 dressed. I would tell them, that we had borne 
 much, that we had long and ardently sought for 
 reconciliation upon honorable terms, that it had 
 been denied us, that all our attempts after 
 peace had proved abortive, and had been gross- 
 ly misrepresented, that we had done every 
 thing which could be expected from the best 
 of subjects, that the spirit of freedom rises too 
 high in us to submit to slavery. This I would 
 tell them not under covert, but in words as 
 clear as the sun in its meridian brightness." 
 
 By degrees the affairs of the army assumed 
 a more favorable aspect. Owing to the mild- 
 ness of the winter, little ice was formed till 
 the middle of February, when it was suffi- 
 ciently strong to enable the troops to march 
 over it from Roxbury and Dorchester. The 
 Commander-in-chief proposed to take advan- 
 tage of this opportunity, and make an imme- 
 
214 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 diate assault on Boston. His opinion was 
 overruled by a council of officers, much to his 
 disappointment and chagrin. "Though we 
 had been waiting all the year," said he, " for 
 this favorable event, the enterprise was thought 
 itoo dangerous. Perhaps it was ; perhaps the 
 irksomeness of my situation led me to under- 
 take more than could be warranted by pru- 
 dence. I did not think so, and I am sure yet, 
 that the enterprise, if it had been undertaken 
 with resolution, must have succeeded ; without 
 it, any would fail." It was resolved, however, 
 that active operations should commence, and 
 that possession should be taken of Dorchester 
 Heights, which might possibly bring out the 
 enemy to an engagement in that quarter, and 
 thus, by dividing the forces in Boston, lead to 
 a general attack. 
 
 Speedy arrangements were made for execu- 
 ting this plan, and the essential part of it was 
 effected by a body of troops, who marched in 
 the night under the command of General 
 Thomas, gained the summit of the Heights 
 without being discovered, and by great activity 
 erected before morning such works, as would 
 secure them against the enemy's shot. To 
 divert the attention of General Howe, an in- 
 cessant cannonade and bombardment upon the 
 town had been kept up the tM'^o preceding 
 
^T.44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 215 
 
 nights, and during the same night, from Lech- 
 mere's Point, Cobble Hill, and Roxbnry. 
 
 As Dorchester Heights commanded the 
 harbor, and also Nook's Hill, from which the 
 town could easily be annoyed by cannon and 
 mortars, it was expected that the enemy would 
 attempt to dislodge the American detachment, 
 and that the scenes of Bunker's Hill would 
 again be acted over. In anticipation of such 
 an event, Washington prepared to assault the 
 town at the same time on the opposite side. 
 For this service four thousand chosen men 
 were set apart, and put in two divisions, one 
 under General Sullivan, the other under Gen- 
 eral Greene, the whole being commanded by 
 General Putnam. At a concerted signal they 
 were to embark in boats, near the mouth of 
 Charles River, attended by three floating bat- 
 teries, under the fire of which they were to 
 land in the town, and then act according to 
 circumstances and instructions given by sig- 
 nals. 
 
 In the event there was no occasion for this 
 attempt. It was not the policy of General 
 Howe, nor consistent with his designs, to 
 bring on a general engagement. He remained 
 in Boston at his own discretion, it having been 
 recommended to him by the ministry, several 
 months before, to leave that place and repair to 
 
 IOq 
 
216 LIFE OF WASHIlNGTOiS', [1776. 
 
 a southern port.- Altliough he thought there 
 were soUd reasons against such a step, yet he 
 did not choose to sacrifice his men, or run haz- 
 ards, while so much rested on his responsibil- 
 ity. But when the admiral told him, that, 
 unless the Americans were dislodged from 
 Dorchester Heights, the King's ships could 
 not remain in the harbor, he consented to de- 
 tach three thousand men under Lord Percy for 
 that purpose. The execution of the plan was 
 defeated by a furious storm, which came on 
 while the troops were embarking. The next 
 day he determined to suspend offensive opera- 
 tions and to evacuate the town. 
 
 Washington had regarded this result as prob- 
 able ; and, having no other motive for tempting 
 General Howe to an engagement, than that of 
 forcing him from the town, it was of course 
 accordant with his principles and his wishes, 
 that it should be done without bloodshed. 
 His only aim, therefore, was to keep his post 
 strongly guarded, and his troops ready for ac- 
 tion. Humanity and policy required, also, that 
 the town should be saved, if possible, from the 
 ravage and destruction to which it must inevi- 
 tably be exposed by an assault. Apprehend- 
 ing such an issue, after the Americans had 
 planted themselves on Dorchester Heights, 
 the inhabitants obtained from General Howe a 
 
iET.44.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^17 
 
 declaration, that the town should not be de- 
 stroyed, unless the King's troops were molest- 
 ed during their embarkation. An informal 
 message to this effect was forwarded to Wash- 
 ington by the selectmen of the town, but he 
 declined taking any notice of it, as not being 
 authenticated by the name of the British com- 
 mander. This proceeding was enough, how- 
 ever, to produce a tacit understanding between 
 the parties, and the troops were allowed to de- 
 part without molestation. The town was left 
 uninjured, except from the natural effects of 
 having been so long occupied by soldiers, and 
 the disorders attending so hasty an embarka- 
 tion. 
 
 Boston was evacuated on the 17th of March, 
 and several regiments commanded by General 
 Putnam immediately entered it, and took pos- 
 session of all the posts. It was found to be 
 very strongly fortified. Geneial Washington 
 himself went into the town the next day, and 
 was received with enthusiasm by the inhab- 
 itants. The legislature of Massachusetts took 
 an early opportunity to present to him an ad- 
 dress, expressive of their respect and attach- 
 ment, their obligations for the great services 
 he had rendered to his country, and their 
 thanks for the deference he had invariably 
 shown to the civil authorities. 
 
218 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 Congress were not backward in rendering a 
 due tribute to their Commander-in-chief. A 
 unanimous vote of thanks was conveyed to 
 him in a letter, drafted by a committee ex- 
 pressly appointed for the occasion, and signed 
 by the President. A gold medal was ordered 
 to be struck, commemorative of the evacuation 
 of Boston, and as an honorable token of the 
 public approbation of his conduct. 
 
 General Howe, with his army in seventy- 
 eight ships and transports, sailed for Halifax. 
 His effective force, including seamen, was 
 about eleven thousand men. More than a 
 thousand refugees left Boston in his fleet. By 
 the adjutant's return, Washington's army, offi- 
 cers and men, amounted to twenty-one thou- 
 sand eight hundred, of which number two 
 thousand seven hundred were sick. The en- 
 listments had been more successful latterly 
 than at first. There were also six thousand 
 eight hundred militih, most of whom had been 
 suddenly called in from the neighboring towns, 
 to strengthen the lines in case of an attack on 
 Boston. 
 
 It was reported, while the troops were pre- 
 paring to embark, that they were destined for 
 Halifax ; but, suspecting this to be given out 
 by the British commander, as a feint to cover 
 his real designs, and anxious for the safety of 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 219 
 
 New York, General Washington called for two 
 thousand militia from Connecticut, and one 
 thousand from New Jersey, to be thrown into 
 that city without delay, which, added to the 
 force already on the spot, might oppose the 
 landing of the enemy till his own troops could 
 arrive. The day after the evacuation, he or- 
 dered five Continental regiments, the battalion 
 of riflemen, and two companies of artillery to 
 march under General Heath. They went by 
 land to Norwich, and thence by water through 
 the Sound. The whole army, except five 
 regiments detained for the defence of Boston 
 under General Ward, followed in divisions, 
 pursuing the same route. Putnam was sent 
 forward to take the command in New York ; 
 Lee having been appointed by Congress to the 
 southern department, and having hastened 
 thither to watch the motions of General Clin- 
 ton, who it was expected would make a de- 
 scent somewhere on the coast at the south. 
 
 The British fleet lingered ten days in Nan- 
 tasket Road, and Washington could not ven- 
 ture to leave his post, nor indeed to order away 
 all his army, till assured that the fleet had ac- 
 tually put to sea. When this was ascertained, 
 he set oflT for New York, passing through 
 Providence, Norwich, and New London. At 
 Norwich he had an interview with Governor 
 
220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 Trumbull, who came there to meet him. On 
 the 13th of April he arrived in New York. 
 The divisions of the army, moving more slow- 
 ly, did not unite in that place till some days 
 later. 
 
 It was .soon evident, that General Howe 
 had gone in another direction, and that no im- 
 mediate danger was to be apprehended from 
 the enemy. The British armed vessels, hith- 
 erto remaining in the harbor, retired down to 
 Sandy Hook, twenty-five miles from the city. 
 The militia from Connecticut and New Jersey 
 were discharged. The first task of the Com- 
 mander was to inspect the works begun by 
 General Lee, direct their completion, and pre- 
 pare other means of defence. 
 
 The presence of General Washington being 
 thought essential at Congress, for the purpose 
 of advising with them on the state of affairs, 
 and concerting arrangements for the campaign, 
 he repaired to Philadelphia, leaving the army 
 in the command of General Putnam. On his 
 way he examined Staten Island and the op- 
 posite Jersey shore, with the view of deter- 
 mining the proper places for v/orks of defence. 
 He was absent fifteen days. He seems to 
 have been disappointed and concerned at dis- 
 covering divisions in Congress, which portend- 
 ed no good to the common cause. It was 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 
 
 known, from the late proceedings in Parlia- 
 ment, that commissioners were coming oiu 
 with proposals of accommodation. In a letter 
 to his brother, written at Philadelphia, he 
 speaks as follows. 
 
 " I am very glad to find, that the Virginia 
 Convention have passed so noble a vote, and 
 with so much unanimity. Things have come 
 to such a pass now, as to convince us, that we 
 have nothing more to expect from the justice 
 of Great Britain ; also, that she is capable of 
 the most delusive arts ; for I am satisfied, that 
 no commissioners were ever designed, except 
 Hessians and other foreigners ;. and that the 
 idea was only to deceive and throw us oflf our 
 guard. The first has been too eflectually ac- 
 complished, as many members of Congress, in 
 short, the representation of whole provinces, 
 are still feeding themselves upon the dainty 
 food of reconciliation ; and, though they will 
 not allow, that the expectation of it has any 
 inflnence upon their judgment with respect to 
 their preparations for defence, it is but too ob- 
 vious, that it has an operation upon every part 
 of their conduct, and is a clog to their pro- 
 ceedings. It is not in the nature of things to 
 be otherwise ; for no man, that entertains a 
 hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equi- 
 tably adjusted by commissioners, will go- to 
 
222 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [ITTff. 
 
 the same expense and rnn the same hazards to 
 prepare for the worst event, as he who be- 
 Heves, that he must conquer, or submit to un- 
 conditional terms, and the concomitants, such 
 as confiscation, hanging, and the Hke." 
 
 The allusion, at the beginning of this para- 
 graph, is to a recent vote of the Virginia Con- 
 vention, recommending to Congress to declare 
 the United Colonies free and independent 
 States. The opinion, that it was time for this 
 decisive step to be taken, had been firmly 
 rooted in the mind of Washington ever since 
 he first saw the King's speech at the opening 
 of Parliament, and understood from it the 
 temper with which the British government 
 was determined, at all events, to push its 
 claims upon the colonies. From that moment 
 his last hope of reconciliation vanished. He 
 was convinced, that submission on terms too 
 humihating to be admitted, or a hard struggle, 
 was the only alternative. From that moment, 
 therefore, he believed the colonies ought to 
 stand on the broad ground of independence. 
 They could lose nothing by assuming such a 
 position ; they had been driven to it by their 
 adversaries ; whether from weak counsels, ob- 
 stinacy, or wilful oppression, it was useless to 
 inquire ; and, if they must yield at last, it was 
 better to fall nobly contending for freedom and 
 
jEt.U.] life of WASHINGTON. 223 
 
 justice, than to sink back into servitude, brand- 
 ed with the reproach of degrading concessions. 
 Such being his sentiments, he was rejoiced at 
 the spirit manifested in so powerful a colony 
 as Virginia, setting an example which others 
 were ready to follow, and leading to a union 
 which would fix the thoughts and hearts of 
 the people on a single object, encourage the 
 desponding, strengthen the military arm, and 
 give a new impulse to the whole country. 
 
 Notwithstanding the hesitancy of some of 
 the members of Congress, there was still a 
 large majority for vigorous action ; and, while 
 he was there, they resolved to reinforce the 
 army at New York with thirteen thousand 
 eight hundred militia, drawn from Massachu- 
 setts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jer- 
 sey ; and a flying camp, of ten thousand more, 
 from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware. 
 
 On his return to New York, he lost no time 
 in making preparations to receive the enemy, 
 whose fleet was now expected soon to approach 
 the coast. Besides the burden of his com- 
 mand, he was harassed with other difficulties. 
 Long Island, Staten Island, many parts of the 
 interior, and even the city itself, swarmed with 
 disaffected persons, or Tories, who were plot- 
 ting clandestine and dangerous schemes. Gov- 
 ernor Tryon, the centre of motion to this fra- 
 
224 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 ternity, continued on board a vessel at the 
 Hook, and had his emissaries abroad in every 
 direction. The Provincial Congress, either 
 distrustful of its powers, or too much contam- 
 inated with the leaven of disaffection in some 
 of its members, was tardy to propose, and 
 more tardy to execute, any plans for eradicat- 
 ing the mischief. Washington expostulated, 
 reasoned, urged, till at length a secret commit- 
 tee was appointed to take up and examine sus- 
 pected persons. 
 
 Aware of the delicacy of this subject. Con- 
 gress early passed a resolution, by which the 
 power of apprehending Tories was put into 
 the hands of the civil authority of each colo- 
 ny. This was a wise and politic regulation. 
 Much abuse and injustice might have followed, 
 if the Continental officers had been permitted 
 to arrest persons upon suspicion ; whereas the 
 local civil authorities, with a full knowledge 
 of characters and circumstances, might proceed 
 with proper discrimination, and avoid con- 
 founding the innocent with the guilty. That 
 there might not be a want of power to execute 
 this business effectually, the conventions, as- 
 semblies, and committees were authorized to 
 employ a military force from the Continental 
 army, which, in such cases, was bound to act 
 under their orders. Many Tories were appre- 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 225 
 
 hended in New York and on Long Island ; 
 some were imprisoned, others disarmed. A 
 deep plot, originating with Governor Tryon, 
 was defeated by a timely and fortnnate discov- 
 ery. His agents were found enlisting men in 
 the American camp, and enticing them with 
 rewards. The infection spread to a consid- 
 erable extent, and even reached the Gener- 
 al's guard, some of whom enlisted. A soldier 
 of the guard was proved guilty by a court- 
 martial, and executed. It was a part of the 
 plot to seize General Washington and convey 
 him to the enemy. 
 
 On the 2Sth of June, a part of the British 
 fleet from Halifax arrived at the Hook. The 
 remainder followed within a week, and Gen- 
 eral Howe established his head-quarters at 
 Staten Island. An immediate attack was ex- 
 pected ; but such was not the purpose of Gen- 
 eral Howe. A fleet from England was on its 
 way to join him, under the command of his 
 brother, Lord Howe, the bearer of proposals 
 from the ministry for an accommodation, the 
 effect of which was to be tried before hostili- 
 ties should be renewed. 
 
 Whilst the enemy was thus gathering 
 strength at the door of New York, and in 
 sight of the American troops. General Wash- 
 ington received from Congress the Declaration 
 
 VOL. I. 15 
 
226 f^FE OF WASHINGTON. [177& 
 
 of Independence. At six o'clock in the even- 
 ing, the regiments were paraded, and the Dec- 
 laration was read aloud in the hearing of them 
 all. It was greeted with the most hearty de- 
 monstrations of joy and applause. " The Gen- 
 eral hopes," said the orders of the day, ''that 
 this important event will serve as a fresh in- 
 centive to every officer and soldier to act with 
 fidelity and courage, as knowing, that now the 
 peace and safety of his country depend, under 
 God, solely on the success of our arms, and 
 that he is now in the service of a state pos- 
 sessed of sufficient power to reward his merit, 
 and advance him to the highest honors of a 
 free country." The United Colonies of North 
 America were declared to be Free and Inde- 
 pendent States, and from that day the word 
 colonies is not known in their history. 
 
 As the Americans had no armed vessels in 
 the harbor, General Howe ventured upon the 
 experiment of sending two ships, one of forty 
 and the other of twenty guns, with three ten- 
 ders, up Hudson's River. Taking advantage 
 of a brisk and favorable breeze, they passed 
 the batteries at New York and Paulus Hook 
 without being checked, or apparently injured, 
 the men on the decks being protected by ram- 
 parts of sand-bags. The vessels ascended to 
 a part of the river, called Tappan Sea, where 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 227 
 
 the breadth of the water secured them against 
 molestation from the land. General George 
 Clinton then had command of the New York 
 raiUtia. He called out three regiments, and 
 stationed them at different points on the banks . 
 of the river, particularly in the Highlands, to 
 defend those passes, and prevent the enemy 
 from penetrating beyond them. But in reality 
 the British general's only objects were, to cut 
 off the communication by water between 
 Washington's army and Canada, and between 
 the city and country, thereby obstructing sup- 
 plies ; to give countenance to the Tories ; and 
 to take soundings in the river. The vessels 
 were absent from the fleet five weeks, during 
 which time one of the tenders was burnt by a 
 fire-ship sent among them by a party of Amer- 
 icans. 
 
228 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation with 
 the Colonies. — Mode of addressing Letters to Washington 
 attempted by tlie British Admiral and General. — Strength and 
 Condition of the tvyo Armies. — Battle of Long Island. — Re- 
 marks on the Battle. 
 
 Lord Howe joined his brother at Staten 
 Island before the middle of July. While at 
 sea,- he had written a circular letter to the late 
 royal governors in the colonies, presuming 
 them to be still in power, accompanied by a 
 Declaration setting forth his authority as com- 
 missioner from the King, and the terms pro- 
 posed for a reconciliation. These papers were 
 put on shore by a flag at Amboy, whence they 
 came to the hands of General Vv^ashington, who 
 enclosed them to the President of Congress. 
 The terms amounted to nothing more than a 
 promise of pardon and favor to those, who 
 should return to their allegiance and assist in 
 restoring public tranquillity. The papers were 
 ordered to be published by Congress, that the 
 people. might know, as stated in the order, 
 what they had to expect from the court of 
 Great Britain, and " be convinced that the 
 valor alone of their country was to save its 
 liberties." Lord Howe's arrival at so late a 
 
Mr.U.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 229 
 
 day, being after the declaration of independ- 
 ence, was regarded by him as a circumstance 
 unfavorable to the success of his mission ; but 
 the truth is, the proposition he brought out 
 would not at any time have been listened to, 
 as affording a reasonable ground of reconcilia- 
 tion. It left untouched all the original causes 
 of complaint. To suppose the ministry had 
 any other hope of this measure, than what was 
 derived from the j^rowess of their formidable 
 army and fleet, would be a severe reflection 
 upon their common intelligence and wisdom. 
 The Americans believed it to be an attempt to 
 amuse, deceive, and disunite them ; and, by a 
 natural reaction, it tended to increase their ef- 
 forts and bind them more closely together. 
 
 The day before the above papers were land- 
 ed at Amboy, Lord Howe despatched a letter 
 to general Washington by a flag, which was 
 detained in the harbor by the guard-boats, till 
 the General's orders should be known. He 
 had previously determined to decline receiving 
 any letter from the British commanders, not di- 
 rected to him in his public character. Colonel 
 Reed, adjutant-general of the army, went down 
 to meet the flag, with instructions to that efl'ect. 
 The oflicer, who had charge of the flag, showed 
 him a letter directed 'To George Washington, 
 Esq.,''^ which he said was from liOrd Howe. 
 
230 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 It was, of course, declined. The officer ex- 
 pressed regret, said the letter was important, 
 and rather of a civil than military nature, and 
 at last inquired in what manner Mr. Washing- 
 ton chose to be addressed. Colonel Reed re- 
 plied, that his station was well known, and 
 that no doubts could properly exist on that 
 point. They separated, and the flag returned 
 with the letter to the fleet. In mentioning 
 this incident to Congress, Washington said, 
 " I would not upon any occasion sacrifice es- 
 sentials to punctilio ; but in this instance, 
 the opinion of others concurring with my own, 
 I deemed it a duty to my country and my ap- 
 pointment, to insist upon that respect, which, 
 in any other than a public view, I would wil- 
 lingly have waved." The course he had taken 
 was highly approved by Congress, and a re- 
 solve was passed, that in future no letters 
 should be received from the enemy, by com- 
 manders in the American army, which should 
 not be directed to them in the characters they 
 sustained. 
 
 As occasional intercourse between the chiefs 
 of the two armies was necessary, for the pur- 
 pose of treating about the exchange of prison- 
 ers and other matters. General Howe wrote to 
 Washington a few days afterwards, repeating 
 the same superscription. This letter was like- 
 
iET, 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 231 
 
 wise refused. He then sent Colonel Paterson, 
 adjutant-general of the British army, who was 
 admitted to an interview with the American 
 commander, and produced a letter directed 
 '' To George Washington, Esq. Sfc. Sf'c. ^c." 
 Colonel Paterson used the title of " Excellen- 
 cy " in addressing him, and said, " that General 
 Howe much regretted the difficulties, which 
 had arisen respecting the address of the letter 
 to General Washington ; that it was deemed 
 consistent with propriety, and founded upon 
 precedents of the like nature by ambassadors 
 and plenipotentiaries, when disputes or difficul- 
 ties of rank had arisen ; that Lord Howe and 
 General Howe did not mean to derogate from 
 the respect or rank of General Washington ; 
 and that they held his person and character 
 in the highest esteem." Washington replied, 
 " that a letter directed to a person in a public 
 character should have some description or indi- 
 cation of it, otherwise it would appear a mere 
 private letter; and that he should absolutely 
 decline any letter directed to him as a private 
 person, when it related to his public station." 
 After a good deal of conversation on this sub- 
 ject, and also on the particulars supposed to be 
 contained in the letter, Colonel Paterson was 
 introduced to several of the general officers of 
 the American army, and then took his leave. 
 
 11 
 
232 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 In giving an account of this conference to the 
 ministry, General Howe observed, " The in- 
 terview was more polite than interesting; 
 however, it induced me to change my super- 
 scription for the attainment of an end so desir- 
 able ; and in this view I flatter myself it will 
 not be disapproved." From that time all let- 
 ters addressed by the British commanders to 
 General Washington bore his proper titles. 
 
 General Howe remained two months at 
 Staten Island, waiting for reinforcements, be- 
 fore he commenced the operations of the cam- 
 paign. This period was employed by Wash- 
 ington in strengthening his works on New 
 York Island. A fort was begun at the north 
 part of the island, on a hill not far from the 
 east bank of the Hudson, which was called 
 Fort Washington ; and another nearly opposite 
 to it on the other side of the river, in New 
 Jersey, at first called Fort Constitution, and af- 
 terwards Fort Lee. Between these forts the 
 river's channel was obstructed by hulks of 
 vessels and chevaux-de-frise. Batteries were 
 erected on the margins of the North and East 
 Rivers, redoubts were thrown up at different 
 places, the grounds near Kingsbridge were for- 
 tified, and the whole island was put in as good 
 a state of defence, as the time and circumstan- 
 ces would permit. Plans were concerted for 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233 
 
 attacking the enemy on Staten Island by par- 
 ties from the Jersey shore ; but the Avant of 
 boats, and other obstacles, rendered these plans 
 abortive. A general attack was thought unad- 
 visable, as putting too much at hazard, while 
 the enemy occupied an island protected on 
 every side by their fleet. 
 
 By the middle of August the British rein- 
 forcements had all arrived. General Howe's 
 strength then consisted of his own army from 
 Halifax, additional troops from England, Hes- 
 sians, several regiments from the West Indies 
 and the Floridas, the detachments on board 
 Sir Peter Parker's «quadron, under Clinton and 
 Cornwallis, returned from their signal repulse 
 at Sullivan's Island, and such men as Lord 
 Dunmore had brought with him from Virginia. 
 The aggregate of these forces was probably 
 somewhat above twenty-four thousand men. 
 It has been estimated as high as thirty thou- 
 sand. The fleet was numerous and well 
 equipped ; and the whole armament, for both 
 the land and sea service, was supplied with all 
 kinds of military stores. 
 
 To meet these formidable preparations, Gen- 
 eral Washington's army, according to a return 
 made out on the 3d of August, including offi- 
 cers and men of every description, amounted 
 nominally to twenty thousand five hundred 
 
234 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 and thirty-seven. Of these, three thousand 
 six hundred and sixty-eight were sick, ninety- 
 seven absent on furlough, and two thousand 
 nine hundred and forty-six on command, leav- 
 ing only eleven thousand one hundred, besides 
 officers, present fit for duty. Many of these 
 were mihtia, suddenly called from their homes, 
 unaccustomed to arms and to the exposure and 
 hardships of a camp. The season of the year 
 and the want of tents occasioned much sick- 
 ness. Even this small army was greatly di- 
 vided, being stationed at many points, from 
 Brooklyn to Kingsbridge, over a space of more 
 than fifteen miles in extent. 
 
 An attack from the enemy was daily ex- 
 pected. As the waters around New York were 
 accessible to the tleet and small craft, General 
 Howe could land at such places as he chose, 
 and every point was therefore to be guarded. 
 Meantime the American army gradually gained 
 strength. The Convention of New York call- 
 ed out the militia of four counties. About 
 three thousand assembled, and formed an en- 
 campment under General George Clinton near 
 Kingsbridge. Three thousand came from 
 Connecticut. Two battalions of riflemen from 
 Pennsylvania, one from Maryland, and a regi- 
 ment from Delaware, likewise joined the army. 
 
 Intelligence at length arrived, that the Brit- 
 
iEx. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 235 
 
 ish troops were landing on Long Island, be- 
 tween the Narrows and Sandy Hook. It was 
 then apparent, that they designed to approach 
 the city across Long Island, and not to attempt 
 an immediate bombardment. Anticipating this 
 movement, Washington had at an early day 
 posted a body of troops at Brooklyn, on a part 
 of Long Island opposite to the city of New 
 York, and separated from it by the East River. 
 This position was well secured on the land 
 side by a chain of intrenchments and redoubts, 
 running along the high grounds from Wall- 
 about Bay to Gowan's Cove ; these works 
 having been constructed under the eye of Gen- 
 eral Greene. It was defended on the water 
 side by batteries at Red Hook, Governor's 
 Island, and other points. Between Brooklyn 
 and the place where the enemy landed, was a 
 range of hills covered with a thick wood, and 
 crossed by three roads. The precaution had 
 been taken to throw up breastv\^orks at the 
 principal passes on these hills, where three or 
 four regiments were stationed. General Greene 
 at first commanded on Long Island, but falhng 
 ill with a fever, he was succeeded for a short 
 time by General Sullivan. The command at 
 length devolved on General Putnam. 
 
 The British army occupied the plain on the 
 other side of the hills, extending in a line from 
 
236 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIX. [1776. 
 
 the Narrows to Flatbush. General Grant com- 
 manded the left wing near the coast, De Heis- 
 ter the centre, composed of Hessians, and 
 Clinton the right. About three o'clock in the 
 morning, on the 27th of August, a report was 
 brought to the camp, that the British were in 
 motion on the road leading along the coast 
 from the Narrows. A detachment under Lord 
 Stirling was immediately ordered out to meet 
 them. General Sullivan was sent to the heights 
 above Flatbush, on the middle road. One 
 regiment only was at this post ; and a little to 
 the north of it, on the Bedford road, were two 
 others. Meantime General Clinton, with Earl 
 Percy and Cornwallis, led the right wing of 
 the British army by a circuit into the Jamaica 
 road, which was not guarded, and gained the 
 rear of the Americans under Saliivan. Before 
 this was accomplished, reinforcements had been 
 sent from the camp to support both Sullivan 
 and Stirling. The attack was begun at an 
 early hour by Grant and De Heister, but was 
 kept up with little spirit, as they were not to 
 advance till Clinton should reach the left flank 
 or rear of the Americans. As soon as it was 
 known, by the sound of the gnus, that this 
 was effected, they pushed vigorously forward, 
 and the action became general and warm in 
 every part. The troops under Lord Stirling, 
 
^T.44.] LIFE OF WASniNGTO?N. 237 
 
 consisting of the Pennsylvania, Maryland, and 
 Delaware regiments, fought with signal bra- 
 very, contesting every foot of ground against a 
 greatly superior force, till Lord Cornwallis, with 
 a detachment from Clinton's division, came 
 upon their rear, brought them between two 
 fires and compelled them to retreat within 
 their lines across a creek and marsh near Gow- 
 an's Cove. General SuUivan, with the regi- 
 ments on the heights above Flatbush, being 
 attacked by De Heister on one side and Clin- 
 ton on the other, after making an obstinate re- 
 sistance for three hours, was obliged to surren- 
 der. As the grounds were broken and covered 
 with wood, the action in this part was con- 
 ducted by a succession of skirmishes, and ma- 
 ny of the troops forced their way through the 
 enemy and returned to Brooklyn. After the 
 battle was over, General Howe encamped his 
 army in front of the American lines, intending 
 to carry them by regular approaches with the 
 cooperation of his fleet. 
 
 The issue of the day was disastrous to the 
 Americans. Their loss was between eleven 
 and twelve hundred men, more than a thou- 
 sand of whom were captured. General Sulli- 
 van and Lord Stirling were among the prison- 
 ers. The whole number engaged was about 
 five thousand, who were opposed by at least 
 
238 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 fifteen thousand of the enemy, well provided 
 with artillery. That so many escaped, was 
 owing to the nature of the ground, and to the 
 action having been fought in detached parties, 
 some of which were several miles distant from 
 each other. The courage and good conduct 
 of the troops, particularly those under Lord 
 Stirling, were universally acknowledged. 
 
 During the action General Washington cross- 
 ed over to Brooklyn. He is said to have wit- 
 nessed the rout and slaughter of his troops 
 with the keenest anguish, as it was impossible 
 to detach others to their relief without expos- 
 ing the camp to imminent danger. A heavy 
 rain the next day kept the main body of the 
 enemy in their tents. Light parties came out, 
 and there was occasional skirmishing near the 
 lines. A strong head wind prevented the ships 
 from ascending the harbor. The loss sustained 
 in the late action, the injury which the arms 
 and ammunition had received by the rains, the 
 great force of the enemy, and the probabihty 
 that the ships would take advantage of the 
 first favorable wind, sail into the East River, 
 and thus cut off the only channel of retreat, 
 rendered it obvious, that any further attempt to 
 maintain the post at Brooklyn would be haz- 
 ardous in the extreme. It was known, also, 
 that some of the British ships had passed 
 
 •• 
 
iET. 44.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239 
 
 round Long Island, and were now in Flushing 
 Bay ; and there were indications, that it was 
 General Hov/e's design to transport a part of 
 his army across the Sound, and form an en- 
 campment above Kingsbridge. This would 
 put New York Island in jeopardy, and the 
 forces at Brooklyn would be essential for its 
 defence. A council of war was called. No 
 time was lost in deliberation. It was resolved 
 to withdraw the troops from Long Island. 
 Boats were collected and other preparations 
 were made without delay. On the morning 
 of the 30th, the whole army, amounting to 
 nine thousand men, the military stores, nearly 
 all the provisions, and the artillery, except a 
 few heavy cannon, were safely landed in New 
 York. With such secrecy, silence, and order, 
 was every thing conducted, that the last boat 
 was crossing the river, before the retreat was 
 discovered by the enemy, although parties were 
 stationed within six hundred yards of the lines. 
 This retreat, in its plan, execution, and suc- 
 cess, has been regarded as one of the most re- 
 markable military events in history, and as re- 
 flecting the highest credit on the talents and 
 skill of the commander. So intense was the 
 anxiety of Washington, so unceasing his ex- 
 ertions, that for forty-eight hours he did not 
 
 llQ 
 
240 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from his 
 horse. 
 
 There have been various strictures on this 
 battle, both in regard to the action itself, and 
 to the policy of Washington in attempting to 
 oppose the enemy at all on Long Island. The 
 strange oversight in leaving the Jamaica road 
 unguarded, and the neglect in procuring early 
 and constant intelligence of the movements of 
 the British army, were the immediate causes 
 of the deplorable events of the day. These 
 faults, however, such as they were, rested with 
 the officers on the Island. General Washing- 
 ton had given express instructions, that the 
 strictest vigilance should be observed in every 
 part of the outer lines. It was unfortunate 
 that the illness of General Greene deprived 
 the commander on the spot of his counsel, he 
 being thoroughly acquainted with the grounds 
 and the roads ; whereas General Putnam took 
 the command only four days before the action, 
 and of course had not been able from personal 
 inspection to gain the requisite knowledge. 
 The want of vedettes was another unfortunate 
 circumstance. To communicate intelligence 
 with sufficient celerity over so wide a space, 
 without light-horse, was impracticable. At 
 this time, however, not a single company of 
 
jet.u.] life of v/ashington. 241 
 
 cavalry had been attached to the American 
 army. 
 
 As to the other point, the propriety of main- 
 taining a stand on Long Island, it must be con- 
 sidered, that the enemy was to be met some- 
 where, that the works at Brooklyn oifered a 
 fair prospect of defence for a considerable time 
 at least, that the abandonment of the Island 
 would open a free passage to General Howe to 
 the very borders of New York, separated only 
 by the East River, and that to retreat, without 
 even a show of resistance, as the first opera- 
 tion of the campaign, would be unsatisfactory 
 to Congress, the country, and the army. Be- 
 sides, it was not the purpose of Washington to 
 entice the enemy to a general action, or allow 
 himself to be drawn into one, if it could pos- 
 sibly be avoided. Such an experiment, with 
 his raw troops and militia, against a force su- 
 perior in numbers, and slill more so in experi- 
 ence and discipline, aided by a powerful fleet, 
 he well knew would be the height of rashness, 
 and might end in the total ruin of the Ameri- 
 can cause. Wisdom and prudence dictated a 
 different course. To wear away the campaign 
 by keeping the enemy employed in small en- 
 counters, dividing their attention, and interpos- 
 ing obstacles to their progress, was all that 
 could be done or undertaken with any reason- 
 
 VOL. I. 16 
 
242 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 able hope of success. Such a system would 
 diminish the resources of the enemy, habituate 
 his own soldiers to the practices of war, give 
 the country an opportunity to gather strength 
 by union and time, and thus prepare the way 
 for more decisive efforts at a future day. This 
 policy, so sound in its principles, and so trium- 
 phant in its final results, was not relished by 
 the shortsighted multitude, eager to hear of 
 battles and victories, and ready to ascribe the 
 disappointment of their wishes to the fault of 
 the General. The murmurs and complaints 
 of such persons, though so loudly and widely 
 expressed that they might be taken as denoting 
 the public sentiment, were borne with forti- 
 tude by Washington ; nor did he suffer him- 
 self to be turned by them from what he be- 
 lieved to be his duty in watching over the 
 vital interests of his country. 
 
 By the last returns, the number of troops 
 fit for duty was less than twenty thousand, 
 and many had since deserted. One thousand 
 men were immediately ordered to join him 
 from the Flying Camp, then in New Jersey 
 under General Mercer. A bounty of ten dol- 
 lars had been offered to each soldier, that would 
 enlist into the Continental service; but this pro- 
 duced little effect, as the bounty to the militia 
 was in some instances double that amount. 
 
iET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 243 
 
 " Till of late," he observes, " I had no doubt 
 of defending New York ; nor should I have 
 yet, if the men would do their duty ; but this 
 I despair of. It is painful to give such unfa- 
 vorable accounts ; but it would be criminal to 
 conceal the truth at so critical a juncture. Ev- 
 ery power I possess shall be exerted to serve 
 the cause ; and my first wish is, that, what- 
 ever may be the event, the Congress will do 
 me the justice to think so." In such a situa- 
 tion a more gloomy or discouraging prospect 
 could hardly be imagined. No trials, however, 
 in a good cause, could depress the mind or 
 unnerve the energy of Washington, 
 
244 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 CHAPTER XYI. 
 
 New York evacuated, and the British lake Possession of the City. 
 — The American Army posted at Haerlem Heights and Fort 
 Washington. — Situation and Prospects of the Army. — Its new 
 Organization. — The British land in Westchester County, and 
 march into the Country. 
 
 When General Howe had taken possession 
 of Long Island, his plans began to be unfold- 
 ed. The fleet came into the harbor, and an 
 armed vessel passed up the East River ; but 
 there were no indications of an attack on the 
 city. It was obvious, indeed, that he designed 
 to take New York by encompassing it on the 
 land side, and to refrain from a cannonade and 
 bombardment, by which the city might be in- 
 jured, and rendered less fit for the accommo- 
 dation of his troops in the winter, and less val- 
 uable as a place to be held during the war. 
 Such being clearly the aim of the British com- 
 mander, the attention of Washington was next 
 drawn to the best mode of evacuating the city. 
 
 As a preparatory step he removed beyond 
 Kingsbridge the stores and baggage least want- 
 ed. In a council of general officers there was 
 a difierence of opinion as to a total evacuation. 
 All agreed, that the town would not be tena- 
 
iEx. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 245 
 
 ble, if it should be bombarded ; and it was 
 manifest, that this might be done at any mo- 
 ment. Some were for destroying the city at 
 once, and leaving it a waste, from which the 
 enemy could derive no benefit. As an argu- 
 ment for this procedure, it was said two thirds 
 of the property belonged to Tories. Others 
 thought the position should be maintained at 
 every hazard, till the army was absolutely 
 driven out. A middle course was taken. It 
 was resolved so to dispose the troops, as to be 
 prepared to resist any attack on the upper parts 
 of the Island, and retreat with the remainder 
 whenever it should become necessary. Nine 
 thousand men were to be stationed at Mount 
 Washington, Kingsbridge, and the smaller 
 posts in the vicinity of those places, five thou- 
 sand to continue in the city, and the residue 
 to occupy the intermediate space, ready to sup- 
 port either of these divisions. The sick, 
 amounting to one quarter of the whole army, 
 were to be removed to the Jersey side of the 
 Hudson. 
 
 While these arrangements were in progress, 
 the enemy were not idle, although probably 
 less active than they would otherwise have 
 been, in consequence of an interview between 
 Lord Howe and a committee of Congress at 
 Staten Island, solicited by the former in the 
 
246 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T76. 
 
 hope of suggesting some plan of reconciliation 
 conformable to the terms of his commission. 
 This attempt proving abortive, the operations 
 commenced in earnest. Four ships sailed into 
 the East River, and anchored about a mile 
 above the city. The next day six others fol- 
 lowed. Parties of British troops landed on 
 Buchanan's Island, and a cannonade was 
 opened upon a battery at Horen's Hook. 
 
 On the 15th of September, in the morning, 
 three men-of-war ascended Hudson's River as 
 high as Bloomingdale, with the view of divid- 
 ing the attention of the Americans by making 
 a feint on that side. At the same time Gen- 
 eral Howe embarked a strong division of his 
 army, commanded by General Clinton, con- 
 sisting of British and Hessians, at the head of 
 Newtown Bay on Long Island. About eleven 
 o'clock, these troops, having come into the 
 East River, began lo land at Kip's Bay, under 
 the fire of two forty-gun ships and three frig- 
 ates. Batteries had been erected there ; but 
 the men were driven from them by the firing 
 from the ships. General Washington was 
 now at Haerlem, whither he had gone the 
 night before, on account of the movements of 
 the enemy at Montresor's Island ; and, hearing 
 the sound of the guns, he hastened with all 
 despatch to the place of landing. To his inex- 
 
iEx. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 247 
 
 pressible chagrin he found the troops, that had 
 been posted on the Hnes, precipitately retreating 
 without firing a shot, although not more than 
 sixty or seventy of the enemy were in sight ; 
 and also two brigades, which had been ordered 
 to their support, flying in the greatest confu- 
 sion, in spite of every eflbrt of their officers to 
 rally and form them. It is said, that no inci- 
 dent of the war caused Washington to be so 
 much excited, as he appeared on this occasion. 
 He rode hastily towards the enemy, till his 
 own person was in danger, hoping to encour- 
 age the men by his example, or rouse them to 
 a sense of shame for their cowardice. But all 
 his exertions were fruitless. The troops, be- 
 ing eight regiments in all, fled to the main 
 body on Haerlem Plains. 
 
 The division in New York, under the com- 
 mand of General Putnam, retreated with diffi- 
 culty, and with considerable loss. Fifteen 
 men ordy were known to be killed, but more 
 than three hundred were taken prisoners. 
 Nearly all the heavy cannon, and a considera- 
 ble quantity of baggage, stores, and provisions, 
 were left behind. A prompt and judicious ma- 
 noeuvre on the part of the British general, by 
 stretching his army across the island from Kip's 
 Bay to Hudson's River, would have cut off the 
 rear of the retreatins division. But this was 
 
248 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 not effected, nor were the Americans pursued 
 with much vigor in their retreat. General 
 Washington drew all his forces together with- 
 in the lines on the Heights of Haerlem, where 
 they encamped the same night. 'Head-quar- 
 ters were fixed at Morris's House, a mile and 
 a half south from Mount Washington, on 
 which was situate the fort of that name. 
 After sending a small detachment to take pos- 
 session of the city. General Howe encamped 
 with the larger part of his army near the 
 American lines, his right resting on the East 
 River, and his left on the Hudson, supported 
 at each extreme by the ships in those rivers. 
 
 The next morning. Colonel Knowlton went 
 out with a party of rangers, volunteers from 
 the New England regiments, and advanced 
 through the woods towards the enemy's lines. 
 When he was discovered. General Howe de- 
 tached two battalions of light infantryj and a 
 regiment of Highlanders, to meet and drive 
 him back. To these were afterwards added a 
 battalion of Hessian grenadiers, a company of 
 chasseurs, and two fieldpieces. On the appear- 
 ance of these troops in the open grounds be- 
 tween the two camps, General Washington 
 rode to the outposts, that he might be at hand 
 to make such arrangements as circumstances 
 should require. He had hardly reached the 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 249 
 
 lines, when he heard a firing, which proceeded 
 from an encounter between Colonel Knowlton 
 and one of the British parties. The rangers 
 returned, and said that the body of the enemy, 
 as they thought, amounted to three hundred 
 men. Knowlton was immediately reinforced 
 by three companies from Weedon's Virginia 
 regiment under Major Leitch, and ordered to 
 gain their rear, while their attention was di- 
 verted by making a disposition to attack them 
 in front. 
 
 The plan was successful. As the party ap- 
 proached in front, the enemy rushed down the 
 hill to take advantage of a fence and bushes, 
 and commenced firing, but at too great a dis- 
 tance to be effectual. Meantime Colonel 
 Knowlton made an attack on the other side, 
 though rather in the flank than rear, and ad- 
 vanced with spirit. A sharp conflict ensued. 
 Major Leitch, who led the attack, was carried 
 off mortally wounded, three balls having been 
 shot through his body ; and in a short time 
 Colonel Knowlton fell. The action was reso- 
 lutely kept up by the remaining officers and 
 the men, till other detachments arrived to their 
 support ; and they charged the enemy with 
 such firmness and intrepidity, as to drive them 
 from the wood to the plain, when General 
 Washington ordered a retreat, apprehending, 
 
250 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIM. [IT76. 
 
 what proved to be the case, that a large body 
 was on its way from the British camp. The 
 engagement, from first to last, continued four 
 hours, although the sharp fighting was of short 
 duration. General Howe reported eight ofii- 
 cers and seventy privates wounded, and four- 
 teen men killed. The American loss was fif- 
 teen killed, and about forty-five wounded. 
 
 Colonel Knowlton was a gallant and meri- 
 torious officer, and his death was much la- 
 mented. The events of the day were impor- 
 tant, not so much on account of their magni- 
 tude, as of their influence on the arm)''. The 
 retreating, flying, and discomfitures, which 
 had happened since the British landed on Long 
 Island, contributed greatly to dispirit the troops, 
 and to destroy their confidence in themselves 
 and in their officers. The good conduct and 
 success of this day were a proof, on the one 
 hand, that the enemy was not invincible, and 
 on the other, that the courage, so nobly exhib- 
 ited at Lexington and Bunker's Hill the year 
 before, still existed in the American ranks. 
 
 The lines were too formidable on Haerlem 
 Heights to tempt the British commander to 
 try the experiment of an assault. His army 
 lay inactive on the plains below more than 
 three weeks. General Washington employed 
 the time in strengthening his works, and pre- 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 251 
 
 paring at all points for defence. His lines in 
 front extended from Haerlem River to the 
 Hudson, quite across the Island, which at this 
 place is somewhat more than a mile wide. 
 General Greene commanded on the Jersey side, 
 with his head-quarters at Fort Lee ; and Gen- 
 eral Heath at Kingsbridge, bej^ond which, on 
 a hill towards the Hudson, a fort was erected, 
 called Fort Independence. 
 
 The subject, which now engaged the most 
 anxious thoughts of Washington, was the sit- 
 uation and prospects of the army. We have 
 seen that the establishment formed at Cam- 
 bridge was to continue for one year, and the 
 time of its dissolution was near at hand. He 
 had often called the attention of Congress to 
 this important subject, and pressed upon them 
 the necessity of some radical alterations in the 
 system hitherto pursued. By the experience 
 of the past year all his first impressions had 
 been confirmed, and all his fears realized, in 
 regard to the mischievous policy of short en- 
 listments, and of relying on militia to act 
 against veteran troops. Disobedience of orders, 
 shameful desertions, running away from the 
 enemy, plundering, and every kind of irregu- 
 larity in the camp, had been the fatal conse- 
 quences. 
 
 " To bring men to a proper degree of sub- 
 
 _ 
 
252 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 ordination," said he, " is not the work of a day, 
 a month, or even a year ; and, unhappily for 
 us and the cause we are engaged in, the httle 
 discipline I have been laboring to establish in 
 the army under my immediate command is in 
 a manner done aAvay, by having such a mix- 
 ture of troops, as have been called together 
 within these few months. Relaxed and unfit 
 as our rules and regulations of war are for the 
 government of an army, the militia (those 
 properly so called, for of these we have two 
 sorts, the six-months' men, and those sent in 
 as a temporary aid,) do not think themselves 
 subject to them, and therefore take liberties, 
 Avhich the soldier is punished for. This cre- 
 ates jealousy ; jealousy begets dissatisfaction ; 
 and this by degrees ripens into mutiny, keep- 
 ing the whole army in a confused and disor- 
 dered state, rendering the time of those, who 
 wish to see regularity and good order prevail, 
 more unhappy than words can describe. Be- 
 sides this, such repeated changes take place, 
 that all arrangement is set at nought, and the 
 constant fluctuation of things deranges every 
 plan as fast as it is adopted." 
 
 At the close of the long and able letter to 
 Congress, from which this extract is taken, his 
 feelings under the trials he suflered, and in 
 
iEx. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 253 
 
 contemplating the future, are impressively de- 
 scribed. 
 
 " There is no situation upon earth less envi- 
 able, or more distressing, than that person's, 
 who is at the head of troops regardless of or- 
 der and discipline, and unprovided with almost 
 every necessai-y. In a word, the difficulties, 
 which have for ever surrounded me since I 
 have been in the service, and kept my mind 
 constantly upon the stretch : the wounds, which 
 my feelings as an officer have received by a 
 thousand things, that have happened contrary 
 to my expectations and wishes ; the effect of 
 my own conduct, and present appearance of 
 things, so little pleasing to myself, as to render 
 it a matter of no surprise to me if I should 
 stand capitally censured by Congress ; added 
 to a consciousness of my inability to govern an 
 army composed of such discordant parts, and 
 under such a variety of intricate and perplex- 
 ing circumstances; — induce not only a belief, 
 but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it 
 will be impossible, unless there is a thorough 
 change in our military system, for me to con- 
 duct matters in such a manner as to give satis- 
 faction to the public, which is all the recom- 
 pense I aim at, or ever wished for." 
 
 Moved by his representations and appeals, as 
 well as by their own sense of the necessity of 
 
254 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 the case, Congress determined to re-organize 
 the army, on a plan conformable in its essential 
 features to the suggestions of the Commander- 
 in-chief. Not that the jealousy of a standing 
 army had subsided, but the declaration of in- 
 dependence had put the war upon a footing 
 different from that, on which it was before 
 supposed to stand ; and they, who for a long 
 time cherished a lingering hope of reconcilia- 
 tion, w re at length convinced, that the strug- 
 gle would not soon terminate, and that it must 
 be met by all the means, which the wisdom, 
 patriotism, and resources of the country could 
 supply. As it was a contest of strength, a 
 military force, coherent in its parts and durable 
 in its character, was the first requisite. To 
 the resolute and discerning this had been obvi- 
 ous from the moment the sword was drawn. 
 The events of a year had impressed it on the 
 minds of all. 
 
 The new army was to consist of eighty- 
 eight battalions, apportioned in quotas to the 
 several States according to their ability. The 
 largest quota was fifteen battalions, which 
 number was assigned respectively to Virginia 
 and Massachusetts. The men were to serve 
 during the loar, this great point being at last 
 gained. To encourage enlistments, a bounty 
 of twenty dollars and one hundred acres of 
 
iEi. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 255 
 
 land was ofiered to each non-commissioned 
 officer and private ; and lands in certain quanti- 
 ties and proportions were likewise promised to 
 the commissioned officers. The business of 
 enlisting the troops to fill up the quotas, and 
 of providing them with arms and clothing, 
 devolved upon the several States to which 
 they belonged. The expense of clothing was 
 to be deducted from the soldier's pay. Colonels 
 and all lower officers were to be appointed by 
 the States, but commissioned by Congress. 
 JThe rules for the government and discipline 
 of the army were at the same time revised 
 and greatly amended. 
 
 Thus matured, the plan was sent to the 
 Commander-in-chief, and was soon followed 
 by a committee from Congress, instructed to 
 inquire into the state of the army. From this 
 committee the views of Congress were more 
 fully ascertained ; but General Washington per- 
 ceived defects in the scheme, which he feared 
 would retard, if not defeat, its operation. The 
 pay of the officers had not been increased ; 
 and he was persuaded, that officers of charac- 
 ter could not be induced to retain their com- 
 missions on tlie old pay. The mode of ap- 
 pointing them was defective, it being left to 
 the State governments, which would act slow- 
 ly, without adequate knowledge, and often 
 
 12 
 
256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 under influences not salutary to the interests 
 of the army. The pay of the privates was 
 also insufficient. Congress partially remedied 
 these defects in conformity to his advice, by 
 raising the officers' pay, giving a suit of clothes 
 annually to each private, and requesting the 
 States to send commissioners to the army, with 
 full powers to arrange with the Commander- 
 in-chief the appointment of all the officers. 
 With the jealousy of State sovereignty, and 
 the fear of a standing army, this was all that 
 could be obtained from the representatives of 
 the States. And perhaps it was enough, con- 
 sidering their want of power to execute their 
 resolves, and the necessity of being cautious 
 to pass such only as the people would approve 
 and obey. The above plan was modified be- 
 fore it went into effect, by allowing men to 
 enlist for three years ; these men not receiving 
 the bounty in land. Hence the army from that 
 time was composed of two kinds of troops, 
 those engaged for the war, and those for three 
 years. At length, also, the States being negli- 
 gent and tardy in providing for the appoint- 
 ment of officers. Congress authorized General 
 Washington to fill up the vacancies. 
 
 A circular letter was written by the Presi- 
 dent of Congress to the States, urging them 
 to complete their quotas without delay. The 
 
JEt.U.] life of WASHINGTON. 257 
 
 proper steps were immediately taken ; but an 
 evil soon crept into the system, which pro- 
 duced much mischief throughout the war. 
 To hasten enlistments, some of the States of- 
 fered bounties in addition to those given by 
 Congress ; and in many cases the towns, to 
 which quotas were assigned by the State gov- 
 ernments, raised the bounties still higher, dif- 
 fering from each other in the amount. Again, 
 when the militia were called out on a sudden 
 emergency, it was usual to offer them extraor- 
 dinary rewards for a short term of service. 
 This practice was injurious on many accounts. 
 It kept back men from enlisting by the hope 
 of higher bounties ; and, when they were 
 brought together in the field, although the 
 Continental pay was uniform, yet many were 
 receiving more from incidental bounties, and 
 in various proportions, which created murmur- 
 ings and jealousies between individuals, com- 
 panies, and regiments. Nor was there the sal- 
 utary check of interest to operate as a restraint 
 upon the States. The war was a common 
 charge, and, when money or credit could be 
 applied to meet the present exigency, it was a 
 small sacrifice to be bountiful in accumulating 
 a debt, which the continent was pledged to 
 pay. There could be no other remedy than a 
 supreme power in Congress, which did not ex- 
 
 VOL. I. 17 
 
258 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 ist ; and the evil was at all times a source of 
 irregularities in the mihtary arrangements, and 
 of vexation to the Commander-in-chief. 
 
 The arduous duties of General Washington's 
 immediate command were now increased by 
 the task of organizing a new army, and hold- 
 ing conferences with commissioners from the 
 States for the appointment of officers, in the 
 midst of an active campaign, while the enemy 
 were pressing upon him with a force vastly su- 
 perior in discipline, at times superior in num- 
 bers, and abundantly supplied with provisions, 
 clothing, tents, and all the munitions of war. 
 
 Sir William Howe was soon in motion. 
 Having prepared his plans for gaining the rear 
 of the American army, by which he hoped ei- 
 ther to cut off its communication with the coun- 
 try, or bring on a general action, he first sent 
 two ships, a frigate, and tenders up the Hud- 
 son. These vessels passed the batteries, and 
 ran through the obstructions in the river, with- 
 out receiving any apparent damage ; and thus 
 secured a free passage to the Highlands, there- 
 by preventing any supplies from coming to the 
 American army by water. This experiment 
 having succeeded even better than he had ex- 
 pected, the British commander, on the 12th of 
 October, embarked his troops on the East Riv- 
 er on board flat-boats, sloops, and schooners, 
 
iEr. 44.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 259 
 
 passed through Hell Gate into the Sound, and 
 landed the same day at Frog's Point. Two 
 brigades of British troops, and one of Hessians, 
 amounting to five thousand men, were left un- 
 der Earl Percy at Haerlem to cover the city 
 of New York. General Howe remained five 
 days at Frog's Point, waiting, as he says, for 
 stores, provisions, and three battalions from 
 Staten Island ; but, according to the American 
 accounts, the strong defences, guarded by de- 
 tachments from Washington's army, and the 
 destruction of the causeway connecting the 
 Point with the main land, discouraged him 
 from attempting to march into the conntry at 
 that place. He reembarked, landed again at 
 Pell's Point, and advanced to the high grounds 
 between East Chester and New Rochelle. 
 Four days later he was joined by General 
 Knyphausen with the second division of Hes- 
 sians, and a regiment of Waldeckers, just ar- 
 rived from Europe. 
 
260 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Washington advances to White Plains and forma an Encamp- 
 ment. — Battle of Chatterton's Hill. — Part of the American 
 Army crosses the Hudson. — Capture of Fort Washington and 
 Fort Lee. — General Washington retreats through New Jersey, 
 and crosses the Delaware at Trenton. — Conduct and Character 
 of General Lee. — Reduced State of the Army. 
 
 General Washington took measures to 
 counteract these movements and the designs 
 of them. He arranged his army in four divis- 
 ions, commanded respectively by Major-Gen- 
 erals Lee, Heath, SuUivan, and Lincohi. The 
 last was not a Continental officer, but had re- 
 cently come forward with a body of Massa- 
 chusetts militia. It was decided in a council 
 of war, that the array should leave New York 
 Island, and be extended into the country, so as 
 to outflank General Howe's columns. At the 
 same time it was agreed, " that Fort Washing- 
 ton should be retained as long as possible." 
 Two thousand men were left for that object. 
 
 One of the four divisions crossed Kings- 
 bridge, and threw up breastworks at Valen- 
 tine's Hill. The others followed, and foiTned 
 a line of detached camps, with intrenchments, 
 on the heights stretching along the west side 
 of the River Brunx, from Valentine's Hill to 
 
iET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 261 
 
 White Plains. This disposition was necessa- 
 ry in order to protect the baggage, stores, and 
 cannon, which were removed with great diffi- 
 cuhy for the want of wagons and horses. 
 General Washington proceeded with the ad- 
 vanced division to White Pljiins, where he for- 
 tified a camp in such a manner, as to afibrd 
 security to the whole army, and where he in- 
 tended to hazard a general engagement, if 
 pushed by the enemy. The camp was on el- 
 evated ground, defended in front by two lines 
 of intrenchments nearly parallel to each other, 
 and between four and five hundred yards apart. 
 The right wing rested on the Brunx, which, 
 by making a short bend, encompassed the 
 flank and part of the rear. The left wing 
 reached to a pond, or small lake, of some ex- 
 tejit, by which it was effectually secured. 
 
 As Sir William Howe marched his army di- 
 rectly forward in solid columns, without de- 
 taching any considerable parties towards New 
 York and the Hudson, it was evident he in- 
 tended to seek an opportunity to force a gener- 
 al action. As soon as the baggage and stores 
 were brought up, therefore, Washington drew 
 all his troops into the camp at White Plains. 
 In the interim, parties of Americans attacked 
 the enemy's outposts at difl'erent points, and 
 spirited skirmishes took place. 
 
263 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl77G. 
 
 Before noon, on the 28th of October, the 
 British army came in view, and displayed it- 
 self on the sides of the hills in front of Wash- 
 ington's lines, and within two miles of his 
 camp. A commanding height, called Chatter- 
 ton's Hill, stood half a mile to the south of 
 the American right flank, and was separated 
 from it by the Brunx and low, marshy ground. 
 A militia regiment had been posted there, 
 which was joined in the morning by Colonel 
 Haslet, with his Delaware regiment, and after- 
 wards by a battalion of Maryland troops, and 
 others, mostly militia, to the number of about 
 sixteen hundred, the whole being under the 
 command of General IVPDougall. The British 
 commander made it his first object to dislodge 
 these troops. For this purpose a battalion of 
 Hessians, a brigade of British commanded by 
 General Leslie, and the Hessian grenadiers 
 under Colonel Donop, were ordered to cross 
 the Brunx and attack in front ; while Colonel 
 Rahl, with another brigade of Hessians, should 
 cross further down the river and advance by 
 a circuitous march upon the American right 
 flank. They forded the Brunx, and formed in 
 good order on the other side under the fire of 
 their cannon, though not v/ithout being galled 
 by the troops at the summit of the hill. They 
 then ascended the heights, and, after a short 
 
^T.44..] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 263 
 
 but severe action, drove the Americans from 
 their works ; but, contented with gaining the 
 post, and fearing they might be cut off by 
 venturing too far from the main body, they 
 desisted from pursuit. The American loss has 
 been variously represented. According to a 
 return made by General Howe himself, the 
 prisoners were four officers and thirty-five pri- 
 vates. The number killed was not known. 
 
 It was expected that this advantage would 
 be followed by an immediate attack on the 
 camp. Such indeed was the first intention of 
 General Howe, and his troops lay on their 
 arms all that night. Nothing more occurred, 
 however, the next day, than slight skirmishes 
 between the advanced parties. On reconnoi- 
 tring the camp. General Howe thought it too 
 strong for an assault, and resolved to wait for 
 a reinforcement from Earl Percy, then at Haer- 
 lem. This arrived in two days, and the 31st 
 of October was fixed on for the attack ; but a 
 heavy rain caused it again to be deferred. 
 
 The same night General Washington drew 
 all his troops to another position on the hills in 
 his rear, which the delays of his opponent had 
 allowed him time to fortify, and which could 
 be more easily defended than his first camp. 
 So judiciously was this movement planned and 
 conducted, that it was carried into effect with- 
 
 12q 
 
264 LIFE OF WASIIIJNGTON. [1776. 
 
 out loss or molestation, and even without be- 
 ing discovered by the British army. The idea 
 of a battle was now abandoned by General 
 Howe ; he despaired of being able to dislodge 
 the Americans from this strong position ; and 
 it was soon ascertained, that he was withdraw- 
 ing his army towards the Hudson and Kings- 
 bridge. 
 
 As this might be a feint to entice the Amer- 
 ican forces from the hilly country, Washington 
 remained in his new camp for a few days, till 
 it was found that the enemy were actually re- 
 tracing their steps. It was then foreseen, that 
 their first grand manoeuvre would be to invest 
 Fort Washington ; and their next to pass the 
 Hudson, and carry the war into New Jersey, 
 and perhaps make a push for Philadelphia. To 
 meet these changes in the best manner he 
 could, he ordered all the troops belonging to 
 the States west of the Hudson, five thousand 
 in number, to cross the River at King's Ferry, 
 all the crossing places below being obstructed 
 by British vessels. The rest of the army, 
 composed of New York and eastern troops, 
 was separated into two divisions. One of these, 
 under General Heath, was stationed on both 
 sides of the river in the Highlands, to defend 
 those passes. The other, amounting to about 
 four thousand men, of whom many were mil- 
 
iET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHIINGTON. 265 
 
 itia, v/hose times of service were soon to ex- 
 pire, was left in the camp near White Plains, 
 commanded by General Lee, with discretiona- 
 ry instructions to continue on that side of the 
 Hudson, or to follow the Commander-in-chief 
 into New Jersey, as he should judge expedi- 
 ent when the designs of the enemy were un- 
 folded. Having given these orders, General 
 Washington inspected the posts at the High- 
 lands, and then repaired to Hackinsac, at which 
 place the troops that had crossed the river as- 
 sembled, after a circuitous march of more than 
 sixty miles. 
 
 General Howe moved his whole army to 
 the neighborhood of Kingsbridge. At his ap- 
 proach the Americans retired from Fort Inde- 
 pendence, destroyed the bridge over Haerlem 
 River, and withdrew to the lines near Fort 
 Washington. Thirty flat-boats had passed up 
 the Hudson undiscovered in the night, and 
 entered Haerlem River, which, joined to oth- 
 ers brought in from the East River, aflbrded 
 ample means to the British army for crossing 
 to New York Island. It was resolved to make 
 the assault on the fort from four different 
 points. The British adjutant-general was sent 
 to Colonel Magaw, the commander in the fort, 
 with a summons to surrender, which Colonel 
 
266 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 Magaw rejected, saying he would defend him- 
 self to the last extremity. 
 
 The next morning, November 16th, General 
 Knyphausen advanced with a body of Hes- 
 sians to the north of the fort, and commenced 
 the attack. Earl Percy nearly at the same 
 time assailed the outer lines on the south ; 
 and two parties landed at some distance from 
 each other, after crossing Haerlem River, and 
 forced their way up the steep and rugged as- 
 cents on that side. The lines in every part 
 were defended with great resolution and ob- 
 stinacy ; but, after a resistance of four or five 
 hours, the men were driven into the fort, and 
 Colonel Magaw was compelled to surrender 
 the whole garrison prisoners of war. The 
 American loss was about fifty killed, and two 
 thousand, eight hundred and eighteen prison- 
 ers, including officers and privates. The num- 
 ber of men originally left with Colonel Magaw 
 was only two thousand; but, when.the attack 
 was threatened, General Greene sent over re- 
 inforcements from Fort Lee. 
 
 This was the severest blow which the 
 American arms had yet sustained, and it hap- 
 pened at a most unpropitious time. That there 
 was a great fault somewhere, has never been 
 disputed. To whom it belongs, has been 
 made a question. The project of holding the 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 267 
 
 post, after the British began to retreat from 
 White Plains, was General Greene's ; and, as 
 he had commanded at the station several 
 weeks, he was presumed to be perfectly ac- 
 quainted with the condition of the garrison 
 and its means of defence, and deference was 
 paid to his judgment. Eight days before the 
 attack, Washington wrote to General Greene ; 
 '* If we cannot prevent vessels from passing 
 up, and the enemy are possessed of the sur- 
 rounding country, what valuable purpose can 
 it answer to attempt to hold a post, from which 
 the expected benefit cannot be had? I am 
 therefore inclined to think, that it will not be 
 prudent to hazard the stores and men at Mount 
 Washington ; but, as you are on the spot, I 
 leave it to you to give such orders, as to evac- 
 uating Mount Washington, as you may judge 
 best." Nothing more decisive could be said, 
 without giving a positive order, which he was 
 always reluctant to do, when he had confi- 
 dence in an officer on a separate command. 
 His opinion, that the troops ought to be with- 
 drawn, is clearly intimated. General Greene 
 replied ; " I cannot help thinking the garrison 
 is of advantage ; and I cannot conceive it to 
 be in any great danger. The men can be 
 brought off at any time, but the stores may 
 not be so easily removed. Yet I think they 
 
268 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [IT7G. 
 
 may be got off, if matters grow desperate." 
 To this opinion General Greene adhered to 
 the last. The evening before the assault, Gen- 
 eral Washington went from Hackinsac to Fort 
 Lee ; and while crossing the river, with the 
 view of .visiting the garrison, he met Generals 
 Greene and Putnam returning, who told him 
 " the troops were in high spirits, and would 
 make a good defence." He went back with 
 them to Fort Lee. The summons to sur- 
 render had already been received by Colonel 
 Magaw ; the attack was expected the next 
 morning, and it was now too late to w^ithdraw 
 the troops. 
 
 In a letter to his brother, written from Hack- 
 insac three days after the surrender, General 
 Washington said ; " This post, after the last 
 ships went past it, was held contrary to my 
 wishes and opinion, as I conceived it to be a 
 hazardous one ; but, it having been determined 
 on by a full council of general officers, and a 
 resolution of Congress having been received, 
 strongly expressive of their desire, that the 
 channel of the river, which we had been la- 
 boring to stop for a long time at that place, 
 might be obstructed, if possible, and knowing 
 that this could not be done, unless there were 
 batteries to protect the obstruction, I did not 
 care to give an absolute order for withdrawing 
 
iEx. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 269 
 
 the garrison, till I could get round and see the 
 situation of things, and then it became too 
 late, as the fort was invested. Upon the pass- 
 ing of the last ships, I had given it as my 
 opinion to General Greene, under whose care 
 it was, that it would be best to evacuate the 
 place ; but, as the order was discretionary, and 
 his opinion differed from mine, it unhappily 
 was delayed too long." 
 
 From these facts it seems plain, that the 
 loss of the garrison, in the manner it occurred, 
 was the consequence of an erroneous judgment 
 on the part of General Greene. How far the 
 Commander-in-chief should have overruled his 
 opinion, or whether, under the circumstances 
 of the case, he ought to have given a peremp- 
 tory order, it may perhaps be less easy to de- 
 cide. 
 
 Sir William Howe followed up his successes. 
 A detachment of six thousand men, led by 
 Earl Cornwallis, landed on the Jersey side, six 
 or seven miles above Fort Lee, gained the high 
 grounds with artillery, and marched down be- 
 tween the Hudson and Hackinsac rivers. The 
 whole body of troops with Washington not 
 being equal to this force, he withdrew the gar- 
 rison from Fort Lee to the main army at 
 Hackinsac, leaving behind the heavy cannon, 
 many tents, and a large quantity of baggage, 
 
270 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T7G. 
 
 provision, and other stores, which the rapid 
 advance of the enemy made it impossible to 
 secure. Being now in a level country, where 
 defence was difficult, pent up between rivers, 
 and pressed hj a force double his own, no re- 
 source remained but a rapid retreat. The Jer- 
 sey shore, from New York to Brunswic, was 
 open to the British vessels, and a landing 
 might be effected at any place without opposi- 
 tion. It was necessary, therefore, that he 
 should move towards the Delaware, pursuing 
 a route near the Rariton River, that he might 
 be in the way to prevent General Howe from 
 throvvring in a strong detachment between him 
 and Philadelphia. 
 
 While on the march, he wrote earnest letters 
 to the governor of New Jersey and to Con- 
 gress, describing his situation, and requesting 
 the support of all the militia from New Jersey 
 and Pennsylvania, that could be called into 
 the service. When he arrived at Brunswic, 
 the army then with him amounted to less than 
 four thousand. He was closely pursued by 
 Cornwallis ; but the retreat was effected, with- 
 out loss, to Trenton, where he crossed the Del- 
 aware, and took a stand on the western side 
 of that river, securing the boats, and guarding 
 the crossing-places from Coryell's Ferry to 
 Bristol. At this time the number of his men, 
 
mr.U.] T.irr OF V/ASHINGTO.X. 271 
 
 fit for duty, was about three thousand. The 
 enemy did not attempt to pass the river. For 
 the present, General Howe was contented with 
 having overrun New Jersey ; and he covered 
 his acquisition by a chain of cantonments, at 
 Pennington, Trenton, Bordentown, and Bur- 
 lington. In these positions, the two armies 
 continued with little change for nearly three 
 weeks. 
 
 The troops, constituting the Flying Camp 
 heretofore mentioned, were all enlisted in the 
 middle States, and engaged for a year. Their 
 term of service expired during the march, and 
 none, except a small part of those from Penn- 
 sylvania, could be prevailed on to stay longer. 
 The Board of War suggested a plan for enlist- 
 ing prisoners, and appealed to the example of 
 the enemy. General Washington opposed the 
 measure, as not accordant with the rules of 
 honorable warfare, and said he should remon- 
 strate on the subject to Sir William Howe. 
 He moreover thought it impolitic. In times 
 of danger, sucli recruits would always be the 
 most- backward, fearing the punishment they 
 would receive if captured, and communicating 
 their fears to the other soldiers. Prisoners 
 would likewise be tempted to enlist with the 
 intention to desert and carry intelligence to 
 the enemy, for which they would be largely 
 
272 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN. [1776 
 
 rewarded. Under no circumstances, therefore, 
 could confidence be placed in such men ; and 
 the chance was, that they would do much 
 harm. 
 
 From the time the army separated at White 
 Plains, General Lee had acted a very extraor- 
 dinary part. Washington requested him, in a 
 letter written at Hackinsac, to lead his divis- 
 ion into New Jersey, and join the army on its 
 march. This was soon followed by a positive 
 order, which was often repeated. General 
 Lee sent back various excuses, lingered on the 
 east side of the Hudson, endeavored to draw 
 away two thousand of General Heath's men 
 from the Highlands, contrary to the instruc- 
 tions given by General Washington to the lat- 
 ter ; and, after crossing with apparent reluc- 
 tance into Jersey, his progress was so slow, 
 that, in three weeks from the time he first re- 
 ceived orders to march, he had only reached 
 Morristown. The truth is, that he had schemes 
 of his own, which he was disposed to effect 
 at the hazard of disobeying the Commander- 
 in-chief. In the first place, he hoped to make 
 a brilliant stroke upon New York, when it 
 should be exhausted of troops for the expedi- 
 tion towards the Delaware ; and next, after 
 crossing the Hudson, he still fostered the de- 
 sign of performing some signal exploit by at- 
 
iET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 273 
 
 tacking the enemy in their rear. But his am- 
 bitious projects and hopes were suddenly cut 
 short. While on his march, not far from Bas- 
 kingridge, he lodged one night at a private 
 house three miles from his army, with a small 
 guard. A Tory in the neighborhood gave 
 notice of his situation to the enem)'", and early 
 in the morning the house was surrounded by 
 a party of light-horse, commanded by Colonel 
 Harcourt, who took him prisoner, and bore 
 him off in triumph to the British camp. 
 
 This event created a strong sensation of 
 surprise and regret throughout the country. 
 The military talents, experience, and activity 
 of General Lee had inspired universal confi- 
 dence, and raised high expectations in the 
 minds of the people. He had served in Amer- 
 ica during the last war, and afterwards with 
 distinguished reputation in different parts of 
 Europe. His recent enterprise and successes at 
 the south had confirmed the good opinion be- 
 fore entertained of his abilities and skill. His 
 capture, therefore, considering the circumstan- 
 ces, appeared inexplicable. Public sentiment, 
 ever prone to extremes, took a direction unfa- 
 vorable to his character. As no plausible rea- 
 son could be assigned for his conduct in ex- 
 posing himself so incautiously, it was surmised 
 that he was a voluntary prisoner, and sought 
 
 VOL. I. 18 
 
274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 this method of joining the enemy without in- 
 curring the odium of desertion. But there 
 was no just ground for such a suspicion. As 
 a soldier, he was true to the interests of his 
 adopted country ; as a friend to American free- 
 dom, his sincerity may be questioned. Har- 
 boring the most bitter resentment against the 
 British King and ministry, for reasons not ful- 
 ly understood, he wished to see them hum- 
 bled ; and this motive alone would have im- 
 pelled him to embrace any cause tending to 
 sucii a result. 
 
 Violent in his temper, hasty in his resolves, 
 reckless in adventure, possessing an inordinate 
 self-confidence and unbounded ambition, he 
 looked upon the American war as presenting 
 an opportunity for gratifying at the same time 
 his animosity and his passion for glory. He 
 entered heartily into the measures of opposi- 
 tion to the British arms, and in the first year 
 of the contest rendered important services ; 
 but, believing himself superior to every other 
 officer in the American ranks, impatient of 
 control even by Congress or the Commander- 
 in-chief, and always pressing on the verge of 
 disobedience, his arrogance had risen to a pitch, 
 that must soon have led to mischievous conse- 
 quences to himself, and perhaps to the country, 
 if he had escaped the misfortune of captivity. 
 
JEt.U.] life of WASHI?N"GTO]>i. 275 
 
 He was a man of genius, well educated, and 
 a skilful writer ; but eccentric in his habits^ 
 unsettled in his principles, often offensive in 
 his manners, showing little deference to the 
 opinions and feelings of others, and little re- 
 gard to the usages of society. 
 
 The command of Lee's division devolved 
 on General Sullivan, who marched with it as 
 soon as possible to the main army. Four reg- 
 iments under General Gates also arrived from 
 Ticonderoga, being relieved at that place by 
 the retreat of General Carleton to Canada for 
 winter quarters. These were all the regular 
 forces, which General Washington could draw 
 to his support. Heath was ordered to advance 
 with a part of his division from the Highlands ; 
 but the taking of Rhode Island by the British, 
 and the threatening appearance of the enemy's 
 vessels in the Sound, made it imprudent to 
 weaken that post, or to call away any of the 
 eastern troops, and the order was countermand- 
 ed. Three regiments on their march from 
 -ticonderoga were ordered to halt at Morris- 
 town, that, in conjunction with a body of mi- 
 litia there assembled, they might inspirit the 
 inhabitants and protect the country in that 
 quarter. 
 
 As soon as the ice should become sufficient- 
 ly strong, it was expected the enemy would 
 
276 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 pass the Delaware, and bring all their force to 
 bear upon Philadelphia. Anticipating this 
 event, Congress adjourned to Baltimore. Gen- 
 eral Putnam took the command of the militia 
 in Philadelphia, being instructed to throw up 
 a line of intrenchments and redoubts from the 
 Delaware to the Schuylkill, and prepare far an 
 obstinate defence. 
 
iET.44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 277 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 General Washington invested with extraordinary Powers by Con- 
 gress. — His Manner of using them. — He recrosses the Del- 
 aware. — Battle of Trenton. — Battle of Princeton. — The 
 Army goes into Winter Quarters at Morristown. — Remarks on 
 these Events. 
 
 This was the gloomiest period of the war. 
 The campaign had been little else, than a se- 
 ries of disasters and retreats. The enemy had 
 gained possession of Rhode Island, Long Isl- 
 and, the city of New York, Staten Island, and 
 nearly the whole of the Jerseys, and seemed 
 on the point of extending their conquests into 
 Pennsylvania. By the fatal scheme of short 
 enlistments, and by sickness, the effective 
 force with General Washington had dwindled 
 away, till it hardly deserved the name of an 
 army. A proclamation was published jointly 
 by Lord Howe and General Howe, offering 
 pardon in the King's name to all, who should 
 take the oath of allegiance, and come under 
 his protection within sixty days. Many per- 
 sons, among whom were men of wealth and 
 consideration, accepted these terms, and went 
 over to the enemy. Others, especially in New 
 Jersey, took the oath, but remained at their 
 homes. In short, so great was the panic and 
 
278 Lli'i: 01'' WASIilxNGTOiN. [1776. 
 
 SO dark the prospect, that a general desponden- 
 cy pervaded the Continent. 
 
 In the midst of these scenes of trial and dis- 
 couragement, Washington stood firm. What- 
 ever his apprehensions may have been, no 
 misgivings were manifest in his conduct or his 
 counsels. From his letters, written at this 
 time on the western bank of the Delaware, it 
 does not appear that he yielded fcnc a moment 
 to a sense of immediate danger, or to a doubt 
 of ultimate success. On the contrary, they 
 breathe the same determined spirit, and are 
 marked by the same confidence, calmness, and 
 forethought, which distinguish them on all 
 other occasions. When asked what he would 
 do, if Philadelphia should be taken, he is re- 
 ported to have said; "We will retreat beyond 
 the Susquehanna River ; and thence, if neces- 
 sary, to the Allegany Mountains." Knowing, 
 as he did, the temper of the people, the deep- 
 rooted cause of the controversy, and the actual 
 resources of the confederacy, he was not dis- 
 heartened by temporary misfortunes, being per- 
 suaded that perseverance would at last over- 
 come every obstacle. While even the shadow 
 of an army could be kept in the field, the war 
 must be carried on at an enormous expense by 
 the British government, which the wealthiest 
 nation could not long sustain. 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 279 
 
 Deeply impressed with this conviction, and 
 making it both the groundwork of his poHcy 
 and his rule* of action, he applied all his ener- 
 gies to a renovation of the army, boldly ex- 
 posing to Congress the errors of their former 
 systems, and earnestly exhorting them to a 
 more effectual exercise of their authority in 
 giving support and vigor to the military estab- 
 lishment. His representations had their due 
 effect. Notwithstanding the extreme sensi- 
 tiveness hitherto shown by Congress, in regard 
 to a military ascendency, the present crisis was 
 such, as to silence the opposition, if not to 
 change the sentiments, of the members who 
 had looked with distrust upon every measure 
 tending to strengthen the military arm. Gen- 
 eral Washington was at once invested with 
 extraordinary powers. By a formal resolve he 
 was authorized to raise sixteen battalions of 
 infantry, in addition to the eighty-eight already 
 voted by Congress, and appoint the officers j to 
 raise and equip three thousand light-horse, 
 three regiments of artillery, and a corps of en- 
 gineers ; to call upon any of the States for 
 such aids of militia as he should judge neces- 
 sary ; to form magazines of provisions ; to dis- 
 place and appoint all officers under the rank of 
 brigadiers, and fill up vacancies in every part 
 of the army ; to take ^vhatever he should want 
 
 13 
 
280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 
 
 for the use of the army, allowing the inhabi- 
 tants a reasonable price for the same ; and to 
 arrest and confine persons, who refused to re- 
 ceive the Continental currency, or who were 
 otherwise disaffected to the American cause, 
 and to report them for trial to the States of 
 which they were citizens. These powers con- 
 stituted him in all respects a military Dictator. 
 They were to continue six months ; and in 
 his exercise of them he fully justified the con- 
 fidence of Congress, as expressed in the pre- 
 amble to the resolve, in which it is said they 
 were granted in consequence of a perfect reli- 
 ance on his wisdom, vigor, and uprightness. 
 
 In this case, as in all others where power 
 was intrusted to him, whether acting in a mil- 
 itary or civil capacity, he was cautious to ex- 
 ercise it no further than to effect the single end 
 for which it was designed. Fearless in the 
 discharge of duty, and never shrinking from 
 responsibility, he was at the same time free 
 from the vanity, which too often besets men 
 in high stations, of gaining personal conse- 
 quence by making himself felt as the centre 
 and moving spring of the operations over 
 which he had control. No man was more 
 vigilant in seeing that every thing was proper- 
 ly done ; but he was willing that others should 
 be the agents, or the contrivers, and that every 
 
ALt.U.] life of WASHINGTON. 281 
 
 one should have the credit and the praise of 
 his worthy deeds. In the present instance, 
 therefore, when Congress or the governments 
 of the States vohintarily reheved him from a 
 part of his task, which they sometimes did 
 while he possessed the dictatorship, so far was 
 he from thinking it an encroachment on his 
 authority or an interference, that he expressed 
 satisfaction and thanks. 
 
 To the main point, however, of reforming 
 and recruiting the army, he gave his immedi- 
 ate and earnest attention. In advancing this 
 object, he employed the powers with which 
 he was invested to their fullest extent. The 
 mode of appointing officers v^as one of the 
 most serious defects in the system recently es- 
 tabhshed by Congress. Some of the States 
 had neglected to complete their appointments ; 
 and generally these were made with so little 
 judgment, and with such a disregard of milita- 
 ry rules, that officers without worth or experi- 
 ence had been put over the heads of those, 
 who were accustomed to service, and had giv- 
 en proofs of their valor and ability. By his 
 power to displace, and to fill up vacancies, 
 Washington rectified these errors as far as pru- 
 dence would permit. The appointments for 
 the sixteen additional battalions of infantry, 
 and the new regiments of light-horse, artillery, 
 
282 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 and engineers, being wholly in his hands, he 
 took care to provide for meritorious officers, 
 who had been overlooked by the States ; thus 
 removing. their disgust, securing a valuable ac- 
 cession "to the army, and inducing many pri- 
 vates to reenlist, who had participated in the 
 dissatisfaction of their officers. 
 
 Before these measures for arranging the ar- 
 my were matured, other events of great im- 
 portance occurred, which gave a new face to 
 affairs. From the moment Washington cross- 
 ed the Delaware, his thoughts were turned 
 upon devising some method to retrieve his 
 losses, or at least to impede the progress and 
 derange the plans of the enemy. For several 
 days it was uncertain what course General 
 Howe would pursue. The river continued 
 free from ice longer than was expected. He 
 kept his detachments cantoned at the places 
 where they had first been lodged, the strongest 
 being at Brunswic, ready to move in any di- 
 rection at a short notice. Meantime the Amer- 
 ican force gained accessions by Lee's division, 
 the regiments from Ticonderoga, and the mili- 
 tia from Philadelphia and the eastern parts of 
 Pennsylvania, who turned out with spirit and 
 in considerable numbers. These latter troops 
 were in two bodies, one at Bristol under Gen- 
 eral Cadwaladcr, the other nearly opposite the 
 
iEx. 44.] LIFE OF WASHIJNGTON. 283 
 
 town of Trenton, commanded by General 
 Ewing. The Continental regiments were still 
 retained in their original position higher up 
 the river. 
 
 At length General Washington resolved to 
 hazard the bold experiment of recrossing the 
 Delaware, and attacking the enemy on their 
 own ground. At Trenton were three regi- 
 ments of Hessians, amounting to about fifteen 
 hundred men, and a troop of British light- 
 horse. Small detachments were stationed at 
 Bordentown, Burlington, Black Horse, and 
 Mount Holly. These latter posts were to be 
 assaulted by Cadwalader, who was to cross 
 near Bristol, while Washington should cross 
 above Trenton, and Ewing a little below, and 
 unite in the attack upon the Hessians in that 
 place. The night of the 25th of December 
 was fixed on for making the attempt. 
 
 At dusk, the Continental troops selected for 
 the service, and commanded by General Wash- 
 ington in person, amounting to two thousand 
 four hundred, men, with twenty pieces of ar- 
 tillery, began to cross at M'^Konkey's Ferry, 
 nine miles above Trenton, and it was supposed 
 they would all be passed over by twelve 
 o'clock ; but the floating ice retarded the boats 
 so much, that it was almost four o'clock in the 
 morning before the whole body, with the ar- 
 
284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 tillery, was landed on the opposite bank of the 
 river ready to march. The troops were then 
 formed in two divisions. One of these, com- 
 manded by General Sullivan, marched in the 
 road near the river ; and the other, led by Gen- 
 eral Greene, moved down a road further to the 
 left, called the Pennington road. General 
 Washington was with this division. The roads 
 entered the town at different points, and as the 
 distance by each was nearly the same, it was 
 intended that the attacks should begin simul- 
 taneously. At eight o'clock the left division 
 fell in with the enemy's advanced guard, and 
 almost at the same instant a firing was heard 
 on the right, which showed that the other di- 
 vision had arrived. They both pushed forward 
 into the town, meeting with little opposition, 
 except from two or three pieces of artillery, 
 which were soon taken. The Hessians, being 
 driven from the town and hard pressed, made 
 a show of retreating towards Princeton, but 
 were checked by a body of troops sent to in- 
 tercept them. Finding themselves surround- 
 ed, and seeing no other way of escape, they all 
 surrendered prisoners of war. 
 
 The number of prisoners was twenty-three 
 officers and eight hundred and eighty-six pri- 
 vates. Others were found concealed in houses, 
 making in the whole about a thousand. The 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 285 
 
 British light-horse, and four or five hundred 
 Hessians, escaped at the beginning of the ac- 
 tion over the bridge across the Assanpink, and 
 fled to Bordentown. Six brass fieldpieces and 
 a thousand stand of arms were the trophies of 
 victory. Colonel Rahl, the Hessian comman- 
 der, and a gallant officer, was mortally wound- 
 ed. Six other officers and between twenty 
 and thirty men were killed. The American 
 loss was two privates killed and two others 
 frozen to death. Captain William Washing- 
 ton, distinguished as an officer of cavalry at a 
 later period of the war, and Lieutenant Mon- 
 roe, afterwards President of the United States, 
 were wounded in a brave and successful as- 
 sault upon the enemy's artillery. The fact, 
 that two men died by suffering from cold, 
 is a proof of the intense severity of the weath- 
 er. It snowed and hailed during the whole 
 march. 
 
 The ice had formed so fast in the river be- 
 low Trenton, that it was impracticable for the 
 troops under Cadwalader and Ewing to pass 
 over at the times agreed upon. Cadwalader 
 succeeded in landing a battalion of infantry ; 
 but the ice on the margin of the stream was 
 in such a condition, as to render it impossible 
 to land the artillery, and they all returned. If 
 Ewing had crossed, as was proposed, and taken 
 
286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 
 
 possession of the bridge on the south side of 
 the town, the party that fled would have been 
 intercepted and captured. And there was the 
 fairest prospect that Cadwalader would have 
 been equally fortunate against the detachments 
 below, or have driven them towards Trenton, 
 where they would have met a victorious army. 
 This part of the plan having failed, and the 
 enemy being in force at Princeton and Bruns- 
 wic, it was thought advisable by General 
 Washington not to hazard any thing further, 
 especially as his men were exhausted with fa- 
 tigue. He recrossed the Delaware with his 
 prisoners the same day, and gained his en- 
 campment on the other side. 
 
 The British and Hessian troops posted at 
 Bordentown, and in the vicinity of that place, 
 immediately retreated to Princeton, so that the 
 whole line of the enemy's cantonments along 
 the Delaware was broken up and driven back. 
 As soon as his troops were refreshed. General 
 Washington again passed over the Delaware, 
 and took up his quarters at Trenton, resolved 
 to pursue the enemy, or adopt such other 
 measures as his situation would justify. Mean- 
 while General Cadwalader succeeded in cross- 
 ing over with eighteen hundred Pennsylvania 
 militia, who were followed by as many more 
 
Mt.U.-] life of WASHINGTON. 287 
 
 under General Mifflin, all of whom formed a 
 junction with the main army at Trenton. 
 
 At this critical moment the term of service 
 of several regiments expired, the dissolution 
 of the old army occurring on the last day of 
 the year; and, worn down with the extraor- 
 dinary hardships of the campaign, the men 
 seemed at first determined to go off in a body, 
 and return to their homes. By much persua- 
 sion, however, and the exertions of their offi- 
 cers, seconded by a bounty of ten dollars to 
 each man, more than half of them agreed to 
 remain six weeks longer. 
 
 It was not presumed that Sir William Howe 
 would long permit the Americans quietly to 
 possess the advantages they had gained, or de- 
 lay to retaliate for the disasters his army had 
 suffered. He was now in New York : and, 
 when the intelligence of the late events reach- 
 ed that city, he ordered Lord Cornwallis, then 
 on the eve of embarking for Europe, to sus- 
 pend his departure, and take the command in 
 the Jerseys. This officer hastened to Prince- 
 ton, followed by additional forces from Bruns- 
 wic. In the morning of the 2d of January, 
 it was ascertained that the enemy's battalions 
 were marching towards Trenton, and General 
 Washington prepared to meet an attack. To 
 harass them on their march, and retard their 
 
 13q 
 
288 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 progress, he sent out strong parties on the 
 road to Princeton, with orders to skirmish at 
 every advantageous position. 
 
 These orders were faithfully obeyed, and 
 the head of the enemy's columns did not reach 
 Trenton . till four o'clock in the afternoon. 
 The American army then retired to the high 
 ground beyond the Assanpink. The bridge 
 was defended by artillery, and a sharp cannon- 
 ade was kept up, particularly at that point, and 
 at the fords above the bridge, which the ene- 
 my attempted to pass. At dusk the firing 
 ceased, and Lord Cornwallis encamped his 
 troops near the village, intending to renew the 
 combat in the morning, when his reinforce- 
 ments should arrive. The Americans encamp- 
 ed on the ground they occupied after crossing 
 the Assanpink, and the fires kindled by the 
 two armies were in full view of each other. 
 
 To all appearance a general action must be 
 fought the next day, and this with fearful 
 odds, as the British were superior in numbers, 
 and immeasurably so in the discipline and ex- 
 perience of their men ; for more than half of 
 the American army consisted of militia, who 
 had never seen a battle, and had been but a 
 few days in the service. At the beginning of 
 the evening General Washington assembled 
 his ofiicers in council, and a bold resolution 
 
^T.44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 289 
 
 was adopted. From the number of Lord Corn- 
 wallis's troops it was rightly conjectured, that 
 he could not have left many in the rear ; and 
 it was decided to move by a concealed march 
 on the east side of the Assanpink to Princeton. 
 If no obstacles were met with on the way, 
 it was possible that the army might push on- 
 ward to Brunswic, surprise the enemy there, 
 and capture the stores, before Lord Cornwallis 
 could return. To secure his baggage and pre- 
 vent it from encumbering the army. General 
 "Washington ordered it to be silently removed 
 to Burlington, and at twelve o'clock at night 
 commenced his march. That the suspicion 
 of the enemy might not be awakened, the fires 
 were kept burning, and the guards were order- 
 ed to remain at the bridge and the fords, till 
 the approach of daylight, when they were to 
 follow. Men were employed during the night 
 digging an intrenchment so near the enemy's 
 sentries, that they could be heard at their 
 work. 
 
 Pursuing a circuitous route. General Wash- 
 ington reached Princeton a little after sunrise- 
 Three British regiments were found there, be- 
 ing the seventeenth, fortieth, and fifty-fifth, 
 commanded by Colonel Mawhood, two of 
 which were designed to reinforce Lord Corn- 
 waUis that morning at Trenton. These two 
 
 VOL. I. 19 
 
290 LIFE OF WASHINGTOj^. [1777. 
 
 were already on their march. The Ameri- 
 can vanguard first engaged the seventeenth, 
 and a short but very severe conflict ensued. 
 The regiment was thrown into disorder, and 
 the fragments dispersed. Some accounts say, 
 that they broke through the American ranks ; 
 others, that they fled. At any rate, after a 
 brave resistance, they escaped from the field, 
 and regained the road to Trenton. The ren- 
 counter was likewise sustained with spirit by 
 the fifty-fifth regiment, which finally retreated 
 towards Brunswic, as did also the fortieth, 
 Avhich took little part in the action. The 
 British loss was more than one hundred killed, 
 and about three hundred prisoners. 
 
 But the victory was by no means a blood- 
 less one to the xlmericans. General Mercer 
 was mortally wounded ; and Colonel Haslet, 
 Colonel Potter, and other officers of subordi- 
 nate rank, were killed. General Mercer was 
 a Scotchman by birth, and in his j^outh had 
 been in the battle of Culloden. He served 
 in America with distinction during the last 
 French war, and afterwards settled in Virginia. 
 He was a brave and worthy man, an intimate 
 friend of the Commander-in-chief, much re- 
 spected for his talents, military character, and 
 private worth, and his death was deeply la- 
 mented. Colonel Haslet had distin2;uished 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 
 
 himself for bravery and good conduct in the 
 battles of Long Island and Chatterton's Hill, 
 and in several hazardous enterprises. Through- 
 out the action, General Washington exposed 
 his person in the hottest parts of the combat, 
 giving orders and animating the troops. At 
 the request of the prisoners, Captain Leslie, a 
 British officer much beloved by them, and 
 killed in the action, was buried with military 
 honors in the American camp. 
 
 When daylight appeared, and it was discov- 
 ered that the Americans were gone, Lord 
 Cornwallis easily penetrated the plans of Wash- 
 ington, and his conjecture was confirmed by 
 the firing heard in the direction of Princeton. 
 Alarmed for the safety of Brunswic, he imme- 
 diately retreated, and his van had almost reach- 
 ed Princeton, when the rear of the American 
 army left it. Washington pursued the two 
 fugitive regiments as far as Kingston, where 
 he turned short to the left, and arrived the 
 same evening at Pluckemin, having twice 
 crossed the Millstone River, and caused the 
 bridge at Kingston to be taken up, in order to 
 retard the march of the enemy. Considering 
 the exhausted state of his men, who had not 
 slept for thirty-six hours, and the near ap- 
 proach of Cornwallis with a superior army of 
 fresh troops, he thought it prudent to abandon 
 
292 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 his design upon Bmnswic, contenting himself 
 with his success at Princeton, and with having 
 drawn the enemy from all their posts on the 
 Delaware. 
 
 At Pluckemin he remained no longer than 
 to give his troops rest and refreshment, and 
 then advanced to Morristown, where his win- 
 ter quarters were finally established. This 
 was not in all respects so favorable a situation 
 as he desired ; but it was in a mountainous re- 
 gion, difficult of access to the enemy, and sur- 
 rounded by a fertile country affording abundant 
 supplies. He did not sit down idle, however, 
 nor trust to the barriers of nature for his pro- 
 tection. Unprovided as his men were with 
 almost every thing necessary for a winter cam- 
 paign, he sent out detachments to assail and 
 harass General Howe's troops ; and with such 
 vigor and address were these expeditions con- 
 ducted, that in a short time not a single British 
 or Hessian regiment remained in the Jerseys, 
 except at Brunswic and Amboy, between 
 which places and New York was an open 
 communication by water. 
 
 Such were the splendid results of General 
 Washington's plans and operations from the 
 time he determined to recross the Delaware. 
 When his a:my was thought to be on the verge 
 of annihilation, and the whole world regarded 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 
 
 American liberty as struggling in the last stage 
 of its existence, he commenced and pursued 
 an offensive warfare against a hitherto victori- 
 ous army, strong in numbers and confident in 
 its strength, and, within the brief space of 
 three weeks, dislodged it from every post it 
 had taken along the Delaware River, relieved 
 Philadelphia from danger, and recovered almost 
 the whole province of New Jersey. The glo- 
 ry of these achievements was rendered doubly 
 conspicuous by their immediate effects. The 
 despondency, which had weighed heavily upon 
 the minds of the people, was dispelled as by 
 a charm, the martial spirit was revived, and 
 a new animation infused into the public coun- 
 sels. 
 
294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 General Washington's Proclamation. — His Preparations for the 
 next Campaign. — Exchange of Prisoners. — Condition of the 
 American Prisoners in New York. — Military Operations in New 
 Jersey. — The Army crosses the Delaware and encamps near 
 Germantown. — Washington's first Interview with Lafayette. 
 
 Head-Q,uarters being at Morristown, the 
 central or main division of the army was en- 
 camped for the winter near that place in huts 
 temporarily constructed for the purpose. Can- 
 tonments were likewise established at various 
 points from Princeton on the right, where Gen- 
 eral Putnam commanded, to the Highlands on 
 the left, which post continued under the charge 
 of General Heath. Skirmishes often happened 
 between the American advanced troops and 
 the enemy's foraging parties. For six months, 
 however, no enterprise of magnitude was un- 
 dertaken on either side. 
 
 Sir Wilham Howe's proclamation, as we 
 have seen, had produced considerable effect in 
 the Jerseys. Not only the disaflected, but 
 many well disposed citizens, finding them- 
 selves in the power of the enemy, had sought 
 protection for their families and their property 
 by taking an oath of allegiance to the King. 
 
^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHIxNGTON. 295 
 
 Their hopes had been fatally disappointed. 
 With such license had the British and Hessian 
 troops overrun the country, that they plun- 
 dered, burnt, and destroyed whatever came in 
 their way, and in some instances committed 
 the greatest outrages upon the inhabitants, 
 without discriminating between friends and 
 foes. In one respect this conduct was service- 
 able to the cause of the patriots. It roused 
 the indignation of the people, and, goaded by 
 the deep feeling of their wrongs, the militia 
 flew to arms with an alacrity and determination 
 not surpassed on any former occasion. A large 
 number of substantial farmers, however, more 
 pacific in their dispositions, who had taken 
 advantage of the proclamation, professed scru- 
 ples in regard to their oath. They looked up- 
 on their pledge as binding them at least to a 
 passive neutrality. 
 
 To remove this difficulty, and draw a proper 
 line of distinction between friends and ene- 
 mies, General Washington issued a counter 
 proclamation, commanding all persons, who had 
 received protections from the British commis- 
 sioners, to repair to head -quarters or to some 
 general officer of the army, to deliver up such 
 protections, and take an oath of allegiance to 
 the United States ; '•' nevertheless granting full 
 liberty to all such, as preferred the interest and 
 
296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 
 
 protection of Great Britain to the freedom and 
 happiness of their country, forthwith to with- 
 draw themselves and their families within the 
 enemy's lines." Thirty days were allowed 
 for complying with this order, at the end of 
 which period, those, who had neglected or re- 
 fused to comply, were to be deemed as adher- 
 ents to the King of Great Britain, and treated 
 as enemies to the American States. 
 
 Strange as it may be thought, the publish- 
 ing of this proclamation was considered an 
 undue exercise of power. Even in Congress 
 it was censured by some of the members. The 
 legislature of New Jersey more than hinted, 
 that it was an encroachment on their preroga- 
 tives. An oath of allegiance to the United 
 States was said to be absurd before the confed- 
 eration was formed, and the power of requir- 
 ing such an oath was claimed exclusively for 
 each State. Hence the opposition arose, not 
 from an impartial view of the abstract merits 
 of the act, but from the jealousy of State 
 sovereignty. Fully convinced, however, of 
 the necessity, reasonableness, and equity of the 
 measure, Washington adhered to it, and in- 
 structed his officers accordingly, wiUing, as in 
 all other cases, to risk his own popularity in 
 promoting the public interests. 
 
 His first care, after putting the troops in 
 
iEx. 45.] LIFE OF WASFIINGTON. 297 
 
 winter-quarters, was drawn to the completion 
 of the army for the next campaign ; and he 
 wrote circular letters to the governors of the 
 middle and eastern States, urging them in the 
 strongest terms to adopt prompt and effectual 
 methods for raising recruits and filling up their 
 regiments. His efficient strength through the 
 winter was so small, that prudence required 
 him to use the expedient, to which he was of- 
 ten driven, of magnifying his numbers to the 
 public, lest the enemy, becoming acquainted 
 with his weakness, should make a sudden and 
 rapid movement upon him, and obtain an easy 
 victory. This deception, so essential to his 
 safety, operated unfavorably ; since it gave the 
 impression that his army was much larger than 
 it really was, and diminished the efforts of the 
 States to provide seasonable reinforcements. 
 It was only in the midst of a campaign, when 
 the enemy were in motion, that the people 
 thought of danger ; and then it was often too 
 late to make proper exertions for increasing the 
 army. 
 
 To stimulate the activity of the States, by 
 forcible and reiterated representations to the 
 governors and legislatures, by argument, per- 
 suasion, and appeals to every motive of pride, 
 honor, and patriotism, was the task which he 
 was obliged to repeat every winter ; and this 
 
29S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 was a source of unceasing anxiety from the 
 time the troops went into quarters, till they 
 again took the field to combat the enemy. 
 Congress, embarrassed by the novelty of their 
 duties and the indefinite nature of their powers, 
 deliberated with caution, and were seldom 
 ready fo act in military affairs, till incited by 
 the counsels or earnest entreaties of the Com- 
 mander-in-chief. For several months he had 
 urged upon them the necessity of a larger 
 number of general officers in the army, and in 
 February five additional major-generals and 
 ten brigadiers were appointed. 
 
 On this subject he always spoke with deli- 
 cacy in his letters, rarely expressing an opin- 
 ion as to the qualifications of individuals, and 
 avoiding equally the appearance of partiality 
 and of a wish to interfere in any degree with 
 the appointing power. Various considerations 
 produced delays and sometimes contentions in 
 Congress respecting military appointments. 
 Local predilections interposed the chief obsta- 
 cles. The claims of the respective States 
 were to be regarded, according to which the 
 general officers were to be taken from each 
 in proportion to the number of troops it 
 furnished. By this rule the best officers in 
 the country could not be selected, if it hap- 
 pened that more than one or two resided in 
 
iET.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 299 
 
 the same State. Moreover there were frequent 
 disagreements among the delegates of a partic- 
 ular State, in regard to the comparative merits 
 of the candidates of such State, especially 
 when the pretensions of each were supported 
 by the influence of friends or parties. This 
 mode of appointing officers not only brought 
 some into the service, who were incompetent 
 to their high station, but created dissensions in 
 the array about rank, and added to the many 
 troubles that harassed the Commander-in- 
 chief. 
 
 Soon after General Howe arrived at Staten 
 Island from Halifax, a correspondence was 
 opened between him and General Washington 
 respecting the exchange of prisoners ; and it 
 was mutually agreed, that officers should be 
 given for officers of equal rank, soldier for sol- 
 dier, and citizen for citizen. Exchanges were 
 effected upon this basis till the capture of Gen- 
 eral Lee. The British commander chose to 
 consider that officer in the light of a deserter 
 from the King's service, although he had re- 
 signed his commission before he joined the 
 American army ; and, in conformity with this 
 view of his character, he was kept in more 
 rigorous confinement than other .prisoners of 
 war. It was also understood, that he was to 
 be tried by a court-martial. When these facts 
 
300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17T7. 
 
 came to the knowledge of Congress, they 
 thought it necessary, in support of their own 
 dignity, and for the protection of their officers 
 who might fall into the enemy's hands, to 
 adopt energetic and decisive measures, and im- 
 mediately resolved on severe retaliation. They 
 decreed, that Colonel Campbell, a British pris- 
 oner in Massachusetts, and five Hessian iield- 
 officers taken at Trenton, should be subjected 
 to precisely the same treatment as General Lee. 
 The consequence was, that Colonel Campbell 
 was confined in a common jail, and the Hes- 
 sian officers, who had been sent to Virginia, 
 were deprived of the privileges usually granted 
 to prisoners of war. General Washington at 
 once saw the injurious tendency of this hasty 
 and premature act of retaliation, and remon- 
 strated strenuously against it. 
 
 On the other hand the American prisoners, 
 who had been taken at Fort Washington and 
 confined in New York during the winter, had 
 endured such suffisrings as to excite universal 
 indignation, and reflect reproach on the British 
 commander. This is not the place to investi- 
 gate the causes ; but the fact is indisputable. 
 A large proportion of them sunk under their 
 sufferings and died ; and, when others were 
 sent out for exchange in the spring, they were 
 so much emaciated and broken down, so total- 
 
Mt.45.] life of WASHINGTON. 30] 
 
 ly unfit for service, that General Washington 
 refused to return for them an equal number of 
 healthy British or Hessian prisoners. Sir Wil- 
 liam Howe said this refusal was a violation of 
 the rule for exchange, which had been agreed 
 upon between them ; and, although he could 
 not deny the facts, yet he declared the pris- 
 oners had been treated as well as his circum- 
 stances would permit, and been provided with 
 every thing necessary for their comfort. 
 
 These difficulties interrupted for some time 
 the exchange of prisoners. It should never- 
 theless be said, to the credit of Sir William 
 Howe, that the retaliatory act of Congress did 
 not influence his conduct towards the Ameri- 
 can prisoners ; and it should also be added, 
 that a want of humanity was never alleged to 
 be a trait of his character. The suflerings of 
 the unfortunate men in New York were proba- 
 bly to be attributed more to his inattention, 
 than to any direct order ; but this apology, if 
 indeed it can be called an apology, is far from 
 amounting to a justification. He wrote a state 
 of the affair to the British government, partic- 
 ularly respecting General Lee ; and the minis- 
 try decided that he should thenceforward be 
 retained as a prisoner of war, although they 
 had previously transmitted an order requiring 
 him to be sent to England. This change of 
 
302 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 purpose was dictated by policy, General Howe 
 having intimated that any evil, which might 
 befall the Hessian officers in consequence of 
 the detention of General Lee, would have a 
 bad effect on the troops of that nation serving 
 in America. 
 
 The winter passed away, and the spring 
 was far advanced before the British comman- 
 der gave any indications of his designs for the 
 campaign. His reinforcements from Europe 
 arrived later, and in smaller numbers, than he 
 anticipated ; and he was obliged to curtail the 
 plans, which he had suggested to the ministry 
 the preceding autumn. 
 
 That he might not seem to be idle, he sent 
 up the Sound a detachment of two thousand 
 men under Governor Tryon, who landed in 
 Connecticut, marched into the country, and 
 destroyed the public stores at Danbury. They 
 were bravely met by the militia and a few 
 Continental troops, who harassed them on their 
 march, and pursued them back to their boats. 
 In the rencounters with the enemy on their 
 retreat, General Wooster and General Arnold 
 were wounded. The former died of his 
 wounds. 
 
 At length General Howe enlarged his force 
 
 at Brunswic, and began to build a bridge there, 
 
 ■ so constructed as to be laid on flat-boats, which 
 
JEr.45.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 
 
 it was supposed he intended to transport over 
 land to the Delaware, and use in crossing that 
 river. Meantime General Washington collect- 
 ed at Morristown the troops, which had been 
 enlisted into the new army in Virginia and the 
 middle States, and ordered those from the 
 eastward to assemble at Peekskill on the Hud- 
 son. The want of arms, hitherto severely 
 felt, was opportunely supplied by the arrival 
 of two vessels from France, containing twen- 
 ty-four thousand muskets. 
 
 Near the end of May he drew his main 
 army to a very strong position at Middlebrook, 
 only nine miles from Brunswic, and prepared 
 to contest the passage of the enemy, should 
 they attempt to move towards the Delaware. 
 On the 13th of June, the British army march- 
 ed from Brunswic, commanded by Sir William 
 Howe in person, and stretched itself several 
 miles into the country, well fortified on the 
 right* at Brunswic, and secured in front by 
 the Rariton, and on the left by the Millstone. 
 This position was occupied six days. The 
 object of this manoeuvre was to bring on a 
 general action. Washington was too cautious, 
 however, to be tempted into such a snare at a 
 great disadvantage with his raw troops, but he 
 determined to defend his ground in any event. 
 Not choosing to run the hazard of an attack. 
 
 14 
 
304 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 [1777 
 
 General Howe returned with his whole army 
 to Brunswic, and in a short time evacuated 
 that place and retreated to Amboy. Three 
 regiments, detached under General Greene, 
 fell upon his rear, pursued him as far as 
 Piscataway, and did considerable execution. 
 Washington then advanced towards the enemy 
 with his main force to Q,uibbletown. Finding 
 him thus drawn from his strong post, Sir Wil- 
 liam Howe marched suddenly into the country 
 with all his troops seven or eight miles to 
 Westfield, evidently seeking to turn the Amer- 
 ican left, and gain the high grounds. To 
 counteract this attempt, Washington retired 
 again to Middlebrook ; and the only result of 
 these movements was some smart skirmishing 
 between the advanced parties of the two ar- 
 mies, with little loss on either side. Thus 
 foiled in all his manoeuvres for bringing on a 
 general engagement, Sir William Howe cross- 
 ed over to Staten Island, using for that pur- 
 pose the floating bridge constructed at Bruns- 
 wic, and entirely evacuated the Jerseys. 
 
 The very next day Washington received 
 the first intelligence, that Burgoyne was ap- 
 proaching Ticonderoga with a formidable army. 
 For some time it had also been reported by 
 spies and deserters, that a fleet of large vessels 
 and transports was preparing in the harbor of 
 
^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 305 
 
 New York, with the apparent object of an ex- 
 pedition by water. At first it was not doubt- 
 ed, that this armament was destined against 
 Philadelphia. But the news from~ the north 
 cast a cloud of uncertainty over all the ene- 
 my's schemes. It now seemed more probable, 
 that concerted operations between Howe and 
 Burgoyne were in view, and that the former 
 would speedily ascend the Hudson to form a 
 junction with the latter. The fitting out of 
 the fleet, it was supposed, might have the 
 double aim of a feint to deceive the Americans 
 into a belief that some distant operation by 
 sea was intended, and of actually preparing to 
 transport troops up the Hudson. It was like- 
 wise conjectured, that an attack on New Eng- 
 land was meditated, with this view of creating 
 a diversion in favor of Biu-goyne ; and this was 
 in fact a part of Howe's original plan, which 
 he abandoned in consequence of the deficien- 
 cy of his reinforcements from Europe. 
 
 This state of things was peculiarly embar- 
 rassing to Washington. While it was neces- 
 sary for him to watch every point, it was still 
 more so, that he should be at hand to meet the 
 blow wherever it should be struck. . The 
 great object, at which the British had been 
 aiming from the beginning of the war, name- 
 ly, a possession of Hudson's River and the 
 
 VOL. I. 20 
 
306 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 communication with Canada, thus separating 
 the eastern and southern States, was so impor- 
 tant, that he could not doubt this to be the 
 special intent of Burgoyne's expedition ; and 
 yet he had seen so many evidences of General 
 Howe's designs upon Philadelphia, that he 
 was unable to relinquish his conviction of their 
 reality. The immediate danger, however, was 
 on the Hudson, to guard against which he 
 despatched two regiments to Peekskill, and 
 prepared to follow with his whole army. 
 
 This movement required caution and delay ; 
 for, should he withdraw his force too soon from 
 the centre of Jersey, Sir William Howe might 
 land his troops at South Amboy, and march to 
 Philadelphia before he could be overtaken. 
 But, when it was known, that the enemy had 
 actually embarked on board the fleet, Wash- 
 ington moved slowly towards the Highlands 
 by way of Morristown and Ramapo, advanc- 
 ing as far as the Clove, and at the same time 
 detaching Lord Stirling with a division to 
 Peekskill. At this juncture the fleet dropped 
 down to the Hook and went to sea. Waiting 
 no longer than to be convinced of the absolute 
 departure of the fleet, he immediately began 
 to retrace his steps. The two divisions under 
 Sullivan and Stirling, which had crossed the 
 Hudson to Peekskill, were recalled, and the 
 
iET. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 307 
 
 army pursued various routes to the banks of 
 the Delaware, There he resolved to stay till 
 he should receive further intelligence of the 
 British fleet; for it was still possible that it 
 might return to New York and ascend the 
 Hudson. 
 
 News soon came, however, that it had been 
 seen at the Capes of the Delaware, and its des- 
 tination was then thought to be no longer 
 doubtful. The army marched to German- 
 town, where it would be in readiness to de- 
 fend the city of Philadelphia, and the General 
 himself hastened forward to Chester. He 
 there learned that the fleet had left the Capes 
 and steered eastward. All his calculations 
 were again bafiied ; for it was naturally infer- 
 red from the course taken by the fleet, that 
 General Howe would either go directly back 
 to New York, or to some place on the coast of 
 New England, and cooperate with Burgoyne. 
 Till this point was settled by certain informa- 
 tion, nothing could be done. The army con- 
 tinued at Germantown, prepared to march at a 
 moment's warning, except Sullivan's division 
 and some other regiments, which were ordered 
 to take post in New Jersey. 
 
 During this suspense General Washington 
 passed two or three days in Philadelphia, hold- 
 ing conferences with committees and members 
 
308 LIFE OF WAStnr^GTON. [1777. 
 
 of Congress. It was here that he had his 
 first interview with the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 The enthusiastic zeal with which that young 
 nobleman had embraced the American cause, 
 his romantic adventures in leaving his own 
 country and crossing the Atlantic, and the in- 
 cidents which befell him on his arrival, are 
 well known ; and the part he acted during the 
 war, his influence in gaining eifectual aid from 
 the French government, his deep and lasting 
 attachment to Washington, the ardor and con- 
 sistency with which he adhered to the inter- 
 ests of his adopted country to the end of his 
 life, and the aff'ection which the people of that 
 country have ever manifested for his person 
 and character, all conspire to make the day on 
 which he entered the service one of the most 
 remarkable in the Revolution. 
 
 When Lafayette arrived in Philadelphia, he 
 put his letters into the hands of Mr. Lovell, 
 Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Af- 
 fairs. He called the next day at the Hall of 
 Congress, and Mr. Lovell came out to him and 
 said, that so many foreigners had oflered them- 
 selves for employment, that Congress was em- 
 barrassed with their applications, and he was 
 sorry to inform him there was very little hope 
 of his success. Lafayette suspected his papers 
 had not been read, and he immediately sat 
 
JEt.45.] life of WASHINGTON. 309 
 
 down and wrote a note to the President of 
 Congress, in which he desired to be permitted 
 to serve in the American army on two condi- 
 tions ; first, that he should receive no pay ; 
 secondly, that he should act as a volunteer. 
 These terms were so different from those de- 
 manded by other foreigners, and presented so 
 few obstacles on the ground of an interference 
 with American officers, that they were at once 
 accepted. His rank, zeal, perseverance, and 
 disinterestedness overcame every objection ; 
 and he was appointed a major-general in the 
 American army, more than a month before he 
 had reached the age of twenty. 
 ^ Washington was expected shortly in Phila- 
 delphia, and the young general concluded to 
 await his arrival before he went to head-quar- 
 ters. The first introduction was at a dinner 
 party, where several members of Congress 
 were present. When they were about to sep- 
 arate, Washington took Lafayette aside, spoke 
 to him very kindly, complimented him upon 
 the noble spirit he had shown, and the sacri- 
 fices he had made, in fg,vor of the American 
 cause, and then told him that he should be 
 pleased if he would make the quarters of the 
 Commander-in-chief his home, establish him- 
 self there whenever he thought proper, and 
 consider himself at all times as one of his fam- 
 
310 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 ily ; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he 
 could not promise him the luxuries of a court, 
 or even the conveniences, which his former 
 habits might have rendered essential to his 
 comfort, but, since he had become an Ameri- 
 can soldier, he would doubtless contrive to ac- 
 commodate himself to the character he had 
 assumed, and submit with a good grace to the 
 customs, manners, and privations of a republi- 
 can army. If Lafayette was made happy by 
 his success with Congress, his joy was re- 
 doubled by this flattering proof of friendship 
 and regard on the part of the Commander-in- 
 chief. His horses and equipage were imme- 
 diately sent to camp ; and ever afterwards, 
 even when he had the command of a division, 
 he kept up his intimacy at head-quarters, and 
 enjoyed all the advantages of a member of the 
 General's family. The day after the dinner, 
 Washington inspected the fortifications in the 
 Delaware River, and invited Lafayette to ac- 
 company him. 
 
iET.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 311 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Sir William Howe lands at the Head of Elk. — Battle of the Bran- 
 dywine. — New Powers conferred on Washington by Congress. 
 — Battle of Germantown. — Skirmishes at Whitemarsh. — 
 Sufferings of the Army. — Winter Encampment at Valley Forge. 
 
 FoK several days nothing was heard of the 
 fleet, till it was seen again near the coast about 
 sixteen leagues south of the Capes of Dela- 
 ware. This was a proof, that it was really- 
 bound to the southward ; and, as ten days 
 passed without any other intelligence, the 
 opinion began to prevail, that it was gone to 
 Charleston. So thoroughly was this belief 
 impressed upon Washington and his officers, 
 that a council decided it to be expedient to 
 march towards the Hudson, and either act 
 against Burgoyne, or attack New York. This 
 decision was approved by Congress ; but, the 
 very day on which the army was to march, an 
 express arrived with intelligence, that the fleet 
 was coming up the Chesapeake Bay, and had 
 already ascended tv/o hundred miles from its 
 mouth. All uncertainty was now at an end. 
 No one doubted the designs of Sir William 
 Howe against Philadelphia, though, as Wash- 
 ington said, the route he had chosen was " a 
 
 14q 
 
312 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 very strange one." The detachments were 
 recalled from New Jersey, where Sullivan had 
 employed them in an unsuccessful enterprise 
 against Staten Island, and the whole army 
 marched to Wilmington. 
 
 The reconnoitring parties soon reported the 
 enemy to have landed below the Head of Elk. 
 The American troops were posted at Red Clay 
 Creek, a few miles beyond Wilmington, the 
 pickets being advanced to Christiana Bridge. 
 There was constant skirmishing between the 
 light parties of the opposing armies, in which 
 the Americans behaved with spirit, gained 
 some advantages, and took about sixty prison- 
 ers. When General Howe had landed all his 
 men, artillery, and baggage, his movements 
 indicated an intention to outflank the American 
 right ; and Washington retired from his posi- 
 tion at Red Clay Creek, crossed the Brandy- 
 wine, and took possession of the high ground 
 near Chad's Ford. His right wing, so posted 
 as to guard the fords above, was commanded 
 by General Sullivan ; and the Pennsylvania 
 militia, under General Armstrong, was stationed 
 on the left about two miles below. 
 
 At the same time the British advanced to 
 Kennet Square, seven mil6s from Chad's Ford. 
 At daybreak, on the morning of the 11th of 
 September, Sir William Howe put his army in 
 
^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 313 
 
 motion in two divisions ; one, under Knyp- 
 hausen, taking the direct road to Chad's Ford ; 
 the other, led by Lord CornwalHs, moving 
 along the Lancaster road, which ran for sever- 
 al miles nearly parallel with the Brandywine 
 River. Sir William Howe was with this di- 
 vision. As soon as Knyphausen's advanced 
 parties approached near Chad's Ford, they 
 W3re attacked by General Maxwell with a 
 body of light troops, and a very sharp ren- 
 counter ensued ; but the enemy's columns 
 pressed forward, and Maxwell was compelled 
 to retire. From this time Knyphausen kept 
 up a heavy fire of artillery, which was return- 
 ed across the river ; but he made no serious 
 attempt to pass the ford. Parties went over 
 and skirmished, and there was brisk firing at 
 different points, without much execution on 
 either side. It was the plan of the Hessian 
 general to amuse the Americans in front, till 
 Cornwallis should have time to gain their right 
 flank and rear. 
 
 This design was early suspected by Wash- 
 ington, and he waited with extreme anxiety for 
 intelligence from the patroles, who had been 
 sent to watch the roads leading to the fords, 
 which were all guarded as high up as the fork 
 of the Brandywine, six or seven miles above 
 Chad's Ford. At length, between eleven and 
 
314 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 twelve o'clock, a message came from General 
 Sullivan, stating that a large body of the ene- 
 my had been discovered marching towards the 
 upper fords. Washington ordered Sullivan to 
 push over the river and meet that division, 
 while he crossed and attacked Knyphausen in 
 front. Before this order could be executed, 
 counter information v/as received. This con- 
 tradiction and uncertainty caused the order to 
 be suspended. A little after two o'clock, how- 
 ever, all doubt was removed. Having taken a 
 wide circuit of seventeen miles and crossed 
 two branches of the Brandywine above the 
 fork, Cornwallis had gained the heights near 
 Birmingham meeting-house, within two miles 
 of Sullivan's right flank. Sullivan marched 
 with the three divisions under his command, 
 being his own, Stephen's, and Stirling's, and 
 began to form his troops for action ; but, before 
 the arrangement could be completed, Cornwal- 
 lis opened the attack with such impetuosity, 
 that after a short resistance the right of the 
 American line was broken, the remainder 
 thrown into confusion, and the whole forced 
 to a precipitate retreat. Some of them ralHed, 
 and took another stand, where they maintained 
 a short and spirited conflict, till again driven 
 by a greatly superior force from their ground. 
 The firing in this quarter was the signal for 
 
^T.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 315 
 
 Knyphausen to cross the river, and assault the 
 American intrenchtnents at Chad's Ford. He 
 was met by General Wayne, who defended 
 the post with his usual gallantry ; but, at the 
 head of a single division only, he was in no 
 condition to withstand half the British army. 
 General Greene with another division had re- 
 moved to a central point between Chad's Ford 
 and Sullivan's scene of action, where he could 
 give support to either party as circumstances 
 might require. Covering Sullivan's retreat, 
 and seizing a pass about a mile from Dihvorth, 
 he checked the pursuit of the enemy, and sus- 
 tained a warm engagement till dark. The 
 firing then ceased. The' British remained on 
 the field of battle, and the Americans retreated 
 in much disorder by different routes to Chester, 
 where they all arrived in the course of the 
 night. 
 
 The numbers engaged in this action have 
 never been accurately ascertained. Chief Jus- 
 tice Marshall estimates the British army, when 
 it landed, at eighteen thousand men, healthy 
 and well supplied with ail the implements of 
 war. He supposes the American army, in- 
 cluding militia, amounted to fifteen thousand ; 
 but, from sickness and other causes, he thinks 
 the effective strength on the day of battle was 
 not more than eleven thousand. Sir William 
 
316 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 Howe reported his loss to be ninety killed, 
 four hundred and eighty-eight wounded, and 
 six missing. He stated that about three hun- 
 dred Americans were killed, six hnndred 
 wounded, and four hundred taken. This 
 could be only a conjectural estimate, since 
 General Washington made no return of his 
 loss to Congress; such a return being imprac- 
 ticable in the disconnected and moving condi- 
 tion of his army. The Marquis de Lafayette, 
 while dismounted and endeavoring to rally the 
 troops, was wounded in the leg, which caused 
 him to retire from active service for two 
 months. 
 
 The expediency of fighting this battle with 
 a force so much inferior, and under many dis- 
 advantages, has been questioned by foreign 
 writers. If the subject be viewed in a mil- 
 itary light only, there may perhaps be just 
 grounds for criticism. But it should be differ- 
 ently regarded. General Washington knew 
 the expectation of the country and of Con- 
 gress ; and he was persuaded, that a defeat 
 would be less injurious in its effects on the 
 public mind, than the permitting of the enemy 
 to march to Philadelphia without opposition. 
 He doubtless hoped to make a better resist- 
 ance ; which he would have done, if he had 
 not been deceived by contradictory intelligence 
 
yEx. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOK. 317 
 
 in the time of battle, against which no fore- 
 sight could guard. Although some of his 
 troops behaved ill, yet others, and the larger 
 part, fought with signal bravery, and inspired 
 him and themselves with a confidence, which 
 could have been produced only by the trial. 
 
 The day after the action he retreated to 
 Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown. 
 So far from being dismayed by the late disas- 
 ter, Congress were inspirited to new exertions, 
 and resolved to strengthen the army and bring 
 together all the means of defence in their 
 power. Fifteen hundred Continental troops 
 were ordered down from General Putnam's 
 command on the Hudson, and the militia in 
 Pennsylvania and the adjoining States were 
 summoned to join the main army with all pos- 
 sible despatch. Anticipating the necessity of 
 removing from Philadelphia, Congress again 
 invested General Washington with extraordi- 
 nary powers. He was authorized to suspend 
 officers, who should misbehave, and fill up va- 
 cancies ; to take provisions and other articles 
 for the subsistence and comfort of the army 
 within seventy miles of head-quarters, paying 
 or giving certificates for the same ; and to re- 
 move, or secure for the benefit of the owners, 
 all goods and effects, which might be service- 
 able to the enemy. This last clause was of 
 
318 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN [1777. 
 
 special importance ; as a great number of dis- 
 affected persons in and around Philadelphia 
 would take no pains to withdraw their prop- 
 erty, preferring that it should fall into the 
 hands and contribute to the supplies of the 
 enemy. 
 
 After allowing his men one day for rest and 
 refreshment, Washington returned across the 
 Schuylkill, and took the Lancaster road lead- 
 ing to the left of the British army, fully deter- 
 nyned to offer battle. This bold step, taken 
 before the enemy had left the field of action at 
 the Brandy wine, was a proof that the late re- 
 pulse had in no degree unsettled his own reso- 
 lution, or damped the ardor of his troops. The 
 two armies met twenty-three miles from Phila- 
 delphia, and an engagement was actually be- 
 gun between the advanced parties, when a 
 heavy rain came on and rendered both armies 
 totally unfit to pursue the contest. Washing- 
 ton retired to the Yellow Springs, but was not 
 followed by the British ; and he finally passed 
 over the Schuylkill at Parker's Ford. The 
 account of these movements is best related in 
 his own words. 
 
 ''The enemy," he says, "by a variety of 
 perplexing manoeuvres through a country from 
 which I could not derive the least intelligence 
 (being to a man disaffected), contrived to pass 
 
^T.45.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 319 
 
 the Schuylkill last night at the Fatland and 
 other fords in the neighborhood of it. They 
 marched immediately towards Philadelphia, 
 and I imagine their advanced parties will be 
 near that city to-night. They had so far got 
 the start before I received certain intelligence 
 that any considerable number had crossed, that 
 I found it in vain to think of overtaking their 
 rear, with troops harassed as ours had been 
 with constant marching since the battle of 
 Brandy wine. 
 
 " When I last recrossed the Schuylkill, it 
 was with a firm intent of giving the enemy 
 battle wherever I should meet- them ; and ac- 
 cordingly I advanced as far as the Warren 
 Tavern upon the Lancaster road, near which 
 place the two armies were upon the point of 
 coming to a general engagement, but were 
 prevented by a most violent flood of rain, 
 which continued all the day and following 
 night. When it held up, we had the mortifi- 
 cation to find that our ammunition, which had 
 been completed to forty rounds a man, was 
 entirely ruined ; and in that situation we had 
 nothing left for it, but to find out a strong 
 piece of ground, which we could easily main- 
 tain till we could get the arms put in order, 
 and a recruit of ammunition. Before this 
 could be fully effected, the enemy marched 
 
320 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 from their position near the White Horse Tav- 
 ern, down the road leading to the Swedes' Ford. 
 I immediately crossed the Schuylkill ahove 
 them, and threw myself full in their front, 
 hoping to meet them on their passage, or soon 
 after they had passed the river. The day before 
 yesterday they were again in motion, and 
 marched rapidly up the road leading towards 
 Reading. This induced me to believe that 
 they had two objects in view ; one to get 
 round the right of the army, the other per- 
 haps to detach parties to Reading, where 
 we had considerable quantities of military 
 stores. To frustrate those intentions, I moved 
 the army up on this side of the river to this 
 place, determined to keep pace with them ; 
 but early this morning I received intelligence, 
 that they had crossed the fords below. Why 
 I did not follow immediately, I have mention- 
 ed in the former part of my letter; but the 
 strongest reason against being able to make a 
 forced march is the want of shoes. Messieurs 
 Carroll, Chase, and Penn, who were some days 
 with the army, can inform Congress in how 
 deplorable a situation the troops are, for want 
 of that necessary article. At least one thou- 
 sand men are barefooted, and have performed 
 the marches in that condition." 
 
 Congress adjourned first to Lancaster, and 
 
/Et.45.] life of WASHINGTON. 321 
 
 then to Yorktown in Pennsylvania, where 
 they continued eight months, till Philadelphia 
 was evacuated by the enemy. Immediately 
 after the British entered the city, Lord Howe, 
 went out of the Chesapeake with his fleet 
 and came round into the Delaware, intending 
 to force the strong defences in that river, and 
 ascend to Philadelphia. To aid in this under- 
 taking a detachment of British troops was 
 stationed on the left bank of the river in New 
 Jersey. The larger part of the army was en- 
 camped at Germantown, the remainder being 
 in the city. 
 
 In this divided state of Sir William Howe's 
 forces. Washington conceived the plan of at- 
 tacking him by surprise. The British encamp- 
 ment extended across the village of German- 
 town, and at right angles with the main road. 
 The American army was near Skippack Creek, 
 about fourteen miles distant. At seven o'clock, 
 in the evening of the 3d of October, the march 
 began, and by the order of battle the troops 
 were to approach the enemy by four routes, it 
 being expected that the whole would arrive 
 nearly at the same time. The divisions of 
 Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's 
 brigade, were to enter the town by the road 
 leading to the enemy's centre, while Arm- 
 strong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was to 
 
 VOL. I. 21 
 
322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. LI"???- 
 
 take the road on the right near the Schuylkill, 
 and gain their left and rear. The divisions of 
 Greene and Stephen, flanked by M'^Dongall's 
 brigade, were to make a circuit on the Ameri- 
 can left, and attack the British right wing, 
 while the Maryland and Jersey militia, under 
 Smallwood and Fornian, were to move down 
 by a road still further to the left, and fail upon 
 their right flank and rear. The plan was ex- 
 tremely well concerted, and the surprise was" 
 complete. The attack commenced between 
 daybreak and sunrise. At first the action was 
 very warm in the centre, and afterwards on 
 the American left, and every thing seemed to 
 promise success ; but the Americans were ulti- 
 mately obliged to retreat, and leave the enemy 
 in possession of the ground. Washington 
 speaks of this event as follows, in a letter to 
 his brother. 
 
 '' After the enemy had crossed the Schuyl- 
 kill, we took the first favorable opportunity of 
 attacking them. This was attempted by a 
 night's march of fourteen miles to surprise 
 them, which we efljectually did, so far as to 
 reach their guards before they had notice of our 
 coming ; and, if it had not been for a thick 
 fog, which rendered it so dark at times that 
 we were not able to distinguish friend from 
 foe at the distance of thirty yards, we should, 
 
iEx. 45.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 323 
 
 I believe, have made a decisive and glorious 
 day of it. But Providence designed it other- 
 wise ; for, after we had driven the enemy a 
 mile or two, after they were in the utmost 
 confusion, and flying before us in most places, 
 after we were upon the point, as it appeared to 
 everybody, of grasping a complete victory, 
 our own troops took fright and fled with pre- 
 cipitation and disorder. How to account for 
 this, I know not ; unless, as I before observed, 
 the fog represented their own friends to them 
 for a reinforcement of the enemy, as we at- 
 tacked in different quarters at the same time, 
 and were about closing the wings of our army 
 when this happened. One thing, indeed, con- 
 tributed not a little to our misfortune, and that 
 was a want of ammunition on the right wing, 
 which began the engagement, and in the 
 course of two hours and forty minutes, which 
 time it lasted, had, many of them, expended 
 the forty rounds, that they took into the field. 
 After the engagement we removed to a place 
 about twenty miles from the enemy, to collect 
 our forces together, to take care of our wound- 
 ed, get furnished with necessaries again, and 
 be in a better posture, either for ofiensive or 
 defensive operations. We are now advancing 
 towards the enemy again, being at this time 
 within twelve miles of them. 
 
324 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 " Our loss ill the late action was, in killed, 
 wounded, and missing, about one thousand 
 men; but, of the missiug, many, I dare say, 
 took adv^antage of the times, and deserted. 
 General Nash of North Carolina was wound- 
 ed, and died two or three days after. Many 
 valuable officers of ours were also wounded, 
 and some killed. In a word, it was a bloody 
 day. Would to Heaven 1 could add, that it 
 had been a more fortunate one for us." 
 
 General Howe reported his loss to be seven- 
 ty-one killed, four hundred and fifty wound- 
 ed, and fourteen missing. The American loss, 
 as stated by Dr. Gordon on the authority of 
 the Board of War, was one hundred and fifty 
 killed, five hundred and twenty-one wounded, 
 and about four hundred prisoners. In the 
 midst of the action, six companies of the for- 
 tieth British regiment, commanded by Colonel 
 Mulgrave, took possession of Chew's House, a 
 strong stone building, which they barricaded 
 and defended with so much obstinacy, as to 
 retard for some time the advance of the second 
 line of the Americans, intended to support the 
 centre ; and, during this delay, Sullivan's di- 
 vision, which had been closely engaged in 
 front, having mostly expended its ammunition, 
 began to retreat, and, falling back upon the 
 second line, threw it into disorder. This cir- 
 
iEx. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 325 
 
 cumstance, added to the dense fog, is supposed 
 to have contributed much to the unfortunate 
 issue of the day. 
 
 But the battle of Germantown Avas not 
 without its good effects. It revived the hopes 
 of the country by proving, that, notwithstand- 
 ing the recent successes of tlie enemy, neither 
 the spirit, resolution, and valor of the troops, 
 nor the energy and confidence of the Com- 
 mander, had suflered any diminution. They 
 were as prompt and eager to meet their ad- 
 versaries in battle, as at the beginning of the 
 campaign. Considered in its political relations, 
 the event was not less important. "VYhen the 
 American Commissioners in Paris had their 
 first interview with Count de Vergennes to 
 converse on a treaty of alliance, after compli- 
 menting them on the favorable prospects in 
 America, and the conduct of the American 
 troops, he added, " that nothing struck him so 
 much as General Washington's attacking and 
 giving battle to General Howe's army ; that to 
 bring an army, raised within a year, to this, 
 promised every thing." It has been common- 
 ly supposed, that Burgoyne's defeat was the 
 turning point with the French government in 
 joining the United States against England, and 
 probably it was ; but the above fact, recorded 
 by one of the Commissioners at the time, 
 
326 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17T7. 
 
 shows that the operations of Washington's ar- 
 my had their due weight in the scale. 
 
 The British fleet having entered the Dela- 
 ware, every exertion was made to remove the 
 obstructions in the river, and drive the Ameri- 
 cans from their fortified posts. By the activity 
 of the small naval armament under Commo- 
 dore Hazlevvood, and the brave defence of Red 
 Bank and Fort Mifflin, these eflbrts were re- 
 sisted for more than six weeks, when a vastly 
 superior force, both bj Land and water, com- 
 pelled an evacuation of those places, and open- 
 ed a passage for the enemy's shipping to Phil- 
 adelphia. 
 
 Washington returned to his former station 
 after the battle of Germantown, and in a few 
 days encamped in a strong position at White- 
 marsh, fourteen miles from Philadelphia. Gen- 
 eral Greene was ordered with a detachment 
 into New Jersey to operate against Cornwallis, 
 who had passed over with a large body of 
 troops to aid in reducing Fort Mercer at Red 
 Bank. The Marquis de Lafayette was a vol- 
 unteer under Greene, and distinguished him- 
 self in a skirmish with the enemy at Glouces- 
 ter Point, although his wound was not yet 
 entirely healed. No event of importance oc- 
 curred. The British recrossed the river to 
 Philadelphia, and Greene joined the main army 
 
iEx.45.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327 
 
 at Whitemarsh. A reinforcement likewise ar- 
 rived from the north, consisting of Morgan's 
 rifle corps and part of the New Hampshire and 
 Massachusetts troops ; the surrender of Bur- 
 goyne, and the relinquishment by the British 
 of their temporary acquisitions in the High- 
 lands, rendering their services no longer neces- 
 sary in that quarter. 
 
 Sir William Howe, having received an ac- 
 cession to his strength by several regiments 
 from New York, thought a good opportunity 
 presented itself for trying his fortune in anoth- 
 er battle, if he could find the Americans in 
 such a condition as to attack them to advan- 
 tage. He marched out of the city with twelve 
 thousand men, in the evening of the 4th of 
 December, and the next morning took post 
 at Chestnut Hill, about three miles from the 
 right of the American encampment. Wash- 
 ington sent out light troops to skirmish, but 
 resolved to wait for the general attack on the 
 ground he had chosen. This was an adven- 
 ture, which General Howe was not inclined to 
 hazard. After manoeuvring three days in the 
 front and on the flanks of the American lines, 
 seeking for an advantage which his opponent 
 was careful not to give, he retreated suddenly 
 to Philadelphia, having lost in the diflferent 
 
 15 
 
328 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 rencounters twenty men killed, sixty-three | 
 
 wounded, and thirty-three missing. I 
 
 The season being far advanced, and the 1 
 
 troops worn down by the hard service of the j 
 
 campaign, it was thought necessary to make j 
 
 immediate preparations for winter quarters. 
 Many of the soldiers were suffering extremely - 
 for the want of clothes and shoes ; and even 
 the supplies of provision and forage were ob- 
 tained with difficulty. So great was the dis- I 
 affection of the inhabitants, particularly after 
 the British entered Philadelphia, that the larger 
 portion of them refused to sell their produce to 
 the American contractors, some perhaps through 
 fear of the enemy, others from a sincere at- 
 tachment to the royal cause ; and even the 
 well affected were unwilling to part with their 
 property upon so feeble a security as the cer- 
 tificates given on the authority of Congress. 
 With his usual delicacy and caution, Washing- 
 ton was reluctant to exercise the powers with 
 which he was intrusted to obtain supplies from 
 the people by forcible means. The soundest 
 policy forbade this practice, as long as it could 
 possibly be avoided. It alienated friends, and 
 added a new motive for disaffection. 
 
 The officers differed widely in regard to the 
 best mode of disposing of the army for the 
 winter. Some advised that it should be quar- 
 
^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329 
 
 tered at Wilmington ; others recommended the 
 valley of Tredyfin, a few miles west of the 
 Schuylkill, as the place of cantonment ; while 
 others preferred a line of detached posts ex- 
 tending from Lancaster to Reading. The mat- 
 ter was largely discussed in a council of war, 
 and elaborate arguments in writing were given 
 for each of these dispositions. 
 
 The opinions of the officers were so various 
 and contradictory, that the Commander was 
 finally obliged to act according to his own 
 judgment, and on his own responsibility. He 
 decided to establish a fortified encampment at 
 Valley Forge, about twenty miles from Phila- 
 delphia. The ground was covered with woods, 
 and bounded on one side by the Schuylkill, 
 and on the others by ridges of hills. He ex- 
 amined the site in person, and designated the 
 particular parts in which each regiment was to 
 be quartered. The army marched to this 
 place, and, on the 18th of December, orders 
 were issued for building huts. Trees were 
 felled for this purpose, and the huts were con- 
 structed with logs, the dimensions of each be- 
 ing sixteen feet by fourteen. One hut was 
 assigned to twelve privates, and one to a small- 
 er number of officers, according to their rank. 
 A general officer was the sole tenant of a hut. 
 These structures were arranged in parallel lines 
 
330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 where the shape of the ground would admit, 
 and, when the encampment was completed, it 
 had the appearance of a town with streets and 
 avenues. Troops from the same State inhab- 
 ited the same street or quarter. The whole 
 encampment was surrounded on the land side 
 by intrenchments ; and a bridge was thrown 
 across the river to open a communication with 
 the country in that direction. Here the army 
 remained till the following June. A detach- 
 ment was also stationed at Wilmington, to pro- 
 tect the State of Delaware from the incursions 
 of the enemy's foraging parties. 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 or 
 
 VOLUME SECOND 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Spurious Letters written and circulated in the Name of 
 Washington. — Conway's Cabal. — Persons concerned in 
 it. — Honorable and generous Conduct of Lafayette in re- 
 lation to this Affair 1 
 
 CHAPTER XXn. 
 
 Sufferings of the Army at Valley Porge. — New Arrange- 
 ments concerted with a Committee of Congress. — Half- 
 pay granted to the Officers for a Term of Years. — Pro- 
 ceedings in Regard to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. . 17 
 
 CHAPTER XXIH. 
 
 Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce. 
 
 — Comparative Strength of the British and American Ar- 
 mies. — Discussions respecting an Attack on Philadelphia. 
 
 — Plans of the Enemy. — Evacuation of Philadelphia. — 
 The Army crosses the Delaware. — Battle of Monmouth. 
 
 — Arrest and Trial of General Lee 33 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Arrival of the French Fleet under Count d'Estaing. — Plans 
 for combined Operations between the Fleet and the Amer- 
 ican Army. — Failure of an Attempt against the Enemy 
 at Rhode Island. — Cantonments of the Army for the Win- 
 
iV CONTENTS. 
 
 ter. — Exchange of Prisoners. — Congress. — Project of 
 an Expedition to Canada S& 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for 
 the next Campaign. — Sullivan's Expedition against the 
 Indians. — The Enemy commence a predatory Warfare. 
 
 — The Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk. — 
 Stony Point stormed and taken. — Successful Enterprise 
 against Paulus Hook. — Washington's Interviews with the 
 French Minister. — Plans proposed for cooperating with 
 Count d'Estaing. — The Army goes into Winter Quarters. 
 
 — Depreciation of the Currency, and its Effects. ... 69 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence 
 that a French Armament was on its Way to the United 
 States. — The Army takes a Position near Hudson's River. 
 
 — The French Squadron arrives at Newport. — Count de 
 Rochambeau's Instructions. — French Fleet blockaded. — 
 Interview between General Washington and the French 
 Commander at Hartford. — The Treason of Arnold. — 
 Plans for attacking New York 92 
 
 CHAPTER XXVn. 
 
 Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops. — Agen- 
 cy of Washington in procuring Supplies from France. — 
 Operations of the Enemy in the Chesapeake. — Detach- 
 ment to Virginia under Lafayette. — General Washington 
 visits Count de Rochambeau at Newport. — Condition of 
 the Army. — Interview between the American and French 
 Commanders at Weathersfield. — Plan of Operations. — 
 A Combined Attack on New York proposed 109 
 
 CHAPTER XXVm. 
 
 Junction between the American and French Armies. — Intel- 
 ligence from Count de Grasse in the West Indies changes 
 
CONTENTS. V 
 
 the Objects of the Campaign. — Successful Operations of 
 Lafayette against Cornwallis. — The combined Armies 
 cross the Hudson and march to Virginia. — The Fleet of 
 Count de Grasse enters the Chesapeake. — Siege of York- 
 town. — Capitulation. — The American Army rettirns to 
 Hudson's River 5 the French remains in Virginia. . . • 126 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Preparations for another Campaign recommended and en- 
 forced by General Washington and approved by Congress. 
 — Lafayette returns to France. — The Affair of Captain 
 Asgill. — Backwardness of the States in recruiting the 
 Army. — Proposal to General Washington to assume Su- 
 preme Power, and his Reply. — Sir Guy Carleton gives 
 Notice, that Negotiations for Peace had begun. — The 
 French Troops march from Virginia, join General Wash- 
 ington, and afterwards embark at Boston 143 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Dissatisfaction of the Army. — The Officers send a Memorial 
 to Congress. — The anonymous Addresses at Newburg. — 
 Intelligence arrives, that a Treaty of Peace had been sign- 
 ed at Paris. — General Washington's Sentiments concern- 
 ing the civil Government of the Union. — His Circular 
 Letter to the States. — He makes a Tour to the North. — 
 Repairs to Congress at the Request of that Body. — His 
 Farewell Address to the Army. — The British evacuate 
 New York — Washington resigns his Commission, and 
 retires to private Life at Mount Vernon 166 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 He declines receiving pecuniary Compensation for his pub- 
 lic Services. — His Feelings on being relieved from the 
 Burden of Office. — Devotes himself to Agriculture. — 
 Makes a Tour to the Western Country. — His extensive 
 Plans for internal Navigation. — These Plans adopted by 
 the State of Virginia. — Visit of the Marquis de Lafayette 
 to America. —Washington refuses to accept a Donation 
 
 15q 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 from tlie State of Virginia. — His liberal Acts for the En- 
 couragement of Education. — Approves the Countess of 
 Huntington's Scheme for civilizing and Christianizing the 
 Indians 177 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 His Operations in Farming and Horticulture. — Visiters at 
 Mount Vernon. — His Habits. — Houdon's Statue. — Con- 
 dition of the Country and Defects of the Confederacy. — 
 Washington's Sentiments thereon. — First Steps towards 
 efl'ecting a Reform. — Convention at Annapolis 194 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Proposal for a general Convention, and Washington appoint- 
 ed a Delegate from Virginia. — His Reasons for wishing 
 to decline. — Society of the Cincinnati. — Washington ac- 
 cepts the Appointment as Delegate. — Attends the Con- 
 vention, is chosen its President, and affixes his Name to 
 the New Constitution. — His Opinion of the Constitution. 
 :— It is adopted by the People. — Washington chosen the 
 first President of the United States 207 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 He receives official Notice of being chosen President. — 
 His Journey to the Seat of Government at New York. — 
 His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech. — Acquaints 
 himself with the State of public Affairs. — His Attention 
 to his private Pursuits. — His Manner of receiving Visits 
 and entertaining Company. — Afflicted with a severe Ill- 
 ness. — Death of his Mother. — Economy of his House- 
 hold. — Executive Departments formed 224 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Officers of the Executive Departments appointed. — Judici- 
 ary System organized. — Washington's Opinion of the Su- 
 preme Court. — His Rule in Appointments to Office. — 
 His Journey through the Eastern States. — System of 
 
CONTENTS. . VU 
 
 Funding the public Debts. — Place for the permanent Seat 
 of Government agreed upon 239 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 The President visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon. — 
 Foreign Relations of the United States. — France, Eng- 
 land, Spain. — Indian War. — Washington's Policy respect- 
 ing the Indians. — Congress meets at Philadelphia. — A 
 National Bank established. — Tax on distilled Spirits. — 
 The President's Tour through the Southern States. — Ap- 
 portionment Bill. — Parties and their Causes. — Dissen- 
 sions between the Secretary of State and the Secretary of 
 the Treasury. — Washington's Attempts to reconcile them. 266 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Washington is elected President for a Second Term. — 
 Takes the Oath of Office. — Relations between the United 
 States and France. — Opinions of the Cabinet. — Procla- 
 mation of Neutrality. — Party Divisions and Excitements. 
 — Genet received as Minister from France. — His ex- 
 traordinary Conduct. — Meeting of Congress. — The Pres- 
 ident recommends Measures of Defence. — Commercial 
 Affairs. — Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. — Mr. 
 Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty 
 with England. — Military Preparations 276 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 Insurrection in Pennsylvania. — Measures adopted by the 
 President for suppressing it. — Plan for redeeming the 
 Public Debt. — The British Treaty ratified by the Sen- 
 ate. — Popular Excitement respecting it. — The Treaty 
 confirmed by the Signature of the President. — Resigna- 
 tion of Mr. Randolph. — Circumstances attending it. . . 294 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 The President refuses to furnish Papers to the House of 
 Representatives in relation to the British Treaty. — Cap- 
 
Vili CONTENTS. 
 
 tivity of Lafayette, and Means used by Washington to 
 procure his Liberation. — Difficulties with France in re- 
 gard to the British Treaty. — Recall of Mr. Monroe. — 
 Washington's Farewell Address. — His last Speech to Con- 
 gress. — Inauguration of his Successor. — Testimony of 
 Respect shown to him by the Citizens of Philadelphia. — 
 He retires to Mount Vernon. — Review of his Adminis- 
 tration 3H 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 Washington devotes himself to Ws private Affairs. — Troubles 
 between France and the United States. — Preparations for 
 War. — Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the 
 Provisional Army of the United States. — Organization and 
 Arrangement of the Army. — Disputes with France ad- 
 justed. — His last Illness and Death. — His Character. . 326 
 
LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Spurious Letters written and circulated in the Name of Wash- 
 ington. — Conway's Cabal. — Persons concerned in it. — Hon- 
 orable and generous Conduct of Lafayette in relation to this 
 Affair. 
 
 The command of the American armies, and 
 the responsibilities attending that high office, 
 were not the only causes of vexation, which 
 at this time harassed the mind of Washington. 
 Attempts were made by his public adversaries, 
 and by secret foes wearing the mask of friend- 
 ship, to destroy his influence and ruin his char- 
 acter. 
 
 A pamphlet was published in London, con- 
 taining a series of letters, purporting to have 
 been written by him in the summer of 1776, 
 and with his signature attached to them. It 
 was stated in the preface, that, when Fort Lee 
 was evacuated. General Washington's servant 
 
 VOL. II. 1 
 
2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 was left behind indisposed ; that in his posses- 
 sion was a small portmanteau belonging to the 
 General, in which, among other things of tri- 
 fling value, were the drafts of several private 
 letters to Mrs. Washington, Mr, Lund Wash- 
 nigton, and Mr. Custis ; and that these had 
 been transmitted to England by an officer, into 
 whose hands they had fallen. This fiction 
 was contrived to deceive the public into a be- 
 lief of the genuineness of the letters, although 
 in reality not one of General Washington's 
 servants, nor a single article of his baggage, 
 was taken by the enemy in the whole course 
 of the war. But the tenor of the letters was 
 the most insidious part of the fabrication. 
 Washington is represented as expressing senti- 
 ments totally at variance with his conduct, 
 and as deprecating the misguided zeal and 
 rashness of Congress in declaring indepen- 
 dence, and pushing the opposition to Great 
 Britain to so perilous an extremity. The let- 
 ters were reprinted in New York, and indus- 
 triously circulated in various forms through 
 the agency of disaffected persons. The dis- 
 guise was too flimsy to cover so nefarious a 
 purpose. Whatever credit they may have 
 gained in England, they could have no influ- 
 ence on his countrymen, who understood his 
 character. 
 
^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 
 
 The author of these spurious epistles was 
 never publicly known. They were written 
 with considerable art, and by a person ac- 
 quainted with many particulars of General 
 Washington's family concerns. It is probable, 
 also, that parts of intercepted letters actually 
 written by him were interwoven. He never 
 thought the subject worthy of his notice, till 
 near the end of his presidency, vx'hen a new 
 edition of these same forgeries was palmed 
 upon the public to gratify the spleen of a ma- 
 lignant party spirit, and to effect a purpose 
 even more infamous tlian the one contemplated 
 by their original author. He then declared 
 them, in a letter to the Secretary of State, to 
 be spurious and false. 
 
 Whilst the enemies, of his country were 
 thus employed in scattering the seeds of de- 
 "tra&tion and falsehood, the agents of faction 
 were secretly at Work, both in the army and 
 in Congress, to disparage and undermine his 
 reputation. This conspiracy has been called 
 Conway's Cahal, from the name of the indi- 
 vidual who acted the most conspicuous part. 
 The other prominent leaders were General 
 Gates and General Mifflin. The causes and 
 origin of the disaffection of these officers to 
 the Commander-in-chief have not been ex- 
 plained. When they joined the service, at the 
 
4 • LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 beginning of the war, they professed to be his 
 friends, and probably were such. It was 
 mainly at his instance, that General Gates re- 
 ceived his first appointment. Being an Eng- 
 lishman by birth, some of the members of 
 Congress had scruples on the subject, thinking 
 their cause would be safest in the charge of 
 native Americans, both on account of their in- 
 fluence over the people, and of the ardor and 
 sincerity of their patriotism. These scruples 
 were waved, however, in favor of Gates and 
 Charles Lee, and in each case at the solicita- 
 tion of Washington, who had confidence in 
 their attachment to American liberty, and be- 
 lieved important aid might be derived from 
 their military skill and experience. 
 
 The first symptoms of discontent are sup- 
 posed to have been manifested at Cambridge. 
 Gates was adjutant-general of the army, with 
 the rank of brigadier. Mifilin went there as 
 aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief, by 
 whom, under the authority of Congress, he 
 was appointed quartermaster-general, with the 
 rank of colonel. After the organization of the 
 first Continental army, Gates applied for the 
 command of a brigade, and Mifflin of a regi- 
 ment. These requests were declined by Wash- 
 ington, on the ground, in the first place, that 
 the duties of their offices required their whole 
 
^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 
 
 attention, and, in the next, that such an indul- 
 gence would interfere with the just claims of 
 other officers. This refusal is thought to have 
 given an offence, that was not forgotten. It is 
 certain, that, after the army inarched from 
 Cambridge, General Gates made interest with 
 Congress to be employed at a distance from 
 Washington's immediate command, and con- 
 tinued to do so ; and the correspondence with 
 him on the part of Gates, made necessary by 
 his official relation to the Commander-in-chief, 
 so far from being cordial and friendly, was 
 marked with " au air of design, a want of 
 candor in many instances, and even of polite- 
 ness." These are the words of Washington, 
 contained in a letter to the President of Con- 
 gress three years after the army left Cam- 
 bridge, and they are verified by the correspond- 
 ence since published. 
 
 Conway, by birth an Irishman, had been in 
 the French service from his youth, and found- 
 ed his claim to consideration on the circum- 
 stance of his being an officer of thirty years' 
 experience. He joined the army at Morris- 
 town, having the rank of brigadier, by the 
 appointment of Congress. Of all the men in 
 the world, he was the last to conciliate the fa- 
 vor of Washington. Boastful, presumptuous, 
 and intriguing, bent on pushing his fortune, 
 
6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 and looking only to personal aggrandizement, 
 he was unprincipled in regard to the means 
 and reckless of consequences. Abundant proofs 
 of these traits of character and of sinister aims 
 were exhibited during the campaign ; and, 
 when it was rumored that Conway was to be 
 promoted, Washington wrote to a member of 
 Congress a letter of strong remonstrance against 
 it, assigning his reasons without reserve. The 
 success of the northern army, in the capture 
 of Burgoyne, was the signal for the malecon- 
 tents to assume a bolder attitude in prosecuting 
 their machinations. Anonymous letters were 
 sent to the President of Congress and the Gov- 
 ernor of Yirginia, filled with insinuations, com- 
 plaints, and exaggerated statements, and as- 
 cribing all the misfortunes of the campaign to 
 the incapacity, or ill-timed Fabian policy, of 
 the Commander-in-chief. It was affirmed, with 
 as much efi'rontery as falsehood, that his force 
 had been three or four times as large as that 
 opposed to him ; and no pains were spared to 
 make it appear, that all his plans and opera- 
 tions evinced a M'ant of military knowledge, 
 judgment, and decision. 
 
 These artifices, though practised in secret 
 for a time, were well known to Washington. 
 His scrutinizing observation easily penetrated 
 the designs of those, who acted under the 
 
^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 
 
 cloak of a pretended attachment ; and his real 
 friends, moved not less by a sense of duty 
 to their country, than of justice to him, took 
 care to put him on his guard, and to acquaint 
 him with the intrigues of the cabal, as far as 
 they could be ascertained from overt acts, or 
 inferred from less obvious indications. The 
 .affair was at length brought to his notice in a 
 definite shape. When Colonel Wilkinson, one 
 of Gates's aids-de-camp, was on his way from 
 Saratoga to Congress, as bearer of despatches 
 announcing the capitulation of Burgoyne, he 
 stopped at the quarters of Lord Stirling, who 
 was then at Reading. In a free conversation 
 while there, Wilkinson repeated part of a letter, 
 which Gates had received from Conway, con- 
 taining strictures on the management of the 
 army under Washington, accompanied with 
 disparaging reflections. Prompted by patriot- 
 ism and friendship, Lord Stirling communi- 
 cated to him an extract from the letter as re- 
 peated by Wilkinson. A correspondence on 
 the subject followed between Washington, 
 Gates, and Conway. The genuineness of the 
 extract was denied, but the letter itself was 
 never produced. Two or three persons after- 
 wards saw it in confidence, among whom was 
 Mr. Ijaurens, President of Congress ; and, al- 
 though the words proved not to be exactly the 
 
8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 same, yet the tenor and spirit of the letter 
 were accurately reported. The transaction, and 
 the incidents springing from it, could not long 
 be concealed from the officers of the army. 
 Rumors respecting them went abroad, and the 
 public sentiment was expressed in a tone so 
 unequivocal and decided, as to discourage the 
 instigators ; and their schemes were abandoned, 
 before they had produced any of the fatal mis- 
 chiefs, which must inevitably have followed, 
 if their ambitious hopes had been realized. 
 
 There is no reason to suppose, that any of 
 the officers were directly implicated in the ca- 
 bal, except Gates, Mifflin, and Conway. That 
 a considerable party in Congress favored the 
 projects of these men is evident from the pro- 
 ceedings of that body for several months. 
 After the capitulf^tion at Saratoga, Gates for- 
 warded the official account of the event to 
 Congress, without communicating the intelli- 
 gence in any shape to the Commander-in- 
 chief, which his duty as an officer and the 
 common rules of courtesy required him to do ; 
 and Congress never intimated their dissatisfac- 
 tion with this breach of decorum, and marked 
 disrespect to the commander of their armies, 
 whose authority they were bound to support. 
 Nearly at the same time Congress instituted a 
 new Board of War, to which were granted 
 
iET.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 
 
 large powers, and of which Gates and Mifflin 
 were appointed members, Gates being placed 
 at its head. 
 
 One of the first acts of this board was a 
 projected expedition to Canada, planned by 
 Gates, and approved by Congress, without con- 
 sulting Washington in the least of its particu- 
 lars. The first intimation he had of it was in 
 a letter from the Board of War, enclosing 
 another to Lafayette, informing him of his be- 
 ing appointed to the command of the expedi- 
 tion. It was the design of this stroke of pol- 
 icy to bring over Lafayette to the interests of 
 the faction. They had little knowledge of his 
 character. He was not to be deceived nor 
 cajoled. He carried the letter to Washington, 
 told him that he saw through the artifice, and 
 should decline. Washington replied, that he 
 knew not the object of the expedition, nor 
 how it was to be carried into effect, but the 
 appointment was an honorable one, which 
 would place him in a conspicuous station, 
 where he would in any event acquit himself 
 with credit ; for, if the enterprise should fail, 
 he was persuaded his conduct would be such 
 as to save him from faults and screen him from 
 censure, and the responsibility would rest with 
 its projectors. Yielding to this advice, he ac- 
 ceded to the proposal, went to Albany, where 
 
10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 
 
 he had been promised that troops and every 
 thing necessary should be provided, and, after 
 waiting there three months, his patience being 
 exhausted and all his hopes defeated, as the 
 Board of War did nothing to fulfil ttieir prom- 
 ise or promote the expedition, he returned to 
 the camp at Valley Forge.* 
 
 And it might here be recorded to the honor 
 of Lafayette, if indeed his whole career in 
 
 * Before Lafayette commenced his journey to Albany, 
 he rode to Yorktown, for the purpose of maldng arrange- 
 ments with the Board of War. As soon as he arrived, 
 he called on General Gates, whom he found surrounded 
 by his friends seated at a dinner-table. They greeted 
 him with much cordiality. He joined them at the table, 
 the wine passed round, and several toasts were given. 
 Determined not to act under disguise, and to take the 
 first opportunity of letting his sentiments be known, he 
 called to them, just as they were about to rise, and ob- 
 served thai one toast had been omitted, which he would 
 propose. The glasses were filled, and he gave as a toast, 
 "The Commander-in-chief of the American armies." 
 It is needless to say, that it was coldly received ; and it 
 is possible, that this early and bold avowal of his predi- 
 lections had some influence in damping the ardor, with 
 which the leaders of the faction had planm;d this abor- 
 tive Canada expedition. Conway was appointed second 
 in command ; but Lafayette insisted that the Baron de 
 Kalb, in whom he had confidence, should be one of the 
 officers, which was granted, but not without evident re- 
 luctance. Baron de Kalb, being higher in rank than 
 Conway, was thus the second in command, and Conway 
 tlie third. 
 
-.Et. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11 
 
 America was not a noble monument to his 
 honor, his generosity, and unwavering fidelity 
 to every trust reposed in him, that from the 
 very first he resisted every attempt that was 
 made by the flatteries of Conway, and the ar- 
 tifices of others, to bring him into the league. 
 In the earliest stage of the cabal, before it had 
 been whispered to the public, he wrote to 
 Washington, stating his opinion of Conway, 
 and his fears for the unhappy consequences 
 that might flow from his conduct. " I need 
 not tell you," said he, " how sorry I am at 
 what has happened ; it is a necessary result of 
 my tender and respectful friendship for you, 
 which is as true and candid as the other senti- 
 ments of my heart, and much stronger than so 
 new an acquaintance might seem to admit. 
 But another reason for my concern is my ar- 
 dent and perhaps enthusiastic wish for the 
 happiness and liberty of this country. I see 
 plainly that America can defend herself, if 
 proper measures are taken ,• but I begin to fear 
 that she may be lost by herself and her own 
 sons." And again in conclusion he added ; 
 "My desire of deserving your approbation is 
 strong ; and, whenever you shall employ me, 
 you can be certain of my trying every exer- 
 tion in my power to succeed. I am now 
 bound to your fate, and I shall follow it and 
 
12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17T7. 
 
 sustain it, as well by my sword as by all the 
 means in my power." To this pledge he was 
 ever true.* 
 
 Standing firm in his integrity, Washington 
 took no pains to counteract these machinations 
 of his enemies, and, whatever may have been 
 his regret and indignation at such evidences 
 of ingratitude and perfidy, he did not allow 
 them to disturb his equanimity, or to turn him 
 
 * The following extract from a letter Avritten by Lafa- 
 yette to Baron Steuben, while the faction was at its 
 height, affords an additional proof of his warm and gen- 
 erous friendship for Washington. It was dated at Alba- 
 ny, on the 12th of March, 1778. Baron Steuben had 
 recently arrived in the country. 
 
 " Permit me," said Lafayette, " to express my satisfac- 
 tion at your having seen General Washington. No ene- 
 mies to that great man can be found, except among the 
 enemies to his country ; nor is it possible for any man 
 of a noble spirit to refrain from loving the excellent qual- 
 ities of his heart. I think I know him as well as any 
 person, and such is the idea which I have formed of him. 
 His honesty, his frankness, his sensibility, his virtue, to 
 the full extent in which this word can be understood, are 
 above all praise. It is not for me to judge of his milita- 
 ry talents ; but, according to my imperfect knowledge 
 of these matters, his advice in council has always ap- 
 peared to me the best, although liis modesty prevents 
 him sometimes from sustaining it; and his predictions 
 have generally been fulfilled. I am the more happy in 
 giving you this opinion of my friend, with all the sincer- 
 ity which I feel, because some persons may perhaps at- 
 tempt to deceive you on this point." 
 
^T.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 
 
 in the least degree from his lofty purpose of 
 serving his country in the sphere allotted to 
 him with the disinterestedness, diligence, and 
 ardor, that characterized his public life in 
 every vicissitude of ev^ents. In a letter to 
 President Laurens, V\?ho had enclosed to him 
 an anonymous communication of a very insid- 
 ious tendency, which he had received, and 
 which the writer designed for Congress, Wash- 
 ington wrote as follows. 
 
 "I cannot sufficiently express the obligation 
 I feel to you, for your friendship and polite- 
 ness upon an occasion in which I am so deep- 
 ly interested. I was not unapprized, that a 
 malignant faction had been for some time form- 
 ing to my prejudice ; which, conscious as I 
 am of having ever done all in my power to 
 answer the important purposes of the trust re- 
 posed in me, could not but give me some pain 
 on a personal account. But my chief concern 
 arises from an apprehension of the dangerous 
 consequences, which intestine dissensions may 
 produce to the common cause. 
 
 " As I have no other view than to promote 
 the public good, and am unambitious of hon- 
 ors not founded in the approbation of my 
 country, I woidd not desire in the least degree 
 to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any 
 part of my conduct, that even faction itself 
 
 16 
 
14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 may deem reprehensible. The anonymous 
 paper handed to yon exhibits many serious 
 charges, and it is my wish that it should be 
 submitted to Congress. This I am the more 
 inclined to, as the suppression or concealment 
 may possibly involve you in embarrassments 
 hereafter, since it is uncertain how many or 
 who may be privy to the contents. 
 
 " My enemies take an ungenerous advantage 
 of me. They know the delicacy of my situ- 
 ation, and that motives of policy deprive me 
 of the defence I might otherwise make against 
 their insidious attacks. They know I cannot 
 combat their insinuations, however injurious, 
 without disclosing secrets, which it is of the 
 utmost moment to conceal. But why should 
 I expect to be exempt from censure, the un- 
 failing lot of an elevated station ? Merit and 
 talents, with which 1 can have no pretensions 
 of rivalship, have ever been subject to it. My 
 heart tells me, that it has been my unremitted 
 aim to do the best that circumstances would 
 permit ; yet I may have been very often mis- 
 taken in my judgment of the means, and may 
 in many instances deserve the imputation of 
 error." 
 
 To what extent the members of Congress 
 were concerned in this affair, it would be dif- 
 ficult now to decide. Names have been men- 
 
J£t.45.] life of WASHINGTON. 15 
 
 lioiied, but without such a clear statement of 
 facts as to fix a direct charge upon any indi- 
 vidual. The proceedings of Congress show, 
 that the faction had supporters in that body ; 
 but who they "were, or what precise objects 
 they had in view, cannot now be ascertained 
 from the testimony hitherto made public. 
 The first aim of the cabal was. no doubt, to 
 disgust Washington and cause him to resign. 
 It is probable, that Gates's immediate coadju- 
 tors in the army looked to him as the succes- 
 sor, and that Gales flattered himself with this 
 illusive dream. The dissatisfied members of 
 Congress, it is more hkely, had their eyes up- 
 on Charles Lee, who was soon to be exchanged. 
 Conway was the victim of his ambition and 
 intrigues. Being wounded by an American 
 officer in a duel, he wrote to General Wash- 
 ington while he thonght himself near his end, 
 expressing sorrow for his past conduct. " My 
 career will soon be over," said he ; '' therefore 
 justice and truth prompt me to declare my last 
 sentiments. You are hi my eyes the great 
 and good man. May you long enjoy the love, 
 veneration, and esteem of these States, whose 
 liberties you have asserted by your virtues." 
 This confession, dictated at a solemn moment 
 by a corroding conscience, although it may be 
 deemed an apology for personal injuries, can- 
 
16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 not atone for the guilt of having endeavored, 
 in a time of pubhc danger and distress, to kin- 
 dle the flame of discord in a country, whose 
 liberties he had otiered to vindicate, and 
 whose cause he was pretending to serve. He 
 unexpectedly recovered of his wound, and re- 
 turned to France, leaving a name which few 
 will envy, and an example which no one will 
 be ambitious to imitate, who reflects how soon 
 a crime may be followed by a just retribution. 
 
^.T 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Sufieririgs of the Army at Valley Forge. — New Arrangements 
 concerted with a Committee of Congress. — Half-pay granted 
 to the Officers for a Term of Years. — Proceedings in Regard 
 to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. 
 
 The winter at Valley Forge is memorable 
 in the history of the war. Owing to changes 
 in the quartermaster's and commissary's de- 
 partments, according to a scheme planned by 
 Congress contrary to the judgment of Wash- 
 ington, the army had been wretchedly sup- 
 plied ; and at no time were the sufferings of the 
 troops so great, as they were for a few weeks 
 after they went into winter quarters. Hardly 
 were the huts begun, when information was 
 received, that a party of the enem}'' had left 
 Philadelphia, with the apparent design of for- 
 aging and drawing subsistence from the coun- 
 try. Several regiments were ordered to be in 
 readiness to march, when it was discovered 
 that they had no provisions, and that a danger- 
 ous mutiny was on the point of breaking out. 
 The only remedy was to send parties abroad 
 to collect, wherever they could find it, as much 
 provision as would satisfy the pressing wants 
 of the soldiers. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 
 
18 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. |(7?« 
 
 The same wants recurred at different times 
 through the winter. On one occasion C4eneral 
 Washington wrote ; " For some days there has 
 been httle less than a famine in camp. A part 
 of the army have been a week without any 
 kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. 
 Naked and starving as they are, we cannot 
 enough admire the incomparable patience and 
 fidelity of the soldiery, that they have not 
 been ere this excited by their sufferings to a 
 general mutiny and dispersion. Strong symp- 
 toms, however, of discontent have appeared in 
 particular instances ; aiid nothing but the most 
 active efforts everywhere can long avert so 
 shocking a catastrophe." Such was the scarci- 
 ty of blankets, that many of the men were 
 obliged to sit up all night by the fires, without 
 covering to protect them while taking the com- 
 mon refreshment of sleep; and in numerous 
 instances they were so scantily clad, that they 
 could not leave their huts. Although the offi- 
 cers were better provided, yet none was ex- 
 empt from exposures, privations, and hard- 
 ships. 
 
 Notwithstanding this deplorable condition 
 of the army, there were not wanting those, 
 who complained of its inactivity, and insisted 
 on a winter campaign. When the encamp- 
 ment was begun at Valley Forge, the whole 
 
JEr.45.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 
 
 number of men in the field was eleven thou- 
 sand and ninety-eight, of whom two thousand 
 eight hundred and ninety-eight were unfit for 
 duty, "being barefoot and otherwise naked." 
 In making this statement to Congress, and allu- 
 ding to a memorial of the legislature of Penn- 
 sylvania, Washington said ; " We find gentle- 
 men, without knowing whether the army was 
 really going into winter quarters or not, repro- 
 bating the measure as much as if they thought 
 the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, 
 and equally insensible of frost and snow ; and 
 moreover, as if they conceived it easily practi- 
 cable for an inferior army, under the disadvan- 
 tages I have described ours to be, which are by 
 no means exaggerated, to confine a superior 
 one, in all respects well appointed and provid- 
 ed for a winter's campaign, within the city 
 of Philadelphia, and to cover from depreda- 
 tion and waste the States of Pennsylvania and 
 New Jersey. But what makes this matter still 
 more extraordinary in my eye is, that these 
 very gentlemen, — who were well apprized 
 of the nakedness of the troops from ocular 
 demonstration, who thought their ovv'n soldiers 
 worse clad than others, and who advised me 
 near a month ago to postpone the execution of 
 a plan I was about to adopt, in consequence 
 of a resolve of Congress, for seizing clothes, 
 
20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 under strong assurances that an ample supply 
 would be collected in ten days agreeably to a 
 decree of the State (not one article of which, 
 by the by, is yet come to hand), — should 
 think a winter's campaign, and the covering 
 of these States from the invasion of an enemy, 
 so easy and practicable a business. I can as- 
 sure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier 
 and less distressing thing to draw remonstran- 
 ces in a comfortable room by a good fireside, 
 than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep un- 
 der frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. 
 However, although they seem to have little 
 feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, I 
 feel superabundantly for them, and, from my 
 soul, I pity those miseries, which it is neither 
 in my power to relieve nor prevent.*' 
 
 After the immediate wants of the army in 
 camp were provided for, he next employed his 
 thoughts in devising a new and improved sys- 
 tem for the future. The experience of three 
 campaigns had proved the necessity of radical 
 and extensive changes in the plans hitherto 
 pursued, both in regard to the organization and 
 discipline of the army, and to the methods of 
 obtaining supplies. He deemed the subject to 
 be of the utmost importance, and one upon the 
 due adjustment of which would depend not 
 only the efficiencv, but even the existence, of 
 
MT.'iG.] LIFE OF WA3Hli\GT0x\. 21 
 
 a Continental military force. That he might 
 act upon the soundest principles, and with all 
 the aids that could be collected from the 
 knowledge and reflections of others, he re- 
 quested the general officers to state their senti- 
 ments in v/riting. The result was a series of 
 elaborate essays, containing such facts, discus- 
 sions, and opinions, as the judgment and mil- 
 itary skill of the writers enabled them to pre- 
 sent. 
 
 Moved by the earnest solicitations of Wash- 
 ington, Congress at the same time took the 
 subject into consideration. Their debates fi- 
 nally terminated in the appointment of a com- 
 mittee of five members of their body, who 
 were instructed to repair to the camp at Valley 
 Forge, and invested with ample powers to con- 
 fer with the Commander, and digest in concert 
 with him such a system as would correct ex- 
 isting abuses, lead to salutary reforms, and put 
 the army on the footing he desired. When 
 the committee arrived in camp, he laid before 
 them a memoir, drawn up with great care, rep- 
 resenting in detail the defects of previous ar- 
 rangements, and containing an outline of a 
 new and improved system. The '^ommitteo 
 continued in camp three months, and then re- 
 turned to Congress and presented a report, 
 which was in the main adopted. 
 
 16q 
 
22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 
 
 On one point, however, which Washington 
 considered not more equitable in itself, than 
 essential to the continuance of an army, there 
 was great difference of opinion among the 
 members of Congress. Hitherto there had 
 been no provision made for the otHcers after 
 the war should end, and no other inducement 
 offered to them than their common wages 
 while in actual service. Numerous complaints 
 and resignations convinced Washington, that 
 this motive, even when strengthened by am- 
 bition and patriotism, was not enough. He 
 proposed half-pay for life, after the close of the 
 war, or some other permanent provision. 
 
 " If my opinion be asked," said he in a let- 
 ter to Congress, " with respect to the necessity 
 of making this provision for the officers, I am 
 ready to declare, that 1 do most religiously 
 believe the salvation of the cause depends up- 
 on it, and, without it, your officers will moul- 
 der to nothing, or be composed of low and il- 
 literate men, void of capacity for this or any 
 other business. To prove this, I can with 
 truth aver, that scarce a day passes without 
 the offer of two or three commissions ; and 
 my advices from the eastward and southward 
 are, that numbers who had gone home on fur- 
 lough mean not to return, but are establishing 
 themselves in more lucrative employments. 
 
Mr.i6.-\ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 
 
 Let Congress determine what will be the con- 
 sequence of this spirit. 
 
 " Personally, as an officer, I have no inter- 
 est in their decision, because I have declared, 
 and I now repeat it, that I never will receive 
 the smallest benefit from the half-pay estab- 
 lishment ; but, as a man who fights under the 
 weight of proscription, and as a citizen, who 
 wishes to see the liberty of his country es- 
 tablished upon a permanent foundation, and 
 whose property depends upon the success of 
 our arms, I am deeply interested. But, all 
 this apart, and justice out of the question, up- 
 on the single ground of economy and public 
 saving, I will maintain the utility of it ; for I 
 have not the least doubt, that, until officers 
 consider their commissions in an honorable and 
 interested point of view, and are afraid to en- 
 danger them by negligence and inattention, no 
 order, regularity, or care, either of the men or 
 public property, will prevail." 
 
 These representations, so judicious and for- 
 cible, could not fail to have some influence 
 even on the minds of those, who were the 
 most decided in their hostility to the measure. 
 But they did not produce entire conviction, 
 and the subject met with difficulties and de- 
 lays. One party thought, or professed to think, 
 that Congress had no power to act in such a 
 
24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 matter, and proposed to refer it to the State 
 legislatures ; another was haunted with the 
 fear of a standing army, a privileged class, and 
 a pension list ; and another could see no dif- 
 ference between the sacrifices of the officers, 
 in defending their country, and of private cit- 
 izens, whose property was plundered, ravaged, 
 and destroyed by the enemy. After much 
 discussion, the plan of half-pay for life was 
 carried, but by so small a majority that the 
 vote was reconsidered, and a compromise was 
 effected. By the ultimate decision, the offi- 
 cers were to receive half-pay for the term of 
 seven years, and a gratuity of eighty dollars 
 was to be given to each non-commissioned 
 officer and soldier, who should continue in the 
 service to the end of the war. 
 
 While this subject was under discussion, 
 Washington saw with deep concern the jeal- 
 ousy of the army, which was manifested in 
 Congress, and its unhappy influence on their 
 deliberations. In other countries this preju- 
 dice exists against standing armies only in 
 times of peace, and this because the troops are 
 a distinct body from the citizens, having few 
 interests in common with them, and little oth- 
 er means of support than what flows from 
 their military employment. But "it is our 
 policy/' said he, " to be prejudiced against 
 
Mt.46.] life of WASHINGTON. 2o 
 
 them in time of war, though they are citizens, 
 having all the ties and interests of citizens, 
 and in most cases property totally miconnected 
 with the military line." So heavily did this 
 subject weigh upon his mind, that he unbur- 
 dened himself freely in a letter to a member 
 of Congress, and used all his endeavors to 
 promote harmony, union, and a national feel- 
 ing among those on whom the safety of the 
 republic depended, whether acting in a civil 
 or military capacity. 
 
 " If we would pursue a right system of pol- 
 icy," he observed, "in my opinion, there 
 should be none of these distinctions. We 
 should all, Congress and army, be considered 
 as one people, embarked in one cause, in one 
 interest ; acting on the same principle, and to 
 the same end. The distinction, the jealousies 
 set up, or perhaps only incautiously let out, 
 can answer not a single good purpose. They 
 are impolitic in the extreme. Among individ- 
 uals the most certain way to make a man your 
 enemy is to tell him you esteem him such. 
 So with public bodies ; and the very jealousy, 
 which the narrow, politics of some may affect 
 to entertain of the army, in order to a due 
 subordination to the supreme civil authority, is 
 a likely means to produce a contrary effect ; 
 to incline it to the pursuit of those measures. 
 
26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 
 
 which they may wish it to avoid. It is un- 
 just, because no order of men in the Thirteen 
 States has paid a more sacred regard to the pro- 
 ceedings of Congress than the army ; for with- 
 out arrogance or the sraaUest deviation from 
 truth it may be said, that no history now ex- 
 tant can furnish an instance of an army's suf- 
 fering such uncommon hardships as ours has 
 done, and bearing them with the same patience 
 and fortitude. To see men, without clothes to 
 cover their nakedness, without blankets to lie 
 on, without- shoes (for the want of which their 
 marches might be traced by the blood from 
 their feet), and almost as often without pro- 
 visions as with them, marching through the 
 frost and snow, and at Christmas taking up 
 their winter quarters within a day's march of 
 the enemy, without a house or hut to cover 
 them till they could be built, and submitting 
 without a murmur, is a proof of patience and 
 obedience, which in my opinion can scarce be 
 paralleled." 
 
 Bound by strong ties of attachment to the 
 army, on the good or ill fortunes of which his 
 own reputation so much depended, he spared 
 no efforts to redress its grievances, maintain its 
 rights, and mitigate its sufferings ; but he was 
 prompt and inflexible in checking the least 
 disposition to encroach on the civil power, or 
 
JEr.4G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 
 
 to claim privileges, however reasonable in 
 themselves, which the peculiar circumstances 
 of the country rendered it hazardous or inex- 
 pedient to grant. Considering the materials 
 of the army, composed of freemen brought to- 
 gether and held together almost without the 
 aid of law or of authority in any supreme 
 head, unaccustomed to a soldier's life, impa- 
 tient under discipline, and constantly exposed 
 to extraordinary privations and distresses, it 
 may truly be said, that no commander ever 
 had a more difficult task to perform in dis- 
 charging the duties of his station : and this in 
 addition to the labor and responsibility of sug- 
 gesting to Congress the important measures, 
 which they were to adopt in regard to milita- 
 ry affairs, the vexation of seeing his plans 
 thwarted by prejudice and party dissensions, 
 and the anxiety he never ceased to feci on ac- 
 count of the divided counsels, apathy, antipa- 
 thies, and local predilections, which were man- 
 ifested both in Congress and in the State leg- 
 islatures. 
 
 About the middle of April arrived in New 
 York a draft of what were called Lord North's 
 Conciliatory Bills, containing a new project, 
 by him submitted to Parliament, for settling 
 the differences between Great Britain and the 
 United States. This movement was prompt- 
 
28 LIFE OF Vv^ASHINGTOlN. [1773. 
 
 ed by the apprehension, that France would 
 soon acknowledge the independence of the 
 latter, and join in the war against England. 
 Governor Tryon, to whom the draft of the 
 bills was sent, had it immediately reprinted in 
 New York, and took measures to disperse 
 copies of it as extensively as possible in the 
 country, which, he said, was done in obedience 
 to "his Majesty's command." Copies were 
 enclosed by him to General Washington, with 
 a polite request that he would aid in circulat- 
 ing them, " that the people at large might be 
 acquainted with the favorable disposition of 
 Great Britain towards the American colonies." 
 Washington sent them to Congress. 
 
 As to the tenor of the bills, it is enough to 
 say, that the terms held out were such as 
 would undoubtedly have been accepted in the 
 first stages of the controversy. Important 
 changes had since occurred. The Americans 
 had declared themselves an independent na- 
 tion. They, had shed their blood, expended 
 their means, and endured the miseries of a 
 three years' war, in defence of the rights they 
 claimed, and the character they had assumed. 
 It was no part of the British ministry's plan 
 to treat with the American States as an inde- 
 pendent power. They were to go back to 
 their old condition as colonies, be favored with 
 
iEx. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 
 
 certain privileges, and, relieved from the bur- 
 den of self-government, to trust their liberties 
 again to the parental guardianship of the moth- 
 er country. Till the remembrance of the past 
 should be obliterated, these proffers were not 
 likely to gain the confidence or change the 
 sentiments of those, who had taken the lead 
 in opposition after a thorough knowledge of 
 the causes, and of the grounds on which they 
 stood, and who had already risked much and 
 labored hard to secure the political existence 
 and prosperity of their country, by establish- 
 ing them on the firm basis of union and free- 
 dom. 
 
 Yet it was feared there were some, who, 
 weary of the war, or disheartened at the pros- 
 pect of its continuance, might be soothed with 
 the voice of conciliation, and thus become 
 cold supporters of the popular cause, if not de- 
 cided advocates for peace on the terms pro- 
 posed. To prevent this consequence, as far as 
 the weight of his judgment would go, Wash- 
 ington expressed his own opinions in very de- 
 cided language to a member of Congress only- 
 two days after he learned the contents of the 
 conciliatory bills. " Nothing short of inde- 
 pendence, it appears to me, can possibly do. 
 A peace on other terms would, if 1 may be 
 allowed the expression, be a peace of war. 
 
30 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 The injuries we have received from the British 
 nation were so unprovoked, and have been so 
 great and so man)'', that they can never be for- 
 gotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the 
 animosities, that would ever attend a union 
 with them ; besides the importance, the advan- 
 tages, which we should derive from an unre- 
 stricted commerce ; our fidelity as a people, 
 our gratitude, our character as men, are opposed 
 to a coalition with them as subjects, but in 
 case of the last extremity. Were we easily to 
 accede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon 
 future occasions, let the oppressions of Britain 
 be ever so flagrant and unjust, would interpose 
 for our relief; or, at most, they would do it 
 with a cautious reluctance, and upon conditions 
 most probably that would be hard, if not dis- 
 honorable to us." Fortunately, the subject 
 appeared in the same light to Congress. As 
 soon as the drafts of Lord North's bills were 
 received, they were referred to a committee ; 
 upon whose report a short discussion ensued ; 
 and it was unanimously resolved, that the 
 terms offered were totally inadequate, and that 
 no advances on the part of the British govern- 
 ment for a peace would be met, unless, as a 
 preliminary step, they either withdrew their 
 armies and fleets, or acknowledged unequivo- 
 cally the independence of the United States. 
 
iET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 
 
 At the same time the bills were published in 
 connexion with the proceedings of Congress, 
 and circulated throughout the country. 
 
 The three commissioners, Lord Carlisle, 
 Governor Johnstone, and William Eden, sent 
 over from England to negotiate the business 
 of conciliation,^ did not arrive in Philadelphia 
 till six weeks after the drafts of the bills were 
 published by Governor Tryon. Two of the 
 commissioners, Johnstone and Eden, were the 
 bearers of private letters of introduction to 
 General Washington from his friends in Eng- 
 land, and also of many other letters to gentle- 
 men of high political standing. To all ap- 
 pearance the olive branch was fairly held out. 
 The secretary to the commission was Dr. Fer- 
 guson, the celebrated professor of moral philos- 
 ophy in Edinburgh. On the first landing of 
 the commissioners, they despatched their letters 
 to Washington's camp, and requested a pass- 
 port for Dr. Ferguson to go to Yorktown, 
 where Congress was then sitting, and present 
 in person the papers they had brought. This 
 matter being wholly of a civil nature, he did 
 not think himself authorized to give such a 
 passport, without the direction of Congress, 
 and he forwarded to them the application. Im- 
 patient at the delay, or fearing a positive re- 
 fusal from Congress to receive the papers, the 
 
32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 commissioners immediately sent them through 
 the usual medium of a flag to the President. 
 The reception they met with may be imagined 
 from the manner in which Lord North's bills 
 had been disposed of. The door to any kind 
 of compromise on the principles laid down in 
 those bills had been effectually closed, and 
 Congress adhered to their first resolution. Tlie 
 commissioners remained several montlis in the 
 country, made various attempts to gain their 
 object, as well by art and address as by official 
 intercourse, and at last went back to England 
 baffled and disappointed, if indeed tliey ever 
 had any real hope of success, which may be 
 doubted. 
 
^T.46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 33 
 
 CHAPTER XXni. 
 
 Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce. — 
 Comparative Strength of the British and American Armies.— 
 Discussions respecting an Attack on Philadelphia. — Plans of 
 the Enemy. — Evacuation of Philadelphia. —The Army crosses 
 the Delaware. — Battle of Monmouth. — Arrest and Trial of 
 General Lee. 
 
 , Meantime an important event occurred, 
 which diffused universal joy in America. 
 The King of France recognised the indepen- 
 dence of the United States in a formal treaty 
 of amity and commerce, and in a treaty of de- 
 fensive alliance, both signed in Paris on the 
 6th of February, by M. Gerard on the part of 
 France, and by the American commissioners, 
 Franklin, Deane, and Lee. It was of course 
 expected, that this procedure would bring on 
 a war between England and France, and the 
 parties mutually agreed not to lay down their 
 arms till the independence of the United 
 States should be assured by a treaty at the ter- 
 mination of the war. The messenger, who 
 brought the news of this auspicious event, and 
 who was likewise the bearer of the treaties, 
 arrived in Yorktown on the 2d of May, ten 
 days after Congress had passed their resolves 
 respecting Lord North's bills. This last fact 
 
 VOL. II. 3 
 
34 LIFE OK WASHINGTON. [InS. 
 
 is worthy of remark, as it shows that the trans- 
 actions in France, being then unknown, had 
 no influence in producing those resolves. The 
 treaties were immediately ratified by Congress. 
 The army participated in the rejoicings ev- 
 erywhere manifested on this occasion. A day 
 was set apart for a public celebration in camp. 
 It began in the morning with religious services, 
 and a discourse to each of the brigades by one 
 of its chaplains. Then followed military pa- 
 rades, marchings, and firings of cannon and 
 musketry, according to a plan announced in 
 the general orders. The appearance was bril- 
 liant and the effect imposing. The whole cer- 
 emony was conducted with perfect regularity, 
 and was closed with an entertainment, patri- 
 otic toasts, music, and other demonstrations of 
 
 joy. 
 
 The British kept possession of Philadelphia 
 through the winter and the spring following^ 
 and, although Washington's camp was within 
 twenty miles of the city, yet no enterprise was 
 undertaken to molest him in his quarters. 
 Foraging parties went out and committed dep- 
 redations upon the inhabitants ; but they were 
 watched by the Americans, who sometimes 
 met them in fierce and bloody rencounters. 
 When it was told to Dr. Franklin in Paris, 
 that General Howe had taken Philadelphia, he 
 
^T. 4G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 
 
 sagaciously replied ; '• Say rather, that Phila- 
 delphia has taken General Howe." This pre- 
 diction, if such it may be called, was verified 
 in the end. The conquest gained at the ex- 
 pense of a campaign, and with a considerable 
 loss of men, actually availed nothing. Phila- 
 delphia, fortified on the land side and guard- 
 ed by a formidable fleet in the river, afforded 
 to the British army a resting-place for eight 
 months. This was the whole fruit of the 
 bloodshed and victory. New York would 
 have afforded the same, without the trouble of 
 a campaign, and at much less cost. 
 
 The mimber of troops for the Continental 
 army, according to the new establishment 
 agreed upon by the committee of Congress at 
 Valley Forge, was to be about forty thousand 
 besides artillery and horse. When a council 
 of war was called, on the Sth of May, to con- 
 sider what measures should be adopted for fu- 
 ture operations, it was found, that the army, 
 including the detachments on the North River 
 and at other places, did not then exceed fifteen 
 thousand men, nor was it supposed that it 
 could soon be raised higher than twenty thou- 
 sand effective men. The number at Yalley 
 Forge was eleven thousand eight hundred. 
 The British army in New York and Philadel- 
 phia, as since ascertained from the adjutant's 
 
36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778, 
 
 returns, amounted to nearly thirty thousand, 
 of which number nineteen thousand five hun- 
 dred were in Philadelphia, and ten thousand 
 four hundred in New York. There were be- 
 sides three thousand seven hundred in Rhode 
 Island ; making the whole British army in the 
 middle and eastern States upwards of thirty- 
 three thousand. 
 
 These numbers are much larger than was 
 imagined by the council of war. They esti- 
 mated the enemy's force in Philadelphia at ten 
 thousand, in New York at four thousand, and 
 in Rhode Island at two thousand, besides cav- 
 alry and artillery. Upon this basis the ques- 
 tion was discussed, whether it was expedient 
 to take the field and act on the defensive, or 
 wait till the plans of the enemy should become 
 more obvious, and then be guided by circum- 
 stances. There was great unanimity in the 
 decision. To take the city by storm was im- 
 practicable without a vastly superior force ; 
 and equally so to carry it by siege or block- 
 ade, strongly fortified as it was by nature and 
 artificial works, and by vessels of war. Mili- 
 tia might be called out, but it was uncertain in 
 what numbers ; and, however numerous, they 
 could not be depended on for such an enter- 
 prise. In every view of the subject, there- 
 
iEx. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 
 
 fore, weighty objections presented themselves 
 against any scheme of offensive operations. 
 
 It was not long before affairs began to put 
 on a new aspect. From the intelligence com- 
 municated by spies, and from various indica- 
 tions, it was suspected, that the enemy were 
 preparing to evacuate Philadelphia. Sir Wil- 
 liam Howe, weary of a service in which he 
 found himself gradually losing the confidence 
 of his employers and supplying his enemies 
 with weapons to assail his reputation, and 
 thinking his honors dearly bought at such a 
 price, had asked to be recalled, and his request 
 was granted by the King. He was succeeded, 
 in the command of his Majesty's forces in 
 America, by Sir Henry Clinton, who had been 
 made knight of the order of the Bath during 
 the past year. The treaties between France 
 and the United States were regarded by the 
 court of Great Britain as a declaration of war 
 on the part of France, and caused a change in 
 the plans of the ministry for conducting the 
 contest in America. It was resolved to make 
 a sudden descent upon some of the French 
 possessions in the West Indies. To aid in ex- 
 ecuting this project. Sir Henry Clinton was 
 ordered to send five thousand men from his 
 army ; and also three thousand more to Flori- 
 da : and to withdraw the remainder to New 
 
 16 
 
38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 York. Another reason for this last movement 
 was the probabihty, that a French fleet would 
 soon appear at the mouth of the Delaware, and 
 thus blockade the shipping in that river, and 
 put in jeopardy the army, diminished as it 
 would be by the departure of the above de- 
 tachments. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton first intended to proceed 
 by water with his whole army to New York ; 
 but this was found impracticable for want of 
 transports. He therefore shipped his cavalry, 
 part of the German troops, the American loy- 
 alists, his provision train and heavy baggage, 
 on board such vessels as were in the river, and 
 prepared to march through New Jersey with 
 the main body of his army. 
 
 While these preparations were making with 
 as much secrecy as possible by the British 
 commander, Washington sent out from Valley 
 Forge a detachment of two thousand men un- 
 der the Marquis de Lafayette, the object of 
 which was to cover the country between the 
 Delaware and Schuylkill, to interrupt the com- 
 munication with Philadelphia, to obstruct the 
 incursions of the enemy's parties, and gain in- 
 telligence of their motions and designs. La- 
 fayette marched to Barren Hill, and, while 
 stationed there, a large part of the British army 
 came out by a forced march in the night, with 
 
iET.4.G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 39 
 
 the intention of attacking Iiim by surprise, and 
 cutting oft' his detachment. Owing to the 
 neghgence, disobedience, or treachery of a 
 picket guard, Lafayette was nearly surrounded 
 by the enemy before he was informed of their 
 approach ; but, by a very skilful manoeuvre, 
 quickly conceived and performed in a masterly 
 manner, he gained a ford and drew off his 
 whole detachment across the Schuylkill, with 
 the loss of only nine men killed and taken. 
 The enemy retreated to Philadelphia. 
 
 To obstruct the progress of the British 
 troops, in case they should take the route over 
 land to New York, General Maxwell was or- 
 dered to cross the Delaware with a brigade, 
 and to act in concert with General Dickinson, 
 who commanded the New Jersey militia. It 
 being more and more evident, that Su- Henry 
 Clinton was preparing to move by land, the 
 opinion of the general officers was required, as 
 to the operations in consequence of that event. 
 The principal point to be considered was, 
 whether the army should pursue the British, 
 fall upon their rear, and bring on an engage- 
 ment. Opinions weve various ; but nearly all 
 the officers were opposed to an attack, on ac- 
 count of the superiority of the enemy in force 
 and discipline. General Lee, who had been 
 exchanged, and had recently joined the army. 
 
40 LIFE OF WASHliNGTOJN, [1778. 
 
 argued veliemeiitly against such a step. Some 
 of the officers agreed with him ; others, who 
 were unwiUing to advise a general action, 
 thought that the enemy should at any rate be 
 harassed in their march, and that an engage- 
 ment, though not to be sought, should not be 
 avoided if circumstances rendered it expedient. 
 The news of the evacuation of Philadelphia, 
 which took place in the morning of the ISth 
 of June, was received while the subject was 
 still under discussion. General Arnold, who 
 had not yet entirely recovered from the wound 
 he received at Saratoga, was ordered to march 
 with a small detachment into the city, and to 
 retain the command there. General Lee and 
 General Wayne, each at the head of a division, 
 took the road to Coryell's Ferry, with orders 
 to halt on the first strong ground after passing 
 the river. Washington followed, and in six 
 days the whole army had crossed the Dela- 
 ware, and arrived at Hopewell, five miles from 
 Princeton. Detachments in the mean time 
 had been sent to impede the enemy's march. 
 Morgan's corps of six hundred men was order- 
 ed to gain their right flank, Maxwell's brig- 
 ade to hang on their left, and General Scott, 
 with fifteen hundred chosen troops, to gall their 
 left flank and rear. To these were joined the 
 New Jersey militia under General Dickinson, 
 
^T. 4(1.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 
 
 and a party of volunteers from Pennsylvania 
 commanded by General Cadwalader, 
 
 After the British had crossed the river and 
 landed at Gloucester Point, they marched by 
 the way of Haddonneld and Mount Holly, and 
 moved on slowly till they came to Crosswicks 
 and Allen Town, Being encumbered with a 
 long train, of wagons and bat-horses, and con- 
 fined to a single road, their line extended near- 
 ly twelve miles. It was necessary, also, to 
 stop and build bridges over every stream and 
 the marshy ground, as the bridges had all been 
 destroyed by the Americans. These interrup- 
 tions retarded their progress. Nor was it till 
 he reached Allen Town, that Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton decided what direction he should take from 
 that place. It was his first purpose to proceed to 
 the Rariton, and embark his troops at Brunswic 
 or South Amboy for New York. But, finding 
 Washington almost in his front, and deeming 
 it imprudent to hazard a battle while his army 
 was so much encumbered, and on such ground 
 as his antagonist might choose, he turned to 
 the right, and took the road leading to Mon- 
 mouth and Sandy Hook. 
 
 At this time Washington's army had ad- 
 vanced to Kingston. In a council of war, 
 convened at Hopewell, the question was again 
 discussed, as to the mode of attacking the en- 
 
42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 emy. Sir Henry Clinton's force was supposed 
 to consist of nine or ten thousand effective 
 men. The Continental troops under Washing- 
 ton amounted to a little over twelve thousand ; 
 and there were about thirteen hundred militia. 
 General Lee still persisted in the same senti- 
 ments as at first ; and, as he was now next in 
 rank to the Commander-in-chief, and an officer 
 of long experience, his opinions and arguments 
 had great weight in the council. He seemed 
 averse to any kind of interference with the 
 enemy j but he acceded to a proposal, in 
 which he was joined by five others, that fif- 
 teen hundred men should be sent to hang on 
 their rear. Six general officers, namely, Greene, 
 Lafayette, Steuben, Wayne, Duportail, and 
 Paterson, were for sending twenty-five hun- 
 dred men, or at least two thousand, which 
 should be followed by the main army at such 
 a distance as to ajfford support, if it should be 
 necessary. It v/as clearly the wish of these 
 officers to draw the enem.y into a general en- 
 gagement, if it could be done under fai^orable 
 circumstances. Indeed Greene, Lafayette, and 
 Wayne declared their sentiments to this effect 
 in writing. 
 
 Thus embarrassed with the divided opinions 
 of his officers, Washington had a delicate part 
 to act. There can be no doubt, how^ever, that 
 
iEx. 4«.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 
 
 his own judgment strongly inclined him to 
 seek an engagement, from the time he left 
 Valley Forge. The reputation of the army, 
 and the expectation of the country, in his 
 view required it ; and he believed the chances 
 of success at least sufficient to authorize the 
 attempt. After the council at Hopewell, there- 
 fore, he asked no further advice, but proceeded 
 on his individual responsibility. He immedi- 
 ately ordered a detachment of one thousand 
 men under General Wayne to join the troops 
 already neai' the enemy, and gave to General 
 Lafayette the command of all the advanced 
 parties, amounting now to about three thou- 
 sand eight hundred men, including militia. 
 
 In his instructions to Lafayette he said ; 
 " You are to use the most effectual means for 
 gaining the enemy's left flank, and giving 
 every degree of annoyance. For these pur- 
 poses you will attack them as occasion may 
 require by detachment, and, if a proper open- 
 ing should be given, by operating against 
 them with your whole command." Foresee- 
 ing that these orders, executed Vv^th the spirit 
 and ardor which characterized Lafayette, would 
 soon lead to an action with a large part of the 
 enemy's force, Washington prepared to sus- 
 tain the advanced division, keeping within a 
 distance proper for that purpose. 
 
44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773 
 
 General Lee's seniority of rank entitled him 
 to the command of all the advanced detach- 
 ments J but, disapproving the plans of the 
 Commander-in-chief and believing they would 
 fail, he volnntarily yielded his claims to La- 
 fayette. ' After this arrangement had been 
 made with Washington's consent, and Lafa- 
 yette had marched towards the enemy, Lee 
 changed his mind and applied to be reinstated. 
 As Lafayette could not with any degree of 
 justice or propriety be recalled, Washington 
 resorted to an expedient, which he hoped 
 would preserve harmony, although it might 
 not be entirely satisfactory to either of the 
 parties. He put Lee at the head of two addi- 
 tional brigades, with orders to join the advanc- 
 ed detachments, when he would of course 
 have the command of the whole ; but direct- 
 ed him at the same time to give Lafayette 
 notice of his approach, and to afford him all 
 the assistance in his power for prosecuting any 
 enterprise, which he might already have un- 
 dertaken or planned. He wrote also to La- 
 fayette, explaining the dilemma into which he 
 was thrown by the vacillating conduct of 
 General Lee, and expressing a conviction that 
 he would cheerfully acquiesce in a measure, 
 which the exigency of the occasion rendered 
 necessary. 
 
^T.4C.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOJ^T. 45 
 
 While the main army moved forward to 
 Cranberry, ajid the advanced parlies were hov- 
 ering around the enemy's flanks and rear, Sir 
 Henry CUnton changed the disposition of his 
 line, placing the baggage train in front, and 
 his best troops in the rear. With his army 
 thus arranged, he encamped in a strong posi- 
 tion near Monmouth Court-House, secured on 
 nearly all sides by woods and marshy grounds. 
 This was his situation on the morning of the 
 2Sth of June. Washington was at this time 
 six or seven miles distant, and, receiving intel- 
 ligence at five o'clock, that the enemy's front 
 had begun to march, he instantly put the army 
 in motion, and sent orders to General Lee by 
 one of his aids to move on and commence the 
 attack, " unless there should be very powerful 
 reasons to the contrary," acquainting him at 
 the same time, that he should come up as soon 
 as possible to his support. 
 
 After marching about five miles, he was 
 surprised and mortified to learn, that the whole 
 of Lee's division, amounting to five thousand 
 men, was by his orders retreating, without 
 having "made any opposition except one fire 
 from a party, which had been charged by the 
 enemy's cavalry. The situation was the more 
 critical and alarming, as General Lee had giv- 
 en no notice of his retreat, but was marching 
 
 16q 
 
46 LIFE OF WASHir-^GTO?J, [177a 
 
 his troops into the face of the rear division, 
 thus running the hazard of throwing all parts 
 of the army into confusion at the moment 
 when the enemy were pressing upon him with 
 unimpeded force. * 
 
 Washington rode immediately to the rear of 
 the retreating division, where he found General 
 Lee, and, accosting him with a warmth in his 
 language and manner, which showed his dis- 
 appointment and displeasure, he ordered the 
 troops to be formed and brouglit into action. 
 Lee promptly obeyed, and with some difficulty 
 the order of battle was restored in time to 
 
 * Lee had manoeuvred near tho enemy for some time 
 with the apparent intention of attacking them. While 
 thus engaged, a party of British troops moved towards 
 his right flank, and so placed itself tliat Lafayette thought 
 a fair opportunity offered for cutting it off. He rode 
 quickly up to Lee, and asked liim if an attack could not 
 be advantageously made in that quarter. " Sir," replied 
 Lee, "you do not know British soldiers ; we cannot stand 
 against them ; we shall certainly be driven "back at first, 
 and we must be cautious." Lafayette answered, that it 
 might be so, but British soldiers had been beaten, and it 
 was to be presumed tliey might bo beaten again, and at 
 any rate he was for making the trial. Soon afterwards 
 one of Washington's aid.' arrived for intelligence, and, as 
 he was returning, Lafayette desired him to say to the 
 General, that his presence at the scene of action was 
 extremely important. Before this message reached him, 
 the retreat had begun. 
 
Mt.46.] life of WASHINGTON. 47 
 
 check the advance of the enemy before the 
 other division came up. 
 
 A disposition of the left wing and second 
 line of the army was then made on an emi- 
 nence, and partly in a wood, covered by a mo- 
 rass in front. This wing was commanded by 
 Lord Stirling, who placed some batteries of 
 cannon in such a manner as to play upon the 
 enemy with great effect, and, aided by parties 
 of infantry, to put a stop to their advance in 
 that direction. General Greene commanded 
 the right wing, and on the march he had been 
 ordered to file off and take a road, which would 
 bring him upon the enemy's flank. On hear- 
 ing of the retreat he marched up and took a 
 very advantageous position on the right. Be- 
 ing warmly opposed in front, the enemy at- 
 tempted next to turn the American left flank, 
 but were repulsed and driven back ; and a 
 similar movement to the right was equally un- 
 successful, as they were bravely met by the 
 troops with artillery under General Greene. 
 In the mean time General Wayne advanced 
 with a body of infantry, and kept up so hot 
 and well-directed a fire upon the enemy's front, 
 that they retired behind a marshy ravine to the 
 ground which they had occupied at the begin- 
 ning of the engagement. 
 
 In this situation both their flanks were se- 
 
48 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN. ' [1778i 
 
 cured by woods and morasses, and they could 
 be approached in front only through a narrow- 
 pass. Two bodies of troops were ordered to 
 move round and gain their right and left, while 
 the artillery should gall them in front. Be- 
 fore these movements could be effected, night 
 came on and put an end to the action. In- 
 tending to renew the contest in the morning, 
 Washington directed all the troops to lie upon 
 their arms' in the places where they happened 
 to be stationed at dark. Wrapped in his cloak, 
 he passed the night on the field of battle in 
 the midst of his soldiers. But, when the 
 morning dawned, no enemy was to be seen. 
 Sir Henry Clinton had silently withdrawn his 
 troops during the night, and followed his bag- 
 gage train on the road leading to Middletown. 
 Ashe would have gained commanding ground, 
 where he might choose his own position, be- 
 fore he could be overtaken, and as the troops 
 had suffered exceedingly from the intense heat 
 of the weather and fatigue, it was not thought 
 expedient to continue the pursuit. 
 
 This battle, though it can hardly be said to 
 have resulted in a victory, was nevertheless 
 honorable to the American arms, and, after the 
 inauspicious retreat of the first division, was 
 fought with skill and bravery. It was proba- 
 bly in all respects as successful as Washington 
 
^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49 
 
 had hoped. Congress passed a unanimous vote 
 of thanks to the Commander and the arm 7. 
 
 Four British officers and two hundred and 
 forty-five privates were left dead on the field, 
 and were buried by the Americans. It appear- 
 ed that others Avere likewise buried by the en- 
 emy, making the whole number of killed 
 nearly three hundred. The American loss 
 was sixty-nine killed. Several soldiers on both 
 sides are s.aid to have died in consequence of 
 the extreme heat of the day, and it is probable 
 that the number of Americans reported as 
 killed does not include all that died from this 
 3ause. 
 
 But the loss of Sir Henry CHnton in battle 
 made but a small part of the diminution of his 
 army while marching through Jersey. One 
 hundred were taken prisoners, and more than 
 six hundred deserters arrived in Philadelphia 
 within three weeks from the time he left it, 
 being drawn thither chiefly by the attachments 
 they had formed during eight months' resi- 
 dence in the ci,ty. Others also escaped into 
 the country while on the march ; so that the 
 army, when it reached New York, had suffered 
 a reduction of at least twelve hundred men. 
 
 After the action. Sir Henry Clinton proceed- 
 ed to Sandy Hook, where Lord Howe's fleet, 
 having come round from the Delaware, was in 
 
 VOL. II. 4 
 
50 LIFE OF 
 
 Vv'ASHIKGTON 
 
 
 f 
 
 [177S. 
 
 readiness to 
 
 convey 
 
 the troops to 
 
 New 
 
 York. 
 
 Washington 
 
 marched to Hudson's River 
 
 cross- 
 
 ed at King's 
 
 Ferry, 
 
 and encamped 
 
 near 
 
 White 
 
 Plains. 
 
 
 
 
 
 The pride of General Lee was wounded by 
 the language, which V/ashington used when 
 ho met him retreating. The day after the ac- 
 tion, Lee wrote a letter to Washington, con- 
 taining expressions, which no officer could 
 with propriety address to his superior. This 
 was answered in a tone, tliat rather tended to 
 increase than soothe his irritation, and he re- 
 plied in terms still more offensive. In a sub- 
 sequent note, written the same day, he request- 
 ed that his case might be referred to a court- 
 martial. He was accordingly put in arrest, 
 under three charges ; first, disobedience of or- 
 ders in not attacking the enemy, agreeably to 
 repeated- instructions ; secondly, misbehavior 
 before the enemy, in making an unnecessary, 
 disorderly, and shameful retreat ; thirdly, dis- 
 respect to the Commander-in-chief in two let- 
 ters written after the action. A court-martial 
 was summoned, which sat from time to time 
 for three weeks while the army was on its 
 march ; and finally declared their opinion, that 
 General Lee was guilty of all the charges, and 
 sentenced him to bo suspended from all com- 
 mand in the armv of the United States for the 
 
^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 
 
 terra of twelve months. In the written opin- 
 ion of the court, the second charge was mod- 
 ified by omitting the word " shameful " ; but 
 in all other respects the charges were allowed 
 to be sustained by the testimony. Congress 
 approved the sentence. General Lee left the 
 army, and never joined it again. He died four 
 years afterwards in Philadelphia. * 
 
 * Soon after General Lee rejoined the army at Valley 
 Forge, a curious incident occurred. By an order of Con- 
 gress, General Washington was required to administer 
 tlie oath of allegiance to the general officers. The ma- 
 jor-generals stood around Washington, and took hold of 
 a Bible together according to the usual custom ; but, just 
 as he began to administer the oatli, Lee deliberately 
 witiidrew his hand twice. This movement was so singu- 
 lar, and was performed in so odd a manner, that the offi- 
 cers smiled, and Washington inquired the meaning of his 
 hesitancy. Lee replied, "As to King George, I am 
 ready enough to absolve myself from all allegiance to him, 
 but I have some scruples about the Prince of Wales." 
 The strangeness of this reply was such, that the officers 
 burst into a broad laugh, and even Washington could not 
 refi'ain from a smile. The ceremony was of course in- 
 terrupted. It was renewed as scon as a composure was 
 restored proper for the solemnity of the occasion, and 
 Lee took the oath with the other -officers. Connected 
 vv-ith tlie subsequent conduct of General Lee, this inci- 
 dent was thought by some, who were acquainted with it, 
 to have a deeper meaning than at first appeared, and to 
 indicate a less ardent and fixed patriotism towards the 
 United States, than was consistent with the rank and 
 professions of the second officer in the command of the 
 American forces 
 
52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Arrival of the French Fleet under Count d'Estaing. — Plans for 
 combined Operations between the Fleet and the American Ar- 
 my. — Failure of an Attempt against the Enemy at Rhode 
 Island. — Cantonments of the Army for the Winter. — Exchange 
 of Prisoners. — Congress. — Project of an Expedition to Canada. 
 
 Before the army crossed the Hudson, Gen- 
 eral Washington heard of the arrival of Count 
 d'Estaing on the coast with a French fleet, 
 consisting of twelve ships of the line and four 
 frigates. The admiral touched at the Capes 
 of the Delaware, where he was informed of 
 the evacuation of Philadelphia, and, after de- 
 spatching up the river one of his frigates, on 
 board of which was M. Gerard, the first min- 
 ister from France to the United States, he 
 sailed for Sandy Hook. No time was lost by 
 General Washington in sending him a letter 
 of congratulation, and proposing to cooperate 
 with him in carrying any plans into execution, 
 which might be. concerted for attacking the 
 enemy. Colonel Laurens, one of his aids-de- 
 camp, was the bearer of this letter, to whom 
 the Count was referred for such information as 
 he might wish to obtain. When it was known 
 that the fleet had arrived at the Hook, Colonel 
 
iET.4G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 
 
 Hamilton, another confidential aid, was sent 
 on board accompanied by four skilful pilots, 
 and instructed to explain the General's views 
 fully to Count d'Estaing. 
 
 If it should be found practicable for the 
 French vessels to pass the bar, and engage the 
 British fleet then at anchor within the Hook, 
 it was supposed a simultaneous attack on the 
 land side might be made to advantage ; and 
 indeed not without a prospect of very fortu- 
 nate results, if the French should be able by 
 a naval victory to enter the harbor and ascend 
 to the city. These hopes were soon dissipated 
 by the unanimous opinion of the pilots, that 
 there was not suflicient depth of water to ad- 
 mit Count d'Estaing's heavy ships over the 
 bar, and by their refusal to take the responsi- 
 bility of attempting to conduct them through 
 the channel. 
 
 The only enterprise, that now remained, 
 was an attack on the enemy at Rhode Island, 
 where six thousand British troops were sta- 
 tioned, chiefly in garrison at Nev.^port, and pro- 
 tected by a few small vessels, batteries, and 
 strong intrenchments. The French squadron 
 departed for that place, without being molest- 
 ed by Lord Howe, whose force was not such 
 as to encourage him to go out and give battle. 
 Anticipating the French admiral's determina- 
 
54 LIFE OF VvASniNGTON. [1778. 
 
 tion, Washington ])re pared to lend all the aid 
 in his power to make it effectna). General 
 Sullivan was already in Providence, at the 
 head of a considerable body of Continental 
 troops ; and he was ordered to apply to the 
 States of Hhode Isl-^tnd, Massachusetts, and 
 Connecticut, for militia enough to augment his 
 force to at least five thousand men. A de- 
 tachment of two brigades marched from the 
 main army under Lafayette, who was followed 
 by General Greene. The events of this ex- 
 pedition do not fall within the limits of the 
 present narrative. Various causes contributed 
 to its failure, by defeating the combined action 
 of the land and naval forces. Count d'Estaing's 
 fleet, after leaving Newport, was so much crip- 
 pled by a tremendous storm, and a partial en- 
 gagement at sea, that he put in to the harbor 
 of Boston to refit, where he remained till No- 
 vember. 
 
 The disagreements, which unhappily exist- 
 ed between the American and French officers 
 at Rhode Island, gave the deepest concern to 
 Washington. In a letter to Lafayette, who 
 had communicated the particulars, he lament- 
 ed it as a misfortune, which might end in a 
 serious injury to the public interest ; and he 
 endeavored to assuage the rising animosity of 
 
55 
 
 ^T.4G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the parties by counsels equally creditable to 
 his feelings as a man and to' his patriotism. 
 
 To Count d'Estaing he wrote in language 
 not' less delicate and conciliatory, nor less fitted 
 to remove unfavorable impressions. 
 
 In compliance with the order from the min- 
 istry given early in the season, Sir Henry 
 CUnton detached five thousand men to the 
 West Indies and three thousand to Florida; 
 but there was much delay in fitting out these 
 expeditions, and the troops did not actually 
 sail 'till near the end of October. Lord Howe^s 
 fleet in the mean time had been reinforced by 
 a squadron from Europe. As neither the or- 
 ders nor the plans of the British general were 
 Iniown, it was conjectured that he might have 
 in view a stroke upon Count d'Estaing's fleet 
 in Boston harbor, and perhaps an attack upon 
 that town. It is probable, also, that General 
 CUnton gave a currency to rumors of this sort, 
 for the purpose of diverting the attention of 
 the Americans from his real objects. A report 
 gained credit, believed to have come from 
 good authority, that New York was to be 
 evacuated. Washington suspected the true 
 origin of this rumor, and could not persuade 
 himself that an eastern expedition was intend- 
 ed ] yet the public impression xiiCi the convic- 
 tion of some of his officers vf ere so strong, as 
 
 L^ 
 
 _J 
 
56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778 
 
 to its reality, that he took measures to guard 
 against it. 
 
 He established his head-quarters at Freder- 
 icksburg, thirty miles from West Point, near 
 the borders of Connecticut, and sent forward 
 a division under General Gates to Danbury. 
 The roads were repaired as far as Hartford, to 
 facilitate the march of the troops, and three 
 brigades were despatched to that place. Gen- 
 eral Gates went to Boston, and took command 
 of the eastern department, as successor to Gen- 
 eral Heath. These operations kept the army 
 employed on the east side of the Hudson more 
 than four months, till it was finally ascertain- 
 ed that the enemy had no designs in that di- 
 rection. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton took care to profit by 
 this diversion of the American army. Forag- 
 ing parties passed over to New Jersey, and 
 ravaged the country. One of these parties at- 
 tacked Baylor's dragoons in the night, at a 
 short distance from Tappan, rushing upon 
 them with the bayonet, and committing indis- 
 criminate slaughter. A similar assault was 
 made upon Pulaski's legion at Egg Harbor. 
 Both these adventures were attended with 
 such acts of cruelty on the part of the enemy, 
 as are seldom practised in civilized warfare. 
 And they were not less impolitic than cruel, 
 
/Et. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 57 
 
 being regarded with universal indignation and 
 horror by the people, and exciting a spirit of 
 hatred and revenge, which would necessarily 
 react in one form or another upon their foes. 
 In fact this point of policy was strangely mis- 
 understood by the British, or more strangely 
 perverted, at every stage of the contest. They 
 had many friends in the country, whom it was 
 their interest to retain, and they professed a 
 desire to conciliate others; yet they burned 
 and destroyed towns, villages, and detached 
 farm-houses, plundered the inhabitants without 
 distinction, and brought down the savages with 
 the tomahawk and scalping-knife upon the de- 
 fenceless frontier settlements, marking their 
 course in every direction with murder, desola- 
 tion, and ruin. The ministry approved and 
 encouraged these atrocities, flattering them- 
 selves that the people would sink under their 
 sufferings, bewail their unhappy condition, be- 
 come tired of the war, and compel their lead- 
 ers to seek an accommodation. The effect 
 was directly the contrary in every instance. 
 The people knew their rights, and had the 
 common feelings of humanity ; and, when the 
 former were wantonly invaded and the latter 
 outraged, it was natural that their passions 
 should be inflamed, and that they who were 
 at first pacifically inclined should be roused to 
 
58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 resistance and retaliation. If the British cab- 
 inet had aimed to defeat its own objects' and 
 to consohdate the American people into a 
 miited phalanx of opposition, it could not have 
 chosen or pursued more effectual methods. 
 
 The campaign being closed, General Wash- 
 ington prepared to put the army into winter 
 quarters. Nine brigades were stationed on the 
 west side of Hudson's River, exclusive of the 
 garrison at West Point. One of these was 
 near Smith's Clove, where it could serve as a 
 reinforcement to West " Point, should this be 
 necessary ; one at Elizabethtown ; and the 
 other seven at Middlebrook, which place was 
 likewise selected for head-quarters. Six brig- 
 ades were cantoned on the cast side of the 
 Hudson and at West Point as follows ; one at 
 West Point, two at the Continental Village, a 
 post between FislikiU and West Point, and 
 three in the vicinity of Danbury hi Connecti- 
 cut. The artillery was at Pluckemin. A line 
 of cantonments was thus formed around New 
 York from Long Island Sound to the Dela- 
 ware, so disposed as to afford security to the 
 country, and to reinforce each other in case of 
 an excursion of the enemy to any particular 
 point. The other important objects intended 
 by this disposition were the comfort, discipline, 
 and easy subsistence of the troops. General 
 
iET. 46.] 
 
 LIFE OF WiVSHlNGTON. 
 
 59 
 
 Putnam commanded at Danbury, and General 
 M^'Dougall in the Highlands. In the expecta- 
 tion that the British detachments, which sailed 
 from New York, might act in the winter against 
 South Carolina and Georgia, General Lincoln 
 was sent by order of Congress to take the 
 command of the southern department. 
 
 The four regiments of cavalry were widely 
 separated ; one being at Winchester in Virgin- 
 ia, another at Frederic in Maryland, a third at 
 Lancaster in Pennsylvania, and a fourth at 
 Durham in Connecticut. These cantonments 
 were chosen apparently Math a view to the 
 convenience of procuring forage. 
 
 The exchange of prisoners continued to be 
 a troublesome and perplexing subject. Ar- 
 rangements had been made with Sir William 
 Howe, before he left Philadelphia, by which 
 exchanges to a certain extent had been effect- 
 ed. But new difliculties arose in regard to 
 what were called the Convention Troops. Al- 
 though Congress had ratified the convention 
 of Saratoga, yet for various reasons they did 
 not permit Burgoyne's army to embark for 
 Europe according to the terms of that conven- 
 tion. Washington had no concern with this 
 affair, except to execute the orders of Congress. 
 These troops being thus retained in the coun- 
 try, it was finally agreed, on the part of the 
 
60 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778 
 
 British commander, that they should be ex- 
 changed for American prisoners in his hands. 
 But the conditions prescribed by Congress 
 were such, that it was a long time before the 
 object was attained. They proposed that offi- 
 cers of equal rank should first be exchanged ; 
 next, superior officers for an equivalent num- 
 ber of inferior ; and if, after all the officers of 
 the enemy should be exchanged, there should 
 still be a surplus of American officers among 
 the prisoners, they were to be exchanged for 
 an equivalent number of privates of the con- 
 vention troops. 
 
 This principle was objected to by Sir Hen- 
 ry Clinton on two grounds; first, it separated 
 the officers from the corps to which they were 
 attached ; and, secondly, it gave an advantage 
 to the Americans, inasmuch as their officers 
 could go immediately into active service, 
 whereas the British officers must remain idle 
 till the privates constituting the corps to which 
 they belonged should be released. Congress 
 did not choose to relax from their resolves, and 
 the business of exchange was a perpetual 
 source of vexation. In short, the interests of 
 the two parties were so much at variance, that 
 it was not easy to reconcile them. The diffi- 
 culty of procuring soldiers in Europe, and the 
 great expense of bringing them over and 
 
^T. 4G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 61 
 
 maintaining them, rendered every man of vast- 
 ly more importance to the British army, than 
 in the American ranks, which could be filled 
 up with militia when the occasion required. 
 Hence the British general was always extreme- 
 ly solicitous to procure the exchange of his 
 private soldiers, and Congress equally averse 
 to gratifying him in this point. There was 
 another reason, which operated with consider- 
 able weight on both sides. The British pris- 
 oners were mostly German troops, who had no 
 affection for the cause in which they were en- 
 gaged, and who, while in the country under a 
 loose system of military discipline, had many 
 facilities and temptations to^ .sert. 
 
 There was another causfe of anxiety in the 
 breast of Washington, which began now to be 
 felt more seriously than at any former period 
 of the war. The men of talents and influ- 
 ence, who had taken the lead and combined 
 their strength in raising the standard of inde- 
 pendence, had gradually withdrawn from Con- 
 gress, till that body was left small in number, 
 and comparatively feeble in counsels and re- 
 source. For the year past, the number of del- 
 egates present had seldom averaged over thir- 
 ty, and sometimes it was under twenty-five. 
 Whole States were frequently unrepresented ; 
 and indeed it was seldom, that every State was 
 
 17 
 
62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 SO fully represented as to entitle it to a vote. 
 And at no time were private jealousies and 
 party feuds more rife or mischievous in their 
 effects. These symptoms were alarming to 
 every true friend of his country, who reflected 
 on their tendency, and they filled the rhind of 
 Washington with deep concern. To those, 
 in whom he had confidence, he laid open his 
 fears, and endeavored to awaken a sense of the 
 public danger. 
 
 The conquest of Canada was always a fa- 
 vorite project with Congress ; and at this time, 
 when the British forces were divided by being 
 employed against the French in the West In- 
 dies, it was thought that a good opportunity 
 offered itself for turning the arms of the United 
 States against that province. After the termi* 
 nation of the affair at Long Island, the Mar- 
 quis de Lafayette went to Philadelphia, and 
 obtained a furlough from Congress, with the 
 intention of returning to France on a short 
 visit. In concert with him a plan was formed 
 of an attack on Canada, which was to be the 
 principal object of the ensuing campaign, and 
 the basis of which was a cooperation with a 
 French fleet and army. Lafayette was to have 
 full instructions for arranging the matter with 
 the court of Versailles, aided by the counsel 
 
Mr. 46.} LIFE OF Wx\.S IIIxXGTON. 63 
 
 and support of Dr. Franklin, then the Ameri- 
 can plenipotentiary in France. 
 
 The plan was on a very large scale. At- 
 tacks were to be made by the American army 
 at three points far distant from each other, 
 namely, Detroit, Niagara, and by way of the 
 Connccticnt River ; while a French fleet should 
 ascend the St, Lawrence, with four or five 
 thousand troops, and act against Quebec. The 
 scheme was discussed, matured, and approved 
 with much unanimity in Congress, and then 
 sent to Washington with the request that he 
 would communicate his sentiments. He re- 
 plied in a long despatch, entering minutely into 
 the subject, and showing that the plan was im- 
 practicable ; that it required resources in troops 
 and money, which were not to be had ; that it 
 would involve Congress in engagements to 
 their ally, which it would be impossible to ful- 
 fil ; and that it was in itself so extensive and 
 complicated, as to hold out no reasonable hope 
 of success, even with all the requisite means 
 of pursuing it. 
 
 Such was his opinion in a military view. 
 But the subject presented itself to him in an- 
 other aspect, in which he thought it deserved 
 special consideration. Canada formerly be- 
 longed to France, and had been severed from 
 her in a manner, which, if not humiliating to 
 
64 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 her pride, contributed nothing to her glory. 
 Would she not be eager to recover this lost 
 province ? If it should be conquered with her 
 aid, would she not claim it at the peace as 
 rightfully belonging to her, and be able to ad- 
 vance plausible reasons for such a demand ? 
 Would not the acquisition itself hold out a 
 strong temptation ? The territory abounded 
 in supplies for the use of her Islands, it opened 
 a wide field of commerce with the Indian na- 
 tions, it would give her the command of posts 
 on this^ continent independent of the precari- 
 ous good will of an ally, it would put her in a 
 condition to engross the whole trade of New- 
 foundland, and above all, it would afford her 
 facilities for awing and controlling the United 
 States, " the natural and most formidable rival 
 of every maritime power in Europe." He 
 added, " France, acknowledged for some time 
 past the most powerful monarchy in Europe 
 by land, able now to dispute the empire of the 
 sea with Great Britain, and, if joined with 
 Spain, I may say, certainly superior, possessed 
 of New Orleans on our right, Canada on our 
 left, and seconded by the numerous tribes of 
 Indians in our rear from one extremity to the 
 other, a people so generally friendly to her, 
 and whom she knows so well how to concil- 
 iate, would, it is much to be apprehended, 
 
.Ex. 4G] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 65 
 
 have it in her power to give law to these 
 States." 
 
 These sentiments, he said, did not grow out 
 of any distrust of the good faith of France in 
 the alliance she had formed. On the contrary, 
 he was willing to entertain and cherish the 
 most favorable impressions, in regard to her 
 motives and aims. "Bat," he added again, 
 " it is a maxim founded on the universal ex- 
 perience of mankind, that no nation is to be 
 trusted further than it is bound by its interest ; 
 and no prudent statesman or politician will 
 venture to depart from it. In our circumstan- 
 ces we ought to be particularly cautious ; for 
 we have not yet attained sufficient vigor and 
 maturity to recover from the shock of any false 
 step, into which we may unwarily fall. If 
 France should even engage in the scheme, in 
 the first instance, with the purest intentions, 
 there is the greatest danger, that, in the pro- 
 gress of the business, invited to it by circum- 
 stances, and perhaps urged on by the solicita- 
 tions and wishes of the Canadians, she would 
 alter her views." In short, allowing all his 
 apprehensions to be unfounded, he v/as still 
 reluctant to multiply national obligations, or to 
 give to any foreign power claims of merit for 
 services performed beyond what was absolute- 
 ly indispensable. 
 
 VOL. II. 5 
 
66 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 The observations and reasonings of the 
 Commander-in-chief were so far operative on 
 Congress, as to induce them at once to narrow 
 their scheme, though not entirely to give it up. 
 They participated in the general opinion, that 
 the war with France would necessarily employ 
 the British fleet and troops in other parts of the 
 world, and that they would soon evacuate the 
 towns on the seacoast of the United States. 
 In this event, they thought an expedition 
 against Canada should still be the object of the 
 campaign, and that preparations should accor- 
 dingly be made. They requested General 
 Washington to write to Dr. Franklin, and to the 
 Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at Boston, 
 ready to depart for Europe, and state to them 
 such details as might be laid before the French 
 court, in order that eventual measures might 
 be taken for cooperation in case an armament 
 should be sent to Quebec from France. The 
 plan in this shape, however, was not more sat- 
 isfactory to him, than in its original form. He 
 saw no reason for supposing the British would 
 evacuate the States, and he believed a system 
 of operations built upon that basis would fail. 
 At any rate he was not prepared to hazard the 
 responsibility of drawing the French govern- 
 ment mto a measure so full of uncertainty, 
 and depending on so many contingencies. 
 
iET.46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 67 
 
 The army being now in winter quarters, and 
 his presence with it not being essential, he 
 suggested the expediency of a personal inter- 
 view with the members of Congress, in which 
 his sentiments could be more fully explained 
 than by writing. This proposition was ap- 
 proved. He arrived in Philadelphia on the 
 24th of December, and, after several discus- 
 sions between him and a committee of Con- 
 gress, the Canada scheme was wholly laid 
 aside. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact, as connected with 
 the above suspicions on political grounds, that 
 the French government was decidedly opposed 
 to an expedition against Canada. The French 
 minister in the United States was instructed, 
 before he left France, not to favor any projects 
 of conquest ; and it was the policy of the 
 court of Versailles, that Canada and Nova 
 Scotia should remain in the power of Great 
 Britain. The reasons for this policy may not 
 be obvious ; but the fact is unquestionable. 
 It is to be considered, however, that France 
 had by treaty pledged herself to carry on the 
 war, till the independence of the United States 
 should be secured ; but she had not engaged 
 to fight for conquests, nor for the extension of 
 the territories of the United States beyond 
 their original limits. Such an engagement 
 
68 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 
 
 would have bound her to continue the war in- 
 definitely, with no other object than to gratify 
 the ambition or enmity of her ally, while every 
 motive of interest and of national honor might 
 prompt her to seek for peace. It was evident, 
 too, that the pride of England, humbled by 
 conceding the independence of her revolted 
 colonies, would never brook the severance of 
 her other provinces by the direct agency of 
 France. All conquests thus made, therefore, 
 would perplex the negotiations for peace, and 
 might involve France in a protracted war, 
 without the least prospect of advantage to her- 
 self. Hence she resolved to adhere strictly to 
 her pledge in the treaty of alliance. But, al- 
 though the French minister in America was 
 instructed not to hold out encouragement of 
 cooperation in plans of conquest, yet he was at 
 the same time directed not to throw any obsta- 
 cles in the way ; thus leaving the United States 
 to decide and act for themselves. Should they 
 gain conquests by their own strength, these 
 might reasonably be claimed by them in a 
 treaty of peace, without embarrassing the re- 
 lations between France and England. 
 
^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for the 
 next Campaign. — Sullivan's Expedition against the Indians. — 
 The Enemy commence a predatory Warfare. — The Burning of 
 New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk. — Stony Point stormed 
 and taken. — Successful Enterprise against Paulus Hook. — 
 Washington's Interviews with the French Minister. — Plans 
 proposed for cooperating with Count d'Estaing. — The Army 
 goes into Winter Quarters. — Depreciation of the Currency, 
 and its Effects. 
 
 General Washington remained in Phila- 
 delphia about five weeks, holding conferences 
 with a committee of Congress, and making ar- 
 rangements for the campaign of 1779. He 
 suggested three plans, with remarks on the 
 mode of executing them, and the probable re- 
 sult of each. The first plan had in view an 
 attempt to drive the enemy from their posts on 
 the seacoast ; the second, an attack on Niagara, 
 and an offensive position in that quarter ; and, 
 by the third, it was proposed to hold the army 
 entirely on the defensive, except such opera- 
 tions as would be necessary to chastise the In- 
 dians, who had committed depredations on the 
 frontiers during the past year, and who, em- 
 boldened by success, might be expected to re- 
 peat their ravages. 
 
 After mature deliberation, and taking into 
 
 Hq 
 
70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 
 
 the account the exhausted state of the country 
 m regard both to pecuniary resources and sup- 
 pHes for an army, it was decided to adopt the 
 third plan as the best suited to circumstances, 
 the least expensive, and perhaps the most ben- 
 e^cial in its ultimate efl'ects. It would afford 
 an opportunity to retrench the heavy charges 
 of the war, and to pursue a system of economy 
 imperiously demanded by the financial embar- 
 rassments in which Congress had become in- 
 volved, and thus enable them to do something 
 for the relief of public credit, and for restoring 
 the value of the currency, which was fast 
 sinking into disrepute, unsettling prices, and 
 threatening ruin to almost every branch of in- 
 dustry. It would also give repose to the coun- 
 try, and, by leaving a larger lunnber of labor- 
 ers to cultivate the soil, contribute to increase 
 the supplies so much wanted for the comfort 
 of the people, as well as for the subsistence of 
 the army. 
 
 Having completed all the necessary arrange- 
 ments with Congress, he returned to head- 
 quarters at Middlebrook. The infantry of the 
 Continental army was organized for the cam- 
 paign in eighty-eight battalions, apportioned to 
 the several States, according to the ratio hith- 
 erto assumed. There were four regiments of 
 cavalry and forty-nine companies of artillery. 
 
iET.47.] ■ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 71 
 
 The objects of the campaign not requiring 
 so large a number of men in the field as on 
 former occasions, it was intended to bestow 
 the more attention upon their disciphne and 
 practical skill. Baron Steuben, trained in the 
 wars and under the eye of Frederic the Great, 
 had been appointed inspector-general of the 
 army the year before. He wrote a system of 
 tactics, which was published, adopted, and put 
 in practice. His services were of great impor- 
 tance, both as an experienced officer, and as a 
 successful teacher of his system, by which the 
 discipline of the army was much improved, 
 and the discordant exercises and evolutions of 
 the troops from different States were reduced 
 to method and uniformity. 
 
 The winter and the spring passed away 
 without the occurrence of any remarkable 
 event. The British remained within their 
 lines at New York, showing no disposition for 
 hazardous adventures, and apparently making 
 no preparation for any important expedition 
 into the country. 
 
 General Washington in the mean time turn- 
 ed his thoughts to the fitting out of an expe- 
 dition against the Indians. The confederated 
 Indians of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas 
 and a few of the Mohawks, influenced by Sir 
 John Johnson and British agents from Canada, 
 
73 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779, 
 
 became hostile to the United States, although 
 at first they pretended to a sort of neutrality. 
 Joined by a band of Tories, and persons of 
 abandoned principles collected from various 
 parts, they fell upon the frontier settlements, 
 and waged the most cruel and destructive war 
 against the defenceless and unoffending inhab- 
 itants. The massacres at Cherry Valley and 
 Wyoming had filled every breast with horror, 
 and humanity cried aloud for vengeance on the 
 perpetrators of such deeds of atrocity. To 
 break up these hordes of banditti, or at all 
 events to drive them back and lay waste their 
 territories, was the object of the expedition. 
 
 Four thousand Continental troops were de- 
 tached for the purpose, who were joined by 
 militia from the State of New York and inde- 
 pendent companies from Pennsylvania. The 
 command of the whole was given to General 
 Sullivan. Three thousand men rendezvoused 
 at Wyoming, where General Sullivan first es- 
 tablished his head-quarters, and from which 
 place he proceeded up the Susquehanna E-iver 
 into the Indian country. At the same time 
 General James Clinton advanced with another 
 division from the Mohawk River, by way of 
 Otsego Lake and the east branch of the Sus- 
 quehanna, and formed a junction with Sullivan 
 near the fork, where the two main branches of 
 
^T. 47.] LIFE 01-' WASHINGTON. 73 
 
 the river unite. The army, then amounting 
 to about five thousand men, including militia, 
 marched into the wilderness towards the In- 
 dian settlements. It was met and opposed by 
 a body of Tories and Indians, who were soon 
 routed and driven back. There was no other 
 encounter, except slight skirmishes with small 
 parties. Sullivan pursued a circuitous route as 
 far as the Genessee River, destroying all the 
 villages, houses, corn, and provisions, which 
 fell in his way. Every habitation was desert- 
 ed, the Indians having retired with their fami- 
 lies to the neighborhood of Niagara, where 
 they were protected and supplied by a British 
 garrison. The purpose of the expedition being 
 attained, the army retraced its steps down the 
 Susquehanna, to Wyoming, and arrived there 
 after an absence of a little more than two 
 months. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton early in the spring sent a 
 detachment of two thousand five hundred men 
 to Virginia, commanded by General Matthews. 
 They landed at Portsmouth, sacked the town, 
 marched to Suffolk, destroyed a magazine of 
 provisions in that place, burnt the village and 
 several detached private houses, and seized 
 large quantities of tobacco. Many vessels 
 were likewise captured, others were burnt and 
 sunk, and much plunder was taken. With 
 
74 LIFE OF \VASnii\GTON. [1779 
 
 this Dooty they returned lo New York. The 
 enterprise was executed in conformity with 
 orders from the ministry, who, after the ill 
 success of their commissioners, had adopted 
 the policy of a predatory warfare on the sea- 
 coast, with the design of destroying the towns, 
 ships, and magazines, conceiving, as expressed 
 by Lord George Germain, " that a war of this 
 sort, carried on with spirit and humanity, 
 would probably induce the rebellious provinces 
 to return to their allegiance, or at least prevent 
 their sending out that swarm of privateers, the 
 success of Avhich had encouraged them to per- 
 severe in their revolt." 
 
 When the squadron returned from Virginia, 
 it was immediately joined by other vessels 
 having on board a large body of troops, all 
 of which sailed up Hudson's River. This 
 expedition was conducted by Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton in person, and his first object was to 
 take the posts at Stony Point and Verplanck's 
 Point, situate on opposite sides of the Hudson, 
 where the Americans had thrown up works to 
 protect King's Ferry, the main channel of 
 communication between the eastern and mid- 
 dle States. Should circumstances favor so 
 bold an experiment, he intended next to en- 
 deavor to force his way into the Highlands, 
 make himself master of the fortifications and 
 
iET. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 
 
 Strong passes, and thus secure the command of 
 the Hudson. 
 
 Being informed of the preparations in New 
 York, and penetrating the designs of the Brit- 
 ish commander, Washington was at hand in 
 time to prevent the execution of the second 
 part of the scheme. By rapid marches he 
 drew his troops from their cantonments in New 
 Jersey, and placed them in such positions as to 
 discourage Sir Henry Clinton from attempting 
 any thing further, than the capture of the two 
 posts above mentioned, which were in no con- 
 dition to resist a formidable fleet and an army 
 of more than six thousand men. After this 
 event, which happened on the 1st of June, Clin- 
 ton withdrew his forces down the river, and at 
 length to New York, leaving a strong garrison 
 at each of the posts, Avith orders to extend and 
 complete the works begun by the Americans ; 
 and also directing such a number of armed 
 vessels and boats to remain there, as would be 
 necessary to furnish supplies and contribute to 
 their defence. 
 
 General Washington removed his head- 
 quarters to New Windsor, a few miles above 
 West Point, distributing his army chiefly in 
 and near the Highlands, but stationing a force 
 on each side of the river below, sufficient to 
 check any sudden incursion of the enemy. 
 
76 LIFE OF WASFIINGTON. [1779. 
 
 The system of devastation and plunder was 
 vigorously pursued. About the beginning of 
 July a detachment of two thousand six hun- 
 dred men, under Governor Tryon, sailed from 
 New York into Long Island Sound. They 
 first landed at New Haven, plundered the in- 
 habitants indiscriminately, and burnt the stores 
 on the wharfs. This being done, they em- 
 barked, and landed at Fairfield and Norwalk, 
 which towns were reduced to ashes. Dwell- 
 ing-houses, shops, churches, school-houses, and 
 the shipping in the harbors, were destroyed. 
 The soldiers pillaged without restraint, com- 
 mitting acts of violence, and exhibiting the 
 horrors of war in some of their most revolting 
 forms. It does not appear that there were 
 troops, magazines, or public property in either 
 of the towns. The waste and distress fell on 
 individuals, who were pursuing the ordinary 
 occupations of life. The people rallied in 
 self-defence, and a few were killed; but the 
 enemy retired to their vessels before the mili- 
 tia could assemble in large numbers. 
 
 The British commander hoped that this in- 
 vasion of Connecticut would draw away the 
 American army from the Highlands to a posi- 
 tion where he might bring on an engagement 
 under favorable circumstances. Washington's 
 habitual caution guarded him against allowing 
 
iET. 47.] LIFE OF AVA SHINGTOrN\ 77 
 
 such an advantage. On the contrary, while 
 the enemy's forces were thus divided, he re- 
 solved to attack the strong post at Stony Point. 
 " The necessity of doing something to satisfy 
 the expectations of the people and reconcile 
 them to the defensive plan, which he was 
 obliged to pursue, the value of the acquisition 
 in itself, with respect to the men, artillery, and 
 stores, which composed the garrison, the effect 
 it would have upon the successive operations of 
 the campaign, and the check it would give to 
 the depredations of the enemy," were, as he 
 said, the motives which prompted him to this 
 undertaking. He reconnoitred the post him- 
 self, and instructed Major Henry Lee, who 
 Avas stationed near it with a party of cavalry, 
 to gain all the information in his power as to 
 the condition of the works and the strength 
 of the garrison. 
 
 The enterprise was intrusted to General 
 Wayne, who commanded a body of light in- 
 fantry in advance of the main army, where he 
 was placed to watch the movements of the 
 enemy, to prevent their landing, and to attack 
 separate parties whenever opportunities should 
 offer. Having procured all the requisite in- 
 formation, and determined to make the assault, 
 Washington communicated general instrnctions 
 to Wayne in writing and conversation, leaving 
 
78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T79. 
 
 the rest to the well tried bravery and skill of 
 that gallant officer. 
 
 The night of the 15th of July was fixed 
 on for the attack. After a march of fourteen 
 miles during the afternoon, the party arrived 
 within a mile and a half of the enemy at 
 eight o'clock in the evening. The works 
 were then reconnoitred by the commander and 
 the principal officers, and at half past eleven 
 the whole moved forward in two columns to 
 the assault. The van of the right column 
 consisted of one hundred and fifty volunteers 
 with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets, 
 preceded by twenty picked men to remove the 
 abatis and other obstructions. One hundred 
 volunteers, preceded likewise by twenty men, 
 composed the van of the left. Positive orders 
 were given not to fire, but to rely wholly on 
 the bayonet, which orders were faithfully 
 obeyed. A deep morass in front of the enemy's 
 works, and a double row of abatis, retarded 
 their progress ; but these obstacles were soon 
 overcome by the ardor of the troops, and the 
 assault began about twenty minutes after 
 twelve. From that time they pushed forward 
 in the face of a tremendous fire of musketry 
 and of cannon loaded with grapeshot, and both 
 columns met in the centre of the enemy's 
 works, each arriving nearly at the same in- 
 
^T.47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 
 
 stant. General Wayne, who advanced with 
 the right column, received a slight wound in 
 the head, and was supported into the works 
 by his aids-de-camp. 
 
 The assault was successful in all its parts. 
 The number of prisoners was five hundred 
 and forty-three, and the number killed on the 
 side of the enemy was sixty-three. Of the 
 assailing party fifteen were killed, and eighty- 
 three wounded. Several cannons and mortars 
 of various sizes, a large number of muskets, 
 shells, shot, and tents, and a proportional quan- 
 tity of stores, were taken. The action is al- 
 lowed to have been one of the most brilliant 
 of the Revolution. Congress passed resolves 
 complimentary to the officers and privates, 
 granting specific rewards, and directing the 
 value of all the military stores taken in the 
 garrison to be divided among the troops in pro- 
 portion to the pay of the officers and men. 
 Three different medals were ordered to be 
 struck, emblematical of the action, and award- 
 ed respectively to General Wayne, Colonel 
 Fleury, and Colonel Stewart. Congress also 
 passed a vote of thanks to General Washing- 
 ton "for the vigilance, wisdom, and magna- 
 nimity, with which he had conducted the mil- 
 itary operations of the States," and especially 
 as manifested in his orders for the late attack. 
 
80 LIFE OF WASHIJN^GTON. [1779. 
 
 It was his first intention, if the storming of 
 Stony Point should prove successful, to make 
 an immediate attempt against Verplanck's 
 Point, on the opposite side of the river. For 
 J this purpose he had requested General Wayne 
 
 to forward the intelligence to head-quarters 
 through the hands of General ^FDougall, who 
 commanded at West Point, and who would be 
 in readiness to send down a detachment by 
 the way of Peekskill to attack Verplanck^s 
 Point on the land side, while it was cannona- 
 ded from Stony Point across the river. By 
 some misunderstanding, the messenger neg- 
 lected to call at West Point, and thus several 
 hours were lost before General INPDougall re- 
 ceived the intelligence. To this delay has 
 been ascribed tiie failure of the undertaking 
 against Verplanck's Point, From the letters 
 of General P.FDougall and other officers writ- 
 ten at the time, however, it is evident that the 
 want of horses and conveniences for the trans- 
 portation of artillery was such, as to render it 
 impossible in any event to arrive at Verplanck's 
 Point with the adequate means of assault, be- 
 fore the enemy had assembled a sufficient 
 force to give entire security to the garrison. 
 
 When Washington examined Stony Point 
 after the capture, he resolved to evacuate the 
 post, remove the cannon and stores, and de- 
 
iET. 47.] LIFE OF WASHIjVGTON. 81 
 
 stroy the works. Being accessible by the en- 
 emy's vessels of war, a larger number of men 
 would be required for the defence than could 
 properly be spared from the main army ; and 
 at the same time it might be necessary to haz- 
 ard a general action, which was by no means 
 to be desired on such terms as would be im- 
 posed, and for such an object. Every thing 
 was brought off, except one heavy cannon. 
 The enemy afterwards reoccupied the post, 
 and repaired the works. 
 
 About a month after the storming of Stony 
 Point, another enterprise similar in its charac- 
 ter, and not less daring, was executed by Ma- 
 jor Henry Lee. At the head of three hundred 
 men, and a troop of dismounted dragoons, he 
 surprised the enemy's post at Paulus Hook, 
 opposite to New York, and took one hundred 
 and fifty-nine prisoners, having two only of 
 his party killed and three wounded. The 
 plan originated with Major Lee, and great 
 praisfi was bestowed upon him for the address 
 and bravery with which it was executed. A 
 medal of gold, commemorative of the event, 
 was ordered by Congress to be struck and pre- 
 sented to him. 
 
 No other events of nmch importance hap- 
 pened in the army under Washington's imme- 
 diate command during the campaign. The 
 
 VOL. IL 6 
 
82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 
 
 British troops remained inactive at New York, 
 and the Americans held their ground in the 
 Highlands. In the course of this year the 
 works at West Point and in its vicinity were 
 chiefly constructed. A part of the time two 
 thousand five hundred men were on fatigue 
 duty every day. Before the end of July the 
 head-quarters of the Commander-in-chief were 
 removed to West Point, where he continued 
 for the rest of the season. 
 
 As few incidents of a personal nature inter- 
 vene to vary the monotony of military opera- 
 tions, and of the great public affairs which oc- 
 cupied the thoughts of Washington, it may 
 not be amiss to insert here a letter inviting a 
 friend to dine with him at head-quarters. It 
 gives an idea of the manner in which he 
 Hved, and shows that he could sometimes be 
 playful, even when oppressed with public 
 cares, and in the midst of the harassing duties 
 of his command. The letter is addressed to 
 Dr. Cochran, surgeon-general in the army, and 
 dated at West Point on the IGth of August. 
 " Dear Doctor, 
 
 "I have asked Mrs. Cochran and Mrs. Liv- 
 ingston to dine with me to-morrow; but am I 
 not in honor bound to apprize them of their 
 fare ? As I hate deception, even where the 
 imagination only is concerned, I will. It is 
 
^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 
 
 needless to premise, that my table is large 
 enough to hold the ladies. Of this they had 
 ocular proof yesterday. To say how it is 
 usually covered, is rather more essential ; and 
 this shall be the purport of my letter. 
 
 " Since our arrival at this happy spot, we 
 have had a ham, sometimes a shoulder of ba- 
 con, to grace the head of the table ; a piece of 
 roast beef adorns the foot ; and a dish of beans, 
 or greens, almost imperceptible, decorates the 
 centre. When the cook has a mind to cut a 
 figure, which I presume will be the case to- 
 morrow, we have two beefsteak pies, or dishes 
 of crabs, in addition, one on each side of the 
 centre dish, dividing the space and reducing 
 the distance between dish and dish to about 
 six feet, which without them would be nearly 
 twelve feet apart. Of late he has had the sur- 
 prising sagacity to discover, that apples will 
 make pies ; and it is a question, if, in the vio- 
 lence of his efforts, we do not get one of apples, 
 instead of having both of beefsteaks. If the 
 ladies can put up with such entertainment, and 
 will submit to partake of it on plates, once tin 
 but now iron (not become so by the labor of 
 scouring), I shall be happy to see them ; and 
 am, dear Doctor, yours." 
 
 Sir Henry Chnton, disappointed in not re- 
 ceiving additions to his army from Europe, 
 
84 LIFE OF WASHIINGTON. [1779. 
 
 began to be weary of his situation, and to de- 
 spair of effecting any thing that would either 
 redound to the glory of the British arms, or 
 answer the expectations of his employers. On 
 the 21st of August he said, in a letter to Lord 
 George Germain, " I now find myself obliged 
 by many cogent reasons to abandon every 
 view of making an effort in this quarter. The 
 precautions, which General Washington has 
 had leisure to take, make me hopeless of bring- 
 ing him to a general action, and the season 
 dissuades me strongly from losing time in the 
 attempt." He informs the minister, that his 
 thoughts are turned to the south, that he shall 
 put New York in a complete state of defence, 
 withdraw his troops from the posts on the 
 Hudson, and sail for South Carolina with a 
 large part of his army as soon as the season 
 will permit him to act in that climate. 
 
 After Count d'Estaing left the harbor of 
 Boston, he proceeded to the West Indies, where 
 he operated during the winter, took St. Vin- 
 cent and Grenada, and had a naval engage- 
 ment with Admiral Byron's fleet. It was ex- 
 pected, that he would return to the United 
 States in the course of the summer, and 
 M. Gerard, the French minister in Philadelphia, 
 held several conferences with a committee of 
 Congress respecting a concerted plan of action 
 
iET. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 85 
 
 between the French squadron and the Ameri- 
 can forces. For the same object M. Gerard 
 went to camp, and held interviews with the 
 Commander-in-chief, to whom Congress dele- 
 gated the power of arranging and executing 
 the whole business in such a manner as his 
 judgment and prudence should dictate. Vari- 
 ous plans were suggested and partly matured ; 
 but, as the unfortunate repulse of the French 
 and American troops in their assault on Savan- 
 nah, and the subsequent departure of Count 
 d'Estaing from the coast, prevented their being 
 carried into execution, they need not be ex- 
 plained in this place. 
 
 The intercourse with Washington on this 
 occasion left favorable impressions on the mind 
 of the French minister. In a letter to Count 
 de Vergennes, written from camp, he said ; " I 
 have had many conversations with General 
 Washington, some of which have continued 
 for three hours. It is impossible for me briefly 
 to communicate the fund of intelligence, which 
 I have derived from him ; but I shall do it in 
 my letters as occasions shall present them- 
 selves. I will now say only, that I have form- 
 ed as high an opinion of the powers of his 
 mind, his moderation, his patriotism, and his 
 virtues, as I had before from common report 
 conceived of his military talents, and of the 
 
 19 
 
86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [I'^T^- 
 
 incalculable services he has rendered to his 
 country." The same sentiments were often 
 repeated by the successor of M. Gerard, and 
 contributed to establish the unbounded confi- 
 dence, which the French government placed 
 in the American commander during the war. 
 
 Although the plans of cooperation failed, yet 
 they were serviceable in embarrassing the 
 schemes of the enemy. As soon as it was 
 known that Count d'Estaing had arrived in 
 Georgia, Sir Henry Clinton naturally supposed 
 that he would proceed northward, and unite 
 with Washington in a combined attack on 
 New York. Alarmed for his safety in such an 
 event, he caused Rhode Island to be evacuated, 
 and drew to New York the garrison, which 
 had been stationed nearly three years at that 
 place, consisting at times of about six thou- 
 sand men. Stony Point and Verplanck's Point 
 were likewise evacuated. The appearance of 
 Count d'Estaing's fleet on the coast retarded 
 Sir Henry Clinton's southern expedition till 
 near the end of December, when, having re- 
 ceived reinforcements from Europe, he em- 
 barked about seven thousand troops, and sailed 
 for South Carolina, under the convoy of Ad- 
 miral Arbuthnot. 
 
 The campaign being now at an end, the ar- 
 my was again put into winter quarters, the 
 
iEx. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 
 
 main body in the neighborhood of Morristown, 
 strong detachments at West Point and other 
 posts near the Hudson, and the cavalry in Con- 
 necticut. The head-quarters were at Morris- 
 town. The ill success of the allied arms at 
 Savannah, and the indications of Sir Henry 
 Clinton's designs against South Carolina, were 
 reasons for sending more troops to General 
 Lincoln's army ; and, before the middle of De- 
 cember, two of the North Carolina regiments 
 and the whole of the Virginia line marched to 
 the south. 
 
 A descent upon Staten Island by a party un- 
 der Lord Stirling, a retaliatory incursion of the 
 enemy into New Jersey at Elizabethtown, and 
 a skirmish near White Plains, were the only 
 military events during the winter. 
 
 The army for the campaign in 17S0 was 
 nominally fixed by Congress at thirty-five 
 thousand two hundred and eleven men. Each 
 State was required to furnish its quota by the 
 1st day of April. No definite plan was adopt- 
 ed for the campaign, as the operations must 
 depend on circumstances and the strength and 
 condition of the enemy. 
 
 One of the greatest evils, which now afiiict- 
 ed the country, and which threatened the most 
 alarming consequences, was the depreciation 
 of the currency. Destitute of pecuniary re- 
 
88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 sources, and without the power of imposing 
 direct taxes, Congress had, early in the war, 
 resorted to the expedient of paper money. For 
 a time, while the quantity was comparatively 
 small, its credit was good ; but in March, 1780, 
 the enormous amount of two hundred miUions 
 of dollars had been issued, no part of which 
 had been redeemed. At this time forty paper 
 dollars were worth only one in specie. Prices 
 rose as the money sank in value, and every 
 branch of trade was unsettled and deranged. 
 The effect was peculiarly oppressive on the 
 troops, and was a principal reason for the ex- 
 orbitant bounties allowed to them in the latter 
 years of the war. The separate States like- 
 wise issued paper money, which increased the 
 evil, without affording any adequate relief. 
 The only remedy was taxation ; but this was 
 seldom pursued with vigor, owing, in part, to 
 the distracted state of the times and the ex- 
 hausted condition of the country, and in part 
 also to State jealousy. As each State felt its 
 burdens to be heavy, it was cautious how it 
 added to them in a greater proportion than its 
 neighbors ; and thus all were reluctant to act, 
 till impelled by the pressure of necessity. 
 
 So low had the credit of the currency fallen, 
 that the commissaries found it extremely diffi- 
 cult, and in some cases impossible, to purchase 
 
^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 89 
 
 supplies for the army. Congress adopted a 
 new method, by requiring each State to furnish 
 a certain quantity of beef, pork, flour, corn, 
 forage, and other articles, which were to be de- 
 posited in such places as the Commander-in- 
 chief should determine. The States were to 
 be credited for the amount at a fixed valuation 
 in specie. The system turned out to be im- 
 practicable. The multitude of hands into 
 which the business was thrown, the want of 
 proper authority to compel its prompt execu- 
 tion, the distance of several of the States from 
 the army, and the consequent difficulties of 
 transportation, all conspired to make it the most 
 expensive, the most uncertain, and the least 
 effectual method that could be devised. It 
 added greatly to the embarrassments of the 
 military affairs, and to the labor and perplex- 
 ities of the Commander-in-chief, till it was 
 abandoned. 
 
 To keep up the credit of the currency. Con- 
 gress recommended to the States to pass laws 
 making paper money a legal tender at its nom- 
 inal value for the discharge of debts, which 
 had been contracted to be paid in gold or silver. 
 Such laws were enacted, and many debtors 
 took advantage of them. When the army 
 was at Morristown, a man of respectable stand- 
 ing lived in the neighborhood, who was assid- 
 
90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 uous ill his civilities to Washington, which 
 were kindly received and reciprocated. Un- 
 luckily this man paid his debts in the depre- 
 ciated currency. Some time afterwards he 
 called at head-quarters, and was introduced as 
 usual to the General's apartment, where he was 
 then conversing with some of his officers. He 
 bestowed very little attention upon the visiter. 
 The same thing occurred a second time, when 
 he was more reserved than before. This was 
 so different from his customary manner, that 
 Lafayette, who was present on both occasions, 
 could not help remarking it, and he said, after 
 the man was gone ; " General, this man seems 
 to be much devoted to you, and yet you have 
 scarcely noticed him." Washington replied, 
 smiling ; "I know I have not been cordial ; I 
 tried hard to be civil, and attempted to speak 
 to him two or three times, but that Continen- 
 tal money stopped my mouth." He considered 
 these laws unjust in principle, and iniquitous 
 in their effects. He was himself a loser to a 
 considerable amount by their operation. 
 
 At the beginning of April, when the States 
 were to have completed their quotas of troops, 
 the whole number under Washington's imme- 
 diate command was no more than ten thousand 
 four hundred rank and file. This number was 
 soon diminished by sending the remainder of 
 
^T. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 
 
 the Maryland line and the Delaware regiment 
 to the southern army. The British force at 
 New York amounted to seventeen thousand 
 three hundred effective men. From that time 
 the army of the north consisted of such troops 
 only, as were raised in the New England 
 States, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
 vania. To hasten and give effect to the ar- 
 rangements for the campaign, and draw more 
 expeditiously from the States their quotas of 
 soldiers and supplies. General Washington re- 
 quested a committee of Congress to attend the 
 army, with power to act in the name of that 
 body for definite objects. The committee re- 
 mained in camp between two and three months. 
 General Schuyler, then a member of Congress, 
 was one of the committee, and his experience, 
 sound judgment, and energetic character, en- 
 abled him to render essential services in that 
 capacity. 
 
92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence that a 
 French Armament was on its Way to the United States. — The 
 Army takes a Position near Hudson's River. — The French 
 Squadron arrives at Newport. — Count de Rochambeau's In- 
 structions. — French Fleet blockaded. — Interview between 
 General Washington and the French Commander at Hartford. 
 — The Treason of Arnold. — Plans for attacking New York. 
 
 Before the end of April, the Marquis de 
 Lafayette arrived at Boston from France, with 
 the cheering intelligence that the French gov- 
 ernment had fitted out an armament of naval 
 and land forces, which might soon be expected 
 in the United States. He proceeded imme- 
 diately to Washington's head-quarters, and 
 thence to Congress. Although many of the 
 Americans had hoped that their arms would be 
 strengthened by the troops of their aUies, yet 
 no indications had hitherto been given, which 
 encouraged them to believe that any aid of this 
 sort would be rendered. The experiment was 
 also thought by some to be hazardous. The 
 prejudice against French soldiers, which had 
 been implanted and nurtured by the colonial 
 wars, it was feared might lead to serious con- 
 sequences, if French troops should be landed 
 in the United States, and brought to act in 
 
^T,48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 
 
 concert with the American army. So strongly 
 was Count de Vergennes influenced by this 
 apprehension, that he opposed the sending of 
 troops to America, and advised that tlie efforts 
 of France in succoring her ahy should be ex- 
 pended in naval equipments, which he believ- 
 ed would be more effectual in annoying and 
 weakening the common enemy. In this opin- 
 ion, however, the other members of the cabi- 
 net did not concur, and it was resolved to send 
 out a fleet with a body of troops to operate on 
 land. Lafayette was principally instrumental 
 in effecting this decision. It was a point upon 
 which he had set his heart before he left Amer- 
 ica, and it may be presumed that he previously 
 ascertained the sentiments of Washington. At 
 any rate, his observation while in the country 
 had convinced him, that French troops would 
 be well received ; and he had the address to 
 bring the majority of the ministry to the same 
 way of thinking. 
 
 In the month of June, General Knyphausen 
 crossed over with such a force as he could spare 
 from New York, and made an incursion into 
 New Jersey. He was met by detachments 
 from the American army, and some smart skir- 
 mishing ensued, particularly at Springfield, 
 where the encounter lasted several hours. The 
 
 19q 
 
94 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 
 
 enemy were driven back, and they retired to 
 Staten Island. 
 
 The object of this adventure could not ea- 
 sily be ascertained. General Washington at 
 first supposed it to be a feint to amuse him in 
 that quarter, while a more formidable force 
 should be suddenly pushed up the Hudson to 
 attack the posts in the Highlands. This opin- 
 ion was countenanced by the arrival, just at 
 that time, of Sir Henry Clinton from his suc- 
 cessful expedition against Charleston. No such 
 attempt being made, however, the only eifect 
 was to draw General Washington's army near- 
 er the Hudson, where he took a position in 
 which he could act in defence of New Jersey 
 or the Highlands, as occasion might require. 
 
 News at length came, that the French fleet 
 had entered the harbor of Newport, in Rhode 
 Island, on the 10th of July. The armament 
 consisted of seven or eight ships of the line, 
 two frigates, two bombs, and upwards of five 
 thousand troops. The fleet was commanded 
 by the Chevalier de Ternay, and the army by 
 the Count de Rochambeau. This was called 
 the first division. Another, being detained for 
 the want of transports, was left at Brest al- 
 most ready to sail, which it was said would 
 soon follow. 
 
 The instructions from the ministry to Count 
 
^T.4S.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 
 
 de Rochambeau, were extremely judicious, 
 and contrived in every part to secure harmony 
 between the American and French armies. 
 The general and the troops were to be in all 
 cases under the command of General Wash- 
 ington. When the two armies were united, 
 the French troops were to be considered as 
 auxiharies, and to yield precedence by taking 
 the left. American officers were to command 
 French officers of equal rank, and holding 
 commissions of the same dates ; and, in all 
 military acts and capitulations, the American 
 generals were to be named first and to sign 
 first. These instructions, expressed in clear 
 and positive terms, were made known to Gen- 
 eral Washington by Lafayette before the troops 
 landed. A copy in detail was likewise sent to 
 him by Count de Rochambeau. They pro- 
 duced all the happy effects, which could have 
 been anticipated. Perfect harmony subsisted 
 not only between the armies, but between the 
 people and the French troops, from their first 
 arrival in the country till their final departure. 
 The Continental officers, by the recommenda- 
 tion of General Washington, wore cockades of 
 black and white intermixed, as a compliment 
 to the French troops, and a symbol of friend- 
 ship ; the former color being that of the Ameri- 
 can cockade, and the latter that of the French 
 
96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1780. 
 
 A plan of combined operations against the 
 enemy in New York was drawn up by Gen- 
 eral Washington, and forwarded to Count de 
 Rochambeau by the hands of Lafayette, who 
 went to Newport for the purpose of making 
 explanations, and concerting arrangements with 
 the French general and admiral. This plan 
 had for its basis the naval superiority of the 
 French over the English, by which the fleet 
 of the latter might be attacked to advantage, 
 or at least blocked up in the harbor of New 
 York. At the present time, however, this 
 was not the case. The arrival of Admiral 
 Graves, with six ships of the line, had increas- 
 ed the British naval force considerably beyond 
 that of the Chevalier de Ternay : and it was 
 agreed that nothing could be done, till he 
 should be reinforced by the second division 
 from France, or by the squadron of the Count 
 de Guichen, which was expected from the 
 West Indies. 
 
 Forewarned by. the British ministry of the 
 destination of the French armament, Sir Hen- 
 ry Clinton made seasonable preparations to 
 meet it, and requested Admiral Arbuthnot to 
 be ready with his fleet. After considerable 
 delay he embarked six thousand troops at 
 Frog's Neck, intending to proceed through the 
 Sound and cooperate with the fleet in an at- 
 
^T.48.] LIFE OF V/ASHINGTOPJ. 97 
 
 tack on the French at Newport. In the mean 
 time Count de Rochambeau, aided by General 
 Heath, then present with the French army, 
 called in the militia of the neighboring coun- 
 try, and increased the force at Newport so 
 much, that Sir Henry Clinton, despairing of 
 success, landed his men at Whitestone, on 
 Long Island, and returned to New York, with- 
 out effecting any part of his object. Another 
 reason for his sudden return was, that Wash- 
 ington had drawn his army across the Hudson, 
 and taken a position on the east side of that 
 river, from which he might attack the city 
 during the absence of so large a portion of the 
 troops. It was Sir Henry Clinton's first hope, 
 that, by the aid of the fleet, he should be able 
 to complete his expedition against Newport, 
 and come back to New York before Washing- 
 ton could assume an attitude which would 
 menace the city ; but in this he was disap- 
 pointed. 
 
 Having a decided naval superiority, howev- 
 er, Admiral Arbuthnot blockaded the French 
 squadron in the harbor of Newport, and Count 
 de Rochambeau's army was obliged to remain 
 there for its protection. This state of things 
 continued through the season, and no military 
 enterprise was undertaken. The second French 
 division was blockaded at Brest, and never 
 
 VOL, 11, 7 
 
98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 came to America; and the Count de.Guichen 
 sailed from the West Indies to France without 
 touching in any part of the United States. 
 Both parties, therefore, stood on the defensive, 
 watching each other's motions, and depending 
 on the operations of the British and French 
 fleets. General Washington recrossed the 
 Hudson, and encamped below Orangetown, or 
 Tappan, on the borders of New Jersey, which 
 station he held till winter. 
 
 In this interval of leisure, a conference be- 
 tween the commanders of the two allied ar- 
 mies was suggested by Count de Rochambeau, 
 and readily assented to by General Washing- 
 ton. They met at Hartford in Connecticut, 
 on the 21st of September. During the ab- 
 sence of General Washington, the army was 
 left under the command of General Greene. 
 The interview was more interesting and ser- 
 viceable in cementing a personal friendship, 
 and promoting amicable relations between the 
 parties, than important in establishing an ulte- 
 rior system of action. Nothing indeed could 
 be positively agreed upon, since a naval supe- 
 riority was absolutely essential to any enter- 
 prise by land, and this superiority did not ex- 
 ist. All the plans that were brought into view, 
 therefore, rested on contingencies, and in the 
 end these were unfavorable to a combined op- 
 eration. 
 
Mr.iS.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 
 
 At this time General Arnold held the com- 
 mand at West Point and other fortified posts 
 in the Highlands. No officer in the American 
 army had acquired higher renown for military 
 talents, activity, and courage. H* had signal- 
 ized himself at the taking of Ticonderoga, by 
 his expedition through the wilderness to Que- 
 bec, in a naval engagement on Lake Cham- 
 plain, in a rencontre with the enemy at Dan- 
 bury, and above all in the decisive action at 
 Saratoga. When the British evacuated Phila- 
 delphia, he was appointed to the command in 
 that city, being disabled by his wounds for 
 immediate active service. Arrogant, fond of 
 display, and extravagant in his style of living, 
 he was soon involved in difficulties, which led 
 to his ruin. His debts accumulated, and, to 
 relieve himself from embarrassment and indulge 
 his passion for parade, he resorted to practices 
 discreditable to him as an officer and a man. 
 Heavy charges were exhibited against him by 
 the President and Council of Pennsylvania, 
 which were referred to a court-martial. Af- 
 ter a thorough investigation, the court sen- 
 tenced him to receive a public reprimand from 
 the Commander-in-chief. He had previously 
 presented to Congress large claims against the 
 United States on account of money, which he 
 said he had expended for the public service in 
 
100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 Canada. These claims were examined, and 
 in part disallowed. In the opinion of many, 
 they were such as to authorize a suspicion of 
 his integrity, if not to afford evidence of de- 
 liberate fraud. 
 
 These censures, added to the desperate state 
 of his private affairs, were more than the pride 
 of Arnold could bear. At once to take re- 
 venge, and to retrieve his fortunes, he resolved 
 to become a traitor to his country, and seek 
 employment in the ranks of the enemy. This 
 purpose was so far fixed in his mind fifteen 
 months before its consummation, that he then 
 began, and continued afterwards, a secret cor- 
 respondence with Major Andre, adjutant-gen- 
 eral of the British army. The more easily to 
 effect his designs, he sought and obtained the 
 command at West Point, where he arrived the 
 first week in August. From that time it was 
 his aim, by a plan concerted with the British 
 general, to deliver West Point and the other 
 posts of the Highlands into the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 The absence of Washington from the army, 
 on his visit to Hartford, was thought to afford 
 a fit occasion for bringing the affair to a crisis. 
 The Vulture sloop of war ascended the Hud- 
 son, and anchored in Haverstraw Bay, six or 
 seven miles below King's Ferry. It was con- 
 
^T.48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 
 
 trived that a meeting should take place be- 
 tween Arnold and Andre, for the purpose of 
 making arrangements. Andre went ashore 
 from the Vulture in the night on the west side 
 of the river, where Arnold was waiting to re- 
 ceive him. They remained together in that 
 place till the dawn of day, when, their busi- 
 ness not being finished, Arnold persuaded him 
 to go to the house of Joshua H. Smith, at 
 some distance from the river, where he was 
 concealed during the day. Arnold left him in 
 the morning and went to West Point. It was 
 Andre's expectation and wish to return to the 
 Vulture ; but, this not being practicable, he 
 left Smith's house in the dusk of the evening 
 on horseback, and crossed the river at King's 
 Ferry with a written pass signed by Arnold, 
 in which the bearer was called John Anderson. 
 Before leaving Smith's house, he exchanged 
 his regimentals for a citizen's dress, over which 
 he wore a dark, loose great-coat. 
 
 The next day while riding alone towards 
 New York, he was suddenly stopped in the 
 road by three armed militia-men, Paulding, 
 Williams, and Van Wart, about half a mile 
 north of Tarrytown. They searched him, 
 and found papers secreted in his boots. From 
 this discovery they inferred that he was a spy ; 
 and, taking him back to the nearest American 
 
102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 outpost at North Castle, they deUvered him 
 over to Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, who was 
 stationed there with a party of dragoons. 
 Jameson examined the papers, and knew them 
 to be in the handwriting of Arnold. They 
 were of a very extraordinary character, con- 
 taining an exact account of the state of things 
 at West Point, and of the strength of the gar- 
 rison, with remarks on the different works, and 
 a report of a council of war recently held at 
 the head-quarters of the army. Jameson was 
 amazed and bewildered. He sent a messen- 
 ger to Arnold with a letter, stating that a pris- 
 oner, who called himself John Anderson, had 
 been brought to him and was then in custody, 
 and that papers had been found upon his per- 
 son, which seemed to him of a dangerous ten- 
 dency. At the same time he despatched an 
 express to General Washington, then supposed 
 to be on the road returning from Hartford. 
 This express was the bearer of the papers, 
 which had been taken from Andre's boots. 
 
 The next morning Andre was sent, under 
 the charge of Major Tallmadge, to Colonel 
 Sheldon's quarters at New Salem for greater 
 security. Being now convinced that there 
 was no hope of escape, he wrote a letter to 
 General Washington revealing his name and 
 true character. Till this time no one about him 
 
iET. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 
 
 knew who he "was, or that he held a military 
 rank. He suhmitted the letter to Major Tall- 
 madge and other officers, who read it with as- 
 tonishment. 
 
 Having finished his interview with the 
 French commanders, Washington returned 
 from Hartford by the upper route through 
 Fishkill. Consequently the express, who was 
 sent with the papers, and who took the lower 
 route, by which Washington had gone to Hart- 
 ford, did not meet him, but came back to North 
 Castle. In the mean time Washington pur- 
 sued his journey by the way of Fishkill to 
 West Point. Two or three hours before he 
 reached Arnold's house, which was on the side 
 of the river opposite to West Point and at a 
 considerable distance below, the messenger ar- 
 rived there with the letter from Jameson, by 
 which Arnold was informed of the capture of 
 Andre. He read it with some degree of agita- 
 tion, and, pretending that he was suddenly 
 called to West Point, mounted a horse stand- 
 ing at the door, rode to the river, entered his 
 barge, ^nd ordered the men to row down the 
 stream. When the barge approached King's 
 Ferry, he held up a white handkerchief, and 
 the officer v/ho commanded at Verplanck's 
 Point, supposing it to be a flag-boat, allowed it 
 to pass without inspection. Arnold proceeded 
 
104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 directly to the Vulture, which was still at an- 
 chor in the river near the place where Andre 
 had left it. 
 
 Washington arrived at Arnold's house, and 
 went over to West Point, without hearing any 
 thing of Arnold. On his return, however, in 
 the afternoon he received the abovementioned 
 letter from Andre, and the papers found in his 
 boots, which had been forwarded from North 
 Castle. The plot was now unravelled. The 
 first thing to be done was to secure the posts. 
 Orders were immediately despatched to all the 
 principal officers, and every precaution was 
 taken, 
 
 Andre was first removed to West Point, and 
 thence to the head-quarters of the army at 
 Tappan. A board of officers was summoned, 
 and directed to inquire into the case of Major 
 Andre, report the facts, and give their opinion, 
 both in regard to the nature of his offence, and 
 to the punishment that ought to be awarded. 
 Various papers were laid before the board, and 
 Andre himself was questioned, and desired to 
 make such statements and explanations as he 
 chose. After a full investigation the board re- 
 ported, that the prisoner came on shore in the 
 night, to hold a private and secret interview 
 with General Arnold ; that he changed his 
 dress within the American lines, and passed 
 
iEx. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 105 
 
 the guards in a disguised habit and under a 
 feigned name ; that he was taken in the same 
 disguised habit, having in his possession sever- 
 al papers, which contained intelligence for the 
 enemy ; and that he ought to be considered as 
 a spy, and, according to the law and usage of 
 nations, to suffer death. General Washington 
 approved this decision ; and Major Andre was 
 executed at Tappan on the 2d of October. 
 
 While Andre's case was pending. Sir Henry 
 Clinton used every effort in his power to res- 
 cue him from his fate. He wrote to General 
 Washington, and endeavored to show, that he 
 could not be regarded as a spy, inasmuch as he 
 came on shore at the request of an American 
 general, and afterwards acted by his direction. 
 Connected, with all the circumstances, this ar- 
 gument could have no weight. That he was 
 drawn into a snare by a traitor did not make 
 him the less a spy. As the guilt of Arnold 
 was the cause of all the evils that followed, an 
 exchange of him for Andre would have been 
 accepted; but no such proposal was intimated 
 by the British general ; and perhaps it could 
 not be done consistently with honor and the 
 course already pursued. From the moment 
 of his capture till that of his execution, the 
 conduct of Andre was marked with a candor, 
 self-possession, and dignity, which betokened a 
 
106 LIFE OF WASHINGTOx\. [1780. 
 
 brave and noble spirit. There was no stronger 
 trait in the character of Washington than hu- 
 manity ; the misfortunes and sufferings of oth- 
 ers touched him keenly ; and his feelings were 
 deeply moved at the part he was compelled 
 to act in consenting to the death of Andre ; 
 yet justice to the office he held, and to the 
 cause for which his countrymen were shedding 
 their blood, left him no alternative.* 
 
 While these operations were going on at the 
 north, all the intelligence from the south gave 
 evidence, that affairs in that quarter were as- 
 suming a gloomy aspect. The British forces, 
 with Lord Cornwallis at their head, were over- 
 running the Carolinas, and preparations were 
 making in New York to detach a squadron 
 with troops to fall upon Virginia. The defeat 
 of General Gates near Camden, in South Car- 
 olina, was a heavy blow upon the Americans, 
 and left them in a state from which it was 
 feared they would not soon recover. Congress 
 requested General Washington to appoint an 
 officer to succeed Gates in the command of the 
 southern army. With his usual determination 
 and judgment he selected General Greene, who 
 repaired to the theatre of action, in which he 
 
 * A full and detailed account of the particulars relating 
 to this subject is contained in Sparks's Life and Trea- 
 son of Arnold. 
 
^T. 48.] LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON. 107 
 
 was SO eminently distinguished during the 
 subsequent years of the war. 
 
 Gaining an increased confidence in the 
 Commander-in-chief, which a long experience 
 of his wisdom and disinterestedness author- 
 ized, Congress at length adopted the important 
 measures, in regard to the army, which he had 
 earnestly and repeatedly advised and enforced. 
 They decreed that all the troops, thenceforward 
 to be raised, should be enlisted to serve during 
 the war ; and that all the officers, who contin- 
 ued in the service to the end of the war, should 
 be entitled to half-pay for life. Washington 
 ever believed, that, if this system had been 
 pursued from the beginning, it would have 
 shortened the war, or at least have caused a 
 great diminution in the expense. Unfortunate- 
 ly the States did not comply with the former 
 part of the requisition, but adhered to the old 
 method of filling up their quotas with men 
 raised for three years and for shorter terms. 
 The extreme difficulty of procuring recruits 
 was the reason assigned for persevering in this 
 practice, 
 
 Lafayette commanded six battalions of light 
 infantry, stationed in advance of the main ar- 
 my. He projected a descent upon Staten Isl- 
 and, but was prevented from executing it by 
 the want of boats. A plan was likewise formed 
 
108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 
 
 for a general attack on the north part of New 
 York Island. The enemy's posts were recon- 
 noitred, extensive preparations were made, 
 and a large foraging party was sent into West- 
 chester County to mask the design, and draw 
 the attention of the enemy that way. But 
 the sudden appearance of several armed vessels 
 in the river caused the enterprise to be deferred 
 and finally abandoned. The foraging expedi- 
 tion, conducted by General Stark, was suc- 
 cessful. 
 
 The army went into winter quarters at the 
 end of November ; the Pennsylvania line near 
 Morristown, the New Jersey regiments at 
 Pompton, and the eastern troops in the High- 
 lands. The head-quarters of the Commander- 
 in-chief were at New Windsor. The French 
 army remained at Newport, except the Duke 
 de Lauzun's legion, which was cantoned at 
 Lebanon in Connecticut. 
 
JET.iQ.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 
 
 Chapter xxvii. 
 
 Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops. — Agency of 
 Washington in procuring Supplies from France. — Operations 
 of the Enemy in the Chesapeake. — Detachment to Virginia 
 under Lafayette. — General Washington visits Count de Ro- 
 chambeau at Newport. — Condition of the Army. — Interview 
 between the American and French Commanders at Weathers- 
 field. — Plan of Operations. — A Combined Attack on New 
 York proposed. 
 
 The year 1781 opened with an event, 
 which filled the country with alarm, and 
 threatened dangerous consequences. On the 
 1st of January a mutiny broke out among the 
 Pennsylvania troops, stationed near Morristown, 
 and about thirteen hundred men paraded under 
 arms, refused obedience to their officers, killed 
 one captain, mortally wounded another, and 
 committed various outrages. The mutineers 
 marched in a body towards Princeton with six 
 fieldpieces, avowing their intention to proceed 
 to Philadelphia, and demand from Congress a 
 redress of their grievances. They complained 
 that their pay was in arrears, that they were 
 obliged to receive it in a depreciated currency, 
 that many of the soldiers were detained be- 
 yond the term of their enlistment, and that 
 they had suffered every hardship for the want 
 
 20 
 
110 LTFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 of money, provisions, and clothing. By the 
 prudence and good management of General 
 Wayne, who took care to supply them with 
 provisions on their march, they were kept from 
 plundering the inhabitants and other excesses. 
 He sent the intelligence of the revolt by an 
 express to General Washington, who, consid- 
 ering the number of the mutineers, and the 
 apparent justice of their complaints, recom- 
 mended to him not to use force, which might 
 inflame their passions, increase opposition, keep 
 alive resentment, and tempt them to turn 
 about and go to the enemy, who would not 
 fail to hold out alluring offers. He advised 
 General Wayne to draw from them a statement 
 of their grievances, and promise to represent 
 the case faithfully to Congress and the State 
 of Pennsylvania, and endeavor to obtain re- 
 dress. 
 
 These judicious counsels had the effect de- 
 sired. A committee of Congress, joined by 
 the President of Pennsylvania, met the revolt- 
 ers at Trenton, and made proposals to them, 
 which were accepted, and they gave up their 
 arms. An ambiguity in the written terms of 
 enlistment was one of the principal causes of 
 dissatisfaction. The agreement on the part of 
 the soldiers was, to serve for three years or 
 during the war. By the interpretation, which 
 
iET.49.] LIl' h OF WASHINGTON. Ill 
 
 the officers gave to tiiese expressions, they 
 bound the soldiers to serve to the end of the 
 war; whereas the soldiers insisted that they 
 engaged for three years only, or during the 
 war if it should come to an end before the 
 three years had elapsed. Accordingly they 
 demanded a discharge at the expiration of that 
 period. This construction being allowed, it 
 was the means of disbanding a large part of 
 the Pennsylvania line for the winter, but it 
 was recruited again in the spring to its original 
 complement. The revolters were indignant 
 at the suspicion of their going to the enemy, 
 and scorned the idea, as they expressed it, of 
 turning Arnolds. Two emissaries sent among 
 them with overtures from Sir Henry Clinton 
 were given up, tried by a coin-t-martial, and 
 executed. 
 
 Not knowing how far this example might 
 infect the troops generally, the sullbrings of all 
 of whom were not less than those of the 
 Pennsylvania line, General Washington took 
 speedy measures to prevent the repetition of 
 such a scene as had just cccurred. He order- 
 ed a thousand trusty men to be selected from 
 the regiments in the Highlands, and held in 
 readiness to march, with four days' provisions, 
 at the shortest notice. The wisdom of this 
 precaution was soon put to the proof; for news 
 
112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 came, tliat the New Jersey troops, stationed at 
 Pompton and Chatham, were in a state of mu- 
 tiny, having risen in arms against their officers, 
 and threatened to march to Trenton, where the 
 legislature of the State was then in session, 
 and demand redress at the point of the bayo- 
 net. The case required promptness and ener- 
 gy. Six hundred men were put under the 
 command of General Howe, with orders to 
 march and crush the revolt by force, unless 
 the men should yield unconditional submission 
 and return to their duty. These orders were 
 faithfully executed. Taken by surprise, the 
 mutineers were compelled to parade without 
 their arms, make concessions to their officers, 
 and promise obedience. To impress them 
 with the enormity of their guilt, and deter 
 them and others from future acts of the kind, 
 two of the ringleaders Avere tried by a field 
 court-martial and shot. By this summary pro- 
 ceeding the spirit of mutiny in the army was 
 subdued. 
 
 In the midst of these distracting events 
 Washington was employed, at the request of 
 Congress, in affording important counsels to 
 Colonel John Laurens, who had been appoint- 
 ed on a mission to France, for the purpose of 
 obtaining a loan and military supplies. Such 
 was the deranged state of the currency, so 
 
iEr.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113 
 
 low had the resources of the country been 
 drained, and so feeble was the power of draw- 
 ing them out, that, in the opinion of all, the 
 miUtary efforts of the United States could not 
 be exerted with a vigor suited to the exigency 
 of the occasion, nor even with any thing more 
 than a languishing inactivity, unless sustained 
 by succors from their allies both in money and 
 supplies for the army. The sentiments of 
 Washington, communicating the fruits of his 
 knowledge, experience, and judgment, with 
 the weight of his name, were thought essen- 
 tial to produce a just impression on the French 
 cabinet. He wrote a letter to Colonel Laurens, 
 remarkable for its appropriateness and ability, 
 containing a clear and forcible representation 
 of facts, with arguments in support of the ap^ 
 plication of Congress, which was first present- 
 ed by that commissioner to Dr. Franklin, and 
 afterwards laid before the ministry and the 
 King. The influence of this letter, in pro- 
 curing the aids solicited from the French gov- 
 ernment, may be inferred from the circum- 
 stance of a recent loan being accompanied with 
 the suggestion, that the money to be appropri- 
 ated for the army should be left at the disposal 
 of General Washington. 
 
 The British general seems not to have med- 
 itated any offensive operations in the northern 
 
 VOL. IL 8 
 
114 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 States for the coming campaign. His atten- 
 tion was chiefly directed to the south, where 
 such detachments as could be spared from his 
 army at New York were to cooperate with 
 Lord Cornwalhs. Sixteen hundred men, with 
 a proportionate number of armed vessels, were 
 sent into the Chesapeake under the command 
 of Arnold, who was eager to prove his zeal for 
 the cause of his new friends by the mischief 
 he could do to those, whom he had deserted 
 and sought to betray. Before his arrival in 
 the Chesapeake, General Leslie had left Vir- 
 ginia and sailed for Charleston ; so that Arnold 
 received the undivided honor of his exploits, 
 and, what he valued more highly, a liberal 
 share of the booty that fell into his hands. 
 He burnt Richmond, seized private property, 
 and committed depredations in sundry places. 
 
 About the middle of January the British 
 fleet blockading the harbor of Newport was so 
 much shattered and dispersed by a violent 
 storm, that the scale of superiority turned in 
 favor of the French squadron. The Chevalier 
 de Ternay had recently died, and M. Destou- 
 ches, who succeeded him in the command, 
 reconnoitred the enemy's fleet after the storm, 
 and, finding it well secured in Gardiner's Bay, 
 at the east end of Long Island, he v/as not in- 
 clined to seek an engagement. Taking ad- 
 
iET.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 
 
 vantage of the opportunity, however, he de- 
 tached a ship of the line and two frigates un- 
 der M. de Tilly to the Chesapeake, with the 
 design to blockade Arnold's squadron, and to 
 act against him in concert with the American 
 troops on Ismd. As soon as General Washing- 
 ton heard of the damage suffered by the Brit- 
 ish ships, he wrote to Count de Rochambeau, 
 recommending that M. Destouches should pro- 
 ceed immediately to Virginia with his whole 
 fleet and a thousand troops from the French 
 army. This advice was not received till after 
 the departure of M. de Tilly from Newport, 
 when it was too late to comply with it, as the 
 British fleet in the mean time had gained 
 strength, and made it hazardous for M. Des- 
 touches to leave the harbor. 
 
 M. de Tilly's expedition was only in part 
 successful. He entered the Chesapeake, but 
 Arnold drew his vessels so high up the Eliza- 
 beth River, that they could not be reached by 
 the French line-of-battle ship ; and one of the 
 frigates ran aground, and was set afloat again 
 with difficulty. As M. de Tilly could not 
 remain long in the Chesapeake without the 
 risk of being blockaded by a British force, he 
 put to sea, and arrived at Newport after an ab- 
 sence of fifteen days. 
 
 Although the British had repaired their dam- 
 
 z^ 
 
116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 aged vessels, yet by the junction of M. de 
 Tilly an equality was restored to the French ; 
 and M. Destoiiches, in conformity to the rec- 
 ommendation of General Washington, resolved 
 on an expedition to Virginia with his whole 
 naval force, to which Count de Rochambeau 
 added eleven hundred troops, commanded by 
 Baron de Viomenil. The French were pur- 
 sued by Admiral Arbuthnot with all his block- 
 ading squadron, and overtaken near the capes 
 of Virginia, where an action ensued, which 
 terminated with nearly equal honor to both 
 parties. The object of the expedition was 
 thus defeated, unless it was a part of M. Des- 
 touches's purpose to bring on a naval engage- 
 ment, which is not improbable. The fleet 
 returned to Newport without attempting to 
 enter the Chesapeake. 
 
 The moment Washington received the in- 
 telligence, that M. de Tilly had sailed to the 
 southward, he detached twelve hundred men 
 from his army to proceed by land to the Ches- 
 apeake and cooperate with the French against 
 Arnold. At the head of this detachment he 
 placed the Marquis de Lafayette, being influ- 
 enced in his choice both by a political motive, 
 and by his confidence in the ability and bra- 
 very of that officer. The appointment was 
 complimentary to the allies, and it was thought 
 
iET. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 
 
 that harmony Vv-ould be more surely preserved 
 by a commander, who was beloved by the 
 American troops, and respected for his rank 
 and character by his own countrymen. La- 
 fayette marched from Hudson's River on the 
 20th of February. On his arrival in Virginia, 
 his seniority of rank would give him the com- 
 mand of all the Continental troops in that 
 State, and of all the militia drawn into the 
 service to oppose the enemy in the waters of 
 the Chesapeake. Hitherto Baron Steuben had 
 conducted the operations against Arnold in 
 Virginia, having been detained for that purpose 
 when on his way to join General Greene. 
 
 To mature the plans for the campaign, and 
 to communicate with the French commanders, 
 on points that could not be safely intrusted to 
 writing. General Washington made a journey 
 to Newport. He left head-quarters on the 2d 
 of March, and was absent nearly three weeks. 
 He arrived a day or two before M. Destouches's 
 departure on the expedition above mentioned. 
 The citizens of Newport received him with a 
 public address, expressive of their attachment, 
 their gratitude for his services, and the joy 
 they felt at seeing him among them. In his 
 reply, he took care to reciprocate and confirm 
 the sentiments, which they had declared in 
 regard to the allies. " The conduct of the 
 
 'Ma 
 
118 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 French army and fleet," said he, " of which 
 .the inhabitants testify so grateful and so affec- 
 tionate a sense, at the same time that it evin- 
 ces the wisdom of the commanders and the 
 discipline of the troops, is a new proof of the 
 magnanimity of the nation. It is a further 
 demonstration of that generous zeal and con- 
 cern for the happiness of America, which 
 brought them to our assistance, a happy pre- 
 sage of future harmony, a pleasing evidence 
 that an intercourse between the two nations 
 will more and more cement the union, by the 
 solid and lasting ties of mutual affection." In 
 short, the meeting between the commanders 
 of the allied armies was in all respects satisfac- 
 tory to both parties ; but the projects of the 
 enemy were so uncertain, and future operations 
 depended so much on contingent and unfore- 
 seen events, that nothing more could be agreed 
 upon, than general arrangements for acting in 
 concert at such times and places as circum- 
 stances should require. 
 
 Although the design of the British general 
 was not then known, it appeared afterward that 
 he aimed to transfer the seat of war to the 
 Chesapeake, and if possible to Pennsylvania. 
 This scheme was urged by Lord Cornwallis, 
 who was of the opinion that it ought to be 
 pursued even at the expense of abandoning 
 
Mr.id.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 119 
 
 New York. To aid in effecting it, Sir Henry 
 Clinton sent another detachment to Virginia, 
 consisting of two thousand men, under General 
 Phillips, who was ordered to cooperate with 
 Arnold, and ultimately with Lord Cornwallis, 
 it being presumed that CornAvallis would make 
 his way through North Carolina, and be able 
 to succor these troops in Virginia, and probably 
 to join them with his army. 
 
 The first object of Lafayette's expedition 
 was to act in conjunction with the French 
 fleet ; but, as no part of the fleet entered the 
 Chesapeake, he was disappointed in that pur- 
 pose. His troops advanced no further than 
 Annapolis, although he went forward himself 
 to Williamsburg. Having ascertained that an 
 English squadron had entered the Chesapeake, 
 instead of the French, he immediately prepar- 
 ed to return with his detachment to the main 
 army near the Hudson. He proceeded by 
 water to the Head of Elk, where he received 
 additional instructions from General Washing- 
 ton, directing him to march to the south, and 
 either meet the enemy in Virginia, or continue 
 onward to the southern army, as should be ad- 
 vised by General Greene. 
 
 The enemy ascended the Chesapeake Bay 
 and its principal rivers, with their small armed 
 vessels, plundering and laying waste the prop- 
 
120 LIFE OF WASHIKGTO-N. [1781. 
 
 erty of the inhabitants. One of these vessels 
 came up the Potomac to Mount Vernon ; and 
 the' manager of the estate, with the hope of 
 saving the houses from being pillaged and 
 burnt, yielded to the demands of the officers 
 in a manner, which excited the regret and dis- 
 pleasure of Washington. In reply to his man- 
 ager, who had informed him of the particulars, 
 he said ; "I am very sorry to hear of your 
 loss; I am a little sorry to hear of my own ; 
 but that which gives me most concern is, that 
 you should go on board the enemy's vessels, 
 and furnish them with refreshments. It would 
 have been a less painful circumstance to me to 
 have heard, that, in consequence of your non- 
 compliance with their request, they had burn- 
 ed my house and laid the plantation in ruins. 
 You ought to have considered yourself as my 
 representative, and shoidd have reflected on 
 the bad example of communicating with the 
 enemy, and making a voluntary offer of re- 
 freshments to them with a view to prevent a 
 conflagration. It was not in your power, I ac- 
 knowledge, to prevent them from sending a 
 flag on shore, and you did right to meet it ; but 
 you should, in the same instant that the busi- 
 ness of it was unfolded, have declared explicit- 
 ly, that it was improper for yon to yield to the 
 request ; after which, if they had proceeded to 
 
iET.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 
 
 help themselves by force, you could but lj.ave 
 submitted ; and, being unprovided for defence, 
 this was to be preferred to a feeble opposition, 
 which only serves as a pretext to burn and de- 
 stroy." The reader need not be reminded of 
 the accordance of these sentiments with the 
 noble disinterestedness, which regulated his 
 conduct through the whole of his public life. 
 
 An extract from his diary, written on the 1st 
 of May, will exhibit in a striking manner the 
 condition of the army at that time, and the 
 prospects of the campaign. 
 
 " To have a clearer understanding of the 
 entries, which may follow, it would be proper 
 to recite in detail our wants and our prospects ; 
 but this alone would be a work of much time 
 and great magnitude. It may suffice to give 
 the sum of them, which I shall do in a few 
 words. Instead of having magazines filled 
 with provisions, we have a scanty pittance 
 scattered here and there in the ditferent States ; 
 instead of having our arsenals well supplied 
 with military stores, they are poorly provided 
 and the workmen all leaving them ; instead 
 of having the various articles of field-equipage 
 in readiness to be delivered, the quartermaster- 
 general, as the dernier resort, according to his 
 account, is but now applying to the several 
 States to provide these things for their troops 
 
122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 respectively ,• instead of having a regular sj/'s- 
 teni of transportation established upon credit, 
 or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray 
 the contingent expenses of it, we have neither 
 the one nor .the other, and all that business, or 
 a great part of it, being done by military im- 
 press, we are daily and hourly oppressing the 
 people, souring their tempers, and alienating 
 their affections ; instead of having the regi- 
 ments completed to the new establishment, 
 which ought to have been done agreeably to 
 the requisitions of Congress, scarce any State 
 in the Union has at this hour an eighth part 
 of its quota in the field, and little prospect that 
 I can see of ever getting more than half ; in a 
 word, instead of having every thing in readi- 
 ness to take the field, we have nothing ; and, 
 instead of having the prospect of a glorious 
 ofiensive campaign before us, we have a be- 
 wildered and gloomy defensive one, unless we 
 should receive a powerful aid of ships, land 
 troops, and money from our generous allies, 
 and these at present are too contingent to build 
 upon." 
 
 Happily the train of afi'airs took a more fa- 
 vorable turn than he anticipated. In a short 
 time he received the cheering intelligence, that 
 Count de Barras had arrived in Boston harbor 
 with a French frigate, that other vessels and 
 
yEt.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 
 
 a reinforcement of troops from France might 
 soon be looked for, and that a fleet under the 
 Count de Grasse would sail from the West In- 
 dies to the United States in July or August. 
 Another meeting between the commanders of 
 the allied armies was thus rendered necessary. 
 It took place at Weathersfield, in Connecticut, 
 on the 22d of May. Count de Barras, having 
 succeeded M. Destouches in the command of 
 the French squadron, was detained at New- 
 port by the appearance of a British fleet ofi" 
 the harbor ; but the Marquis de Chastellux, a 
 major-general in the army, accompanied Count 
 de Rochambeau. On the part of the Ameri- 
 cans were the Commander-in-chief, General 
 Knox, and General Duportail. 
 
 The two principal objects brought under 
 consideration were ; first, a southern expedi- 
 tion to act against the enemy in Virginia ; sec- 
 ondly, a combined attack on New York. The 
 French commander leaned to the former ; but 
 he yielded to the stronger reasons for the latter, 
 which was decidedly preferred by General 
 Washington. A movement to the south must 
 be wholly by land, the French fleet being in- 
 ferior to that of Admiral Arbuthnot, by which 
 it was blockaded, and of course not in a condi- 
 tion to go to sea. The difliculty and expense 
 of transportation, the season of the year in 
 
124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 which the troops would reach Virginia, being 
 the hottest part of summer, and the waste of 
 men always attending a long march, were for- 
 midable objections to the first plan. It was 
 believed, also, that the enemy's force in New 
 York had been so much weakened by detach- 
 ments, that Sir Henry Clinton would be com- 
 pelled either to sacrifice that place and its de- 
 pendencies, or recall part of his troops from the 
 south to defend them. 
 
 It was therefore agreed, that Count de Ro- 
 chambeau should march as soon as possible 
 jfrom Newport, and form a junction with the 
 American army near Hudson's River. Before 
 leaving Weathersfield, a circular letter was 
 written by General Washington to the govern- 
 ors of the eastern States, acquainting them 
 with the result of the conference, and urging 
 them to fill up their quotas of Continental 
 troops with all possible despatch, and to hold a 
 certain number of militia in readiness to march 
 at a week's notice. If men could not be ob- 
 tained for three years, or during the war, he 
 recommended that they should be enlisted for 
 the campaign only, deeming the exigency to 
 be of the greatest importance, both in a milita- 
 ry point of view and in its political bearings ; 
 for the zeal of the Americans, and their wil- 
 lingness to make sacrifices for the common 
 
iET. 49.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 
 
 cause, would be estimated by the manner in 
 which they should now second the efforts of 
 their allies, and contribute to give eifect to 
 their proffered services. A body of militia 
 was likewise to be called to Newport, for the 
 defence of the French fleet in the harbor after 
 the departure of the troops. The two com- 
 manders returned to their respective armies, 
 and prepared to put their plan in execution. 
 
126 LIFE OF WASHIJMGTOIV. [1781. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Junction between the American and French Armies. — Intelh- 
 gence from Count de Grasse in the West Indies changes the 
 Objects of the Campaign. — Successful Operations of Lafayette 
 against Cornwallis. — The combined Armies cross the Hudson 
 and march to Virginia. — The Fleet of Count de Grasse enters 
 the Chesapeake. — Siege of Yorktown. — Capitulation. — The 
 American Army returns to Hudson's River} the French remains 
 in Virginia. 
 
 The attention of the Commander-in-chief 
 was but partialiy taken up with the affairs un- 
 der his own eye. He held a constant corre- 
 spondence with General Greene and Lafayette, 
 who kept him informed of the operations at 
 the south, and asked his advice and direction 
 on points of difficuhy and importance. The 
 western posts beyond the Alleganies were also 
 under his command, and required much of his 
 care. Incursions of the enemy from Canada 
 kept the northern frontier in a state of alarm, 
 and a considerable portion of the New York 
 troops was called away for the protection of 
 that quarter. 
 
 The wants of the army, especially in the 
 article of bread, were at this time relieved by 
 the generous and spirited exertions of Robert 
 Morris, recently appointed Superintendent of 
 Finance by Congress. He procured from con- 
 
^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 127 
 
 tractors two thousand barrels of flour, promis- 
 ing hard money, and pledging his own credit 
 for its payment. The act was vokmtary, and 
 the relief seasonable. It was one of the many 
 valuable services, which that distinguished 
 patriot rendered to his country. 
 
 General Washington drew the several parts 
 of his army out of their quarters, and took his 
 first position near Peekskill, but soon advanced 
 towards New York, and encamped on the 4th 
 of July near Dobbs's Ferry, and about twelve 
 miles from Kingsbridge. On the 6th he was 
 joined by Count de Rochambeau with the 
 French army, which had marched in four di- 
 visions from Providence by way of Hartford. 
 The Americans encamped in two lines, with 
 their right resting on the Hudson. The French 
 occupied the left, in a single line extending to 
 the river Brunx. 
 
 Preparations were made for an attack on the 
 north part of New York Island a short time 
 before the junction of the two armies. Gen- 
 eral Lincoln descended the Hudson with a de- 
 tachment of eight hundred men in boats foi 
 this purpose, landed above Haerlem River, and 
 took possession of the high ground near Kings- 
 bridge. At the same time the Duke de Lau- 
 zun was to advance from East Chester with 
 his legion, and fall upon Delancey's corps of 
 
128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 refugees at Morrisauia. Unforeseen causes pre- 
 vented the attack, and Lanzun did not arrive 
 in season to effect his part of the enterprise. 
 After some skirmishing the enemy's outposts 
 were withdrawn to the other side of Haerlem 
 River. General Washington came forward 
 with the main army as far as Yalentine's Hill, 
 four miles from Kingsbridge, to support Gen- 
 eral Lincoln in case it should be necessary. 
 The troops lay upon their arms during the 
 night, and the next day retired to the encamp- 
 ment near Dobbs's Ferry. 
 
 At this place the two armies continued six 
 weeks. A plan of a general attack was form- 
 ed, and the two commanders reconnoitred the 
 enemy's works, first by passing over the Hud- 
 son and viewing them across the river from 
 the elevated grounds between Dobbs's Ferry 
 and Fort Lee, and next at Kingsbridge and 
 other places in its vicinity. But the recruits 
 came in so tardily from the States, that the 
 army was never in a condition to authorize an 
 undertaking of such magnitude without the 
 cooperation of a French fleet superior to the 
 British ; more especially as a reinforcement of 
 about three thousand Hessian recruits arrived 
 in New York from Europe. A despatch had 
 early been sent to Count de Grassc in the West 
 Indies, advising him to sail directly to Sandy 
 
JET.iO.-] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 
 
 Hook, and thus secure a naval superiority. On 
 this contingency depended the execution of 
 the plan. 
 
 While these operations were in progress, a 
 French frigate arrived at Newport with a letter 
 from Count de Grasse, dated at Cape Francois 
 in St. Domingo, stating that he should shortly 
 sail from that place, with his whole fleet and 
 three thousand two hundred land troops, for the 
 Chesapeake. This letter was received by Gen- 
 eral Washington on the 14th of August. It 
 produced an immediate change in the objects 
 of the campaign. The engagements of Count 
 de Grasse in the West Indies were such, that 
 he could not promise to remain on the coast 
 beyond the middle of October. It being doubt- 
 ful whether, with all the force that could be 
 collected, and with the fairest prospect of ulti- 
 mate success, the siege of New York could be 
 brought to an issue by that time, it was re- 
 solved at once to abandon that project, and 
 proceed to Virginia with the whole of the 
 French troops, and such a part of the Ameri- 
 can army as could be spared from the defence 
 of the posts on Hudson's River and in the 
 Highlands. In this decision Count de Ro- 
 chambeau cordially united, and the march to 
 the south began without delay. 
 
 Cornwallis had advanced from North Caroli- 
 
 VOL. II. 9 
 
130 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 na, formed a junction with the British detach- 
 ment in the Chesapeake, and overrun the lower 
 counties of Virginia ; but he was checked by 
 the active exertions and skilful manoeuvres of 
 Lafayette, whose generalship and prudent con- 
 duct merited the greatest applause. This was 
 peculiarly gratifying to Washington, who in 
 case of failure, might have been censured for 
 intrusting to so young an officer the hazardous 
 experiment of encountering one of the most 
 experienced and accomplished generals of the 
 age. "Be assured, my. dear Marquis," said 
 Washington in writing to him, " your conduct 
 meets my warmest approbation, as it must that 
 of everybody. Should it ever be said, that my 
 attachment to you betrayed me into partiality, 
 you have only to appeal to facts to refute any 
 such charge." Count de Vergennes bore sim- 
 ilar testimony. In a letter to Lafayette he 
 said ; " I have followed you step by step 
 through your whole campaign in Virginia, and 
 should often have trembled for you, if I had 
 not been confident in your wisdom. It requires 
 no common ability and skill to enable a man 
 to sustain himself as you have done, and dur- 
 ing so long a time, before such a general as 
 " Lord Cornwallis, who is lauded for his tale"nts 
 in war ; and this too, with such a great dis- 
 proportion in your forces." The minister of 
 
yET. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 131 
 
 war was also commanded by the King to ex- 
 press the royal approbation in the warmest 
 terms, and to assure Lafayette of his being 
 raised to the rank of field-marshal in the 
 French army, when his services should be no 
 longer required in the United States. 
 
 It was the first object of Washington and 
 Rochambeau to act against Cornwallis in Vir- 
 ginia. Should that general retreat to North 
 Carolina, it was then intended to pursue him 
 with a part of the combined army, and to em- 
 bark the remainder on board the French fleet, 
 and proceed with it to Charleston, which was 
 at that time held by the British. The two 
 armies crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry, 
 and marched by different routes to Trenton, 
 and thence through Philadelphia to the Head 
 of Elk. The stores and baggage, with one 
 regiment, passed down the Delaware by water 
 to Christiana Creek. Sir Henry Clinton was 
 of course ignorant of the expected approach 
 of Count de Grasse to the Chesapeake, and 
 much finesse was used to misguide and bewil- 
 der him in regard to the design of these move- 
 ments ; it being apprehended, that, suspecting 
 the real object, he might send reinforcements 
 to Virginia before the arrival of the French 
 fleet. Accordingly fictitious letters were writ- 
 ten and put in the way of being intercepted, 
 
133 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 and a deceptive provision of ovens, forage, and 
 boats was made in New Jersey, by which the 
 British general wonld be led to suppose, that 
 an attack was intended from that quarter. 
 These stratagems were successful to the ex- 
 tent anticipated ; and the troops had made con- 
 siderable progress in their march, before Sir 
 Henry Clinton was fully aware of their desti- 
 nation. 
 
 General Heath was left in the command on 
 Hudson's River. The moving army was put 
 under the charge of General Lincoln. The 
 soldiers, being mostly from the eastern and 
 middle States, marched with reluctance to the 
 southward, and showed strong symptoms of 
 discontent when they passed through Phila- 
 delphia. This had been foreseen by General 
 Washington, and he urged the Superintendent 
 of Finance to advance to them a month's pay 
 in hard money. But there was no such mon- 
 ey in the treasury. Mr. Morris succeeded,, 
 however, in borrowing for this purpose twenty 
 thousand hard dollars from the French com- 
 mander, which he promised to return within 
 thirty days. 
 
 General Washington and Count de Rochani- 
 beau preceded the army ; and the former, after 
 stopping for a short time in Philadelphia, has- 
 tened forward to Mount Vernon, which lay in 
 
^T. 49.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJM. 
 
 133 
 
 his route. This casual visit was the first he 
 had paid to his home since he left it to attend 
 the second Continental Congress, a period of 
 six years and five months ; so entirely had he 
 sacrificed his time, personal interests, and lo- 
 cal attachments to the service of his country. 
 Nor did he now remain any longer than to 
 await the arrival of Count de Rochambeau, 
 whom he had left at Baltimore. The two 
 generals then made all haste to the head-quar- 
 ters of Lafayette's army near Williamsburg, 
 which they reached on the 14th of September. 
 In the mean time Count de Grasse, with his 
 whole fleet, consisting of twenty-six ships of 
 the line and several frigates entered the Ches- 
 apeake, after a partial engagement with Admi- 
 ral Graves off the Capes. He had also been 
 joined by the Count de Barras, with the French 
 squadron from Newport. Three thousand men 
 from the West Indies, commanded by the 
 Marquis de St. Simon, had already landed, and 
 united with Lafayette. Transports were im- 
 mediately despatched up the Chesapeake, to 
 bring down the French and American troops 
 from the Head of Elk and Annapolis. For 
 the purpose of concerting measures for a coop- 
 eration between the naval and land forces, the 
 two commanders held a conference with Count 
 de Grasse on board the Ville de Paris at Cape 
 Henry. 
 
 21 
 
134 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIM. [1781. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, expecting aid from Sir 
 Henry Clinton, and hoping the British force at 
 sea would be superior to the French, had taken 
 possession of Yorktown and Gloucester, two 
 places separated by York River, and nearly 
 opposite to each other. The main part of his 
 army was at Yorktown, around which he 
 threw up strong works of defence, and prepar- 
 ed to sustain a siege. To this extremity he 
 was at length reduced. All the troops being 
 assembled, the American and French generals 
 marched from the encampment near Williams- 
 burg, and completely invested Yorktown on 
 the 30th of September. The Americans were 
 stationed on the right, and the French on the 
 left, in a semicircular line, each wing resting 
 on York River. The post at Gloucester was 
 invested by Lauzun's legion, marines from the 
 fleet, and Virginia militia, under the command 
 of M. de Choisy, a brigadier-general in the 
 French service. 
 
 The siege was carried on by the usual pro- 
 cess of opening parallels, erecting batteries, 
 firing shot, throwing shells, and storming re- 
 doubts. The enemy were neither idle nor in- 
 efficient in their efforts for defence and annoy- 
 ance. The principal event was the storming 
 of two redoubts at the same time ; one by a 
 party of the American light infantry, the other 
 
^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 135 
 
 by a detachtnent of French grenadiers and 
 chasseurs ; the former headed by Lafayette, 
 the latter by the Baron de Viomenil. They 
 were both successful. The assailants entered 
 the redoubts with the bayonet, in a brave and 
 spirited manner, under a heavy fire from the 
 enemy. The advanced corps of the American 
 party was led by Colonel Hamilton, " whose 
 well-known talents and gallantry," said Lafa- 
 yette in his report, " were most conspicuous 
 and serviceable." Colonels Laurens, Gimat, 
 and Barber were also distinguished in this as- 
 sault. 
 
 The besiegers pushed forward their trenches, 
 and kept up an incessant fire from their bat- 
 teries, till the 17th of October, when, about 
 ten o'clock in the morning, the enemy beat a 
 parley, and Lord Cornwallis sent out a note to 
 General Washington proposing a cessation of 
 hostilities for twenty-four hours, and the ap- 
 pointment of commissioners on each side to 
 settle the terms for surrenderiiig the posts of 
 Yorktown and Gloucester. In reply General 
 Washington requested, that, as a preliminary 
 step, his Lordship would communicate in writ- 
 ing, the terms on which he proposed to sur- 
 render. This was complied with, and hostili- 
 ties ceased. 
 
 The basis of a capitulation, furnished by 
 
136 LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON. [1781 
 
 the British general, was, that the garrisons 
 should be prisoners of war, with the customa- 
 ry honors ; that the British and German troops 
 should be sent to Europe, under an engage- 
 ment not to serve against France or America 
 till released or exchanged ; that all arms and 
 public stores should be given up; that the 
 officers and soldiers should retain their private 
 property ; and that the interest of several in- 
 dividuals in a civil capacity should be attended 
 to. This last clause was designed to protect 
 the traders and other Americans, who had 
 joined the enemy. 
 
 Some of these points not being admissible, 
 General Washington transmitted an answer the 
 next day, in which he sketched the outlines 
 of a capitulation, and informed Lord Cornwal- 
 lis, that he was ready to appoint commissioners 
 to digest the articles. All the troops in the 
 garrisons were to be prisoners of war, and 
 marched into such parts of the country as 
 could most conveniently provide for their sub- 
 sistence ; the artillery, arms, accoutrements, 
 military chest, and public stores, with the 
 shipping, boats, and all their furniture and ap- 
 parel, were to be delivered up; the officers re- 
 taining their side-arms, and both the officers 
 and soldiers preserving their baggage and ef- 
 fects, except such property as had been taken 
 
iET.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 137 
 
 in the country, which was to be reclaimed. 
 The surrendering army was to receive the 
 same honors as had been granted by the Brit- 
 ish to the garrison of Charleston. Upon these 
 general terms a treaty was finally adjusted; 
 the commissioners being Colonel Laurens and 
 the Viscount de Noailles on the part of the 
 Americans and French, and Colonel Dun- 
 das and Major Ross on that of the British. 
 The articles of capitulation were signed on 
 the 19th of October, and in the afternoon of 
 that day the garrisons marched out and sur-- 
 rendered their arms. 
 
 The traders within the enemy's lines were 
 not regarded as prisoners, and they were al- 
 lowed a certain time to dispose of their prop- 
 erty or remove it ; but no provision was made 
 for other persons in a civil capacity within the 
 enemy's lines. At the request of Lord Corn- 
 wallis, however, the Bonetta sloop of war was 
 left at his disposal for the purpose of sending 
 an aid-de-camp with despatches to Sir Henry 
 Clinton ; and in this vessel, which was suf- 
 fered to depart without examination, all per- 
 sons of the above description took passage for 
 New York ; and thus the British commander 
 was enabled to maintain his good faith towards 
 those, who had joined him in the country, 
 without including them in the terms of capit- 
 
138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 ulation. The Bouetta, with her crew, guns, 
 and stores was to return and be given up. 
 
 The whole number of prisoners, exckisive 
 of seamen, was somewhat over seven thou- 
 sand men ; and the British loss during the 
 siege was between five and six hundred. Thf 
 combined army employed in the siege consist- 
 ed of about seven thousand American regular 
 troops, upwards of five thousand French, and 
 four thousand militia. The loss in killed and 
 w^ounded was about three hundred. The land 
 forces surrendered to General Washington, and 
 became prisoners to Congress ; but the seamen, 
 ships, and naval equipments, were assigned to 
 the French admiral. 
 
 The success was more complete, and more 
 speedily attained, than had been anticipated. 
 The capture of Cornwallis, with so large a 
 part of the British army in America, occasion- 
 ed great rejoicings throughout the country, as 
 affording a decisive presage of the favorable 
 termination of the war. Congress passed a 
 special vote of thanks to each of the comman- 
 ders, and to the officers and troops. Two 
 stands of colors, taken from the enemy at the 
 capitulation, were given to General Washing- 
 ton, and two pieces of field-ordnance to Count 
 de Rochambeau and Count de Grasse respec- 
 tively, as tokens of the national gratitude for 
 
JET.4S.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 
 
 their services. Congress moreover resolved to 
 commemorate so glorious an event by causing 
 a marble column to be erected at Yorktown, 
 adorned with emblems of the alliance between 
 France and the United States, and an inscrip- 
 tion containing a narrative of the principal 
 incidents of the siege and surrender. 
 
 General Washington, believing a most fa- 
 vorable opportunity now presented itself for 
 following up this success by an expedition 
 against Charleston, wrote a letter to Count de 
 Grasse the day after the capitulation, request- 
 ing him to join in it with his fleet. He also 
 went on board the admiral's ship, as well to 
 pay his respects and offer his thanks for what 
 had already been done, as to explain and en- 
 force the practicability and importance of this 
 plan. By the instructions from his court, and 
 by his engagements to the Spaniards, Count 
 de Grasse was bound to return to the West 
 Indies without delay, and thus it was not in 
 his power to accede to the proposal. It was 
 then suggested, that he should transport a 
 body of troops to Wilmington, in North Caro- 
 lina, and land them there while on his voyage. 
 To this he at first made no objection ; but, 
 when he ascertained that there would be a 
 difficulty in landing the men without running 
 the risk of dividing his fleet, or perhaps of be- 
 
140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 
 
 ing driven off the coast with the troops on 
 board, he declined the undertaking. Lafayette 
 was to command this expedition ; and the pur- 
 pose of it was to take a British post at Wil- 
 mington, and then march into the interior and 
 unite with the southern army under General 
 Greene. 
 
 The troops commanded by the Marquis 
 de St. Simon were embarked, and Count de 
 Grasse set sail for the West Indies. Before 
 his departure. General Washington presented 
 him with two beautiful horses, as a testimony 
 of personal consideration and esteem. 
 
 As nothing further could be eflected by the 
 allied forces during the campaign, a detach- 
 ment of two thousand men, comprising the 
 Continental troops from Pennsylvania, Mary- 
 land, and Virginia, Avas put under General St. 
 Clair, with orders to reinforce General Greene 
 at the south. The troops belonging eastward 
 of Pennsylvania were transported by water to 
 the Head of Elk, whence they marched to 
 their winter cantonments in New Jersey and 
 near Hudson's River. The French army re- 
 mained in Virginia till the following summer, 
 the head-quarters of Count de Rochambeau 
 being at Williamsburg. 
 
 The prisoners were marched to Winchester 
 in Virginia, and Fredericktown in Maryland ; 
 
^T.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 
 
 and a part of them subsequently to Lancaster 
 in Pennsylvania. Lord Cornwallis, and the 
 other principal officers, went by sea to New 
 York on parole. 
 
 All these affairs being arranged, General 
 Washington left Yorktown on the 5th of No- 
 vember. The same day he arrived at Eltham, 
 where he was present at the death of Mr. 
 Custis, the only son of Mrs. Washington. He 
 stayed there a few days to mingle his grief 
 with that of the afflicted widow and mother. 
 The occasion was not less trying to his sym- 
 pathy than to his sensibility, for he had watch- 
 ed over the childhood and youth of the de- 
 ceased with a paternal solicitude, and after- 
 wards associated with him as a companion, 
 who possessed his confidence and esteem. Mr. 
 Custis was a member of the Virginia legisla- 
 ture, and much respected for his public 'and 
 private character. He died at the age of 
 twenty-eight, leaving four infant children, the 
 two youngest of whom, a son and daughter, 
 were adopted by General Washington, and 
 they resided in his family till the end of his 
 life. 
 
 From Eltham he proceeded by the way of 
 Mount Vernon to Philadelphia, receiving and 
 answering various public addresses while on 
 his journey. The day after his arrival he at- 
 
 «lQ 
 
142 r-IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781, 
 
 tended Congress, being introduced into the 
 hall by two members, and greeted with a con- 
 gratulatory address by the President. He was 
 requested to remain for some time in Philadel- 
 phia, both that he might enjoy a respite from 
 the fatigues of war, and that Congress might 
 avail themselves of his aid, in making prepa- 
 rations for vigorous and timely efforts to draw 
 every advantage from the recent triumph of 
 the allied arms. 
 
/Et. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Preparations for another Campaign recommended and enforced by 
 General Washington and approved by Congress. — Lafayette 
 returns to France. — The Affair of Captain Asgill. — Back- 
 wardness of the States in recruiting the Army. — Proposal to 
 General Washington to assume Supreme Power, and his Re- 
 ply. — Sir Guy Carleton gives Notice, that Negotiations for 
 Peace had begun. — The French Troops march from Virginia, 
 join General Washington, and afterwards embark at Boston. 
 
 From the state of affairs at this time, both 
 in Europe and America, it was evident that 
 the war could not be of much longer duration. 
 Considering, however, the temper hitherto 
 manifested by the British cabinet, and the 
 spirit with which a large majority of the na- 
 tion had sustained the ministerial measures, it 
 was generally supposed that another campaign 
 would be tried. This was Washington's be- 
 lief; and, in his communications to Congress 
 and to persons of influence in vafious parts of 
 the country, he urged the importance of being 
 fully prepared. This he regarded as the wisest 
 policy in any event. If the war continued, the 
 preparations would be necessary ; if it ceased, 
 they would have a favorable effect on the ne- 
 gotiations for peace. 
 
 He was apprehensive, that the people, from 
 
144 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 
 
 a mistaken idea of the magnitude of the late 
 success in Virginia, would deceive themselves 
 with delusive hopes, and grow remiss in their 
 eiforts. " To prevent so great an evil," said 
 he, " shall be my study and endeavor ; and I 
 cannot but flatter myself, that the States, rath- 
 er than relax in their exertions, will be stimu- 
 lated to the most vigorous preparations for 
 another active, glorious, and decisive campaign, 
 which, if properly prosecuted, will, I trust, 
 under the smiles of Heaven, lead us to the 
 end of this long and tedious war, and set us 
 down in the full security of the great object 
 of our toils, the establishment of peace, liber- 
 ty, and independence. Whatever may be the 
 policy of European courts during this winter, 
 their negotiations will prove too precarious a 
 dependence for us to trust to. Our wisdom 
 should dictate a serious preparation for war, 
 and, in that state, we shall find ourselves in a 
 situation secure against every event." 
 
 These sentiments met the full concurrence 
 of Congress. They resolved to keep up the 
 same military establishment as the year before ; 
 and to call on the States to complete their 
 quotas of troops at an early day. They voted 
 new requisitions of money and supplies. These 
 resolves were adopted with a promptness, zeal, 
 and unanimity, which had rarely been shown 
 
iEx. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 145 
 
 on former occasions. To aid in carrying them 
 into effect, it was deemed advisable for the 
 Comm_ander-in-chief to write two circular let- 
 ters to the governors of all the States. The 
 first, relating to finance, was dated on the 22d 
 of January, 1783, and contained arguments 
 for raising money adequate to the public exi- 
 gencies, particularly the payment and clothing 
 of the troops. The second, dated a week la- 
 ter, exhibited the numbers and condition of 
 the army then in the field, and urged the com- 
 pleting of the quotas according to the requisi- 
 tion of Congress. 
 
 Other methods were also used to provide 
 means for prosecuting the war. Succors con- 
 tinued to be received from France, and, by 
 the persevering application of Franklin to the 
 French court, a loan of six millions of livres, 
 payable in monthly instalments, was promised 
 for the coming year. After the capitulation at 
 Yorktown, there being no prospect of further 
 active service till the next campaign, the Mar- 
 quis de Lafayette obtained permission from 
 Congress to return on a visit to his native 
 country. Besides passing resolves complimen- 
 tary to his character, zeal, and military con- 
 duct, Congress made him the bearer of a letter 
 to the King of France, in which he was com- 
 mended to the notice of his sovereign in very 
 
 VOL. II. 10 
 
146 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 
 
 warm terms. Much reliance was placed on 
 the representations he would make concerning 
 the state of affairs in America, and on his in- 
 fluence to procure the desired assistance from 
 the French government. The ministers from 
 the United States in Europe were likewise in- 
 structed to confer with the Marquis de Lafa- 
 yette, and avail themselves of his knowledge 
 and counsels. 
 
 About the middle of April, General Wash- 
 ington left Philadelphia and joined the army, 
 establishing his head-quarters at Newburg. 
 He had hardly arrived in camp, when he heard 
 of an occurrence, which produced much ex- 
 citement at the time, and led to consequences 
 of considerable notoriety, though in them- 
 selves of little moment. The particulars are 
 these. Captain Huddy, an American officer, 
 who commanded a small body of troops in 
 Monmouth County, New Jersey, was taken 
 prisoner by a party of refugees, conveyed into 
 New York, and put in close confinement. A 
 few days afterwards he was sent out of the 
 city, under the charge of Captain Lippencot, 
 at the head of a number of refugees, by whom 
 he was hanged on the heights near Middle- 
 town. This wanton act exasperated the peo- 
 ple in the neighborhood, who knew and es- 
 teemed Captain Huddy. Affidavits and a 
 
^T.60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 147 
 
 Statement of facts were forwarded to General 
 Washington. These he laid before a council 
 of officers, who gave it as their unanimous 
 opinion, that the case demanded retaliation, 
 that the punishment ought to be inflicted on 
 the leader of the party by which the murder 
 was committed, and that, if he should not be 
 given up, an officer equal in rank to Captain 
 Huddy ought to be selected by lot from the 
 British prisoners. 
 
 A representation of the facts was according- 
 ly sent to Sir Henry Clinton, with a demand 
 for the surrender of Lippencot. This demand 
 not being complied with, an officer was desig- 
 nated for retaliation. The lot fell upon Cap- 
 tain Asgill, a young man only nineteen years 
 old, who was then a prisoner at Lancaster in 
 Pennsylvania. The affair was in suspense for 
 several months. Although Lippencot was not 
 delivered up, yet Sir Henry Clinton, and his 
 successor Sir Guy Carleton, not only disavowed 
 the act as having been done without authori- 
 ty, but reprobated it with unmeasured severi- 
 ty. The subject was referred by them to a 
 court-martial, and Lippencot was tried. From 
 the developements it appeared, that the guilt 
 of the transaction rested mainly with the 
 Board of Associated Loyalists in New York, 
 and that Lippencot acted in conformity with 
 
148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 
 
 what he believed to be the orders of the board. 
 Hence he was acquitted, as not properly an- 
 swerable for the crime of the act. 
 
 When these circumstances were made known, 
 the whole matter was laid before Congress. 
 Considering the ground taken by the British 
 commanders in disavowing and censuring the 
 act, added to the irresponsible nature of Lip- 
 pencot's conduct. General Washington inclined 
 to release Captain Asgill, and was disappointed 
 and dissatisfied at the delay of Congress in 
 coming to a decision on the subject. Mean- 
 while the mother of Asgill, already borne down 
 with family afflictions, which were increased 
 by the impending fate of her son, wrote a 
 pathetic letter of intercession to the French 
 ministry. This was shown to the King and 
 Q,ueen ; and it wrought so much on their 
 feelings, that Count de Vergennes by their di- 
 rection wrote to General Washington, soliciting 
 the liberation of Asgill. Although this com- 
 munication arrived after it had been determined 
 not to insist on retaliation, yet it had the effect 
 to hasten the proceedings of Congress, and by 
 their order Captain Asgill was set at liberty. 
 
 Little progress was made by the States in 
 filling up their quotas of troops. When Gen- 
 eral Washington arrived in camp, the whole 
 number of effective men in the northern army 
 
^T.60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 149 
 
 was somewhat short of ten thousand ; nor was 
 it much increased afterwards. In fact, after 
 the capitulation at Yorktown, the conviction 
 was nearly universal, that the war would not 
 be pursued any further in the United States. 
 The recruiting service consequently languish- 
 ed. Relieved from danger, and worn out 
 with their long toils and sacrifices, the people 
 were slow to perceive, that large preparations 
 would be the means of procuring better terms 
 of peace, and seemed contented with the pres- 
 ent prospects. News arrived in the first part of 
 May, which indicated an approaching change 
 in the British cabinet, and symptoms of pacific 
 measures. Fearful of the effect which this 
 intelligence might produce, Washington took 
 occasion to express his own sentiments without 
 reserve in a circular letter, which he was just 
 at that time despatching to the governors of 
 the States. 
 
 " Upon the most mature deliberation I can 
 bestow," he observed, " I am obliged to de- 
 clare it as my candid opinion, that the meas- 
 ures of the enemy in all their views, so far as 
 they respect America, are merely delusory (they 
 having no serious intention to admit our inde- 
 pendence upon its true principles), and are cal- 
 culated to quiet the minds of their own people, 
 and reconcile them to the continuance of the 
 
150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 
 
 war ,• while they are meant to amuse the coun- 
 try into a false idea of peace, to draw us off 
 from our connexion with France, and to lull 
 us into a state of security and inactivity, which 
 having taken place, the ministry will be left 
 to prosecute the war in other parts of the 
 world with greater vigor and effect. Even if 
 the nation and Parliament are really in earnest 
 to obtain peace with America, it will undoubt- 
 edly be wisdom in us to meet them with great 
 caution and circumspection, and by all means 
 to keep our arms firm in our hands, and, instead 
 of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to 
 spring forward with redoubled vigor, that we 
 may take the advantage of every favorable op- 
 portunity, until our wishes are fully obtained. 
 No nation ever yet suffered in treaty by prepar- 
 ing, even in the moment of negotiation, most 
 vigorously for the field." 
 
 The discontents of the officers and soldiers, 
 respecting the arrearages of their pay, had for 
 some time increased : and, there being now a 
 prospect, that the army would ultimately be 
 disbanded without an adequate provision by 
 Congress for meeting the claims of the troops, 
 these discontents manifested themselves in au- 
 dible murmurs and complaints, which forebod- 
 ed serious consequences. But a spirit still 
 more to be dreaded was secretly at work. In 
 
yET.50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151 
 
 reflecting on the limited powers of Congress, 
 and on the backwardness of the States to com- 
 ply with the most essential requisitions, even 
 in support of their own interests, many of the 
 officers were led to look for the cause in the 
 form of government, and to distrust the stabil- 
 ity of republican institutions. So far were 
 they carried by their fears and speculations, 
 that they meditated the establishment of a 
 new and more energetic system. A colonel in 
 the army, of a highly respectable character, 
 and somewhat advanced in life, was made the 
 organ for communicating their sentiments to 
 the Commander-in-chief. In a letter elabo- 
 rately and skilfully written, after describing 
 the gloomy state of affairs, the financial diffi- 
 culties, and the innumerable embarrassments 
 in which the country had been involved dur- 
 ing the war, on account of its defective politi- 
 cal organization, the writer adds ; 
 
 " This must have shown to all, and to mili- 
 tary men in particular, the weakness of repub- 
 lics, and the exertions the army have been able 
 to make by being under a proper head. There- 
 fore I little doubt, that, when the benefits of a 
 mixed government are pointed out, and duly 
 considered, such will be readily adopted. In 
 this case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted, 
 that the same abilities, which have led us 
 
152 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782 
 
 through difficulties, apparently insurmountable 
 by human power, to victory and glory, those 
 qualities, that have merited and obtained the 
 universal esteem and veneration of an army, 
 would be most likely to conduct and direct 
 us in the smoother paths of peace. Some peo- 
 ple have so comiected the ideas of tyranny and 
 monarchy, as to find it very difficult to separ- 
 ate them. It may therefore be requisite to 
 give the head of such a constitution, as I pro- 
 pose, some title apparently more moderate ; 
 but, if all other things were once adjusted, I 
 believe strong arguments might be produced 
 for admitting the title of King, which I con- 
 ceive would be attended with some material 
 advantages." 
 
 To this communication, as unexpected as it 
 was extraordinary in its contents, Washington 
 replied as follows. 
 
 "Newburg, 22 May, 1782. 
 " Sir, 
 " With a mixture of great surprise and as- 
 tonishment, I have read with attention the sen- 
 timents you have submitted to my perusal. Be 
 assured. Sir, no occurrence in the course of the 
 war has given me more painful sensations, than 
 your information of there being such ideas ex- 
 isting in the army, as you have expressed, and 
 I must view with abhorrence and reprehend 
 
Mt.HO.] life of WASHINGTON. 153 
 
 with seventy. For the present, the communi- 
 cation of them will rest in my own bosom, 
 unless some further agitation of the matter 
 shall make a disclosure necessary. 
 
 " 1 am much at a loss to conceive what part 
 of my conduct could have given encourage- 
 ment to an address, which to me seems big 
 with the greatest mischiefs, that can befall my 
 country. If I am not deceived in the knowl- 
 edge of myself, you could not have found a 
 person to whom your schemes are more disa- 
 greeable. At the same time, in justice to my 
 own feelings, I must add, that no man possess- 
 es a more sincere wish to see ample justice 
 done to the army than I do ; and, as far as my 
 powers and influence, in a constitutional way, 
 extend, they shall be employed to the utmost 
 of my abilities 'to effect it, should there be any 
 occasion. Let me conjure you, then, if you 
 have any regard for your country, concern for 
 yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to ban- 
 ish these thoughts from your mind, and never 
 communicate, as from yourself or any one else, 
 a sentiment of the like nature. I am. Sir, &c. 
 "George Washington." 
 
 Such was the language of Washington, 
 when, at the head of his army and at the 
 height of his power and popularity, it was 
 
154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17^2. 
 
 proposed to him to become a king. After this 
 indignant reply and stern rebuke, it is not 
 probable that any further advances were made 
 to him on the subject. 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New York early 
 in May, and superseded Sir Henry Clinton as 
 commander of the British armies in America. 
 His first letter to Washington was pacific in 
 its tone, and showed, that at least a temporary 
 change had taken place in the sentiments of 
 Parliament respecting the principles on which 
 the war had been conducted, and the policy 
 of continuing it. Nothing of a positive nature 
 was communicated, however, till the beginning 
 of August, when Sir Guy Carleton again wrote, 
 that he was authorized to give notice, that ne- 
 gotiations for a general peace had commenced 
 at Paris, and that the independence of the 
 United States would be conceded as a prelimi- 
 nary step. From this time, therefore, prepara- 
 tions for war ceased, and no further acts of 
 hostility were committed by either party. It 
 not being certain, nevertheless, that the nego- 
 tiations would actually result in peace, no part 
 of the American army was dismissed, but the 
 posture of defence was maintained with the 
 same caution and vigilance as before. 
 
 The French troops had continued in Virgin- 
 ia since the capitulation at Yorktown. They 
 
^T. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155 
 
 marched to Hudson's River, and formed a 
 junction with the forces under Washington 
 about the middle of September. The two ar- 
 mies had been encamped on the east side of 
 the river near Verplanck's Point more than a 
 month, when the French marched to Boston, 
 where a fleet was ready to receive them, and 
 sailed before the end of December, having 
 been in the country two years and a half. 
 The Baron de Viomenil commanded the troops 
 when they went on board the fleet at Boston. 
 The Count de Rochambeau, accompanied by 
 the Marquis de Chastellux, sailed some days 
 later from Baltimore, 
 
 General Washington had drawn the larger 
 part of his army down the river to Verplanck's 
 Point, more as a mark of courtesy to the allied 
 troops in meeting them there, than for any mil- 
 itary object ; and, after their departure, he re- 
 turned to his former encampment at Newburg, 
 where head-quarters continued till the army 
 was disbanded. 
 
156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Dissatisfaction of the Army. — The Officers send a Memorial to 
 Congress. — The anonymous Addresses at Newburg. — Intelli- 
 gence arrives, that a Treaty of Peace had been signed at Paris. 
 — General Washington's Sentiments concerning the civil Gov- 
 ernment of the Union. — His Circular Letter to the States. — 
 He makes a Tour to the North. — Repairs to Congress at the 
 Request of that Body. — His Farewell Address to the Army. — 
 The British evacuate New York. — Washington resigns his 
 Commission, and retires to private Life at Mount Vernon. 
 
 The winter being a season of inactivity, 
 and the prospect of peace becoming every day 
 less doubtful, the officers and soldiers had leis- 
 ure to reflect on their situation, and to look 
 forward to the condition awaiting them at the 
 end of the war. When they compared their 
 long services and sufferings with the sacrifices 
 of those, who had been engaged only in the 
 pursuits of private life, and with the rewards 
 hitherto received, they felt that they had 
 claims, as well on the gratitude and generosity, 
 as on the justice, of their country. At the 
 same time, various circumstances conspired to 
 make them apprehensive, that these claims 
 would neither be adequately met nor duly es- 
 timated. Congress had no funds ; the States 
 were extremely backward in applying the only 
 remedy by an effectual system of taxation ; 
 
iET.50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 
 
 and the resource of foreign loans was nearly- 
 exhausted. It was natural, that this state of 
 things, added to long arrearages of pay, and 
 accounts unsettled and without any security 
 for a future liquidation of them, should cause 
 much excitement and concern. 
 
 In the month of December, the officers in 
 camp determined to address Congress on the 
 subject of their grievances. A memorial was 
 accordingly drawn up, which was understood 
 to express the sentiments of the army. It 
 contained a representation of the money actu- 
 ally due to them, a proposal that the half-pay 
 for life should be commuted for a specific sum, 
 and a request that security should be given by 
 the government for fulfilling its engagements. 
 The commutation it was believed would be 
 more generally acceptable to the public than 
 half-pay for life, which had always been op- 
 posed by a strong party, as favoring the idea of 
 a pension list and a privileged class, and as 
 hostile to republican institutions. Three offi- 
 cers were deputed as a committee to carry 
 this memorial to Congress, and instructed to 
 use their endeavors to obtain for it a successful 
 hearing. 
 
 The dissensions, which had long existed in 
 Congress, were brought to bear on this subject. 
 Many of the members were disposed to do 
 
 22 
 
15S LIFE OF WASHINGTOIS!. [1783. 
 
 ample justice to the ' army, and to all other 
 public creditors, by assuming their claims as a 
 Continental charge, and providing for the set- 
 tlement of them by a Continental fund and 
 securities ; while others, jealous of State rights 
 and State sovereignty, disapproved this course, 
 and urged the plan of referring unsettled ac- 
 counts to the respective States, Congress 
 took the memorial into consideration, and 
 passed resolves indefinite in their character, 
 and not such as were likely to answer the ex- 
 pectations or quiet the uneasiness of the army. 
 The claims of public creditors were recog- 
 nised, but no scheme was suggested for estab- 
 lishing funds, or giving security. On an esti- 
 mate of the average ages of the officers, it 
 was decided, that half-pay for life was equiva- 
 lent to five years' whole pay ; but the requi- 
 site number of nine States could not be ob- 
 tained in favor of the commutation. Appre- 
 hending a defeat, if they pressed the subject, 
 and hoping that the vote would ultimately be 
 carried, the committee thought it prudent to 
 delay further proceedings, and one of them 
 returned to camp with a letter containing a 
 report of what had been done. 
 
 The representations thus communicated were 
 by no means satisfactory to the officers. Dis- 
 appointed and irritated, many of them were 
 
^T. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 159 
 
 for resorting to measures, which should con- 
 vince Congress, not only of the justice of their 
 demands, but of their resolution to enforce 
 them. Hence originated the famous Newhurg 
 Addresses. At a private consultation of sev- 
 eral officers it was agreed, that a meeting of 
 the general and field officers, a commissioned 
 officer from each company, and a delegate 
 from the medical staflf, ought to be called for 
 the purpose of passing a series of resolutions, 
 which should be forwarded to their committee 
 at Congress. On the 10th of March a notifi- 
 cation to this effect was circulated in camp, 
 fixing the time and stating the object. The 
 same day an anonymous address to the army 
 was sent out, written in a strain of passionate 
 and stirring eloquence, and extremely well 
 suited to excite the feelings and rouse the 
 spirit of those for whom it was intended. 
 Foreseeing the fatal consequences that might 
 result from an assembling of the officers under 
 such circumstances, and at the same time 
 deeply impressed with the justice of their 
 complaints and the reality of their wrongs, 
 Washington had a delicate task to perform ; 
 but he executed it with his characteristic de- 
 cision, firmness, and wisdom. He sought 
 rather to guide and control the proceedings 
 
100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 
 
 thus begun, than to check or discountenance 
 them by any act of severity. 
 
 In general orders the next morning, after 
 censuring the anonymous paper and invitation 
 as irregular and disorderly, he appointed a day 
 and hour for the meeting of the officers, when 
 they might " devise what further measures 
 ought to be adopted, as most rational, and best 
 calculated to attain the object in view." This 
 was followed by another anonymous address, 
 in a tone more subdued than the former, but 
 expressing similar sentiments, and representing 
 the orders as favorable to the purpose desired, 
 the time of meeting only being changed. 
 The Commander-in-chief, however, took care 
 to frustrate the design of this interpretation by 
 conversing individually with those officers in 
 whom he had the greatest confidence, setting 
 before them in a strong light the danger that 
 would attend a rash or precipitate act in such 
 a crisis, inculcating moderation, and using his 
 utmost efforts to appease their discontents, and 
 persuade them to deliberate without passion, 
 and under a deep conviction that the vital in- 
 terests of their country were involved in the 
 measures they should adopt. 
 
 When the officers were assenribled at the 
 time appointed. General Washington addressed 
 them in very impressive terras, reminding them 
 
^T. 5!.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 
 
 of the cause for which they had taken up 
 arms, the fidelity and constancy with which 
 they had hitherto devoted themselves to that 
 cause, and the sacred trust which was still re- 
 posed in them as the defenders of their coun- 
 try's liberty ; appealing to the honor and pa- 
 triotism, by which they had so nobly and gen- 
 erously shown themselves to be actuated in 
 the perils of the field, and amidst the unex- 
 ampled sufferings of a protracted war; and 
 imploring them not to cast a shade over the 
 glory they had acquired, nor tarnish their well- 
 earned reputation, nor lessen their dignity, by 
 an intemperate or indiscreet act at the moment 
 when the great object of their toils was 
 achieved, and the world was loud in its praise 
 of their valor, fortitude, and success. He ac- 
 knowledged the equity of their claims, and 
 the reasonableness of their complaints ; but 
 he deprecated the idea, that on this account 
 they should distrust the plighted faith of their 
 country, or the intentions of Congress ; ex- 
 pressing his firm belief, that, before they should 
 be disbanded, every thing would be adjusted 
 to their satisfaction ; and pledging himself, 
 from a sense of gratitude for their past servi- 
 ces, and from the attachment he felt to an ar- 
 my, which had adhered to him in every vicis- 
 situde of fortune, to employ all his abilities 
 
 VOL. TI. 11 
 
162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . [1783. 
 
 and his best exertions to procure for them 
 complete justice, as far as it could be done con- 
 sistently with the great duty he owed to his 
 country, and to the authority which every citi- 
 zen was bound to respect. 
 
 After speaking these sentiments, and others 
 of a similar tendency, suited to soothe their 
 feelings and inspire confidence, he retired from 
 the assembly. The deliberation of the officers 
 was short, and their decision prompt and unan- 
 imous. They passed resolutions, thanking the 
 Commander-in-chief for the course he had pur- 
 sued, and expressive of their unabated attach- 
 ment ; and also declaring their unshaken reli- 
 ance on the good faith of Congress and their 
 country, and a determination to bear with pa- 
 tience their grievances till in due time they 
 should be redressed. A full account of the 
 transactions was transmitted to Congress and 
 published in their journals. 
 
 The incidents are clearly and briefly related 
 by General Washington in a letter to Governor 
 Harrison of Virginia, written immediately af- 
 ter their occurrence. 
 
 ** You have not been unacquainted, I dare 
 say, with the fears, the hopes, the apprehen- 
 sions, and the expectations of the army, rela- 
 tive to the provision which is to be made for 
 them hereafter. Although a firm reliance on 
 
Mt.51.] life of WASHINGTON. 163 
 
 the integrity of Congress, and a belief that the 
 public would finally do justice to all its ser- 
 vants and give an indisputable security for the 
 payment of the half-pay of the officers, had 
 kept them amidst a variety of sufferings toler- 
 ably quiet and contented for two or three years 
 past ; yet the total want of pay, the little 
 prospect of receiving any from the unpromis- 
 ing state of the public finances, and the abso- 
 lute aversion of the States to establish any 
 Continental funds for the payment of the debt 
 due to the army, did at the close of the last 
 campaign excite greater discontents, and threat- 
 en more serious and alarming consequences, 
 than it is easy for me to describe or you 
 to conceive. Happily for us, the offi.cers of 
 highest rank and greatest consideration inter- 
 posed ; and it was determined to address Con- 
 gress in an humble, pathetic, and explicit man- 
 ner. 
 
 " While the sovereign power appeared per- 
 fectly well disposed to do justice, it was dis- 
 covered that the States would enable them to 
 do nothing ; and, in this state of affairs, and 
 after some time spent on the business in Phila- 
 delphia, a report was made by the delegates of 
 the army, giving a detail of the proceedings. 
 Before this could be fully communicated to 
 the troops, while the minds of all were in a 
 
164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 
 
 peculiar state of inquietude and irritation, an 
 anonymous writer, though he did not step forth 
 and give his name boldly to the world, sent 
 into circulation an address to the officers of the 
 army, which, in point of composition, in ele- 
 gance and force of expression, has rarely been 
 equalled in the English language, and in which 
 the dreadful alternative was proposed, of relin- 
 quishing the service in a body if the war con- 
 tinued, or retaining their arms in case of peace, 
 until Congress should comply with all their 
 demands. At the same time, and at the mo- 
 ment when their minds were inflamed by the 
 most pathetic representations, a general meet- 
 ing of the officers was summoned by another 
 anonymous production. 
 
 "It is impossible to say what would have 
 been the consequences, had the author suc- 
 ceeded in his first plans. But measures hav- 
 ing been taken to postpone the meeting, so as 
 to give time for cool reflection and counterac- 
 tion, the good sense of the officers has termi- 
 nated this aff'air in a manner, which reflects 
 the greatest glory on themselves, and demands 
 the highest expressions of gratitude from their 
 country." 
 
 Thus, by the prudent measures of the Com- 
 mander-in-chief, the excitement was allayed, 
 and tranquillity was restored to the army. Nor 
 
^T. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 165 
 
 did he delay to fulfil the pledge he had made, 
 writing to Congress with an earnestness and 
 force of argument, which showed him to be 
 moved not less by his feelings, than by a sense 
 of duty, in asserting the rights and just claims 
 of those, who, to use his own words, "had so 
 long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered 
 and fought under his direction," and urging a 
 speedy decision in their favor. His represen- 
 tations and appeals were not disregarded. The 
 subject was again considered in Congress, and 
 the requisite mimber of States voted for the 
 commutation of half-pay, and for the other 
 provisions solicited by the officers in their me- 
 morial.* 
 
 In a few days the joyful news arrived, that 
 a prehminary treaty of peace had been signed 
 at Paris. The intelligence was brought in a 
 French vessel from Cadiz, with a letter from 
 the Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at 
 that place preparing for an expedition to the 
 West Indies under Count d'Estaing. Shortly 
 
 * The anonymous addresses were from the pen of Ma- 
 jor John Armstrong, at that time an aid-de-camp to Gen- 
 eral Gates. They were written at the request of several 
 officers, who believed that the tardy proceedings of Con- 
 gress, and the reluctance of that body to recognise the 
 claims of the public creditors, called for a more decided 
 expression of the sentiments of the army. 
 
 22q 
 
166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 
 
 afterwards Sir Guy Carleton communicated the 
 same, as from official authority, and announced 
 a cessation of hostilities. A proclamation to 
 this effect was made to the American army on 
 the 19th of April, precisely eight years from 
 the day on which the first blood was shed in 
 this memorable contest at Lexington. 
 
 Although the military labors of General 
 Washington were now drawing to a close, in 
 the attainment of the great object to which he 
 had devoted himself with an ardor, constancy, 
 endurance, and singleness of purpose, that had 
 never been surpassed by any commander, yet 
 his anxiety for the future was scarcely dimin- 
 ished. The love of liberty, which had prompt- 
 ed him to such trials and disinterested exer- 
 tions in the cause of his country, was equally 
 alive to the success of that cause in building 
 up the fabric of freedom on a firm and durable 
 basis. 
 
 The preparation of a plan for a peace es- 
 tablishment, which had been solicited by Con- 
 gress, and some preliminary arrangements with 
 the British commander in regard to the evac- 
 uation of New York, occupied him several 
 weeks. For these latter objects he had a per- 
 sonal conference with Sir Guy Carleton at 
 Orangetown. 
 
 The circular letter, which he wrote to the 
 
-fflT. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ] 67 
 
 governors of the States, as his last official com- 
 munication, and which was designed to be laid 
 before the several legislatures, is remarkable 
 for its ability, the deep interest it manifests for 
 the officers and soldiers, who had fought the 
 battles of their country, the soundness of its 
 principles, and the wisdom of its counsels. 
 Four great points he aims to enforce as essen- 
 tial in guiding the deliberations of every public 
 body, and as claiming the serious attention of 
 every citizen, namely, an indissoluble union 
 of the States ; a sacred regard to public jus- 
 tice ; the adoption of a proper military peace 
 establishment ; and a pacific and friendly dis- 
 position among the people of the States, which 
 should induce them to forget local prejudices, 
 and incline them to mutual concessions for the 
 advantage of the community. These he calls 
 the pillars by which alone independence and 
 national character can be supported. On each 
 of these topics he remarks at considerable 
 length, with a felicity of style and cogency of 
 reasoning in all respects worthy of the subject. 
 No public address could have been better 
 adapted to the state of the times ; and coming 
 from such a source, its influence on the minds 
 of the people must have been eff'ectual and 
 most salutary. 
 
 Many of the troops went home on furlough ; 
 
168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 
 
 and General Washington, having httle to do in 
 camp till the arrival of the definitive treaty, 
 resolved to employ the interval in making a 
 tour to the northward, for the double purpose 
 of gratifying his curiosity in visiting the scenes 
 of the late military operations in that quarter, 
 and of ascertaining from observation the natu- 
 ral resources of the country. In company with 
 Governor Clinton he ascended the Hudson to 
 Albany, and proceeded thence over the battle- 
 fields of Saratoga, as far as Ticonderoga and 
 Crown Point. Turning then to the Mohawk 
 River, he extended his journey westward to 
 Fort Schuyler. He was absent from Newburg 
 nineteen days. Ever regarding the condition 
 and affairs of his country on a comprehensive 
 scale, and fixing his thoughts on its importance 
 as a nation, he saw, while on this tour, the 
 immense advantages that would result from a 
 water communication between the Hudson and 
 the great lakes, and believed in its practicabil- 
 ity. His hopes and his anticipations have 
 since been realized in the magnificent work, 
 opening a passage for boats by a canal from 
 the Hudson to Lake Erie, and effected by the 
 enterprise and wealth of the State of New 
 York. 
 
 When he returned to Newburg, he found a 
 letter from the President of Congress, asking 
 
iEx. M.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 
 
 his attendance on that assembly, then in ses- 
 sion at Princeton. The object of this request 
 was, to consult him on the arrangements for 
 peace, and other public concerns. While he 
 was making preparations to leave camp, Con- 
 gress conferred on him new honors. It was 
 voted unanimously, that an equestrian statue 
 of General Washington should be erected at 
 the place where the residence of Congress 
 should be established, and that it should be 
 executed by the best artist in Europe, under 
 the superintendence of the Minister of the 
 United States at the Court of Versailles. 
 
 Leaving the army under the immediate com- 
 mand of General Knox, the officers higher in 
 rank having gone home by permission, Wash- 
 ington obeyed the summons of Congress, and 
 went to Princeton, where he was introduced 
 into the assembly while in session by two of 
 the members appointed for the purpose. He 
 was then addressed by the President, who con- 
 gratulated him on the success of the war, in 
 which he had acted so conspicuous and impor- 
 tant a part. "■ In other nations," said the Pres- 
 ident, "many have performed eminent services, 
 for which they have deserved the thanks of 
 the public. But to you, Sir, peculiar praise is 
 due. Your services have been essential in ac- 
 quiring and establishing the freedom and inde- 
 
170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 
 
 pendence of your country. They deserve the 
 grateful acknowledgments of a free and inde- 
 pendent nation." To this address Washington 
 replied in the presence of Congress, and then 
 retired. A house was provided for him at 
 Rocky Hill, three or four miles from Prince- 
 ton, where he resided, holding conferences from 
 time to time with committees and members of 
 Congress, and giving counsel on such subjects 
 as were referred to his consideration. 
 
 A large part of the officers and soldiers had 
 been permitted during the summer to retire 
 from the army on furlough, and Congress issued 
 a proclamation, on the 18th of October, dis- 
 charging them from further service, and all 
 others who had been engaged to serve during 
 the war. The army was thus in effect dis- 
 banded. A small force only was retained, con- 
 sisting of such troops as had been enlisted for 
 a definite time, till the peace establishment 
 should be organized. 
 
 This proclamation was followed by General 
 Washington's farewell address to the army, a 
 performance not less admirable in its principles 
 and its objects, than his circular letter to the 
 States. To his cordial and affectionate thanks 
 for the devotedness of the officers and soldiers 
 to him through the war, and for the manner in 
 which they had discharged their duty, he adds 
 
^T. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 171 
 
 seasonable advice as to their conduct in re- 
 suming the character of private citizens, and 
 in contributing to the support of civil govern- 
 ment. " Let it be known and remembered," 
 said he, " that the reputation of the federal ar- 
 mies is established beyond the reach of ma- 
 levolence ; and let a consciousness of their 
 achievements and fame still incite the men, 
 who composed them, to honorable actions ; 
 under the persuasion, that the private virtues 
 of economy, prudence, and industry, will not 
 be less amiable in civil life, than the more 
 splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and 
 enterprise were in the field. Every one may 
 rest assured, that much, very much, of the fu- 
 ture happiness of the officers and men will de- 
 pend upon the wise and manly conduct, which 
 shall be adopted by them when they are min- 
 gled with the great body of the community. 
 And, although the General has so frequently 
 given it as his opinion in the most public and 
 explicit manner, that, unless the principles of 
 the Federal Government were properly sup- 
 ported, and the powers of the Union increased, 
 the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation 
 would be lost for ever ; yet he cannot help 
 repeating, on this occasion, so interesting a sen- 
 timent, and leaving it as his last injunction to 
 every officer and every soldier, who may view 
 
172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1733. 
 
 the subject in the same serious point of hght, 
 to add his best endeavors to those of his wor- 
 thy fellow citizens towards effecting these 
 great and vahiable purposes, on which our 
 very existence as a nation so materially de- 
 pends."'' 
 
 At length Sir Guy Carleton received orders 
 from the ministry to evacuate New York, and 
 gave notice to General Washington that he 
 should soon be ready for that event. Delay 
 had been occasioned by the want of transports 
 in sufficient numbers to send to Nova Scotia 
 the refugees, who had sought protection in 
 New York during the war, and the large 
 amount of goods, stores, and military supplies, 
 which had accumulated in that city. Many 
 of these persons would gladly have remained 
 in the country, having property which they 
 desired to recover, and relatives and friends 
 whom they were reluctant to abandon ; but 
 they were exiled by the laws of the States, 
 and could not be admitted to the privileges of 
 a residence till these laws were repealed. 
 
 Washington repaired to West Point, to 
 which place General Knox had drawn the 
 troops, that still remained in the service. Ar- 
 rangements were made with Governor Clinton, 
 the chief magistrate of the State of New 
 York, by which the city was to be delivered 
 
# 
 
 iET. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1T3 
 
 into his charge. A detachment of troops 
 marched from West Point to Haerlem, and 
 was joined there by General Washington and 
 Governor CUnton. In the morning of the 
 25th of November, they advanced to the upper 
 part of the city, where they continued till one 
 O'clock, when the British parties retired from 
 the posts in that quarter, and were followed by 
 the American infantry and artillery, preceded 
 by a corps of dragoons. Meantime the British 
 troops embarked. Possession being thus ta- 
 ken of the city, the military officers, and the 
 civil officers of the State, made a public entry. 
 The General and Governor rode at the head 
 of the procession on horseback. Then came 
 in regular succession the lieutenant-governor 
 and members of the council, General Knox 
 and the officers of the army, the speaker of 
 the Assembly and citizens. They were es- 
 corted by a body of Westchester light-horse, 
 as a compliment to the Governor and civil au- 
 thority ; the Continental military jurisdiction 
 being supposed to have ceased, or at least to 
 have been suspended in deference to the civil 
 power of the State. Governor Clinton gave a 
 public entertainment, with which the transac- 
 tions of the day were closed. Perfect order 
 and quiet prevailed from the beginning to the 
 end, and no untoward incident occurred to mar 
 
174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 
 
 the interest of an occasion, which had been 
 so long wished for, and was so joyfully wel- 
 comed. 
 
 A trial of feeling now awaited the Comman- 
 der-in-chief, which for the moment was more 
 severe and painful, than any he had been call- 
 ed to bear. The time had arrived, when he 
 was to bid a final adieu to his companions in 
 arms, to many of whom he was bound by the 
 strongest ties of friendship, and for all of whom 
 he felt a lively gratitude and sincere regard. 
 " This affecting interview took place on the 
 4th of December. At noon, the principal of- 
 ficers of the army assembled at Frances's tav- 
 ern, soon after which their beloved commander 
 entered the room. His emotions were too 
 strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he 
 turned to them and said, ' With a heart full of 
 love and gratitude, I now take leave of you j 
 I most devoutly wish, that your latter days 
 may be as prosperous and happy, as your for- 
 mer ones have been glorious and honorable.' 
 Having drunk, he added, ' I cannot come to 
 each of you to take my leave, but shall be 
 obliged if each of you will come and take me 
 by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, 
 turned to him. Washington, incapable of ut- 
 terance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. 
 In the same affectionate manner he took leave 
 
iET.51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 
 
 of each succeeding officer. The tear of man- 
 ly sensibihty was in every eye ; and not a 
 word was articulated to interrupt the dignified 
 silence and the tenderness of the scene. Leav- 
 ing the room, he passed through the corps of 
 light infantry, and walked to White Hall, 
 where a barge waited to convey him to Paulus 
 Hook. The whole company followed in mute 
 and solemn procession, with dejected counte- 
 nances, testifying feelings of delicious melan- 
 choly, which no language can describe. Hav- 
 ing entered the barge, he turned to the com- 
 pany, and, waving his hat, bid them a silent 
 adieu. They paid him the same afiectionate 
 compliment ; and, after the barge had left 
 them, returned in the same solemn manner to 
 the place where they had assembled."* 
 
 Congress had adjourned from Princeton to 
 Annapolis in Maryland. Washington travelled 
 slowly to that place, greeted everywhere on 
 the road by the acclamations of his fellow citi- 
 zens, and the most gratifying tokens of their 
 love and respect. As he passed along, public 
 addresses were presented to him by the legis- 
 latures of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Mary- 
 land, the Philosophical Society and the Univer- 
 sity in Philadelphia, citizens of towns in their 
 
176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783 
 
 corporate capacity, religious societies, and va- 
 rious incorporated associations. Arrived at the 
 seat of Congress, he informed the President, 
 that he was ready to resign the commission, 
 with which he had been honored in the ser- 
 vice of his country. Tiiis ceremony was per- 
 formed in the Hall of Congress on the 23d of 
 December, all the members and a large con- 
 course of spectators being present. At the 
 close of his address on this occasion, he said ; 
 " Having now finished the work assigned me, 
 I retire from the great theatre of action ; and, 
 bidding an affectionate farewell to this august 
 body, under whose orders I have so long acted, 
 I here offer my commission, and take my leave 
 of all the employments of public life." He 
 then advanced and gave his commission into 
 the hands of the President, who replied to his 
 address. The ceremony being ended, he with- 
 drew from the assembly, divested of his offi- 
 cial character, and sustaining no other rank 
 than that of a private citizen. 
 
 The next morning he left Annapolis, and 
 reached Mount Vernon the same day, having 
 been absent in the command of the army 
 somewhat more than eight years and a half, 
 during which period he had never been at his 
 own house except accidentally while on his 
 way with Count de Rochambeau to Yorktown, 
 and in returning from that expedition. 
 
iET.52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 177 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 He declines receiving pecuniary Compensation for his public 
 Services. — His Feelings on being relieved from the Burden of 
 Office. — Devotes himself to Agriculture. — Makes a Tour to 
 the Western Country. — His extensive Plans for internal Navi- 
 gation. — These Plans adopted by the State of Virginia. — Visit 
 of the Marquis de Lafayette to America. — Washington refuses 
 to accept a Donation from the State of Virginia. — His liberal 
 Acts for the Encouragement of Education. — Approves the 
 Countess of Huntington's Scheme for civilizing and Christian- 
 izing the Indians. 
 
 General Washington believed his career 
 as a public man to be now at an end. He 
 seems indeed to have formed a resolution never 
 again to leave his retirement, unless called out 
 by some great exigency in the affairs of his 
 country, which at that time he neither foresaw 
 nor expected. However much he might have 
 been gratified with the honors bestowed upon 
 him by his countrymen, with the success of 
 his long and unwearied services, and the ap- 
 plause of the whole civilized world, it was 
 nevertheless with a heartfelt delight which 
 none of these could give, that he returned to 
 the quiet scenes and congenial employments 
 of private life. For we may here repeat what 
 has been said in a former part of this narrative, 
 that no occupations interested him so much, 
 
 VOL. II. 12 
 
178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. £1784. 
 
 or engaged his thoughts so constantly, as those 
 of the practical agriculturist. He was fond 
 of adorning and improving his grounds as an' 
 amusement, and was devoted to the cultivation 
 of his farms, upon a thorough, economical, and 
 systematic plan, both as a means of increasing 
 his property, and as being suited to his tastes 
 and early habits. 
 
 His first care, after establishing himself at 
 Mount Vernon, was to examine minutely into 
 the state of his private affairs, which had be- 
 come deranged by his long absence and the 
 disorders of the times. His fortune was am- 
 ple for a republican citizen, and a man who 
 derived neither consequence nor pleasure from 
 display, but it had necessarily suffered a dimi- 
 nution during the war. Adhering rigidly to 
 the resolution he had formed, when he accept- 
 ed the command of the army, not to receive 
 any remuneration from the public, either in 
 the shape of pay or other pecuniary reward, 
 he now considered it a duty to repair the loss- 
 es he had sustained, as well by economy in 
 his style of living, as by all the usual effqrts 
 to increase the productiveness of his estates. 
 
 Some of his countrymen, estimating his ser- 
 vices to the public at their just value, and 
 knowing the injury his private affairs had suf- 
 fered in consequence of them, hoped to change 
 
^T.52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 179 
 
 his purpose of refusing pecuniary compensa- 
 tion. A few days before he resigned his com- 
 mission, the Supreme Executive Council of 
 Pennsylvania sent the following instructions on 
 this subject to the delegates in Congress from 
 that State. 
 
 " Though his Excellency General Washing- 
 ton proposes in a short time to retire, yet his 
 illustrious actions and virtues render his char- 
 acter so splendid and venerable, that it is 
 highly probable the admiration and esteem of 
 the world may make his life in a very consid- 
 erable degree public, as numbers will be desir- 
 ous of seeing the great and good man, who 
 has so eminently contributed to the happiness 
 of a nation. His very services to his country 
 may therefore subject him to expenses, unless 
 he permits her gratitude to interpose. 
 
 " We are perfectly acquainted with the dis- 
 interestedness and generosity of his soul. He 
 thinks himself amply rewarded for all his la- 
 bors and cares, by the love and prosperity of 
 his fellow citizens. It is true, no rewards 
 they can bestow can be equal to his merits. 
 But they ought not to suffer those merits to be 
 burdensome to him. We are convinced that 
 the people of Pennsylvania would regret such 
 a consequence. 
 
 " We are aware of the delicacy, with which 
 
180 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 
 
 this subject must be treated. But, relying 
 upon the good sense of Congress, we wish it 
 may engage their early attention." 
 
 These instructions were received by the 
 delegates, and a copy was forwarded to Gen- 
 eral Washington after he had arrived at Mount 
 Vernon. It was not thought advisable to lay 
 them before Congress, or take any steps in ful- 
 filling them, without his previous knowledge 
 and approbation. In this case, as in every 
 other, he acted consistently with his character. 
 He promptly declined the intended favor. All 
 proceedings on the subject were accordingly 
 stopped. There can be no doubt, that the 
 sentiments of the Executive Council of Penn- 
 sylvania would have been responded to by the 
 whole nation, and that a liberal grant from 
 Congress would everywhere have met with a 
 cordial assent. 
 
 The feelings of Washington, on being re- 
 lieved from the solicitude and burdens of office, 
 were forcibly expressed in letters to his friends. 
 "At length," said he, in writing to Lafayette, 
 "I am become a private citizen, on the banks 
 of the Potomac ; and, under the shadow of 
 my own vine and my own figtree, free from 
 the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of 
 public life, I am solacing myself with those 
 tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier, who 
 
JE.r.52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 
 
 is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman, 
 whose watchful days and sleepless nights are 
 spent in devising schemes to promote the wel- 
 fare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other 
 countries, as if this globe was insufficient for 
 us all, and the courtier, who is always watch- 
 ing the countenance of his prince, in hopes of 
 catching a gracious smile, can have very little 
 conception. I have not only retired from all 
 public employments, but I am retiring within 
 myself, and shall be able to view the solitary 
 walk, and tread the paths of private life, with 
 a heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I 
 am determined to be pleased with all ; and 
 this, my dear friend, being the order for my 
 march, I will move gently down the stream of 
 life, until I sleep with my fathers." 
 
 To General Knox he wrote; "I am just 
 beginning to experience that ease and freedom 
 from public cares, which, however desirable, 
 takes some time to realize ; for, strange as it 
 may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it was 
 not till lately I could get the better of my usu- 
 al custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked 
 in the morning, on the business of the ensuing 
 day ; and of my surprise at finding, after re- 
 volving many things in my mind, that I was 
 no longer a public man, nor had any thing to 
 do with public transactions. I feel now, how- 
 
 23 
 
1S2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1124. 
 
 ever, as I conceive a wearied traveller must do, 
 who, after treading many a painful step with a 
 heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the 
 latter, having reached the haven to which all 
 the former were directed, and from his house- 
 top is looking back, and tracing with an eager 
 eye the meanders by which he escaped the 
 quicksands and mires which lay in his way ; 
 and into which none but the all-powerful Guide 
 and Dispenser of human events could have 
 prevented his falling." 
 
 The time and thoughts of Washington were 
 now confined to his farms, and to such acts 
 of hospitality as were demanded by the nu- 
 merous visits from strangers and his acquaint- 
 ances, who were drawn to Moimt Vernon by 
 motives of curiosity, admiration, and respect. 
 However onerous these visits might be, on 
 some occasions, his house was open to all that 
 came, and his personal civilities were so ren- 
 dered as to strengthen the affections of his 
 friends, and win the esteem of those, who had 
 known him only by his fame, and revered him 
 for his public character. And it is but just to 
 say, that in all these duties Mrs. Washington 
 performed her part with such discretion, assi- 
 duity, and courtesy, without ostentation on the 
 one hand or constraint on the other, as, at the 
 same time that it proved the goodness of her 
 
JEt.52.] life of WASHINGTON. 183 
 
 heart and her power to please, insured the com- 
 fort and enjoyment of her guests, and con- 
 vinced them of the domestic harmony and 
 happiness, that reigned in the mansion at 
 Mount Vernon, 
 
 In the month of September, 1784, Wash- 
 ington made a tour to the Western country, for 
 the purpose of inspecting the lands he owned 
 beyond the Allegany Mountains, and also of 
 ascertaining the practicability of opening a 
 communication between the head waters of the 
 rivers running eastward into the Atlantic, and 
 those that flow westward to the Ohio. The 
 extent of this journey was six hundred and 
 eighty miles, the whole of which he travelled 
 on horseback, using pack-horses for the con- 
 veyance of a tent, the necessary baggage, and 
 such supplies as could not be procured in the 
 wild and unsettled regions through which he 
 was to pass. He crossed the mountains by the 
 usual route of Braddock's Road, and spent sev- 
 eral days in surveying and inspecting his lands 
 on the Monongahela River, a part of which was 
 occupied by settlers. His first intention was to 
 descend the Ohio, as he had done in the year 
 1770, to the Great Kenhawa, where he owned 
 a large tract of wild land ; but the hostile tem- 
 per of the Indians rendering this expedition 
 hazardous, and the motive not being strong 
 
184 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1784. 
 
 enough to induce him to run risks, he advanced 
 westward no further than the Monongahela. 
 Returning by a circuitous route, he passed 
 through the heart of the wilderness, first as- 
 cending the Monongahela River, and thence 
 traversing the country far to the south between 
 the ridges of the Allegany Mountains, with the 
 special view of deciding the question in his 
 own mind, whether the Potomac and James 
 Rivers could be connected by internal naviga- 
 tion with the western waters. He conversed 
 on the subject with every intelligent person he 
 met, and kept a journal in which he recorded 
 the results of his observations and inquiries. 
 
 . His thoughts had been turned to this enter- 
 prise before the Revolution ; and, since the 
 peace, he had used unwearied diligence by an 
 extensive correspondence to procure facts re- 
 specting the rivers falling into the Ohio from 
 the west, and into the great Lakes, and also 
 the distances from various navigable points 
 in those rivers and lakes to the head waters 
 of the streams flowing towards the Atlantic. 
 Soon after returning from his western tour, he 
 communicated to the governor of Virginia the 
 fruits of his investigations in a letter, one of 
 the ablest, most sagacious, and most important 
 productions of his pen. Presenting first a 
 clear state of the question, and showing the 
 
iET. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 185 
 
 practicability of facilitating the intercourse of 
 trade between the east and the west by im- 
 proving and extending the water communica- 
 tions, he then ' proceeds by a train of unan- 
 swerable argument and illustration to explain 
 the immense advantages, that would arise from 
 such a measure, in strengthening the union of 
 the States, multiplying the resources of trade, 
 and promoting the prosperity of the country. 
 
 At this time the State of Virginia, being 
 large and powerful, stretching on one side to 
 the Atlantic ocean and on the other to the 
 western waters, and having in its bosom two 
 noble rivers descending from the summits of 
 the AUeganies, he thought the most favorably 
 situated for beginning the great work. He 
 recommended, therefore, as a preliminary step, 
 that commissioners should be appointed to sur- 
 vey the Potomac and James Rivers from tide- 
 water to their sources, and the portages be- 
 tween them and the principal western streams, 
 following these streams to their junction with 
 the Ohio, measuring with accuracy the distan- 
 ces, noting the obstructions to be removed, and 
 estimating the probable expense. He also ad- 
 vised a similar survey of the rivers west of the 
 Ohio, as far as Detroit. " These things being 
 done," said he, " I shall be mistaken if preju- 
 dice does not yield to facts, jealousy to candor, 
 
186 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 
 
 and finally, if reason and nature, thus aided, 
 do not dictate what is right and proper to be 
 done." The governor laid this letter before 
 the legislature. It was the first suggestion of 
 the great system of internal improvements, 
 which has since been pursued in the United 
 States. 
 
 A short time before his journey to the west, 
 Washington had the satisfaction of receiving 
 at Mount Vernon the Marquis de Lafayette, for 
 whom he cherished the warmest friendship, 
 heightened by gratitude for the disinterested- 
 ness and ardor with which he had espoused 
 the cause of American freedom, and the sig- 
 nal services he had rendered. Two or three 
 months were passed by Lafayette in the mid- 
 dle and eastern States, and in November he 
 arrived at Richmond in Virginia. Washington 
 met him at that place, where they were both 
 received with public honors by the legislature 
 then in session. They returned together to 
 Mount Vernon ; and, when Lafayette's visit 
 was concluded, Washington accompanied him 
 on his way to Annapolis. 
 
 In a letter to Lafayette's wife he said ; " We 
 restore the Marquis to you in good health, 
 crowned with wreaths of love and respect from 
 every part of the Union." The parting of the 
 two friends was affecting, and showed the 
 
iET. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 
 
 Strength of the ties by which they were unit- 
 ed. As soon as he reached home, Washington 
 wrote to him as follows. " In the moment of 
 our separation, upon the road as I travelled, 
 and every hour since, I have felt all that love, 
 respect, and attachment for you, with which 
 length of years, close connexion, and your 
 merits have inspired me. I often asked my- 
 self, as our carriages separated, whether that 
 was the last sight I ever should have of you ? 
 And, though I wished to say No, my fears an- 
 swered Yes. I called to mind the days of my 
 youth, and found they had long since fled to 
 return no more ; that I was now descending 
 the hill I had been fifty-two years climbing, 
 and that, though I was blest with a good con- 
 stitution, I was of a short-lived family, and 
 might soon expect to be entombed in the man- 
 sion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened 
 the shades, and gave, a gloom to the picture, 
 and consequently to my prospect of seeing you 
 again." This melancholy presage was fulfill- 
 ed. They never met afterwards. But their 
 attachment remained indissoluble, and Wash- 
 ington lived to sympathize in the misfortunes 
 of his friend, and to have the consolation of 
 using all the means in his power to rescue him 
 from the sufferings he so long endured in a 
 cruel imprisonment. 
 
188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 
 
 The hopes of General Washington, in re- 
 gard to his favorite scheme of internal naviga- 
 tion, were more than reahzed. The legislature 
 of Virginia, after duly considering his letter to 
 the governor, not only appointed the commis- 
 sion for surveys, but organized two companies, 
 called the Potomac Company and the James 
 River Company, for the purpose of carrying 
 the plan into effect. They moreover compli- 
 mented him without a dissenting voice, by a 
 donation of fifty shares in the former company, 
 and one hundred shares in the latter ; the fifty 
 shares being estimated at ten thousand dollars, 
 and the others at five thousand pounds sterling. 
 Aware of his delicacy on the subject of re- 
 ceiving money from the public, the legislature 
 contrived to frame the preamble of the act in 
 such language, as, it was hoped, would re- 
 move his scruples. " It is the desire of the 
 representatives of this commonwealth to em- 
 brace every suitable occasion of testifying 
 their sense of the unexampled merits of George 
 Washington towards his country ; and it is 
 their wish in particular, that those great works 
 for its improvement, which, both as springing 
 from the liberty which he has been so instru- 
 mental in establishing, and as encouraged by 
 his patronage, will be durable monuments of 
 
^T. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTO-^. 189 
 
 his glory, may be made monuments also of the 
 gratitude of his country." 
 
 If he was highly gratified, as he must have 
 been, with this public testimony of affection 
 and respect, he was scarcely less embarrassed 
 by it. Not that he hesitated, as to the course 
 he- should pursue, but the grant had been 
 made in so liberal a manner, and from motives 
 so pure, that he feared a refusal might be re- 
 garded in an unfavorable light, as evincing 
 either ingratitude to his friends, or a disposi- 
 tion to gain applause by a show of disinterest- 
 edness, unusual if not unnecessary. He stated 
 his difficulties freely in private letters to the 
 governor, and to some of the principal mem- 
 bers of the legislature ; declaring, at the same 
 time, that he could not, consistently with his 
 principles, accept the proffered gift in such a 
 way, that he should derive from it any emolu- 
 ment to himself. A positive decision was not 
 required till the next session of the legislature, 
 when he wrote officially to the governor de- 
 clining the grant ; but, lest the operations of 
 the companies should be retarded by with- 
 drawing the subscriptions for the shares, which 
 had been made by the treasurer on his account, 
 he suggested, that, if the Assembly should 
 think proper to submit to him the appropriation 
 of them for some object of a public nature, he 
 
 23q 
 
190 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 
 
 would accept the trust. His proposition was 
 cheerfully acceded to ; and, by an act of the 
 Assembly, the shares were assigned to such 
 public objects, as he should direct during his 
 life, or by his last will and testament. 
 
 The purpose, which he first had in view, 
 was the encouragement of education, and this 
 purpose was ultimately accomplished. Some 
 time before his death, he made over the shares 
 in the James River Company to an institution 
 in Rockbridge County, then called Liberty 
 Hall Academy. The name has since been 
 changed to Washington College. The fifty 
 shares in the Potomac Company he bequeathed 
 in perpetuity for the endowment of a univer- 
 sity in the District of Columbia, under the 
 auspices of the government ; and, if such a 
 seminary should not be established by the 
 government, the fund was to increase till it 
 should be adequate, with such other resources 
 as might be obtained, for the accomplishment 
 of the design. The establishing of a national 
 university was always one of his favorite 
 schemes. He recommended it in his mes- 
 sages to Congress, and often in his letters 
 spoke of the advantages, which would be de- 
 rived from it to the nation. 
 
 It may here be. added, that he was a zealous 
 advocate for schools and literary institutions 
 
r 
 
 ^T.53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 191 
 
 of every kind, and sought to promote them, 
 whenever an opportunity oflfered, by his pubHc 
 addresses and by private benefactions. In this 
 spirit he accepted the chancellorship of Wil- 
 liam and Mary College, being earnestly solicit- 
 ed by the trustees. In his answer to them, 
 accepting the appointment, he said ; " I rely 
 fully in your strenuous endeavors for placing 
 the system on such a basis, as will render it 
 most beneficial to the State and the republic 
 of letters, as well as to the more extensive 
 interests of humanity and religion." The 
 chancellor's duty consisted chiefly in suggest- 
 ing and approving measures for the manage- 
 ment of the college, and in recommending 
 professors and teachers to fill vacancies in the 
 departments of instruction. 
 
 The acts of charity by which he contribut- 
 ed from his private means to foster education 
 were not few nor small. During many years, 
 he gave fifty pounds annually for the instruc- 
 tion of indigent children in Alexandria; and 
 by will he left a legacy of four thousand dol- 
 lars, the net income of which was to be used 
 for the same benevolent object for ever. Two 
 or three instances are known, in which he 
 offered to pay the expenses of young men 
 through their collegiate course. When Gen- 
 eral Greene died, he proposed to take under 
 
192 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl785. 
 
 his protection one of the sons of his departed 
 friend, pay the charges of his education, and 
 bring him forward into Hfe. Fortunately the 
 circumstances, in which General Greene left 
 his family, rendered this act of munificence 
 and paternal care unnecessary. Other exam- 
 ples might be cited ; and, from his cautious 
 habit of concealing from the world his deeds 
 of charity, it may be presumed many others 
 are unknown, in which his heart and his hand 
 were open to the relief of indigent merit. 
 
 The Countess of Huntington, celebrated for 
 her religious enthusiasm and liberal charities, 
 formed a scheme for civilizing and Christian- 
 izing the North American Indians. Being a 
 daughter of the Earl of Ferrers, who was de- 
 scended through the female line from a remote 
 branch of the Washington family, she claimed 
 relationship to General Washington, and wrote 
 to him several letters respecting her project of 
 benevolence and piety in America. It was her 
 design to form, at her own charge, in the 
 neighborhood of some of the Indian tribes, a 
 settlement of industrious emigrants, who, by 
 their example and habits, should gradually in- 
 troduce among them the arts of civilization ; 
 and missionaries were to teach them the prin- 
 ciples of Christianity. Lady Huntington pro- 
 posed, that the government of the United 
 
iET. d3.] life of WASHIjN'GTO.N. 193 
 
 States should grant a tract of wild lands upon 
 which her emigrants and missionaries should 
 establish themselves. A scheme, prompted by 
 motives so pure, and founded on so rational a 
 basis, gained at once the approbation and coun- 
 tenance of Washington. He wrote to the 
 President of Congress, and to the governors' 
 of some of the States, expressing favorable 
 sentiments of Lady Huntington's application. 
 Political and local reasons interfered to defeat 
 the plan. In the first place, it was thought 
 doubtful whether a colony of foreigners set- 
 tled on the western frontier, near the English 
 on one side and the Spaniards on the other, 
 would in the end prove conducive to the pub- 
 lic tranquillity. And, in the next place, the 
 States individually had ceded all their wild 
 lands to the Union, and Congress were not 
 certain that they possessed power to grant any 
 portion of the new territory for such an object. 
 Hence the project was laid aside, although 
 Washington offered to facilitate it as far as he 
 could on a smaller scale, by allowing settlers 
 to occupy his own lands, and be employed 
 according to Lady Huntington's views. 
 
 VOL. II. 13 
 
 
194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 His Operations in Farming and Horticulture. — Visiters at Mount 
 Vernon. — His Habits. — Houdon's Statue. — Condition of the 
 Country and Defects of the Confederacy. — Washington's Sen- 
 timents thereon. — First Steps towards efiecting a Reform. — 
 Convention at Annapolis. 
 
 In the spring of 1785, he was engaged for 
 several weeks in planting his grounds at Mount 
 Vernon with trees and shrubs. To this inter- 
 esting branch of husbandry he had devoted 
 considerable attention before the war, and dur- 
 ing that period he had endeavored to carry out 
 his plans of improvement. In some of his 
 letters from camp, he gave minute directions 
 to his manager for removing and planting 
 trees ; but want of skill and other causes pre- 
 vented these directions from being complied 
 with, except in a very imperfect manner. The 
 first year after the war, he applied himself 
 mainly to farming operations, with the view 
 of restoring his neglected fields and commenc- 
 ing a regular system of practical agriculture. 
 He gradually abandoned the cultivation of 
 tobacco, which exhausted his lands, and sub- 
 stituted wheat and grass, as better suited to 
 the soil, and in the aggregate more profitable. 
 
iET. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 
 
 He began a new method of rotation of crops, 
 in which he studied the particular quahties of 
 the soil in the different parts of his farms, 
 causing wheat, maize, potatoes, oats, grass, 
 and other crops to succeed each other in the 
 same field at stated times. So exact was he 
 in this method, that he drew out a scheme in 
 which all his fields were numbered, and the 
 crops assigned to them for several years in 
 advance. It proved so successful, that he pur- 
 sued it to the end of his life, with occasional 
 slight deviations by way of experiment. 
 
 Having thus arranged and systematized his 
 agricultural operations, he now set himself at 
 work in earnest to execute his purpose of 
 planting and adorning the grounds around the 
 mansion-house. In the direction of the left 
 wing, and at a considerable distance, was a 
 vegetable garden ; and on the right, at an 
 equal distance, was another garden for orna- 
 mental shrubs, plants, and flowers. Between 
 these gardens, in front of the house, was a 
 spacious lawn, surrounded by serpentine walks. 
 Beyond the gardens and lawn w^ere the or- 
 chards. Very early in the spring he began 
 with the lawn, selecting the choicest trees 
 from the woods on his estates, and transferring 
 them to the borders of the serpentine walks, 
 arranging them in such a manner as to pro- 
 
196 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 
 
 duce symmetry and beauty in the general ef- 
 fect, intermingling in just proportions forest 
 trees, evergreens, and flowering shrubs. He 
 attended personally to the selection, removal, 
 and planting of every tree ; and his Diary, 
 which is very particular from day to day 
 through the whole process, proves that he en- 
 gaged in it with intense interest, and anxious- 
 ly watched each tree and shoot till it showed 
 signs of renewed growth. Such trees as were 
 not found on his own lands, he obtained from 
 other parts of the country, and at length his 
 design was completed according to his wishes. 
 . The orchards, gardens, and green-houses 
 were next replenished with all the varieties 
 of rare fruit-trees, vegetables, shrubs, and flow- 
 ering plants, which he could procure. This 
 was less easily accomplished ; but, horticulture 
 being with him a favorite pursuit, he contin- 
 ued during his life to make new accessions 
 of fruits and plants, both native and exotic. 
 Pruning trees was one of his amusements ; 
 and in the proper season he might be seen 
 almost daily in his grounds and gardens with 
 a pruning-hook or other horticultural imple- 
 ments in his hands. Skilful gardeners were 
 sought by him from Europe, whose knowl- 
 edge and experience enabled him to execute 
 his plans. 
 
JEt.53.] life of WASHINGTON. 197 
 
 Although reheved from piibHc cares, he 
 soon discovered, that the prospect, which he 
 had so fondly cherished, of enjoying the repose 
 of retirement, was much brighter than the 
 reality. Writing to General Knox, he said, 
 " It is not the letters from my friends, which 
 give me trouble, or add aught to my perplex- 
 ity. It is references to old matters, with which 
 I have nothing to do ; applications which 
 oftentimes cannot be complied with ; inquiries 
 which would require the pen of an historian to 
 satisfy ,* letters of compliment, as unmeaning 
 perhaps as they are troublesome, but which 
 must be attended to ; and the commonplace 
 business, which employs my pen and my 
 time, often disagreeably. Indeed these, with 
 compjmy, deprive me of exercise, and, unless 
 I can obtain relief, must be productive of dis- 
 agreeable consequences." The applications, 
 of which he complains, were chiefly from of- 
 ficers or other persons, who had been connect- 
 ed with the army, and who wished to obtain 
 from him certificates of character, or of ser- 
 vices rendered during the war, or some other 
 statement from his pen, for the purpose of 
 substantiating claims upon the government. 
 His real attachment to all who had served 
 faithfully in the army, as well as his humani- 
 ty, prompted him to comply with these re- 
 
 _l 
 
198 LIFE OF WASHINGTOjVJ. [1785. 
 
 quests ; but in many cases they were unrea- 
 sonable, and in all troublesome, as they re- 
 quired an examination of his voluminous pa- 
 pers, and a recurrence to facts which often 
 could not be easily ascertained. And then his 
 correspondence on topics of public interest, 
 friendship, and civility, with persons in Europe 
 and America, was very extensive. Add to 
 this, his private affairs, the keeping of ac- 
 counts, and his letters of business. For more 
 than two years after the close of the war he 
 had no clerk or secretary, and he was there- 
 fore incessantly employed in writing. At 
 length this labor was in some degree lessened 
 by the aid of Mr. Lear, who became his sec- 
 retary, and resided in his family many years 
 on terms of intimate friendship. 
 
 The multitude of visiters at Mount Vernon 
 increased. They came from the Old World 
 and the New. Among them were foreigners 
 of distinction, particularly from France and 
 other countries on the continent of Europe, 
 bringing letters of introduction from the Mar- 
 quis de Lafayette, Count de Rochambeau, 
 Count d'Estaing, and some of the other gen- 
 eral officers, who had served in America. The 
 celebrated authoress and champion of liberty, 
 Catherine Macaulay Graham, professed to have 
 crossed the Atlantic for the sole purpose of 
 
Mr. 53.] LIFE OF WASHIINGTON. 199 
 
 testifying in person her admiration of the char- 
 acter and deeds of Washington. His own 
 countrymen, in every part of the Union, as 
 may well be supposed, were not less earnest in 
 their good will, or less ready to prove their re- 
 spect and attachment. Some came to keep 
 alive friendship, some to ask counsel on pub- 
 lic affairs, and many to gratify a natural and 
 ardent curiosity. This throng of visiters ne- 
 cessarily demanded much of his time ; but in 
 other respects the task of receiving them was 
 made easy by the admirable economy of the 
 household under the management of Mrs. 
 Washington. 
 
 His habits were uniform, and nearly the 
 same as they had been previously to the war. 
 He rose before the sun, and employed himself 
 in his study, writing letters or reading, till the 
 hour of breakfast. When breakfast was over, 
 his horse was ready at the door, and he rode 
 to his farms and gave directions for the day to 
 the managers and laborers. Horses were like- 
 wise prepared for his guests, whenever they 
 chose to accompany him, or to amuse them- 
 selves by excursions into the country. Re- 
 turning from his fields, and despatching such 
 business as happened to be on hand, he went 
 again to his study, and continued there till 
 three o'clock, when he was summoned to din- 
 
200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 
 
 ner. The remainder of the day and the eve- 
 ning were devoted to company, or to recreation 
 in the family circle. At ten he retired to 
 rest. , From these habits he seldom deviated, 
 unless compelled to do so by particular cir- 
 cumstances. 
 
 The State of Virginia having resolved to 
 erect a statue in honor of General Washington, 
 the governor was authorized to employ an art- 
 ist in Europe to execute it. Dr. Franklin and 
 Mr. Jefferson, then in Paris, were commission- 
 ed to select the artist and make the contract. 
 They chose M. Houdon, who was accounted 
 one of the first statuaries of his time. It was 
 the intention, that the statue should bear an 
 exact resemblance to the original. M. Houdon 
 engaged in the undertaking with great enthu- 
 siasm, and came to America in the same vessel, 
 that conveyed Dr. Franklin home from his long 
 and brilliant mission to France. He was at 
 Mount Vernon three weeks, in the month of 
 October, 1785, and modelled a bust of General 
 Washington, as exact in all its lineaments as 
 his skill could make it. The statue is a pre- 
 cise copy of the model, and is undoubtedly the 
 best representation of the original that exists. 
 
 However much Washington was devoted to 
 his private pursuits, so congenial to his taste 
 and so exacting in their claims on his atteil- 
 
^T. 53] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 
 
 tion, yet neither his zeal for the public good, 
 nor the importunity of his correspondents, 
 would allow his thoughts to be withdrawn 
 from the political condition of his country. 
 His opinions were asked and his advice was 
 sought by the patriotic leaders in the public 
 councils, and by such eminent persons as had 
 been his coadjutors in the great work of inde- 
 pendence, who now looked with concern upon 
 the system of national government, which was 
 confessedly inadequate to stand by its own 
 strength, much less to sustain the Union of the 
 States. This union had hitherto been pre- 
 served by the pressure of war. It was rather 
 the last resort of a stern necessity, than the 
 spontaneous choice of all the thirteen repub- 
 lics. Peace had taken away its main props, 
 and was fast dissolving the slender bands by 
 which it was bound together. Congress was 
 its centre of action ; and this body, imperfect- 
 ly organized, possessing little real authority, 
 never confident in what it possessed, and often 
 distracted by party discords, had become almost 
 powerless. 
 
 The confederation had proved itself to be 
 defective in many points absolutely essential to 
 the prosperity of a national government, if not 
 to its very existence. The most remarkable 
 of these defects was the want of power to reg- 
 
202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 
 
 ulate commerce, and to provide for the pay- 
 ment of debts contracted by the confederacy. 
 Without such power it was impossible to exe- 
 cute treaties, fulfil foreign engagements, or 
 cause the nation to be respected abroad ; and 
 equally so, to render justice to public creditors 
 at home, and to appease the clamor of discon- 
 tent and disaffection, which so glaring a breach 
 of public faith would naturally raise. 
 
 It was evident to all, that an alarming crisis 
 was near at hand, scarcely less to be dreaded 
 than the war from which the country had just 
 emerged, unless a timely and effectual remedy 
 could be provided. Washington's sentiments 
 were often, freely, and feelingly expressed. 
 '' That we have it in our power," said he, " to 
 become one of the most respectable nations 
 upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of 
 no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, 
 and liberal policy towards one another, and 
 keep good faith with the rest of the world. 
 That our resources are ample and increasing, 
 none can deny ; but, while they are grudging- 
 ly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital 
 stab to public faith, and shall sink, in the eyes 
 of Europe, into contempt. It has long been a 
 speculative question among philosophers and 
 wise men, whether foreign commerce is of real 
 advantage to any country ; that is, whether 
 
iEx. 54] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203 
 
 the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which 
 are introduced along with it, are counterbal- 
 anced by the convenience and wealth which 
 it brings. But the decision of this question is 
 of very little importance to us. We have 
 abundant reason to be convinced, that the spirit 
 of trade, which pervades these States, is not 
 to be restrained. It behoves us then to estab- 
 lish just principles ; and this cannot, any more 
 than other matters of national concern, be done 
 by thirteen heads, differently constructed and 
 organized. The necessity, therefore, of a con- 
 trolling power is obvious ; and why it should 
 be withheld is beyond my comprehension." 
 
 In short, the embarrassments growing out 
 of the weakness of the confederacy, the utter 
 inability of Congress to' collect the means for 
 paying the public debts or to provide for their 
 security, the jealousies of the States, and the 
 factious spirit of individuals, filled the mind 
 of every true friend to his country with gloom 
 and despondency. Congress had recommend- 
 ed an impost, or rate of duties, which was to 
 be uniform in all the States, and the proceeds 
 of which were to be appropriated to relieve 
 the national wants. The States came tardily 
 into this measure, as it seemed to be yielding 
 a power, which was claimed as a special pre- 
 rogative of State sovereignty. The States, in 
 
204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 
 
 which commerce chiefly centred, were influ- 
 enced by another motive. A larger amount 
 would be drawn from the revenue in such 
 States, than in others of equal or greater ex- 
 tent, population, and internal wealth. The 
 fact was overlooked or disregarded, that the 
 consumers, wherever they resided, actually 
 paid the impost, and that . the commercial 
 States, by controlling the imposts in their own 
 ports, enjoyed advantages which the others did 
 not possess. New York never acceded to the 
 recommendation of Congress in such a manner 
 as to make it operative; and, as the success of 
 the measure everywhere depended on the ca- 
 price of the legislatures, and a rigid system of 
 collection faithfully administered, there was 
 but little hope of its answering the important 
 end of supplying the national treasury. 
 
 A dissolution of the Union, or an early and 
 thorough reform, was inevitable. The mode 
 of effecting the latter, and saving the republic, 
 was a theme upon which Washington dwelt 
 with deep solicitude in his correspondence and 
 conversations with his friends. By a concur- 
 rence of favorable circumstances his advice 
 and personal eff"orts were made available at the 
 beginning of the train of events, which ended 
 in the achievement of the constitution. '' To 
 form a compact relative to the navigation of 
 
^T. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON-. 205 
 
 the rivers Potomac and Pocomoke, and of part 
 of the bay of Chesapeake, commissioners were 
 appointed by the legislatures of Virginia and 
 Maryland, who assembled at Alexandria, in 
 March, 1785. While at Mount Vernon on a 
 visit, they agreed to propose to their respective 
 governments the appointment of other commis- 
 sioners, with power to make conjoint arrange- 
 ments, to which the assent of Congress was to 
 be solicited, for maintaining a naval force in 
 the Chesapeake, and to establish a tariff of du- 
 ties on imports, to which the laws of both 
 States should conform. When these proposi- 
 tions received the assent of the legislature of 
 Virginia, ufi auditioi;;al resolution was passed, 
 directing that which respected the duties on 
 imports to be communicated to all the States 
 in the Union, which were invited to send dep- 
 uties to the meeting." * 
 
 Accordingly, in January following, the As- 
 sembly of Virginia appointed commissioners, 
 who were instructed to meet such as should 
 be appointed by the other States, " to take into 
 consideration the trade of the United States, 
 to examine the relative situation and trade of 
 the said States, to consider how far a uniform 
 
 24 
 
206 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 
 
 system in their commercial relations may be 
 necessary to their common interest and their 
 permanent harmony, and to report to the sev- 
 eral States such an act relative to this great 
 object, as, when unanimously ratified by them, 
 will enable the United States in Congress as- 
 sembled effectually to provide for the same." 
 The commissioners met at Annapolis, in Sep- 
 tember, 1786. Five States only sent deputies, 
 and some of these came with such limited 
 powers, that it was soon ascertained that noth- 
 ing could be done towards effecting the object 
 for which they had come together. Their de- 
 liberations ended in a report to their respective 
 States, in which they rGpresented the defects 
 of the federal system, and the necessity of a 
 revision. The}'' likewise recommended anoth- 
 er convention of deputies from all the States, 
 furnished with requisite powers, who should 
 meet at Philadelphia on the second day of 
 May. At the same time they sent a letter to 
 Congress accompanied with a copy of their re- 
 port to the States. 
 
iET. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Proposal for a general Convention, and Washington appointed a 
 Delegate from Virginia. — His Reasons for wishing to decline. 
 — Society of the Cincinnati. — Washington accepts the Ap- 
 pointment as Delegate. — Attends the Convention, is chosen its 
 President, and affi.Nes his Name to the New Constitution. — His 
 Opinion of the Constitution. — It is adopted by the People. — 
 Washington chosen the first President of the United States. 
 
 When the legislature of Virginia assembled, 
 the report of the deputies was taken into con- 
 sideration, and it was resolved to appoint seven 
 delegates to meet those from the other States 
 in a general convention. Washington's name 
 was put at the head of the list, and he was 
 chosen by a unanimous vote of the representa- 
 tives. The intelligence was first communica- 
 ted to him by Mr. Madison, then a member of 
 the Assembly, and afterwards officially by the 
 governor. 
 
 He was not a little embarrassed with this 
 choice ; for, although he heartily approved the 
 measure, yet he thought there were reasons of 
 a personal nature, which made it inexpedient, 
 if not improper, for him to take any part in 
 it. He did not absolutely decline, but suggest- 
 ed his difficulties, and expressed a hope, that 
 some other person would be appointed in his 
 
20S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 
 
 place. As the weight of his name and the 
 wisdom of his counsels were felt to be ex- 
 tremely important, in giving dignity and suc- 
 cess to the proceedings of the convention, and 
 as several months would intervene before the 
 meeting, neither the governor nor his other 
 friends pressed hhn to a hasty decision, trust- 
 ing that time and reflection would remove his 
 doubts. 
 
 His objections were frankly stated, and they 
 are among the many evidences of his scrupu- 
 lous regard to directness and consistency in 
 every act of his life. " It is not only incon- 
 venient for me to leave home," said he to the 
 governor, "but there will be, I apprehend, too 
 much cause to charge my conduct with incon- 
 sistency in again appearing on a public theatre, 
 after a public declaration to the contrary ; and 
 it will, I fear, have a tendency to sweep me 
 back into the tide of public affairs, when re- 
 tirement and ease are so much desired by me, 
 and so essentially necessary." There can be 
 no doubt, that, when he resigned his commis- 
 sion in the aimy, he firmly believed nothing 
 could again occur to draw him from the retire- 
 ment, to which he returned with such un- 
 feigned satisfaction, and which no other con- 
 sideration than the superior claims of his 
 country could induce him to forego. On the 
 
AIt. 64] LITE OF WASHINGTON. 209 
 
 present occasion he was not convinced, that 
 his services would be more valuable than those 
 of other citizens, whose ability and knowledge 
 of public affairs, as his modesty would per- 
 suade him, better qualified them for the task 
 of devising and maturing a system of civil 
 government. 
 
 There was another objection, also, which 
 seemed to bear with considerable weight on 
 his mind. At the close of the war, some of 
 the officers had formed themselves into an as- 
 sociation, called the SorAety of the Cincinnati, 
 the object of which was to establish a bond 
 of union and fellowship between the officers, 
 who had served together during the war, and 
 were then about to be separated, and particu- 
 larly to raise a permanent fimd for the relief 
 of unfortunate members, their widows, and or- 
 phans. Although Washington was not con- 
 cerned in forming this society, yet he was 
 well pleased with its benevolent design, and 
 consented to be its president. Unexpectedly 
 to him, however, and to all others connected 
 with it, a very general dissatisfaction arose 
 throughout the country, in regard to some of 
 the principles upon which the society was 
 founded. It was to be hereditary in the fami- 
 lies of the members ; it had a badge, or order, 
 offensive in republican eyes, as imitating the 
 
 VOL. II. 14 
 
210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 
 
 European orders of knighthood ; it admitted 
 foreign officers, who had served in America, 
 and their descendants ; it provided for an in- 
 definite accumulation of funds, which were to 
 be disposed of at the discretion of the mem- 
 bers. Discontents grew into clamorous cen- 
 sures. Pamphlets were written against the 
 society, and it was denounced as anti-republi- 
 can, and a dangerous political engine. At the 
 first general meeting, which was held at Phil- 
 adelphia in May, 1784, Washington exerted 
 himself successfully to have the most objec- 
 tionable features altered, and the articles of 
 association were new modelled conformably 
 to his suggestions. After these changes the 
 alarmists were less vehement in their attacks ; 
 but they were not silenced, and the society 
 continued to be looked upon with jealousy and 
 disapprobation. 
 
 A second general meeting was to take place 
 in Philadelphia at the time appointed for the 
 assembling of the convention. Before receiv- 
 ing notice that he was chosen a delegate, 
 Washington had written a circular letter to the 
 branches of the Society in the different States, 
 declaring his intention to resign the presidency, 
 and giving reasons why it would be incon- 
 venient for him to attend the general meeting. 
 He thought himself thus placed in a delicate 
 
JET.di.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 
 
 situation. Were he to be present at the con- 
 vention, the members of the Cincinnati Soci- 
 ety might suppose they had just grounds for 
 suspecting his sincerity, or even of charging 
 him with having deserted the officers, who had 
 so nobly supported him during the war, and 
 always manifested towards him uncommon re- 
 spect and attachment. Having a grateful sense 
 of their affection, and reciprocating in reality 
 all their kind feelings, he was reluctant to put 
 himself in a condition, by which their favor- 
 able sentiments would be altered, or their sen- 
 sibility in any degree wounded. 
 
 Again, some of his friends in various parts 
 of the country expressed themselves doubting- 
 ly in their letters, as to the propriety of his 
 going to the convention, and some advised 
 against it. Many thought the scheme illegal, 
 since there was no provision in the articles of 
 the confederation for such a mode of revision, 
 and it had not been proposed by Congress. It 
 was feared, therefore, that the doings of the 
 convention would end in a failure, and perhaps 
 in the disgrace of the delegates. They, who 
 were perplexed with apprehensions of this sort, 
 were unwilling that the brilliant reputation of 
 Washington should be put to the hazard of be- 
 ing tarnished by an abortive experiment, and 
 believed the interests of the country required 
 
212 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 
 
 it to be held in reserve for a more fitting op- 
 portunity. 
 
 These obstacles, formidable for a time, were 
 at last removed. Congress took the subject 
 into consideration, and recommended to the 
 States to send delegates to the convention for 
 the purposes mentioned in the Annapolis report. 
 Thus the measure was sanctioned by law. 
 Congress likewise appointed the second Mon- 
 day in May, as the day for the delegates to as- 
 semble at Philadelphia. The time was fixed 
 with reference to the meeting of the Cincin- 
 nati, which was to be a week earlier, whereby 
 General Washington would be enabled to join 
 his brethren of that fraternity, should he think 
 I proper, and explain his motives for decHning 
 
 I to be again elected president. 
 
 i After these proceedings, and after it was 
 
 j found that the more enlightened part of the 
 
 I community very generally approved the scheme 
 
 I of the convention, his friends everywhere urg- 
 
 j ed him to accept the appointment as one of the 
 
 I delegates from Virginia, and he acceded to 
 
 I their wishes. Another circumstance had much 
 
 I influence in bringing him to this decision. It 
 
 j began to be whispered, that the persons op- 
 
 I posed to the convention were at heart mon- 
 
 I archists, and that they were glad to see the 
 
 j distractions of the country increasing, till the 
 
Ml. 54.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 213 
 
 people should be weary of them, and discover 
 their only hope of security to consist in a 
 strong government, as it was generally called, 
 or, in other words, a constitutional monarchy ; 
 for no one was ever supposed to dream of a 
 despotic power in America. It has been said 
 and believed, that a small party, in despair of 
 better things, actually meditated such a project, 
 and turned their eyes to some of the royal 
 families in Europe for a sovereign suited to 
 control the jarring elements of republicanism 
 in the United States. However this may be, 
 it is certain that no imagined remedy could 
 have been more severely reprobated by Wash- 
 ington. We have seen with what a stern re- 
 buke the proposal to be a king was met by 
 him, even when he literally had the power of 
 the nation in his hands. From the beginning 
 of the Revolution to the end of his life, he 
 was an uncompromising advocate for a repub- 
 lican system. In the abstract he regarded it 
 as the best ; and he had faith enough in the 
 virtue of the people, and in the efficacy of 
 their former habits, to convince him that it 
 might be successfully established. At all 
 events h6 was for having the experiment thor- 
 oughly tried ; and his whole conduct proves, 
 that, in regard to himself, he 'was ready to risk 
 his reputation, his property, and his life, if 
 
 24q 
 
214 LIFP: of V/ASHINGTON. [1787. 
 
 necessary, in a cause so momentous to the 
 welfare of his country and to the social pro- 
 gress of mankind. 
 
 He did not go to the convention unprepared 
 for the great work there to be undertaken. 
 His knowledge of the institutions of his own 
 country and of its political forms, both in their 
 general character and minute and affiliated 
 relations, gained by inquiry and long expe- 
 rience, was probably as complete as that of 
 any other man. But he was not satisfied with 
 this alone. He read the history and examined 
 the principles of the ancient and modern con- 
 federacies. There is a paper in his handwrit- 
 ing, which contains an abstract of each, and 
 in which are noted, in a methodical order, 
 their chief characteristics, the kinds of au- 
 thority they possessed, their modes of oper- 
 ation, and their defects. The confederacies 
 analyzed in this paper are the Lycian, Am- 
 phictyonic, Acha3an, Helvetic, Belgic, and 
 Germanic. He also read the standard works 
 on general politics and the science of gov- 
 ernment, abridging parts of them, according 
 to his usual practice, that he might impress 
 the essential points more deeply on his mind. 
 He was apprehensive, that the delegates might 
 come together fet'tered with instructions, which 
 would embarrass and retard, if not defeat, 
 
^T. 55.] LIFE OF Vv^ASHINGTON. 215 
 
 the salutary end proposed. " My wish is," 
 said he, " that the convention may adopt no 
 temporizing expedients, but probe the defects 
 of the constitution to the bottom, and provide 
 a radical cure, whether they are agreed to or 
 not. A conduct of this kind will stamp wis- 
 dom and dignity on their proceedings, and 
 hold np a light, which sooner or later will 
 have its influence." Such were the prepara- 
 tions, and such the sentiments, with which 
 he went to the convention. 
 
 His arrival at Philadelphia was attended 
 with public honors. At Chester he was met 
 by General Mifflin, Speaker of the Assembly 
 of Permsylvania, and several officers and gen- 
 tlemen of distinction, who proceeded with 
 him from that place. At Gray's Ferry a com- 
 pany of light-horse took charge of him and 
 escorted him into the city. His first visit was 
 to Dr. Franklin, at that time President of 
 Pennsylvania. All the States were represent- 
 ed in the convention, except Rhode Island ; 
 and, when the body was organized for busi- 
 ness. General Washington was elected by a 
 unanimous vote to the president's chair. The 
 convention was in session four months, and 
 the diligence^of the members is proved by the 
 fact, that they sat from five to seven hours a 
 day. The result was the Constitution of the 
 
216 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787. 
 
 United States, wliicli was jiroposcd to be sub- 
 stituted for the Articles of Confederation, On 
 the 17th of September, 1787, the constitution 
 was signed by all the members present, except 
 three, and forwarded with a letter to Congress. 
 By that assembly it was sent to the State 
 legislatures, for the purpose of being submitted 
 in each State to a convention of delegates 
 chosen by the peojile, in conformity with a 
 resolve of the general convention. 
 
 The constitution, as it came from the hands 
 of its framers, was regarded by no one as the- 
 oretically perfect. To form a compact, which 
 should imite thirteen independent republics 
 into a consolidated government possessing a 
 control over the whole, was not a work of easy 
 achievement, even if there had been a uni- 
 formity in the previously established systems 
 of the several States. The difficulty was in- 
 creased by the wide differences in their situa- 
 tion, extent, habits, wealth, and particular in- 
 terests. Rights and privileges were to be 
 surrendered, not always in proportion to the 
 advantages which scorned to be jn'omiscd as an 
 equivalent. In short, the constitution was an 
 amicable compromise, the result of mutual 
 deference and concession. Dr. Franklin said, 
 in a short speech near the close of the con- 
 vention ; " I consent to this constitution, be- 
 
JE.T.55.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 217 
 
 cause I expect no better, and because I am not 
 sure it is not the best. The opinions I have 
 had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good." 
 
 -jjJLnd Washington wrote not long afterwards ; 
 
 ^" There are some things in the new form, I 
 will readily acknowledge, which never did, 
 and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cor- 
 dial approbation ; but I did then conceive, and 
 do now most firmly believe, that in the aggre- 
 gate it is the best constitution, that can be ob- 
 tained at this epoch, and that this, or a disso- 
 lution, awaits our choice, and is the only al- 
 ternative." Again ; " It appears to me little 
 short of a miracle, that the delegates from so 
 many States, different from each other in their 
 manners, circumstances, and prejudices, should 
 unite in forming a system of national govern- 
 ment, so little liable to well-founded objec- 
 tions. Nor am I yet such an enthusiastic, par- 
 tial, or undiscriminating admirer of it, as not 
 to perceive it is tinctured with some real 
 though not radical defects." 
 ' Similar sentiments were doubtless entertain- 
 ed by all the prominent friends to the consti- 
 tution. Faulty as it was, they looked upon it 
 as the best that could be made, in the existing 
 state of things, and as such they wished it to 
 be fairly tried. It was moreover remarkable, 
 that what one called a defect, another thought 
 
218 LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON. [1788. 
 
 its most valuable part, so that in detail it was 
 almost wholly condemned and approved. This 
 was a proof, that there was nothing in it es- 
 sentially bad, and that it approached very 
 nearly to a just medium. If we judge from 
 the tenor of Washington's letters, after it was 
 sent out to the world, he watched its fate with 
 anxious solicitude, and was animated with joy 
 at the favor it gradually gained with the pub- 
 lic and its ultimate triumph. It was univer- 
 sally agreed, that his name affixed to the con- 
 stitution carried with it a most effective in- 
 fluence on the minds of the people. 
 
 The legislatures of all the States, which 
 had been represented in the general conven- 
 tion, directed State conventions to be assem- 
 bled, consisting of delegates chosen by the 
 people for the express purpose of deciding on 
 the adoption of the constitution. The ratifi- 
 cation of nine States was necessary to give it 
 validity and effect. The conventions in the 
 several States met at different times, and it 
 was nearly a year before the requisite number 
 had passed a decision. In the mean time, 
 both the friends and opponents of the consti- 
 tution were extremely active. The weight of 
 opinion, however, was found everywhere to 
 preponderate on the side of the constitution. 
 In some of the States it was adopted unani- 
 
^T. 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 219 
 
 mously, and in nearly all of them the majority 
 was much larger than its most zealous advo- 
 cates had ventured to hope. Amendments 
 were recommended in some instances, but in 
 none was the ratification clogged by positive 
 conditions of this sort. The same spirit of 
 compromise and mutual concession seemed to 
 prevail, that had been manifested in the gen- 
 eral convention. In fine, though the opposi- 
 .tion was strong, and upheld by a few of the 
 ablest and best men in the country, yet the 
 popular voice was so decidedly expressed on 
 the other side, as to afford the most encourag- 
 ing presages of the successful operation of the 
 new form of government. 
 
 Each State convention transmitted to Con- 
 gress a testimonial of its ratification, signed by 
 all its members. When these testimonials had 
 been received from the requisite number of 
 States, an act was passed by Congress appoint- 
 ing a day for the people throughout the Union, 
 to choose electors of a President of the United 
 States, according to the constitution, and an- 
 other day for the electors to meet and vote for 
 the person of their choice. The former elec- 
 tion was to take place on the first Wednesday 
 in February, 1789, and the latter on the first 
 Wednesday in March following. 
 
 It was no sooner ascertained, that the con- 
 
220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1788 
 
 stitLition would probably be adopted, than the 
 eyes of the nation were turned upon Wash- 
 ington, as the individual to be selected for that 
 office, the highest, most honorable, and most 
 responsible, that could be conferred by the 
 suffrages of a free people. His reluctance to 
 being farther engaged in public life was well 
 known, but every one knew also, that he nev- 
 er refused to obey the call of his country, or 
 to make personal sacrifices for the public good. 
 This was a ground of hope and of confidence. 
 In him the whole people would be united. 
 As to other candidates, there would be differ^ 
 ences of opinion, rivalships, and, it was feared, 
 unhappy divisions, that might mar the work 
 so successfully begun, and perhaps end in its 
 overthrow and ruin. The interest felt in the 
 subject, therefore, was intense ; and at no pe- 
 riod, even during the struggle of the Revolu- 
 tion, was the strong support of Washington 
 more necessary, than at this crisis. 
 
 The public sentiment was too openly and 
 loudly proclaimed to be concealed from him. 
 ■ Indeed those of his compatriots and associates, 
 whose intimacy entitled them to use such a 
 freedom, began early to prepare him for the 
 result, by such arguments and advice, as they 
 knew would be candidly considered, and be 
 the best suited to act upon his mind. Some 
 
^T. 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 
 
 time before the election, iu reply to a letter in 
 which the subject had been brought pointedly 
 before him by a gentleman, then a member of 
 Congress, he wrote as follows. 
 
 " Should the contingency you suggest take 
 place, and should my unfeigned reluctance to 
 accept the office be overcome by a deference 
 to the reasons and opinions of my friends, 
 might I not, after the declarations 1 have 
 made, (and Heaven knows they were made in 
 the sincerity of my heart,) in the judgment 
 of the impartial world and of posterity, be 
 chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if 
 not with rashness and ambition ? Nay, far- 
 ther, would there not be some apparent foun- 
 dation for the two former charges ? Now jus- 
 tice to myself and tranquillity of conscience 
 require, that I should act a part, if not above 
 imputation, at least capable of vindication. 
 Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous 
 for reputation. Though I prize as I ought the 
 good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet, if I 
 know myself, I would not seek or retain popu- 
 larity at the expense of one social duty or 
 moral virtue. 
 
 " While doing what my conscience inform- 
 ed me was right, as it respected my God, my 
 country, and myself, I could despise all the 
 party clamor and unjust censure, which might 
 
222 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 be expected from some, whose personal enmity 
 might be occasioned by their hostihty to the 
 government. I am conscious, that I fear alone 
 to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that 
 I do not dread to meet with unmerited re- 
 proach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall 
 be convinced the good of my country requires 
 my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my 
 own fame will not come in competition with 
 an object of so much magnitude. If I declin- 
 ed the task, it would lie upon quite another 
 principle. Notwithstanding my advanced sea- 
 son of life, my increasing fondness for agricul- 
 tural amusements, and my growing love of 
 retirement, augment and confirm my decided 
 predilection for the character of a private citi- 
 zen, yet it would be no one of these motives, 
 nor the hazard to which my former reputation 
 might be exposed, nor the terror of encounter- 
 ing new fatigues and troubles, that would de- 
 ter me from an acceptance ; but a belief, that 
 some other person, who had less pretence, and 
 less inclination, to be excused, could execute 
 all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself." 
 
 Suffice it to say, that his scruples yielded 
 to the earn-sst solicitations of his friends, to 
 mature reflection, and to the counsels of his 
 unerring judgment. The day of election 
 came, and George Washington was chosen, 
 
yET. 57.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 223 
 
 by tho unanimous vote of the electors, and 
 probably without a dissenting voice in the 
 whole nation, the first President of the United 
 States. 
 
224 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 He receives official Notice of being chosen President. — His 
 Journey to the Seat of Government at New Yorii. — His Oath 
 of Office and Inaugural Speech. — Acquaints himself with the 
 State of public Affairs. — His Attention to his private Pursuits. 
 
 — His Manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Company. 
 
 — Afflicted with a severe Illness. — Death of his Mother. — 
 Economy of his Household. — Executive Departments formed. 
 
 It being known that the choice of the peo- 
 ple had fallen on General Washington foi 
 President, he made preparations to begin the 
 duties of the office as soon as his election 
 should be notified to him by the proper au- 
 thority. The 4th of March was assigned as 
 the day for the meeting of Congress, but a 
 quorum did not come together till a month 
 later. The votes of the electors were then 
 opened and counted ; and a special messenger 
 was despatched to Mount Yernon with a letter 
 from the President of the Senate to General 
 Washington, conveying official intelligence of 
 his election. John Adams was at the same 
 time declared to be chosen Vice-President of 
 the United States. Two days after receiving 
 the notification, Washington left home for 
 New York, which was then the seat of Con- 
 gress 
 
^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 225 
 
 His feelings on this occasion are indicated 
 in the following extract from his Diary, writ- 
 ten on the day of his departure. " About ten 
 o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Yernon, to pri- 
 vate life, and to domestic felicity ; and, with 
 a mind oppressed with more anxious and pain- 
 ful sensations than I have words to express, 
 set out for New York in company with Mr. 
 Thomson and Colonel Humphreys, with the 
 best disposition to render service to my coun- 
 try in obedience to its call, but with less hope 
 of answering its expectations." The whole 
 journey was a kind of triumphal procession. 
 He had hardly left his own house, when he 
 was met by a company of gentlemen from 
 Alexandria, who proceeded with him to that 
 town, where an entertainment was provided 
 for him, and where he received and answered 
 a public address. The people gathered to see 
 him as he passed along the road. When he 
 approached the several towns, the most re- 
 spectable citizens came out to meet and wel- 
 come him ; he was escorted from place to 
 place by companies of militia ; and in the 
 principal cities his presence was announced by 
 the firing of cannon, ringing of bells, and mili- 
 tary display. 
 
 A committee of Congress, consisting of 
 three members of the Senate and five of the 
 
 VOL. II. 15 
 
226 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 House of Representatives, was appointed to 
 meet him in New Jersey and attend him to 
 the city of New York, To Elizabeth town 
 Point came many other persons of distinction, 
 and the heads of the several departments of 
 government. He was there received in a 
 barge, splendidly fitted up for the occasion, 
 and rowed by thirteen pilots in white uni- 
 forms. This was followed by vessels and 
 boats, fancifully decorated, and crowded with 
 spectators. When the President's barge came 
 near to the city, a salute of thirteen guns was 
 fired from the vessels in the harbor, and from 
 the Battery. At the landing he was again 
 saluted by a discharge of artillery, and was 
 joined by the governor and other officers of 
 the State, and the corporation of the city. A 
 procession was then formed, headed by a long 
 military train, which was followed by the 
 principal officers of the State and city, the 
 clergy, foreign ministers, and a great concourse 
 of citizens. The procession advanced to the 
 house prepared ifl: the reception of the Presi- 
 dent. The day was passed in festivity and 
 joy, and in the evening the city was brilliant- 
 ly illuminated. 
 
 The first public act of the President was 
 that of taking the oath of office. It was de- 
 cided by Congress, that this should be done 
 
^T.67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTUiS. 227 
 
 with some ceremony. In the morning of the 
 day appointed, April 30th, at nine o'clock, re- 
 ligious services suited to the occasion were 
 performed in all the churches of the city. At 
 twelve the troops paraded before the Presi- 
 dent's door, and soon afterwards came the 
 committees of Congress and the heads of de- 
 partments in carriages, to attend him to the 
 Federal Hall, where the two houses of Con- 
 gress were assembled. The procession moved 
 forward with the troops in front, next the 
 committees and heads of departments, then 
 the President in a coach alone, followed by 
 the foreign ministers, civil officers of the State, 
 and citizens. Arrived at the Hall, he ascend- 
 ed to the senate-chamber, and passed thence 
 to a balcony in front of the house, where the 
 oath was adrftipistered to him in presence of 
 the people by Chancellor Livingston. The 
 President returned to the senate-chamber, in 
 the midst of loud acclamations from the sur- 
 rounding throng of spectators, and delivered to 
 the two branches of Congress his Inaugural 
 Speech. He then went on foot to St. Paul's 
 Church, where prayers were read by the bish- 
 op, and the ceremonies were closed. Tokens 
 of joy were everywhere exhibited, as on the 
 day of his arrival, and at night there was a 
 display of illuminations and fireworks. 
 
228 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 Under auspices thus favorable, Washington 
 entered again upon the career of pubhc life, 
 surrounded and sustained by the eminent lead- 
 ers, who had acted with him in establishing 
 the liberties of his country, and cheered with 
 the conviction of having received the volun- 
 tary suffrage and possessing the good wishes 
 of every American citizen. Yet he was aware, 
 that the task he had undertaken was one of 
 no common responsibility or easy execution. 
 The hopes and expectations of his country- 
 men, he knew, were in proportion to the unan- 
 imity with which they had crowned him with 
 honors, and laid the burden of their public 
 Cares on his shoulders. A new system of 
 government was to be put in action, upon 
 which depended the destiny of his country, 
 and with the good or ill success of which his 
 future reputation would be identified. 
 
 In his inaugural speech, after expressing his 
 deep sense of the magnitude of the trust con- 
 fided to him, the struggles his mind had un- 
 dergone in deciding to accept it, and a con- 
 sciousness of his deficiencies, he added ; ''In 
 this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, 
 that it has been my faithful study to collect 
 my duty from a just appreciation of every 
 circumstance by which it might be affected. 
 All I dare hope is, that, if in accepting this 
 
^T.57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 229 
 
 task I have been too much swayed by a grate- 
 ful remembrance of former instances, or by an 
 affectionate sensibihty to this transcendent 
 proof, of the confidence of my fellow citizens, 
 and have thence too little consulted my inca- 
 pacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty 
 and untried cares before me, my error will be 
 palliated by the motives which misled me, 
 and its consequences be judged by my coun- 
 try with some share of the partiality in which 
 they originated." With these sentiments, and 
 with fervent supplications to the Almighty 
 Being, whose guidance and overruling Provi- 
 dence he acknowledged in all the events of 
 his life, he commenced the arduous duties of 
 chief magistrate of the nation. In conformity 
 with the rule to which he had hitherto ad- 
 hered, he gave notice to Congress, that he 
 should accept no other compensation for his 
 services, than such as would be necessary to 
 defray the expenses of his household and other 
 charges incident to his public station. 
 
 As the various departments of government 
 under the new system could not be instituted, 
 till Congress had passed laws for their organ- 
 ization and support, the business belonging to 
 these departments continued to be transacted 
 by the officers, who had previously been 
 charged with it. . Mr. Jay acted as secretary 
 
230 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJ^. [1789. 
 
 of foreign affairs, and General Knox as secret- 
 ary of war. The treasury was under the con- 
 trol of a board of commissioners. The Pres- 
 ident requested from each of them an elab- 
 orate report, that he might become acquainted 
 with the actual state of the government in all 
 its foreign and domestic relations. These re- 
 ports he read and condensed with his own 
 hand, particularly that from the treasury board, 
 till he made himself master of their contents. 
 In regard to foreign affairs, he pursued a still 
 more laborious process. With pen in hand he 
 perused from beginning to end the official cor- 
 respondence, deposited in the public archives, 
 from the date of the treaty of peace at the 
 termination of the war till the time he entered 
 upon the Presidency. These voluminous pa- 
 pers he abridged and studied, according to his 
 usual practice, with the view of fixing in his 
 mind every important point that had been 
 discussed, as well as the history of what had 
 been done. 
 
 Among the private reasons, which had dis- 
 inclined him to leave his retirement at Mount 
 Vernon, were his growing attachment to agri- 
 culture, and his desire to pursue the system 
 adopted for the cultivation of his farms. Since 
 the war he had devoted himself with equal 
 delight and constancy to this pursuit, and 
 
JEt.51.] life of WASHINGTON. 231 
 
 brought his plans into a train, which promised 
 the most . satisfactory results. He had pro- 
 cured from Europe the works of the best 
 writers on the subject, which he read with 
 diligence and reflection, drawing from them 
 such scientific principles and practical hints, 
 as he could advantageously use in improving 
 his modes of agriculture. He was resolved to 
 mature his designs, and in the intervals of 
 public duties to bestow a part of his leisure 
 upon that object. With his chief manager at 
 Mount Vernon he left full and minute direc- 
 tions in writing, and exacted from him a 
 weekly report, in which were registered the 
 transactions of each day on all the farms, such 
 as the number of laborers employed, their 
 health or sickness, the kind and quantity of 
 work executed, the progress in planting, sow- 
 ing, or harvesting the fields, the appearance 
 of the crops at various stages of their growth, 
 the effects of the weather on them, and the 
 condition of the horses, cattle, and other live 
 stock. By these details he was made perfect- 
 ly acquainted with all that was done, and 
 could give his orders with almost as much 
 precision as if he had been on the spot. 
 
 Once a week regularly, and sometimes twice, 
 he wrote to the manager, remarking on his 
 report of the preceding week, and adding new 
 
232 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 directions. These letters frequently extended 
 to two or three sheets, and were always writ- 
 ten with his own hand. Such was his labo- 
 rious exactness, that the letter he sent away 
 was usually transcribed from a rough draft. 
 A press copy was taken of the transcript, 
 which was carefully filed with the manager's 
 report for his future inspection. In this habit 
 he persevered with unabated diligence through 
 the whole eight years of his Presidency, ex- 
 cept during the short visits he occasionally 
 made to Mount Vernon, at the close of the 
 sessions of Congress, when his presence could 
 be dispensed with at the seat of government. 
 He moreover maintained a large correspond- 
 ence on agriculture with gentlemen in Europe 
 and America. His letters to Sir John Sin- 
 clair, Arthur Young, and Dr. Anderson, have 
 been published, and are well known. Indeed 
 his thoughts never seemed to flow more free- 
 ly, nor his pen to move more easily, than 
 when he was writing on agriculture, extolling 
 it as a most attractive pursuit, and describing 
 the pleasure he derived from it and its supe- 
 rior claims not only on the practical econo- 
 mist, but on the statesman and philanthro- 
 pist. 
 
 The President had not been long in New 
 York, before he found it necessary to establish 
 
^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233 
 
 rules for receiving visiters and entertaining 
 company. There being no precedent to serve 
 as a guide, this was an affair of considerable 
 delicacy and difficulty. In the first place, it 
 was essential to maintain the dignity of the 
 office by such forms as would inspire deference 
 and respect ; and, at the same time, the nature 
 of republican institutions and the habits of the 
 people required the chief magistrate to be ac- 
 cessible to every citizen on proper occasions 
 and for reasonable purposes. A just line was 
 therefore to be drawn between too much pomp 
 and ceremony on the one hand, and an ex- 
 treme of familiarity on the other. Regard was 
 also to be had to the President's time and con- 
 venience. After a short experiment of leaving 
 the matter to the discretion of the public, it 
 was proved, that without some fixed rule he 
 would never have an hour at his disposal. 
 From breakfast till dinner his door was be- 
 sieged with persons calling to pay their re- 
 spects, or to consult him on affairs of little 
 moment. His sense of duty to the claims of 
 his offi-ce, and to himself, convinced him that 
 this practice could not be endured. The Vice- 
 President, Mr. Jay, Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, 
 and other gentlemen, concurred in this opin- 
 ion, and by their advice a different mode was 
 adopted. 
 
234 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 Every Tuesday, between the hours of three 
 and four, he was prepared to receive such per- 
 sons as chose to call. Foreign ministers, 
 strangers of distinction, and citizens, came and 
 went without ceremony. The hour was pass- 
 ed in free conversation on promiscuous topics, 
 in which the President joined. Every Friday 
 afternoon the rooms were open in hke manner 
 for visits to Mrs. Washington, which were on a 
 still more sociable footing, and at which Gen- 
 eral Washington was always present. These 
 assemblages were of the nature of public lev- 
 ees, and they did not preclude such visits of 
 civility and friendship, between the President's 
 family and others, as is customary in society. 
 On affairs of business by appointment, wheth- 
 er with public officers or private citizens, the 
 President was always ready to bestow his time 
 and attention. He accepted no invitations to 
 dinner, but invited to his own table foreign 
 ministers, officers of the government, and 
 strangers, in such numbers at once as his do- 
 mestic establishment would accommodate. On 
 these occasions there was neitlicr ostentation 
 nor restraint, but the same simplicity and ease 
 with which his guests had been entertained at 
 Mount Vernon. 
 
 No visits were received on Sundays. In 
 the morning he uniformly attended church, 
 
iEx. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 235 
 
 and in the afternoon he retired to his private 
 apartment. The evening was spent with his 
 family, and then an intimate friend would 
 sometimes call, but promiscuous company was 
 not admitted. 
 
 Having laid down these general rules, which 
 soon became known to the public, he found 
 relief from a heavy tax upon his time, and 
 more leisure for a faithful discharge of his du- 
 ties. In the course of the summer, however, 
 he was seized with a violent malady, which 
 reduced him very low, and which for a few 
 days was thought to endanger his life. He 
 was confined six weeks to his bed, and it was 
 more than twelve before his strength was re- 
 stored. A constitution naturally strong, and 
 the attendance of Dr. Bard, a physician equal- 
 ly eminent for the excellence of his character 
 and skill in his profession, enabled him to rise 
 from an illness the most painful and trying 
 that he had ever endured. From the effects 
 of it he never entirely recovered. 
 
 He had hardly gained strength to go abroad, 
 when he heard of the death of his mother, 
 who died in August, at the age of eighty-two. 
 Writing to his sister on this occasion he said ; 
 " Awful and affecting as the death of a parent 
 is, there is consolation in knowing, that Heaven 
 has spared ours to an age beyond which few 
 
236 
 
 LIFK OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 [1739. 
 
 attain, and favored her with the full enjoyment 
 of her mental faculties, and as much bodily 
 strength as usually falls to the lot of fourscore. 
 Under these considerations, and a hope that 
 she is translated to a happier place, it is the 
 duty of her relatives to yield due submission 
 to the decrees of the Creator." A short time 
 before he left Mount Vernon for New York, he 
 made a visit to his mother at Fredericksburg, 
 the place of her residence. She was then 
 sinking under a disease, which he foresaw 
 would prove fatal ; and he took an affecting 
 and final leave of her, convinced he should 
 never see her again. She had been a widow 
 forty-six years. Through life she was remark- 
 able for vigor of mind and body, simplicity of 
 manners, and uprightness of character. She 
 must have felt a mother's joy at the success 
 and renown of her son, but they caused no 
 change in her deportment or style of living. 
 Whenever he visited her at her dwelling, even 
 in the height of his greatness, he literally re- 
 turned to the scenes and domestic habits of his 
 boyhood. Neither pride nor vanity mingled 
 with the feelings excited by the attentions she 
 received as the mother of AVashington. She 
 listened to his praises and was silent, or added 
 only that he had been a good son, and she be- 
 lieved he had done his duty as a man. 
 
vEt. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 237 
 
 As soon as he was established in his office, 
 Washington introduced strict habits of econo- 
 my into his household, which were preserved 
 without essential change to the end of his 
 public life. The whole was under the care of 
 a steward, to whom he gave general directions. 
 All other persons connected with the establish- 
 ment were accountable to the steward, but 
 each of them was required to keep an exact 
 record of the purchases and expenditures made 
 by him, specifying every particular. These 
 accounts, with tradesmen's bills and other 
 vouchers, were presented once a week to Wash- 
 ington, who inspected them minutely, and cer- 
 tified with his own signature that they were 
 approved. By this method he was enabled to 
 ascertain at any moment the precise state of 
 his pecuniary affairs, and to guard against ex- 
 travagance and waste. He might say with 
 Seneca ; " I keep an account of my expenses; 
 I cannot affirm that I lose nothing, but I can 
 tell you what I lose, and why, and in what 
 manner." The salary of the President, as 
 fixed by law, was twenty-five thousand dollars 
 a year. But with the most rigid economy his 
 expenses were seldom within this limit, and 
 he was of course obliged to draw on his pri- 
 vate fortune to make up the deficiency. 
 
 Congress continued in session till near the 
 
 25q 
 
238 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 end of September, when they adjourned for 
 three months. They had been mostly occu- 
 pied in passing laws for the organization of 
 the government, the administration of justice, 
 and the raising of a revenue. Mercantile reg- 
 ulations were established, imposing duties on 
 tonnage and imported goods. Amendments to 
 the constitution were framed, and recommend- 
 ed to the States for adoption. Three execu- 
 tive departments were formed, at the head of 
 each of which was to be a secretary, name- 
 ly, the departments of foreign affairs, of the 
 treasury, and of war. The first was after- 
 wards called the department of state, and in- 
 cluded both foreign and domestic affairs. So 
 large a portion of the administration of gov- 
 ernment is effected by the executives of the 
 several States, that a separate department for 
 internal affairs was not thought necessary. 
 The navy too was at this time so small, as not 
 to require a distinct department. It was main- 
 ly in the charge of the secretary of war. 
 
&T.57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 OfBcers of the Executive Departments appointed. — Judiciary 
 System organized. — Washington's Opinion of the Supreme 
 Court. — His Rule in Appointments to Office.— His Journey 
 through the Eastern States. — System of Funding the Public 
 Debts. — Place for the permanent Seat of Government agreed 
 upon. 
 
 The requisite laws being passed, it next de- 
 volved on the President to select proper per- 
 sons to fill the several offices. In regard to the 
 executive departments, this was of very great 
 importance, inasmuch as the secretaries were 
 not only to discharge the duties assigned to 
 them by the constitution and laws, but were 
 to be his cabinet, or council of state. On the 
 wisdom of his choice, therefore, would in a 
 great degree depend the character and success 
 of his administration. So much time had 
 elapsed in the session of congress, that he had 
 been able to take a full survey of the subject, 
 and to decide with deliberation. 
 
 Long experience in public affairs, a high po- 
 litical standing, and acknowledged talQi,it^, 
 pointed out Thomas Jefferson as^.^r^^^^jtiy 
 qualified for the state dep(^tmejt^j^j,^J^eg.^w|s 
 about to retqrrii fwiofi Fra^p^yr-^hex^^ih^-l^ 
 filleid, ith% I o^p- ,i>f . ^lijQist^r ■glezj^£>|eii^fiaj^,.^§s 
 
240 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1739. 
 
 successor to Dr. Franklin, with much credit to 
 himself and his country. Alexander Hamil- 
 ton was appointed to the head of the treasury. 
 His transcendent abilities, integrity, firmness, 
 and patriotism were well known to Washing- 
 ton, after a thorough trial and familiar acquaint- 
 ance in the Revolution ; and they were scarce- 
 ly less known or less appreciated by his coun- 
 trymen at large. In the convention, Hamilton 
 disapproved and opposed some of the principal 
 articles of the constitution ; and the more 
 praise is due to him, that, after it was carried 
 by a majority, and was proved to be the best 
 that could be hoped for in the circumstances 
 of the times, he gave up his predilections, 
 joined heartily with its friends, and put into 
 their scale the whole weight of his great 
 .powers of eloquence and argument, both in 
 debate and by the use of his pen. Henry 
 Knox was continued secretary of war, which 
 station he had held under the confederation. 
 As an officer, a man, and a friend, he was es- 
 teemed by Washington ; and his steady prin- 
 ciples and public services had gained for him 
 a general confidence. The post of attorney- 
 general was conferred on Edmund Randolph, 
 a gentleman distinguished by success in his 
 profession at the bar, and by having been gov- 
 ernor of Virginia, and a conspicuous member 
 
^T.57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 241 
 
 of the convention that framed the constitution. 
 Such were the heads of the executive depart- 
 ments, and such the composition of the coun- 
 cil, on which the President was mainly to rely 
 for advice and support. 
 
 For administering justice, in the execution of 
 the laws for national purposes, the constitution 
 had provided, that there should be a supreme 
 court, and such inferior courts as Congress 
 should establish. In organizing the judiciary 
 system, it was decided that the supreme court 
 should consist of a chief justice and five asso- 
 ciate justices, and that there should be district 
 courts, with one judge in each State. An as- 
 sociate justice and a district judge constituted 
 a circuit court. Washington's opinion of the 
 importance of the supreme court is forcibly 
 described in his own language. "Impressed 
 with a conviction," said he, '•' that the due ad- 
 ministration of justice is the firmest pillar of. 
 good government, I have considered the first 
 arrangement of the judicial department as es- 
 sential to the happiness of the country, and to 
 the stability of its political system. Hence 
 the selection of the fittest characters to ex- 
 pound the laws, and dispense justice, has been 
 an invariable object of my anxious concern." 
 And again, in giving notice to Mr. Jay of his 
 appointment as chief justice ; " I have a full 
 
 VOL. II. 16 
 
242 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 confidence that the love which you bear to 
 our country, and a desire to promote the gen- 
 eral happiness, will not suffer you to hesitate a 
 moment to bring into action the talents, knowl- 
 edge, and integrity, which are so necessary to 
 be exercised at the head of that department, 
 which must be considered the keystone of our 
 political fabric." 
 
 These views of the judiciary department, 
 as forming a most essential branch of the gov- 
 ernment, and as claiming the highest consid- 
 eration, he always entertained ; and in the 
 appointment of justices, and judges of the 
 district courts, he was extremely solicitous to 
 secure the services of those, who were eminent 
 for judicial knowledge, talents, personal worth, 
 and experience. In placing John Jay at the 
 head of the supreme court, he consulted alike 
 the public good, the dignity of the court, and 
 his own feelings. No man in the nation pos- 
 sessed a larger share of confidence, whether in 
 regard to his ability or his legal attainments ; 
 none was more valued for the services he had 
 rendered to his country, none more esteemed 
 for his private virtues. The choice of his as- 
 sociates was also fortunate, and the court as- 
 sumed a respectability and weight suited to the 
 rank conferred upon it by the constitution. 
 
 No part of the President's duties gave him 
 
Mt.51.] life of WASHINGTON. 243 
 
 more anxiety, than that of distributing the offi- 
 ces in his gift. Applications innumerable flow- 
 ed in upon him even before he left Mount 
 Yernon,many of them from his personal friends, 
 and others supported by the recommendations 
 of his friends ; nor did they cease as long as 
 any vacancies remained. He early prescribed 
 to himself a rule, however, from which he 
 never swerved, which was to give no pledges 
 or encouragement to any applicant. He an- 
 swered them all civilly, but avowed his deter- 
 mination to suspend a decision till the time of 
 making the appointments should arrive, and 
 then, without favor or bias, to select such indi- 
 viduals as in his judgment were best qualified 
 to execute with faithfulness and ability the 
 trust reposed in them. His sentiments and 
 motives are well explained in a letter written 
 to a gentleman, who had solicited an office for 
 another person. 
 
 " From the moment when the necessity had 
 become more apparent," said he, "and as it 
 were inevitable, I anticipated, with a heart 
 filled with distress, the ten thousand embar- 
 rassments, perplexities, and troubles, to which 
 I must again be exposed in the evening of a 
 life already nearly consumed in public cares. 
 Among all these anxieties, I will not conceal 
 from you, I anticipated none greater, than those 
 
244 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl789. 
 
 that were likely to be produced by applications 
 for appointments to the different offices, which 
 would be created under the new government. 
 Nor will I conceal, that my apprehensions have 
 already been but too well justified. Scarcely 
 a day passes, in which applications of one kind 
 or another do not arrive ; insomuch that, had 
 I not early adopted some general principles, I 
 should before this time have been wholly oc- 
 cupied in this business. As it is, I have found 
 the number of answers, which I have been 
 necessitated to give in my own hand, an almost 
 insupportable burden to me. 
 
 " The points in which all these answers 
 have agreed in substance are, that, should it 
 be my lot to go again into public office, I 
 would go without being under any possible 
 engagements of any nature whatsoever ; that, 
 so far as I knew my own heart, I would not 
 be in the remotest degree influenced, in mak- 
 ing nominations, by motives arising from the 
 ties of family or blood ; and that, on the 
 other hand, three things, in my opinion, ought 
 principally to be regarded, namely, the fitness 
 of characters to fill offices, the comparative 
 claims from the former merits and sufferings 
 in service of the different candidates, and the 
 distribution of appointments in as equal a pro- 
 portion as might be to persons belonging to the 
 
Ml. 57.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 245 
 
 different States in the Union. Without pre- 
 cautions of this kind, I clearly foresaw the 
 endless jealousies, and possibly the fatal con- 
 sequences, to which a government, depending 
 altogether on the good-will of the people for 
 its establishment, would certainly be exposed 
 in its early stages. Besides, I thought, what- 
 ever the effect might be in pleasing or dis- 
 pleasing any individuals at the present moment, 
 a due concern for my own reputation, not less 
 decisively than a sacred regard to the interests 
 of the community, required, that I should hold 
 myself absolutely at liberty to act, while in 
 office, with a sole reference to justice and the 
 public good." 
 
 In practice he verified these declarations, 
 acting in every case with perfect independence, 
 looking first to the national interests, and next 
 to the best means of promoting them, and ad- 
 mitting no other ground of preference between 
 candidates, whose pretensions were in other 
 respects equal, than that of former efforts or 
 sacrifices in serving their country. 
 
 For some time it had been the President's 
 intention in the recess of Congress to make a 
 tour through the eastern States, as well for the 
 reestablishment of his health, as for observing 
 the condition of the people, and the general 
 disposition in regard to the new form of gov- 
 
246 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 ernment. He anticipated pleasure also in re- 
 viewing the scenes of his jfirst military cam- 
 paign as Commander-in-chief, and in meeting 
 the associates, who had contributed to lessen 
 his toils and invigorate his spirit in times of 
 peril and despondency. About the middle of 
 October he left New York, accompanied by his 
 two secretaries, Mr. Lear and Mr. Jackson, and 
 he was absent a month. He travelled in his 
 own carriage, and proceeded by way of New 
 Haven, Hartford, Worcester, Boston, Salem, 
 and Newburyport, as far as Portsmouth in New 
 Hampshire. He returned by a different route 
 through the interior of the country to Hartford, 
 and thence to New York. 
 
 Such was the enthusiasm, which was now 
 felt by all classes of the community in regard 
 to Washington,. an enthusiasm inspired by his 
 virtues and his fame, that it was impossible for 
 him to move in any direction, without drawing 
 around him thousands of spectators, eager to 
 gratify their eyes with a sight of his person, 
 to greet him with acclamations of joy, and to 
 exhibit testimonies of their respect and vene- 
 ration. Men, women, and children, people of 
 all ranks, ages, and occupations, assembled 
 from far and near at the crossings of the roads 
 and other public places, where it was known 
 he would pass. Military escorts attended him 
 
/Et. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 247 
 
 on the way, and at the principal towns he 
 -was received and entertained by the civil 
 authorities. Addresses were as usual present- 
 ed to him by corporate bodies, religious socie- 
 ties, and literary institutions, to which he re- 
 turned appropriate answers. 
 
 This journey was in all respects satisfactory 
 to him, not more as furnishing proofs of the 
 strong attachment of the people, than as con- 
 vincing him of the growing prosperity of the 
 country, and of the favor which the constitu- 
 tion and the administration of government 
 were gaining in the public mind. He was 
 happy to see, that the effects of the war had 
 almost disappeared, that agriculture was pur- 
 sued with activity, that the harvests were 
 abundant, manufactures increasing, the towns 
 flourishing, and commerce becoming daily 
 more extended and profitable. The condition 
 of society, the progress of improvements, the 
 success of industrious enterprise, all gave to- 
 kens of order, peace, and contentment, and a 
 most cheering promise for the future. 
 
 The time for the adjournment of Congress 
 having expired, the two houses reassembled 
 in the first week of January, The President 
 met them in the senate-chamber, and delivered 
 his speech at the opening of the session. Such 
 was the custom during Washington's admin- 
 
248 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 
 
 istration ; but it was afterwards changed, and 
 the President communicated with Congress* 
 only by written messages. This was hke- 
 wise Washington's practice, except at the be- 
 ginning of a session, when he addressed the 
 two houses in person. These addresses were 
 called speeches, and other communications 
 were designated as messages. At this time, 
 after congratulating Congress on the prosper- 
 ous condition of the country, and the favor 
 with which their previous doings had been 
 received, he recommended several subjects as 
 claiming their attention, particularly a pro- 
 vision for the common defence ; laws for nat- 
 uralizing foreigners ; a uniformity in the cur- 
 rency, weights, and measures ; the encourage- 
 ment of agriculture, commerce, and manufac- 
 tures ; the promotion of science and literature ; 
 and an effective system for the support of 
 public credit. 
 
 To the difficulties involved in this last sub- 
 ject may indeed be traced the primary causes 
 of the constitution, and it had already attract- 
 ed the notice of the national legislature. The 
 former session had necessarily been consumed 
 in framing laws for putting the new govern- 
 ment in operation ; but, a few days before its 
 close, a resolution was passed by the House 
 of Representatives, in which it was declared 
 
 I — -- 
 
JET.bl.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 249 
 
 that an adequate provision for the support of 
 pubhc credit was essential to the national hon- 
 or and prosperity, and the Secretary of the 
 Treasury was directed to prepare a plan for 
 the purpose, and report it to the House at the 
 next session. The national debt had its origin 
 chiefly in the Revolution. It was of two 
 kinds, foreign and domestic. The foreign 
 debt amounted to nearly twelve millions of 
 dollars, and was due to France, the Holland- 
 ers, and a very small part to Spain. The do- 
 mestic debt, due to individuals in the United 
 States for loans to the government and sup- 
 plies furnished to the army, was about forty- 
 two millions. These debts had been con- 
 tracted by Congress, and were acknowledged 
 to be a national charge. There was another 
 description of debts, amounting by estimate to 
 about twenty-five millions of dollars, which 
 rested on a different footing. The States in- 
 dividually had constructed works of defence 
 within their respective limits, advanced pay 
 and bounties to Continental troops and militia, 
 and supplied provisions, clothing, and muni- 
 tions of war. The secretary proposed, that 
 all the domestic debts, including those of the 
 particular States, should be funded, and that 
 the nation should become responsible for their 
 payment to the full amount. 
 
250 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 
 
 The report was able, perspicuous, and com- 
 prehensive, embracing a complete view of the 
 subject, and containing arguments of great 
 cogency in support of the plan suggested. 
 As to the foreign debt, there was no question 
 in the mind of any one, that it ought to be 
 discharged according to the strict letter of 
 the contracts, but in regard to the domestic 
 debts a difference of opinion prevailed. The 
 secretary endeavored to prove, that no distinc- 
 tion should be admitted, that the expenditures 
 had all been made for national objects, and 
 that in equity the public faith was solemnly 
 pledged for their reimbursement. The obli- 
 gation was increased by their being " the price 
 of liberty," without which the nation itself 
 could never have attained an independent ex- 
 istence. He argued that the policy of the 
 measure was not less obvious than its justice, 
 that public credit was essential to the support 
 of government under any form, and that this 
 could be maintained only by good faith in all 
 transactions, and by honorably fulfilling en- 
 gagements. Who would confide in a govern- 
 ment, that had refused to pay its debts, or re- 
 spect a nation that had shown a disregard to 
 the principles, which constitute the cement of 
 every well ordered community? 
 
 When the report was considered in Con- 
 
^T.58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 251 
 
 gress, it gave rise to warm and protracted de- 
 bates. The opponents of the secretary's plan 
 were not without plausible reasons. As to the 
 debt contracted by Congress, it was said that 
 the usual maxims could not properly be ap- 
 plied. The evidences of this debt consisted 
 in a paper currency and certificates, which, as 
 there was no gold or silver, the creditors were 
 from the necessity of the case obliged to take. 
 This paper had in most cases passed through 
 many hands, and was immensely depreciated 
 below its nominal value. The original cred- 
 itors, therefore, and the subsequent holders, 
 had lost in proportion to the scale of deprecia- 
 tion. Hence the proposal to assume the whole 
 debt, as it stood on the face of the paper, and 
 pay it to the present holders, was said to be 
 inequitable, inasmuch as these had purchased 
 it at the depreciated value, and had no claim 
 to be remunerated for the losses of the previ- 
 ous holders. 
 
 Mr. Madison proposed a discrimination, by 
 which the purchasers should be paid a certain 
 portion, and the original holders the remain- 
 der. This was objected to as unjust and im- 
 practicable. By the form and tenor of the 
 certificates, the debt was made payable to the 
 original creditor or bearer. On these terms 
 they had been sold, and the sellers had relin- 
 
252 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN. [1790 
 
 quished all their claims to the purchasers for 
 what was deemed an equivalent. When the 
 transfers were made, it was understood by 
 both parties to be on this principle, and the 
 purchaser took the risk of eventual payment. 
 It was clear, also, that it would be impossible 
 to make the discrimination, except to a lim- 
 ited extent and in a partial manner, since the 
 numerous transfers of the original creditors 
 could not be ascertained and examined ; and 
 even at best no provision was offered for the 
 losses of the intermediate holders by the gradual 
 depreciation. After a long debate in the House 
 of Representatives this scheme was rejected. 
 
 Next came up the State debts ; and the 
 proposition to assume them created still great- 
 er divisions and heals in Congress, and much 
 excitement abroad. It brought into action all 
 the local prejudices and high-toned doctrines 
 of State rights and State sovereignty, which 
 had been so heavy a stumblingblock in the 
 way of union and concord from the beginning 
 of the Revolution. The debts of the respec- 
 tive States were very unequal in amount. 
 This led to an investigation of the services 
 rendered by each, and to invidious compari- 
 sons. The project was opposed as unconsti- 
 tutional and unjust. Congress, it was said, 
 had no power to take this burden upon the 
 
JEr.BB.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 253 
 
 nation. Such an assumption of power was 
 moreover an encroachment upon the sove- 
 reignty of the States, tending to diminish 
 their importance, and lead to a consohdation 
 destructive of the republican system. Each 
 State was responsible for the debts it had con- 
 tracted, and there was no reason for taxing 
 those States, which owed little, to pay a por- 
 tion of the large debt of others. 
 
 It was argued in reply, that, as the expen- 
 ditures had all been for the common cause of 
 the nation, they came strictly within the le- 
 gitimate control of Congress ; and also, as the 
 constitution had transferred to the national 
 legislature the entire power of raising funds 
 from duties on imports and the sales of public 
 lands, the principal sources of revenue, it was 
 just that the debts should be paid out of these 
 funds. The States could pay them only by 
 excise duties, or direct taxes, which would be 
 odious to the people and difficult to collect. 
 In any event there must be long delays, 
 and much uncertainty as to the result. The 
 creditors had a right to claim more prompt 
 payment, and better security from the nation. 
 
 At last the secretary's plan for funding all 
 the domestic debts was carried by a small 
 majority in both houses of Congress. In re- 
 gard to the State debts, however, the original 
 
 26 
 
254 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 
 
 proposition was modified. The specific sum 
 of twenty-one millions and a half of dollars 
 was assumed, and apportioned among the 
 States in a proximate ratio to the amount of 
 the debts of each. An act was passed by 
 which the whole of the domestic debt became 
 a loan to the nation. It was made redeema- 
 ble at various times, and at various rates of 
 interest. 
 
 One of the principal arguments for funding 
 the debt, in addition to that of its equity, was 
 the advantage that would be derived from it 
 as an active capital for immediate use. Sus- 
 tained by the credit of the nation, bearing in- 
 terest and redeemable at certain times, the 
 paper securities of the government would have 
 a permanent value in the market, and thus be 
 a spur to enterprise, and increase the prosper- 
 ity of the country in its agriculture, manufac- 
 tures, and commerce. All that was anticipat- 
 ed from the funding system, in these respects, 
 was realized. Politically considered, how- 
 ever, it had an unhappy influence. It widened 
 the breach of parties, produced irritations, and 
 excited animosities. Nor was it to be expect- 
 ed that the adversaries of the plan, and these 
 a large minority, would readily change their 
 opinion after the strenuous opposition they 
 had shown, or cease from their hostility. The 
 
MT.bS.-] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 255 
 
 President expressed no sentiments on the sub- 
 ject while it was under debate in Congress, 
 but he approved the act for funding the pubHc 
 debt, and was undoubtedly, from conviction, 
 a decided friend to the measure. 
 
 Another important point, upon which Con- 
 gress under the old Confederation had been 
 for a long time divided, was settled in the 
 course of this session. Local interests, and 
 other considerations, made it difficult to agree 
 on the place for the permanent seat of gov- 
 ernment. It was at length determined, that 
 it should be removed for ten years to Phila- 
 delphia, and then be established at some place 
 on the Potomac River. Ultimately the posi- 
 tion was selected, which has since been called 
 the District of Columbia; and the territory 
 was surveyed, the city planned, and the pub- 
 lic buildings commenced under the direction 
 of Washington, this duty devolving on him 
 as President. For three or four years it oc- 
 cupied a great deal of his attention ; and, in 
 compliance with the laws, he appointed com- 
 missioners for managing the business, with 
 whom he carried on a voluminous correspond- 
 ence, giving personal directions, and requiring 
 exact accounts of all proceedings. 
 
256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 The President visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon. — Foreign 
 Relations of the United States. — France, England, Spain. — 
 Indian War. — Washington's Policy respecting the Indians. — 
 Congress meets at Philadelphia. — A National Bank established. 
 — Tax on distilled Spirits. — The President's Tour through the 
 Southern States. — Apportionment Bill. — Parties and their 
 Causes. — Dissensions between the Secretary of State and the 
 Secretary of the Treasury. — Washington's Attempts to recon- 
 cile them. 
 
 Rhode Island having adopted the constitu- 
 tion, and acceded to the Union, the President 
 made a visit to that State immediately after 
 the session of Congress. In his eastern tonr 
 he had avoided going to Rhode Island, because 
 it had not then joined the Union under the 
 new government. 
 
 Another severe disease, and constant appH- 
 cation to business, had much impaired his 
 heaUh ; and he determined to take advantage 
 of the recess of Congress, throw off for a brief 
 space the burden of pubhc cares, and seek re- 
 pose and recreation in his own quiet home at 
 Mount Vernon. He always returned to that 
 spot with delight ; and it was now doubly 
 dear to him, as it promised rest from labor, re- 
 freshment to his weary spirit and debilitated 
 body, and a few days of leisure to ride over 
 
^T. 58] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 257 
 
 his farms, view his gardens, orchards, and 
 fields, and observe the progress of his agricul- 
 tural operations. 
 
 The foreign relations of the United States, 
 at the beginning of the new government, 
 though not complicated, were nevertheless in 
 an unsettled condition. With France there 
 was a good understanding, the treaties of alli- 
 ance and commerce having been scrupulously 
 fulfilled on both sides. The revolutionary dis- 
 orders, however, soon broke out, and produced 
 disagreements, alienation, and trouble. 
 
 With Morocco a sort of informal treaty ex- 
 isted, and Washington wrote two letters to the 
 Emperor, who had received American vessels 
 into his ports, and promised his aid to concili- 
 ate the Barbary powers. This promise was 
 unavailing. The Algerines had seized vessels 
 belonging to citizens of the United States, and 
 held the officers and sailors in bondage for sev- 
 eral years. 
 
 The government stood in a more delicate 
 relation to England, than, to any other power. 
 The old feuds and bitter feelings of the war 
 subsided slowly. All attempts to bring about 
 a treaty of commerce between the two coun- 
 tries had failed. The British cabinet, probably 
 distrusting the stability of the Union under 
 the old Confederation, had shown no disposi- 
 
 VOL. II. 17 
 
258 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 
 
 tion to enter into a treaty of this sort, and had 
 never sent a minister to the United States. 
 The mihtary posts on the frontiers had not 
 been given up, as was stipulated in the treaty 
 of peace. The reason assigned, that some of 
 the States had refused to pay the debts due to 
 British subjects, which they were Hkewise 
 bound to do by the treaty, was plausible, and 
 perhaps well founded. Congress had but a 
 limited power to enforce a compliance with 
 treaties ; and it was natural in such a case, 
 that other nations should be tardy in making 
 them. This state of things being altered by 
 the constitution, President Washins;ton thougrht 
 it desirable to ascertain the views and inten- 
 tions of the British government, in regard to 
 complying with the treaty of peace, and to fu- 
 ture intercourse. To attain this end he com- 
 missioned Gouverneur Morris as a private agent 
 to hold conversations with the British minis- 
 ters, deeming it of great importance, as he 
 said, that errors should be avoided in the sys- 
 tem of policy respecting Great Britain. 
 
 Affairs with Spain were yet more unpromis- 
 ing. At the outset of the Revokition, his 
 Catholic Majesty, yielding to the solicitations 
 of France, seemed to abet the American cause ; 
 but he soon changed his mind, refused to join 
 with France in acknowledging the indepen- 
 
^T. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 259 
 
 dence of the United States, even when he de- 
 clared war against England, and gave his 
 sanction to the treaty of peace with no good 
 will. He feared the effect, and not without 
 reason, which the example of the northern re- 
 publicans might have upon his colonies in 
 South America. A negotiation had been go- 
 ing on, tedious as it was unprofitable, down to 
 the time of Washington's election to the Pres- 
 idency, but no apparent progress had been 
 made. The Floridas and Louisiana belonged 
 to Spain. The navigation of the Mississippi 
 was the great point of controversy. This was 
 essential to the settlers in the West, and was 
 becoming every day more and more so on ac- 
 count of the rapid increase of the population. 
 Spain persisted in withholding all rights and 
 privileges in that navigation from citizens of 
 the United States. There were various grounds 
 of policy for this refusal, but probably the most 
 operative was a secret hope, that the western 
 inhabitants, weary of these obstacles to their 
 commerce, and dissatisfied with the national 
 government for not removing them, might 
 sooner or later dissever themselves from the 
 Union, and form a separate republic, which 
 would easily fall under the control of Spain. 
 
 Other circumstances, growing out of the re- 
 lations with England and Spain, were extreme- 
 
260 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 
 
 ly injurious to the interests of the country. 
 During the war, the Indians on the borders of 
 the United States had ahnost everywhere been 
 aUied with the enemy. When peace came, it 
 found them in the attitude of hostihty, their 
 savage spirit roused, and their vindictive tem- 
 pers eager for slaughter and revenge ; and the 
 United States were left to appease and concili- 
 ate them as they could. In any case this would 
 have been an arduous task, but the difficulty 
 was soon perceived to be increased by a foreign 
 influence, keeping alive their enmity, and stim- 
 ulating them to acts of outrage. British agents 
 and traders on the northern frontier furnished 
 the Indians with arms, ammunition, and cloth- 
 ing. In Florida the Spaniards tampered with 
 the Creeks and other Southern Indians, and 
 kept them at variance with their white neigh- 
 bors. These acts were not acknowledged, 
 possibly not authorized, by the English and 
 Spanish governments, but they were certainly 
 not restrained, and they were repeated long 
 after full representations had been made. 
 
 The effect was a protracted and expensive 
 war. Washington's policy in regard to the 
 Indians was always pacific and humane. He 
 considered them as children, who should be 
 treated with tenderness and forbearance. He 
 aimed to conciliate them by good usage, to ob- 
 
JE.T.58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 261 
 
 tain their lands by fair purchase and punctual 
 payments, to make treaties with them on terms 
 of equity and reciprocal advantage, and strictly 
 to redeem every pledge. In these respects he 
 looked upon the Indian tribes as holding the 
 same rank and the same rights as civilized na- 
 tions. But their faithlessness, ravages, and 
 murders were not to be tolerated, from what- 
 ever causes they arose. After failing in every 
 attempt at a pacification, he was convinced 
 that war was the only alternative. It contin- 
 ued four or five years, with many vicissitudes 
 of misfortune and disaster, the defeats of Har- 
 mar and St. Clair, unsuccessful campaigns, 
 and much waste of blood and treasure, till 
 General Wayne put an end to it, first by a bat- 
 tle, and then by a treaty of peace. This war 
 lasted through a large part of Washington's 
 administration. It was a source of regret and 
 pain to him, on account both of its cause, the 
 necessity of subduing by force the turbulence 
 of an ignorant and deluded race of men, and 
 of the heavy charge it imposed on the nation 
 for maintaining an army. 
 
 Congress commenced their third session at 
 Philadelphia, and the President returned from 
 Mount Vernon to that city, where he after- 
 wards resided till the term of his office expired. 
 The debates of this session were scarcely less 
 
 Q2t; 
 
262 LtFK OF WASHIMGTOW. [IIDO. 
 
 vehement, or less deeply tinged with party an- 
 tipathies, than those of the preceding. Two 
 important measures were brought forward, dis- 
 cussed, and adopted ; a national bank, and a 
 tax on ardent spirits distilled in the United 
 States. 
 
 The Secretary of the Treasury had previ- 
 ously recommended a national bank, as of 
 great utility in administering the finances of 
 the country, and facilitating the operations for 
 the support of public credit. He now called 
 the attention of Congress to the subject by a 
 special report, in which his views were ex- 
 plained with the same perspicuity and vigor 
 of argument, which marked every thing that 
 came from his pen. The project met with a 
 strong opposition. It Vv'as attacked chiefly 
 on the ground of its being unconstitutional. 
 Much was said of the express, incidental, and 
 implied powers conferred on Congress by the 
 constitution ; and it was averred, that none of 
 these, nor all of them together, authorized the 
 incorporating of a bank. Its policy was ques- 
 tioned, and the utility of banking systems de- 
 nied. To this it was answered, that such in- 
 cidental powers must necessarily belong to 
 every form of government, as will enable it to 
 carry into effect the positive and vested powers, 
 and to employ all the usual means for that 
 
^T. 59.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 263 
 
 purpose ; and that a construction of the con- 
 stitution according to this fundamental princi- 
 ple fairly included the means afforded by a 
 bank, to which almost all commercial nations 
 had resorted, and the advantages of which had 
 been proved by long experience. 
 
 The arguments were somewhat metaphys- 
 ical and attenuated on both sides ; and indeed 
 the attempt to define what is intended or im- 
 plied by a written instrument, on points about 
 which it says nothing, must naturally lead to 
 abstractions little suited to enlighten or con- 
 vince. No other rule of interpretation would 
 seem to be applicable in practice, than that a 
 proposed measure shall contribute to the public 
 good, and not contravene any express power. 
 The contest ended in the establishment of a 
 bank, with a capital of ten millions of dollars, 
 of which eight millions were to be held by 
 individuals, and the residue by the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 On this subject the cabinet was divided, 
 Jefferson and Randolph being opposed to the 
 bank as unconstitutional, and Hamilton and 
 Knox of a contrary opinion. The President 
 requested from each a statement of his rea- 
 sons in writing, and he is understood to have 
 reflected deeply, and deliberated even with 
 
264 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1791. 
 
 more than his usual caution, before he affixed 
 his signature to the act. 
 
 The object of the tax on distilled spirits 
 was to provide a fund for paying the interest 
 on a portion of the domestic debt. The duties 
 on imports were said to be strained as far as 
 they would bear, without injury to commerce, 
 and perhaps to the revenue by holding out a 
 temptation to smuggling; and, as a new tax 
 must be laid somewhere, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury thought it could fall on no commodi- 
 ty less objectionable than ardent spirits distilled 
 in the country. The tax was opposed as im- 
 politic and unequal in its application. It was 
 branded as an odious excise, hostile to liberty, 
 the collecting of which would inflame the 
 people, and lead to evasions and perhaps to re- 
 sistance. It was unequal, because distilling 
 was practised mostly in the West, and a few 
 limited districts in other parts. This argu- 
 ment was more specious than sound, since the 
 consumers would actually pay the tax; but it 
 was vehemently urged by some of the repre- 
 sentatives. The bill was carried, and was 
 more remarkable for its consequences, than for 
 its characteristics as a legislative act, in what- 
 ever hght it may be viewed. 
 
 The President had fixed on the next recess 
 of Congress for a tour through the southern 
 
Mr. 59.] 
 
 ji 
 LIFE OT" WASHINGTON. 265 
 
 States. He set off about the middle of March, 
 and was gone three months, performing in 
 that time a journey of eighteen hundred and 
 eighty-seven miles with the same horses. His 
 route was through Richmond, Wihnington, 
 and Charleston, as far as Savannah ; whence 
 he returned by way of Augusta, Cokunbia, 
 and the interior of North Carohna and Virginia. 
 Before leaving home, he had ascertained with 
 great accuracy the distances between one place 
 and another, settled the precise day upon 
 which he should arrive at each, and the length 
 of time he should stop. Not a single accident 
 occurred ; and with such exactness and meth- 
 od had his calculations been made, that his 
 original plan was executed in every particular, 
 except that he stayed one day more in one 
 place than he intended, and one day less in 
 another. He everywhere received the same 
 proofs of respect and attachment, which had 
 been manifested in his travels through the 
 middle and eastern States. 
 
 The principal laws passed at the next ses- 
 sion were those for apportioning the represen- 
 tatives, establishing a uniform militia system, 
 and increasing the army. The constitution had 
 prescribed, that the representatives in the na- 
 tional legislature should be apportioned among 
 the several States according to the respective 
 
266 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1791. 
 
 numbers of their population, but that the whole 
 number of representatives should not exceed 
 one for every thirty thousand. When the new 
 apportionment bill was proposed, it was found 
 that no ratio could be chosen, which would 
 not leave large fractions to some of the States. 
 For instance, if thirty thousand were taken as 
 the ratio, there would be an unrepresented sur- 
 plus of fifteen or twenty thousand, more or 
 less, in some of the States. To remedy this 
 imperfection, a bill was introduced and passed, 
 which fixed the ratio at thirty thousand. The 
 total population was divided by this ratio, 
 which gave one hundred and twenty as the 
 whole number of representatives. But this 
 included the sum of all the fractions ; and, af- 
 ter apportioning to each State one representa- 
 tive for every thirty thousand, the residuary 
 members, to make the whole number of one 
 hundred and twenty, were distributed among 
 the States in which the fractions were the 
 largest. The President decided, that this bill 
 did. not conform to the constitution, it being 
 obvious that the ratio was meant to apply to 
 the States individually, and not to the aggre- 
 gate amount of population in them all. He 
 therefore returned the bill to Congress, with 
 his reasons for not affixing his signature. A 
 new bill was then framed and approved, fixing 
 
iET.59.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 267 
 
 the ratio at thirty-three thousand, and throw- 
 ing out the fractions. 
 
 The subject derived an importance from the 
 spirit of party, and local jealousies, which en- 
 tered into the discussion. Many of the mem- 
 bers were strenuous for as large a representa- 
 tion as possible, by which the rights of the 
 States would be better preserved, and a check 
 afforded to the undue increase of executive 
 power. The bill for the increase of gie army 
 was opposed on the same grounds. It would 
 enlarge the executive patronage, which might 
 ultimately be adverse to liberty, and a greater 
 evil than the Indian war, for the prosecution 
 of which the army was wanted. 
 
 It became evident, indeed, from many indi- 
 cations, both in Congress and abroad, that the 
 advocates for different measures were fast ar- 
 ranging themselves into two distinct parties, 
 the administration and its friends on one side, 
 and its opponents on the other. In the first 
 place, they who had opposed the constitution 
 would naturally have their prejudices arrayed 
 against it when put in practice, and be ready 
 to find fault with any system by which this 
 was effected. Again, all those who had watch- 
 ed with solicitude over the rights of the States, 
 and believed these in danger, would be pre- 
 pared to see the fulfilment of their predictions 
 
268 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1791. 
 
 ill the acts of the general government, however 
 administered. If to these we add the bias of 
 personal feelings, the influence of the passions, 
 an unlimited freedom of speech, and the ten- 
 dency of opposition to beget opposition, we 
 shall have abundant materials for creating par- 
 ties and aliment for their support. And, as 
 parties gain strength by union, it was easy for 
 these elements, at first discordant, gradually to 
 assimilate. Nor need we question the motives 
 of any individual or class of men. It is fair 
 to presume, that, at this stage of our political 
 progress, there was as much patriotism and 
 sincerity on both sides as at any other period. 
 It is true, that, when a man gives himself up, 
 to a party, he is apt to forget his country ; yet 
 in all free communities there must be parties, 
 and every man must belong to one or another, 
 so that his motives should be judged by his 
 conduct and character, rather than by the side 
 he takes. The necessity of parties is not 
 identical with their abuse. The former is the 
 safeguard of liberty, the latter its bane. If the 
 people would enjoy the one, they must be en- 
 lightened enough to perceive and virtuous 
 enough to correct the other. 
 
 But this is not the place to examine into the 
 origin or principles of the two great parties, 
 which at that time began to divide the country, 
 
^T. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2(39 
 
 and which have continued ever since, with such 
 modifications as have sprung from events and 
 circumstances. It needs only to be said, that 
 tliey were viewed with deep regret by Wash- 
 ington, and with a painful apprehension of their 
 effects. Conscious of acting with the single 
 aim of administering the government for the 
 best interests and happiness of the people, he 
 was mortified to find his endeavors thwarted 
 at every step by party discords and personal 
 enmities among those, who controlled public 
 opinion by their standing and talents, and on 
 whose aid he relied. It was not in Congress 
 alone, that these jarrings occurred. They 
 crept into the cabinet, disturbing its harmony, 
 and dividing its counsels. 
 
 He had for some time been aware of a radi- 
 cal difference of opinion between the Secretary 
 of State and the Secretary of the Treasury, on 
 some of the most important measures of the 
 administration. The causes were deeply seat- 
 ed. Hamilton regarded the constitution as af- 
 fording inadequate powers to the general gov- 
 ernment, and believed its weakness to be its 
 greatest defect. Hence he thought its success 
 could be hoped for only by construing and ad- 
 ministering it in such a manner, as would add 
 the greatest degree of strength to the execu- 
 tive. Jefferson's sentiments and fears ran in 
 
270 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1792. 
 
 an opposite direction. To him it appeared, 
 that there was too much power in the head, 
 that the exercise of the executive authority 
 ought to be restrained, and that the rights of 
 States and the hberty of the people were in 
 jeopardy. The funding system, the assump- 
 tion of the State debts, the bank, and the tax 
 on domestic spirits, were all at variance with 
 his principles. 
 
 These measures originated with Hamilton, 
 and constituted the prominent features of the 
 administration. The ability with which they 
 had been planned, and their success, contrib- 
 uted to elevate their author in the public esti- 
 mation, which, to say the least, could not be 
 supposed to gratify the feelings of his colleague, 
 especially as he looked upon the measures 
 themselves to be wrong and fraught with mis- 
 chief; nor could it be expected, that the two 
 secretaries would harmonize in devising the 
 means of carrying them into execution. It 
 should be stated, nevertheless, that Jefferson 
 discharged the duties of his office to the entire 
 satisfaction of the President. Though differ- 
 ing in opinion from the majority of the cabi- 
 net, he did not allow his private views to in- 
 fluence his conduct as a member of that coun- 
 cil, or as holding a responsible station in the 
 government. Nothing more, perhaps, could 
 
^T. GO.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 271 
 
 reasonably be required of him, under the cir- 
 cumstances in which he was placed ; yet, as it 
 regarded tlie success of the administration, a 
 rekictant performance of duty was far from 
 being the same thing as the cordial and vigor- 
 ous support of a willing mind. In all respects, 
 therefore, these disagreements were unpropi- 
 tious, embarrassing to the President, and inju- 
 rious to the public welfare. 
 
 The deep anxiety he felt on this subject, 
 his ardent desire to heal the breach, and the 
 means he took to accomplish it, will appear in 
 the following extract from a letter, which he 
 wrote to Jefferson. 
 
 "How unfortunate, and how much to be 
 regretted is it, that, while we are encompassed 
 on all sides with avowed enemies and insidi- 
 ous friends, internal dissensions should be har- 
 rowing and tearing our vitals. The latter, to 
 me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and 
 the most afflicting of the two ; and, without 
 more charity for the opinions and acts of one 
 another in governmental matters, or some more 
 infallible criterion by which the truth of spec- 
 ulative opinions, before they have undergone 
 the test of experience, are to be forejudged, 
 than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I 
 believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, 
 to manage the reins of government, or to keep 
 
272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1792. 
 
 the parts of it together ; for if, instead of lay- 
 ing our shoulders to the machine after meas^ 
 ures are decided on, one pulls this way and 
 another that, before the utility of the thing is 
 fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ; 
 and in my opinion the fairest prospect of hap- 
 piness and prosperity, that ever was presented 
 to man, will be lost perhaps for ever. 
 
 " My earnest Avish and my fondest hope, 
 therefore, is, that, instead of wounding suspi- 
 cions and irritating charges, there may be lib- 
 eral allowances, mutual forbearances, and tem- 
 porizing yieldings on all sides. Under the 
 exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly, 
 and, if possible, more prosperously. Without 
 them, every thing must rub ; the wheels of 
 government will clog ; our enemies will tri- 
 umph, and, by throwmg their weight into the 
 disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of 
 the goodly fabric we have been erecting. 
 
 " I do not mean to apply this advice, or 
 these observations, to any particular person or 
 character. I have given them in the same 
 general terms to other officers of the govern- 
 ment ; because the disagreements, which have 
 arisen from difference of opinions, and the at- 
 tacks, which have been made upon almost all 
 the measures of government, and most of its 
 executive officers, have for a long time past 
 
^T. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 273 
 
 filled me with painful sensations, and cannot 
 fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequen- 
 ces at home and abroad." 
 
 He wrote likewise to Hamilton, nearly at 
 the same time and almost in the same words, 
 and added ; " Differences in political opinions 
 are as unavoidable, as, to a certain point, they 
 may perhaps be necessary ; but it is exceed- 
 ingly to be regretted, that subjects cannot be 
 discussed with temper on the one hand, or de- 
 cisions submitted to without having the mo- 
 tives, which led to them, improperly implicated 
 on the other ; and this regret borders on cha- 
 grin, when we find that men of abilities, zeal- 
 ous patriots, having the same general objects 
 in view, and the same upright intentions to 
 prosecute them, will not exercise more charity 
 in deciding on the opinions and actions of one 
 another. When matters get to such lengths, 
 the natural inference is, that both sides have 
 strained the cords beyond their bearing, and 
 that a middle course would be found the best, 
 until experience shall have decided on the 
 right way, or (which is not be expected, be- 
 cause it is denied to mortals,) there shall be 
 some infallible rule by which we could fore- 
 judge events." 
 
 In another letter to Jefferson, after again 
 recommending mutual forbearance and con- 
 
 VOL. II. 18 
 
274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1792. 
 
 ciliation, he said ; " A measure of this sort 
 would produce Iiarmony and consoquent good 
 in our pubhc councils. The contrary will in- 
 evitably introduce confusion and serious mis- 
 chiefs ; and for what ? Because mankind can- 
 not think alike, but would adopt different 
 means to attain the same ends. For I will 
 frankly and solemnly declare, that I believe 
 the views of both of you to be pure and well 
 meant, and that experience only will decide, 
 with respect to the salutariness of the meas- 
 ures, which are the subjects of dispute. Why, 
 then, when some of the best citizens in the 
 United States, men of discernment, uniform 
 and tried patriots, who have no sinister views 
 to promote, but are chaste in their ways of 
 thinking and acting, are to be found, some on 
 one side and some on the other of the ques- 
 tions, which have caused these agitations, 
 should either of you be so tenacious of your 
 opinions, as to make no allowances for those 
 of the other ? I could, and indeed was about 
 to add more on this interesting subject, but will 
 forbear, at least for the present, after expressing 
 a wish, that the cup, which has been presented 
 to us, may not be snatched from our lips by a 
 discordance of action, when I am persuaded 
 there is no discordance in your views. I have 
 a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you 
 
iET. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 275 
 
 both, and ardently wish that some line may 
 be marked out by which both of you could 
 walk." 
 
 Unhappily this line was never found. The 
 two secretaries continued to diverge from each 
 other, both in their political course and their 
 private feelings, till their differences settled 
 into a personal enmity, which neither the ad- 
 vice -of friends could modify, nor time eradi- 
 cate. This was the more lamented by Wash- 
 ington, as, according to his own declaration 
 and the whole tenor of his intercourse, he had 
 a sincere attachment to both of them and con- 
 fidence in their patriotic intentions, and as he 
 foresaw the fatal consequences, which might 
 result from a heated strife between men whose 
 talents and political consideration gave them 
 so commanding an influence over the public 
 will. 
 
2T6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1792. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIl. 
 
 Washington is elected President for a Second Term. — Takes 
 the Oath of Office. — Relations between the United States and 
 France. — Opinions of the Cabinet. — Proclamation of Neu- 
 trality. — Party Divisions and Excitements. — Genet received 
 as Minister from France. — His extraordinary Conduct. — 
 Meeting of Congress. — The President recommends Measures 
 of Defence. — Commercial Affairs. — Mr. Madison's Commer- 
 cial Resolutions. — Mr. Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to 
 negotiate a Treaty with England. — Military Preparations. 
 
 When the President's term of office, as pre- 
 scribed by the Constitution, was drawing to a 
 close, no little anxiety was felt and expressed, 
 as to his willingness again to receive the suf- 
 frages of the people. The reluctance with 
 which he had consented to the first election 
 was so great, that it was feared he could not 
 be prevailed upon to remain longer in public 
 life. From his friends in different parts of 
 the country he received early communications 
 on the subject, urging him not to decide hasti- 
 ly, and, if possible, to reconcile himself to a 
 second election. Three members of the cab- 
 inet, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Randolph, each 
 wrote to him a long letter, containing reasons 
 why it was of the utmost importance to his 
 own reputation and to the public interests, 
 
Mr. 60.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 277 
 
 that, for the present at least, he should not 
 retire. 
 
 Each of these gentlemen drew a picture of 
 the condition of the country, its future pros- 
 pects, and the state of parties ; and, although 
 they differed radically concerning some of the 
 principal measures of the administration, they 
 agreed in opinion, that the character, influence, 
 and steady hand of Washington were neces- 
 sary to secure the stability of government, if 
 not to preserve .the nation from anarchy. 
 
 These sentiments, uttered by his confiden- 
 tial advisers, whose political opinions he knew 
 were at variance with each other, could not 
 fail to make a deep impression, and the more 
 so as they were reiterated from every quar- 
 ter. He seems to have resolved at one time 
 to follow his inclination, and retire at the 
 end of his first term of service. This is evi- 
 dent from his having prepared a farewell ad- 
 dress to the people, designed for the occasion 
 of his taking leave of them. But he never 
 made a public declaration to that effect, and 
 he was finally chosen for a second period of 
 four years by the unanimous vote of the elec- 
 tors. On the 4th of March, 1793, he took the 
 oath of office in the senate-chamber, in pres- 
 ence of the members of the cabinet, various 
 
 27 
 
278 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 
 
 public officers, foreign ministers, and such 
 other persons as could be accommodated. 
 
 In addition to the Indian war, the contests 
 of parties, and other internal troubles with 
 which the administration was embarrassed, 
 the foreign relations of the United States were 
 every day becoming peculiarly delicate and 
 inauspicious. Scarcely had the President en- 
 tered upon his new term of office, when the 
 intelligence was received, that France had 
 declared war against England and Holland. 
 The French revolution, in its earliest stages, 
 was hailed by almost every one in the United 
 States as a joyful event, and as affijrding a 
 presage of the happiest results to the cause of 
 freedom and the welfare of mankind. Such 
 would naturally be the first impulse of a 
 people, who had recently been engaged in a 
 similar struggle, encouraged by the good wish- 
 es and strengthened by the assistance of the 
 French nation. Washington partook of this 
 general sentiment. 
 
 The sanguinary acts that followed, and the 
 ferocious temper shown by the leaders, left 
 but little ground for hope ; yet there were 
 causes still, which induced many to cling to 
 the interests of France, and approve the revo- 
 lution, although they looked with horror upon 
 the means employed to carry it forward. It 
 
Mt.61.] life of WASHINGTON. 279 
 
 was believed to be a warfare of the oppressed 
 against their oppressors, in which justice was 
 asserting her rights, and rescuing from thral- 
 dom the victims, who had been so long borne 
 down by the yoke of bondage, and scourged 
 by the rod of despotism. A new era was sup- 
 posed to have arisen, when liberty was about 
 to go forth successful in conquest, breaking 
 down the strong-holds of tyranny, and build- 
 ing up her temples of peace and concord on 
 their ruins. Ardent minds were easily cap- 
 tivated by this illusion, especially when it 
 harmonized with their opinions on other sub- 
 jects. Their impressions also derived force 
 from the prejudices against England, deeply 
 rooted and of long standing, which the con- 
 duct of the British cabinet since the peace had 
 not contributed to remove. 
 
 Gouverneur Morris had been sent to France 
 as minister plenipotentiary from the United 
 States. A friendly intercourse had been kept 
 up between the two countries, on the basis of 
 the treaties of alliance and commerce ; but, 
 after the downfall of the King, and amidst the 
 distractions succeeding that event, the minis- 
 ter's situation was embarrassing. It was the 
 opinion of Washington, in which his cabinet 
 agreed with him, that every nation had a right 
 to govern itself as it chose, and that other 
 
280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 
 
 nations were bound to recognise and respect 
 the existing authority, whatever form it might 
 assume. Mr. Morris was furnished with in- 
 structions according to this view of the sub- 
 ject. But the difficulty for a time consisted 
 in ascertaining whether there was any actual 
 government resting on the will of the nation. 
 His prudence in this respect, and his caution 
 not to commit his country rashly, gave um- 
 brage to the nominal rulers, or rather the lead- 
 ers of the contending factions, who complain- 
 ed, and expressed dissatisfaction, that the Unit- 
 ed States manifested so little sympathy with 
 their earliest friends and allies, the vindicators 
 of liberty and the rights of man. Such was 
 the state of things when war was declared 
 against England. 
 
 It was perceived, that this aspect of affairs 
 would have a direct influence on the foreign 
 relations of the United States, and that it 
 would require the greatest circumspection to 
 prevent the country from being embroiled 
 with the belligerent powers, particularly Eng- 
 land and France. When the President first 
 heard the news of the declaration of war, he 
 was at Mount Vernon ; and he wrote imme- 
 diately to the Secretary of State, avowing his 
 determination to maintain a strict neutrality 
 between the hostile parties. Vessels in the 
 
^T.61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 281 
 
 ports of the United States were understood to 
 be already designated as privateers, and he 
 desired that measures to put a stop to all such 
 proceedings should be adopted without delay. 
 
 On his return to Philadelphia, he summoned 
 a meeting of the cabinet, submitting to each 
 member at the same time a series of questions, 
 which he requested might be considered as 
 preparatory to the meeting. The substance 
 of these questions was, whether a proclama- 
 tion of neutrality should be issued ; whether 
 a minister from the French republic should 
 be received, and, if so, whether it should be 
 absolutely or with qualifications ; whether, in 
 the present condition of France, the United 
 States were bound by good faith to execute 
 the treaties between the two nations, or wheth- 
 er these ought to be suspended till the gov- 
 ernment should be established ; and whether 
 the guarantee in the treaty of alliance was 
 applicable to a defensive war only, or to a war 
 either defensive or offensive. These points 
 involved very important considerations. If 
 the treaty was binding in the case of an offen- 
 sive war, then a state of neutrality could not 
 be assumed in regard to France ; and, if it 
 was applicable to a defensive war only, the 
 intricate question was still to be settled, 
 whether the war on the part of the French 
 
^83 ' LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 
 
 was offensive or defensive, or of a mixed and 
 equivocal character, and how far the guarantee 
 ought to be applied under such circumstances. 
 
 The cabinet decided unanimously, that a 
 proclamation should be issued, " forbidding 
 the citizens of the United States to take part 
 in any hostilities on the seas, either with or 
 against the belligerent powers, and warning 
 them against carrying to any such powers any 
 of those articles deemed contraband according 
 to the modern usages of nations, and enjoin- 
 ing them from all acts and proceedings incon- 
 sistent with the duties of a friendly nation 
 towards those at war." It was also agreed, 
 with the same unanimity, that a minister from 
 the French republic should be received. On 
 the subject of qualifying his reception, the 
 members of the cabinet were divided in opin- 
 ion, Jefferson and Randolph being opposed to 
 any qualification implying that the relations 
 between the two countries were changed, and 
 Hamilton and Knox being in favor of it, be- 
 cause they believed there was in reality no 
 fixed government in France, and they feared 
 that a recognition of the existing authority 
 might involve the United States in difficulties 
 with that nation and with other powers. 
 
 As to the question of guarantee, the two 
 former thought it not necessary to come to 
 
^T. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 283 
 
 any formal decision, while the two latter ar- 
 gued that the treaty of alliance was plainly 
 defensive, and that the guarantee could not 
 apply to a war, which had been begun by 
 France. The President required the opinions 
 and arguments of each member of the cabinet 
 in writing ; and, after deliberately weighing 
 them, he decided, that a minister should be 
 received on the same terms as formerly, and 
 that the obligations of the treaties ought to re- 
 main in full force, leaving the subject of guar- 
 antee for future consideration, aided by a better 
 knowledge of the condition and prospects of 
 France. 
 
 The proclamation of neutrality was signed 
 on the 22d of April, and immediately publish- 
 ed. This measure, in regard both to its char- 
 acter and its consequences, was one of the most 
 important of Washington's administration. It 
 was the basis of a system, by which the inter- 
 course with foreign nations was regulated, and 
 which was rigidly adhered to. In fact it was 
 the only step, that could have saved the United 
 States from being drawn into the vortex of the 
 European wars, which raged with so much vi- 
 olence for a long time afterwards. Its wisdom 
 and its good effects are now so obvious, on a 
 calm review of past events, that one is aston- 
 ished at the opposition it met with, and the 
 
284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793, 
 
 Strifes it enkindled, even after making due al- 
 lowance for the passions and prejudices, which 
 had hitherto been at work in producing discord 
 and divisions. 
 
 Washington for a time was allowed to keep 
 aloof from the contest. His character, revered 
 by the people, shielded by their affections, and 
 equally above reproach and suspicion, was too 
 elevated a mark for the shafts of malevolence. 
 But a crisis had now arrived, when the sacred- 
 ness of virtue, and the services of a life spent 
 in promoting the public weal, could no longer 
 secure him from the assaults of party animosi- 
 ty. The enemies of the administration per- 
 ceived, that the attempt to execute their plans 
 would be vain, unless they could j&rst weaken 
 his influence by diminishing his popularity. 
 The task was hard and repelling ; and it may 
 reasonably be presumed, that a supposed polit- 
 ical necessity, rather that cordial good will, led 
 them to engage in so ungrateful a work. It 
 was pursued with a perseverance, and some- 
 times with an acrimony, for which the best of 
 causes could hardly aflbrd an apology ; but, 
 however much it might disturb his repose or 
 embarrass his public measures, it could neither 
 shake his firmness, nor turn him from his 
 steady purpose of sacrificing every other con- 
 sideration to the interests of his country. 
 
Mt.61.] life of WASHINGTON. 285 
 
 In the midst of these ferments, M. Genet 
 came to the United States as minister from the 
 French repubhc. He landed at Charleston, in 
 South Carohna, and travelled thence through 
 the country to Philadelphia. He was received 
 everywhere with such enthusiasm and extrav- 
 agant marks of attention, as to deceive him in- 
 to a behef, that the great body of the Ameri- 
 can people heartily espoused the cause of the 
 French revolution, and was ready to join the 
 citizens of the new republic in carrying the 
 banner of liberty and equality to the ends of 
 the earth. Being of an ardent temperament, 
 and emboldened by these indications, the citi- 
 .^n minister, as he was called, at once com- 
 menced a career, as unjustifiable as it was ex- 
 traordinary. Even before he left Charleston 
 he gave orders for fitting out and arming ves- 
 sels in that port to cruise as privateers, and 
 commit hostilities on the commerce of nations 
 at peace with the United States. Notwith- 
 standing this act of presumption and rashness, 
 which was known before he reached Philadel- 
 phia, he was received by the President with 
 frankness, and with all the respect due to the 
 representative of a foreign power. 
 
 Genet declared, that his government was 
 strongly attached to the United States, and 
 had no desire to engage them in the war ; but 
 
 27q 
 
286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 
 
 his secret instructions, which he afterwards 
 pubhshed, were of a different complexion, and 
 proved very clearly, that the designs of his 
 employers were contrary to the professions of 
 their minister. Indeed his whole conduct, 
 from beginning to end, could have no other 
 tendency, than to bring the United States into 
 an immediate conflict with all the powers at 
 war with France. The privateers commis- 
 sioned by him came into the American ports 
 with prizes. This produced remonstrances 
 from the British minister, and a demand of 
 restitution. The subject accordingly came 
 before the cabinet. In regard to the lawful- 
 ness of the seizures, there was but one opinion* 
 It was decided, that, since every nation had 
 exclusive jurisdiction within its own territory, 
 the act of fitting out armed vessels under the 
 authority of a foreign power was an encroach- 
 ment on national sovereignty, and a violation 
 of neutral rights, which the government was 
 bound to prevent. 
 
 A declaration was accordingly made, that 
 no privateers, fitted out in this manner, should 
 find an asylum in the ports of the United 
 States ; and the customhouse officers were in- 
 structed to keep a careful watch, and report 
 every vessel which contravened the laws of 
 neutrality. The question of restitution involv- 
 
,Et.61.] life of WASHINGTON. 287 
 
 ed intricate points of maritime law, and opin- 
 ions on this subject varied. It was unanimous- 
 ly agreed, however, that the original owners 
 might justly claim indemnification, and that, 
 if the property was not restored by the captors, 
 the value of it ought to be paid by the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The French minister protested against these 
 decisions, became angry and violent, wrote of- 
 fensive letters to the Secretary of State, and ,j 
 seemed to forget aUke the dignity of his sta- Ij 
 tion and his character as a man. He still con- j 
 tinued to encourage armed vessels to sail from j; 
 American ports under the French flag. By |j 
 the firmness of the executive a check was put 'j 
 to this effrontery. Measures were taken to ij 
 prevent by force the departure of such vessels. jj 
 The madness of the minister was increased by |j 
 the obstacles he encountered. Finding him- ji 
 self baffled in all his schemes, he resorted to 
 menaces, accused the President of having 
 usurped the powers of Congress, and more 
 than insinuated that he would appeal to the 
 people for redress. This insult, aggravated by 
 his previous conduct, could neither be tolerated 
 nor passed over in silence. It was obvious, 
 indeed, that nothing could be hoped from any 
 further intercourse with so wrongheaded a man. 
 A statement of the particulars was drawn up, 
 
288 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 
 
 and forwaided to the French government, with 
 a request that he might be recalled. A more 
 remarkable chapter can hardly be found in the 
 history of diplomacy, than might be furnished 
 from the records of this mission of Genet. It 
 is a memorable instance of the infatuation to 
 which a man of respectable talents and private 
 character may be driven by political frenzy. 
 
 When Congress assembled, the state of af- 
 fairs, both external and internal, was largely 
 explained in the President's speech, and in a 
 separate message accompanied with many doc- 
 uments. In these were comprised the reasons 
 for the course he had pursued, respecting for- 
 eign powers, and suggestions for additional 
 legislative enactments to protect the rights of 
 American citizens, and maintain the digni- 
 ty of the country. While he sought peace, 
 and urged a faithful discharge of every duty 
 towards others, he recommended, that prompt 
 measures should be taken, not only for defence, 
 but for enforcing just claims. " There is a 
 rank due to the United States among nations," 
 said he, " which will be withheld, if not abso- 
 lutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If 
 we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to 
 repel it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of 
 the most powerful instruments of our prosperi- 
 ty, it must be known, that we are at all times 
 
iEx. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 289 
 
 ready for war." These communications were 
 well received by the two houses. Indeed 
 both parties in Congress found so much to 
 condemn in the conduct of the belligerent 
 powers towards neutrals, that on this point 
 they seemed for a moment to forget their dis- 
 sensions ; and, although the proclamation of 
 neutrality continued to be made a theme of 
 declamation and abuse by violent partisans 
 and the presses hostile to the administration, 
 it met with no marks of disapprobation from 
 Congress. 
 
 Near the beginning of the session an impor- 
 tant report was made by the Secretary of 
 State, respecting the commercial intercourse 
 of the United States with other nations, par- 
 ticularly in regard to its privileges and restric- 
 tions, and tiae means for improving commerce 
 and navigation. The report was able, elab- 
 orate, and comprehensive, presenting a view 
 of the trade between the United States and 
 the principal countries of Europe. 
 
 Two methods were suggested by the sec- 
 retary for modifying or removing restrictions ; 
 first, by amicable arrangements with foreign 
 powers ; secondly, by countervaihng acts of 
 the legislature. He preferred the former, if 
 it should be found practicable, and gave his 
 reasons. The subject of navigation was also 
 
 VOL. II. 19 
 
290 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 
 
 discussed, and a system of maritime defence 
 recommended. 
 
 Shortly after making this report, Mr. Jeffer- 
 son retired from the office of Secretary of 
 State, in conformity with an intimation he 
 had given some months before ; having been 
 prevailed upon by the President, apparently 
 against his own inclination, to remain till the 
 end of the year. He was succeeded by Ed- 
 mund Randolph, whose place as Attorney- 
 General was supplied by William Bradford of 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 The secretary's report gave rise to Mr. Mad- 
 ison's celebrated commercial resolutions, which 
 were long debated in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives with a degree of animation, and 
 even of asperity, that had not been exceeded 
 since the adoption of the funding system. 
 These resolutions embraced the general prin- 
 ciples of the report, but they aimed at a dis- 
 crimination in the commercial intercourse with 
 foreign countries, which was viewed in very 
 different lights by the two parties in Congress. 
 They irriposed restrictions and additional du- 
 ties on the manufactures and navigation of 
 nations, which had no commercial treaties 
 with the United States, and a reduction of 
 duties on the tonnage of vessels belonging to 
 nations with which such treaties existed. In 
 
^T. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 
 
 this scheme the friends of the administration 
 saw, or imagined they saw, hostility to Eng- 
 land and undue favor to France, neither war- 
 ranted by policy, nor consistent with neutral- 
 ity ; while the other party regarded it as 
 equitable in itself, and as absolutely necessary 
 to protect the commerce of the country from 
 insulting aggression and plunder. Mr. Madi- 
 son's plan was modified in its progress ; but a 
 resolution, retaining the principle of commer- 
 cial restrictions, finally passed the House of 
 Representatives. It was rejected in the Sen- 
 ate by the casting vote of the Vice-President. 
 While these discussions were going on with 
 much heat in Congress, a measure was resort- 
 ed to by the President, which produced con- 
 siderable effect on the results. Advices from 
 the American minister in London rendered it 
 probabje, that the British cabinet were dis- 
 posed to settle the differences between the 
 two countries on amicable terms. At all 
 events the indications were such, that Wash- 
 ington, firm to his purpose of neutrality and 
 peace, resolved to make the experiment. Ac- 
 cordingly, on the 16th of April, he nominated 
 Mr. Jay to the Senate, as an envoy extraordi- 
 nary to the court of Great Britain. "My 
 objects are," said he, in a letter to the Secre- 
 tary of State, "to prevent a war, if justice 
 
292 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 
 
 can be obtained by fair and strong representa- 
 tions of the injuries, which this country has 
 sustained from Great Britain in various ways, 
 to put it in a complete state of mihtary de- 
 fence, and to provide eventually for the exe- 
 cution of such measures as seem to be now 
 pending in Congress, if negotiation in a rea- 
 sonable time proves unsuccessful." The nom- 
 ination was confirmed in the Senate by a 
 majority of more than two to one ; but it was 
 strenuously opposed by the principal members 
 of the democratic party, particularly Mr. Mon- 
 roe, and was disapproved by the same party in 
 the House of Representatives. 
 
 As a war seemed inevitable, if Mr. Jay's 
 mission should terminate unfavorably, Con- 
 gress passed acts for putting the country in a 
 state of defence. The principal harbors were 
 to be fortified, and eighty thousand militia to 
 be held in readiness for immediate service. 
 The importation of arms was permitted free 
 of duty, and the President was authorized to 
 purchase galleys, and lay an embargo, if he 
 should think the public interest required it. 
 Additional taxes were levied to meet the ex- 
 pense. 
 
 Congress adjourned, after a long and bois- 
 terous session, which had contributed not a 
 little to increase the acrimony of parties, mul- 
 
^T. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 
 
 tiply the causes of dissension, and inflame the 
 minds of the people. The administration, 
 however, stood firm ; and neither the policy 
 nor the opinions of Washington were in any 
 degree changed. In fact, having no personal 
 objects to gain, thinking and acting only for 
 his country, divested of partiality and preju- 
 dice as far as it was possible for any man to 
 be, and invariably taking counsel of his con- 
 science and judgment, he stood aloof from 
 the commotions of party and the contagious 
 influence of party spirit- Justice to all na- 
 tions, peace with all, and a preparation for war 
 as the best safeguard of peace, were the rules 
 of his policy, and his constant aim. 
 
294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 Insurrection in Pennsylvania. — Measures adopted by the Presi- 
 dent for suppressing it. — Plan for redeeming the Public Debt. 
 — The British Treaty ratified by the Senate. — Popular Ex- 
 citement respecting it. — The Treaty confirmed by the Signa- 
 ture of the President. — Resignation of Mr. Randolph. — Cir- 
 cumstances attending it. 
 
 In the course of the preceding winter, M. 
 Fauchet arrived in the United States as min- 
 ister from France. At the request of the 
 French government, Mr. Morris was recalled, 
 and James Monroe was appointed as his suc- 
 cessor. This selection afforded a strong proof 
 of the impartiality of the President, and of 
 his ardent desire to conciliate differences at 
 home, and preserve amity with foreign nations. 
 Mr. Monroe, being a leader among the oppo- 
 nents to the administration, had shown him- 
 self a zealous advocate for France. 
 
 Soon after Congress adjourned, the Presi- 
 dent's attention was called to another subject, 
 of very serious import, both as it regarded 
 the authority of the laws, and the stability of 
 the union. The act of Congress imposing a 
 tax on distilled spirits had, from its first oper- 
 ation, excited much uneasiness in various parts 
 
^T, 62.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 295 
 
 of the country, and in some districts it had 
 been evaded and openly resisted. The in- 
 spectors of the revenue appointed by the gov- 
 ernment were insulted, threatened, and even 
 prevented by force from discharging their du- 
 ty. To so great a length had these outrages 
 gone in some places, as early as September, 
 1792, that a proclamation was published by 
 the President, admonishing all persons to re- 
 frain from combinations and proceedings, which 
 obstructed the execution of the laws, and re- 
 quiring the magistrates and courts to exert the 
 powers vested in them for bringing to justice 
 the offenders. Bills of indictment were found 
 against some of these persons, and the marshal 
 attempted to serve the processes issued by the 
 court. He was met by a body of armed men, 
 seized, detained, and harshly treated. The 
 malecontents proceeded from one degree of 
 excess to another, holding seditious meetings, 
 arming themselves, abusing the officers of the 
 government, and bidding defiance to the laws, 
 till they assumed the attitude of insurrection, 
 and prepared for an organized resistance. 
 
 The moderation and forbearance, which, 
 according to his usual practice, the President 
 had exercised towards these deluded people 
 for more than two years, served only to in- 
 crease their violence, and encourage their de- 
 
296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 
 
 termined spirit of hostility. He could no 
 longer hesitate, as to the course he ought to 
 pursue. He resolved to employ the means 
 intrusted to him by the laws, and suppress 
 the insurrection by a military force. As a 
 preparatory step, he issued a proclamation, 
 dated on the 7th of August, in which, after 
 briefly narrating the criminal transactions of 
 the insurgents, and what had been done by 
 the government to allay their discontents and 
 turn them from their treasonable practices, he 
 declared his determinatioj:i to execute the laws 
 by calling the militia to his aid, and com- 
 manded the insurgents and all persons con- 
 cerned in abetting their acts to disperse and 
 retire peaceably to their abodes before the first 
 day of September. 
 
 Having sent out this proclamation, as a 
 preliminary measure exacted by the laws, he 
 next made a requisition for militia on the gov- 
 ernors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Mary- 
 land, and Virginia. The insurgents chiefly 
 resided in the western counties of Pennsylva- 
 nia. It was supposed there were among them 
 about sixteen thousand men capable of bear- 
 ing arms, and that they could bring at least 
 seven thousand into active service. The num- 
 ber of militia at first ordered out was twelve 
 thousand, and it was subsequently increased 
 
Mt. 62. J 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 297 
 
 to fifteen thousand. The Governors of Penn- 
 sylvania and New Jersey took the field at the 
 head of the troops from their respective States, 
 and the command of the whole was conferred 
 on Governor Lee of Virginia. The place of 
 rendezvous for the Pennsylvania and Nq^w 
 Jersey troops was Bedford. Those from Vir- 
 ginia and Maryland assembled at Cumberland, 
 the site of Old Fort Cumberland, at the junc- 
 tion of Will's Creek with the Potomac River. 
 From every quarter the militia came forward 
 with alacrity, and the best disposition was 
 shown by officers and privates to execute the 
 orders of the government. 
 
 The President, accompanied by the Secre- 
 tary of War, inspected the army at the two 
 places of rendezvous. He went, by way of 
 Harrisburg and Carlisle, first to Cumberland, 
 and thence to Bedford, these places being 
 about thirty miles apart. He gave directions 
 for each division to march across the Allegany 
 Mountains, meet on the other side, and act 
 against the insurgents as circumstances should 
 require. Ascertaining from personal examina- 
 tion that every thing was in readiness, and 
 leaving written instructions with General Lee, 
 he returned to Philadelphia. Congress was 
 soon to meet, and it was important for him to 
 
298 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 [1791. 
 
 be there at that time. He was absent four 
 weeks. 
 
 When he left home he intended to cross 
 the mountains and lead the army in person, 
 if this should seem expedient ; but the intelli- 
 gence he received on the way, and the spirit 
 which animated the troops, convinced him 
 that the insurgents would make no formidable 
 resistance to such a force, and that his further 
 attendance on the expedition was not neces- 
 sary. The Secretary of War went on with 
 the army to Pittsburg. The result was even 
 more fortunate than could have been expect- 
 ed. No resistance was attempted, and no blood 
 was shed. To preserve quiet, and secure what 
 had been gained, a body of troops continued 
 for some time in the disaffected country, under 
 the command of General Morgan. 
 
 In the President's speech to Congress, after 
 mentioning somewhat in detail the course he 
 had taken to suppress the insurrection, he 
 recommended further provisions for defence, 
 particularly a reform of the militia system, 
 and also advised that some plan should be 
 adopted for redeeming the public debt, which 
 now amounted to about seventy-six millions 
 of dollars. While this last subject was under 
 discussion in Congress, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury reported a scheme, which he had 
 
^T. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 299 
 
 matured on the basis of the laws previously 
 enacted for regulating the fiscal operations of 
 the government, A sinking fund had already 
 been established by setting apart for that pur- 
 pose a portion of certain specified taxes ; and 
 he proposed that this fund should be enlarged 
 by increasing the duties on imports, tonnage, 
 and distilled spirits, by the money accruing 
 from the sales of public lands, the dividends 
 on bank stock, and the surplus revenue re- 
 maining after the annual appropriations had 
 been expended, and that the fund, thus in- 
 creased, should be applied to the redemption 
 of the debt. This report occasioned much 
 debate, but the secretary's plan was substan- 
 tially approved, and an act conformable to it 
 was passed. 
 
 Before the end of the session, Hamilton re- 
 signed the ofiice of Secretary of the Treasury. 
 The vacancy was filled by Oliver Wolcott, 
 who was strongly recommended by Hamilton, 
 and whose character was well known and 
 highly respected by the President. General 
 Knox likewise retired from the war depart- 
 ment, and was succeeded by Timothy Pick- 
 ering, at that time Postmaster-general, whose 
 services in the Revolution had qualified him 
 in an eminent degree for executing the duties 
 of Secretary of War. 
 
300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 
 
 The treaty with Great Britain, negotiated 
 by Mr. Jay, arrived at the seat of government 
 in March, shortly after the session of Congress 
 was closed. The Constitution had provided, 
 that all treaties should be ratified by the Sen- 
 ate, and the President summoned that body to 
 meet in June, for the purpose of considering it. 
 
 In the interval, he examined and studied 
 the treaty with the closest attention. It was 
 not altogether such as he wished, perhaps 
 not such as he had hoped. Points were left 
 untouched, which he would gladly have seen 
 introduced and definitively settled ; others 
 were so arranged, that he feared they would 
 not prove a sufficient guard against future 
 difficulties between the two nations. But he 
 had perfect confidence in the ability, knowl- 
 edge, and patriotism of Mr. Jay. He was con- 
 vinced, that more favorable terms could not 
 be obtained, and that the only alternative was 
 this treaty or none. Some valuable privileges 
 were secured, nothing had been sacrificed, the 
 national honor was maintained, and a pledge 
 of amity was held out. If the treaty was 
 rejected, a war would certainly follow, the 
 calamities of which, in the actual state of 
 Europe, would be incalculable, and no one 
 could predict when they would end, or to 
 what they would lead. Deeply impressed 
 
^T. 63.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 301 
 
 with these sentiments, and believing peace 
 the greatest blessing his country could possess, 
 he resolved, in case the treaty should be ap- 
 proved by the Senate, to affix to it his signa- 
 ture. 
 
 The Senate assembled in June, and, after 
 two weeks' discussion, advised the ratification. 
 One article, however, was excepted. By this 
 article it was stipulated, that a direct trade be- 
 tween the United States and the British West 
 India Islands should be allowed to American 
 vessels not exceeding the burden of seventy 
 tons, laden with the produce of the States or 
 of the Islands ; but that molasses, sugar, cof- 
 fee, cocoa, and cotton should not be transport- 
 ed in American vessels, either from the United 
 States or the Islands, to any part of the world. 
 As cotton was then becoming a product of 
 much importance in the southern States, and 
 had begun to be exported, this restriction was 
 deemed inadmissible ; and the ratification of 
 the Senate was to be valid only on condition 
 that an article should be introduced, cancelling 
 the one in which the restriction was contained. 
 Nor was there a unanimity even with this lim- 
 itation. A bare constitutional majority, that 
 is, exactly two thirds of the members, voted 
 in favor of the treaty. 
 
 As this was a novel case, the President was 
 
302 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. |1795. 
 
 somewhat at a loss to determine how to dis- 
 pose of it. Whether the act of the Senate 
 could be regarded as a ratification of tlie 
 treaty, before this new article should be ap- 
 proved by the British government, and wheth- 
 er his signature could properly be affixed to it 
 previously to that event, were questions which 
 he took time to consider. A new obstacle was 
 thrown in the way by intelligence from Eu- 
 rope, that the British cabinet had renewed the 
 order for seizing provisions in vessels bound to 
 French ports. As this order might imply a 
 construction of the treaty, which could never 
 be admitted in the United States, it was neces- 
 sary still further to suspend his decision. View- 
 ing the subject in all its relations, however, 
 he inclined to the opinion, that it was best to 
 ratify the treaty with the condition prescribed 
 by the Senate, and at the same time to accom- 
 pany it with a memorial or remonstrance to 
 the British government against the provision 
 order. 
 
 Meantime the treaty was published. At 
 first an imperfect abstract only appeared; but 
 a complete copy was soon after furnished by a 
 member of the Senate to the editor of a news- 
 paper. It thus came clandestinely before the 
 public, without the authority of the executive, 
 and without any of the official documents and 
 
^T. G3.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 
 
 correspondence, by which the objects and rea- 
 sons of the negotiators could be explained. It 
 was dissected, criticized, and condemned, in a 
 tone of passionate and violent declamation, 
 which could scarcely have been exceeded, if 
 the instrument had reduced the United States 
 to their former colonial dependence on Eng- 
 land. The merits of the treaty were studi- 
 ously kept out of sight, and all its objection- 
 able parts were thrust forward, exaggerated, 
 and censured as disgraceful and humiliating to 
 the nation. It was impossible that a clamor so 
 loud and so universal should not produce a 
 strong impression upon every class of the com- 
 munity. The friends of the administration 
 rallied in its defence, but they used the weap- 
 ons of reason and argument ; they talked of 
 moderation and peace, of consistency and good 
 faith. They found few patient listeners, and 
 fewer impartial judges. The torrent was nei- 
 ther to be stemmed, nor diverted from its 
 course. Public meetings were held ; and res- 
 olutions and addresses condemning the treaty, 
 and designed to have a popular effect, and to 
 intimidate the executive, were voted, publish- 
 ed, and widely circulated among the people. 
 
 The first resolves of this sort proceeded 
 from a meeting in Boston. They were for- 
 warded by an express to the President, with a 
 
304 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 
 
 letter from the selectmen of the town. He 
 received them at Baltimore, while on his way 
 to Mount Vernon. Ten days afterwards, hav- 
 ing carefully reviewed the subject, and ascer- 
 tained the sentiments of the cabinet, he an- 
 swered the letter. It had been his aim, he 
 said, in every act of his administration, to seek 
 the happiness of his fellow citizens, to discard 
 personal, local, and partial considerations, to 
 look upon the United States as one nation, and 
 to consult only their substantial and permanent 
 interests. " Without a predilection for my 
 own judgment," he added, " I have weighed 
 with attention every argument, which has at 
 any time been brought into view. But the 
 Constitution is the guide, which I never can 
 abandon. It has assigned to the President the 
 power of making treaties, with the advice and 
 consent of the Senate. It was doubtless sup- 
 posed, that these two branches of government 
 would combine, without passion, and with the 
 best means of information, those facts and 
 principles, upon which the success of our for- 
 eign relations will always depend ; that they 
 ought not to substitute for their own convic- 
 tion the opinions of others, or to seek truth 
 through any channel but that of a temperate 
 and well informed investigation. Under this 
 persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of 
 
^T. 63-1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 305 
 
 executing the duty before me. To the high 
 responsibihty attached to it, I freely submit ; 
 and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make 
 these sentiments known as the grounds of my 
 procedure. While I feel the most lively grat- 
 itude for the many instances of approbation 
 from my country, I can no otherwise deserve 
 it, than by obeying the dictates of my con- 
 science." To these sentiments he steadily 
 adhered, and he answered many of the ad- 
 dresses sent to him in nearly the same lan- 
 guage. 
 
 From the excitement that prevailed, how- 
 ever, and from the resolves of meetings in all 
 parts of the country, he soon perceived, that a 
 formidable attempt was making to stir up the 
 people, with a view of operating on the exec- 
 utive. To defeat this purpose, and to put an 
 end to the disorders hourly increasing by the 
 combined action of overheated zeal, artifice, 
 and party spirit, he returned to Philadelphia, 
 summoned the cabinet, and submitted the 
 proposition for immediately ratifying the treaty. 
 It was approved by all the members except the 
 Secretary of State, who, although he had be- 
 fore been in favor of it, now thought the step 
 premature, till the provision order should be 
 revoked, and the war between England and 
 France should cease. This opinion had no 
 
 VOL. IT. 20 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 
 
 effect on the President. He signed the treaty, 
 the order was in due time repealed, and the 
 ratification, on the terms advised by the Sen- 
 ate, was reciprocated by the British govern- 
 ment. 
 
 It would be impossible, within the limits 
 of the present narrative, to sketch even an 
 outline of the transactions relating to this 
 treaty. No more can be said, than that the 
 controversy, occasioned by it, increased the vi- 
 olence of party discord to almost an incredible 
 extent ; and that even the motives and charac- 
 ter of Washington did not escape a full meas- 
 ure of the abuse, which was poured out upon 
 all, who approved the acts of the administra- 
 tion. Regardless of truth and decorum, his 
 detractors assailed him with a license and ma- 
 lignity, which showed an utter despair of ac- 
 complishing their ends by honorable means. 
 But however they might excite his commise- 
 ration, they could not disturb his peace of 
 mind. " I have long since resolved," said he, 
 writing to the governor of Maryland, " for the 
 present time at least, to let my calumniators 
 proceed without any notice being taken of 
 their invectives by myself, or by any others 
 with my participation or knowledge. Their 
 views, I dare say, are readily perceived by all 
 the enlightened and well disposed part of the 
 
Mt.GS.] life of WASHINGTON. 307 
 
 community ; and by the records of my admin- 
 istration, and not by the voice of faction, I 
 expect to be acquitted or condemned here- 
 after." 
 
 In relation to the treaty, time disappointed 
 its enemies, and more than fulfilled the expec- 
 tations of its friends. It saved the country 
 from a war, improved its commerce, and served 
 in no small degree to lay the foundation of its 
 durable prosperity. The great points, which 
 were said to be sacrificed or neglected, the im- 
 pressment of seamen, neutral rights, and colo- 
 nial trade, have never yet been settled, and are 
 never likely to be settled satisfactorily, while 
 England maintains the ascendency she now 
 holds on the ocean. 
 
 The day following that on which the Presi- 
 dent aflixed his name to the treaty, Mr. Ran- 
 dolph resigned the office of Secretary of State. 
 The circumstances are these. While Wash- 
 ington was at Mount Yernon, the British min- 
 ister, Mr. Hammond, put into the hands of 
 the Secretary of the Treasury a letter from 
 M. Fauchet to the French government, which 
 had been intercepted at sea, whence it found 
 its way to the British cabinet, and was for- 
 warded to Mr. Hammond. The letter was 
 translated by Mr. Pickering, and shown to the 
 President when he arrived in Philadelphia. Its 
 
308 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 
 
 contents were such, as to excite suspicions of 
 Mr. Randolph's conduct. It appeared that his 
 poHtical relations with the French minister 
 had been more intimate and confidential, than 
 was compatible with the office he held in the 
 administration. At all events, it seemed a fair 
 inference from the language of the letter, that 
 M. Fauchet valued his services as having been 
 useful to the French interests, and calculated 
 on them for the future. 
 
 In the presence of the other members of the 
 cabinet, the President handed this letter to 
 Mr. Randolph and asked an explanation. He 
 had not before heard of it ; and, although he 
 read it without emotion, he expressed much 
 displeasure at the President's manner of bring- 
 ing it to his notice, and complained that he 
 did not first converse with him on the subject 
 privately. He said that he wished more leis- 
 ure to examine the letter, before making any 
 detailed remarks on its contents, but added, 
 that, considering the treatment he had received, 
 he could not think of remaining in his office a 
 moment longer. Accordingly he sent in his 
 resignation the same day. 
 
 Mr. Randolph published a pamphlet vindicat- 
 ing his conduct, and explaining such parts of 
 the intercepted letter as related to him. From 
 M. Fauchet, who was then on the point of 
 
/Ex. G3.] 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 309 
 
 leaving ihe country, he also obtained a certifi- 
 cate, in which that minister declared, that in 
 his letter he had no intention to say any thing 
 to the disadvantage of Mr. Randolph's charac- 
 ter. The statements presented by Mr. Ran- 
 dolph, in proof of his innocence, were not such 
 as to produce entire conviction ; but the nature 
 of his task rendered it difficult, if not impossi- 
 ble, for him to adduce positive evidence. He 
 moreover allowed himself to be betrayed into 
 a warmth of temper, and bitterness of feeling, 
 not altogether favorable to his candor. After 
 all that has been made known, the particulars 
 of his conversations with Fauchet, and his de- 
 signs, are still matters of conjecture. 
 
 One fact connected with this affair should 
 be mentioned, as being highly creditable to 
 Washington. In preparing his vindication, 
 Mr. I^^dolph applied for a certain letter, and 
 intimated that papers were withheld. Wash- 
 ington said, in reply ,• " That you may have 
 no cause to complain of the withholding of 
 any paper, however private and confidential, 
 which you shall think necessary in a case of 
 so serious a nature, I have directed that you 
 should have the inspection of my letter agree- 
 ably to your request, and you are at full liber- 
 ty to publish without reserve any and every 
 private and confidential letter I ever wrote to 
 
 28q 
 
310 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795 
 
 you ; nay, more, every word I ever uttered to 
 you, or in your hearing, from whence you can 
 derive any advantage in your vindication." 
 When it is remembered, that Mr. Randolph 
 had been in the cabinet from the beginning of 
 the administration, the Uberty here given af- 
 fords a striking proof of the consciousness felt 
 by Washington of the perfect rectitude of his 
 own proceedings. 
 
 Mr. Pickering was transferred from the war 
 department to the office of Secretary of State, 
 and James M^Henry of Maryland was appoint- 
 ed Secretary of War. Mr. Bradford, the At- 
 torney-general, had recently died. He was 
 succeeded by Charles Lee of Virginia. 
 
^T. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 311 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 The President refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Repre- 
 sentatives in relation to the British Treaty. — Captivity of La- 
 fayette, and Means used by Washington to procure his Libera- 
 tion. — Difficulties with France in regard to the British Treaty. 
 
 — Recall of Mr. Monroe. — Washington's Farewell Address. 
 
 — His last Speech to Congress. — Inauguration of his Suc- 
 cessor. — Testimony of Respect shown to him by the Citizens 
 of Philadelphia. — He retires to Mount Vernon. — Review of 
 his Administration. 
 
 The foreign relations of the United States 
 had begun to put on a more favorable aspect. 
 Treaties were negotiated with Spain and Al- 
 giers, by which the prisoners who had been in 
 bondage for many years under the latter power, 
 were released, and the difficulties with the 
 former, respecting boundaries and the naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi, were amicably adjusted. 
 The victory of General Wayne had also 
 smoothed the way to a treaty with the Indians. 
 On this state of affairs the President congratu- 
 lated both houses of Congress, when he met 
 them at the opening of the session. 
 
 But the British treaty was destined to be a 
 cause of still further agitation. Great exer- 
 tions had been made throughout the country 
 to obtain signatures to petitions against it, 
 which were to be presented to the House of 
 
312 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17D6. 
 
 Representatives. And, when the treaty was 
 submitted to Congress, as having been ratified 
 by his Britannic Majesty, the members opposed 
 to it indicated a determined purpose to defeat 
 its operation by refusing to pass the laws 
 necessary for carrying it into effect. The 
 warfare was commenced by a resolution, to 
 which a large majority assented, requesting the 
 President to lay before the House the instruc- 
 tions to Mr. Jay, and the correspondence and 
 other documents relating to the negotiation. 
 
 This request imposed a delicate task on the 
 President. In his opinion, the power to form 
 treaties rested wholly with the chief magis- 
 trate and the Senate, and he believed that the" 
 House of Representatives had no right to make 
 a demand, which would imply an encroach- 
 ment on this power, nor in any manner to in- 
 terfere with the negotiation of treaties. Yet, 
 in the present excited state of public feeling, 
 a refusal of the request would expose him to 
 the charge of showing disrespect to the repre- 
 sentatives of the people, raise suspicions of his 
 motives, and probably furnish a pretext for in- 
 sinuations,- that he had personal reasons for 
 concealment. 
 
 From the line of duty, however, he was 
 never known to deviate ; and in this case it 
 was too plain to be mistaken. In his answer 
 
iET. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 313 
 
 to the communication from the house, he re- 
 fused a compUance with the request, and gave 
 his reasons. He said it was clear to his mind, 
 that the power of making treaties was vested 
 by the Constitution exchisively in the Presi- 
 dent, with the advice and consent of the Sen- 
 ate ; that, having been a member of the con- 
 vention, he knew this was the understanding 
 of the framers of the Constitution ; that the 
 subject was fully discussed ; that there were 
 reasons for believing the State conventions un- 
 derstood it in the same way ; that this con- 
 struction had hitherto been acquiesced in by 
 the House of Representatives ; and that a just 
 regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of 
 his office, required him to resist the principle 
 contended for by the house. If allowed to be 
 put in practice, it would destroy the confi- 
 dence of foreign powers in the executive, de- 
 range the government, and lead to the most 
 mischievous consequences, when it would be 
 too late to apply a remedy. 
 
 The members, who voted for the resolution, 
 were not prepared for this refusal : nor did 
 they conceal their disappointment and dissatis- 
 faction. The message gave rise to a debate, 
 which continued for many days, and in which 
 the merits of the treaty, and the constitutional 
 powers of the several departments of the gov- 
 
314 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 
 
 ernment, were elaborately discussed. Passion, 
 party zeal, eloquence, and argument were all 
 brought to bear on the subject ; and the 
 speeches show, that both sides of the question 
 were maintained with unusual ability and 
 force of reasoning. In the end, a majority of 
 the members who were opposed to the treaty 
 yielded to the exigency of the case, and, prob- 
 ably more from expediency than conviction, 
 united in passing the laws necessary for its 
 fulfilment. 
 
 Among the events, which contributed to 
 harass the mind and weigh upon the spirits of 
 Washington, none affected him more keenly 
 than the captivity of Lafayette. Gratitude for 
 the services rendered by Lafayette to the 
 United States in times of distress and peril, a 
 respect for his character, founded on a long and 
 intimate acquaintance, and a knowledge of his 
 pure and disinterested principles, had created 
 an ardent attachment, of which many proofs 
 have been exhibited in this narrative, and 
 many others might be added. In proportion 
 to the strength of this attachment was his 
 affliction at the sufferings of his friend. 
 
 After receiving the intelligence of his cap- 
 ture, Washington wrote letters to the Mar- 
 chioness de Lafayette, expressive of his sym- 
 pathy, and affording all the consolation in his 
 
^T. 64.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 315 
 
 power. His regret was the greater, because, 
 being at the head of the nation, the family of 
 Lafayette, and the friends of humanity in 
 Europe, expected much from his aid ; while 
 in reality he could do nothing more, except by 
 his personal influence, than any other individ- 
 ual. Lafayette was a prisoner, first in the 
 Prussian dominions, and next in the Austrian. 
 There was no diplomatic intercourse between 
 those countries and the United States. Hence 
 the American government, without authority 
 to make a demand or power to enforce it, 
 either directly or through the agency of other 
 governments, could take no decisive steps for 
 his release. 
 
 Instructions were sent, and often repeated, 
 to the American ministers at foreign courts, 
 directing them to use all their efforts in his 
 favor. These instructions were faithfully 
 obeyed. Nothing more could be done. The 
 mediation of the British cabinet was sought, 
 but not obtained. That he might leave no 
 means untried, Washington at last wrote a 
 letter to the Emperor of Germany, stating his 
 friendship for Lafayette, suggesting in delicate 
 terms that his sufferings had perhaps been as 
 great as the nature of his case demanded, and 
 requesting that he might be permitted to come 
 to the United States under such restrictions 
 
316 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 
 
 as his Majesty, the Emperor, might think it 
 expedient to prescribe. What influence this 
 letter may have had on the mind of the Em- 
 peror, or on the fate of Lafayette, is not known. 
 When restored to liberty, he was delivered 
 over, by order of the Austrian government, to 
 the American consul at Hamburg. 
 
 When the wife and daughters of Lafayette 
 left France, to join him in the prison of 01- 
 mutz, his son, George Washington Lafayette, 
 came to the United States. He was affec- 
 tionately received into the family of President 
 Washington, where he resided nearly two 
 years, till he returned to Europe on hearing of 
 the liberation of his father. 
 
 Not long after the treaty was conditionally 
 ratified by the Senate, a copy of it was fur- 
 nished to the French minister, M. Adet, the 
 successor of M. Fauchet, He objected to some 
 parts of it, as at variance with the treaty sub- 
 sisting between France and the United States. 
 His objections were answered by the Secre- 
 tary of State, and such explanations were 
 given as showed, that the treaty could in no 
 degree injure the interests of France, and that 
 the government of the United States was re- 
 solved faithfully to fulfil their compact with 
 that nation, according to the strict principles 
 of neutrality, which it was bound to observe 
 
^T. G4.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 317 
 
 in regard to the belligerent powers of Europe. 
 But the rulers of the French republic had 
 viewed with jealousy Mr, Jay's negotiation, 
 as diminishing their hope of a war between 
 Great Britain and the United States ; and it is 
 not surprising, that they should be quick to 
 find out points in the treaty, which, by their 
 construction, might be turned to the disadvan- 
 tage of France. Foreseeing this result, and 
 anxious to remove every ground of dissatis- 
 faction, Washington caused very full instruc- 
 tions to be sent to Mr, Monroe, that he might 
 be able to explain the articles of the treaty, as 
 understood by the American government, and 
 also their designs and conduct in making it. 
 
 From the tenor of Mr. Monroe's letters, and 
 from the proceedings of the French Directory, 
 the President was led to believe, that the min- 
 ister had been backward in using his instruc- 
 tions, and in furnishing the required explana- 
 tions. It was known, likewise, that he was 
 hostile to the treaty ; and of course, with the 
 best disposition to do his duty, he could hardly 
 enter into the views of the government with 
 the zeal, and represent them with the force of 
 conviction, which the importance of the occa- 
 sion demanded. The only remedy was to 
 send out another minister. It was resolved, 
 therefore, to recall Mr. Monroe, and make a 
 
318 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 
 
 new appointment. This resolution was unan- 
 imously approved by the cabinet. Mr. Mon- 
 roe was accordingly recalled, and Charles 
 Cotesworth Pinckney was sent to supply his 
 place. 
 
 Some months previously, Mr. Thomas Pinck- 
 ney had been permitted to return home, hav- 
 ing discharged the duties of his office in Eng- 
 land, and on a mission foi* negotiating a treaty 
 at Madrid, to the entire satisfaction of the ex- 
 ecutive and of his country. Rufus King, who 
 had been a senator from the beginning of the 
 new government, was appointed as his succes- 
 sor at the court of Great Britain. 
 
 When the second period of four years, for 
 which Washington had been elected to the 
 Presidency, was approaching its termination, 
 many of his friends, concerned at the present 
 state of the country, and fearing the conse- 
 quences of the heats and divisions that would 
 arise in choosing his successor, pressed him 
 earnestly to make a still further sacrifice of his 
 inclination to the public good. But his pur- 
 pose was fixed, and not to be changed. He 
 believed that he had done enough, and that 
 he might now, without any dereliction of 
 duty, resign the helm of government into oth- 
 er hands. Having determined to retire, he 
 thought proper to make this determination 
 
JEr.6i.-\ LIFE OF WASHINGTON 319 
 
 known in a formal manner, and at so early a 
 day, as to enable his fellow citizens to turn 
 their thoughts to other candidates, and prepare 
 for a new election. 
 
 Accordingly his Farewell Address to the 
 people of the United States was published on 
 the 15th of September, nearly six months be- 
 fore his term of office expired. In this paper 
 are embodied the results of his long experience 
 in public affairs, and a system of policy, which 
 in his opinion was the best suited to insure to 
 his country the blessings of union, peace, and 
 prosperity, and the respect of other nations. 
 For the vigor of its language, the soundness 
 of its maxims, the wisdom of its counsels, and 
 its pure and elevated sentiments, this perform- 
 ance is unrivalled ; and the lapse of forty 
 years has rather increased than diminished the 
 admiration with which it was universally re- 
 ceived. The sensation, which it produced in 
 every class of the community, was as strong 
 as it has been permanent. Even the fierce 
 spirit of party could not resist the impulse, nor 
 weaken its force. The State legislatures, 
 when they assembled, and other public bod- 
 ies, voted addresses and thanks to the Presi- 
 dent, expressing a cordial approbation of his 
 conduct during the eight years in which he 
 had filled the office of chief magistrate, and 
 
320 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 
 
 their deep regret that the nation was to be 
 deprived of his services. In some of the 
 States, the Farewell Address was printed and 
 published with the laws, by order of the legis- 
 latures, as an evidence of the value they at- 
 tached to its political precepts, and of their 
 affection for its author. 
 
 The two houses of Congress came together 
 in December, and Washington met them for 
 the last time. As he had usually done in his 
 former speeches, he first presented a clear and 
 comprehensive view of the condition of the 
 country, and the executive proceedings within 
 the last year, and then recommended to their 
 consideration certain measures, which he deem- 
 ed important. Among these were the gradual 
 increase of the navy, a provision for the en- 
 couragement of agriculture and manufactures, 
 the establishment of a national university, and 
 the institution of a military academy. The 
 relations with France were made the subject 
 of a separate message. At the end of his 
 speech he said ; 
 
 " The situation in which I now stand, for 
 the last time, in the midst of the representa^ 
 tives of the people of the United States, nat- 
 urally recalls the period when the administra- 
 tion of the present form of government com- 
 menced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to 
 
iET. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 321 
 
 congratulate you and my country, on the suc- 
 cess of the experiment, nor to repeat my fer- 
 vent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of 
 the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Na- 
 tions, that his providential care may still be 
 extended to the United States ; that the virtue 
 and happiness of the people may be preserved j 
 and that the government, which they have in- 
 stituted for the protection of their liberties, 
 may be perpetual." 
 
 Little was done during the session. Public 
 attention was engrossed with the pending 
 election. The votes of the electors were re- 
 turned to Congress, and in February they 
 were opened and counted in the presence of 
 both houses. It appeared that John Adams 
 was chosen President, and Thomas Jefferson 
 Vice-President, the former having the highest 
 number of votes, and the latter the next high- 
 est. The strength of the parties was tried in 
 this contest. Mr. Adams was supported by 
 the friends of the administration, or the federal 
 party, and Mr. Jefferson by its opponents, or 
 the democratic party. 
 
 On the 4th of March the President elect 
 took the oath of office and assumed its duties. 
 The ceremony was performed in the hall of 
 the House of Representatives, and in the same 
 manner as had been practised on former occa- 
 
 VOL. II. 21 
 
322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. 
 
 sions. Washington was present as a specta- 
 tor, happy ill resigning the burden of his of- 
 fice, and gratified to see it confided to one, 
 whose long and patriotic services in the cause 
 of his country rendered him worthy of so high 
 a trust. 
 
 The citizens of Philadelphia celebrated the 
 day by a testimony of respect for the man, 
 whom they, in common with the whole na- 
 tion, loved and revered. A splendid enter- 
 tainment was prepared, which was designed 
 for hirn as the principal guest, and to which 
 were invited foreign ministers, the heads of 
 the departments, officers of rank, and other 
 distinguished persons. A spacious rotunda 
 was fitted up for the occasion, in which were 
 elegant decorations, emblematical paintings, 
 fanciful devices, and a landscape representing 
 Mount Vernon and the scenery around it, all 
 conspiring to revive associations connected 
 with the life of Washington. 
 
 The following anecdote was communicated 
 by the late Bishop White. " On the day be- 
 fore President Washington retired from office, 
 a large company dined with him. Among 
 them were the foreign ministers and their la- 
 dies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and 
 other conspicuous persons of both sexes. Dur- 
 ing the dinner much hilarity prevailed ; but. 
 
Mr. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 323 
 
 on the removal of the cloth, it was put an end 
 to by the President, certainly without design. 
 Having filled his glass, he addressed the com- 
 pany, with a smile, as nearly as can be recol- 
 lected in the following words ; ' Ladies and 
 gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink 
 your health as a public man. I do it with 
 sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' 
 There was an end of all pleasantry. He, who 
 gives this relation, accidentally directed his 
 eye to the lady of the British minister, Mrs. 
 Listen, and tears were running down her 
 cheeks." 
 
 Being once more a private citizen, and hav- 
 ing already made preparation for his departure, 
 he proceeded immediately with his family to 
 Mount Vernon. In passing along the road he 
 was welcomed with the same hearty demon- 
 strations of attachment, as when clothed with 
 the dignity and power of office. Before he 
 reached Baltimore, he was met by a military 
 escort and a large concourse of the inhabitants, 
 who accompanied him into the city ; and it 
 was not till he had actually arrived at his own 
 mansion, in the tranquil retreat of Mount Ver- 
 non, that he could say he was no longer a 
 public man. 
 
 In reviewing the administration of Wash- 
 ington, now that the effervescence of party is 
 
324 
 
 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 [1797. 
 
 subsided, and in tracing its effects on the for- 
 mation and progress of the government, there 
 can hardly be a difference of opinion. No one 
 can doubt its wisdom or its success. Whether 
 another system, more conformable to the views 
 of those who opposed his principal measures, 
 might not have operated equally well, is not a 
 question which needs to be discussed. When 
 a great and permanent good has been done, 
 with the purest motives on the part of the 
 actor, it is not necessary, in forming a just 
 estimate of this good, to inquire by what other 
 means the same end might have been attained. 
 Notwithstanding the innumerable embarrass- 
 ments, which attended the first operations of 
 the new government, the nation was never 
 more prosperous than while Washington was 
 at its head. Credit was restored, and estab- 
 lished on a sound basis ; the public debt was 
 secured, and its ultimate payment provided 
 for ; commerce had increased beyond any 
 former example ; the amount of tonnage in 
 the ports of the United States had nearly 
 doubled ; the imports and exports had aug- 
 mented in a considerably larger ratio ; and the 
 revenue was much more abundant than had 
 been expected. The war with the Indians 
 was conducted to a successful issue ; and a 
 peace was concluded, which promised quiet to 
 
^T. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 325 
 
 the frontier inhabitants, and advantages to the 
 uncivihzed tribes. Treaties had been made 
 with foreign powers, in which long standing 
 disputes were amicably settled, contending 
 claims adjusted, and important privileges gain- 
 ed to the United States. The relations with 
 France alone remained in a state of incerti- 
 tude and perplexity ; and this was owing to 
 the condition of affairs in Europe, and not to 
 any thing that had grown out of the acts or 
 policy of the American government. 
 
326 LIFE OF WASHIINGTON. fl797 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 Washington devotes himself to his private Affairs. — Troubles 
 between France and the United States. — Preparations for 
 War. — Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the 
 Provisional Army of the United States. — Organization and 
 Arrangement of the Army. — Disputes with France adjusted. — 
 His last Illness and Death. — His Character. 
 
 Being established again at Mount Vernon, 
 and freed from public toils and cares, Wash- 
 ington returned to the same habits of life, and 
 the same pursuits, which he had always prac- 
 tised at that place. It required neither time 
 nor new incitements to revive a taste for occu- 
 pations, which had ever aiforded him more 
 real enjoyment than any others. Although he 
 had been able to exercise a partial supervision 
 over his private affairs, yet he found, that, 
 after an absence of eight years, much was to 
 be done to repair his houses, restore his farms 
 to the condition in which he had left them, 
 and complete his favorite system of. agricul- 
 ture. To these employments he devoted him- 
 self with as lively an interest, as if nothing 
 had occurred to interrupt them. 
 
 In writing to a friend, a few weeks after he 
 arrived at Mount Vernon, he said that he be- 
 
Mr. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327 
 
 gan his daily course with the rising of the 
 sun, and first made preparations for the busi- 
 ness of the day. " By the time I have ac- 
 comphshed these matters," he adds, " break- 
 fast is ready. This being over, I mount my 
 horse and ride round my farms, which em- 
 ploys me until it is time to dress for dinner, 
 at which I rarely miss to see strange faces 
 come as they say out of respect to me. And 
 how different is this from having a few social 
 friends at a cneerful board. The usual time 
 of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring me 
 within the dawn of candlelight ; previous to 
 which, if not prevented by company, I re- 
 solve, that, ao soon as the glimmering taper 
 supplies the place of the great luminary, I 
 will retire to my writing-table, and acknowl- 
 edge the letters I have received. Having 
 given you this history of a day, it will serve 
 for a year." And in this manner a year passed 
 away, and with no other variety than that of 
 the change of visiters, who came from all 
 parts to pay their respects or gratify their cu- 
 riosity. 
 
 But, in the midst of these scenes, it once 
 more became his duty to yield to the claim 
 of his country. The French Directory had 
 rejected the overtures for a reconciliation, and 
 committed outrages and insults against the 
 
 
328 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. 
 
 United States, which no independent nation 
 could bear. Mr. Pinckney, the American 
 plenipotentiary, had been treated with indig- 
 nity, first by a refusal to receive him as min- 
 ister, and next by an order to leave the terri- 
 tories of the Republic. At the same time, 
 depredations were made upon American com- 
 merce by French cruisers, in violation of the 
 treaty which had subsisted between the two 
 nations. President Adams summoned Con- 
 gress, submitted the subject to them, and rec- 
 ommended preparations for military defence. 
 That no method might be left unattempted 
 for bringing about a reconciliation and insur- 
 ing peace, two envoys extraordinary, John 
 Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, were sent out 
 to join Mr. Pinckney. The three envoys pro- 
 ceeded to Paris, but their mission was unsuc- 
 cessful. 
 
 It seems that the rulers of France had been 
 deceived into a belief, that the people of the 
 United States would not sustain their govern- 
 ment in a war against that country. The 
 opposition shown to the British treaty had 
 contributed to foster this delusion ; and in- 
 deed the conduct of the French ministers in 
 the United States, from the time Genet arrived 
 at Charleston, had clearly indicated a design 
 to separate the people from the government. 
 
iET. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329 
 
 Such was the confidence of the Executive 
 Directory in this hope, and such their igno- 
 rance of the American character, that they 
 had the effrontery to demand money of the 
 envoys as a prehminary to any negotiation for 
 setthng the differences between the two na- 
 tions. This demand was made under the pre- 
 tence of a redress of grievances, in conse- 
 quence, as it was alleged, of the unfavorable 
 operation of the British treaty, and of the sys- 
 tem of neutrality adopted by the American 
 government. So degrading a proposal could 
 not of course be regarded in any other light 
 than as an insult. 
 
 Nothing now remained to be done but to 
 prepare for war. Congress authorized the 
 President to enlist ten thousand men, as a 
 provisional army, and to call them into actual 
 service, if war should be declared against the 
 United States, or whenever in his opinion 
 there should be danger of an invasion. 
 
 As soon as it was foreseen, that a resort to 
 arms might be necessary, all eyes were turned 
 upon Washington as the individual to be plac- 
 ed at the head of the army. The weight of 
 his name was of the utmost importance to 
 produce unanimity in the leaders, and secure 
 the confidence and support of the people. 
 " You ought to be aware," said Hamilton, in 
 
330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 
 
 writing to him, " that, in the event of an open 
 rupture with France, the public voice will 
 again call you to command the armies of your 
 country ; and, though all who are attached to 
 you will from attachment, as well as public 
 considerations, deplore an occasion, which 
 should once more tear you from that repose 
 to which you have so good a right, yet it is 
 the opinion of all those with whom I con- 
 verse, that you will be compelled to make the 
 sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, 
 to give them efficacy, this farther, this very 
 great sacrifice." The President also wrote to 
 him ; " We must have your name, if you will 
 permit us to use it. There will be more efii- 
 cacy in it than in many an army." This let- 
 ter was written before any appointments had 
 been made. The following is an extract from 
 Washington's reply. 
 
 " From a view of the past and the present, 
 and from the prospect of that which seems to 
 be expected, it is not easy for me to decide 
 satisfactorily on the part it might best become 
 me to act. In case of actual invasion by a 
 formidable force, I certainly should not in- 
 trench myself under the cover of age and re- 
 tirement, if my services should be required by 
 my country to assist in repelling it. And, if 
 there be good cause, which must be better 
 
i3ET. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 331 
 
 known to the government than to private cit- 
 izens, to expect such an event, delay in pre- 
 paring for it might be dangerous, improper, and 
 not to be justified by prudence. The uncer- 
 tainty, however, of the event, in my mind, 
 creates my embarrassment ; for I cannot fairly 
 bring it to believe, regardless as Ihe French 
 are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and 
 capable as I conceive them to be of any spe- 
 cies of despotism and injustice, that they will 
 attempt to invade this country, after such a 
 uniform and unequivocal expression of the 
 sense of the people in all parts to oppose them 
 with their lives and fortunes." 
 
 Before receiving this reply, the President had 
 nominated him to the Senate as Commander-in- 
 chief of the armies of the United States. The 
 nomination was unanimously confirmed on the 
 3d of July, the day after it was made. The 
 Secretary of War was despatched in person to 
 Mount Vernon, as the bearer of the commis- 
 sion. Washington accepted the appointment, 
 with two reservations ; first, that the principal 
 officers should be such as he apjMroved ; sec- 
 ondly, that he should not be called into the 
 field, till the army was in a condition to re- 
 quire his presence, or till it became necessary 
 by the urgency of circumstances. He added, 
 however, that he did not mean to withhold 
 
332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. 
 
 any assistance he could afford in arranging and 
 organizing the army ; and, in conformity with 
 the rule he had always followed, he declined 
 receiving any part of the emoluments annexed 
 to his appointment, until he should be in a sit- 
 uation to incur expense. 
 
 There was much embarrassment in appoint- 
 ing the principal officers. Some of those, who 
 had served in the Revolution, were prominent 
 candidates for appointments in the new army. 
 It became a question, whether their former 
 rank should be taken into account. If this 
 were decided in the affirmative, it would de- 
 prive the army of the services of men, whose 
 talents, activity, and influence were of the 
 greatest moment, but who would not accept 
 subordinate places. It was the opinion of 
 Washington, that, since the old army had long 
 been disbanded, and a new one was now to be 
 formed upon different principles and for a dif- 
 ferent object, no regard ought to be paid to 
 former rank, but that the best men should be 
 selected, and so arranged as most effectually to 
 promote the public good. This opinion pre- 
 vailed. 
 
 The inspector-general was to be the second 
 in command, and there were to be likewise 
 two major-generals. For these offices Wash- 
 ington proposed Alexander Hamilton, Charles 
 
^T. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 333 
 
 Cotesworth Pinckney, and Henry Knox, who 
 were to rank in the order in which their names 
 here stand. They were thus appointed. The 
 President was not satisfied with the arrange- 
 ment. His choice for the inspector-general 
 rested upon Knox, but he acquiesced in the 
 decision of Washington. Unfortunately Gen- 
 eral Knox was displeased with the arrange- 
 ment, and declined accepting his commission. 
 He believed that his former services gave him 
 higher claims, than could be advanced for the 
 two younger officers who were placed over 
 him. 
 
 From this time to the end of his life a great 
 part of Washington's attention was taken up 
 with the affairs of the new army. His corre- 
 spondence with the Secretary of War, the 
 major-generals, and other officers, was unre- 
 mitted and very full, entering into details and 
 communicating instructions, which derived 
 value from his long experience and perfect 
 knowledge of the subject. His letters during 
 this period, if not the most interesting to many 
 readers, will ever be regarded as models of 
 their kind, and as affi^rding evidence that the 
 vigor and fertility of his mind had not de- 
 creased with declining years. He passed a 
 month at Philadelphia, where he was assidu- 
 ously employed with Generals Hamilton and 
 
 29q 
 
334 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. 
 
 Pinckney in making arrangements for raising 
 and organizing the army. After tlie plan was 
 finished, he applied himself, with all the ardor 
 of his younger days, to effect its execution. 
 
 He never seriously believed, that the French 
 would go to the extremity of invading the 
 United States. But it had always been a max- 
 im with him, that a timely preparation for war 
 afforded the surest means of preserving peace ; 
 and on this occasion he acted with as much 
 promptitude and energy, as if the invaders 
 had been actually on the coast. His opinion 
 proved to be correct, and his prediction was 
 verified. When it was discovered, that a war 
 with the United States would not be against 
 the government alone, but that the whole peo- 
 ple would rise to resist aggression and maintain 
 their rights and dignity as a nation, the French 
 rulers relaxed into a more pacific temper. In- 
 timations were given by them of a willingness 
 to cooperate in effecting a friendly and equita- 
 ble adjustment of existing differences. Lis- 
 tening to these overtures, the President again 
 appointed three envoys extraordinary, and in- 
 vested them with full powers to negotiate with 
 the French government. When they arrived 
 in Paris, they found Bonaparte at the head of 
 affairs, who, having taken no part in the pre- 
 ceding disputes, and perceiving no advantage 
 
iEx. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 335 
 
 in continuing them, readily assented to an ac- 
 commodation. No event was more desired by 
 Washington, but he did not live to participate 
 in the joy with which the intelligence was re- 
 ceived by his countrymen. 
 
 Since his retirement from the Presidency, 
 his health had been remarkably good ; and, 
 although age had not come without its infir- 
 mities, yet he was able to endure fatigue and 
 make exertions of body and mind with scarce- 
 ly less ease and activity, than he had done in 
 the prime of his strength. On the 12th of 
 December he spent several hours on horse- 
 back, riding to his farms, and giving directions 
 to his managers. He returned late in the af- 
 ternoon, wet and chilled with the rain and 
 sleet, to which he had been exposed while 
 riding home. The water had penetrated to 
 his neck, and snow was lodged in the locks 
 of his hair. A heavy fall of snow the next 
 day prevented his going abroad, except for a 
 short time near his house. A sore throat and 
 hoarseness convinced him, that he had taken 
 cold ; but he seemed to apprehend no danger 
 from it. He passed the evening with the fam- 
 ily, read the newspapers, and conversed cheer- 
 fully till his usual hour for going to rest. 
 
 In the night he had an ague, and before the 
 dawn of day the next morning, which was 
 
336 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799 
 
 Saturday, the 14th, the soreness in his throat 
 had become so severe, that he breathed and 
 spoke with difficulty. At his request he was 
 bled by one of his overseers, and in the mean 
 time a messenger went for Dr. Craik, who 
 lived nine miles oflf, at Alexandria. As no re- 
 lief was obtained by bleeding, and the symp- 
 toms wer€ such as to alarm the family, another 
 messenger was despatched for Dr. Brown, who 
 resided nearer Mount Vernon. These physi- 
 cians arrived in the morning, and Dr. Dick in 
 the course of the day. All the remedies, which 
 their united counsel could devise, were used 
 without effect. 
 
 His suffering was acute and unabated 
 through the day, but he bore it with perfect 
 composure and resignation. Towards evening 
 he said to Dr. Craik ; "I die hard, but I am 
 not afraid to die. I believed from my first at- 
 tack, that I should not survive it. My breath 
 cannot last long." From that time he said 
 little, except to thank the physicians for their 
 kindness, and request they would give them- 
 selves no more trouble, but let him die quietly. 
 Nothing further was done, and he sank gradu- 
 ally till between ten and eleven o'clock at 
 night, when he expired, in the sixty-eighth 
 year of his age, and in the full possession of 
 his mental faculties ; exhibiting in this short 
 
iET.67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 337 
 
 and painful illness, and in his death, the same 
 example of patience, fortitude, and submission 
 to the Divine will, which he had shown in all 
 the acts of his life. On Wednesday, the 18th 
 of December, his remains were deposited in 
 the family tomb at Mount Yernon. 
 
 Congress was at this time in session at Phil- 
 adelphia ; and, when the news of the melan- 
 choly event arrived at the seat of government, 
 both houses immediately adjourned for the re- 
 mainder of the day. The next morning, as 
 soon as the House of Representatives had con- 
 vened, Mr. Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, 
 rose in his place, and addressed the Speaker 
 in an eloquent and pathetic speech, briefly 
 recounting the public acts of Washington. 
 He then offered three resolutions, previously 
 prepared by General Henry Lee, which were 
 accepted. By these it was proposed, that the 
 house should in a body wait on the President 
 to express their condolence ; that the Speaker's 
 chair should be shrouded in black, and the 
 members and officers of the house be dressed 
 in black, during the session ; and that a com- 
 mittee, in conjunction with a committee from 
 the Senate, should be appointed " to consider 
 on the most suitable manner of paying honor 
 to the memory of the man, first in war, first 
 
 VOL. IL 22 
 
,338 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. 
 
 in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow 
 citizens." 
 
 The Senate testified their respect and sor- 
 row by similar proceedings, A joint com- 
 mittee of the two houses was appointed, who 
 reported resolutions recommending, that a mar- 
 ble monument should be erected to commemo- 
 rate the great events in the military and polit- 
 ical life of Washington ; that an oration, suited 
 to the occasion, should be pronounced in the 
 presence of both houses of Congress ; that the 
 people of the United States should wear crape 
 on the left arm thirty days as a badge of mourn- 
 ing ; and that the President, in the name of 
 Congress, should be requested to write a letter 
 of condolence to Mrs. Washington. These 
 resolutions were unanimously adopted. The 
 funeral ceremonies were appropriate and sol- 
 emn. A discourse was delivered on the oc- 
 casion by General Lee, then a representative 
 in Congress. 
 
 But no formal act of the national legislature 
 was required to stir up the hearts of the peo- 
 ple, or to remind them of the loss they had 
 sustained in the death of a man, whom they 
 had so long been accustomed to love and re- 
 vere, and the remembrance of whose deeds 
 and virtues was so closely connected with that 
 of their former perils, and of the causes of 
 
iET. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 339 
 
 their present prosperiiy and happiness. The 
 mourning was universal. It was manifested 
 by every token, which could indicate the pub- 
 Kc sentiment and feehng. Orators, divines, 
 journalists, and writers of every class, re- 
 sponded to the general voice in all parts of (he 
 country, and employed their talents to solem- 
 nize the event, and to honor the memory of 
 him, who, more than any other man, of an- 
 cient or modern renown, may claim to be 
 called The Father of his Country. 
 
 The person of Washington was command- 
 ing, graceful, and fitly proportioned ; his stat- 
 ure six feet, his chest broad and full, his limbs 
 long and somewhat slender, but well shaped 
 and muscular. His features were regular and 
 symmetrical, his eyes of a light blue color, and 
 his whole countenance, in its quiet state, was 
 grave, placid, and benignant. When alone, or 
 not engaged in conversation, he appeared se- 
 date and thoughtful ; but, when his attention 
 was excited, his eye kindled quickly and his 
 face beamed with animation and intelligence. 
 He was not fluent in speech, but what he said 
 was apposite, and listened to with the more 
 interest as being known to come from the 
 heart. He seldom attempted sallies of wit or 
 humor, but no man received more pleasure 
 from an exhibition of them by others ; and, 
 
340 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. 
 
 although contented in seckision, he sought his 
 chief happiness in society, and participated 
 with dehght in all its rational and innocent 
 amusements. Without austerity on the one 
 hand, or an appearance of condescending fa- 
 miliarity on the other, he was affable, courte- 
 ous, and cheerful ; but it has often been re- 
 marked, that there was a dignity in his person 
 and manner, not easy to be defined, which im- 
 pressed every one that saw him for the first 
 time with an instinctive deference and awe. 
 This may have arisen in part from a convic- 
 tion of his superiority, as well as from the 
 effect produced by his external form and de- 
 portment. 
 
 The character of his mind was unfolded in 
 the public and private acts of his life ; and 
 the proofs of his greatness are seen almost as 
 much in the one as the other. The same 
 qualities, which raised him to the ascendency 
 he possessed over the will of a nation as the 
 commander of armies and chief magistrate, 
 caused him to be loved and respected as an 
 individual. Wisdom, judgment, prudence, and 
 firmness were his predominant traits. No man 
 ever saw more clearly the relative importance 
 of things and actions, or divested himself more 
 entirely of the bias of piersonal interest, par- 
 tiality, and prejudice, in discriminating be- 
 
yEx 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 341 
 
 tween the true and the false, the right and 
 the wrong, in all questions and subjects that 
 were presented to him. He deliberated slowly, 
 but decided surely ; and, when his decision 
 was once formed, he seldom reversed it, and 
 never relaxed from the execution of a meas- 
 ure till it was completed. Courage, physical 
 and moral, was a part of his nature ; and, 
 whether in battle or in the midst of popular 
 excitement, he was fearless of danger and re- 
 gardless of consequences to himself. 
 
 His ambition was of that noble kind, which 
 aims to excel in whatever it undertakes, and 
 to acquire a power over the hearts of men by 
 promoting their happiness and winning their 
 affections. Sensitive to the approbation of 
 others and solicitous to deserve it, he made no 
 concessions to gain their applause, either by 
 flattering their vanity or yielding to their ca- 
 prices. Cautious without timidity, bold with- 
 out rashness, cool in counsel, deliberate but 
 firm in action, clear in foresight, patient under 
 reverses, steady, persevering, and self-possess- 
 ed, he met and conquered every obstacle that 
 obstructed his path to honor, renown, and suc- 
 cess. More confident in the uprightness of 
 his intentions, than in his resources, he sought 
 knowledge and advice from other men. He 
 chose his counsellors with unerring sagacity ; 
 
342 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179D. 
 
 and his quick perception of the soundness of 
 an opinion, and of the strong points in an ar- 
 gument, enabled him to draw to his aid the 
 best fruits of their talents, and the light of 
 their collected wisdom. 
 
 His moral qualities were in perfect harmony 
 with those of his intellect. Duty was the 
 ruling principle of his conduct ; and the rare 
 endowments of his understanding were not 
 more constantly tasked to devise the best 
 methods of effecting an object, than they were 
 to guard the sanctity of conscience. No in- 
 stance can be adduced, in which he was actu- 
 ated by a sinister motive, or endeavored to 
 attain an end by unworthy means. Truth, 
 integrity, and justice were deeply rooted in his 
 mind ; and nothing could rouse his indignation 
 so soon, or so utterly destroy his confidence, 
 as the discovery of the want of these virtues 
 in any one whom he had trusted. Weakness- 
 es, follies, indiscretions, he could forgive ; but 
 subterfuge and dishonesty he never forgot, 
 rarely pardoned. He was candid and sincere, 
 true to his friends, and faithful to all, neither 
 practising dissimulation, descending to artifice, 
 nor holding out expectations which he did not 
 intend should be realized. His passions were 
 strong, and sometimes they broke out with 
 vehemence, but he had the power of checking 
 
^T. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 343 
 
 them in an instant. Perhaps self-control was 
 the most remarkable trait of his character. It 
 was in part the effect of discipline ; yet he 
 seems by nature to have possessed this power 
 to a degree which has been denied to other 
 men. 
 
 A Christian in faith and practice, he was 
 habitually devout. His reverence for religion 
 is seen in his example, his public communica- 
 tions, and his private writings. He uniformly 
 ascribed his successes to the beneficent agency 
 of the Supreme Being. Charitable and hu^ 
 mane, he was liberal to the poor, and kind to 
 those in distress. As a husband, son, and 
 brother, he was tender and affectionate. With- 
 out vanity, ostentation, or pride, he never 
 spoke of himself or his actions, unless re- 
 quired by circumstances which concerned the 
 public interests. As he was free from envy, 
 so he had the good fortune to escape the envy 
 of others, by standing on an elevation which 
 none could hope to attain. If he had one pas- 
 sion more strong than another, it was love of 
 his country. The purity and ardor of his 
 patriotism were commensurate with the great- 
 ness of its object. Love of country in him 
 was invested with the sacred obligation of a 
 duty ; and from the faithful discharge of this 
 duty he never swerved for a moment, either in 
 
344 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1799. 
 
 thought or deed, through the whole period of 
 his eventful career. 
 
 Such are some of the traits in the character 
 of Washington, which have acquired for him 
 the love and veneration of mankind. If they 
 are not marked with the brilliancy, extrava- 
 gance, and eccentricity, which in other men 
 have excited the astonishment of the world, so 
 neither are they tarnished by the follies nor 
 disgraced by the crimes of those men. It is 
 the happy combination of rare talents and 
 qualities, the harmonious union of the intel- 
 lectual and moral powers, rather than the daz- 
 zling splendor of any one trait, which consti- 
 tute the grandeur of his character. If the 
 title of great man ought to be reserved for 
 him, who cannot be charged with an indiscre- 
 tion or a vice, who spent his life in establish- 
 ing the independence, the glory, and durable 
 prosperity of his country, who succeeded in 
 all that he undertook, and whose successes 
 were never won at the expense of honor, jus- 
 tice, integrity, or by the sacrifice of a single 
 principle, this title will not be denied to 
 Washington. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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