m iilillliijlii Class Book_ Copyright ]^^ COPYRIGHT DEPOSm Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/fashionsinliteraOOwarn Fashions in Literature FASHIONS IN LITERATURE And Other Literary and Social Essays ^ Addresses By CHARLES DUDLEY WARNER INTRODUCTION BY Hainilton IVright Mahie NEW YORK . DODD, MEAD ^ COMPANY . M D C C C C I I 3 Copyright, 1881, By Charles Dudley Warner Copyright, 1887 and i88g, By The Critic Company Copyright, IQOI, By The Century Company Copyright, igo2. By Dodd, Mead & Company Published April, 1902 1 THE UIBBARY (KiNQRESS, Two Oowea Receive* APR. 2e 1902 a I I UNIVERSITY PRESS • JOHN WILSON AND SON ♦ CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A. Table of Contents Page Fashions in Literature i " The Centur)' Magazine," April, 1901, The American Newspaper 31 American Social Science Association, Saratoga, September 6, 1881. Certain Diversities of American Life .... ']'] University of the South, July 30, 1889. The Pilgrim, and the American of To-day . . 115 New England Society Dinner, Indianapolis, December 21, 1892. Nathan Hale 139 Connecticut Capitol, Hartford, June 17, 1887. Some Causes of the Prevailing Discontent . . 157 Hamilton College, June 30, Education of the Negro 193 Presidential Address delivered before the American Social Science Association, Washington, May 7, 1900. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page The Indeterminate Sentence 225 1899. The Life-Saving and Life- Prolonging Art . . 253 Centennial Celebration, Hartford County Medical Associa- tion, September 26, 1892. Literary Copyright 267 Presidential Address, National Institute of Arts and Letters, January 30, 1900. The Pursuit of Happiness 291 "The Century Magazine," December, 1900. Truthfulness 303 Literature and the Stage 315 "The Critic," December 7, 1889. ** H. H.'* in Southern California 321 "The Critic," May 14, 1887. [-1 Introduction THIRTY years ago and more those who read and valued good books in this country made the acquain- tance of Mr. Warner, and since the publica- tion of " My Summer In a Garden " no work of his has needed any other introduction than the presence of his name on the title- page ; and now that reputation has mellowed into memory, even the word of interpreta- tion seems superfluous. Mr. Warner wrote out of a clear, as well as a full mind, and lucidity of style was part of that harmonious charm of sincerity and urbanity which made him one of the most intelligible and com- panionable of our writers. It is a pleasure, however, to recall him as, not long ago, we saw him move and heard him speak in the ripeness of years which brought him the full flavour of maturity with- out any loss of freshness from his humour or serenity from his thought. He shared [vii] I NT R ODUCTION with Lowell, Longfellow, and Curtis a har- mony of nature and art, a unity of ideal and achievement, which make him a welcome figure, not only for what he said, but for what he was ; one of those friends whose coming is hailed with joy because they seem always at their best, and minister to rather than draw upon our own capital of moral vitality. Mr. Warner was the most undogmatic of idealists, the most winning of teachers. He had always something to say to the ethi- cal sense, a word for the conscience ; but his approach was always through the mind, and his enforcement of the moral lesson was by suggestion rather than by commandment. There was nothing ascetic about him, no easy solution of the difHculties of life by ig- noring or evading them ; nor, on the other hand, was there any confusion of moral standards as the result of a confusion of ideas touching the nature and functions of art. He saw clearly, he felt deeply, and he thought straight ; hence the rectitude of his mind, the sanity of his spirit, the justice of his dealings with the things which make for [ viii ] INTRODUCTION life and art. He used the essay as Addison used it, not for sermonic effect, but as a form of art which permitted a man to deal with seri- ous things in a spirit of gayety, and with that lightness of touch which conveys influence without employing force. He was as deeply enamoured as George William Curtis with the highest ideals of life for America, and, like Curtis, his expression caught the grace and distinction of those ideals. It is a pleasure to hear his voice once more, because its very accents suggest the most interesting, high-minded, and captivat- ing ideals of living; he brings with him that air of fine breeding which Is diffused by the men who, in mind as in manners, have been, in a distinctive sense, gentlemen ; who have lived so constantly and habitually on intimate terms with the highest things in thought and character that the tone of this really best society has become theirs. Among men of talent there are plebeians as well as patri- cians ; even genius, which is never vulgar, is sometimes unable to hide the vulgarity of the aims and ideas which it clothes with [ix] I N T R ODUCTION beauty without concealing their essential nature. Mr. Warner was a patrician; the most democratic of men, he was one of the most fastidious in his intellectual com- panionships and affiliations. The subjects about which he speaks with his old-time directness and charm in this volume make us aware of the serious temper of his mind, of his deep interest in the life of his time and people, and of the easy and natural grace with which he insisted on fac- ing the fact and bringing it to the test of the highest standards. In his discussion of " Fashions in Literature " he deftly brings before us the significance of literature and the signs which it always wears, while he seems bent upon considering some interest- ing aspects of contemporary writing. And how admirably he has described his own work in his definition of qualities which are common to all literature of a high order : simplicity, knowledge of human nature, agree- able personality. It would be impossible in briefer or more comprehensive phrase to sum up and express the secret of his influence and [X] INTRODUCTION of the pleasure he gives us. It is to sug- gest this application of his words to himself that this preparatory comment is written. When " l\Iy Summer In a Garden" ap- peared, it won a host of friends who did not stop to ask whether it was a piece of excellent journalism or a bit of real literature. It was so natural, so informal, so intimate that readers accepted it as matter of course, as they accepted the blooming of flowers and the flitting of birds. It was simply a report of certain things which had happened out of doors, made by an observing neighbour whose talk seemed to be of a piece with the diffused fragrance and light and life of the old-fash- ioned garden. This easy approach, along natural lines of interest, by quietly putting himself on common ground with his reader, Mr. Warner never abandoned ; he was so delightful a companion that until he ceased to walk beside them, many of his friends of the mind did not realise how much he had enriched them by the way. This charming simplicity, which made it possible for him to put himself on intimate terms with his [xi] I N T R O DU C r I O N readers, was the result of his sincerity, his clearness of thought, and his ripe culture : that knowledge of the best which rids a man forever of faith in devices, dexterities, ob- scurities, and all other substitutes for the lucid realities of thinking and of character. To his love of reality and his sincere in- terest in men, Mr. Warner added natural shrewdness and long observation of the psy- chology of men and women under the stress and strain of experience. His knowledge of human nature did not lessen his geniality, but it kept the edge of his mind keen, and gave his work the variety not only of humour but of satire. He cared deeply for people, but they did not impose on him ; he loved his country with a passion which was the more genuine because it was exacting and, at times, sharply critical. There runs through all his work, as a critic of manners and men, as well as of art, a wisdom of life born of wide and keen observation; put not into the form of aphorisms, but of shrewd com- ment, of keen criticism, of nice discrimina- tion between the manifold shadings of insin- [xii] I N T R ODUCTION cerity, of insight into the action and reaction of conditions, surroundings, social and ethical aims on men and women. The stories written in his later years are full of the evi- dences of a knowledge of human nature which was singularly trustworthy and penetrating. When all has been said, however, it re- mains true of him, as of so many of the writers whom we read and love and love as we read, that the secret of his charm lay in an agreeable personality. At the end of the analysis, if the work is worth while, there is always a man, and the man is the explanation of the work. This is preeminently true of those writers whose charm lies less in dis- tinctively intellectual qualities than in tem- perament, atmosphere, humour, — writers of the quality of Steele, Goldsmith, Lamb, Irving. It is not only, therefore, a pleasure to recall Mr. Warner ; it is a necessity if one would discover the secret of his charm, the source of his authority. He was a New Englander by birth and by long residence, but he was also a man of the world in the true sense of the phrase ; [ xiii ] INTRODUCTION one whose ethical judgment had been broad- ened without being lowered ; who had learned that truth, though often strenuously enforced, is never so convincing as when stated in terms of beauty ; and to whom it had been revealed that to live naturally, sanely, and productively one must live humanly, with due regard to the earthly as well as to heavenly, with ease as well as earnestness of spirit, through play no less than through work, in the large resources of art, society, and humour, as well as with the ancient and well-tested rectitudes of the fathers. The harmonious play of his whole nature, the breadth of his interests and the sanity of his spirit made Mr. Warner a delightful com- panion, and kept to the very end the fresh- ness of his mind and the spontaneity of his humour ; life never lost its savour for him, nor did his style part with its diffused but thoroughly individual humour. This latest collection of his papers, dealing with a wide range of subjects from the " Education of the Negro" to " Literature and the Stage," with characteristic comments on " Truth- [ xiv ] INTRODUCTION fulness " and " The Pursuit of Happiness," shows him at the end of his long and tire- less career as a writer still deeply interested in contemporary events, responsive to the appeal of the questions of the hour, and sensitive to all things which affected the dignity and authority of literature. In his interests, his bearing, his relations to the public life of the country, no less than in his work, he held fast to the best traditions of literature, and he has taken his place among the representative American men of Letters. HAMILTON W. MABIE. [xv] Fashions in Literature IF you examine a collection of prints of costumes of different generations, you are commonly amused by the ludicrous appearance of most of them, especially of those that are not familiar to you in your own decade. They are not only inappro- priate and inconvenient to your eye, but they offend your taste. You cannot believe that they were ever thought beautiful and be- coming. If your memory does not fail you, however, and you retain a little honesty of mind, you can recall the fact that a costume which seems to you ridiculous to-day had your warm approval ten years ago. You wonder, indeed, how you could ever have tolerated a costume which has not one grace- ful line, and has no more relation to the human figure than Mambrino's helmet had FASHIONS IN LI'TERATURE to a crown of glory. You cannot imagine how you ever approved the vast balloon skirt that gave your sweetheart the appearance of the great bell of Moscow^ or that you your- self could have been complacent in a coat the tails of which reached your heels, and the buttons of which, a rudimentary survival, were between your shoulder-blades — you who are now devoted to a female figure that resembles an old-fashioned churn surmounted by an isosceles triangle. These vagaries of taste, which disfigure or destroy correct proportions or hide deform- ities, are nowhere more evident than in the illustrations of works of fiction. The artist who collaborates with the contemporary novelist has a hard fate. If he is faithful to the fashions of the day, he earns the repute of artistic depravity in the eyes of the next generation. The novel may become a classic, because it represents human nature, or even the whimsicalities of a period ; but the illus- trations of the artist only provoke a smile, because he has represented merely the un- essential and the fleeting. The interest in [2] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE his work is archaeological, not artistic. The genius of the great portrait-painter may to some extent overcome the disadvantages of contemporary costume, but if the costume of his period is hideous and lacks the essential lines of beautv, his work is liable to need the apology of quaintness. The Greek artist and the mediaeval painter, when the costumes were really picturesque and made us forget the lack of simplicity in a noble sumptuous- ness, had never this posthumous difficulty to contend with. In the examination of costumes of different races and different ages, we are also struck by the fact that with primitive or isolated peoples costumes vary little from age to age, and fashion and the fashions are unrecog- nised, and a habit of dress which is dictated by climate, or has been proved to be com- fortable, is adhered to from one generation to another; while nations that we call highly civilised, meaning commonly not only Occi- dental peoples, but peoples called progressive, are subject to the most frequent and violent changes of fashions, not in generations only, [3] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE but in decades and years of a generation, as if the mass had no mind or taste of its own, but submitted to the irresponsible ukase of tailors and modistes, who are in alliance with enterprising manufacturers of novelties. In this higher civilisation a costume which is artistic and becoming has no more chance of permanence than one which is ugly and in- convenient. It might be inferred that this higher civilisation produces no better taste and discrimination, no more independent judgment, in dress than it does in literature. The vagaries in dress of the Western nations for a thousand years past, to go back no further, are certainly highly amusing, and would be humiliating to people who regarded taste and art as essentials of civilisation. But when we speak of civilisation, we cannot but notice that some of the great civilisations, the longest permanent and most notable for highest achievement in learning, science, art, or in the graces or comforts of life, the Egyptian, the Saracenic, the Chinese, were subject to no such vagaries in costume, but adhered to that which taste, climate, experi- [4] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE ence had determined to be the most useful and appropriate. And it is a singular com- ment upon our modern conceit that we make our own vagaries and chano'eableness, and not any fixed principles of art or of utility, the criterion of judgment on other races and other times. The more important result of the study of past fashions, in engravings and paint- ings, remains to be spoken of. It is that in all the illustrations, from the simplicity of Athens, through the artificiality of Louis XIV and the monstrosities of Elizabeth, down to the undescribed modistic inventions of the first McKinley, there is discoverable a radical and primitive law of beauty. We acknowledge it among the Greeks, we en- counter it in one age and another. I mean a style of dress that is artistic as well as picturesque, that satisfies our love of beauty, that accords with the grace of the perfect human figure, and that gives as perfect satis- faction to the cultivated taste as a drawing by Raphael. While all the other illustra- tions of the human ingenuity in making the [5] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE human race appear fantastic or ridiculous amuse us or offend our taste, — except the tailor fashion-plates of the week that is now, — these few exceptions, classic or modern, give us permanent delight, and are recog- nised as following the eternal law of beauty and utility. And we know, notwithstanding the temporary triumph of bad taste and the public lack of any taste, that there is a stan- dard, artistic and imperishable The student of manners might find an interesting field in noting how, in our Occi- dental civilisations, fluctuations of opinions, of morals, and of literary style have been accompanied by more or less significant ex- hibitions of costumes. He will note in the Precieux of France and the Euphuist of Eng- land a corresponding effeminacy in dress ; in the frank paganism of the French Revolu- tion the affectation of Greek and Roman apparel, passing into the Directoire style in the Citizen and the Citizeness ; in the Calvin- istic cut of the Puritan of Geneva and of New England the grim severity of their theology and morals. These examples are [6] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE interestino: as showins: an inclination to ex- press an inner condition l^y the outward ap- parel, as the Quakers indicate an inward peace by an external drabness, and the American Indian a bellicose disposition by red and yellow paint ; just as we express by red stripes our desire to kill men with artillery, or by yellow stripes to kill them with cavalry. It is not possible to say whether these external displays are relics of barbarism or are enduring necessities of human nature. The fickleness of men in costume in a manner burlesques their shifty and uncertain taste in literature. A book or a certain fashion in letters wdll have a run like a gar- ment, and, like that, will pass away before it waxes old. It seems incredible, as we look back over the literary history of the past three centuries only, what prevailing styles and moods of expression, affectations, and prettinesses, each in turn, have pleased rea- sonably cultivated people. What tedious and vapid things they read and liked to read ! Think of the French, who had once [7] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE had a Villon, intoxicating themselves with somnolent draughts of Richardson. But, then, the French could match the paste eu- phuisms of Lyly with the novels of Scudery. Every modern literature has been subject to these epidemics and diseases. It is needless to dwell upon them in detail. Since the great diffusion of printing, these literary crazes have been more frequent and of shorter duration. We need go back no further than a generation to find abundant examples of eccentricities of style and ex- pression, of crazes over some author or some book, as unaccountable on principles of art as many of the fashions in social life. The more violent the attack, the sooner it is over. Readers of middle age can recall the furor over Tupper, the extravagant expectations as to the brilliant essayist Gilfillan, the soon- extinguished hopes of the poet Alexander Smith. For the moment the world waited in the belief of the rising of new stars, and as suddenly realised that it had been de- ceived. Sometimes we like ruggedness, and again we like things made easy. Within [8] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE a few years a distinguished Scotch clergy- man made a fortune by diluting a paragraph written by Saint Paul. It is in our memory how at one time all the boys tried to write like IMacaulay, and then like Carlylc, and then like Ruskin, and we have lived to see the day when all the girls would like to write like Heine. In less than twenty years we have seen wonderful changes in public taste and in the efforts of writers to meet it or to create it. We saw the everlastingly revived conflict between realism and romanticism. We saw the realist run into the naturalist, the natu- ralist into the animalist, the psychologist into the sexualist, and the sudden reaction to romance, in the form of what is called the historic novel, the receipt for which can be prescribed by an}^ competent pharmacist. The one essential in the ingredients is that the hero shall be only got out of one hole by dropping him into a deeper one, until — the proper serial length being attained — he is miraculously dropped out into daylight, and stands to receive the plaudits of a tender- [9] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE hearted world, that is fond of nothing so much as of fighting. The extraordinary vogue of certain recent stories is not so much to be wondered at when we consider the milHons that have been added to the readers of English during the past twenty-five years. The wonder is that a new book does not sell more largely, or it would be a wonder if the ability to buy kept pace with the ability to read, and if discrimination had accompanied the appetite for reading. The critics term these suc- cesses of some recent fictions "crazes," but they are really sustained by some desirable qualities — they are cleverly written, and they are for the moment undoubtedly entertain- ing. Some of them as undoubtedly appeal to innate vulgarity or to cultivated depravity. I will call no names, because that would be to indict the public taste. This recent phenomenon of sales of stories by the hun- dred thousand is not, however, wholly due to quality. Another element has come in since the publishers have awakened to the fact that literature can be treated like mer- [lo] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE chandlse. To use their own plirase, they "handle" books as they would "handle" patent medicines, that is, the popular patent medicines that are desired because of the amount of alcohol they contain; indeed, they are sold along with dry-goods and fancy no- tions. I am not objecting to this great and wide distribution any more than I am to the haste of fruit-dealers to market their prod- ucts before they decay. The wary critic will be very careful about dogmatising over the nature and distribution of literary products. It is no certain sign that a book is good be- cause it is popular, nor is it any more certain that it is good because it has a very limited sale. Yet we cannot help seeing that many of the books that are the subject of crazes utterly disappear in a very short time, wdiile many others, approved by only a judicious few, continue in the market and slowly be- come standards, considered as good stock by the booksellers and continually in a limited demand. The English essayists have spent a good deal of time lately in discussing the question FASHIONS IN LITERATURE whether it is possible to tell a good con- temporary book from a bad one. Their hesitation is justified by a study of English criticism of new books in the quarterly, monthly, and weekly periodicals from the latter part of the eighteenth century to the last quarter of the nineteenth ; or, to name a definite period, from the verse of the Lake poets, from Shelley and Byron, down to Tennyson, there is scarcely a poet who has attained world-wide assent to his position in the first or second rank who was not at the hands of the reviewers the subject of mockery and bitter detraction. To be original in any degree was to be damned. And there is scarcel}'' one who was at first ranked as a great light during this period who is now known out of the biographical dictionary. Nothing in modern literature is more amaz- ing than the bulk of English criticism in the last three quarters of a century, so far as it concerned individual writers, both in poetry and prose. The literary rancour shown rose to the dignity almost of theological vitu- peration. [12] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE Is there any way to tell a good book from a bad one ? Yes. As certainly as you can tell a good picture from a bad one, or a good esfSf from a bad one. Because there are hosts who do not discriminate as to the eggs or the butter they eat, it does not follow that a normal taste should not know the difference. Because there is a highly artistic nation that w^elcomes the flavour of garlic in everything, and another which claims to be the most civilised in the world that cannot tell coffee from chicory, or because the an- cient Chinese love rancid sesame oil, or the Esquimaux like spoiled blubber and tainted fish, it does not follow that there is not in the w^orld a wdiolesome taste for things natural and pure. It is clear that the critic of contemporary literature is quite as likely to be wrong as right. He is, for one thing, inevitably af- fected by the prevailing fashion of his little day. And, worse still, he is apt to make his own tastes and prejudices the standard of his judgment. His view is commonly provincial instead of cosmopolitan. In the English [13] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE period just referred to it is easy to see that most of the critical opinion was determined by political or theological animosity and prejudice. The rule was for a Tory to hit a Whig or a Whig to hit a Tory, under what- ever literary guise he appeared. If the new writer was not orthodox in the view of his political or theological critic, he was not to be tolerated as poet or historian. Dr. John- son had said everything he could say against an author when he declared that he was a vile Whig. Macaulay, a Whig, always consulted his prejudices for his judgment, equally when he was reviewing Croker's Boswell or the impeachment of Warren Hastings. He hated Croker, — a hateful man, to be sure, — and when the latter pub- lished his edition of Boswell, Macaulay saw his opportunity, and exclaimed before he had looked at the book, as you will remem- ber, " Now I will dust his jacket." The standard of criticism does not lie with the individual in literature any more than it does in different periods as to fashions and manners. The world is pretty well agreed, FASHIONS IN LITERATURE and always has been, as to the qualities that make a gentleman. And yet there was a time when the vilest and perhaps the most contemptible man who e\'er occupied the English throne, — and that is saying a great deal, — George IV, was universally called the " First Gentleman of Europe." The reproach might be somewhat lightened by the fact that George was a foreigner, but for the wider fact that no person of English stock has been on the throne since Saxon Harold, the chosen and imposed rulers of England having been French, Welsh, Scotch, and Dutch, many of them being guiltless of the English language, and many of them also of the English middle-class morality. The impartial old Wraxall, the memorialist of the times of George III, having described a noble as a gambler, a drunkard, a smuggler, an appropriator of public money, who always cheated his tradesmen, who was one and sometimes all of them together, and a prof- ligate generally, commonly adds, " But he was a perfect gentleman." And yet there has always been a standard that excludes [15] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE George IV from the rank of gentleman, as it excludes Tupper from the rank of poet. The standard of literary judgment, then, is not in the individual, — that is, in the taste and prejudice of the individual, — any more than it is in the immediate contemporary opinion, which is always in flux and reflux from one extreme to another; but it is in certain immutable principles and qualities which have been slowly evolved during the long historic periods of literary criticism. But how shall we ascertain what these prin- ciples are, so as to apply them to new cir- cumstances and new creations, holding on to the essentials and disregarding contem- porary tastes, prejudices, and appearances .f* We all admit that certain pieces of literature have become classic ; by general consent there is no dispute about them. How they have become so we cannot exactly explain. Some say by a mysterious settling of univer- sal opinion, the operation of which cannot be exactly defined. Others say that the highly developed critical judgment of a few [i6] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE persons, from time to time, lias established forever what we agree to call masterpieces. But this discussion is immaterial, since these supreme examples of literary excellence exist in all kinds of composition, — poetry, fable, romance, ethical teaching, prophecy, inter- pretation, history, humor, satire, devotional flight into the spiritual and supernatural, everything in which the human mind has exercised itself, — from the days of the Egyptian moralist and the Old Testament annalist and poet down to our scientific age. These masterpieces exist from many periods and in many languages, and they all have qualities in common which have insured their persistence. To discover what these qualities are that have insured permanence and promise in- definite continuance is to have a means of judging with an approach to scientific accu- racy our contemporary literature. There is no thing of beauty that does not conform to a law of order and beauty — poem, story, costume, picture, statue, all fall into an ascer- tainable law of art. Nothing of man's mak- [17] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE ing is perfect, but any creation approximates perfection in the measure that it conforms to inevitable law. To ascertain this law, and apply it, in art or in literature, to the chang- ing conditions of our progressive life, is the business of the artist. It is the business of the critic to mark how the performance con- forms to or departs from the law evolved and transmitted in the long experience of the race. True criticism, then, is not a matter of caprice or of individual liking or disliking, nor of conformity to a prevailing and gener- ally temporary popular judgment. Individual judgment may be very interesting and have its value, depending upon the capacity of the judge. It was my good fortune once to fall in with a person who had been moved, by I know not what inspiration, to project himself out of his safe local conditions into France, Greece, Italy, Cairo, and Jerusalem. He assured me that he had seen nothing any- where in the wide world of nature and art to compare with the beauty of Nebraska. What are the qualities common to all the masterpieces of literature, or, let us say, to [i8] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE those that have endured In spite of imperfec- tions and local provincialisms ? First of all I should name simplicity, which includes lucidity of expression, the clear thouo^ht in fittino:, luminous words. And this is true when the thought is profound and the subject is as complex as life itself. This quality is strikingly exhibited for us in Jowett's translation of Plato, — which is as modern in feeling and phrase as anything done in Boston, — in the naif and direct Herodotus, and, above all, in the King James vernacular translation of the Bible, which is the great text-book of all modern literature. The second quality is knowledge of human nature. We can put up with the improba- ble in invention, because the improbable is always happening in life, but we cannot tolerate the so-called psychological juggling with the human mind, the perversion of the laws of the mind, the forcing of character to fit the eccentricities of plot. Whatever ex- cursions the writer makes in fancy, w^e require fundamental consistency with human nature. And this is the reason why psychological [19] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE studies of the abnormal, or biographies of criminal lunatics are only interesting to pathologists and never become classics in literature. A third quality common to all master- pieces is what we call charm, a matter more or less of style, and which may be defined as the agreeable personality of the writer. This is indispensable. It is this personality which gives the final value to every work of art as well as of literature. It is not enough to copy nature or to copy, even accurately, the incidents of life. Only by digestion and transmutation through personality does any work attain the dignity of art. The great works of architecture, even, which are some- what determined by mathematical rule, owe their charm to the personal genius of their creators. For this reason our imitations of Greek architecture are commonly failures. To speak technically, the masterpiece of literature is characterised by the same knowl- edge of proportion and perspective as the masterpiece in art. If there is a standard of literary excellence, [20] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE as tliere is a law of beauty, — and it seems to nic tliat to doubt this in the intellectual world is to doubt the prevalence of order that exists in the natural, — it is certainly possible to ascertain whether a new production con- forms, and how far it conforms, to the uni- versally accepted canons of art. To work by this rule in literary criticism is to substi- tute something definite for the individual tastes, moods, and local bias of the critic. It is true that the vast body of that which we read is ephemeral, and justifies its existence by its obvious use for information, recreation, and entertainment. But to permit the im- pression to prevail that an unenlightened popular preference for a book, however many may hold it, is to be taken as a measure of its excellence, is like claiming that a debased Austrian coin, because it circulates, is as good as a gold stater of Alexander, The case is infinitely worse than this ; for a slovenly literature, unrebuked and uncorrected, begets slovenly thought and debases our entire intel- lectual life. It should be remembered, however, that [21] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE the creative faculty in man has not ceased, nor has puny man drawn all there is to be drawn out of the eternal wisdom. We are probably only in the beginning of our evolu- tion, and something new may always be ex- pected, that is, new and fresh applications of universal law. The critic of literature needs to be in an expectant and receptive frame of mind. Many critics approach a book with hostile intent, and seem to fancy that their business is to look for what is bad in it, and not for what is good. It seems to me that the first duty of the critic is to try to under- stand the author, to give him a fair chance by coming to his perusal with an open mind. Whatever book you read, or sermon or lec- ture you hear, give yourself for the time absolutely to its influence. This is just to the author, fair to the public, and, above all, valuable to the intellectual sanity of the critic himself. It is a very bad thing for the mem- ory and the judgment to get into a habit of reading carelessly or listening with distracted attention. I know of nothing so harmful to the strength of the mind as this habit. There [22] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE is a valuable mental training in closely follow- m^ a discourse that is valueless in itself. After the reader has unreservedly surren- dered himself to the influence of a book, and let his mind settle, as we say, and resume its own judgment, he is in a position to look at it objectively and to compare it with other facts of life and of literature dispassionately. He can then compare it as to form, substance, tone, with the enduring literature that has come down to us from all the ages. It is a phenomenon known to all of us that we may for the moment be carried away by a book which upon cool reflection we find is false in ethics and weak in construction. We find this because we have standards outside our- selves. I am not concerned to define here what is meant by literature. A great mass of it has been accumulated in the progress of mankind, and, fortunately for different wants and tem- peraments, it is as varied as the various minds that produced it. The main thing to be con- sidered is that this great stream of thought is the highest achievement and the most [23] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE valuable possession of mankind. It is not only that literature is the source of inspira- tion to youth and the solace of age, but it is what a national language is to a nation, the highest expression of its being. Whatever we acquire of science, of art, in discovery, in the application of natural laws in industries, is an enlargement of our horizon, and a con- tribution to the highest needs of man, his intellectual life. The controversy between the claims of the practical life and the intel- lectual is as idle as the so-called conflict be- tween science and religion. And the highest and final expression of this life of man, his thought, his emotion, his feeling, his aspira- tion, whatever you choose to call it, is in the enduring literature he creates. He certainly misses half his opportunity on this planet who considers only the physical or what is called the practical. He is a man only half developed. I can conceive no more dreary existence than that of a man who is past the period of business activity, and who cannot, for his entertainment, his happiness, draw upon the great reservoir of literature. For FASHIONS IN LITERATURE what did I come into this world if I am to be like a stake planted in a fence, and not like a tree visited by all the winds of heaven and the birds of the air? Those who concern themselves with the printed matter in books and periodicals are often in despair over the volume of it, and their actual inability to keep up with cur- rent literature. They need not worry. If all that appears in books, under the pressure of publishers and the ambition of experimenters in writing, were uniformly excellent, no reader would be under any more obligation to read it than he is to see every individual flower and blossoming shrub. Specimens of the varieties would sufHce. But a vast propor- tion of it is the product of immature minds, and of a yearning for experience rather than a knowledge of life. There is no more obli- gation on the part of the person who would be well informed and cultivated to read all this than there is to read all the coloured in- cidents, personal gossip, accidents, and crimes repeated daily, with sameness of effect, in the newspapers, some of the most widely circu- [25] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE lated of which are a composite of the police gazette and the comic almanac. A great deal of the reading done is mere contagion, one form or another of communicated grippe, and it is consoling and even surprising to know that if you escape the run of it for a season, you have lost nothing appreciable. Some people, it has been often said, make it a rule never to read a book until it is from one to five years old. By this simple device they escape the necessity of reading most of them, but this is only a part of their gain. Considering the fact that the world is full of books of the highest value for cultivation, entertainment, and information, which the utmost leisure we can spare from other pressing avocations does not suffice to give us knowledge of, it does seem to be Httle less than a moral and intellectual sin to flounder about blindly in the flood of new publications. I am speaking, of course, of the general mass of readers, and not of the specialists who must follow their subjects with ceaseless inquisition. But for most of us who belong to the still comparatively few [ 26 ] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE who really read books, the main object of life is not to keep up with the printing-press, any more than it is the main object of sensible people to follow all the extremes and whims of fashion in dress. When a fashion in literature has passed, we are surprised that it should ever have seemed worth the trouble of studying or imitating. When the special craze has passed, we notice another thing, and that is that the author, not being of the first rank or of the second, has generally contributed to the world all that he has to give in one book, and our time has been wasted on his other books; and also that in a special kind of writing in a given period — let us say, for example, the historico-roman- tic — we perceive that it all has a common character, is constructed on the same lines of adventure and with a prevailing type of hero and heroine, according to the pattern set by the first one or two stories of the sort which became popular, and we see its more or less mechanical construction, and how easily it degenerates into commercial book-making. Now while some of this writing has an indi- [27] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE vidual flavour that makes it entertaining and profitable in this way, we may be excused from attempting to follow it all merely because it happens to be talked about for the moment, and generally talked about in a very undiscriminating manner. We need not in any company be ashamed if we have not read it all, especially if we are ashamed that, considering the time at our disposal, we have not made the acquaintance of the great and small masterpieces of literature. It is said that the fashion of this world passeth away, and so does the mere fashion in literature, the fashion that does not follow the eternal law of beauty and symmetry, and contribute to the intellectual and spiritual part of man. Otherwise it is only a waiting in a material existence, like the lovers, in the words of the Arabian story-teller, " till there came to them the Destroyer of Delights and the Sunderer of Companies, he who layeth waste the palaces and peopleth the tombs." Without special anxiety, then, to keep pace with all the ephemeral in literature, lest we should miss for the moment some- [28] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE thing that is permanent, we can rest content in tlie vast accumulation of the tried and genuine tliat the ages have given us. Any- thing that really belongs to literature to-day we shall certainly find awaiting us to-morrow. The better part of the life of man is in and by the imagination. This is not gener- ally believed, because it is not generally be- lieved that the chief end of man is the accumulation of intellectual and spiritual material. Hence it is that what is called a practical education is set above the mere enlargement and enrichment of the mind ; and the possession of the material is valued, and the intellectual life is undervalued. But it should be remembered that the best prepa- ration for a practical and useful life is in the high development of the powers of the mind, and that, commonly, by a culture that is not considered practical. The notable fact about the group of great parliamentary orators in the days of George III is the exhibition of their intellectual resources in the entire world of letters, the classics, and ancient and modern history. Yet all of them owed [29] FASHIONS IN LITERATURE their development to a strictly classical training in the schools. And most of them had not only the gift of the imagination necessary to great eloquence, but also were so mentally disciplined by the classics that they handled the practical questions upon which they legislated with clearness and precision. The great masters of finance were the classically trained orators William Pitt and Charles James Fox. In fine, to return to our knowledge of the short life of fashions that are for the moment striking, why should we waste precious time in chasing meteoric appearances, when we can be warmed and invigorated in the sun- shine of the great literatures? [30] The American Newspaper OUR theme for the hour is the Amer- ican Newspaper. It is a subject in which everybody is interested, and about which it is not poHte to say that any- body is not well informed ; for, although there are scattered through the land many persons, I am sorry to say, unable to pay for a newspaper, I have never yet heard of any- body unable to edit one. The topic has many points of view, and invites various study and comment. In our limited time we must select one only. We have heard a great deal about the power, the opportunity, the duty, the "mission," of the press. The time has come for a more philo- sophical treatment of it, for an inquiry into its relations to our complex civilisation, for some ethical account of it as one of the developments of our day, and for some dis- cussion of the effect it is producing, and [31] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER likely to produce, on the education of the people. Has the time come, or is it near at hand, when we can point to a person who is alert, superficial, ready and shallow, self-con- fident and half-informed, and say, " There is a product of the American newspaper " ? The newspaper is not a wilful creation, nor an isolated phenomenon, but the legitimate out- come of our age, as much as our system of popular education. And I trust that some competent observer will make, perhaps for this association, a philosophical study of it. My task here is a much humbler one. I have thought that it may not be unprofitable to treat the newspaper from a practical and even somewhat mechanical point of view. The newspaper is a private enterprise. Its object is to make money for its owner. Whatever motive may be given out for start- ing a newspaper, expectation of profit by it is the real one, whether the newspaper is religious, political, scientific, or literary. The exceptional cases of newspapers devoted to ideas or "causes" without regard to profit are so few as not to affect the rule. Com- [32] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER monly, the cause, the sect, the party, the trade, the delusion, the idea, gets its news- paper, its organ, its advocate, only when some individual thinks he can see a pecu- niary return in establishing it. This motive is not lower than that which leads people into any other occupation or profession. To make a living, and to have a career, is the original incentive in all cases. Even in purely philanthropical enterprises the driving-wheel that keeps them in motion for any length of time is the salary paid the working members. So powerful is this in- centive, that sometimes the wheel will con- tinue to turn round when there is no sfrist to grind. It sometimes happens that the friction of the philanthropic machinery is so great, that but very little power is transmitted to the object for which the machinery was made. I knew a devoted agent of the Ameri- can Colonisation Society, who, for several years, collected in Connecticut just enough, for the cause, to buy his clothes, and pay his board at a good hotel. It is scarcely necessary to say, except to 3 [ZZ] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER prevent a possible misapprehension, that the editor who has no high ideals, no intention of benefiting his fellow-men by his newspaper, and uses it unscrupulously as a means of money-making only, sinks to the level of the physician and the lawyer who have no higher conception of their callings than that they offer opportunities for getting money by appeals to credulity, and by assisting in evasions of the law. If the excellence of a newspaper is not always measured by its profitableness, it is generally true, that, if it does not pay its owner, it is valueless to the public. Not all newspapers which make money are good, for some succeed by catering to the lowest tastes of respectable people, and to the prejudice, ignorance, and passion of the lowest class ; but, as a rule, the successful journal pecunia- rily is the best journal. The reasons for this are on the surface. The impecunious news- paper cannot give its readers promptly the news, nor able discussion of the news, and, still worse, it cannot be independent. The political journal that relies for support upon [34] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER drippings of party favour or patronage, the general newspaper that finds it necessary to existence to nianipuLatc stock reports, the re- ligious weekly that draws precarious support from puffing doubtful enterprises, the literary paper that depends upon the approval of publishers, are poor affairs, and, in the long run or short run, come to grief. Some news- papers do succeed by sensationalism, as some preachers do ; by a kind of quackery, as some doctors do ; by trimming and shifting to any momentary popular prejudice, as some poli- ticians do ; by becoming the paid advocate of a personal ambition or a corporate enter- prise, as some lawyers do: but the newspaper only becomes a real power when it is able, on the basis of pecuniary independence, to free itself from all such entanglements. An editor who stands with hat in hand has the respect accorded to any other beggar. The recognition of the fact that the news- paper is a private and purely business enter- prise will help to define the mutual relations of the editor and the public. His claim upon the public is exactly that of any manufacturer [35] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER or dealer. It is that of the man who makes cloth, or the grocer who opens a shop : neither has a right to complain if the public does not buy of him. If the buyer does not like a cloth half shoddy, or coffee half chicory, he will go elsewhere. If the subscriber does not like one newspaper, he takes another, or none. The appeal for newspaper support on the ground that such a journal ought to be sus- tained by an enlightened community, or on any other ground than that it is a good article that people want, — or would want if they knew its value, — is purely childish in this age of the world. If any person wants to start a periodical devoted to decorated teapots, with the noble view of inducing the people to live up to his idea of a teapot, very good ; but he has no right to complain if he fails. On the other hand, the public has no rights in the newspaper except what it pays for; even the "old subscriber" has none, except to drop the paper if it ceases to please him. The notion that the subscriber has a right to interfere in the conduct of the paper, or the reader to direct its opinions, is based [36] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER on a misconception of what the newspaper is. The claim of tlie pubhc to have its communi- cations printed in the paper is equally base- less. Whether they shall be printed or not rests in the discretion of the editor, having reference to his own private interest, and to his apprehension of tlie public good. Nor is he bound to give an}-^ reason for his re- fusal. It is purely in his discretion whether he will admit a reply to anything that has appeared in his columns. No one has a right to demand it. Courtesy and policy may grant it ; but the right to it does not exist. If any one is injured, he may seek his remedy at law ; and I should like to see the law of libel such and so administered that any person injured by a libel in the newspaper, as well as by slander out of it, could be sure of prompt redress. While the subscriber acquires no right to dictate to the newspaper, we can imagine an extreme case when he should have his money back which had been paid in advance, if the newspaper totally changed its character. If he had contracted with a dealer to supply him with [37] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER hard coal during the winter, he might have a remedy if the dealer delivered only charcoal in the coldest weather; and so if he paid for a Roman-Catholic journal which suddenly became an organ of the spiritists. The advertiser acquires no more rights in the newspaper than the subscriber. He is entitled to use the space for which he pays by the insertion of such material as is ap- proved by the editor. He gains no interest in any other part of the paper, and has no more claim to any space in the editorial columns, than any other one of the public. To give him such space would be unbusi- ness-like, and the extension of a preference which would be unjust to the rest of the public. Nothing more quickly destroys the character of a journal, begets distrust of it, and so reduces its value, than the well- founded suspicion that its editorial columns are the property of advertisers. Even a religious journal will, after a while, be in- jured by this. Yet it must be confessed that here is one of the greatest difHculties of modern [38] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER journalism. The newspaper must be cheap. It is, considering the immense cost to pro- duce it, the cheapest product ever offered to man. Most newspapers cost more than they sell for; they could not live by subscriptions; for any profits, they certainly depend upon advertisements. The advertisements depend upon the circulation; the circulation is likely to dwindle if too much space is occupied by advertisements, or if it is evident that the paper belongs to its favoured advertisers. The counting-room desires to conciliate the advertisers ; the editor looks to making a paper satisfactory to his readers. Between this see-saw of the necessary subscriber and the necessary advertiser, a good many news- papers go down. This difficulty would be measurably removed by the admission of the truth that the newspaper is a strictly busi- ness enterprise, depending for success upon a qicid pro quo between all parties con- nected with it, and upon integrity in its management. Akin to the false notion that the news- paper is a sort of open channel that the [39] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER public may use as it chooses, is the concep- tion of it as a charitable institution. The newspaper, which is the property of a private person as much as a drug-shop is, is expected to perform for nothing services which would be asked of no other private person. There is scarcely a charitable enterprise to which it is not asked to contribute of its space, which is money, ten times more than other persons in the community, who are ten times as able as the owner of the newspaper, con- tribute. The journal is considered "mean" if it will not surrender its columns freely to notices and announcements of this sort. If a manager has a new hen-coop or a new singer he wishes to introduce to the public, he comes to the newspaper, expecting to have his enterprise extolled for nothing, and prob- ably never thinks that it would be just as proper for him to go to one of the regular advertisers in the paper and ask him to give up his space. Anything, from a church pic- nic to a brass-band concert for the benefit of the widow of the triangles, asks the news- paper to contribute. The party in politics, [40] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER whose principles the editor advocates, has no doubt of its rightful claim upon him, not only upon the editorial columns, but upon the whole newspaper. It asks without hesita- tion that the newspaper should take up its valuable space by printing hundreds and often thousands of dollars' worth of political announcements in the course of a protracted campaign, when it never would think of get- ting its halls, its speakers, and its brass bands, free of expense. Churches, as well as parties, expect this sort of charity. I have known rich churches, to whose members it was a convenience to have their Sunday and other services announced, withdraw the an- nouncements when the editor declined any longer to contribute a weekly fifty-cents' w^orth of space. No private persons contrib- ute so much to charity, in proportion to ability, as the newspaper. Perhaps it will get credit for this in the next world : it cer- tainly never does in this. The chief function of the newspaper is to collect and print the news. Upon the kind of news that should be gathered and published, THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER we shall remark farther on. The second function is to elucidate the news, and com- ment on it, and show its relations. A third function is to furnish reading-matter to the general public. Nothing is so difficult for the manager as to know what news is : the instinct for it is a sort of sixth sense. To discern out of the mass of materials collected not only what is most likely to interest the public, but what phase and aspect of it will attract most atten- tion, and the relative importance of it ; to tell the day before or at midnight what the world will be talking about in the morning, and what it will want the fullest details of, and to meet that want in advance, — requires a peculiar talent. There is always some topic on which the public wants instant infor- mation. It is easy enough when the news is developed, and everybody is discussing it, for the editor to fall in ; but the success of the news printed depends upon a pre-apprehen- sion of all this. Some papers, which neverthe- less print all the news, are always a day behind, do not appreciate the popular drift till it has [ 42 ] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER gone to something else, and err as much by clinging to a subject after it is dead as by not taking it up before it was fairly born. The public craves eagerly for only one thing at a time, and soon wearies of that ; and it is to the newspaper's profit to seize the exact point of a debate, the thrilling moment of an accident, the pith of an important discourse ; to throw itself into it as if life depended on it, and for the hour to flood the popular curiosity with it as an engine deluges a fire. Scarcely less important than promptly seizing and printing the news is the attrac- tive arrangement of it, its effective presen- tation to the eye. Two papers may have exactly the same important intelligence, identically the same despatches : the one will be called bright, attractive, " newsy ; " the other, dull and stupid. We have said nothing yet about that, which, to most people, is the most important aspect of the newspaper, — the editor's respon- sibility to the public for its contents. It is sufficient briefly to say here, that it is exactly [43] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER the responsibility of every other person in society, — the full responsibility of his oppor- tunity. He has voluntarily taken a position in which he can do a great deal of good or a great deal of evil, and he should be held and judged by his opportunity: it is greater than that of the preacher, the teacher, the congress- man, the physician. He occupies the loftiest pulpit ; he is in his teacher s desk seven days in the week ; his voice can be heard farther than that of the most lusty fog-horn politi- cian ; and often, I am sorry to say, his columns outshine the shelves of the druggist in dis- play of proprietary medicines. Nothing else ever invented has the public attention as the newspaper has, or is an influence so con- stant and universal. It is this large oppor- tunity that has given the impression that the newspaper is a public rather than a private enterprise. It was a nebulous but suggestive remark that the newspaper occupies the borderland between literature and common sense. Lit- erature it certainly is not, and in the popular apprehension it seems often too erratic and [44] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER variable to be credited with the balance- wheel of sense; but it must have something of the charm of the one, and the steadiness and sagacity of the other, or it will fail to please. The model editor, 1 believe, has yet to appear. Notwithstanding the traditional reputation of certain editors in the past, they could not be called great editors by our standards; for the elements of modern jour- nalism did not exist in their time. The old newspaper was a broadside of stale news, w^ith a moral essay attached. Perhaps Ben- jamin Franklin, with our facilities, would have been very near the ideal editor. There was nothing he did not wish to know ; and no one excelled him in the ability to com- municate what he found out to the average mind. He came as near as anybody ever did to marrying common sense to literature: he had it in him to make it sufificient for journalistic purposes. He was what some- body said Carlyle was, and w^hat the Ameri- can editor ought to be, — a vernacular man. The assertion has been made recently, publicly, and with evidence adduced, that [45] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER the American newspaper is the best in the world. It is like the assertion that the American government is the best in the world; no doubt it is, for the American people. Judged by broad standards, it may safely be admitted that the American newspaper is susceptible of some improvement, and that it has something to learn from the journals of other nations. We shall be better em- ployed in correcting its weaknesses than in complacently contemplating its excellences. Let us examine it in its three departments already named, — its news, editorials, and miscellaneous reading-matter. In particularity and comprehensiveness of news-collecting, it may be admitted that the American newspapers for a time led the world. I mean in the picking-up of local intelligence, and the use of the telegraph to make it general. And with this arose the odd notion that news is made important by the mere fact of its rapid transmission over the wire. The English journals followed, speedily overtook, and some of the wealthier [ 46 ] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER ones perhaps surpassed, the American In the use of the telegraph, and in the presentation of some sorts of local news; nut of casualties, and small city and neighbourhood events, and social gossip (until very recently), but certainly in the business of the law courts, and the crimes and mishaps that come within police and legal supervision. The leading papers of the German press, though strong in correspondence and in discussion of affairs, are far less comprehensive in their news than the American or the English. The French journals, we are accustomed to say, are not newspapers at all. And this is true as we use the word. Until recently, nothing has been of importance to the Frenchman except himself ; and what hap- pened outside of France, not directly affect- ing his glory, his profit, or his pleasure, did not interest him : hence, one could nowhere so securely intrench himself against the news of the world as behind the barricade of the Paris journals. But let us not make a mis- take in this matter. We may have more to learn from the Paris journals than from any [47] rUE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER others. If they do not give what we call news — local news, events, casualties, the happenings of the day, — they do give ideas, opinions ; they do discuss politics, the social drift; they give the intellectual ferment of Paris; they supply the material that Paris likes to talk over, the badinage of the boule- vard, the wit of the salon, the sensation of the stage, the new movement in literature and in politics. This may be important, or it may be trivial : it is commonly more in- teresting than much of that which we call news. Our very facility and enterprise in news- gathering have overwhelmed our newspapers, and it may be remarked that editorial dis- crimination has not kept pace with the facil- ities. We are overpowered with a mass of undigested intelligence, collected for the most part without regard to value. The force of the newspaper is expended in ex- tending these facilities, with little regard to discriminating selection. The burden is already too heavy for the newspaper, and wearisome to the public. [48] THE AMERICAN NEJVSPAPER The publication of the news is the most important function of the paper. How is It gathered? We must confess that it is gathered very much by chance. A drag- net is thrown out, and whatever comes is taken. An examination into the process of collectino' shows what sort of news we are Hkely to get, and that nine-tenths of that printed is collected without much intelli- gence exercised in selection. The alliance of the associated press with the telegraph company is a fruitful source of news of an inferior quality. Of course, it is for the in- terest of the telegraph company to swell the volume to be transmitted. It is impossible for the associated press to have an agent in every place to which the telegraph pene- trates : therefore the telegraphic operators often act as its purveyors. It is for their interest to send something; and their judg- ment of what is important is not only biassed, but is formed by purely local standards. Our news, therefore, is largely set in motion by telegraphic operators, by agents trained to regard only the accidental, the startling, the 4 [49] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER abnormal, as news ; it is picked up by sharp prowlers about town, whose pay depends upon finding something, who are looking for something spicy and sensational, or which may be dressed up and exaggerated to satisfy an appetite for novelty and high flavour, and who regard casualties as the chief news. Our newspapers every day are loaded with accidents, casualties, and crimes concerning people of whom we never heard before and never shall hear again, the reading of which is of no earthly use to any human being. What is news ? What is it that an intelli- gent public should care to hear of and talk about? Run your eye down the columns of your journal. There was a drunken squabble last night in a New York groggery; there is a petty but carefully elaborated village scan- dal about a foolish girl ; a woman acciden- tally dropped her baby out of a fourth-story window in Maine; in Connecticut, a wife, by mistake, got into the same railway train with another woman's husband ; a child fell into a well in New Jersey; there is a column about a peripatetic horse-race, which exhibits, [50] THE AMERICAN NEJVSPAPER like a circus, from city to city; a labourer in a remote town In Pennsylvania had a sun- stroke; there is an edifying dying speech of a murderer, the love-letter of a suicide, tlie set-to of a couple of congressmen ; and there are columns about the gigantic war of half a dozen politicians over the appointment of a sugar-gauger. Granted that this pabulum is desired by the reader, why not save the expense of transmission by having several columns of it stereotyped, to be reproduced at proper intervals ? With the date changed, it would always have its original value, and perfectly satisfy the demand, if a demand ex- ists, for this sort of news. This is not, as you see, a description of your journal : it is a description of only one portion of it. It is a complex and wonderful creation. Every morning it is a mirror of the world, more or less distorted and imper- fect, but such a mirror as it never had held up to it before. But consider how much space Is taken up with mere trivialities and vulgarities under the name of news. And this evil is likely to continue and increase [51] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER until news-gatherers learn that more Im- portant than the reports of accidents and casualties is the intelligence of opinions and thoughts, the moral and intellectual move- ments of modern life. A horrible assassina- tion In India is Instantly telegraphed ; but the progress of such a vast movement as that of the Wahabee revival in Islam, which may change the destiny of great provinces, never gets itself put upon the wires. We hear promptly of a land-slide in Switzerland, but only very slowly of a political agitation that is chanQ-ino^ the constitution of the republic. It should be said, however, that the daily newspaper is not alone responsible for this : It is what the age and the commu- nity where it is published make It. So far as I have observed, the majority of the readers in America peruses eagerly three columns about a mill between an English and a nat- uralised American prize-fighter, but will .only glance at a column report of a debate in 'the English parliament which involves a rad- ical change in the whole policy of England ; and devours a page about the Chantilly races, [52] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER while it ignores a paragraph concerning the suppression of the Jesuit schools. Our newspapers arc overwhelmed with material that is of no importance. The obvious remedy for this would be more intelligent direction in the collection of news, and more careful sifting and supervision of it when gathered. It becomes every day more apparent to every manager that such discrim- ination is more necessary. There is no limit to the various intelligence and gossip that our complex life offers: no paper is big enough to contain it ; no reader has time enough to read it. And the journal must cease to be a sort of waste-basket at the end of a telegraph wire, into which any reporter, telegraph operator, or gossip-monger can dump whatever he pleases. We must get rid of the superstition that value is given to an unimportant " item " by sending it a thousand miles over a wire. Perhaps the most striking feature of the American newspaper, especially of the coun- try weekly, is its enormous development of local and neighbourhood news. It is of [53] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER recent date. Horace Greeley used to advise the country editors to give small space to the general news of the vi^orld, but to cul- tivate assiduously the home field, to glean every possible detail of private life in the circuit of the county, and print it. The advice was shrewd for a metropolitan editor, and it was not without its profit to the coun- try editor. It was founded on a deep knowl- edge of human nature; namely, upon the fact that people read most eagerly that which they already know, if it is about them- selves or their neighbours, if it is a report of something they have been concerned in, a lecture they have heard, a fair, or festival, or wedding, or fiineral, or barn-raising they have attended. The result is column after column of short paragraphs of gossip and trivialities, chips, chips, chips. Mr. Sales is contemplating erecting a new counter in his store ; his rival opposite has a new sign ; Miss Bumps of Gath is visiting her cousin. Miss Smith of Bozrah ; the sheriff has painted his fence ; Farmer Brown has lost his cow ; the eminent member from Neopo- [54] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER lis has })ut an ell on one end of his mansion, and a mortoao-e on the other. On the face of it nothing is so vapid and profitless as column after column of this reading. These " items " have very little interest, except to those who already know the facts ; but those concerned like to see them in print, and take the newspaper on that account. This sort of inanity takes the place of reading-matter that might be of benefit, and its effect must be to belittle and contract the mind. But this is not the most serious objection to the publication of these worthless details. It cultivates self-con- sciousness in the community, and love of notoriety ; it develops vanity and self-impor- tance, and elevates the trivial in life above the essential. And this brings me to speak of the mania in this age, and especially in America, for notoriety in social life as well as in politics. The newspapers are the vehicle of it, some- times the occasion, but not the cause. The newspaper may have fostered — it has not created — this hunger for publicity. Almost [55] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER everybody talks about the violation of decency and the sanctity of private life by the newspaper in the publication of person- alities and the gossip of society ; and the very people who make these strictures are often those who regard the paper as without enterprise and dull, if it does not report in detail their weddings, their balls and parties, the distinguished persons present, the dress of the ladies, the sumptuousness of the entertainment, if it does not celebrate their church services and festivities, their social meetings, their new house, their dis- tinguished arrivals at this or that watering- place. I believe every newspaper manager will bear me out in saying that there is a constant pressure on him to print much more of such private matter than his judg- ment and taste permit or approve, and that the gossip which is brought to his notice, with the hope that he will violate the sensi- tiveness of social life by printing it, is far away larger in amount than all that he publishes. To return for a moment to the subject of [56] rHE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER general news. The characteristic of our modern civilisation is sensitiveness, or, as the doctors say, nervousness. Perhaps the philanthropist would term it sympathy. No doubt an exciting cause of it is the adapta- tion of electricity to the transmission of facts and ideas. The telegraph, we say, has put us in sympathy with all the world. And we reckon this enlargement of nerve contact somehow a gain. Our bared nerves are played upon by a thousand wires. Nature, no doubt, has a method of hardening or deadening them to these shocks; but, never- theless, every person who reads is a focus for the excitements, the ills, the troubles, of all the world. In addition to his local pleas- ures and annoyances, he is in a manner compelled to be a sharer in the universal uneasiness. It might be worth while to inquire what effect this exciting accumula- tion of the news of the world upon an indi- vidual or a community has upon happiness and upon character. Is the New-England man any better able to bear or deal with his extraordinary climate by the daily knowledge [57] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER of the weather all over the globe ? Is a man happier, or improved in character, by the woful tale of a world's distress and appre- hension that greets him every morning at breakfast ? Knowledge, we know, increases sorrow ; but I suppose the offset to that is, that strength only comes through suffering. But this is a digression. Not second in importance to any depart- ment of the journal is the reporting ; that is, the special reporting as distinguished from the more general news-gathering. I mean the reports of proceedings in Congress, in conventions, assemblies, and conferences, public conversations, lectures, sermons, in- vestigations, law trials, and occurrences of all sorts that rise into general importance. These reports are the basis of our knowl- edge and opinions. If they are false or exaggerated, we are ignorant of what is taking place, and misled. It is of infinitely more importance that they should be abso- lutely trustworthy than that the editorial comments should be sound and wise. If the reports on affairs can be depended on, Lss] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER the public can form its own opinion, and act intelligently. And, if the public has a right to demand anything of a newspaper, it is that its reports of what occurs shall be faithfully accurate, unprejudiced, and colour- less. They ought not to be editorials, or the vehicles of personal opinion and feeling. The interpretation of the facts they give should be left to the editor and the public. There should be a sharp line drawn between the report and the editorial. I am inclined to think that the reporting department is the weakest in the American newspaper, and that there is just ground for the admitted public distrust of it. Too often, if a person would know what has taken place in a given case, he must read the reports in half a dozen journals, then strike a general average of probabilities, allowing for the personal equation, and then — suspend his judgment. Of course, there is much excellent reporting, and there are many able men engaged in it w^ho reflect the highest honour upon their occupation. And the press of no other country shows [59] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER more occasional brilliant feats in reporting than ours : these are on occasions when the newspapers make special efforts. Take the last two national party conventions. The fulness, the accuracy, the vividness, with which their proceedings were reported in the leading journals, were marvellous triumphs of knowledge, skill, and expense. The con- ventions were so photographed by hundreds of pens, that the public outside saw them almost as distinctly as the crowd in attend- ance. This result was attained because the editors determined that it should be, sent able men to report, and demanded the best work. But take an opposite and a daily illus- tration of reporting, that of the debates and proceedings in Congress. I do not refer to the specials of various journals which are good, bad, or indifferent, as the case may be, and commonly coloured by partisan con- siderations, but the regular synopsis sent to the country at large. Now, for some years it has been inadequate, frequently un- intelligible, often grossly misleading, failing wholly to give the real spirit and meaning [60] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER of tlie most important discussions; and it is as dry as chips Ijcsides. To be both stupid and inaccurate is the unpardonable sin in journalism. Contrast these reports with the lively and faithful pictures of the French Assembly which are served to the Paris papers. Before speaking of the reasons for the public distrust in reports, it is proper to put in one qualification. The public itself, and not the newspapers, is the great factory of baseless rumours and untruths. Although the newspaper unavoidably gives currency to some of these, it is the great corrector of popular rumours. Concerning any event, a hundred different versions and conflicting accounts are instantly set afloat. These would run on, and become settled but un- founded beliefs, as private whispered scandals do run, if the newspaper did not intervene. It is the business of the newspaper, on every occurrence of moment, to chase down the rumours, and to find out the facts and print them, and set the public mind at rest. The newspaper publishes them under a sense of [6i] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER responsibility for its statements. It is not by any means always correct; but I know that it is the aim of most newspapers to discharge this important public function faithfully. When this country had few newspapers it was ten times more the prey of false reports and delusions than it is now\ Reporting requires as high ability as editorial writing ; perhaps of a different kind, though in the history of American journalism the best reporters have often become the best editors. Talent of this kind must be adequately paid ; and it hap- pens that in America the reporting field is so vast that few journals can afford to make the reporting department correspond in ability to the editorial, and I doubt if the importance of doing so is yet fully realised. An intelligent and representative synopsis of a lecture or other public per- formance is rare. The ability to grasp a speaker's meaning, or to follow a long dis- course, and reproduce either in spirit, and fairly, in a short space, is not common. [62] THE AMERICAN NEIVSPAPER When the pubHc which lias been present reads the inaccurate report, it loses con- fidence in the newspaper. Its confidence is again undermined when it learns that an " interview " which it has read with interest was manufactured; that tlie report of the movements and sayings of a distinguished stranger was a pure piece of ingenious invention ; that a thrilling adven- ture alongshore, or in a balloon, or in a horse- car, was what is called a sensational article, concocted by some brilliant genius, and spun out by the yard according to his necessities. These reports are entertaining, and often more readable than anything else in the newspaper; and, if they were put into a department with an appropriate heading, the public would be less suspicious that all the news in the journal was coloured and heightened by a lively imagination. Intelligent and honest reporting of what- ever interests the public is the sound basis of all journalism. And yet so careless have editors been of all this, that a reporter has been sent to attend the sessions of a philo- [63] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER logical convention who had not the least linguistic knowledge, having always been employed on marine disasters. Another reporter, who was assigned to inform the public of the results of a difBcult archaeologi- cal investigation, frankly confessed his inabil- ity to understand what was going on ; for his ordinary business, he said, was cattle. A story is told of a metropolitan journal, which illustrates another difficulty the public has in keeping up its confidence in newspaper infal- libility. It may not be true for history, but answers for an illustration. The annual November meteors were expected on a cer- tain night. The journal prepared an elabo- rate article, several columns in length, on meteoric displays in general, and on the dis- play of that night in particular, giving in detail the appearance of the heavens from the metropolitan roofs in various parts of the city, the shooting of the meteors amid the blazing constellations, the size and times of flight of the fiery bodies ; in short, a most vivid and scientific account of the lofty fire- works. Unfortunately the night was cloudy. [ 64 ] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER The article was in type and ready ; but the clouds would not break. The last moment for going to press arrived : there was a prob- ability that the clouds would lift before day- lio-ht and the manao-er took the risk. The article that appeared was very interesting; but its scientific value was impaired by the fact that the heavens were obscured the whole night, and the meteors, if any arrived, were invisible. The reasonable excuse of the editor would be that he could not control the elements. If the reporting department needs strength- ening and reduction to order in the Ameri- can journal, we may also query whether the department of correspondence sustains the boast that the American newspaper is the best in the world. We have a good deal of excellent correspondence, both foreign and domestic ; and our " specials " have won dis- tinction, at least for liveliness and enterprise. I cannot dwell upon this feature; but I sug- gest a comparison with the correspondence of some of the German, and with that espec- ially of the London journals, from the various 5 [65] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER capitals of Europe, and from the occasional seats of war. How surpassing able much of it is ! How full of information, of philosophic observation, of accurate knowledge! It ap- pears to be written by men of trained intellect and of experience, — educated men of the world, who, by reason of their position and character, have access to the highest sources of information. The editorials of our journals seem to me better than formerly, improved in tone, in courtesy, in self-respect, — though you may not have to go far or search long for the pro- vincial note and the easy grace of the fron- tier, — and they are better written. This is because the newspaper has become more profitable, and is able to pay for talent, and has attracted to it educated young men. There is a sort of editorial ability, of facility, of force, that can only be acquired by prac- tice and in the newspaper office : no school can ever teach it ; but the young editor who has a broad basis of general education, of information in history, political economy, the classics, and polite literature, has an immense [66] THE AMERICAN NEIVSPAPER advantage over the man wlu) has merely practical experience. For the editorial, if it is to hold its place, must be more and more the product of information, culture, and reflec- tion, as well as of sagacity and alertness. Ignorance of foreign affairs, and of eco- nomic science, the American people have in times past winked at; but they will not always wink at it. It is the belief of some shre\vd observers that editorials, the long editorials, are not much read, except by editors themselves. A cynic says, that, if you have a secret you are very anxious to keep from the female portion of the population, the safest place to put it is in an editorial. It seems to me that edito- rials are not conned as attentively as they once were ; and I am sure they have not so much influence as formerly. People are not so easily or so visibly led ; that is to say, the editorial influence is not so dogmatic and direct. The editor does not expect to form public opinion so much by arguments and appeals as by the news he presents and his manner of presenting it, by the iteration of [67] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER an idea until it becomes familiar, by the reading-matter selected, and by the quota- tions of opinions as news, and not professedly to influence the reader. And this influence is all the more potent because it is indirect, and not perceived by the reader. There is an editorial tradition — it might almost be termed a superstition — - which I think will have to be abandoned. It is that a certain space in the journal must be filled with editorial, and that some of the editorials must be long, without any reference to the news or the necessity of comment on it, or the capacity of the editor at the moment to fill the space with original matter that is readable. There is the sacred space, and it must be filled. The London journals are perfect types of this custom. The result is often a wearisome page of words and rhetoric. It may be good rhetoric ; but life is too short for so much of it The necessity of filling this space causes the writer, instead of stating his idea in the shortest compass in which it can be made perspicuous and telling, to beat it out thin, and make it cover as much ground [68] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER as possible. This, also, is vanity. In the economy of room, which our journals will more and more be compelled to cultivate, I venture to say that this tradition will be set aside. I think that we may fairly claim a superiority in our journals over the English dailies in our habit of making brief, pointed editorial paragraphs. They are the life of the editorial page. A cultivation of these until they are as finished and pregnant as the paragraphs of " The London Spectator " and " The New-York Nation," the printing of long editorials only when the elucidation of a subject demands length, and the use of the space thus saved for more interesting read- ing, is probably the line of our editorial evolution. To continue the comparison of our jour- nals as a class, with the English as a class, ours are more lively, also more flippant, and less restrained by a sense of responsibility or by the laws of libel. We furnish, now and again, as good editorial writing for its pur- pose ; but it commonly lacks the dignity, the thoroughness, the wide sweep and knowledge, [69] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER that characterises the best English discussion of political and social topics. The third department of the newspaper is that of miscellaneous reading-matter. Whether this is the survival of the period when the paper contained little else except "selections," and other printed matter was scarce, or whether it is only the beginning of a development that shall supply the public nearly all its literature, I do not know. Far as our newspapers have already gone in this direction, I am inclined to think that in their evolution they must drop this adjunct, and print simply the news of the day. Some of the leading journals of the world already do this. In America I am sure the papers are print- ing too much miscellaneous reading. The perusal of this smattering of everything, these scraps of information and snatches of literature, this infinite variety and medley, in which no subject is adequately treated, is distracting and debilitating to the mind. It prevents the reading of anything in full, and its satisfactory assimilation. It is said that [ 70] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER the majority of Americans read nothing ex- cept the paper. If they read that thoroughly, they have time for nothing else. What is its reader to do when his journal thrusts upon him every day the amount contained in a fair-sized duodecimo volume, and on Sundays the amount of two of them ? Granted that this miscellaneous hodge-podge is the cream of current literature, is it profitable to the reader ? Is it a means of anything but super- ficial culture and fragmentary information ? Besides, it stimulates an unnatural appetite, a liking for the striking, the brilliant, the sensational only; for our selections from current literature are usually the " plums ; " and plums are not a wholesome diet for any- body. A person accustomed to this finds it difficult to sit down patiently to the mastery of a book or a subject, to the study of history, the perusal of extended biography, or to acquire that intellectual development and strength which comes from thorough reading and reflection. The subject has another aspect. Nobody chooses his own reading; and a whole com- [71] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER munity perusing substantially the same material tends to a mental uniformity. The editor has the more than royal power of selecting the intellectual food of a large pub- lic. It is a responsibility infinitely greater than that of the compiler of schoolbooks, great as that is. The taste of the editor, or of some assistant who uses the scissors, is in a manner forced upon thousands of people, who see little other printed matter than that which he gives them. Suppose his taste runs to murders and abnormal crimes, and to the sensational in literature : what will be the moral effect upon a community of reading this year after year } If this excess of daily miscellany is dele- terious to the public, I doubt if it will be, in the long run, profitable to the newspaper, which has a field broad enough in reporting and commenting upon the movement of the world, without attempting to absorb the whole reading field. I should like to say a word, if time per- mitted, upon the form of the journal, and about advertisements. I look to see adver- [ 73 3 THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER tisements shorter, printed with less display, and more numerous. In addition to the use now made of the newspaper by the classes called " advertisers," I expect it to become the handy medium of the entire public, the means of ready communication in regard to all wants and exchanges. Several years ago, the attention of the publishers of American newspapers was called to the convenient form of certain daily journals in South Germany, which were made up in small pages, the number of which varied from day to day, according to the pressure of news or of advertisements. The suggestion as to form has been adopted by many of our religious, literary, and special weeklies, to the great convenience of the readers, and I doubt not of the publishers also. Nothing is more unwieldly than our big blanket-sheets : they are awkward to handle, inconvenient to read, unhandy to bind and preserve. It is difficult to classify matter in them. In dull seasons they are too large ; in times of brisk advertising, and in the sudden access of important news, [73] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER they are too small. To enlarge them for the occasion, resort is had to a troublesome fly- sheet, or, if they are doubled, there is more space to be filled than is needed. It seems to me that the inevitable remedy is a news- paper of small pages or forms, indefinite in number, that can at any hour be increased or diminished according to necessity, to be folded, stitched, and cut by machinery. We have thus rapidly run over a pro- lific field, touching only upon some of the relations of the newspaper to our civilisation, and omitting many of the more important and grave. The truth is that the develop- ment of the modern journal has been so sudden and marvellous, that its conductors find themselves in possession of a machine that they scarcely know how to manage or direct. The change in the newspaper caused by the telegraph, the cable, and by a public demand for news created by wars, by dis- coveries, and by a new outburst of the spirit of doubt and inquiry, is enormous. The pub- lic mind is confused about it, and alter- nately over-estimates and under-estimates [74] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER the press, failing to see how integral and representative a part it is of modern life. " The power of the press," as something to be feared or admired, is a favourite theme of dinner-table orators and clergymen. One would think it was some compactly wielded energy, like that of an organised religious order, with a possible danger in it to the public welfare. Discrimination is not made between the power of the printed word — which is limitless — and the influence that a newspaper, as such, exerts. The power of the press is in its facility for making public opinions and events. I should say it is a medium of force rather than force itself. I confess that I am oftener impressed with the powerlessness of the press than otherwise, its slight influence in bringing about any reform, or in inducing the public to do what is for its own good and what it is disinclined to do. Talk about the power of the press, say, in a legislature, when once the members are suspicious that somebody is trying to influence them, and see how the press will retire, with what grace it can, before an in- [75] THE AMERICAN NEWSPAPER vincible and virtuous lobby. The fear of the combination of the press for any improper purpose, or long for any proper purpose, is chimerical. Whomever the newspapers agree with, they do not agree with each other. The public itself never takes so many conflicting views of any topic or event as the ingenious rival journals are certain to discover. It is impossible, in their nature, for them to combine. I should as soon ex- pect agreement among doctors in their em- pirical profession. And there is scarcely ever a cause, or an opinion, or a man, that does not get somewhere in the press a hearer and a defender. We will drop the subject with one remark for the benefit of whom it may concern. With all its faults, I believe the moral tone of the American newspaper is higher, as a rule, than that of the community in which it is published. [76] Certain Diversities of American Life THIS is a very interesting age. Within the memory of men not yet come to middle life the time of the trotting horse has been reduced from two minutes forty seconds to two minutes eight and a quarter seconds. During the past fifteen years a universal and wholesome pastime of boys has been developed into a great national industry, thoroughly organised and almost altogether relegated to profes- sional hands, no longer the exercise of the million but a spectacle for the million, and a game which rivals the Stock Exchange as a means of winning money on the difference of opinion as to the skill of contending operators. The newspapers of the country — pretty accurate and sad indicators of the popular taste — devote more daily columns in a week's time to chronicling the news about [77] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES base-ball than to any other topic that in- terests the American mind, and the most skilful player, the pitcher, often college bred, whose entire prowess is devoted to not doing what he seems to be doing, and who has become the hero of the American girl as the Olympian wrestler was of the Greek maiden and as the matador is of the Spanish senorita, receives a larger salary for a few hours' exertion each week than any college president is paid for a year's intellectual toil. Such has been the progress in the interest in education during this period that the larger bulk of the news, and that most looked for, printed about the colleges and univer- sities, is that relating to the training, the prospects and achievements of the boat crews and the teams of base-ball and foot-ball, and the victory of any crew or team is a better means of attracting students to its college, a better advertisement, than success in any scholastic contest. A few years ago a tour- nament was organized in the north between several colleges for competition in oratory and scholarship; it had a couple of contests [78] OF AMERICAN LIFE and then died of inanition and want of public interest. During the period I am speaking of there has been an enormous advance in technical education, resulting in the establishment of splendid special schools, essential to the de- velopment of our national resources ; a growth of the popular idea that education should be practical, — that is, such an educa- tion as can be immediately applied to earn- ing a living and acquiring wealth speedily, — and an increasing extension of the elective system in colleges, — based almost solely on the notion, having in view, of course, the practical education, that the inclinations of a young man of eighteen are a better guide as to w^hat is best for his mental development and equipment for life than all the experience of his predecessors. In this period, which you will note is more distinguished by the desire for the accumu- lation of money than for the general produc- tion of wealth, the standard of a fortune has shifted from a fair competence to that of millions of money, so that he is no longer [79] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES rich vv^ho has a hundred thousand dollars, but he only who possesses property valued at many millions, and the men most widely known the country through, most talked about, whose doings and sayings are most chronicled in the journals, whose example is most attractive and stimulating to the minds of youth, are not the scholars, the scientists, the men of letters, not even the orators and statesmen, but those who, by any means, have amassed enormous for- tunes. We judge the future of a generation by its ideals. Regarding education from the point of view of its equipment of a man to make money, and enjoy the luxury which money can command, it must be more and more practical, that is, it must be adapted not even to the higher aim of increasing the general wealth of the world, by increasing produc- tion and diminishing waste both of labour and capital, but to the lower aim of getting personal possession of it ; so that a striking social feature of the period is that one half — that is hardly an overestimate — one half [803 OF AMERICAN LIFE of the activity in America of which we speak with so much enthusiasm, is not directed to the production of w^ealth, to increasing its volume, but to getting the money of other people away from them. In barbarous ages this object was accomplished by violence ; it is now attained by skill and adroitness. We still punish those who gain property by vio- lence ; those who get it by smartness and cleverness, \ve try to imitate, and sometimes we reward them with public office. It appears, therefore, that speed, —the abil- ity to move rapidly from place to place, — a disproportionate reward of physical over intellectual science, an intense desire to be rich, w4iich is strong enough to compel even education to grind in the mill of the Philistines, and an inordinate elevation in public consideration of rich men simply be- cause they are rich, are characteristics of this little point of time on which we stand. They are not the only characteristics ; in a reason- ably optimistic view, the age is distinguished for unexampled achievements, and for oppor- tunities for the well-being of humanity never 6 [8i] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES before In all history attainable. But these characteristics are so prominent as to beget the fear that we are losing the sense of the relative value of things in this life. Few persons come to middle life without some conception of these relative values. It is in the heat and struggle that we fail to appreciate what in the attainment will be most satisfactory to us. After it is over we are apt to see that our possessions do not bring the happiness we expected; or that we have neglected to cultivate the powers and tastes that can make life enjoyable. We come to know, to use a truism, that a person's highest satisfaction depends not upon his ex- terior acquisitions, but upon what he himself is. There is no escape from this conclusion. The physical satisfactions are limited and fallacious, the intellectual and moral satisfac- tions are unlimited. In the last analysis, a man has to live with himself, to be his own companion, and in the last resort the ques- tion is, what can he get out of himself. In the end, his life is worth just what he has become. And I need not say that the mis- L" 82 ] OF AMERICAN LIFE take commonly made is as to relative values, — that the tilings of sense are as important as the things of the mind. You make that mistake when you devote your best energies to your possession of material substance, and neglect the enlargement, the training, the enrichment of the mind. You make the same mistake in a less degree, when you bend to the popular ignorance and conceit so far as to direct your college education to sordid ends. The certain end of yielding to this so-called practical spirit was expressed by a member of a northern state legislature who said, " We don't want colleges, we want workshops." It was expressed in another way by a representative of the lower house in Washino;ton who said, " The averag:e isfno- ranee of the country has a right to be repre- sented here." It is not for me to say whether it is represented there. Naturally, I say, we ought by the time of middle life to come to a conception of what sort of things are of most value. By anal- ogy, in the continual growth of the Republic, we ought to have a perception of what we [S3] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES have accomplished and acquired, and some clear view of our tendencies. We take justi- fiable pride in the glittering figures of our extension of territory, our numerical growth, in the increase of wealth, and in our rise to the potential position of almost the first na- tion in the world. A more pertinent inquiry is, what sort of people have we become ? What are we intellectually and morally.? For after all the man is the thing, the pro- duction of the right sort of men and women is all that gives a nation value. When I read of the establishment of a great industrial centre in which twenty thousand people are employed in the increase of the amount of steel in the world, before I decide whether it would be a good thing for the Republic to create another industrial city of the same sort, I want to know what sort of people the twenty thousand are, how they live, what their morals are, what intellectual life they have, what their enjoyment of life is, what they talk about and think about, and what chance they have of getting into any higher life. It does not seem to me a sufficient gain [84] OF AMERICAN LIFE in this situation that wc arc immensely in- creasing the amount of steel in the world, or that twenty more people arc enabled on account of this to indulge in an unexampled, unintellectual luxury. We want more steel, no doubt, but have n't we wit enough to get that and at the same time to increase among the producers of it the number of men and women w^iose horizons are extended, who are companionable, intelligent beings, adding somethino: to the intellectual and moral force upon which the real progress of the Republic depends ? There is no place where I would choose to speak more plainly of our national situa- tion to-day than in the south, and at the University of the South; in the south, be- cause it is more plainly in a transition state, and at the University of the South, because it is here and in similar institutions that the question of the higher or low^er plane of life in the south is to be determined. To a philosophical observer of the Repub- lic, at the end of the hundred years, I should say that the important facts are not its in- [85] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES dustrial energy, its wealth, or its popula- tion, but the stability of the federal power, and the integrity of the individual States. That is to say, that stress and trial have welded us into an indestructible nation ; and not of less consequence is the fact that the life of the Union is in the life of the States. The next most encouraging augury for a great future is the marvellous diver- sity among the members of this republican body. If nothing would be more speedily fatal to our plan of government than in- creasing centralisation, nothing would be more hopeless in our development than in- creasing monotony, the certain end of which is mediocrity. Speaking as one whose highest pride it is to be a citizen of a great and invincible Re- public to those whose minds kindle with a like patriotism, I can say that I am glad there are East and North and South, and West, Middle, Northwest and Southwest, with as many diversities of climate, tempera- ment, habits, idiosyncracies, genius, as these names imply. Thank Heaven we are not all [86] OF AMERICAN LIFE alike ; and so long as we have a common purpose in the Union, and mutual toleration, respect, and sympathy, the greater will be our achievement and the nobler our total development, if every section is true to the evolution of its local traits. The superficial foreiofn observer finds sameness in our differ- ent States, tiresome family likeness in our cities, hideous monotony in our villages, and a certain common atmosphere of life, which increasing facility of communication tends to increase. This is a view from a railway train. But as soon as you observe closely, you find in each city a peculiar physiognomy, and a peculiar spirit remarkable considering the freedom of movement and intercourse, and you find the organised action of each State S2ii generis to a degree surprising con- sidering the general similarity of our laws and institutions. In each section differences of speech, of habits of thought, of tem- perament prevail. Massachusetts is unlike Louisiana, Florida unlike Tennessee, Georgia is unlike California, Pennsylvania is unlike Minnesota, and so on, and the unlikeness is [87] CERTAIN DIVERS ir lES not alone or chiefly in physical features. By the different style of living I can tell when I cross the line between Connecticut and New York as certainly as when I cross the line between Vermont and Canada. The Vir- ginian expanded in Kentucky is not the same man he was at home, and the New England Yankee let loose in the west takes on proportions that would astonish his grand- father. Everywhere there is variety in local sentiment, action, and development. Sit down in the seats of the State governments and study the methods of treatment of es- sentially the common institutions of govern- ment, of charity and discipline, and you will be impressed with the variety of local spirit and performance in the Union. And this diversity is so important, this contribution of diverse elements is so necessary to the complex strength and prosperity of the whole, that one must view with alarm all federal interference and tendency to greater centralisation. And not less to be dreaded than monot- ony from the governmental point of view, is [88] OF AMERICAN LIFE the obliteration of variety in social life and in literary development. It is not enough for a nation to be great and strong, it must be interesting:, and interestincr it cannot be without cultivation of local variety. Better obtrusive peculiarities than universal same- ness. It is out of variety as well as complexity in American life, and not in homogeneity and imitation, that we are to expect a civili- sation noteworthy in the progress of the hum.an race. Let us come a little closer to our subject in details. For a hundred years the south was developed on its own lines, with aston- ishingly little exterior bias. This compara- tive isolation was due partly to the institu- tion of slavery, partly to devotion to the production of two or three great staples. While its commercial connection with the north was intimate and vital, its literary relation with the north was slight. With few exceptions northern authors were not read in the south, and the literary move- ment of its neighbours, such as it was, from 1820 to i860, scarcely affected it. With the [89] C ER TAIN DIFERSITIES exception of Louisiana, which was absolutely ignorant of American literature and drew its inspiration and assumed its critical point of view almost wholly from the French, the south was English, but mainly English of the time of Walter Scott and George the Third. While Scott was read at the north for his knowledge of human nature, as he always will be read, the chivalric age which moves in his pages was taken more seriously at the south, as if it were of continuing importance in life. In any of its rich private libraries you find yourself in the age of Pope and Dryden, and the classics were pursued in the spirit of Oxford and Cambridge in the time of Johnson. It was little disturbed by the intellectual and ethical agitation of modern England or of modern New Eng- land. During this period, while the south excelled in the production of statesmen, ora- tors, trained politicians, great judges, and brilliant lawyers, it produced almost no literature, that is, no indigenous literature, except a few poems and a few humorous character-sketches ; its general writing was [90] OF AMERICAN LIFE ornately classic, and its fiction romantic on the lines of the foreign romances. From this isolation one thins: was de- veloped, and another thing might in due time be expected. The thing developed was a social life, in the favoured class, which has an almost unique charm, a power of being agreeable, a sympathetic cordiality, an im- pulsive warmth, a frankness in the expres- sion of emotion, and that delightful quality of manner which puts the world at ease and makes life pleasant. The southerners are no more sincere than the northerners, but they have less reserve, and in the social traits that charm all who come in contact with them, they have an element of immense value in the variety of American life. The thing that might have been expected in due time, and when the call came — and it is curious to note that the call and cause of any renaissance are always from the out- side — was a literary expression fresh and indigenous. This expectation, in a brief period since the war, has been realised by a remarkable performance and is now stimu- [91] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES lated by a remarkable promise. The acclaim with which the southern literature has been received is partly due to its novelty, the new life it exhibited, but more to the recognition in it of a fresh flavour, a literary quality dis- tinctly original and of permanent impor- tance. This production, the first fruits of which are so engaging in quality, cannot grow and broaden into a stable, varied litera- ture without scholarship and hard work, and without a sympathetic local audience. But the momentary concern is that it should de- velop on its own lines and in its own spirit, and not under the influence of London or Boston or New York. I do not mean by this that it should continue to attract atten- tion by peculiarities of dialect — which is only an incidental, temporary phenomenon, that speedily becomes wearisome, whether "cracker" or negro or Yankee — but by being true to the essential spirit and tem- perament of southern life. During this period there was at the north, and especially in the east, great intellectual activity and agitation, and agitation ethical [90 OF AMERICAN LIFE and moral as well as intellectual. There was awakening, investigation, questioning, doubt. There was a great deal of froth thrown to tlie surface. In the free action of individual tliought and expression grew eccentricities of belief and of practice, and a crop of so-called " isms," more or less tem- porary, unprofitable, and pernicious. Public opinion attained an astonishing degree of freedom, — I never heard of any community that was altogether free of its tyranny. At least extraordinary latitude was permitted in the development of extreme ideas, new, fan- tastic, radical, or conservative. For instance, slavery was attacked and slavery was de- fended on the same platform, with almost equal freedom. Indeed, for many years, if there was any exception to the general toler- ation it was in the social ostracism of those who held and expressed extreme opinions in regard to immediate emancipation, and were stigmatised as abolitionists. There was a general ferment of new ideas, not always fruitful in the direction taken, but hopeful in view of the fact that growth and move- [93] C ER TAIN DIVERSITIES ment are better than stagnation and decay. You can do something with a ship that has headway ; it will drift upon the rocks if it has not. With much foam and froth, sure to attend agitation, there was immense vital energy, intense life. Out of this stir and agitation came the aggressive, conquering spirit that carried civilisation straight across the continent, that built up cities and States, that de- veloped wealth, and by invention, ingenuity, and energy performed miracles in the way of the subjugation of nature and the assimi- lation of societies. Out of this free agitation sprang a literary product, great in quantity and to some degree distinguished in quality, groups of historians, poets, novelists, es- sayists, biographers, scientific writers. A conspicuous agency of the period was the lecture platform, which did something in the spread and popularisation of information, but much more in the stimulation of in- dependent thought and the awakening of the mind to use its own powers. Along with this and out of this went on [ 94 ] OF AMERICAN LIFE the movement of popular education and of the high and specialised education. More remarkable than the achievements of the common schools has been the development of the colleges, both in the departments of the humanities and of science. If I were writing of education generally, I might have something to say of the measurable dis- appointment of the results of the common schools as at present conducted, both as to the diffusion of information and as to the discipline of the mind and the inculcation of ethical principles ; which simply means that they need improvement. But the higher education has been transformed, and mainly by the application of scientific methods, and of the philosophic spirit, to the study of history, economics, and the classics. When we are called to defend the pursuit of meta- physics or the study of the classics, either as indispensable to the discipline or to the en- largement of the mind, we are not called on to defend the methods of a oreneration ao^o. The study of Greek is no longer an exercise in the study of linguistics or the inspection [95] CERTAIN DIFERSir lES of specimens of an obsolete literature, but the acquaintance with historic thought, habits, and polity, with a portion of the con- tinuous history of the human mind, which has a vital relation to our own life. However much or little there may be of permanent value in the vast production of northern literature, judged by continental or even English standards, the time has come when American scholarship in science, in language, in occidental or oriental letters, in philosophic and historical methods, can court comparison with any other. In some branches of research the peers of our scholars must be sought not in England but in Ger= many. So that in one of the best fruits of a period of intellectual agitation, scholarship, the restless movement has thoroughly vindi- cated itself. I have called your attention to this move- ment in order to say that it was neither accidental nor isolated. It was in the his- toric line, it was fed and stimulated by all that had gone before, and by all contempo- rary activity everywhere. New England, for [96] OF AMERICAN LIFE instance, was alert and progressive because it kept its doors and windows open. It was hospitable in its intellectual freedom, both of trial and debate, to new ideas. It was in touch with the universal movement of human- ity and of human thought and speculation. You lose some quiet by this attitude, some repose that is pleasant and even desirable perhaps, you entertain many errors, you may try many useless experiments, but you gain life and are in the way of better things. New England, whatever else we may say about it, was in the world. There was no stir of thought, of investigation, of research, of the recasting of old ideas into new forms of life, in Germany, in France, in Ital}^ in England, anywhere, that did not touch it and to which it did not respond with the sympathy that common humanity has in the universal progress. It kept this touch not only in the evolution and expression of thought and emo- tion which we call literature (whether original or imitative), but in the application of philo- sophic methods to education, in the attempted regeneration of society and the amelioration 7 [97] CERTAIN DIFERSITIES of its conditions by schemes of reform and discipline, relating to the institutions of benevolence and to the control of the vicious and criminal. With all these efforts go along always much false sentimentality and pseudo-philanthropy, but little by little gain is made that could not be made in a state of isolation and stagnation. In fact there is one historic stream of human thought, aspiration, and progress; it is practically continuous, and with all its diversity of local colour and movement it is a unit. If you are in it, you move; if you are out of it, you are in an eddy. The eddy may have a provincial current, but it is not in the great stream, and when it has gone round and round for a century, it is still an eddy, and will not carry you anywhere in particu- lar. The value of the modern method of teaching and study is that it teaches the solidarity of human history, the continuance of human thought, in literature, government, philosophy, the unity of the divine purpose, and that nothing that has anywhere befallen the human race is alien to us. [ 98 ] OF AMERICAN LIFE I am not undervaluing i\\c part, tlic impor- tant part, played by conservatism, the con- servatism that holds on to what has been gained if it is good, that insists on discipline and heed to the plain teaching of experience, that refuses to go into hysterics of enthusiasm over every flighty suggestion, or to follow every leader simply because he proposes something new and strange — I do not mean the conservatism that refuses to try anything simply because it is new, and prefers to ener- getic life the stagnation that inevitably leads to decay. Isolation from the great historic stream of thought and agitation is stagna- tion. While this is true, and always has been true in history, it is also true, in regard to the beneficent diversity of American life, which is composed of so many elements and forces, as I have often thought and said, that what has been called the southern conserva- tism in respect to beliefs and certain social problems, may have a very important part to play in the development of the life of the Republic. I shall not be misunderstood here, where ILofC. [99] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES the claims of the higher life are insisted on and the necessity of pure, accurate scholar- ship is recognised, in saying that this expec- tation in regard to the south, depends upon the cultivation and diffusion of the highest scholarship in all its historic consciousness and critical precision. This sort of scholar- ship, of widely apprehending intellectual activity, keeping step with modern ideas so far as they are historically grounded, is of the first importance. Everywhere indeed, in our industrial age, in a society inclined to mate- rialism, scholarship, pure and simple scholar- ship for its own sake, no less in Ohio than in Tennessee, is the thing to be insisted on. If I may refer to an institution, which used to be midway between the north and the south, and which I may speak of without suspicion of bias, an institution where the studies of metaphysics, the philosophy of his- tory, the classics and pure science are as much insisted on as the study of applied sciences, the College of New Jersey at Princeton, the question in regard to a candi- date for a professorship or instructorship, is OF AMERICAN LIFE not whether he was born nortli or south, whether he served in one army or another or in neither, whether he is a Democrat or a RepubHcan or a Mugwump, what rehgious denomination he belongs to, but is he a scholar and has he a high character? There is no provincialism in scholarship. We are not now considering the matter of the agreeableness of one society or another, whether life is on the whole pleasanter in certain conditions at the north or at the south, whether there is not a charm sometimes in isolation and even in provincialism. It is a fair question to ask, what effect upon individ- ual lives and character is produced by an industrial and commercial spirit, and by one less restless and more domestic. But the south is now face to face with certain prob- lems which relate her, inevitably, to the mov- ino- forces of the world. One of these is the development of her natural resources and the change and diversity of her industries. On the industrial side there is pressing need of institutions of technology, of schools of applied science, for the diffusion of technical [lOl] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES information and skill in regard to mining and manufacturing, and also to agriculture, so that worn-out lands may be reclaimed and good lands be kept up to the highest point of production. Neither mines, forests, quar- ries, water-ways, nor textile fabrics can be handled to best advantage without scientific knowledge and skilled labour. The south is everywhere demanding these aids to her industrial development. But just in the pro- portion that she gets them, and because she has them, will be the need of higher educa- tion. The only safety against the influence of a rolling mill is a college, the only safety against the practical and materialising ten- dency of an industrial school is the increased study of whatever contributes to the higher and non-sordid life of the mind. The south would make a poor exchange for her former condition in any amount of industrial suc- cess without a corresponding development of the highest intellectual life. But, besides the industrial problem, there is the race problem. It is the most serious in the conditions under which it is presented [ I02 J OF AMERICAN LIFE that ever in all history confronted a free people. Whichever way you regard it, it is the nearest insoluble. Under the Con- stitution it is wisely left to the action of the individual States. The heavy responsi- bility is with them. In the nature of things it is a matter of the deepest concern to the whole Republic, for the prosperity of every part is vital to the prosperity of the whole. In working it out you are entitled, from the outside, to the most impartial attempt to understand its real nature, to the utmost patience with the facts of human nature, to the most profound and most helpful sym- pathy. It is monstrous to me that the situation should be made on either side a political occasion for private ambition or for party ends. I would speak of this subject with the utmost frankness if I knew what to say. It is not much of a confession to say that I do not. The more I study it the less I know, and those among you who give it the most anxious thought are the most per- plexed, the subject has so many conflict- [ 103 ] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES ing aspects. In the first place there is the evolution of an undeveloped race. Every race has a right to fair play in the world and to make the most of its capacities, and to the help of the more favoured in the at- tempt. If the suggestion recently made of a wholesale migration to Mexico were carried out, the south would be relieved in many ways, though the labour problem would be a serious one for a long time, but the " eleva- tion " would be lost sight of or relegated to a foreign missionary enterprise ; and as for results to the coloured people themselves, there is the example of Hayti. If another suggestion, that of abandoning certain States to this race, were carried out, there is the example of Hayti again, and, besides, an anomaly introduced into the Republic foreign to its traditions, spirit, aspirations, and pro- cess of assimilation, alien to the entire his- toric movement of the Aryan races, and infinitely more dangerous to the idea of the Republic than if solid Ireland were dumped down in the Mississippi valley as an inde- pendent State. [ 104] OF AMERICAN LIFE On the other hand, there rests upon you the responsibility of maintaining a civilisa- tion — the civilisation of America, not of Hayti or of Guatemala — which we have so hardly won. It is neither to be expected nor desired that you should be ruled by an undeveloped race, ignorant of law, letters, history, politics, political economy. There is no right anywhere in numbers or un- intellisfence to rule intelliorence. It is a travesty of civilisation. No northern State that I know of would submit to be ruled by an undeveloped race. And human nature is exactly in the south what it is in the north. That is one impregnable fact, to be taken as the basis of all our calculations ; the whites of the south will not, cannot, be dominated, as matters now stand, by the coloured race. But, then, there is the suffrage, the uni- versal, unqualified suffrage. And here is the dilemma. Suffrao-e once 2:iven, cannot be suppressed or denied, perverted by chicane or bribery without incalculable damage to the whole political body. Irregular methods once indulged in for one purpose, and to- [105] CERTAIN DIVERS ir lES wards one class, so sap the moral sense that they come to be used for all purposes. The danger is ultimately as great to those who suppress or pervert as it is to the suppressed and corrupted. It is the demoralisation of all sound political action and life. I know whereof I speak. In the north, bribery in elections and intimidation are fatal to public morality. The legislature elected by bribery is a bribable body. I believe that the fathers w^ere right in making government depend upon the con- sent of the governed. I believe there has been as yet discovered no other basis of government so safe, so stable as popular suffrage, but the fathers never contemplated a suffrage without intelligence. It is a con- tradiction of terms. A proletariat without any political rights in a republic is no more dangerous than an unintelligent mob which can be used in elections by demagogues. Universal suffrage is not a universal pana- cea ; it may be the best device attainable, but it is certain of abuse without safeguards. One of the absolutely necessary safeguards [io6] OF AMERICAN LIFE is an educational qualification. No one ought anywhere to exercise it who cannot read and write, and if I had my way, no one should cast a ballot who had not a fair conception of the effect of it, shown by a higher test of intelligence tlian the mere fact of ability to scrawl his name and to spell out a line or two in the Constitution. This much the State for its own protection is bound to re- quire, for suffrage is an expediency, not a right belonging to universal humanity regardless of intellio^ence or of character. The charge is, with regard to this uni- versal suffrage, that you take the fruits of increased representation produced by it, and then deny it to a portion of the voters whose action was expected to produce a different political result. I cannot but regard it as a blunder in statesmanship to give suffrage without an educational qualification, and to deem it possible to put ignorance over in- telligence. You are not responsible for the situation, but you are none the less in an illogical position before the law. Now, would you not gain more in a rectification of your [ 107] CERrAIN DIVERSITIES position than you would lose in other ways, by making suffrage depend upon an educa- tional qualification ? I do not mean gain party-wise, but in political morals and general prosperity. Time would certainly be gained by this, and it is possible in this shifting world, in the growth of industries and the flow of populations, that before the question of supremacy was again upon you, foreign and industrial immigration would restore the race balance. We come now to education. The coloured race being here, I assume that its education, with the probabilities this involves of its elevation, is a duty as well as a necessity. I speak both of the inherent justice there is in giving every human being the chance of bettering his condition and increasing his happiness that lies in education — unless our whole theory of modern life is wrong — and also of the political and social danger there is in a degraded class numerically strong. Granted integral membership in a body poli- tic, education is a necessity. I am aware of the danger of half education, of that smatter- [ io8 ] OF AMERICAN LIFE ing of knowledge which only breeds conceit, adroitness, and a consciousness of physical power, without due responsibility and moral restraint. Education makes a race more powerful both for evil and for good. I see the danger that many apprehend. And the outlook, with any amount of education, would be hopeless, not only as regards the negro and those in neighbourhood relations with him, if education should not bring with it thrift, sense of responsibility as a citizen, and virtue. What the negro race under the most favour- able conditions is capable of remains to be shown ; history does not help us much to determine thus far. It has always been a long pull for any race to rise out of primitive conditions ; but I am sure for its own sake, and for the sake of the republic where it dwells, every thoughtful person must desire the most speedy intellectual and moral de- velopment possible of the African race. And I mean as a race. Some distinguished English writers have suggested, with approval, that the solution of the race problem in this country is fusion, [ 109 ] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES and I have even heard discouraged south- erners accept it as a possibility. The result of their observation of the amalgamation of races and colours in Egypt, in Syria, and Mexico, must be very different from mine. When races of different colour mingle there is almost invariably loss of physical stamina, and the lower moral qualities of each are developed in the combination. No race that regards its own future would desire it. The absorption theory as applied to America is, it seems to me, chimericaL But to return to education. It should always be fitted to the stage of develop- ment. It should always mean discipline, the training of the powers and capacities. The early pioneers who planted civilisation on the Watauga, the Holston, the Kentucky, the Cumberland, had not much broad learn- ing, — they would not have been worse if they had had more, — but they had courage, they were trained in self-reliance, virile com- mon sense, and good judgment, they had inherited the instinct and capacity of self- government, they were religious, with all [no] OF AMERICAN LIFE their coarseness they had the fundamental elements of nobility, the domestic virtues, and the public spirit needed in the founda- tion of states. Their education in all the manly arts and crafts of the backwoodsman, fitted them very well for the work they had to do. I should say that the education of the coloured race in America should be fun- damental. I have not much confidence in an ornamental top-dressing of philosophy, theology, and classic learning upon the foun- dation of an unformed and unstable mental and moral condition. Somehow, character must be built up, and character depends upon industry, upon thrift, upon morals, upon correct ethical perceptions. To have control of one's powers, to have skill in labour, so that work in any occupation shall be intelligent, to have self-respect, which com- monly comes from trained capacity, to know how to live, to have a clean, orderly house, to be grounded in honesty and the domestic vir- tues, — these are the essentials of progress. I suppose that the education to produce these must be an elemental and practical [III] CERTAIN DIVERSITIES one, one that fits for the duties of life and not for some imaginary sphere above them. To put it in a word, and not denying that there must be schools for teaching the teachers, with the understanding that the teachers should be able to teach what the mass most needs to know — what the race needs for its own good to-day, are in- dustrial and manual training schools, with the varied and practical discipline and arts of life which they impart. What then } What of the modus vivendi of the two races occupying the same soil .f* As I said before, I do not know. Providence works slowly. Time and patience only solve such enigmas. The impossible is not ex- pected of man, only that he shall do to-day the duty nearest to him. It is easy, you say, for an outsider to preach waiting, pa- tience, forbearance, sympathy, helpfulness. Well, these are the important lessons we get out of history. We struggle, and fume, and fret, and accomplish little in our brief hour, but somehow the world gets on. For- tunately for us, we cannot do to-day the [112] OF AMERICAN LIFE work of to-morrow. All the gospel in the world can be boiled down into a single pre- cept. Do right now. I have observed that the boy who starts in the morning w^ith a determination to behave himself till bed- time, usually gets through the day without a thrashing. But of one thing I am sure. In the rush of industries, in the race problem, it is more and more incumbent upon such institutions as the University of the South to maintain the highest standard of pure scholarship, to increase the number of men and women devoted to the intellectual life. Long ago, in the middle of the seventeenth century, John Ward of Stratford-on-Avon, clergyman and physician, wrote in his diary : " The wealth of a nation depends upon its popu- lousness, and its populousness depends upon the liberty of conscience that is granted to it, for this calls in strangers and promotes trading." Great is the attraction of a benign climate and of a fruitful soil, but a greater attraction is an intelligent people, that values the best thino;s in life, a societv CERT A IN DIVERSITIES hospitable, companionable, instinct with in- tellectual life, awake to the great ideas that make life interesting. As I travel through the south and become acquainted with its magnificent resources and opportunities, and know better and love more the admirable qualities of its people, I cannot but muse in a fond prophecy upon the brilliant part it is to play in the diversified life and the great future of the American Republic. But, north and south, we have a hard fight with materialis- ing tendencies. God bless the University of the South ! [114] The Pilgrim, and the American of To-Day TPilS December evening, the imagin- ation, by a law of contrast, recalls another December night two hun- dred and seventy years ago. The circle of darkness is drawn about a little group of Pil- grims who have come ashore on a sandy and inhospitable coast. On one side is a vexed and wintry sea, three thousand miles of toss- ing waves and tempest, beyond which lie the home, the hedgerows and cottages, the church towers, the libraries and universities, the habits and associations of an old civilisation, the strongest and dearest ties that can en- twine around a human heart, abandoned now definitely and forever by these wanderers ; on the other side a wintry forest of unknown extent, without highways, the lair of wild beasts, impenetrable except by trails known only to the savages, whose sudden appearance [115] THE PILGRIM, AND THE and disappearance adds mystery and terror to the impression the imagination has con- jured up of the wilderness. This darkness is symbolic. It stands for a vaster obscurity. This is an encampment on the edge of a continent, the proportions of which are unknown, the form of which is only conjectured. Behind this screen of forest are there hills, great streams, with broad valleys, ranges of mountains perhaps, vast plains, lakes, other wildernesses of illim- itable extent? The adventurers on the James hoped they could follow the stream to highlands that looked off upon the South Sea, a new route to India and the Spice Islands. This unknown continent is at- tacked, it is true, in more than one place. The Dutch are at the mouth of the Hudson; there is a London company on the James ; the Spaniards have been long in Florida, and have carried religion and civilisation into the deserts of New Mexico. Nevertheless, the continent, vaster and more varied than was guessed, is practically undiscovered, un- trodden. How inadequate to the subjection [ii6] AM ERIC AN OF TO-PAT of any considerable portion of it seems this little band of ill-equipped adventurers, who cannot without peril of life stray a league from the bay where the " Mayflower " lies. It is not to be supposed that the Pilgrims had an adequate conception of the continent, or of the maofnitude of their mission on it, or of the nation to come of which they were laying the foundations. They did the duty that lay nearest to them ; and the duty done to-day, perhaps without prescience of its consequences, becomes a permanent stone in the edifice of the future. They sought a home in a fresh wilderness, where they might be undisturbed by superior human authority ; they had no doctrinarian notions of equality, nor of the inequality which is the only pos- sible condition of liberty ; the idea of tolera- tion was not born in their age ; they did not project a republic ; they established a theoc- racy, a church which assumed all the func- tions of a state, recognising one Supreme Power, whose will in human conduct they were to interpret. Already, however, in the first moment, with a true instinct of self- THE PILGRIM, AND THE government, they drew together In the cabin of the " Mayflower " in an association to carry out the divine will in society. But, behold how speedily their ideas expanded beyond the Jewish conception, necessarily expanded with opportunity and the practical self- dependence of colonies cut off from the aid of tradition, and brought face to face with the problems of communities left to them- selves. Only a few years later, on the banks of the Connecticut, Thomas Hooker, the first American Democrat, proclaimed that "the foundation of authority is laid in the free consent of the people," that " the choice of public magistrates belongs unto the people, by God's own allowance," that it is the right of the people not only to choose but to limit the power of their rulers, and he exhorted, "as God has given us liberty to take it." There, at that moment, in Hartford, Ameri- can democracy was born ; and in the repub- lican union of the three towns of the Connecticut colony, Hartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield, was the germ of the American federal system, which was adopted into the [ii8] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT federal constitution and known at the time as the "Connecticut Compromise." It were not worth while for me to come a tliousand miles to say this, or to draw over ao^ain for the hundredth time the character of the New England Pilgrim, nor to sketch his achievement on this continent. But it is pertinent to recall his spirit, his attitude toward life, and to inquire what he would probably do in the circumstances In which we find ourselves. It is another December night, before the dawn of a new year. And this night still symbolises the future. You have subdued a continent, and it stands in the daylight radiant with a material splendour of which the Pilgrims never dreamed. Yet a continent as dark, as unknown, exists. It is yourselves, your future, your national life. The other continent was made, you had only to discover it, to uncover it. This you must make yourselves. We have finished the outline sketch of a magnificent nation. The territory is ample ; it includes every variety of climate, in the ["9] THE PILGRIM, AND THE changing seasons, every variety of physical conformation, every kind of production suited to the wants, almost everything desired in the imagination, of man. It comes nearer than any empire in history to being self- sufficient, physically independent of the rest of the globe. That is to say, if it were shut off from the rest of the world, it has in itself the material for great comfort and civilisation. And it has the elements of motion, of agita- tion, of life, because the vast territory is fill- ing up with a rapidity unexampled in history. I am not saying that isolated it could attain the highest civilisation, or that if it did touch a high one it could long hold it in a living growth, cut off from the rest of the world. I do not believe it. For no state, however large, is sufficient unto itself. No state is really alive in the highest sense whose recep- tivity is not equal to its power to contribute to the world with which its destiny is bound up. It is only at its best when it is a part of the vital current of movement, of sympathy, of hope, of enthusiasm of the world at large. There is no doctrine so belittling, so wither- [120] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT inor to our national life, as that which con- ceives our destiny to be a Hfe of exclusion of the affairs and interests of the whole globe, hemmed in to the selfish development of our material wealth and strength, surrounded by a Chinese wall built of strata of prejudice on the outside and of ignorance on the inside. Fortunately it is a conception impossible to be realised. There is something captivating to the imagination in being a citizen of a great nation, one powerful enough to command respect everywhere, and so just as not to excite fear anywhere. This proud feeling of citizenship is a substantial part of a man's enjoyment of life ; and there is a certain com- pensation for hardships, for privations, for self-sacrifice, in the glory of one's own coun- try. It is not a delusion that one can afford to die for it. But what in the last analysis is the object of a government ? What is the essential thing, without which even the glory of a nation passes into shame, and the vast- ness of empire becomes a mockery.^ I wall not say that it is the well-being of every in- [121] THE PILGRIM, AND THE dividual, because the term well-being — the dien etre of the philosophers of the eigh- teenth century — has mainly a materialistic interpretation, and may be attained by a com- promise of the higher life to comfort, and even of patriotism to selfish enjoyment. That is the best government in which the people, and all the people, get the most out of life ; for the object of being in this world is not primarily to build up a government, a monarchy, an aristocracy, a democracy, or a republic, or to make a nation, but to live the best sort of life that can be lived. We think that our form of government is the one best calculated to attain this end. It is of all others yet tried in this world the one least felt by the people, least felt as an inter- ference in the affairs of private life, in opin- ion, in conscience, in our freedom to attain position, to make money, to move from place to place, and to follow any career that is open to our ability. In order to maintain this freedom of action, this non-interference, we are bound to resist centralisation of power; for a central power in a republic, [ 122 ] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT grasped and administered by bosses, is no more tolerable than central power in a des- potism, grasped and administered by a hered- itary aristocrat. Let us not be deceived by names. Government by the consent of the people is the best government, but it is not government by the people when it is in the hands of political bosses, who juggle with the theory of majority rule. What republics have most to fear is the rule of the boss, w^ho is a tyrant without responsibility. He makes the nominations, he dickers and trades for the elections, and at the end he divides the spoils. The operation is more uncertain than a horse race, which is not decided by the speed of the horses, but by the state of the wagers and the manipulation of the jockeys. We strike directly at his power for mischief when we organise the entire civil service of the nation and of the States on capacity, integrity, experience, and not on political power. And if w^e look further, considering the danger of concentration of power in irre- sponsible hands, we see a new cause for alarm [123] THE PILGRIM, AND THE in undue federal mastery and interference. This we can only resist by the constant as- sertion of the rights, the power, the dignity of the individual State, all that it has not sur- rendered in the fundamental constitution of the Republic. This means the full weight of the State, as a State, as a political unit, in the election of President; and the full weight of the State, as a State, as a political unit, with- out regard to its population, in the senate of the United States. The senate, as it stands, as it was meant to be in the Consti- tution, is the strongest safeguard which the fundamental law established against centra- lisation, against the tyranny of mere majori- ties, against the destruction of liberty, in such a diversity of climates and conditions as we have in our vast continent. It is not a mere check upon hasty legislation ; like some second chambers in Europe, it is the representative of powers whose preservation in their dignity is essential to the preserva- tion of the form of our government itself. We pursue the same distribution of power and responsibility when we pass to the States. [ 124] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT The federal government is not to interfere in what the State can do and ought to do for itself; the State is not to meddle with what the county can best do for itself; nor the county in the affairs best administered by the tow^n and the municipality. And so we come to the individual citizen. He cannot delegate his responsibility. The government even of the smallest community must be, at least is, run by parties and by party ma- chinery. But if he wants good government, he must pay as careful attention to the machinery, — call it caucus, primary, conven- tion, town-meeting, — as he does to the machinery of his owai business. If he hands it over to bosses, who make politics a trade for their own livelihood, he will find himself in the condition of stockholders of a bank whose directors are mere dummies, when some day the cashier packs the assets and goes on a foreign journey for his health. When the citizen simply does his duty in the place where he stands, the boss will be elim- inated, in the nation, in the State, in the town, and we shall have, what by courtesy we say [125] THE PILGRIM, AND THE we have now, a government by the people. Then all the way down from the capital to the city ward, w^e shall have vital popular government, free action, discussion, agitation, life. What an anomaly it is, that a free people, reputed shrewd and intelligent, should intrust their most vital interests, the making of their laws, the laying of their taxes, the spending of their money, even their education and the management of their public institutions into the keeping of politi- cal bosses, whom they would not trust to man- age the least of their business affairs, nor to arbitrate on what is called a trial of speed at an agricultural fair. But a good government, the best govern- ment is only an opportunity. However vast the country may become in wealth and popu- lation, it cannot rise in quality above the average of the majority of its citizens; and its goodness will be tested in history by its value to the average man, not by its bigness, not by its power, but by its adaptability to the people governed, so as to develop the best that is in them. It is incidental and [126] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT imperative that the country should be an agreeable one to live in ; but it must be more than that, it must be favourable to the growth of the higher life. The Puritan community of Massachusetts Bay, whose spirit we may happily contrast with that of the Pilgrims whose anniversary we celebrate, must have been as disagreeable to live in as any that history records; not only were the physical conditions of life hard, but its inquisitorial intolerance overmatched that which it es- caped in England. It was a theocratic despotism, untempered by recreation or amusement, and repressive not only of freedom of expression but of freedom of thought. But it had an unconquerable will, a mighty sense of duty, a faith in God, which not only established its grip upon the continent but carried its influence from one ocean to the other. It did not conquer by its bigotry, by its intolerance, its cruel per- secuting spirit, but by its higher mental and spiritual stamina. These lower and baser qualities of the age of the Puritans leave a stain upon a great achievement ; it took [ 127 ] THE PILGRIM, AND THE Massachusetts almost two centuries to cast them off and come into a wholesome freedom, but the vital energy and the recognition of the essential verities in human life carried all the institutions of the Puritans that were life- giving over the continent. Here in the west you are near the centre of a vast empire, you feel its mighty pulse, the throb and heart-beat of its immense and growing strength. Some of you have seen this great civilisation actually grow on the vacant prairies, in the unoccupied wilder- ness, on the sandy shores of the inland seas. You have seen the trails of the Indian and the deer replaced by highways of steel, and upon the spots where the first immi- grants corralled their wagons, and the voy- agers dragged their canoes upon the reedy shore, you have seen arise great cities, centres of industry, of commerce, of art, attaining in a generation the proportions and the world- wide fame of cities that were already famous before the discovery of America. Naturally the country is proud of this achievement. Naturally we magnify our ma- C 128 ] AMERICAN OF T 0-D A T terlal prosperity. But in this age of science and invention this development may be said to be inevitable, and besides it is the neces- sary out-let of the energy of a free people. There must be growth of cities, extension of railways, improvement of agriculture, de- velopment of manufactures, amassing of wealth, concentration of capital, beautifying of homes, splendid public buildings, private palaces, luxury, display. Without reservoirs of wealth there would be no great univer- sities, schools of science, museums, galleries of art, libraries, solid institutions of charity, and perhaps not the wide diffusion of cul- ture which is the avowed aim of modern civilisation. But this in its kind is an old story. It is an experiment that has been repeated over and over. History is the record of the rise of splendid civilisations, many of which have flowered into the most glorious products of learning and of art, and have left monuments of the proudest material achievements. Ex- cept in the rapidity with which steam and electricity have enabled us to move to our 9 [129] THE PILGRIM, AND THE object, and in the discoveries of science which enable us to relieve suffering and prolong human life, there is nothing new in our experiment. We are pursuing substan- tially the old ends of material success and display. And the ends are not different because we have more people in a nation, or bigger cities with taller buildings, or more miles of railway, or grow more corn and cotton, or make more ploughs and threshing- machines, or have a greater variety of pro- ducts than any nation ever had before. I fancy that a pleased visitor from another planet the other day at Chicago, who was shown an assembly much larger than ever before met under one roof, might have been interested to know that it was also the wisest, the most cultivated, the most weighty in character of any assembly ever gathered under one roof. Our experiment on this continent was intended to be something more than the creation of a nation on the old pattern, that should become big and strong, and rich and luxurious, divided into classes of the very [ 130] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT wealthy and the very poor, of the en- lightened and the ilHterate. It was intended to be a nation in which the welfare of the people is the supreme object, and whatever its show amono^ nations it fails if it does not become this. This welfare is an indi- vidual matter, and it means many things. It includes in the first place physical com- fort for every person willing and deserving to be physically comfortable, decent lodging, good food, sufficient clothing. It means, in the second place, that this shall be an agree- able country to live in, by reason of its impartial laws, social amenities, and a fair chance to enjoy the gifts of nature and Providence. And it means, again, the op- portunity to develop talents, aptitudes for cultivation and enjoyment, in short, freedom to make the most possible out of our lives. This is what Jefferson meant by the " pur- suit of happiness; " it was what the consti- tution meant by the " general welfare," and what it tried to secure in States, safe-guarded enough to secure independence in the play of local ambition and home rule, and in a [131] THE PILGRIM, AND THE federal republic strong enough to protect the whole from foreign interference. We are in no vain chase of an inequality which would eliminate all individual initiative, and check all progress, by ignoring differences of ca- pacity and strength, and rating muscles equal to brains. But we are in pursuit of equal laws, and a fairer chance of leading happy lives than humanity in general ever had vet. And this fairer chance would not, for instance, permit any man to become a millionaire by so manipulating railways that the subscribing towns and private stock- holders should lose their investments; nor would it assume that any Gentile or Jew has the right to grow rich by the chance of com- pelling poor women to make shirts for six cents apiece. The public opinion which sustains these deeds is as un-American, and as guilty as their doers. While abuses like these exist, tolerated by the majority that not only make public opinion, but make the laws, this is not a government for the people, any more than a government of bosses is a government by the people. [ 132 ] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT The Pilgrims of Plymouth could see no way of shaping their lives in accordance with the higher law except by separating them- selves from the world. We have their prob- lem, how to make the most of our lives, but the conditions have changed. Ours is an age of scientific aggression, fierce competi- tion, and the widest toleration. The horizon of humanity is enlarged. To live the life now is to be no more isolated or separate, but to throw ourselves into the crreat move- ment of thought, and feeling, and achieve- ment. Therefore we are altruists in charity, missionaries of humanity, patriots at home. Therefore we have a justifiable pride in the growth, the wealth, the power of the nation, the state, the city. But the stream cannot rise above its source. The nation is what the majority of its citizens are. It is to be judged by the condition of its humblest members. We shall gain nothing over other experiments in government, although we have money enough to buy peace from the rest of the world, or arms enough to conquer it, although we rear upon our material pros- THE PILGRIM, AND THE perity a structure of scientific achievement, of art, of literature unparalleled, if the com- mon people are not sharers in this great prosperity, and are not fuller of hope and of the enjoyment of life than common people ever were before. And we are all common people when it comes to that. Whatever the greatness of the nation, whatever the accumulation of wealth, the worth of the world to us is exactly the worth of our individual lives. The magnificent opportunity in this Republic is that we may make the most possible out of our lives, and it will continue only as we adhere to the original conception of the Republic. Politics without virtue, money- making without conscience, may result in great splendour, but as such an experiment is not new, its end can be predicted. An agreeable home for a vast, and a free, and a happy people is quite another thing. It expects thrift, it expects prosperity, but its foundations are in the moral and spiritual life. Therefore I say that we are still to make [134] AMERICAN OF TO-DAT the continent we have discovered and occu- pied, and tliat the scope and quality of our national life arc still to be determined. If they arc determined not by the narrow tenets of the Pilgrims, but by their high sense of duty, and of the value of the human soul, it will be a nation that will call the world up to a higher plane of action than it ever attained before, and it will bring in a new era of humanity. If they are deter- mined by the vulgar successes of a mere material civilisation, it is an experiment not worth making. It would have been better to have left the Indians in possession, to see if they could not have evolved out of their barbarism some new line of action. The Pilgrims were poor, and they built their huts on a shore which gave such nig- gardly returns for labour that the utmost thrift was required to secure the necessaries of life. Out of this struggle with nature and savage life was no doubt evolved the hardihood, the endurance, that builds states and wins the favours of fortune. But pov- erty is not commonly a nurse of virtue, long ['35] THE PILGRIM, AND THE continued, it is a degeneration. It is almost as difficult for the very poor man to be virtuous as for the very rich man ; and very good and very rich at the same time, says Socrates, a man cannot be. It is a great people that can withstand great prosperity. The condition of comfort without extremes is that which makes a happy life. I know a village of old-fashioned houses and broad elm-shaded streets in New England, indeed more than one, where no one is inordinately rich, and no one is very poor, where paupers are so scarce that it is difficult to find bene- ficiaries for the small traditionary contribu- tion for the church poor ; where the homes are centres of intelligence, of interest in books, in the news of the world, in the church, in the school, in politics ; whence go young men and women to the colleges, teachers to the illiterate parts of the land, missionaries to the city slums. Multiply such villages all over the country, and we have one of the chief requisites for an ideal republic. This has been the longing of humanity. AMERICAN OF T 0-D A T Poets have sung of it; prophets have had visions of it ; statesmen have striven for it ; patriots have died for it. There must be somewhere, sometime, a fruitage of so much suffering, so much sacrifice, a land of equal laws and equal opportunities, a government of all the people for the benefit of all the people ; where the conditions of living will be so adjusted that every one can make the most out of his life, neither waste it in hope- less slavery nor in selfish tyranny, where poverty and crime will not be hereditary generation after generation, where great fortunes will not be for vulgar ostentation, but for the service of humanity and the glory of the state, where the privileges of freemen will be so valued that no one will be mean enough to sell his vote nor corrupt enough to attempt to buy a vote, where the truth will at last be recognised, that the society is not prosperous when half its members are lucky, and half are miserable, and that that nation can only be truly great that takes its orders from the Great Teacher of Humanity. C 137 ] THE PILGRIM OF TO-DAT And, lo ! at last here is a great continent, virgin, fertile, a land of sun and shower and bloom, discovered, organised into a great nation, with a government flexible in a dis- tributed home rule, stiff as steel in a central power, already rich, already powerful. It is a land of promise. The materials are all here. Will you repeat the old experiment of a material success and a moral and spirit- ual failure ? Or will you make it what hu- manity has passionately longed for ? Only good individual lives can do that. [138] Nathan Hale IN a Memorial Day address at New Haven in 1881, the Hon. Richard D. Hubbard suggested the erection of a statue to Nathan Hale in the State Capitol. With the exception of the monument in Coventry no memorial of the young hero existed. The suggestion was acted on by the Hon. E. S. Cleveland, who Introduced a resolution In the House of Representatives in the session of 1883, appropriating money for the purpose. The propriety of this was urged before a committee of the Legislature by Governor Hubbard, in a speech of char- acteristic grace and eloquence, seconded by the Hon. Henry C. Robinson and the Hon. Stephen W. Kellogg. The Legislature ap- propriated the sum of five thousand dollars for a statue in bronze, and a committee was appointed to procure it. They opened a public competition, and, after considerable delay, during which the commission was [ 139] N A r H A N HA L E changed by death and by absence, — Indeed four successive governors, Hubbard, Waller, Harrison and Lounsbury have served on it, — the work was awarded to Karl Gerhardt, a young sculptor who began his career in this city. It was finished in clay, and ac- cepted in October, 1886, put in plaster, and immediately sent to the foundery of Melzar Masman in Chicopee, Massachusetts. To-day in all its artistic perfection and beauty it stands here to be revealed to the public gaze. It is proper that the citizens of Connecticut should know how much of this result they owe to the intelligent zeal of Mr. Cleveland, the mover of the resolu- tion in the Legislature, who in the commis- sion, and before he became a member of it, has spared neither time nor effort to procure a memorial worthy of the hero and of the State. And I am sure that I speak the unan- imous sentiment of the commission in the regret that the originator of this statue could not have seen the consummation of his idea, and could not have crowned it with the one thing lacking on this occasion, the silver [ 140] N A r H A N HA L E words of eloquence we always heard from his lips, that compact, nervous speech, the perfect union of strength and grace ; for who so fitly as the lamented Hubbard could have portrayed the moral heroism of the Martyr- Spy? This is not a portrait statue. There is no likeness of Nathan Hale extant. The only known miniature of his face, in the possession of the lady to whom he was be- trothed at the time of his death, disappeared many years ago. The artist was obliged, therefore, to create an ideal figure, aided by a few fragmentary descriptions of Hale's personal appearance. His object has been to represent an American youth of the period, an American patriot and scholar, whose manly beauty and grace tradition loves to recall, to represent in face and in bearing the moral elevation of character that made him conspicuous among his fel- lows, and to show forth, if possible, the deed that made him immortal. For it is the deed and the memorable last words we think of when we think of Hale. I know [141] N A THAN HAL E that by one of the canons of art it is held that sculpture should rarely fix a momen- tary action ; but if this can be pardoned in the Laocoon, where suffering could not otherwise be depicted to excite the sympathy of the spectator, surely it can be justified in this case, where, as one may say, the immor- tality of the subject rests upon a single act, upon a phrase, upon the attitude of the moment. For all the man's life, all his character, flowered and blossomed into im- mortal beauty in this one supreme moment of self-sacrifice, triumph, defiance. The lad- der of the gallows-tree on which the de- serted boy stood, amidst the enemies of his country, when he uttered those last words which all human annals do not parallel in simple patriotism, — the ladder I am sure ran up to heaven, and if angels were not seen ascending and descending it in that gray morning, there stood the embodiment of American courage, unconquerable, Ameri- can faith, invincible, American love of country, unquenchable, a new democratic manhood in the world, visible there for [ 142 ] N A r H A N HA L E all men to take note of, crowned already with the halo of victory in the Revolu- tionary dawn. Oh, my Lord Howe ! it seemed a trifling incident to you and to your bloodhound, Provost Marshal Cunning- ham, but those winged last w^ords were worth ten thousand men to the drooping patriot army. Oh, your Majesty, King George the Third ! here was a spirit, could you but have known it, that would cost you an empire, here w-as an ignominious death that would grow in the estimation of mankind, increas- ing in nobility above the fading pageantry of kino-s. On the 2 1st of April, 1775, a messenger, riding express from Boston to New^ York wdth the tidings of Lexington and Concord, reached New London. The news created intense excitement. A public meeting was called in the court-house at twilight, and among the speakers who exhorted the people to take up arms at once, was one, a youth not yet twenty years of age, who said, " Let us march immediately, and never lay down our arms until w^e have obtained our inde- [143] N A THAN HAL E pendence," — one of the first, perhaps the first, of the pubHc declarations of the purpose of independence. It was Nathan Hale, already a person of some note in the colony, of a family then not unknown and destined in various ways to distinction in the Republic. A kinsman of the same name lost his life in the Louisburg fight. He had been for a year the preceptor of the Union Grammar School at New London. The morning after the meeting he was enrolled as a volunteer, and soon marched away with his company to Cambridge. Nathan Hale, descended from Robert Hale who settled in Charlestown in 1632, a scion of the Hales of Kent, England, was born in Coventry, Connecticut, on the 6th of June, 1755, the sixth child of Richard Hale and his wife Elizabeth Strong, persons of strong intellect and the highest moral character, and Puritans of the strictest observances. Brought up in this atmosphere, in which duty and moral rectitude were the unques- tioned obligations in life, he came to man- hood with a character that enabled him to [ 144 ] _ N A r H A N HALE face death or obloquy without flinching, when duty called, so that his behaviour at the last was not an excitement of the moment, but the result of ancestry, training, and principle. Feeble physically in infancy, he developed into a robust boy, strong in mind and body, a lively, sweet-tempered, beautiful youth, and into a young manhood endowed with every admirable quality. In feats of strength and agility he recalls the traditions of Washing ton ; he early showed a remarkable avidity for knowledge, which was so sought that he became before he was of age one of the best educated young men of his time in the colo- nies. He was not only a classical scholar, with the limitations of those days; but, what was then rare, he made scientific attainments which greatly impressed those capable of judging, and he had a taste for art and a remarkable talent as an artist. His father intended him for the ministry. He received his preparatory education from Dr. Joseph Huntington, a classical scholar and the pastor of the church in Coventry, entered Yale Col- lege at the age of sixteen, and graduated with ^° [ 145 ] N A THAN HAL E high honours in a class of sixty, in September, 1773. At the time of his graduation his personal appearance was notable. Dr. Enos Monroe of New Haven, who knew him well in the last year at Yale, said of him : — ** He was almost six feet in height, perfectly proportioned, and in figure and deportment he was the most manly man I have ever met. His chest was broad ; his muscles were firm ; his face wore a most benign expression ; his complexion was roseate ; his eyes were light blue and beamed with intelligence ; his hair was soft and light brown in colour, and his speech was rather low, sweet, and musical. His personal beauty and grace of man- ner were most charming. Why, all the girls in New Haven fell in love with him," said Dr. Munro, " and wept tears of real sorrow when they heard of his sad fate. In dress he was always neat ; he was quick to lend a hand to a being in distress, brute or human ; was overflowing with good humour, and was the idol of all his acquaintances." Dr. Jared Sparks, who knew several of Hale's intimate friends, writes of him : — *• Possessing genius, taste, and order, he became distinguished as a scholar; and endowed in an eminent degree with those graces and gifts of Nature which add a charm to youthful excellence, [146] N A THAN HALE he gained universal esteem and confidence. To high moral worth and irreproachable habits were joined gentleness of manner, an ingenuous dispo- sition, and vigour of understanding. No young man of his years put forth a fairer promise of future usefulness and celebrity; the fortunes of none were fostered more sincerely by the generous good wishes of his superiors." It was remembered at Yale that he was a brilliant debater as well as scholar. At his graduation he engaged in a debate on the question, " Whether the education of daugh- ters be not, without any just reason, more neglected than that of the sons." " In this debate," wrote James Hillhouse, one of his classmates, " he w^as the champion of the daughters, and most ably advocated their cause. You may be sure that he received the plaudits of the ladies present." Hale seems to have had an irresistible charm for everybody. He w^as a favourite in society ; he had the manners and the qualities that made him a leader among men and gained him the admiration of w^omen. He was always intelligently busy, and had the Yankee ingenuity, — he " could do anything [147] N A THAN HAL E but spin," he used to say to the girls of Cov- entry, laughing over the spinning wheel. There is a universal testimony to his alert intelligence, vivacity, manliness, sincerity, and winningness. It is probable that while still an under- graduate at Yale, he was engaged to Alice Adams, who was born in Canterbury, a young lady distinguished then as she was afterwards for great beauty and intelligence. After Hale's death she married Mr. Eleazer Ripley, and was left a widow at the age of eighteen, with one child, who survived its father only one year. She married, the second time, William Lawrence, Esq., of Hartford, and died in this city, greatly respected and ad- mired, in 1845, aged eighty-eight. It is a touching note of the hold the memory of her young hero had upon her admiration that her last words, murmured as life was ebbing, were, " Write to Nathan." Hale's short career in the American army need not detain us. After his flying visit as a volunteer to Cambridge, he returned to New London, joined a company with the [148] N A THAN HA L E rank of lieutenant, participated in the siege of Boston, was commissioned a captain in the Nineteenth Connecticut Regiment in Jan- uary, 1776, performed the duties of a soldier with vigilance, bravery, and patience, and was noted for the discipline of his company. In the last dispiriting days of 1775, when the terms of his men had expired, he offered to give them his month's pay if they would remain a month longer. He accompanied the army to New York, and shared its for- tunes in that discouraging spring and sum- mer. Shortly after his arrival Captain Hale distinguished himself by the brilliant exploit of cutting out a British sloop, laden with provisions, from under the guns of the man- of-war " Asia," sixty-four, lying in the East River, and bringing her triumphantly into slip. During the summer he suffered a severe illness. The condition of the American army and cause on the ist of September, 1776, after the retreat from Long Island, was critical. The army was demoralised, clamouring in vain for pay, and deserting by companies [ 149 ] N A THAN HA L E and regiments ; one third of the men were without tents, one fourth of them were on the sick list. On the 7th, Washington called a council of war, and anxiously inquired what should be done. On the 12th, it was deter- mined to abandon the city, and take posses- sion of Harlem Heights. The British army, twenty-five thousand strong, admirably equipped, and supported by a powerful naval force, threatened to envelop our poor force, and finish the war in a stroke. Washington was unable to penetrate the designs of the British commander, or to obtain any trusty information of the intentions or the move- ments of the British army. Information was imperatively necessary to save us from de- struction, and it could only be obtained by one skilled in military and scientific knowl- edge and a good draughtsman, a man of quick eye, cool head, tact, sagacity, and courage, and one whose judgment and fidelity could be trusted. Washington applied to Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton, who sum- moned a conference of officers in the name of the commander-in-chief, and laid the mat- [150] N AT H A N HA L E ter before them. No one was willing to undertake the dangerous and ignominious mission. Knowlton was in despair, and late in the conference was repeating the necessity, when a young officer, pale from recent ill- ness, entered the room and said, " I will undertake it." It was Captain Nathan Hale. Everybody was astonished. His friends be- sought him not to attempt it. In vain. Hale was under no illusion. He silenced all remonstrances by saying that he thought he owed his country the accomplishment of an object so important and so much desired by the commander-in-chief, and he knew no way to obtain the information except by going into the enemy's camp in disguise. " I wish to be useful," he said ; " and every kind of service necessary for the public good becomes honourable by being necessary. If the exi- gencies of my country demand a peculiar service, its claims to the performance of that service are imperious." The tale is well known. Hale crossed over from Norwalk to Huntington Cove on Long Island. In the disguise of a school- [151] N A THAN HAL E master, he penetrated the British lines and the city, made accurate drawings of the forti- fications, and memoranda in Latin of all that he observed, which he concealed between the soles of his shoes, and returned to the point on the shore where he had first landed. He expected to be met by a boat and to cross the Sound to Norwalk the next morning. The next morning he was captured, no doubt by Tory treachery, and taken to Howe's headquarters, the mansion of James Beekman, situated at (the present) 50th Street and First Avenue. That was on the 2ist of September. Without trial and upon the evidence found on his person, Howe con- demned him to be hanged as a spy early next morning. Indeed Hale made no at- tempt at defence. He frankly owned his mission, and expressed regret that he could not serve his country better. His open, manly bearing and high spirit commanded the respect of his captors. Mercy he did not expect, and pity was not shown him. The British were irritated by a conflagration which had that morning laid almost a third NATHAN HALE of the city in ashes, and which they attributed to incendiary efforts to deprive them of agree- able winter quarters. Hale was at first locked up in the Beekman greenhouse. Whether he remained there all nio-ht is not known, and the place of his execution has been disputed; but the best evidence seems to be that it took place on the farm of Colonel Rutger, on the w^est side, in the orchard in the vicinity of the present East Broadway and Market Street, and that he was hanged to the limb of an apple-tree. It was a lovely Sunday morning, before the break of day, that he was marched to the place of execution, September 22nd. While awaiting the necessary preparations, a cour- teous young officer permitted him to sit in his tent. He asked for the presence of a chaplain ; the request was refused. He asked for a Bible ; it was denied. But at the solicitation of the young officer he was furnished with writing materials, and wrote briefly to his mother, his sister, and his be- trothed. When the infamous Cunningham, to whom Howe had delivered him, read what ['53] N A THAN HALE was written, he was furious at the noble and dauntless spirit shown, and with foul oaths tore the letters into shreds, saying afterwards " that the rebels should never know that they had a man who could die with such firm- ness." As Hale stood upon the fatal ladder, Cunningham taunted him, and tauntingly demanded his "last dying speech and con- fession." The hero did not heed the words of the brute, but, looking calmly upon the spectators, said in a clear voice, " I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country." And the ladder was snatched from under him. My friends, we are not honouring to-day a lad who appears for a moment in a heroic light, but one of the most worthy of the citizens of Connecticut, who has by his lofty character long honoured her, wherever patri- otism is not a mere name, and where Chris- tian manhood is respected. We have had many heroes, many youths of promise, and men of note, whose names are our only great and enduring riches ; but no one of them all better illustrated, short as was his career, the [154] N A THAN HALE virtues we desire for all our sons. We have long delayed this tribute to his character and his deeds, but in spite of our neglect his fame has grown year by year, as war and politics have taught us what is really admirable in a human being, and we are now sure that we are not erecting a monument to an ephemeral reputation. It is fit that it should stand here, one of the chief distinctions of our splendid Capitol, here in the political centre of the State, here in the city where first in all the world was proclaimed and put into a political charter the fundamental idea of democracy, that *' government rests upon the consent of the people," here in the city where by the action of these self-existing towns was formed the model, the town and the commonwealth, the bi-cameral legislature, of our constitutional federal union. If the soul of Nathan Hale, immortal in youth in the air of heaven, can behold to-day this scene, as doubtless it can, in the midst of a State whose prosperity the young colo- nist could not have imagined in his wildest [155] N A THAN HA L E dreams for his country, he must feel anew the truth that there is nothing too sacred for a man to give for his native land. Governor Lounsbury, the labour of the commission is finished. On their behalf I present this work of art to the State of Connecticut. Let the statue speak for itself. C156] Some Causes of the Prevailinp- Discontent THE Declaration of Independence opens with the statement of a great and fruitful political truth. But if it had said: — "We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created un- equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pur- suit of happiness," it would also have stated the truth ; and if it had added, " All men are born in society wdth certain duties which cannot be disregarded without danger to the social state," it would have laid down a nec- essary corollary to the first declaration. No doubt those who signed the document understood that the second clause limited the first, and that men are created equal only in respect to certain rights. But the first part of the clause has been taken alone [157] SOME CAUSES OF THE as the statement of a self-evident truth, and the attempt to make this unhmited phrase a reahty has caused a great deal of misery. In connection with the neglect of the idea that the recognition of certain duties is as important as the recognition of rights in the political and social state — that is, in con- nection with the doctrine of laissez faire — this popular notion of equality is one of the most disastrous forces in modern society. Doubtless men might have been created equal to each other in every respect, with the same mental capacity, the same physical ability, with like inheritances of good or bad qualities, and born into exactly similar con- ditions, and not dependent on each other. But men never were so created and born, so far as we have any record of them, and by analogy we have no reason to suppose that they ever will be. Inequality is the most striking fact in life. Absolute equality might be better, but so far as we can see, the law of the universe is infinite diversity in unity; and variety in condition is the essential of what we call progress — it is, in [ 158 ] PREVAILING DISCONTENT fact, life. The great doctrine of the Christian era — the brotherhood of man and the duty of the strong to tlie weak — is in sharp con- trast with this doctrinarian notion of equahty. The Christian reHgion never proposed to remove the inequahties of hfe or its suffer- ing, but by the incoming of charity and contentment and a high mind to give in- dividual men a power to be superior to their conditions. It cannot, however, be denied that the spirit of Christianity has ameliorated the condition of civilised peoples, co-operating in this with beneficent inventions. Never were the mass of the people so well fed, so well clad, so well housed, as to-day in the United States. Their ordinary daily comforts and privileges were the luxuries of a former age, often indeed unknown and unattainable to the most fortunate and privi- leged classes. Nowhere else is it or was it so easy for a man to change his condition, to satisfy his wants, nowhere else has he or had he such advantages of education, such facilities of travel, such an opportunity to [159] SOME CAUSES OF THE find an environment to suit himself. As a rule the mass of mankind have been tied to the spot where they were born. A mighty change has taken place in regard to liberty, freedom of personal action, the possibility of coming into contact with varied life and an enlarged participation in the bounties of nature and the inventions of s^enius. The whole world is in motion, and at liberty to be so. Everywhere that civilisation has gone there is an immense improvement in material conditions during the last one hundred years. And yet men were never so discontented, nor did they ever find so many ways of ex- pressing their discontent. In view of the general amelioration of the conditions of life this seems unreasonable and illogical, but it may seem less so when we reflect that human nature is unchanged, and that which has to be satisfied in this world is the mind. And there are some exceptions to this general material prosperity, in its result to the work- ing classes. Manufacturing England is an exception. There is nothing so pitiful, so [ i6o ] PREVAILING DISCONTENT hopeless in the record of man, not in the Middle Ages, not in rural France just before the Revolution, as the physical and mental condition of the operators in the great manu- facturino; cities and in the vast reekins: slums of London. The political economists have made England the world's great workshop, on the theory that wealth is the greatest good in life, and that with the golden streams flowing into England from a tributary world, wages would rise, food be cheap, employment constant. The horrible result to humanity is one of the exceptions to the general up- lift of the race, not paralleled as yet by any- thing in this country, but to be taken note of as a possible outcome of any material civili- sation, and fit to set us thinking whether we have not got on a wrong track. Mr. Froude, fresh from a sight of the misery of industrial England, and borne straight on toward Australia over a vast ocean, through calm and storm, by a great steamer, — horses of fire yoked to a sea-chariot, — exclaims ; " What, after all, have these wonderful achievements done to elevate human nature .f* II [ i6i ] SOME CAUSES OF THE Human nature remains as it was. Science grows, but morality is stationary, and art is vulgarised. Not here lie the ' things nec- essary to salvation,' not the things which can give to human life grace, or beauty, or dignity." In the United States, with its open op- portunities, abundant land, where the condi- tion of the labouring class is better actually and in possibility than it ever was in history, and where there is little poverty except that which is inevitably the accompaniment of human weakness and crime, the prevailing discontent seems groundless. But of course an agitation so wide-spread, so much in earnest, so capable of evoking sacrifice, even to the verge of starvation and the risk of life, must have some reason in human nature. Even an illusion — and men are as ready to die for an illusion as for a reality — cannot exist without a cause. Now, content does not depend so much upon a man's actual as his relative condition. Often it is not so much what I need, as what others have that disturbs me. I should be [162 J PREVAILING DISCONTENT content to walk from Boston to New York, and be a fortnight on the way, if everybody else was obliged to walk who made that journey. It becomes a hardship when my neighbour is whisked over the route in six hours and I have to walk. It would still be a hardship if he attained the ability to go in an hour, when I was only able to accomplish the distance in six hours. While there has been a tremendous uplift all along the line of material conditions, and the labouring man who is sober and industrious has comforts and privileges in his daily life which the rich man who was sober and in- dustrious did not enjoy a hundred years ago, the relative position of the rich man and the poor man has not greatly changed. It is true, especially in the United States, that the poor have become rich and the rich poor, but inequality of condition is about as marked as it was before the invention of labour-saving machinery, and though work- ing men are better off in many ways, the accumulation of vast fortunes, acquired often in brutal disregard of humanity, marks the [163] SOME CAUSES OF THE contrast of conditions perhaps more emphat- ically than it ever appeared before. That this inequality should continue in an era of universal education, universal suffrage, uni- versal locomotion, universal emancipation from nearly all tradition, is a surprise, and a perfectly comprehensible cause of discon- tent. It is axiomatic that all men are created equal. But, somehow, the problem does not work out in the desired actual equality of conditions. Perhaps it can be forced to the right conclusion by violence. It ought to be said, as to the United States, that a very considerable part of the discontent is imported, it is not native, nor based on any actual state of things existing here. Agitation has become a business. A great many men and some women, to whom work of any sort is distasteful, live by it. Some of them are refugees from military or political despotism, some are refugees from justice, some from the lowest conditions of industrial slavery. When they come here, they assume that the hardships they have come away to escape exist here, and they [164] PREFAILING DISCONTENT begin asritating against them. Their busi- ness is to so mix the real wrongs of our social life with imaginary hardships, and to heighten the whole with illusory and often debasing theories, that discontent will be engendered. For it is by means of that only that they live. It requires usually a great deal of labour, of organisation, of oratory to work up this discontent so that it is profit- able. The solid working men of America who know the value of industry and thrift, and have confidence in the relief to be obtained from all relievable wrongs by legiti- mate political or other sedate action, have no time to give to the leadership of agitations which require them to quit work, and de- stroy industries, and attack the social order upon which they depend. The whole case, you may remember, was embodied thousands of years ago in a parable, which Jotham, standing on the top of Mount Gerizim, spoke to the men of Shechem : '' The trees went forth on a time to anoint a king over them ; and they said unto the olive-tree, ' Reign thou over us.' [165] SOME CAUSES OF THE " But the olive-tree said unto them, ' Should I leave my fatness wherewith by me they honour God and man, and go to be promoted over the trees ? ' " And the trees said to the fig-tree, * Come thou and reign over us.' " But the fig-tree said unto them, * Should I forsake my sweetness and my good fruit, and go to be promoted over the trees ? ' " Then said the trees unto the vine, * Come thou and reign over us.' " And the vine said unto them, ' Should I leave my wine, which cheereth God and man, and go to be promoted over the trees } ' "Then said the trees unto the bramble, * Come thou and reign over us.' " And the bramble said to the trees, * If in truth ye anoint me king over you, then come and put your trust in my shadow ; and if not, let fire come out of the bramble, and devour the cedars of Lebanon.' " In our day a conflagration of the cedars of Lebanon has been the only result of the kingship of the bramble. [i66] PREVAILING DISCONTENT In the opinion of many, our universal education is one of the chief causes of the discontent. This might be true and not be an arsfument ajiainst education, for a certain amount of discontent is essential to self-de- velopment ; and if, as we believe, the develop- ment of the best powers of every human being is a good in itself, education ought not to be held responsible for the evils attending a transitional period. Yet we cannot ignore the danger, in the present stage, of an education that is necessarily superficial, that engenders conceit of knowledge and power, rather than real knowledge and power, and that breeds in two-thirds of those who have it a distaste for useful labour. We believe in education ; but there must be something wrong in an education that sets so many people at odds with the facts of life, and, above all, does not furnish them with any protection against the wildest illusions. There is something wanting in the education that only half educates people. Whether there is the relation of cause and effect between the two I do not pretend to [167] SOME CAUSES OF THE say, but universal and superficial education in this country has been accompanied with the most extraordinary delusions and the evolution of the wildest theories. It is only necessary to refer, by way of illustration, to the greenback illusion, and to the whole group of spiritualistic disturbances and psy- chological epidemics. It sometimes seems as if half the American people were losing the power to apply logical processes to the ordinary affairs of life. In studying the discontent in this country which takes the form of a labour movement, one is at first struck by its illogical aspects. So far as it is an organised attempt to better the condition of men by association of inter- ests it is consistent. But it seems strange that the doctrine of individualism should so speedily have an outcome in a personal slavery, only better in the sense that it is voluntary, than that which it protested against. The revolt from authority, the assertion of the right of private judgment, has been pushed forward into a socialism which destroys individual liberty of action, [i68] PREVAILING DISCONTENT or to a state of anarchy in wliich the weak would have no protection. I do not imagine that the leaders who preach socialism, who live by agitation and not by labour, really desire to overturn the social order and brins: chaos. If social chaos came, their occupa- tion would be gone, for if all men were re- duced to a level, they would be compelled to scratch about with the rest for a living. They live by agitation, and they are con- fident that government will be strong enough to hold things together, so that they can continue agitation. The strange thing is that their followers who live by labour and expect to live by it, and believe in the doctrine of individualism, and love liberty of action, should be walling to surrender their discretion to an arbitrary committee, and should expect that liberty of action would be preserved if all property were handed over to the state, which should undertake to regulate every man's time, occupation, wages, and so on. The central committee or authority, or whatever it might be called, would be an extraordinary des- L169] SOME CAUSES OF THE potism, tempered only by the idea that it could be overturned every twenty-four hours. But what security would there be for any calculations in life in a state of things in ex- pectation of a revolution any moment? Compared with the freedom of action in such a government as ours, any form of communism is an iniquitous and meddle- some despotism. In a less degree an asso- ciation to which a man surrenders the right to say when, where, and for how much he shall work, is a despotism, and when it goes further and attempts to put a pressure on all men outside of the association, so that they are free neither to work nor to hire the workmen they choose, it is an extraordinary tyranny. It almost puts in the shade Mexi- can or Russian personal government. A de- mand is made upon a railway company that it shall discharge a certain workman because and only because he is not a member of the union. The company refuses. Then a dis- tant committee orders a strike on that road, which throws business far and wide into con- fusion, and is the cause of heavy loss to tens [ 170] PREVAILING DISCONTENT of thousands who have no interest in any association of capital or labour, many of whom are ruined by this violence. Some of the results of this surrender of personal lib- erty are as illegal as illogical. The boycott is a conspiracy to injure an- other person, and as such indictable at com- mon law. A strike, if a conspiracy only to raise wages or to reduce hours of labour, may not be indictable, if its object cannot be shown to be the injury of another, though that may be incidentally its effect. But in its incidents, such as violence, intimidation, and in some cases injury to the public wel- fare, it often becomes an indictable offence. The law of conspiracy is the most ill- defined branch of jurisprudence, but it is safe to say of the boycott and the strike that they both introduce an insupportable element of tyranny, of dictation, of inter- ference, into private life. If they could be maintained, society would be at the mercy of an irresponsible and even secret tribunal. The strike is illogical. Take the recent experience in this country. We have had [171] SOME CAUSES OF THE a long season of depression, in which many earned very little and labour sought employ- ment in vain. In the latter part of winter the prospect brightened, business revived, orders for goods poured in to all the factories in the country, and everybody believed that we were on the eve of a very prosperous sea- son. This was the time taken to order strikes, and they were enforced in perhaps a majority of cases against the wishes of those who obeyed the order, and who com- plained of no immediate grievance. What men chiefly wanted was the opportunity to work. The result has been to throw us all back into the condition of stagnation and depression. Many people are ruined, an im- mense amount of capital which ventured into enterprises is lost, but of course the greatest sufferers are the working men themselves. The methods of violence suggested by the communists and anarchists are not remedial. Real difficulties exist, but these do not reach them. The fact is that people in any relations incur mutual obligations, and the [ 172 ] PREVAILING DISCONTENT world cannot 2.0 on without a recocrnition of duties as well as rio-hts. We all aorcc that every man has a right to work for whom he pleases, and to quit the work if it does not or the wages do not suit him. On the other hand, a man has a right to hire whom he pleases, pay such wages as he thinks he call afford, and discharge men who do not suit him. But when men come together in the relation of employer and employed, other considerations arise. A man has capital which, instead of loaning at interest or lock- ing up in real estate or bonds, he puts into a factory. In other words, he unlocks it for the benefit partly of men w^ho want wages. He has the expectation of making money, of making more than he could by lending his money. Perhaps he will be disappointed, for a common experience is the loss of cap- ital thus invested. He hires workmen at certain wages. On the strength of this arrangement, he accepts orders and makes contracts for the delivery of goods. He may make money one year and lose the next. It is better for the workman that he [ 173 J SOME CAUSES OF THE should prosper, for the fund of capital ac- cumulated is that upon which they depend to give them wages in a dull time. But some day when he is in a corner with orders, and his rivals are competing for the market, and labour is scarce, his men strike on him. Conversely, take the workman settled down to work in the mill, at the best wages attainable at the time. He has a house and family. He has given pledges to society. His employer has incurred certain duties in regard to him by the very nature of their relations. Suppose the workman and his family cannot live in any comfort on the wages he receives. The employer is morally bound to increase the wages if he can. But if, instead of sympathising with the situation of his workman, he forms a combination with all the mills of his sort, and reduces wages merely to increase his gains, he is guilty of an act as worthy of indictment as the strike. I do not see why a conspiracy against labour is not as illegal as a conspiracy against capital. The truth is, the possession of power by men or associations makes them [ 174] PREVAILING DISCONTENT selfish and generally cruel. Few employers consider anything but the arithmetic of sup- ply and demand in fixing wages, and working men who have the power, tend to act as selfishly as the male printers used to act in striking in an establishment which dared to give employment to women type-setters. It is of course sentimental to say it, but I do not expect we shall ever get on with less friction than we have now, until men recog- nise their duties as well as their rights in their relations with each other. In running over some of the reasons for the present discontent, and the often illogi- cal expression of it, I am far from saying anything against legitimate associations for securing justice and fair play. Disassociated labour has generally been powerless against accumulated capital. Of course, organised labour-getting power will use its power (as power is always used) unjustly and tyran- nically. It will make mistakes, it will often injure itself while inflicting general damage. But with all. its injustice, with all its surren- der of personal liberty, it seeks to call the [175] SOME CAUSES OF THE attention of the world to certain hideous wrongs, to which the world is likely to continue selfishly indifferent unless rudely shaken out of its sense of security. Some of the objects proposed by these associations are chimerical, but the agitation will doubt- less go on until another element is intro- duced into w^ork and wages than mere supply and demand. I believe that sometime it will be impossible that a woman shall be forced to make shirts at six cents a piece, with the gaunt figures of starvation or a life of shame waiting at the door. I talked re- cently with the driver of a street-car in a large city. He received a dollar and sixty cents a day. He went on to his platform at eight in the morning, and left it at twelve at night, sixteen hours of continuous labour every day in the week. He had no rest for meals, only snatched what he could eat as he drove along, or at intervals of five or eight minutes at the end of routes. He had no Sunday, no holiday in the year. Between twelve o'clock at night and eight the next morning, he must wash and clean his car. [176] PREVAILING DI SCONTENT Thus his hours of sleep were abridged. He was obHged to keep an eye on the passengers to see that they put their fares in the box, to be always responsible for them, that they got on and off without accident, to watch that the rules were enforced, and that collisions and common street dangers were avoided. This mental and physical strain for sixteen consecutive hours, with scant sleep, so de- moralised him that he was obliQfed once in two or three months to hire a substitute and go away to sleep. This is treating a human being with less consideration than the horses receive. He is powerless against the great corporation ; If he complains, his place is in- stantly filled ; the public does not care. Now what I want to say about this case, and that of the w^oman who makes a shirt for six cents (and these are only types of dis- regard of human souls and bodies that we are all familiar with), is that if society re- mains indifferent it must expect that organi- sations will attempt to right them, and the like wrongs, by ways violent and destructive of the innocent and guilty alike. It is hu- [177] SOME CAUSES OF THE man nature, it is the lesson of history, that real wrongs, unredressed, grow into prepos- terous demands. Men are much like nature in action ; a little disturbance of atmospheric equilibrium becomes a cyclone, a slight break in the levee a crevasse with immense de- structive power. In considering the growth of discontent, and of a natural disregard of duties between employers and employed, it is to be noted that while wages in nearly all trades are high, the service rendered deteriorates, less conscience is put into the work, less care to give a fair day's work for a fair day's wages, and that pride in good work is vanishing. This may be in the nature of retaliation for the indifference to humanity taught by a certain school of political economists, but it is, nevertheless, one of the most alarming features of these times. How to cultivate the sympathy of the employers with the em- ployed as men, and how to interest the em- ployed in their work beyond the mere wages they receive, is the double problem. As the intention of this paper was not to [178] PREVAILING DISCONTENT suggest remedies, but only to review some of the causes of discontent, I will only say, as to this double problem, that I see no remedy so long as the popular notion prevails that the greatest good of life is to make money rapidly, and while it is denied that all men who contribute to prosperity ought to share equitably in it. The employed must recog- nise the necessity of an accumulated fund of capital, and on the other hand the employer must be as anxious to have about him a con- tented, prosperous community, as to heap up money beyond any reasonable use for it. The demand seems to be reasonable that the employer in a prosperous year ought to share with the workmen the profits beyond a limit that capital, risk, enterprise, and superior skill can legitimately claim ; and that on the other hand the workmen should stand by the employer in hard times. Discontent, then, arises from absurd no- tions of equality, from natural conditions of inequality, from false notions of education, and from the very patent fact, in this age, that men have been educated into wants [ 179] SOME CAUSES OF THE much more rapidly than social conditions have been adjusted, or perhaps ever can be adjusted, to satisfy those wants. Beyond all the actual hardship and suffering, there is an immense mental discontent which has to be reckoned with. This leads me to what I chiefly wanted to say in this paper, to the cause of discontent which seems to me altogether the most serious, altogether the most difficult to deal with. We may arrive at some conception of it, if we consider what it is that the well-to- do, the prosperous, the rich, the educated and cultivated portions of society, most value just now. If, to take an illustration w^hich is suffi- ciently remote to give us the necessary per- spective, if the political economists, the manufacturers, the traders and aristocracy of England had had chiefly in mind the devel- opment of the labouring people of England into a fine type of men and women, full of health and physical vigour, with minds ca- pable of expansion and enjoyment, the crea- tion of decent, happy, and contented homes, [i8o] PREVAILING DISCONTENT would they have reared the industrial fabric we now see there? If they had not put the accumulation of wealth above the good of in- dividual humanity, would they have turned England into a grimy and smoky workshop, commanding the markets of the world by cheap labour, condemning the mass of the people to unrelieved toil and the most squalid and degraded conditions of life in towns, while the land is more and more set apart for the parks and pleasure grounds of the rich ? The policy pursued has made England the richest of countries, a land of the highest refinement and luxury for the upper classes, and of the most misery for the great mass of common people. On this point we have but to read the testimony of English writers themselves. It is not necessary to suppose that the political economists were inhuman. They no doubt believed that if England attained this commanding position, the accumulated wealth would raise all classes into better conditions. Their mistake is that of all peoples who have made money their first object. Looked at merely on the [i8i] SOME CAUSES OF THE material side, you would think that what a philanthropic statesman would desire, who wished a vigorous, prosperous nation, would be a strong and virile population, thrifty and industrious, and not mere slaves of mines and mills, degenerating in their children, year by year, physically and morally. But apparently they have gone upon the theory that it is money, not man, that makes a state. In the United States, under totally differ- ent conditions, and under an economic theory that, whatever its defects on paper, has never- theless insisted more upon the worth of the individual man, we have had, all the same, a distinctly material development. When foreign critics have commented upon this, upon our superficiality, our commonplace- ness, what they are pleased to call the weary level of our mediocrity, upon the raging unrest and race for fortune, and upon the tremendous pace of American life, we have said that this is incident to a new country and the necessity of controlling physical conditions, and of fitting our heterogeneous population to their environment. It is [ 182 ] PREVAILING DISCONTENr hardly to be expected, we have said, until we have the leisure that comes from easy circum- stances and accumulated wealth, that we should show the sfraces of the hiofhest civili- sation, in intellectual pursuits. Much of this criticism is ignorant, and to say the best of it, ungracious, considering what we have done in the way of substantial appliances for edu- cation, in the field of science, in vast charities, and missionary enterprises, and what we have to show in the diffused refinements of life. We are already wealthy ; we have greater resources and higher credit than any other nation ; we have more wealth than any save one ; we have vast accumulations of fortune, in private hands and in enormous corpora- tions. There exists already, what could not be said to exist a quarter of a century ago, a class who have leisure. Now what is the object in life of this great, growing class that has money and leisure, what does it chiefly care for ? In your experience of society, what is it that it pursues and desires ? Is it things of the mind or things of the senses ? What is it that interests women, men of for- [183] SOME CAUSES OF THE tune, club-men, merchants, and professional men whose incomes give them leisure to fol- low their inclinations, the young men who have inherited money ? Is it political duties, the affairs of state, economic problems, some adjustment of our relations that shall lighten and relieve the wrongs and misery every- where apparent ; is the interest in intellect- ual pursuits and art (except in a dilettante way dictated for a season by fashion) in books, in the wide range of mental pleasures which make men superior to the accidents of fortune? Or is the interest of this class, for the most part, with some noble exceptions, rather in things grossly material, in what is called pleasure ? To come to somewhat vul- gar details, is not the growing desire for dress, for sumptuous houses, for showy equi- pages, for epicurean entertainments, for dis- play, either refined or ostentatious, rivalry in profusion and expense, new methods for kill- ing time, for every imaginable luxury, which is enjoyed partly because it pleases the senses, and partly because it satisfies an ignoble craving for class distinction? [184] PREVAILING DISCONTENT I am not referring to these things as a moralist at all, but simply in their relation to popular discontent. The astonishing growth of luxury and the habit of sensual indulgence are seen everywhere in this country, but are most striking in the city of New York, since the fashion and wealth of the whole country meet there for display and indulgence, — New York, which rivals London and outdoes Paris in sumptuousness. There congregates more than elsewhere idlers, men and women of leisure who have nothing to do except to observe or to act in the spectacle of Vanity Fair. Aside from the display of luxury in the shops, in the streets, in private houses, one is impressed by the number of idle young men and women of fashion. It is impossible that a working man who stands upon a metropolitan street corner and observes this Bacchanalian revel and prodi- gality of expense, should not be embittered by a sense of the inequality of the conditions of life. But this is not the most mischievous effect of the spectacle. It is the example of what these people care for. With all their [185] SOME CAUSES OF THE wealth and opportunities, it seems to him that these select people have no higher object than the pleasures of the senses, and he is taught daily by reiterated example that this is the end and aim of life. When he sees the value the intelligent and the v^ell-to-do set upon material things, and their small regard for intellectual things and the pleasures of the mind, why should he not most passionately desire those things which his more fortunate neighbours put foremost? It is not the sight of a Peter Cooper and his wealth that discon- tents him, nor the intellectual pursuits of the scholar who uses the leisure his fortune gives him for the higher pleasures of the mind. But when society daily dins upon his senses the lesson that not manhood and high think- ing and a contented spirit are the most desirable things, whether one is rich or poor, is he to be blamed for having a wrong notion of what will or should satisfy him ? What the well-to-do, the prosperous, are seen to value most in life will be the things most desired by the less fortunate in accumulation. It is not so much the accumulation of money [i86] PREVAILING DISCONTENT that is mischievous in this country, for the most stupid can sec that fortunes are con- stantly shifting hands, but it is the use that is made of the leisure and opportunity that money brings. Another observation, which makes men discontented with very slow accumulation, is that, apparently, in the public estimation it does not make much difference whether a man acquires wealth justly or unjustly. If he only secures enough, he is a power, he has social position, he grasps the high honours and places in the state. The fact is that the toleration of men who secure wealth by well known dishonest and sharp practices is a chief cause of the demoralisation of the public conscience. However the lines social and political may be drawn, we have to keep in mind that nothing in one class can be foreign to any other, and that practically one philoso- phy underlies all the movements of an age. If our philosophy is material, resulting in selfish ethics, all our energies will have a materialistic tendency. It is not to be [187] SOME CAUSES OF THE wondered at, therefore, that, in a time when making money is the chief object, if it is not reckoned the chief good, our education should all tend to what is called practical, that is, to that which can be immediately serviceable in some profitable occupation of life, to the neglect of those studies which are only of use in training the intellect and cultivating, and broadening the higher in- telligence. To this purely material and utilitarian idea of life, the higher colleges and universities everywhere are urged to conform themselves. Thus is the utilitarian spirit eating away the foundations of a higher intellectual life, applying to every- thing a material measure. In proportion as scholars yield to it, they are lowering the standard of what is most to be desired in human life, acting in perfect concert with that spirit which exalts mioney making as the chief good, which makes science itself the slave of the avaricious and greedy, and fills all the world with discontented and ignoble longing. We do not need to be told that if we neglect pure science for the [i88] PREVAILING DISCONTENT pursuit of applied science only, applied science will speedily be degraded and un- fruitful ; and it is just as true that if we pursue knowledge only for the sake of gain, and not for its own sake, knowledge will lose the power it has of satisfying the higher needs of the human soul. If we are seen to put only a money value on the higher education, why should not the working man, who regards it only as a distinction of class or privilege, estimate it by what he can see of its practical results in making men richer, or bringing him more pleasure of the senses ? The world is ruled by ideas, by abstract thought. Society, literature, art, politics, in any given age are what the prevailing system of philosophy makes them. We recognise this clearly in studying any past period. We see, for instance, how all the currents of human life changed upon the adoption of the inductive method ; no science, no literature, no art, practical or fine, no person, inquiring scholar, day labourer, trader, sailor, fine lady or humblest housekeeper, escaped [189] SOME CAUSES OF THE the influence. Even though the prevailing ethics may teach that every man's highest duty is to himself, we cannot escape com- munity of sympathy and destiny in this cold-blooded philosophy. No social or political movement stands by itself. If we inquire, we shall find one preponderating cause underlying every move- ment of the age. If the utilitarian spirit is abroad, it accounts for the devotion to the production of wealth, and to the consequent separation of classes and the discontent, and it accounts also for the demand that all education shall be immediately useful. I was talking the other day with a lady who was doubting what sort of an education to give her daughter, a young girl of exceed- ingly fine mental capacity. If she pursued a classical course, she would, at the age of twenty-one, know very little of the sciences. And I said, why not make her an intellect- ual woman ? At twenty-one, with a trained mind, all knowledges are at one's feet. If anything can correct the evils of devo- tion to money, it seems to me that it is the [ 190] PREVAILING DISCONTENT production of intellectual men and women, who will find other satisfactions in life than those of the senses. And when labour sees what it is that is really most to be valued, its discontent will be of a nobler kind. [191] The Education of the Negro AT the close of the war for the Union about five millions of negroes were added to the citizenship of the United States. By the census of 1890 this number had become over seven and a half millions. I use the word negro, because the descriptive term black or coloured is not determinative. There are many varieties of negroes among the African tribes, but all of them agree in certain physiological if not psychological characteristics, which separate them from all other races of mankind ; whereas there are many races, black or col- oured, like the Abyssinian, which have no other negro traits. It is also a matter of observation that the negro traits persist in recognisable manifes- tations, to the extent of occasional rever- sions, whatever may be the mixture of a white race. In a certain degree this per- 13 [ 193 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO sistence is true of all races not come from an historic common stock. In the political reconstruction the negro was given the ballot without any require- ments of education or property. This was partly a measure of party balance of power; and partly from a concern that the negro would not be secure in his rights as a citizen without it, and also upon the theory that the ballot is an educating influence. This sudden transition and shifting of power was resented at the south, resisted at first, and finally it has generally been evaded. This was due to a variety of reasons or preju- dices, not all of them creditable to a gener- ous desire for the universal elevation of mankind, but one of them the historian will judge adequate to produce the result. In- deed, it might have been foreseen from the beginning. This reconstruction measure was an attempt to put the superior part of the community under the control of the inferior, — these parts separated by all the prejudices of race, and by traditions of mastership on the one side and of servi- [ 194] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO tude on the other. I venture to say that it was an experiment that would have failed in any community in the United States, whether it was presented as a piece of philanthropy or of punishment. A necessary sequence to the enfranchise- ment of the neoTO was his education. How- ever limited our idea of a proper common education may be, it is a fundamental requisite in our form of government that every voter should be able to read and write. A recog- nition of this truth led to the establishment in the south of public schools for the whites and blacks, — in short of a public school sys- tem. We are not to question the sincerity and generousness of this movement, however it may have halted and lost enthusiasm in many localities. This opportunity of education (found also in private schools) was hailed by the negroes, certainly, with enthusiasm. It cannot be doubted that at the close of the war there was a general desire among the freedmen to be instructed in the rudiments of knowledge at least. Many parents, especially women, [ 195 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO made great sacrifices to obtain for their chil- dren this advantage which had been denied to themselves. Many youths, both boys and girls, entered into it with a genuine thirst for knowledge which it was pathetic to see. But it may be questioned, from develop- ments that speedily followed, whether the mass of negroes did not really desire this advantage as a sign of freedom, rather than from a wish for knowledge, and covet it be- cause it had formerly been the privilege of their masters, and marked a broad distinction between the races. It was natural that this should be so, when they had been excluded from this privilege by pains and penalties, when in some States it was one of the gravest offences to teach a negro to read and write. This prohibition was accounted for by the peculiar sort of property that slavery created, which would become insecure if intelligent, for the alphabet is a terrible disturber of all false relations in society. But the effort at education went further than the common school and the primary essential instruction. It introduced the [196] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO higher education. Colleges — usually called universities — for negroes were established in many southern States, created and stimu- lated by the generosity of northern men and societies, and often aided by the liberality of the States where they existed. The curriculum in these was that in colleges generally, — the classics, the higher mathe- matics, science, philosophy, the modern lan- guages, and in some instances a certain tech- nical instruction, which was being tried in some northern colleges. The emphasis, how- ever, was laid on liberal culture. This higher education was offered to the mass that still lacked the rudiments of intellectual training, in the belief that education — the education of the moment, the education of superim- posed information, can realise the theory of universal equality. This experiment has now been in opera- tion long enough to enable us to judge something of its results and its promises for the future. These results are of a nature to lead us seriously to inquire whether our effort was founded upon an adequate knowl- [ 197 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO edge of the negro, of his present develop- ment, of the requirements for his personal welfare and evolution in the scale of civilisa- tion, and for his training in useful and honourable citizenship. I am speaking of the majority, the mass to be considered in any general scheme, and not of the excep- tional individuals — exceptions that will rapidly increase as the mass is lifted — who are capable of taking advantage to the utmost of all means of cultivation, and who must always be provided with all the opportunities needed. Millions of dollars have been invested in the higher education of the negro, while this primary education has been, taking the whole mass, wholly inadequate to his needs. This has been upon the supposition that the higher would compel the rise of the lower with the undeveloped negro race as it does with the more highly developed white race. An examination of the soundness of this expectation will not lead us far astray from our subject. The evolution of a race, distinguishing it [ 198 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO from the formation of a nation, is a slow process. We recognise a race by certain peculiar traits, and by characteristics which slowly change. They are acquired little by little in an evolution which, historically, it is often difficult to trace. They are due to the environment, to the discipline of life, and to what is technically called education. These work together to make what is called char- acter, race character, and it is this which Is transmitted from generation to generation. Acquirements are not hereditary, like habits and peculiarities, physical or mental. A man does not transmit to his descendants his learning, though he may transmit the aptitude for it. This is Illustrated in fac- tories where skilled labour is handed down and fixed in the same families, that is, where the same kind of labour is continued from one generation to another. The child, put to work, has not the knowledge of the parent, but a special aptitude in his skill and dex- terity. Both body and mind have acquired certain transmissible traits. The same thing is seen on a larger scale in a whole nation, [ 199] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO like the Japanese, who have been trained into what seems an art instinct. It is this character, quality, habit, the result of a slow educational process, which distinguishes one race from another. It is this that the race transmits, and not the more or less accidental education of a dec- ade or an era. The Brahmins carry this idea into the next life, and say that the departing spirit carries with him nothing except this individual character, no acquirements or in- formation or extraneous culture. It was perhaps in the same spirit that the sad preacher in Ecclesiastes said, there is no " knowledge nor wisdom in the grave, whither thou goest." It is by this character that we classify civ- ilised and even semi-civilised races ; by this slowly developed fibre, this slow accumula- tion of inherent quality in the evolution of the human being from lower to higher, that continues to exist notwithstanding the power- ful influence of governments and religions. We are understood when we speak of the French, the Italian, the Pole, the Spanish, [ 200 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO the English, the German, the Arab race, the Japanese, and so on. It is what a foreign writer calls, not inaptly, a collective race soul. As it is slow in evolution, it is persistent in enduring. Further, we recognise it as a stage of progress, historically necessary in the devel- opment of man into a civilised adaptation to his situation in this w^orld. It is a process that cannot be much hurried, and a result that cannot be leaped to out of barbarism by any superimposition of knowledge or even quickly by any change of environment. We may be right in our modern notion that edu- cation has a magical virtue that can work any kind of transformation ; but we are cer- tainly not right in supposing that it can do this instantly, or that it can work this effect upon a barbarous race in the same period of time that it can upon one more developed, one that has acquired at least a race con- sciousness. Before going further, and in order to avoid misunderstanding, it is proper to say that I have the firmest belief in the ultimate de- [ 20I ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO velopment of all mankind into a higher plane than it occupies now. I should otherwise be in despair. This faith will never desist in the effort to bring about the end desired. But, if we work with Providence, we must work in the reasonable ways of Providence, and add to our faith, patience. It seems to be the rule in all history that the elevation of a lower race is effected only by contact with one higher in civilisation. Both reform and progress come from ex- terior influences. This is axiomatic, and ap- plies to the fields of government, religion, ethics, art, and letters. We have been taught to regard Africa as a dark, stolid continent, unawakened, unvisited by the agencies and influences that have transformed the world from ase to ao-e. Yet it was in northern and northeastern Africa that within historic periods three of the most powerful and brilliant civilisations were developed, — the Egyptian, the Cartha- ginian, the Saracenic. That these civilisa- tions had more than a surface contact with the interior, we know. To take the most [ 202] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO ancient of them, and that which longest en- dured, the Eg3'ptian, the Pharaohs carried their conquests and their power deep into Africa. In tlic story of their invasions and occupancy of the interior, told in pictures on temple walls, we find the negro figuring as captive and slave. This contact may not have been a fruitful one for the elevation of the negro, but it proves that for ages he was in one way or another in contact with a su- perior civilisation. In later days we find little trace of it in the home of the negro, but in Egypt the negro has left his impress in the mixed blood of the Nile valley. The most striking example of the contact of the neo-ro with a hio;her civilisation is in the powerful mediaeval empire of Songhay, established in the heart of the negro coun- try. The vast strip of Africa lying north of the equator and south of the twentieth par- allel and west of the upper Nile, was then, as it is now, the territory of tribes distinctly de- scribed as Nesfro. The river Nisfer runninof northward from below Jenne to near Tim- buctoo, and then turning west and south to [ 203] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO the Gulf of Guinea, flows through one of the richest valleys in the world. In richness it is comparable to that of the Nile, and like that of the Nile its fertility depends upon the water of the central stream. Here arose In early times the powerful empire of Song- hay, which disintegrated and fell into tribal confusion about the middle of the seven- teenth century. For a long time the seat of its power was the city of Jenne, in later days it was Timbuctoo. This is not the place to enlarge upon this extraordinary piece of history. The best account of the empire of Songhay is to be found in the pages of Barth, the German traveller, who had access to what seemed to him a credible Arab history. Considerable light Is thrown upon it by a recent volume on Timbuctoo by M. Dubois, a French trav- eller. M. Dubois finds reason to believe that the founders of the Songhese empire came from Yemen, and sought refuge from Mos- lem fanaticism in Central Africa some hundred and fifty years after the Hejira. The origin of the empire is obscure, but the [ 204] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO development was not indigenous. It seems probable that tlie settlers, following traders, penetrated to the Niger valle)^ from the valley of the Nile as early as the third or fourth century of our era. An evidence of this early influence, which strengthened from century to century, Dubois finds in the architecture of Jenne and Timbuctoo. It is not Roman or Saracenic or Gothic, it is distinctly Pharaonic. But whatever the origin of the Songhay empire, it became in time Mohammedan, and so continued to the end. Mohammedanism seems, however, to have been imposed. Powerful as the empire was, it was never free from tribal insurrec- tion and internal troubles. The highest mark of negro capacity developed in this his- tory is, according to the record examined by Barth, that one of the emperors was a negro. From all that can be gathered in the records, the mass of the negroes, which con- stituted the body of this empire, remained pagan, did not become, except in outward conformity, Mohammedan and did not take the Moslem civilisation as it was developed [ 205 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO elsewhere, and that the disintegration of the empire left the negro races practically where they were before in point of development. This fact, if it is not overturned by further search, is open to the explanation that the Moslem civilisation is not fitted to the de- velopment of the African negro. Contact, such as it has been, with higher civilisations, has not in all these ages which have witnessed the wonderful rise and de- velopment of other races, much affected or changed the negro. He is much as he would be if he had been left to himself. And left to himself, even in such a favour- able environment as America, he is slow to change. In Africa there has been no prog- ress in organisation, government, art. No negro tribe has ever invented a written language. In his exhaustive work on the History of Mankind, Professor Frederick Ratzel, having studied thoroughly the negro belt of Africa, says, " of writing properly so called, neither do the modern negroes show any trace, nor have traces of older writing been found in negro countries." [206] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO From this outline review wc come back to tiie situation in the United States, where a great mass of negroes — possibly over nine millions of many shades of colours — is for the first time brou^>ht into contact with Christian civilisation. This mass is here to make or mar our national life, and the prob- lem of its destiny has to be met with our own. What can we do, what ought we to do, for his own good and for our peace and national welfare ? In the first place, it is impossible to escape the profound impression that we have made a mistake in our estimate of his evolution as a race, in attempting to apply to him the same treatment for the development of char- acter that w^e would apply to a race more highly organised. Has he developed the race consciousness, the race soul, as I said before, a collective soul, which so strongly marks other races more or less civilised ac- cording to our standards .f^ Do we find in him, as a mass (individuals always excepted), that slow deposit of training and education called " character," any firm basis of order, [ 207 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO initiative of action, the capacity of going alone, any sure foundation of morality? It has been said that a race may attain a good degree of standing in the world without the refinement of culture, but never without virtue, either in the Roman or the modern meaning of that word. The African, now the American negro, has come in the United States into a more favourable position for development than he has ever before had offered. He has come to it through hardship, and his severe ap- prenticeship is not ended. It is possible that the historians centuries hence, looking back over the rough road that all races have travelled in their evolution, may reckon slav- ery and the forced transportation to the new world, a necessary step in the training of the negro. We do not know. The ways of Providence are not measurable by our foot rules. We see that slavery was unjust, un- economic, and the worst training for citizen- ship in such a government as ours. It stifled a number of germs that might have produced a better development, such as in- [208] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO dividuality, responsibility, and tlirift, — germs absolutely necessary to the well-being of a race. It laid no foundation of morality, but in place of morality saw cultivated a superstitious, emotional, hysterical religion. It is true that it tauo-ht a savao-e race sub- ordination and obedience. Nor did it stifle certain inherent temperamental virtues, faith- fulness, often highly developed, and frequently cheerfulness and philosophic contentment in a situation that \vould have broken the spirit of a more sensitive race. In short, under all the disadvantages of slavery the race showed certain fine traits, qualities of humour, and good humour, and capacity for devotion, which were abundantly testified to by south- erners during the progress of the Civil War. It has, as a race, traits wholly distinct from those of the whites, which are not only inter- esting but might be a valuable contribution to a cosmopolitan civilisation ; gifts also, such as the love of music, and temperamental gayety, mixed with a note of sadness, as in the Hungarians. But slavery brought about one result, and 14 [ 209 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO that the most difficult in the development of a race from savagery, and especially a tropical race, a race that has always been idle in the luxuriance of a nature that sup- plied its physical needs with little labour. It taught the negro to work, it transformed him, by compulsion it is true, into an indus- trial being and held him in the habit of industry for several generations. Perhaps only force could do this, for it was a radical transformation. I am glad to see that this result of slavery is recognised by Mr, Booker Washington, the ablest and most clear- sighted leader the negro race has ever had. But something more was done under this pressure, something more than creation of a habit of physical exertion to productive ends. Skill was developed. Skilled labour, which needs brains, was carried to a high degree of performance. On almost all the southern plantations, and in the cities also, negro mechanics were bred, excellent black- smiths, good carpenters, and house-builders capable of executing plans of high archi- [210] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO tectural merit. Everywhere were negroes skilled in trades, and competent in various mechanical industries. The opportunity and the disposition to labour make the basis of all our civilisation. The negro was taught to work, to be an agriculturist, a mechanic, a material pro- ducer of something useful. He was taught this fundamental thing. Our higher edu- cation, applied to him in his present devel- opment, operates in exactly the opposite direction. This is a serious assertion. Its truth or falsehood cannot be established by statistics, but it is an opinion gradually formed by experience, and the observation of men com- petent to judge, who have studied the prob- lem close at hand. Among the witnesses to the failure of the result expected from the establishment of colleges and universities for the negro, are heard, from time to time, and more frequently as time goes on, practical men from the north, railway men, manufac- turers, who have initiated business enterprises at the south. Their testimony coincides [211] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO with that of careful students of the eco- nomic and social conditions. There was reason to assume, from our theory and experience of the higher educa- tion in its effect upon white races, that the result would be different from what it is. When the negro colleges first opened, there was a glow of enthusiasm, an eagerness of study, a facility of acquirement, and a good order that promised everything for the future. It seemed as if the light then kindled would not only continue to burn, but would pene- trate all the dark and stolid communities. It was my fortune to see many of these institutions in their early days, and to believe that they were full of the greatest promise for the race. I have no intention of criticising the gen- erosity and the noble self-sacrifice that pro- duced them, nor the aspirations of their inmates. There is no doubt that they furnish shining examples of emancipation from ignorance, and of useful lives. But a few years have thrown much light upon the careers and characters of a great proportion [212 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO of the graduates, and tlieir effect upon the conimunitics of which they form a part, I mean, of course, with regard to the industrial and moral condition of those communities. Have these colleges, as a whole,^ stimulated industry, thrift, the inclination to settle down to the necessary hard work of the world, or have they bred idleness, indisposition to work, a vaporous ambition in politics, and that sort of conceit of gentility of which the world has already enough? If any one is in doubt about this he can satisfy himself by a sojourn in different localities in the south. The condition of New Orleans and its negro universities is often cited. It is a favourable example, because the ambition of the negro has been aided there by influence outside of the schools. The federal government has imposed upon the intelligent and sensi- tive population negro ofificials in high posi- 1 This sentence should have been further quahficd by acknowledging the excellent work done by the colleges at Atlanta and Nashville, w^hich, under exceptionally good management, have sent out much-needed teachers. I be- lieve that their success, however, is largely owing to their practical features. — C. D. W. [ 213 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO tions, because they were negroes and not because they were specially fitted for those positions by character or ability. It is my belief that the condition of the race in- New Orleans is lower than it was several years ago, and that the influence of the higher education has been in the wrong direction. This is not saying that the higher edu- cation is responsible for the present con- dition of the negro. Other influences have retarded his elevation and the develop- ment of proper character, and most im- portant means have been neglected. I only say that w^e have been disappointed in our extravagant expectations of what this edu- cation could do for a race undeveloped, and so wanting in certain elements of character, and that the millions of money devoted to it might have been much better applied. We face a grave national situation. It cannot be successfully dealt with sentimen- tally. It should be faced with knowledge and candour. We must admit our mistakes, [214] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO both social and political, and set about the solution of our problem with intelligent reso- lution and a large charity. It is not simply a southern question. It is a northern ques- tion as well. For the truth of this I have only to appeal to the consciousness of all northern communities in which there are negroes in any considerable numbers. Have the negroes improved, as a rule (always remembering the exceptions), in thrift, truth- fulness, morality, in the elements of industri- ous citizenship, even in States and towns where there has been the least prejudice against their education 1 In a paper read at the last session of this Association, Pro- fessor W. F. Willcox of Cornell University showed by statistics that in proportion to population there were more negro criminals in the north than in the south. " The negro prisoners in the southern States to ten thousand negroes increased between 1880 and 1890 twenty-nine per cent, while the white prisoners, to ten thousand whites in- creased only eight per cent." " In the States where slavery was never established, the [-15] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO white prisoners increased seven per cent faster than the white population, while the negro prisoners no less than thirty-nine per cent faster than the negro population. Thus the increase of negro criminality, so far as it is reflected in the number of prisoners, ex- ceeded the increase of white criminality more in the north than it did in the south." This statement was surprising. It cannot be accounted for by colour prejudice at the north ; it is related to the known shiftless- ness and irresponsibility of a great portion of the negro population. If it could be believed that this shiftlessness is due to the late state of slavery, the explanation would not do away with the existing conditions. Schools at the north have for a long time been open to the negro ; though colour pre- judice exists, he has not been on the whole in an unfriendly atmosphere, and willing hands have been stretched out to help him in his ambition to rise. It is no doubt true, as has been often said lately, that the negro at the north has been crowded out of many [216] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO occupations by more vigorous races, newly come to this country, crowded out not only of factory industries and agricultural, but of the positions of servants, waiters, barbers, and other minor ways of earning a living. The general verdict is that this loss of posi- tion is due to lack of stamina and trust- w^orthiness. Wherever a negro has shown himself able, honest, attentive to the moral and economic duties of a citizen, either suc- cessful in accumulating property or filling honourably his station in life, he has gained respect and consideration in the community in which he is known ; and this is as true at the south as at the north, notwithstanding the race antagonism is more accentuated by reason of the preponderance of negro popu- lation there and the more recent presence of slavery. Upon this ugly race antagonism it is not necessary to enlarge here in discuss- ing the problem of education, and I will leave it with the single observation that I have heard intelligent negroes, who were honestly at work, accumulating property and disposed to postpone active politics to a [ 217 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO more convenient season, say that they had nothing to fear from the intelligent white population, but only from the envy of the ignorant. The whole situation is much aggravated by the fact that there is a considerable infusion of white blood in the negro race in the United States, leading to complica- tions and social aspirations that are infi- nitely pathetic. Time only and no present contrivance of ours can ameliorate this condition. I have made this outline of our negro problem in no spirit of pessimism or of prejudice, but in the belief that the only way to remedy an evil or a difficulty is can- didly and fundamentally to understand it. Two things are evident : First, the negro population is certain to increase in the United States, in a ratio at least equal to that of the whites. Second, the south needs its labour. Its deportation is an idle dream. The only visible solution is for the negro to become an integral and an intelligent part of the industrial community. The way [218] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO may be long, but he must work his way up. Sympathetic aid may do much, but the salva- tion of the negro is in his own hands, in the development of individual character and a race soul. This is fully understood by his wisest leaders. His worst enemy is the dem- agogue who flatters him with the delusion that all he needs for his elevation is freedom and certain privileges that were denied him in slavery. In all the northern cities heroic efforts are made to assimilate the foreign popula- tion by education and instruction in Ameri- canism. In the south, in the city and on plantation, the same effort is necessary for the negro, but it must be more radical and fundamental. The common school must be as fully sustained and as far reaching as it is in the north, reaching the lowest in the city slums and the most ignorant in the agricultural districts, but to its strictly ele- mental teaching must be added moral in- structions, and training in industries and in habits of industry. Only by such rudimen- tary and industrial training can the mass of [ 219 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO the negro race in the United States be ex- pected to improve in character and position. A top-dressing of culture on a field with no depth of soil may for a moment stimulate the promise of vegetation, but no fruit will be produced. It is a gigantic task, and generations may elapse before it can in any degree be relaxed. Why attempt it ? Why not let things drift as they are ? Why attempt to civilise the race within our doors, while there are so many distant and alien races to whom we ought to turn our civilising attention } The answer is simple and does not need elabora- tion. A growing ignorant mass in our body politic, inevitably cherishing bitterness of feeling, is an increasing peril to the public. In order to remove this peril, by trans- forming the negro into an industrial, law- abiding citizen, identified with the prosperity of his country, the cordial assistance of the southern white population is absolutely es- sential. It can only be accomplished by regarding him as a man, with the natural right to the development of his capacity and [ 220] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO to contentment in a secure social state. The effort for his elevation must be fundamental. The opportunity of the common school must be universal, and attendance in it compul- sory. Beyond this, training in the decencies of life, in conduct, and in all the industries, must be offered in such industrial institu- tions as that of Tuskegee. For the excep- tional cases a higher education can be easily provided for those who show themselves worthy of it, but not offered as an indis- criminate panacea. The question at once arises as to the kind of teachers for these schools of various grades. It is one of the most difficult in the whole problem. As a rule, there is little gain, either in instruction or in elevation of char- acter, if the teacher is not the superior of the taught. The learners must respect the attainments and the authority of the teacher. It is a too frequent fault of our common- school system that, owing to inadequate pay and ignorant selections, the teachers are not competent to their responsible task. The hio^hest skill and attainment are needed to [ 221 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO evoke the powers of the common mind, even in a community called enlightened. Much more are they needed when the community is only slightly developed mentally and mor- ally. The process of educating teachers of this race, fit to promote its elevation, must be a slow one. Teachers of various industries, such as agriculture and the mechanic arts, will be more readily trained than teachers of the rudiments of learning in the common schools. It is a very grave question whether, with some exceptions, the school and moral training of the race should not be for a consid- erable time to come in the control of the white race. But it must be kept in mind that instructors cheap in character, attainments, and breeding, will do more harm than good. If we give ourselves to this work, we must give of our best. Without the cordial concurrence in this effort of all parties, black and white, local and national, it will not be fruitful in funda- mental and permanent good. Each race must accept the present situation and build on it. To this end it is indispensable that one [ 222 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO great evil, which was inherent in the recon- struction measures and is still persisted in, shall be eliminated. The party allegiance of the negro was bid for by the temptation of office and position for which he was in no sense fit. No permanent, righteous adjust- ment of relations can come till this policy is wholly abandoned. Politicians must cease to make the negro a pawn in the game of politics. Let us admit that we have made a mistake. We seem to have expected that we could accomplish suddenly and by artificial contriv- ances a development which historically has always taken a long time. Without abate- ment of effort or loss of patience, let us put ourselves in the common-sense, the scientific, the historic line. It is a gigantic task, only to be accomplished by long labour in accord with the Divine purpose. *' Thou wilt not leave us in the dust ; Thou madest man, he knows not why, — He thinks he was not made to die ; And thou hast made him ; thou art just. [ 223 ] EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO " Oh, yet we trust that somehow good Will be the final goal of ill, To pangs of nature, sins of will, Defects of doubt, and taints of blood. " That nothing walks with aimless feet, That not one life shall be destroyed, Or cast as rubbish to the void, When God hath made the pile complete." [ 224] The Indeterminate Sentence WHAT SHALL BE DONE WITH THE CRLVHNAL CLASS? THE problem of dealing with the criminal class seems insolvable, and it undoubtedly is with present methods. It has never been attempted on a fully scientific basis, with due regard to the protection of society and to the interests of the criminal. It is purely an economic and educational problem, and must rest upon the same prin- ciples that govern in any successful industry, or in education, and that we recognise in the conduct of life. That little progress has been made is due to public indifference to a vital question and to the action of senti- mentalists, who, in their philanthropic zeal, fancy that a radical reform can come without radical discipline. We are largely wasting our energies in petty contrivances instead of striking at the root of the evil. ^5 [ 225 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE What do we mean by the " criminal class " ? It is necessary to define this with some precision, in order to discuss intelli- gently the means of destroying this class. A criminal is one who violates a statute law, or, as we say, commits a crime. The human law takes cognisance of crime and not of sin. But all men who commit crime are not necessarily in the criminal class. Speaking technically, we put in that class those whose sole occupation is crime, who live by it as a profession, and who have no other permanent industry. They prey upon society. They are by their acts at war upon it, and are outlaws. The State is to a certain extent respon- sible for this class, for it has trained most of them, from youth up, through successive de- tentions in lock-ups, city prisons, county jails, and in State prisons, and peniten- tiaries on relatively short sentences, under influences which tend to educate them as criminals and confirm them in a bad life. That is to say, if a man once violates the law and is caught, he is put into a machine [226] INDETERMINArE SENTENCE from which it is very difficult for him to escape without furtlier deterioration. It is not simply that the State puts a brand on him in the eyes of the community, but it takes away his self-respect without giving him an opportunity to recover it. Once recognised as in the criminal class, he has no further concern about the State than that of evading its penalties so far as is consistent with pursuing his occupation of crime. To avoid misunderstanding as to the sub- ject of this paper, it is necessary to say that it is not dealing with the question of prison reform in its whole extent. It attempts to consider only a pretty well-defined class. But in doing this it does not say that other aspects of our public peril from crime are not as important as this. We cannot relax our efforts in regard to the relations of pov- erty, drink, and unsanitary conditions, as leading to crime. We have still to take care of the exposed children, of those with par- entage and surroundings inclining to crime, of the degenerate and the unfortunate. We have to keep up the warfare all along the [ 227 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE line against the demoralisation of society. But we have here to deal with a specific manifestation; we have to capture a strong- hold, the possession of which will put us in much better position to treat in detail the general evil. Why should we tolerate any longer a pro- fessional criminal class ? It is not large. It is contemptibly small compared with our seventy millions of people. If I am not mistaken, a late estimate gave us less than fifty thousand persons in our State prisons and penitentiaries. If we add to them those at large who have served one or two terms, and are generally known to the police, we shall not have probably more than eighty thousand of the criminal class. But call it a hundred thousand. It is a body that seventy millions of people ought to take care of with little difficulty. And we certainly ought to stop its increase. But we do not. The class grows every day. Those who watch the criminal reports are alarmed by the fact that an increasing number of those arrested for felonies are discharged convicts. This is [ 228 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE an unmistakable evidence of the growth of the outlaw classes. But this Is not all. Our taxes are greatly increased on account of this class. We re- quire more police to watch those who arc at large and preying on society. We expend more yearly for apprehending and trying those caught, for the machinery of criminal justice, and for the recurring farce of im- prisoning on short sentences and discharging those felons to go on with their work of swindling and robbing. It would be good economy for the public, considered as a tax- payer, to pay for the perpetual keep of these felons in secure confinement. And still this is not the worst. We are all living in abject terror of these licensed robbers. We fear robbery night and day ; we live behind bolts and bars (which should be reserved for the criminal) and we are in hourly peril of life and property in our homes and on the highways. But the evil does not stop here. By our conduct we are encouraging the growth of the criminal class, and we are inviting disregard of law^ and [ 229 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE diffusing a spirit of demoralisation through- out the country. I have spoken of the criminal class as very- limited; that is, the class that lives by the industry of crime alone. But it is not iso- lated, and it has widespread relations. There is a large portion of our population not tech- nically criminals, which is interested in main- taining this criminal class. Every felon is a part of a vast network of criminality. He has his dependents, his allies, his society of vice, all the various machinery of temptation and indulgence. It happens, therefore, that there is great sympathy with the career of the lawbreakers, many people are hanging on them for sup- port, and among them the so-called criminal lawyers. Any legislation likely to interfere seriously with the occupation of the criminal class or with its increase is certain to meet with the opposition of a large body of voters. With this active opposition of those inter- ested, and the astonishing indifference of the general public, it is easy to see why so little is done to relieve us of this intolerable bur- [ 230 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE den. The fact is, we Gfo on increasins: our expenses for police, for criminal procedure, for jails and prisons, and we go on increasing the criminal class and those affiliated with it. And what do we gain by our present method .f^ We do not gain the protection of society, and we do not gain the reformation of the criminal. These two statements do not admit of contradiction. Even those who cling to the antiquated notion that the busi- ness of society is to punish the offender must confess that in this game society Is getting the worst of it. Society suffers all the time, and the professional criminal goes on with his occupation, interrupted only by periods of seclusion, during which he Is comfortably housed and fed. The punish- ment he most fears Is being compelled to relinquish his criminal career. The object of punishment for violation of statute law is not vengeance. It is not to Inflict Injury for injury. Only a few persons now hold to that. They say now that if it does little good to the offender, it is deterrent as to others. Now, Is our present system deter- [ 231 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE rent? The statute law, no doubt, prevents many persons from committing crime, but our method of administering it certainly does not lessen the criminal class, and it does not adequately protect society. Is it not time we tried, radically, a scientific, a disciplinary, a really humanitarian method ? The proposed method is the indeterminate sentence. This strikes directly at the crim- inal class. It puts that class beyond the power of continuing its depredations upon society. It is truly deterrent, because it is a notification to any one intending to enter upon that method of living that his career ends with his first felony. As to the general effects of the indeterminate sentence, I will repeat here what I recently wrote for the Yale Law Journal: It is unnecessary to say in a law journal that the indeterminate sentence is a measure as yet untried. The phrase has passed into current speech, and a considerable portion of the public is under the impression that an experiment of the indeterminate sentence is actually being made. It is, however, still a theory, not adopted [ 232 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE in any legislation or in practice anywhere in the world. The misconception in regard to this has arisen from the fact that under certain regulations paroles are granted before the expiration of the statutory sentence. An indeterminate sentence is a commitment to prison without any limit. It is exactly such a commitment as the court makes to an asylum of a man who is proved to be insane, and it is par- alleled by the practice of sending a sick man to the hospital until he is cured. The introduction of the indeterminate sentence into our criminal procedure would be a radical change in our criminal legislation and practice. The original conception was that the offender against the law should be punished, and that the punishment should be made to fit the crime, an opera boiijfe conception which has been aban- doned in reasoning though not in practice. Under this conception the criminal code was arbitrarily constructed, so much punishment being set down opposite each criminal offence, without the least regard to the actual guilt of the man as an in- dividual sinner. Within the present century considerable advance has been made in regard to prison reform, especially with reference to the sanitary condition [ 233 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE of places of confinement. And besides this, efforts of various kinds have been made with regard to the treatment of convicts, which show that the idea was gaining ground that criminals should be treated as individuals. The application of the English ticket-of-leave system was one of these efforts ; it was based upon the notion that, if any criminal showed sufficient evidence of a wish to lead a different life, he should be conditionally re- leased before the expiration of his sentence. The parole system in the United States was an attempt to carry out the same experiment, and with it went along the practice which enabled the pris- oner to shorten the time of his confinement by good behaviour. In some of the States reforma- tories have been established to which convicts have been sent under a sort of sliding sentence ; that is, with the privilege given to the authorities of the reformatory to retain the offender to the full statutory term for which he might have been sentenced to State prison, unless he had evidently reformed before the expiration of that period. That is to say, if a penal offence entitled the judge to sentence the prisoner for any period from two to fifteen years, he could be kept in the reforma- tory at the discretion of the authorities for the full statutory term. It is from this law that the public notion of an indeterminate sentence is derived. [ 234] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE It is, in fact, determinate, because the statute pre- scribes its limit. The introduction of the tickct-of-leave, and the parole systems, and the earning of time by good behaviour were philanthropic suggestions and promising experiments which have not been justi- fied by the results. It is not necessary at this time to argue that no human discretion is ade- quate to mete out just punishment for crimes; and it has come to be admitted generally, by men enlightened on this subject, that the real basis for dealing with the criminal rests, firstly, upon the right of society to secure itself against the attacks of the vicious, and secondly, upon the duty im- posed upon society, to reform the criminal if that is possible. It is patent to the most superficial observation that our present method does not pro- tect society, and does not lessen the number of the criminal class, either by deterrent methods or by reformatory processes, except in a very limited v^ay. Our present method is neither economic nor scientific nor philanthropic. If we consider the well-defined criminal class alone, it can be said that our taxes and expenses for police and the whole criminal court machinery, for dealing with those who are apprehended, and watching those who are preying upon society, yearly increase, [ 235 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE while all private citizens in their own houses or in the streets live in constant terror of the depreda- tions of this class. Considered from the scientific point of view, our method is absolutely crude, and but little advance upon mediaeval conditions; and while it has its sentimental aspects, it is not real philanthropy, because comparatively few of the criminal class are permanently rescued. The indeterminate sentence has two distinct objects : one h the absolute protection of society from the out)aws whose only business in life is to prey upon society; and the second is the placing of these offiiiders in a position where they can be kept long enough for scientific treatment as de- cadent hunaan beings, in the belief that their lives can be changed in their purpose. No specific time can be predicted in which a man by dis- cipline can be expected to lay aside his bad habits and pu> on good habits, because no two human beings •are alike, and it is therefore necessary that an indefinite time in each case should be allowed for the experiment of reformation. We have now gone far enough to see that the ticket-of-leave system, the parole system as we ad- minister it in the wState prisons (I except now some of the reformatories), and the good conduct method are substantially failures, and must con- tinue to be so until they rest upon the absolute [ 236 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE indeterminate sentence. They are worse than failures now, because the pubHc mind is lulled into a false security by them, and efforts at gen- uine prison reform are defeated. It is very significant that the criminal class adapted itself readily to the parole system with its sliding scale. It was natural that this should be so, for it fits in perfectly well with their scheme of life. This is to them a sort of business career, interrupted now and then only by occasional limited periods of seclusion. Any device that shall shorten those periods is welcome to them. As a matter of fact, we see in the State prisons that the men most likely to shorten their time by good behaviour, and to get released on parole be- fore the expiration of their sentence, are the men who make crime their career. They accept this discipline as a part of their lot in life, and it does not interfere with their business any more than the occasional bankruptcy of a merchant interferes with his pursuits. It follows, therefore, that society is not likely to get security for itself, and the criminal class is not likely to be reduced essentially or reformed, with- out such a radical measure as the indeterminate sentence, which, accompanied, of course, by scien- tific treatment, would compel the convict to change his course of life, or to stay perpetually in confinement. [ 237 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE Of course, the indeterminate sentence would rad- ically change our criminal jurisprudence and our statutory provisions in regard to criminals. It goes without saying that it is opposed by the entire criminal class, and by that very considerable portion of the population which is dependent on or affiliated with the criminal class, which seeks to evade the law and escape its penalties. It is also opposed by a small portion of the legal profession which gets its living out of the criminal class, and it is sure to meet the objection of the sentimental- ists who have peculiar notions about depriving a man of his liberty, and it also has to overcome the objections of many who are guided by precedents, and who think the indeterminate sentence would be an infringement of the judicial prerogative. It is well to consider this latter a little further. Our criminal code, artificial and indiscriminating as it is, is the growth of ages and is the result of the notion that society ought to take vengeance upon the criminal, at least that it ought to punish him, and that the judge, the interpreter of the criminal law, was not only the proper person to determine the guilt of the accused, by the aid of the jury, but was the sole person to judge of the amount of punishment he should receive for his crime. Now two functions are involved here : one is the determination that the accused has broken [238] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE the law, the other is gauging within the rules of the code the punishment that each individual should receive. It is a theological notion that the divine punishment for sin is somehow delegated to man for the punishment of crime, but it does not need any argument to show that no tribunal is able with justice to mete out punishment in any individual case, for probably the same degree of guilt does not attach to two men in the violation of the same statute, and while, in the rough view of the criminal law, even, one ought to have a severe penalty, the other should be treated with more leniency. All that the judge can do under the indiscriminating provisions of the statute is to make a fair guess at what the man should suffer. Under the present enlightened opinion which sees that not punishment but the protection of society and the good of the criminal are the things to be aimed at, the judge's office would naturally be reduced to the task of determining the guilt of the man on trial, and then the care of him would be turned over to expert treatment, exactly as in a case when the judge determines the fact of a man's insanity. If objection is made to the indeterminate sen- tence on the ground that it is an unusual or cruel punishment, it may be admitted that it is unusual, but that commitment to detention cannot be called [ ^39 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE cruel when the convict is given the key to the house in which he is confined. It is for him to choose whether he will become a decent man and go back into society, or whether he will remain a bad man and stay in confinement. For the criminal who is, as we might say, an accidental criminal, or for the criminal who is susceptible to good influences, the term of imprisonment under the indeterminate sentence would be shorter than it would be safe to make it for criminals under the statute. The incorrigible offender, however, would be cut off at once and forever from his occupation, which is, as we said, varied by periodic residence in the comfortable houses belonging to the State. A necessary corollary of the indeterminate sen- tence is that every State prison and penitentiary should be a reformatory, in the modern meaning of that term. It would be against the interest of society, all its instincts of justice, and the height of cruelty to an individual criminal to put him in prison without limit unless all the opportunities were afforded him for changing his habits radically. It may be said in passing that the indeterminate sentence would be in itself to any man a great stimulus to reform, because his reformation would be the only means of his terminating that sentence. At the same time a man left to himself, even in the [ 240] INDETERMINATE SE NTE NC E best ordered of our State prisons which is not a reformatory, would be scarcely likely to make much improvement. I have not space in this article to consider the character of the reformatory; that subject is fortu- nately engaging the attention of scientific people as one of the most interesting of our modern prob- lems. To take a decadent human being, a wreck physically and morally, and try to make a man of him, that is an attempt worthy of a people who claim to be civilised. An illustration of what can be done in this direction is furnished by the Elmira Reformatory, where the experiment is being made with most encouraging results, which, of course, would be still better if the indeterminate sentence were brought to its aid. When the indeterminate sentence has been spoken of with a view to legislation, the question has been raised whether it should be applied to prisoners on the first, second, or third conviction of a penal offence. Legislation in regard to the parole system has also considered whether a man should be considered in the criminal class on his first conviction for a penal offence. Without enter- ing upon this question at length, I will suggest that the convict should, for his own sake, have the inde- terminate sentence applied to him upon conviction of his first penal offence. He is much more likely i6 [ 241 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE to reform then than he would be after he had had a term in the State prison and was again convicted, and the chance of his reformation would be lessened by each subsequent experience of this kind. The great object of the indeterminate sentence, so far as the security of society is concerned, is to dimin- ish the number of the criminal class, and this will be done when it is seen that the first felony a man commits is likely to be his last, and that for a young criminal contemplating this career there is in this direction " no thoroughfare." By his very first violation of the statute he walks into confine- ment, to stay there until he has given up the pur- pose of such a career. In the limits of this paper I have been obliged to confine myself to remarks upon the indeter- minate sentence itself, without going into the question of the proper organisation of reformatory agencies to be applied to the convict, and without consideration of the means of testing the reforma- tion of a man in any given case. I will only add that the methods at Elmira have passed far beyond the experimental stage in this matter. The necessary effect of the adoption of the indeterminate sentence for felonies is that every State prison and penitentiary must be a reformatory. The convict goes [ 242 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE into it for the term of a year at least (since the criminal law, according to ancient prec- edent, might require that, and because the discipline of the reformatory would require it as a practical rule), and he stays there until, in the judgment of competent authority, he is fit to be trusted at large. If he is incapable of reform, he must stay there for his natural life. He is a free agent. He can decide to lead an honest life and have his liberty, or he can elect to work for the State all his life in criminal confinement. When I say that every State prison is to be a reformatory, I except, of course, from its operation, those sentenced for life for murder, or other capital offences, and those who have proved themselves incorrigible by repeated violations of their parole. It is necessary now to consider the treat- ment in the reformatory. Only a brief outline of it can be given here, with a general statement of the underlying principles. The practical application of these principles can be studied in the Elmira Reformatory of New York, the only prison for felons where the [ 243 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE proposed system is carried out with the needed disciplinary severity. In studying Elmira, however, it must be borne in mind that the best effects cannot be obtained there, owing to the lack of the indeterminate sen- tence. In this institution the convict can only be detained for the maximum term pro- vided in the statute for his offence. When that is reached, the prisoner is released, whether he is reformed or not. The system of reform under the indeter- minate sentence, which for convenience may be called the Elmira system, is scientific, and it must be administered entirely by trained men and by specialists ; the same sort of training for the educational and industrial work as is required in a college or an indus- trial school, and the special fitness required for an alienist in an insane asylum. The discipline of the establishment must be equal to that of a military school. We have so far advanced in civilisation that we no longer think of turning the insane, the sick, the feeble-minded, over to the care of men without training chosen by the chance [ 244] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE of politics. They are put under specialists for treatment. It is as necessary that con- victs should be under the care of specialists, for they are the most difficult and interesting subjects for scientific treatment. If not criminals by heredity, they are largely made so by environment; they are either physical degenerates or they are brutalised by vice. They have lost the power of distinguishing right from wrong; they commonly lack will- power, and so are incapable of changing their habits without external influence. In short, the ordinary criminal is unsound and diseased in mind and body. To deal with this sort of human decadent is, therefore, the most interesting problem that can be offered to the psychologist, to the physiologist, to the educator, to the believer in the immortality of the soul. He is still a man, not altogether a mere animal, and there is always a possibility that he may be made a decent man, and a law-abiding, productive member of society. Here, indeed, is a problem worthy of the application of all our knowledge of mind and [ 245 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE of matter, of our highest scientific attain- ments. But it is the same problem that we have in all our education, be it the training of the mind, the development of the body, or the use of both to good ends. And it goes without saying that its successful solution, in a reformatory for criminals, depends upon the character of the man who administers the institution. There must be at the head of it a man of character, of intellectual force, of administrative ability, and all his subordinate officers must be fitted for their special task, exactly as they should be for a hospital, or a military establishment, for a college, or for a school of practical industries. And when such men are demanded, they will be forth- coming, just as they are in any department in life, when a business is to be developed, a great engineering project to be undertaken, or an army to be organised and disciplined. The development of our railroad system produced a race of great railroad men. The protection of society by the removal and reform of the criminal class, when the public determines upon it, will call into the service [ 246 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE a class of men fitted for the great work. We know this is so because already, since the discussion of this question has been current, and has passed into actual experiment, a race of workers and prison superintendents all over the country have come to the front who are entirely capable of administering the reform system under the indeterminate sen- tence. It is in this respect, and not in the erection of model prisons, that the great advance in penology has been made in the last twenty years. Men of scientific attain- ment are more and more giving their atten- tion to this problem as the most important in our civilisation. And science is ready to take up this problem when the public is tired and ashamed of being any longer harried and bullied and terrorised over by the criminal class. The note of this reform is discipline, and its success rests upon the law of habit. We are all creatures of habit, physical and mental. Habit is formed by repetition of any action. Many of our physical habits have become automatic. Without entering into a physio- [247] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE logical argument, we know that repetition produces habit, and that, if this is long con- tinued, the habit becomes inveterate. We know also that there is a habit, physical and moral, of doing right as well as doing wrong. The criminal has the habit of doing wrong. We propose to submit him to influences that will change that habit. We also know that this is not accomplished by suppressing that habit, but by putting a good one in its place. It is true in this case that nature does not like a vacuum. The thoughts of men are not changed by leaving them to themselves, they are changed by substituting other thoughts. The whole theory of the Elmira system is to keep men long enough under a strict discipline to change their habits. This dis- cipline is administered in three ways. They are put to school ; they are put at work ; they are prescribed minute and severe rules of conduct, and in the latter training is included military drill. The school and the workshop are both primarily for discipline and the formation [248] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE of new habits. Only incidentally are the school and the workshop intended to fit a man for an occupation outside of the prison. The whole discipline is to put a man in pos- session of his faculties, to give him self- respect, to get him in the way of leading a normal and natural life. But it is true that what he acquires by the discipline of study and the discipline of work will be available in his earning an honest living. Keep a man long enough in this three-ply discipline, and he will form permanent habits of well- doing. If he cannot and will not form such habits, his place is in confinement, where he cannot prey upon society. There is not space here to give the de- tails of the practices at Elmira. They are easily attainable. But I will notice one or two objections that have been made. One is that in the congregate system men neces- sarily learn evil from each other. This is, of course, an evil. It is here, however, partially overcome by the fact that the in- mates are kept so busy in the variety of dis- cipline applied to them, that they have little [ 249 ] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE or no time for anything else. They study hard, and are under constant supervision as to conduct. And then their prospect of parole depends entirely upon the daily record they make, and upon their radical change of intention. At night they are separated in their cells. During the day they are asso- ciated in class, in the workshop, and in drill, and this association is absolutely necessary to their training. In separation from their fellows, they could not be trained. Fear is expressed that men will deceive their keepers and the board which is to pass upon them, and obtain parole when they do not deserve it. As a matter of fact, men under this dis- cipline cannot successfully play the hypocrite to the experts who watch them. It is only in the ordinary prison where the parole is in use with no adequate discipline, and without the indefinite sentence, that deception can be practised. But suppose a man does play the hypocrite so as to deceive the officers, who know him as well as any employer knows his workmen or any teacher knows his scholars, and deceives the independent [250] INDETERMINATE SENTENCE board so as to get a parole. If he violates that parole, he can be renianded to the re- formatory, and it will be exceedingly difficult for him to get another parole. And, if he should again violate his parole, he would be considered incorrigible and be placed in a life prison. We have tried all other means of protect- ing society, of lessening the criminal class, of reforming the criminal. The proposed indeterminate sentence, with reformatory dis- cipline, is the only one that promises to re- lieve society of the insolent domination and the terrorism of the criminal class ; is the only one that can deter men from making a career of crime ; is the only one that offers a fair prospect for the reformation of the criminal offender. Why not try it ? Why not put the whole system of criminal jurisprudence and pro- cedure for the suppression of crime upon a sensible and scientific basis ? [-51] The Life -Saving and Li fe -Prolonging Art IN the minds of the pubhc there is a mystery about the practice of medicine. It deals more or less with the unknown, with the occult, it appeals to the imagina- tion. Doubtless confidence In its practi- tioners is still somewhat due to the belief that they are familiar with the secret proc- esses of nature, if they are not in actual alliance with the supernatural. Investiga- tion of the ground of the popular faith in the doctor would lead us into meta- physics. And yet our physical condition has much to do with this faith. It is apt to be weak when one is in perfect health ; but when one is sick It grows strong. Saint and sinner both warm up to the doctor when the Judgment Day heaves In view. In the popular apprehension the doc- tor is still the Medicine Man. We smile [253 ] THE LIFE-SAFING AND when we hear about his antics in barbarous tribes ; he dresses fantastically, he puts horns on his head, he draws circles on the ground, he dances about the patient, shak- ing his rattle and uttering incantations. There is nothing to laugh at. He is mak- ing an appeal to the imagination. And sometimes he cures, and sometimes he kills ; in either case he gets his fee. What right have we to laugh 1 We live in an enlight- ened age, and yet a great proportion of the people, perhaps not a majority, still be- lieve in incantations, have faith in igno- rant practitioners who advertise a " natural gift," or a secret process or remedy, and prefer the charlatan who is exactly on the level of the Indian Medicine Man, to the regular practitioner, and to the scientific student of mind and body and of the prop- erties of the materia medica. Why, even here in Connecticut, it is impossible to get a law to protect the community from the imposition of knavish or ignorant quacks, and to require of a man some evidence of capacity and training and skill, before he [ 254] LIFE-PR LONGING ART is let loose to experiment upon suffering humanity. Our teachers must pass an examination — though the examiner some- times does not know as much as the can- didate, — for misguiding the youthful mind ; the lawyer cannot practise without study and a formal admission to the bar; and even the clergyman is not accepted in any responsible charge until he has given evi- dence of some moral and intellectual fit- ness. But the profession affecting directly the health and life of every human body, which needs to avail itself of the accumu- lated experience, knowledge, and science of all the ages, is open to every ignorant and stupid practitioner on the credulity of the public. Why cannot we get a law regulat- ing the profession which is of most vital interest to all of us, excluding ignorance and quackery .f^ Because the majority of our legislature, representing, I suppose, the majority of the public, believe in the " nat- ural bone-setter," the herb doctor, the root doctor, the old woman who brews a decoc- tion of swamp medicine, the " natural gift '* [255] THE LIFE-SAFING AND of some dabbler in diseases, the magnetic healer, the faith cure, the mind cure, the Christian Science cure, the eflficacy of a prescription rapped out on a table by some hysterical medium, — in anything but sound knowledge, education in scientific methods, steadied by a sense of public responsibility. Not long ago, on a cross-country road, I came across a woman in a farmhouse, where I am sure the barnyard drained into the well, who was sick ; she had taken a shop-full of patent medicines. I advised her to send for a doctor. She had no confidence in doctors, but said she reck- oned she would get along now, for she had sent for the seventh son of a seventh son, and did n't I think he could certainly cure her? I said that combination ought to fetch any disease except agnosticism. That woman probably influenced a vote in the legislature. The legislature believes in incantations ; it ought to have in atten- dance an Indian Medicine Man. We think the world is progressing in en- lightenment; I suppose it is — inch by inch. [256] LIFE-PR O LONGING ART But it is not easy to name an age that has cherished more dekisions than ours, or been more superstitious, or more credulous, more eager to run after quackery. Especially is this true in regard to remedies for diseases, and the faith in healers and quacks outside of the regular, educated professors of the medical art. Is this an exaggeration ? Con- sider the quantity of proprietary medicines taken in this country, some of them harm- less, some of them good in some cases, some of them injurious, but generally taken with- out advice and in absolute ignorance of the nature of the disease or the specific action of the remedy. The drug-shops are full of them, especially in country towns ; and in the far west and on the Pacific coast I have been astonished at the quantity and variety displayed. They are found in almost every house ; the country is literally dosed to death with these manufactured nostrums and pana- ceas — and that is the most popular medi- cine which can be used for the greatest number of internal and external diseases and injuries. Many newspapers are half sup- ^7 [257] THE LIFE-'SAVING AND ported by advertising them, and millions and millions of dollars are invested in this popu- lar industry. Needless to say that the pa- tented remedies most in request are those that profess a secret and unscientific origin. Those most " purely vegetable " seem most suitable to the wooden-heads who believe in them, but if one were sufficiently advertised as not containing a single trace of vegetable matter, avoiding thus all possible conflict of one organic life with another organic life, it would be just as popular. The favourites are those that have been secretly used by an East Indian fakir, or accidentally discovered as the natural remedy, dug out of the ground by an American Indian tribe, or steeped in a kettle by an ancient coloured person in a southern plantation, or washed ashore on the person of a sailor from the South Seas, or in- vented by a very aged man in New Jersey, who could not read, but had spent his life roaming in the woods, and whose capacity for discover- ing a '* universal panacea,'* besides his igno- rance and isolation, lay in the fact that his sands of life had nearly run. It is the sup- [ 258 ] LIFE-PR LONGING ART posed secrecy or low origin of the remedy that is its attraction. The basis of the vast proprietary medicine business is popular ignorance and credulity. And it needs to be pretty broad to support a traffic of such enormous proportions. During this generation certain branches of the life-saving and life-prolonging art have made great advances out of empiri- cism onto the solid ground of scientific knowledge. Of course I refer to surgery, and to the discovery of the causes and im- provement in the treatment of contagious and epidemic diseases. The general practice has shared in this scientific advance, but it is limited and always will be limited within ex- perimental bounds, by the infinite variations in individual constitutions, and the almost incalculable element of the interference of mental with physical conditions. When we get an exact science of man, we may expect an exact science of medicine. How far we are from this, we see when we attempt to make criminal anthropology the basis of criminal legislation. Man is so complex [ 259 ] THE LIFE-SAVING AND that if we were to eliminate one of his ap- parently worse qualities, we might develop others still worse, or throw the whole ma- chine into inefficiency. By taking away what the phrenologists call combativeness, we could doubtless stop prize-fights, but we might have a springless society. The only safe way is that taught by horticulture, to feed a fruit-tree generously, so that it has vigour enough to throw off its degenerate tendencies and its enemies, or, as the doctors say in medical practice, bring up the general system. That is to say, there is more hope for humanity in stimulating the good, than in directly suppressing the evil. It is on something like this line that the greatest ad- vance has been made in medical practice ; I mean in the direction of prevention. This involves of course the exclusion of the evil, that is, of suppressing the causes that pro- duce disease, as well as in cultivating the re- sistant power of the human system. In san- itation, diet, and exercise are the great fields of medical enterprise and advance. I need not say that the physician who, in the case of [260] LIFE-PROLONGING ART those under his charge, or who may possibly require his aid, contents himself with waiting for developed disease, is like the soldier in a besieged city, who opens the gates and then attempts to repel the Invader who has effected a lodgment. I hope the time will come when the chief practice of the physi- cian will be, first, in oversight of the sanitary condition of his neighbourhood, and, next, in preventive attendance on people who think they are well, and are all unconscious of the Insidious approach of some concealed malady. Another great change in modern practice is specialisation. Perhaps it has not yet reached the delicate particularity of the practice in ancient Egypt, where every mi- nute part of the human economy had its exclu- sive doctor. This Is Inevitable in a scientific age, and the result has been on the whole an advance of knowledge, and Improved treat- ment of specific ailments. The danger Is apparent. It is that of the moral specialist, who has only one hobby and traces every hu- man ill to strong liquor or tobacco, or the cor- set, or taxation of personal property, or denial [261] THE LIFE-SAVING AND of universal suffrage, or the eating of meat, or the want of the centralisation of nearly all initiative and interest and property in the state. The tendency of the accomplished specialist in medicine is to refer all physical trouble to the ill conduct of the organ he presides over. He can often trace every disease to want of width in the nostrils, to a defective eye, to a sensitive throat, to shut- up pores, to an irritated stomach, to an auric- ular defect. I suppose he is generally right, but I have a perhaps natural fear that if I happened to consult an amputationist about catarrh he would want to cut off my leg. I confess to an affection for the old-fashioned, all-round country doctor, who took a general view of his patient, knew his family, his con- stitution, all the gossip about his mental or business troubles, his affairs of the heart, disappointments in love, incompatibilities of temper, and treated the patient, as the phrase is, for all he was worth, and gave him visible medicine out of good old saddle-bags — how much faith we used to have in those saddle- bags — and not a prescription in a dead Ian- [262] LIFE-PR O LONGING ART guage to be put up by a dead-head clerk who occasionally mistakes arsenic for carbonate of soda. I do not mean, however, to say there is no sense in the retention of the hieroglyphics which the doctors use to com- municate their ideas to a druggist, for I had a prescription made in Hartford put up in Naples, and that could not have happened if it had been written in English. And I am not sure but the mysterious symbols have some effect on the patient. The mention of the intimate knowledge of family and constitutional conditions possessed by the old-fashioned country doctor, whose main strength lay in this and in his common- sense, reminds me of another great advance in the modern practice, in the attempt to understand nature better by the scientific study of psychology and the occult relations of mind and body. It is in the study of temper, temperament, hereditary predisposi- tions, that we may expect the most brilliant results in preventive medicine. As a layman, I cannot but notice another great advance in the medical profession. It THE LIFE-SAVING AND is not alone in it. It is rather expected that the lawyers will divide the oyster between them and leave the shell to the contestants. I suppose that doctors, almost without ex- ception, give more of their time and skill in the way of charity than almost any other profession. But somebody must pay, and fees have increased with the general cost of living and dying. If fees continue to in- crease as they have done in the past ten years in the great cities, like New York, nobody not a millionaire can afford to be sick. The fees will soon be a prohibitive tax. I cannot say that this will be altogether an evil, for the cost of calling medical aid may force people to take better care of them- selves. Still, the excessive charges are rather hard on people in moderate circumstances who are compelled to seek surgical aid. And here we touch one of the regrettable symptoms of the times, which is not by any means most conspicuous in the medical pro- fession. I mean the tendency to subordinate the old notion of professional duty to the greed for money. The lawyers are almost [264] LIFE-PR O LO NGING ART universally accused of it ; even the clergymen are often suspected of being influenced by it. The young man is apt to choose a profession on calculation of its profit. It will be a bad day for science and for the progress of the usefulness of the medical profession, when the love of money in its practice becomes stronger than professional enthusiasm, than the noble ambition of distinction for advan- cing the science, and the devotion to human welfare. I do not prophesy it. Rather I expect in- terest in humanity, love of science for itself, sympathy with suffering, self-sacrifice for others, to increase in the world, and be stronger in the end, than sordid love of gain and the low ambition of rivalry in material- istic display. To this higher life the physi- cian is called. I often wonder that there are so many men, brilliant men, able men, with so many talents for success in any calling, willing to devote their lives to a profession which demands so much self-sacrifice, so much hardship, so much contact with suffer- ing, subject to the call of all the world at [265] THE LIFE-SAVING ART any hour of the day or night, involving so much personal risk, carrying so much heart- breaking responsibility, responded to by so much constant heroism, a heroism requiring the risk of life in a service the only glory of which is a good name and the approval of one's conscience. To the members of such a profession, in spite of their human infirmities and limita- tions and unworthy hangers-on, I bow with admiration and the respect which we feel for that which is best in this world. [266] Literary Copyright TT HIS is the first public meeting of I the National Institute of Arts and Letters. The original members were selected by an invitation from the Ameri- can Social Science Association, which acted under the power of its charter from the Con- gress of the United States. The members thus selected, who joined the Social Science Association, were given the alternative of organising as an independent institute or as a branch of the Social Science Association. At the annual mcetinor of the Social Science Association on September 4, 1899, at Saratoga Springs, the members of the Institute voted to organise Independently. They formally adopted the revised consti- tution, which had been agreed upon at the first meeting, in New York in the preceding January, and elected officers as prescribed by the constitution. [267] LIT ER ART C P TRIGHT The object is declared to be the advance- ment of art and literature, and the qualifica- tion shall be notable achievement in art or letters. The number of active members will probably be ultimately fixed at one hundred. The society may elect honorary and associate members without limit. By the terms of agreement between the American Social Science Association and the National In- stitute, the members of each are ipso facto associate members of the other. It is believed that the advancement of art and literature in this country will be pro- moted by the organisation of the producers of literature and art. This is in strict anal- ogy with the action of other professions and of almost all the industries. No one doubts that literature and art are or should be leading interests in our civilisation, and their dignity will be enhanced in the public estimation by a visible organisation of their representatives, who are seriously determined upon raising the standards by which the work of writers and artists is judged. The association of persons having this common [268] LIT ERA RT COPTRIGHT aim cannot but stimulate effort, soften un- worthy rivalry into generous competition, and promote enthusiasm and good fellow- ship in their work. The mere coming to- gether to compare views and discuss interests and tendencies and problems which concern both the workers and the great public, can- not fail to be of benefit to both. In no other way so well as by association of this sort can be created the feeling of solidarity in our literature, and the recogni- tion of its power. It is not expected to raise any standard of perfection, or in any way to hamper individual development, but a body of concentrated opinion may raise the standard by promoting healthful and helpful criticism, by discouraging mediocrity and meretricious smartness, by keeping alive the traditions of good literature, while it is hospitable to all discoverers of new worlds. A safe motto for any such society would be Tradition and Freedom — Traditio et Libertas, It is generally conceded that what litera- ture in America needs at this moment is [269] LIT ER ART COPTRIGHT honest, competent, sound criticism. This is not likely to be attained by sporadic ef- forts, especially in a democracy of letters where the critics are not always superior to the criticised, where the man in front of the book is not always a better marks- man than the man behind the book. It may not be attained even by an organisa- tion of men united upon certain standards of excellence. I do not like to use the word authority, but it is not unreasonable to sup- pose that the public will be influenced by a body devoted to the advancement of art and literature, whose sincerity and discern- ment it has learned to respect, and admission into whose ranks will, I hope, be considered a distinction to be sought for by good work. The fashion of the day is rarely the judg- ment of posterity. You will recall what Byron wrote to Coleridge : " I trust you do not permit yourself to be depressed by the temporary partiality of what is called * the public ' for the favourites of the moment ; all experience is against the permanency of such impressions. You must have lived to [270] LIT ERA RT C O F TRIG HT see many of these pass away, and will sur- vive many more." '^ The chief concern of the National Insti- tute is with the production of works of art and of literature, and with their distribution. In the remarks following I shall confine my- self to the production and distribution of literature. In the limits of this brief address I can only in outline speak of certain tenden- cies and practices which are affecting this production and this distribution. The in- terests involved are, first, those of the author ; second, those of the publisher ; third, those of the public. As to all good literature, the interests of these three are identical if the relations of the three are on the proper basis. For the author, a good book is of more pecuniary value than a poor one, setting aside the question of fame ; to the publisher, the right of publishing a good book is solid capital, — an established house, in the long run, makes more money on " Standards " than on " Catch-pennies ; " and to the public the possession of the best literature is the breath of life, as that of the bad and mediocre [ 271 ] LITERARY C O P TRIGHT is moral and intellectual decadence. But in practice the interests of the three do not har- monise. The author, even supposing his efforts are stimulated by the highest aspira- tion for excellence and not by any commercial instinct, is compelled by his circumstances to get the best price for his production ; the publisher wishes to get the utmost return for his capital and his energy ; and the public wants the best going for the least money. Consider first the author, and I mean the author, and not the mere craftsman who manufactures books for a recognised market. His sole capital is his talent. His brain may be likened to a mine, gold, silver, copper, iron, or tin, which looks like silver when new. Whatever it is, the vein of valuable ore is limited, in most cases it is slight. When it is worked out the man is at the end of his resources. Has he expended or pro- duced capital ? I say he has produced it, and contributed to the wealth of the world, and that he is as truly entitled to the usufruct of it as the miner who takes gold or silver [272] LIT ER ART C O PT RIGHT out of the earth. For liow lono? I will O speak of that later on. The copyright of a book is not analogous to the patent right of an invention, which may become of universal necessity to the world. Nor should the o^reater share of this usufruct be absorbed by the manufacturer and publisher of the book. The publisher has a clear right to guard himself against risks, as he has the rio^ht of refusal to assume them. But there is an injustice somewhere, when for many a book, valued and even profitable to some- body, the author does not receive the price of a labourer's day wages for the time spent on it — to say nothing of the long years of its gestation. The relation between author and publisher ought to be neither complicated nor peculiar. The author may sell his product outright, or he may sell himself by an agreement similar to that which an employee in a manufactur- ing establishment makes with his master to give to the establishment all his inventions. Either of these methods is fair and business- like, though it may not be wise. A method i8 [273] LIT ER ART C FT RIGHT that prevailed in the early years of this cen- tury was both fair and wise. The author agreed that the publisher should have the exclusive right to publish his book for a certain term, or to make and sell a certain number of copies. When those conditions were fulfilled, the control of the property re- verted to the author. The continuance of these relations between the two depended, as it should depend, upon mutual advantage and mutual good-will. By the present common method the author makes over the use of his property to the will of the publisher. It is true that he parts with the use only of the property and not with the property itself, and the publisher in law acquires no other title, nor does he ac- quire any sort of interest in the future pro- ducts of the author s brain. But the author loses all control of his property, and its profit to him may depend upon his continuing to make over his books to the same publisher. In this continuance he is liable to the temp- tation to work for a market, instead of follow- ing the free impulses of his own genius. As [ 274 ] LIT ERA RT C O P T RIG HT to any special book the publisher is the sole judge whether to push it or to let it sink into the stasfnation of unadvertised oroods. The situation is full of complications. Theoretically it is the interest of both parties to sell as many books as possible. But the author has an interest in one book, the pub- lisher in a hundred. And it is natural and reasonable that the man who risks his money should be the judge of the policy best for his whole establishment. I cannot but think that this situation would be on a juster footing all round if the author returned to the old practice of limiting the use of his property by the publisher. I say this in full recognition of the fact that the publishers might be unwilling to make temporary in- vestments, or to take risks. What then ? Fewer books might be published. Less vanity might be gratified. Less money might be risked in experiments upon the public, and more might be made by distrib- uting good literature. Would the public be injured? It is an idea already discredited that the world owes a living to everybody [275 ] LIT ER ART COPTRIGHT who thinks he can write, and it is a super- stition already fading that capital which exploits literature as a trade acquires any special privileges. The present international copyright, which primarily concerns itself with the manu- facture of books, rests upon an unintelligible protective tariff basis. It should rest pri- marily upon an acknowledgment of the author's right of property in his own work, the same universal right that he has in any other personal property. The author's in- ternational copyright should be no more hampered by restrictions and encumbrances than his national copyright. Whatever regu- lations the government may make for the protection of manufactures, or trade indus- tries, or for purposes of revenue on importa- tions, they should not be confounded with the author's right of property. They have no business in an international copyright act, agreement, or treaty. The United States copyright for native authors contains no manufacturing restrictions. All we ask is that foreign authors shall enjoy the same [276] LIT ER ART COPT RIGHT privileges we have under our law, and that foreign nations shall give our authors the privileges of their local cop3Tight laws. I do not know any American author of any- standing who has ever asked or desired pro- tection ao:ainst foreiorn authors. This subject is so important that I may be permitted to enlarge upon it, in order to make clear suggestions already made, and to array again arguments more or less fa- miliar. I do this in the view of bring- ing before the institute work worthy of its best efforts, which if successful will entitle this body to the gratitude and respect of the country. I refer to the speedy revi- sion of our confused and w^holly inadequate American copyright laws, and later on to a readjustment of our international rela- tions. In the first place let me bring to your attention what is, to the vast body of authors, a subject of vital interest, which it is not too much to say has never received that treat- ment from authors themselves which its im- portance demands. I refer to the property [ 277 ] LIT ER ART C O PTRIGHT of authors in their productions. In this brief space and time I cannot enter fully upon this great subject, but must be con- tent to offer certain suggestions for your consideration. The property of an author in the product of his mental labour ought to be as absolute and unlimited as his property in the product of his physical labour. It seems to me idle to say that the two kinds of labour products are so dissimilar that the ownership cannot be protected by like laws. In this age of enlightenment such a proposition is absurd. The history of copyright law seems to show that the treatment of property in brain pro- duct has been based on this erroneous idea. To steal the paper on which an author has put his brain work into visible, tangible form is in all lands a crime, larceny, but to steal the brain work is not a crime. The utmost extent to which our enlightened American legislators, at almost the end of the nine- teenth century, have gone in protecting pro- ducts of the brain has been to give the author power to sue in civil courts, at large [ 278 ] LIT ERA RT C O P T RIGHT expense, the offender who has taken and sold his property. And what gross absurdity is the copyright law which limits even this poor defence of authors' property to a brief term of years, after the expiration of which he or his chil- dren and heirs have no defence, no recognised property whatever in his products. And for some inexplicable reason this term of years in which he may be said to own his property is divided into two terms, so that at the end of the first he is compelled to re-assert his ownership by renewing his copyright, or he must lose all ownership at the end of the short term. It is manifest to all honest minds that if an author is entitled to own his work for a term of years, it is equally the duty of his govern- ment to make that ownership perpetual. He can own and protect and leave to his children and his children's children by w^ill, the manuscript paper on which he has writ- ten, and he should have equal right to leave to them that mental product which consti- tutes the true money value of his labour. It [279 ] LITER A RT C P TRIGHT is unnecessary to say that the mental product is always as easy to be identified as the physical product. Its identification is abso- lutely certain to the intelligence of judges and juries. And it is apparent that the in- terests of assignees, who are commonly pub- lishers, are equal with those of authors, in making absolute and perpetual this property in which both are dealers. Another consideration follows here. Why should the ownership of a bushel of wheat, a piece of silk goods, a watch, or a handker- chief in the possession of an American car- ried or sent to England, or brought thence to this country, be absolute and unlimited, while the ownership of his own products as an author or as a purchaser from an author is made dependent on his nationality .^^ Why should the property of the manufacturer of cloths, carpets, satins, and any and every description of goods, be able to send his products all over the world, subject only to the tariff laws of various countries, while the author (alone of all known producers) is for- bidden to do so ? The existing law of our [280] LIT ERA RT COPTRIGHT country says to the foreign author, " You can have property in your book only if you man- ufacture it into saleable form in this country." What would be said of the wisdom or wild folly of a law which sought to protect other American industries by forbidding the impor- tation of all foreign manufactures ? No question of tariff protection is here involved. What duty shall be imposed upon foreign products or foreign manufactures is a question of political economy. The wrong against which authors should protest is in annexing to their terms of ownership of their property a protective tariff provision. For, be it observed, this is a subject of abstract justice, moral right, and it matters nothing wdiether the author be American, English, German, French, Hindoo, or Chinese, — and it is very certain that when America shall enact a simple, just, copyright law, giving to every human being the same protection of law to his property in his mental products as in the work of his hands, every civilised nation on earth will follow the noble example. As it now stands, authors who annually [281] LIT ER ART C O P T RIG HT produce the raw material for manufacturing purposes to an amount in value of millions, supporting vast populations of people, authors whose mental produce rivals and ex- ceeds in commercial value many of the great staple products of our fields, are the only producers who have no distinct property in their products, who are not protected in holding on to the feeble tenure the law gives them, and whose quasi-property in their works, flimsy as it is, is limited to a few years, and cannot with certainty be handed down to their children. It will be saidj it is said, that it is impos- sible for the author to obtain an acknowl- edgment of absolute right of property in his brain work. In our civilisation we have not yet arrived at this state of justice. It may be so. Indeed some authors have declared that this justice would be against public policy. I trust they are sustained by the lofty thought that in this view they are rising above the petty realm of literature into the broad field of statesmanship. But I think there will be a general agree- [282] Lir ERART C P TRIG HT ment that in the needed revlsal of our local copyright law we can attain some measure of justice. Some of the most obvious hard- ships can be removed. There is no reason why an author should pay for the privilege of a long life by the loss of his copyrights, and that his old age should be embittered by poverty because he cannot have the re- sults of the labour of his vigorous years. There is no reason why if he dies young he should leave those dependent on him with- out support, for the public has really no more right to appropriate his book than it would have to take his house from his widow and children. His income at best is small after he has divided with the publishers. No, there can certainly be no valid argu- ment against extending the copyright of the author to his own lifetime, with the addition of forty or fifty years for the benefit of his heirs. I will not leave this portion of the topic without saying that a perfectly harmonious relation between authors and publishers is most earnestly to be desired, nor without the LITER ART C PTRIGHT frank acknowledgment that, in literary tradi- tion and in the present experience, many of the most noble friendships and the most generous and helpful relations have sub- sisted, as they ought always to subsist, be- tween the producers and the distributors of literature, especially when the publisher has a love for literature, and the author is a reasonable being and takes pains to inform himself about the publishing business. One aspect of the publishing business which has become increasingly prominent during the last fifteen years cannot be over- looked, for it is certain to affect seriously the production of literature as to quality, and its distribution. Capital has discovered that literature is a product out of which money can be made, in the same way that it can be made in cotton, wheat, or iron. Never before in history has so much money been invested in publishing, with the single purpose of creating and supplying the mar- ket with manufactured goods. Never before has there been such an appeal to the reading public, or such a study of its tastes, or sup- [ 284 ] LIT ERA RT COPT RIGHT posed tastes, wants, likes and dislikes, coupled also with the same shrewd anxiety to ascer- tain a future demand that governs the pur- veyors of spring and fall styles in millinery and dressmaking. Not only the contents of the books and periodicals, but the covers, must be made to catch the fleeting fancy. Will the public next season wear its hose dotted or striped? Another branch of this activity is the so- called syndicating of the author's products in the control of one salesman, in which good work and inferior work are coupled together at a common selling price and in common notoriety. This insures a wider distribution, but what is its effect upon the quality of literature ? Is it your observation that the writer for a syndicate, on solicitation for a price or an order for a certain kind of work, produces as good quality as when he works independently, uninfluenced by the spirit of commercialism ? The question is a serious one for the future of literature. The consolidation of capital in great pub- lishing establishments has its advantages [285] LIT ER ART C O P TRIG HT and its disadvantages. It increases vastly the yearly output of books. The presses must be kept running, printers, paper-makers, and machinists are interested in this. The maw of the press must be fed. The capital must earn its money. One advantage of this is that when new and usable material is not forthcoming, the " standards " and the best literature must be reproduced in count- less editions, and the best literature is broad- cast over the world at prices to suit all purses, even the leanest. The disadvantage is that products, in the eagerness of competi- tion for a market, are accepted which are of a character to harm and not help the de- velopment of the contemporary mind in moral and intellectual strength. The public expresses its fear of this in the phrase it has invented — "the spawn of the press." The author who writes simply to supply this press, and in constant view of a market, is certain to deteriorate in his quality, nay more, as a beginner he is satisfied if he can produce something that will sell with- out regard to its quality. [286 J LIT ERud RT COPT RIGHT Is it extravagant to speak of a tendency to make the author merely an adjunct of the publishing house? Take as an illustration the publications in books and magazines relating to the late Spanish-American war. How many of them were ordered to meet a supposed market, and how many of them were the spontaneous and natural produc- tions of writers who had something to say? I am not quarrelling, you see, with the news- papers who do this sort of thing ; I am speaking of the tendency of what we have been accustomed to call literature to take on the transient and hasty character of the newspaper. In another respect, in method if not in quality, this literature approaches the news- paper. It is the habit of some publishing houses, not of all, let me distinctly say, to seek ahvays notoriety, not to nurse and keep before the public mind the best that has been evolved from time to time, but to offer always something new. The year's flooring is threshed off and the floor swept to make room for a fresh batch. Effort eventually [287] LIT ER ART C O P TRIGHT ceases for the old and approved, and is con- centrated on experiments. This is Hke the conduct of a newspaper. It is assumed that the public must be startled all the time. I speak of this freely because I think it as bad policy for the publisher as it is harmful to the public of readers. The same effort used to introduce a novelty will be much better remunerated by pushing the sale of an acknowledged good piece of literature. Lit- erature depends, like every other product bought by the people, upon advertising, and it needs much effort usually to arrest the attention of our hurrying public upon what it would most enjoy if it were brought to its knowledge. It would not be easy to fix the limit in this vast country to the circulation of a good book if it were properly kept before the public. Day by day, year by year, new readers are coming forward with curiosity and intellectual wants. The generation that now is should not be deprived of the best in the last generation. Nay more, one publica- tion, in any form, reaches only a compara- [ 288] LIT ER ART C O P TRIGHT tively small portion of the public that would be interested in it. A novel, for instance, may have a large circulation in a magazine; it may then appear in a book; it may reach other readers serially again in the columns of a newspaper; it may be offered again in all the by-ways by subscription, and yet not nearly exhaust its legitimate running power. This is not a supposition but a fact proved by trial. Nor is it to be wondered at, when we consider that we have an unequalled homogeneous population with a similar com- mon-school education. In looking over publisher's lists I am constantly coming across good books out of print, which are practically unknown to this generation, and yet are more profitable, truer to life and char- acter, more entertaining and amusing, than most of those fresh from the press month by month. Of the effect upon the literary product of writing to order, in obedience to a merely commercial instinct, I need not enlarge to a company of authors, any more than to a company of artists I need to enlarge upon 19 [ 289 ] LITER ART C O Pr RIGHT the effect of a like commercial instinct upon art. I am aware that the evolution of literature or art in any period, in relation to the lit- erature and art of the world, cannot be accurately judged by contemporaries and participants, nor can it be predicted. But I have great expectations of the product of both in this country, and I am sure that both will be affected by the conduct of persons now living. It is for this reason that I have spoken. [ 290 ] The Pursuit of Happiness PERHAPS the most curious and inter- esting phrase ever put into a public document is " the pursuit of happi- ness." It is declared to be an inalienable rieht. It cannot be sold. It cannot be given away. It is doubtful if it could be left by will. The right of every man to be six feet high, and of every woman to be five feet four, was regarded as self-evident, until women as- serted their undoubted right to be six feet high also, when some confusion was intro- duced into the interpretation of this rhetori- cal fragment of the eighteenth century. But the inalienable right to the pursuit of happiness has never been questioned since it was proclaimed as a new gospel for the New World. The American people accepted it with enthusiasm, as if it had been the dis- covery of a gold-prospector, and started out in the pursuit as if the devil were after them. [ 291 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS If the proclamation had been that happi- ness is a common right of the race, alienable or otherwise, that all men are or may be happy, history and tradition might have in- terfered to raise a doubt whether even the new form of government could so change the ethical condition. But the right to make a pursuit of happiness, given in a funda- mental bill of rights, had quite a different aspect. Men had been engaged in many pursuits, most of them disastrous, some of them highly commendable. A sect in Gali- lee had set up the pursuit of righteousness as the only or the highest object of man's immortal powers. The rewards of it, how- ever, were not always immediate. Here was a political sanction of a pursuit that every- body acknowledged to be of a good thing. Given a heartaching longing in every human being for happiness, here was high warrant for going in pursuit of it. And the curious effect of this mo^ cTordre was that the pursuit arrested the attention as the most essential, and the happiness was post- poned, almost invariably, to some future sea- [ 292 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS son, when leisure or plethora, that is, relaxation or gorged desire, should induee that physical and moral glow which is com- monly accepted as happiness. This glow of well-being is sometimes called contentment, but contentment was not in the programme. If it came at all, it was only to come after strenuous pursuit, that being the inalienable right. People, to be sure, have different concep- tions of happiness, but whatever they are, it is the custom, almost universal, to postpone the thing itself. This of course is specially true in our American system, where we have a chartered right to the thing itself. Other nations who have no such right may take it out in occasional driblets, odd moments that come, no doubt, to men and races who have no privilege of voting, or to such favoured places as New York city, whose government is always the same, however they vote. We are all authorised to pursue happiness, and we do as a general thing make a pursuit of it. Instead of simply being happy in the condition where we are, getting the sweets [ 293 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS of life in human intercourse, hour by hour, as the bees take honey from every flower that opens in the summer air, finding hap- piness in the well-filled and orderly mind, in the sane and enlightened spirit, in the self that has become what the self should be, we say that to-morrow, next year, in ten or twenty or thirty years, when we have arrived at certain coveted possessions or situation, we will be happy. Some philosophers dig- nify this postponement with the name of hope. Sometimes wandering in a primeval for- est, in all the witchery of the woods, be- sought by the kindliest solicitations of nature, wild flowers in the trail, the call of the squirrel, the flutter of birds, the great world-music of the wind in the pine-tops, the flecks of sunlight on the brown carpet and on the rough bark of immemorial trees, I find myself unconsciously postponing my enjoyment until I shall reach a hoped-for open place of full sun and boundless prospect. The analogy cannot be pushed, for it is [ 294] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS the common experience that these open spots in life, where leisure and space and contentment await us, are usually grown up with thickets, fuller of obstacles, to say nothing of labours and duties and diiificulties, than any part of the weary path we have trod. Why add the pursuit of happiness to our other inalienable worries? Perhaps there is something^ wronor in ourselves when w^e hear the complaint so often that men are pursued by disaster instead of being pursued by hap- piness. We all believe in happiness as something desirable and attainable, and I take it that this is the underlying desire when we speak of the pursuit of wealth, the pursuit of learn- ing, the pursuit of power in ofifice or in in- fluence, that is, that we shall come into happiness when the objects last named are attained. No amount of failure seems to lessen this belief. It is matter of experience that wealth and learning and power are as likely to bring unhappiness as happiness, and yet this constant lesson of experience [ 295 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS makes not the least impression upon human conduct. I suppose that the reason of this unheeding of experience is that every person born into the world is the only one exactly of that kind that ever was or ever will be cre- ated, so that he thinks he may be exempt from the general rules. At any rate, he goefe at the pursuit of happiness in exactly the old way, as if it were an original undertak- ing. Perhaps the most melancholy spectacle offered to us in our short sojourn in this pilgrimage, where the roads are so dusty and the caravansaries so ill provided, is the credulity of this pursuit. Mind, I am not objecting to the pursuit of wealth, or of learning, or of power, — - they are all explain- able, if not justifiable, — but to the blindness that does not perceive their futility as a means of attaining the end sought, which is happiness, an end that can only be com- passed by the right adjustment of each soul to this and to any coming state of existence. For whether the great scholar who is stuffed with knowledge is happier than the great money-getter who is gorged with riches, or [296] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS the wily politician who is a Warwick in his realm, depends entirely upon what sort of a man this pursuit has made him. There is a kind of fallacy current nowadays that a very rich man, no matter by what unscrupu- lous means he has gathered an undue pro- portion of the world into his possession, can be happy if he can turn round and make a generous and lavish distribution of it for worthy purposes. If he has preserved a remnant of conscience, this distribution may give him much satisfaction, and justly in- crease his good opinion of his own deserts ; but the fallacy is in leaving out of account the sort of man he has become in this sort of pursuit. Has he escaped .that hardening of the nature, that drying up of the sweet springs of sympathy, which usually attend a long-continued selfish undertaking ? Has either he or the great politician or the great scholar cultivated the real sources of enjoy- ment ? The pursuit of happiness ! It is not strange that men call it an illusion. But I am well satisfied that it is not the thinsf it- o [297 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS self, but the pursuit, that is an illusion. In- stead of thinking of the pursuit, why not fix our thoughts upon the moments, the hours, perhaps the days, of this divine peace, this merriment of body and mind, that can be repeated and perhaps indefinitely extended by the simplest of all means, namely, a dis- position to make the best of whatever comes to us? Perhaps the Latin poet was right in saying that no man can count himself happy while in this life, that is, in a continuous state of happiness ; but as there is for the soul no time save the conscious moment called " now," it is quite possible to make that " now " a happy state of existence. The point I make is that we should not habitually postpone that season of happiness to the future. No one, I trust, wishes to cloud the dreams of youth, or to dispel by excess of light what are called the illusions of hope. But why should the boy be nurtured in the current notion that he is to be really happy only when he has finished school, when he has got a business or profession by which [298] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS money can be made, when he has come to manhood? The irirl also dreams that for her o happiness Hes ahead, in that springtime when she is crossing the line of womanhood, — all the poets make much of this, — when she is married and learns the supreme lesson how to rule by obeying. It is only when the girl and the boy look back upon the years of adolescence that they realise how happy they might have been then if they had only known they were happy, and did not need to go in pursuit of happiness. The pitiful part of this inalienable right to the pursuit of happiness is, however, that most men interpret it to mean the pursuit of wealth, and strive for that always, post- poning being happy until they get a fortune, and if they are lucky in that, find at the end that the happiness has somehow eluded them, that, in short, they have not cultivated that in themselves that alone can bring happi- ness. More than that, they have lost the power of the enjoyment of the essential pleasures of life. I think that the woman in the Scriptures who out of her poverty [ 299 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS put her mite into the contribution-box got more happiness out of that driblet of gen- erosity and self-sacrifice than some men in our day have experienced in founding a university. And how fares it with the intellectual man ? To be a selfish miser of learning, for self-gratification only, is no nobler in reality than to be a miser of money. And even when the scholar is lavish of his knowledge in helping an ignorant world, he may find that if he has made his studies as a pursuit of happiness he has missed his object. Much knowledge increases the possibility of enjoy- ment, but also the possibility of sorrow. If intellectual pursuits contribute to an en- lightened and altogether admirable charac- ter, then indeed has the student found the inner spring of happiness. Otherwise one cannot say that the wise man is happier than the ignorant man. In fine, and in spite of the political in- junction, we need to consider that happiness is an inner condition, not to be raced after. And what an advance in our situation it [ 300 ] THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS would be if wc could get it into our heads here in this land of inalienable rights that the world would turn round just the same if we stood still and waited for the daily coming of our Lord ! [301 ] Truth fulness TRUTHFULNESS is as essential in literature as it is in conduct, in fiction as it is in the report of an actual occurrence. Falsehood vitiates a poem, a painting, exactly as it does a life. Truthfulness is a quality like simplicity. Simplicity in literature is mainly a matter of clear vision and lucid expression, however complex the subject-matter may be ; exactly as in life, simplicity does not so much depend upon external conditions as upon the spirit in which one lives. It may be more difficult to maintain simplicity of living with a great fortune than in poverty, but simplicity of spirit — that is, superiority of soul to circum- stance — is possible in any condition. Un- fortunately the common expression that a certain person has wealth is not so true as it would be to say that wealth has him. The life of one with great possessions and corre- [ S'^S ] r R UTHFULNESS sponding responsibilities may be full of com- plexity; the subject of literary art may be exceedingly complex ; but we do not set complexity over against simplicity. For simplicity is a quality essential to true life as it is to literature of the first class ; it is opposed to parade, to artificiality, to obscurity. The quality of truthfulness is not so easily defined. It also is a matter of spirit and intuition. We have no difficulty in applying the rules of common morality to certain functions of writers for the public, for in- stance, the duties of the newspaper reporter, or the newspaper correspondent, or the narrator of any event in life the relation of which owes its value to its being absolutely true. The same may be said of hoaxes, literary or scientific, however clear they may be. The person indulging in them not only discredits his office in the eyes of the public, but he injures his own moral fibre, and he contracts such a habit of unveracity that he never can hope for genuine literary success. For there never was yet any genuine success [ 304 ] T R UTHFULNESS in letters without integrity. The clever hoax is no better than the trick of imitation, that is, conscious imitation of another, which has unveracity to one's self at the bottom of it. Burlesque is not the highest order of intel- lectual performance, but it is legitimate, and if cleverly done it may be both useful and amusing, but it is not to be confounded with forgery, that is, with a composition which the author attempts to pass off as the pro- duction of somebody else. The forgery may be amazingly smart, and be even popular, and get the author, when he is discovered, notoriety, but it is pretty certain that with his ingrained lack of integrity he will never accomplish any original work of value, and he will be always personally suspected. There is nothing so dangerous to a young writer as to begin with hoaxing ; or to be- gin with the invention, either as reporter or correspondent, of statements put forward as facts, which are untrue. This sort of facility and smartness may get a writer employment, unfortunately for him and the public, but there is no satisfaction in it to 20 [ 305 ] T R UT H F U L N E S S one who desires an honourable career. It is easy to recall the names of brilliant men whose fine talents have been eaten away by this habit of unveracity. This habit is the greatest danger of the newspaper press of the United States. It is easy to define this sort of untruthful- ness, and to study the moral deterioration it works in personal character, and in the quality of literary work. It was illustrated in the forgeries of the marvellous boy Chat- terton. The talent he expended in deception might have made him an enviable reputation, — the deception vitiated whatever good there was in his work. Fraud in literature is no better than fraud in archeology, — Chatter- ton deserves no more credit than Shapiro who forged the Moabite pottery with its inscriptions. The reporter who invents an incident, or heightens the horror of a calam- ity by fiction is in the case of Shapiro. The habit of this sort of invention is certain to destroy the writer's quality, and if he at- tempts a legitimate work of the imagination, he will carry the same unveracity into that. [306] r R Ur H F U L NE s s The quality of truthfulness cannot be juggled with. Akin to this is the trick which has put under proper suspicion some very clever writers of our day, and cost them all public confidence in whatever they do, — the trick of posing for what they are not. We do not mean only that the reader does not believe their stories of personal adventure, and re- gards them personally as " frauds," but that this quality of deception vitiates all their work, as seen from a literary point of view. We mean that the writer who hoaxes the public, by inventions which he publishes as facts, or in regard to his own personality, not only will lose the confidence of the public but he will lose the power of doing genuine work, even in the field of fiction. Good work is always characterised by integrity. These illustrations help us to understand what is meant by literary integrity. For the deception in the case of the correspondent who invents " news " is of the same quality as the lack of sincerity in a poem or in a prose fiction ; there is a moral and probably [ 307 ] r R ur H F U L N E s s a mental defect in both. The story of Rob- inson Crusoe is a very good illustration of veracity in fiction. It is effective because it has the simple air of truth ; it is an illusion that satisfies ; it is possible ; it is good art : but it has no moral deception in it. In fact, looked at as literature, we can see that it is sincere and wholesome. What is this quality of truthfulness which we all recognise when it exists in fiction .r* There is much fiction, and some of it, for various reasons, that we like and find interest- ing which is nevertheless insincere if not artificial. We see that the writer has not been honest with himself or with us in his views of human life. There may be just as much lying in novels as anywhere else. The novelist who offers us what he declares to be a figment of his own brain may be just as untrue as the reporter who sets forth a fig- ment of his own brain which he declares to be a real occurrence. That is, just as much faithfulness to life is required of the novelist as of the reporter, and in a much higher degree. The novelist must not only tell the [ 308 ] r R UT H F U L NESS truth about life as he sees it, material and spiritual, but he must be faithful to his own conceptions. If fortunately he has genius enough to create a character that has reality to himself and to others, he must be faithful to that character. He must have conscience about it, and not misrepresent it, any more than he would misrepresent the sayings and doings of a person in real life. Of course if his own conception is not clear, he will be as unjust as in writing about a person in real life whose character he knew only by rumour. The novelist may be mistaken about his own creations and in his views of life, but if he have truthfulness in himself, sincerity will show in his work. Truthfulness is a quality that needs to be as strongly insisted on in literature as sim- plicity. But when we carry the matter a step further, we see that there cannot be truth- fulness about life without knowledge. The world is full of novels, and their number dailv increases, written without any sense of re- sponsibility, and with very little experience, which are full of false views of human nature [309 ] T R UT H F U L N E S S and of society. We can almost always tell in a fiction when the writer passes the boun- dary of his own experience and observation — he becomes unreal, which is another name for untruthful. And there is an absence of sincerity in such work. There seems to be a prevailing impression that any one can write a story. But it scarcely need be said that literature is an art, like painting and music, and that one may have knowledge of life and perfect sincerity, and yet be unable to produce a good, truthful piece of literature, or to compose a piece of music, or to paint a picture. Truthfulness is in no w^ay opposed to in- vention or to the exercise of the imagination. When we say that the writer needs experi- ence, we do not mean to intimate that his invention of character or plot should be liter- ally limited to a person he has known, or to an incident that has occurred, but that they should be true to his experience. The writer may create an ideally perfect character, or an ideally bad character, and he may try him by a set of circumstances and events never [310] r R U T H F U L N E S S before combined, and this creation may be so romantic as to go beyond the experience of any reader, that is to say, wholly imaginary (like a composed landscape which has no counterpart in any one view of a natural landscape), and yet it may be so consistent in itself, so true to an idea or an aspiration or a hope, that it will have the element of truthfulness and subserve a very high pur- pose. It may actually be truer to our sense of verity to life than an array of undeniable, naked facts set down without art and with- out imagination. The difificulty of telling the truth in litera- ture is about as great as it is in real life. We know how nearly impossible it is for one per- son to convey to another a correct impression of a third person. He may describe the fea- tures, the manner, mention certain traits and sayings, all literally true, but absolutely mis- leading as to the total impression. And this is the reason why extreme, unrelieved realism is apt to give a false impression of persons and scenes. One can hardly help having a whimsical notion occasionally, seeing the [311] r R UT H F U L N E S S miscarriages even in our own attempts at truthfulness, that it absolutely exists only in the imagination. In a piece of fiction, especially romantic fiction, an author is absolutely free to be truthful, and he will be if he has personal and literary integrity. He moves freely amid his own creations and conceptions, and is not subject to the peril of the writer who ad- mittedly uses facts, but uses them so clum- sily or with so little conscience, so out of their real relations, as to convey a false impression and an untrue view of life. This quality of truthfulness is equally evident in " The Three Guardsmen " and in " Mid- summer Night s Dream." Dumas is as con- scientious about his world of adventure as Shakespeare is in his semi-supernatural re- gion. If Shakespeare did not respect the laws of his imaginary country, and the crea- tures of his fancy, if Dumas were not true to the characters he conceived, and the achieve- ments possible to them, such works would fall into confusion. A recent story called " The Refugees " set out with a certain [312 ] T R U T H F U L N E S S promise of vemcity, although the reader understood of course that it was to be a purely romantic invention. But very soon the author recklessly violated his own concep- tion, and when he got his " real " characters upon an iceberg, the fantastic position became ludicrous without being funny, and the per- formances of the same characters in the wilderness of the New World showed such lack of knowledge in the writer that the story became an insult to the intelligence of the reader. Whereas such a romance as that of " The MS. Found in a Copper Cylinder," although it is humanly impossible and visibly a figment of the imagination, is satisfactory to the reader because the author is true to his conception, and it is interesting as a curi- ous allesforical and humorous illustration of the ruinous character in human affairs of extreme unselfishness. There is the same sort of truthfulness in Hawthorne's allegory of " The Celestial Railway," in Froude's " On a Siding at a Railway Station," and in Bun- yan's " Pilgrim's Progress." The habit of lying carried into fiction l^'^o ] r R U T H F U L N ES S vitiates the best work, and perhaps it is easier to avoid it in pure romance than in the so- called novels of " every-day life." And this is probably the reason why so many of the novels of " real life " are so much more offensively untruthful to us than the wildest romances. In the former the author could perhaps " prove " every incident he narrates, and produce living every character he has attempted to describe. But the effect is that of a lie, either because he is not a master of his art, or because he has no literary con- science. He is like an artist who is more anxious to produce a meretricious effect than he is to be true to himself or to nature. An author who creates a character assumes a great responsibility, and if he has not integ- rity or knowledge enough to respect his own creation, no one else will respect it, and, worse than this, he will tell a falsehood to hosts of undiscriminating readers. [314] Literature and the Stage Is the divorce of Literature and the Stage complete, or is it still only partial ? As the lawyers say, is it a vinculo, or only a mensa et thoro ? And if this divorce is permanent, is it a good thing for literature or the stage ? Is the present condition of the stage a degeneration, as some say, or is it a natural evolution of an art independent of literature ? How long is it since a play has been written and accepted and played which has in it any so-called literary quality or is an addition to literature? And what is dramatic art as at present understood and practised by the purveyors of plays for the public ? If any one can answer these questions, he will contribute something to the discussion about the ten- dency of the modern stage. Every one recognises in the "good old plays " which are occasionally " revived " both a quality and an intention different [315] LITERATURE AND THE STAGE from anything in most contemporary pro- ductions. They are real dramas, the interest of which depends upon sentiment, upon an exhibition of human nature, upon the inter- action of varied character, and upon plot, and we recognise in them a certain literary art. They can be read with pleasure. Scenery and mechanical contrivance may heighten the effects, but they are not ab- solute essentials. In the contemporary play instead of char- acter we have " characters," usually exagger- ations of some trait, so pushed forward as to become caricatures. Consistency to human nature is not insisted on in plot, but there must be startling and unexpected incidents, mechanical devices, and a great deal of what is called "business," which clearly has as much relation to literature as have the steps of 2, farceur in a clog-dance. The composi- tion of such plays demands literary ability in the least degree, but ingenuity in invent- ing situations and surprises; the text is nothing, the action is everything; but the text is considerably improved if it have LITERATU RE AND THE STAGE brightness of repdrLcc and a lixcly apprclicn- sion of contemporary events, including the slang of the hour. These plays appear to be made up by the writer, the manager, the carpenter, the costumer. If they are success- ful with the modern audiences, their success is probably due to other things than any literary quality they may have, or any truth to life or to human nature. We see how this is in the great number of plays adapted from popular novels. In the " dramatisation " of these stories, pretty much everything is left out of the higher sort that the reader has valued in the story. The romance of " Monte Cristo " is an illustra- tion of this. The play is vulgar melodrama, out of which has escaped altogether the re- finement and the romantic idealism of the stirring romance of Dumas. Now and then, to be sure, we get a different result, as in " Olivia," where all the pathos and character of the " Vicar of Wakefield " are preserved, and the effect of the play depends upon pas- sion and sentiment. But as a rule, we get only the more obvious saliencies, the bones of [317] LITERATURE AND THE STAGE the novel, fitted in or clothed with stage "business." Of course it is true that literary men, even dramatic authors, may write and always have written dramas not suited to actors, that could not well be put upon the stage. But it re- mains true that the greatest dramas, those that have endured from the Greek times down, have been (for the audiences of their times) both good-reading and good-acting plays. I am not competent to criticise the stage or its tendency. But I am interested in noticing the increasing non-literary character of modern plays. It may be explained as a necessary and justifiable evolution of the stage. The managers may know what the audience wants, just as the editors of some of the most sensational newspapers say that they make a newspaper to suit the public. The newspaper need not be well written, but it must startle with incident and surprise, found or invented. An observer must notice that the usual theatre-audience in New York or Boston to-day laughs at and applauds [3x8] LITERATURE AND THE STAGE costumes, situations, innuendoes, doubtful suggestions, that it would have blushed at a few years ago. Has the audience been creating a theatre to suit its taste, or have the manao-ers been cducatino- an audience? Has the divorce of literary art from the mimic art of the stage anything to do with this condition? The stage can be amusing, but can it show life as it is without the aid of idealising lit- erary art? And if the stage goes on in this materialistic way, how long will it be before it ceases to amuse intelligent, not to say in- tellectual people? [ 319 ] " H. H;' in Southern Cali- fornia IT seems somehow more nearly an irrep- arable loss to us than to " H. H." that she did not live to taste her very substan- tial fame in Southern California. We should have had such delight in her unaffected pleasure in it, and it would have been one of those satisfactions somewhat adequate to our sense of fitness that are so seldom experienced. It was my good fortune to see Mrs. Jackson frequently in the days in New York when she was writing " Ramona," which was begun and perhaps finished in the Berkeley House. The theme had com- plete possession of her, and chapter after chapter flowed from her pen as easily as one would write a letter to a friend ; and she had an ever fresh and vig-orous delig^ht in it. I have often thouo-ht that no one ^21 [ 321 ] <'H.Hr IN CALIFORNIA enjoyed the sensation of living more than Mrs. Jackson, or was more alive to all the influences of nature and the contact of mind with mind, more responsive to all that was exquisite and noble either in na- ture or in society, or more sensitive to the disagreeable. This is merely saying that she was a poet; but when she became in- terested in the Indians, and especially in the harsh fate of the Mission Indians in California, all her nature was fused for the time in a lofty enthusiasm of pity and in- dignation, and all her powers seemed to be consecrated to one purpose. Enthusiasm and sympathy will not make a novel, but all the same they are necessary to the pro- duction of a work that has in it real vital quality, and in this case all previous expe- rience and artistic training became the un- conscious servants of Mrs. Jackson's heart. I know she had very little conceit about her performance, but she had a simple consciousness that she was doing her best work, and that if the world should care much for anything she had done, after she [322 ] *' H. Hr IN CALIFORNIA was gone, it would be for " Ramona." She had put herseU into it. And vet I am certain that she could have liad no idea what the novel would be to the people of Southern California, or how it would identify her name with all that region, and make so many scenes in it places of pilgrimage and romantic inter- est for her sake. I do not mean to say that the people in California knew person- ally Ramona and Alessandro, or altogether believe in them, but that in their idealisa- tions they recognise a verity and the ulti- mate truth of human nature, while in the scenery, in the fading sentiment of the old Spanish life, and the romance and faith of the Missions, the author has done for the region very much what Scott did for the Highlands. I hope she knows now, I pre- sume she does, that more than one Indian school in the Territories is called the Ra- mona School ; that at least two villages in California are contending for the priority of using the name Ramona; that all the travellers and tourists (at least in the time ''H,Hr IN CALIFORNIA they can spare from real-estate specula- tions) go about under her guidance, are pilgrims to the shrines she has described, and eager searchers for the scenes she has made famous in her novel ; that more than one city and more than one town claims the honour of connection with the story ; that the tourist has pointed out to him in more than one village the very house where Ramona lived, where she was mar- ried — indeed, that a little crop of legends has already grown up about the story it- self. I was myself shown the house in Los Angeles where the story was written, and so strong is the local impression that I confess to looking at the rose-embow- ered cottage with a good deal of interest, though I had seen the romance growing day by day in the Berkeley in New York. The undoubted scene of the loves of Ramona and Alessandro is the Comulos rancho, on the railway from Newhall to Santa Paula, the route that one takes now (unless he wants to have a life-long remem- brance of the ground swells of the Pacific in [324] ^'H.Hr IN CALIFORNIA an uneasy little steamer) to go from Los Angeles to Santa Barbara. It is almost the only one remaining of the old-fashioned Spanish haciendas, where the old adminis- tration prevails. The new railway passes it now, and the hospitable owners have been obliged to yield to the public curiosity and provide entertainment for a continual stream of visitors. The place is so perfectly de- scribed in " Ramona " that I do not need to draw it over again, and I violate no confi- dence and only certify to the extraordinary powers of delineation of the novelist, when I say that she only spent a few hours there, — not a quarter of the time we spent in iden- tifying her picture. We knew the situation be- fore the train stopped by the crosses erected on the conspicuous peaks of the serrated ashy — or shall I say purple — hills that en- fold the fertile valley. It is a great domain, watered by a swift river, and sheltered by wonderfully picturesque mountains. The house is strictly in the old Spanish style, of one story about a large court, with flowers and a fountain, in which are the most noisy [325 ] "H,Hr IN CALIFORNIA if not musical frogs in the world, and all the interior rooms opening upon a gallery. The real front is towards the garden, and here at the end of the gallery is the elevated room where Father Salvierderra slept when he passed a night at the hacienda, — a pretty room which has a case of Spanish books, mostly religious and legal, and some quaint and cheap holy pictures. We had a letter to Signora Del Valle, the mistress, and were welcomed with a sort of formal extension of hospitality that put us back into the courtly manners of a hundred years ago. The Sig- nora, who is in no sense the original of the mistress whom " H. H." describes, is a widow now for seven years, and is the vigilant ad- ministrator of all her large domain, of the stock, the grazing lands, the vineyard, the sheep ranch, and all the people. Rising very early in the morning, she visits every department, and no detail is too minute to escape her inspection, and no one in the great household but feels her authority. It was a very lovely day on the 17th of March (indeed, I suppose it had been pre- [ 326 ] ''H,Hr IN CALIFORNIA ceded by 364 days cxac-tly like it) as we sat upon tlic gallery looking on the garden, a garden of oranges, roses, citrons, lemons, peaches — what fruit and flower was not growing there ? — acres and acres of vineyard beyond, with the tall cane and willows b\' the stream, and the purple mountains against the sapphire sky. Was there ever anything more exquisite than the peach-blossoms against that blue sky ! Such a place of peace. A soft south wind was blowing, and all the air was drowsy with the hum of bees. In the o-arden is a vine-covered arbour, with seats and tables, and at the end of it is the opening into a little chapel, a domestic chapel, carpeted like a parlour, and bearing all the emblems of a loving devotion. By the Q:arden orate hano^ three small bells, from some old mission, all cracked, but serv- ing (each has its office) to summon the work- men or to call to prayer. Perfect system reigns in Signora Del Valle's establishment, and even the least child in it has Its duty. At sundown a little slip of a girl went out to the gate and struck [ 327 ] ^'H.Hr IN CALIFORNIA one of the bells. "What is that for?" I asked as she returned. " It is the Angelus," she said simply. I do not know what would happen to her if she should neglect to strike it at the hour. At eight o'clock the largest bell was struck, and the Signora and all her household, including the house servants, went out to the little chapel in the garden, which was suddenly lighted with candles, gleaming brilliantly through the orange groves. The Signora read the service, the household re- sponding — a twenty minutes' service, which is as much a part of the administration of the establishment as visiting the granaries and presses, and the bringing home of the goats. The Signora's apartments, which she per- mitted us to see, were quite in the nature of an oratory, with shrines and sacred pic- tures and relics of the faith. By the shrine at the head of her bed hung the rosary car- ried by Father J unipero, — a priceless pos- session. From her presses and armoires, the Signora, seeing we had a taste for such things, brought out the feminine treasures of three generations, the silk and embroidered [328] ''H.Hr IN CALIFORNIA dresses of last ccnliir\-, llu' iil)Osas, tlic jew- elry, the brillicint stultsof ChiiKi and Mexico, each article with a nicniorx- ami a ila\'OLir. But I must not ])e beti'a\-ed into writinor about Raniona's house. How charm ini;" in- deed it was the next nK)rnin