,iiiPlif|iil|l|jl|^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDDSDa3315 , V"^'\^^' %'^^U^^ V'^;^'\^^' % *" V'S' - ^ '^^ ^oV° 4-^ .w^ ^. r,V ,0-.- '^- "o^ \^' % " " '■ . v C' ■V. i^...v'' rO c " " " t o ' ■■'■ " ""'^V -^x .s i.r- V v^, rv' . » " " r 4^V ^O, ■■J^ .'X' >. ^"">^ 0-- O ' ,H cj cP' -i^ *■.■■■.• V ^ - ■ - .. =-* .'A •>^^V OLIVER D YER^S PHONOGRAPHIC REPORT OF TJJE PROCEEDINGS OF THE N A T 1 1 A L FEEE SOIL CONVENTIOj AT BUFFALO, N. Y. Aygost 9th and lOtlh 1848« COPY RIGHT SECUSED ACCORDING TO LAW. PUBLISHED BY G. H. DERBY & CO. J64 MAIN STREET, BUFFALO. iiNDREWS & BOYLE, 22 SPRUCE STREET, NEW- YORK: and DYER & WEBSTER, At the Phcnngrapldz Roonu\ C6 South Third St Pkiladelpkic. Sold at 12 1-2 cts. per copy, or $8 per hundred. STEAM PRESS OF JEWETT, THOMAS & CO, Cotiimerciat Arlvntiscr Euihiingp, L'uiTrtlc. NOTE TO EDITORS. ■F22 All editors will be allowed, and are hereby granted permission to extract from the following Report to any extent which they may desire, provided they will give due credit for the same, and call the attention of their readers, in an express manner throucrh their editorial columns, to the enterprise in which the subscriber is engaged, viz : the introduction into general nse of the Phonographic system of writing. All editors who may conclude to accept the above offer, are respectfully requested to read the paraoraph below headed " to all who wish to write with the rapidity of speech," in which they wallJHnd some important facts, on which they can base such a notice as will greatly aid the subscriber and not impoverish or incommode themselves. The subscriber's office and publishing house are at the Phonographic Rooms, 66 South Third st, Philadelphia, OLIVER DYER. TO ALL WHO WISH TO WRITE WITH THE RAPIDITY OF SPEECH. " I would give five hundred dollars if I could write as fast as a public speaker usually utters his words." "I would give a thousand dollars, in a minute, if I could only report as vrell as you can." How often have these and similar remarks been addressed to us. Indeed it seems as though the most intense desire is felt by almomst the entire (intelligent) community to acquire "that much-coveted art by which the orator's eloquence is caught in its impassioned torrent, and fixed upon paper as an image of his rich and glowing mind." People would give hundreds and thou- sands of dollars "If they could only report verbatim;'' "if they could only write as fast as a man speaks in public." How are they to acquire this great accomphshment ? That is the question. Nothing is more simple. Just enclose one, two, or three dollars, post paid, to Dyer & Webster, 60 South Third Street, Philadelphia; or to Andrews received valuable, and indeed indispensable assistance in making out our report, i^rom Mr. James 0. Brayman. one of the most accomplished reporters with whom we have had tho or<.-.(l fortune to meet. PROCEEDINGS NATIONAL FREE SOIL CONVENTION, FIRST DAY. \\ KDNESDAY, August 9th, 1848, } half past 8 o'clock. < Long before the hour for the organization of the Convention, an immen.se concourse had assem- bled under the tent in the Park to listen to a few preliminary remarks and speeches, and encour- agements and exhortations to unity, and expres- sions of determination "to put tlie thing through," "no giving up," "no compromising," "free soil and nothing else." The various speeches were received with loud cheers, and e.\cited great enthusiasm among the vast assemblage. At length it was announced that Giddings was pre- sent. No sooner was that name pronounced, than a shout of enthusiasm burst forth, .such as we have seldom heard, and loud cries of " Giddings," "Giddings," "Giddings," re-echoed from all sides, butto the great disappointment of the assem- bly, it was found that Mr. Giddings was not pre- sent. Mr. Pkck, of Connecticut, offered the following sentiment for the adoption of the Convention : " Let men of the deepest principle manifest the most profound condescension, and exercise the deep- est humility today, and posterity will honor them for the deed." This sentiment was received witii acclamations. 9 o'clock. By this time the concourse had become im- mense. Every available seat and foot-hold on the ground was occupied. The Ohio delegation came into the tent with banners flying, and were received with great cheering. The delegation was welcomed by Col. Mili.eu, from N. H., in a neat and spirit-stirring speech, which was re- ceived with applause. Mr. Earlk, of Worcester, Mass., followed in a few remarks which consisted of a repetition of the charge against Gen. Taylor, that he [Gen. Tay- lor] is opposed to the Wilmot proviso. Mr. Earlk read from Mr. BotUs's address to the peo- ple of Virginia to prove this charge. Judge Nye, of Madi.son count}', was here called for, and came forth amid great cheering. He said that he wished to make a few remarks in relation to this "Barnburning" movement. He was one that had voted for Polk in ' 1-t, and he wa.? readv to confess that they had been egregiously taken in, but he trusted that repentance would wipe outtheir transgression. The Northern Democrats made a great mistake in '44, v/hen they admitted the two- thirds rule. They ought to have met that issue at once. [Cries of yes, yes.] Mr. Van Buren re- ceived the majority of the votes of that Conven- tion, and ought to have been the Democratic can- didate for the Presidency. But he v/ as sacrificed to the Moloch of Slavery. In '48 the Jet^ersonian Democracy of the State of New York assembled at Utica, to send thirty-six delegates to the Baltimore Convention. He was one of the "36." They went down there, but the doors of the Convention were closed against them. There was another band of delegates there from New York, who claimed to be Democrats, but they had no more ti- tle to the designation than the Devil has to that of Christian. [Laughter.] These men were ready to bow down and accept the pledge required by the South, before it was presented to them. [Ap- plause.] Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, said the De- mocrats of New York had raised that Union-killing question, the "VVilmotProviso," and they had bet- ter be kept out of the Convention, and they were kept out. The omnipotent South could carry the I presidential candidate triumphantly into the chair, without the aid of the ^Hittle state of New York." I New York was thrust out of the Convention. She I had no voice there. She was heard but once, j when Daniel S. Dickinson, with face elongated to its utmost tension, got up and said that if this in- 1 dignity should ever be offered to New York again. ; it would excite even the indignation of Hunker- ' ism. [Laughter.] The "36" came home and I made a regular democratic nomination, and the Democracy of New York, and the friends of liber- ty thoughout the vast extent of our country were rallying to their support. [Cries of yes, yes. You shall bo supported.] They had nominated the vic- tim of the slave power in '-M, Martin Van Buren [Cheers.] But he would now speak of another Conven- tion. The so-called Whig Convention held at Philadelphia. There was another noble son of liberty sacrificed upon the altar of slavery. Hen- ry Clay — (at the sound of this name the most en- thnsiastic cheers burst from the assembly,) the old, and tried, and beloved J^adcj vf the Whigs FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO why was he sacrificed? (A voice, "slavery was the cause,") Yes, both the great {wpular leaders of the two parties had been sacrificed to slavery. But now the people have taken r.p the question themselves, and they will never rest nor allow the country to rest till it shall be definitely settled.— The VVhig^s had nominated Gen. Taylor, v/lio was "a Whig but not an Ultra Whig " My friends, v/hat would you say of a man who would proclaim himself a Christian but not an Ultra Christia^i, "and utterly refuse to be an exponent of Christien principles?" (Laughter.) Do you think he would be admitted into any respectable Church on such a confession of faith'? (No, no.) No, nor will Gen. Taylor get into the Whig party. He may get into a small portion of it, into that portion constituted of men who have sons for whom they wish to get snug places — whom they wish to have appointed Midshipmen, or to some o"f the thousand lucrative offices which go to make up the executive patronage. Whigs toil you that you should go for Taylor, and Hunkers say you must go for Cass. There are five of these" latter men in the town where I live and where we poll 500 votes. (Laughter.) We must beg to differ from them. (Laughter.) This Convention must be a self-sacrificinor Convention. A crisis had arrived when old pre- judices had got to be laid aside — sacrificed upon the altar of our common country's good, fie had come here to lay down all his' former predi- lections upon this altar — to strike hands even with those against whom he had previously battled. — We mingle here with representatives from Ohio, IlUnois, Indiana, Wiscousin, Iowa and Michigan, thank God. Here they stood, representatives from the fair fields of the West — an empire in it- self, froiu which slavery had been blotted out by a resolution drawn by the great man of our inde- pendence. Slavery had been excluded, and now the West had become the rich granary of the world. He had come on with representatives from New Jersey — that battle field of the Revo- lution. And Pennsylvania, too, that glorious old Keystone of the Union, is here — firm and true as steel — who cherishes within her bosom the patriot Wilmot. God raised up a David of old to slay the giant of Gath. So hath David Wilmot with the sling of freedom and tin smooth stone of truth struck the giant slavery between the eyes — lie reels — let us push him over I Massachusetts is here — and it is fitting she should be. A son of John Quincy Adams was here among her dele- gates. There wa.s Samuel Adams, first among the statesmen of the Revolution, and he rejoiced that Francis P. Adams was in the front ranks of this great moral revolution. He hailed this time as a glorious era. He liked this agitation. It was an augury of bettor things to come. He liked this mingling of heretofore discordant elements — drawn together by the groat sympathetic cord of freedom. Vermont, Nev,- Hampshire, Missouri and Delaware, are here. — And he was told that Maryland was here, and it was a fad of deeply momentous importance, when ja the South they begin to talk of the evils of slavery. Virginia, "the mother of Pre^'sidentl," was here. The feeling is extending, expanding, not only at the North, but at the South. If we are wrong on the Tarif, it can be righted in twelve hours. If we are wrong on Banks, it can be righted by legislation. But if we are wrong on the subject of Slavery, it never can be righted. It will reach down to posterity, inflict- ing curses and misery upon generations yet to come, f^et, then, no preferences for men distract our councils. Let all meet upon a common plat- form, to accomplish a great — a noble purpose. Mr. Husbands, of Rochester, took the stand and informed the audience that he was one who had had his head taken off politically in '44 for main- taining the principles which tliey were now as- sembled to advocate. Ho had stood by the side of Judge Nye and had been decapitated' with him. His heart was in this Convention and he was glad to seethe respectable portion of all parties. And why was this ? Why did he see Frederick Doug- lass here ? (Three cheers for Douglass.) Why did he see the Whig party here, the respectable portion of it. And why did he see the Democracy here in their strength ? Because they were all determined to curb and bridle and drive back and overthrow the proud and aggressive slave power, and he trusted that the people would now unite and shoulder to shoulder, fight in firm array till they should triumph. (Here the staging on which we sat went down with a tremendous crash, cap- sizing ink, paper, table, reporters and all, spoiling our gold pen, rasping the epidermis from our sliins, and committing sundry other outrages of a similar nature. We finally succeeded in extri- cating self and traps from the "wreck of matter and crash of boards," and concluded to report no more of Mr. Husbands' remarks, because we couldn't.) We finally got a corner of the table on which the Speaker was standing, when "Stanton," "Stanton," wa.s loudly called, and came forward amid loud cheeriug,and gave notice that the Con- vention would be regularly organized at 12 o'clock, and was about to sit down, when there was such an outcry for him to "just say something," that he consented and said he would make a speech about as long as the ferule of his cane. rie said that the motto ofthis Convention should be that of the French republic, "Liberty, Equali- ty, Fraternity." (Cheers.) They had come up to contend against a movement, on the [lart of the slave interest, to extend that cursed institution which takes the image of Almighty God on the immortal soul, and blots it therefrom by legislation and stamps in its place, by legal enactment, the name of brute, beast, and property ; that that in- stitution now struggling for existence on it.s own soil, shall be extended to territories where the lower morality and feebler republicanism of Mex- ico has abolished it. This is the issue which the South tenders to this country at the noonday of the nineteenth century-. Waiving all my peculiar views, I am for joining issue with the South on that great cause. I am for trying it this year be- fore the American people, and lam for getting a verdict, and entering up judgment, taking out an execution, and levying on the slave power and FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. taking possession of it, and hanging it up between the Heavens and the Earth where the winds of execration shall whistle through it. (Cheers)— In order to fight thi« battle successfiiliy we nnist be united, and again I say let us adopt the glorious motto of the new-born French republic: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. (Cries of good, good, that's it, go it, give it to 'em.) The great loadstone principle which has brougnt us up here from the Mississippi to the Aroostook, for it has been ascertained in genera! committee that all the Northern tier of slave States are re- presented in this Convention, [Good, good,] is the French motto, Libcrly, the sun of this great movement, around which the other departments revolve, bound to it by the law of gravitation and from which all other 'subordinate movements re- ceive their light and their heat. Then, sir, we come here to carrv out that other principle of the French XQ\mh\\c,' FjptaliUj. Whigs, Democrats and Abolitionists, all parties are broken up and resolved into their original elements. Then there is that other word. Fraternity, completing the trinity of principles against which the united des- potism of the world cannot stand, [Cheers.]— Now, gentlemen, 1 hope wc may not divide — i [Cries of good, good, we wont, we wont.] j Here a very fat gentleman rested his abdomen | on our right shoulder in such a manner as render- j ed us wholv incapable of recording a word which j the speaker uttered. It took us some time to ar- : range matters with our rotund friend and just as we got readv to resume our labors, Mr. Stanton | concluded his speech by declaring that he was | ready to go for anybody, with anybody, in favor ■ of the free soil inovement, and against anybody j that is opposed to it. [Great cheering.] | President JNL\h.\n, of Ohio, took the stand, but owing to the necessity of rebuilding the platform previous to the regular organization of the Con- vention, the audience was requested to divide into four parties, and each party to retire to a corner of the Park, where temporary stands had been erected, and where there were speakers ready to entertain them. The audience did accordingly, and we left. 12 O' CLOCK. ORGANIZATION OF THE CONVENTION. Judge Stevkns, of Indiana, called the meeting to order, and proposed NATHANIEL SAW- YER, of Ohio, as President of the Convention pro ton. Unanimously confirmed. Mr. Sawyer came forward and ordered the stage to be cleared: and the stage was cleared. The President nominated Chakles P. Wei.ls, of Illinois, and Calvis W. Pinr.i.EO, of Connecti- cut, as Secretaries. Confirmed. Hon. Preston King came forward, amid great cheering, and otTercd the following motion. He said that it was suggested yesterday that a com- mittee consisting of as many members from each state a.s thev have electoral votes, should be ap- which the committee unanimously agreed upon. There is nothing binding in the resolutions. They are for the consideration of the Convention: Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Gov- ernment to relieve itself of all responsibility for ttie extension or continuance of slavery, whenever that Government possesses Constitutional authority, and is responsible for its existence. Rei-olved, That the States within which slavery exists, are alone responsible for the continuance or existence of slavery within such States, and the Federal Government has neither respoixsibility nor Constitutional authority to establish or regulate sla- very within the States. Resolved, That the true, and in the judgment of this Convention, the ottly safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into territory now free, is to prohibit its existence in nil such territory by an. net of Congress. Mr. Noble was unanimously confirmed by the Convention as the representative of the District of Columbia, and a resolution was passed to the ef- fect that a committee of one from each State and one from the District of Columbia, be selected to dralt a plan for the permanent organization of the Convention, and that each delegation appoint its representative. The States were called and the follov.'ing gentlemen were appointed as the Com- mittee: j Maine — Jabcz C VroiKiiniin. I Neiv Hampshire — George G. Fogg. Vermont — E. D. F.nrbcr. Massachusetts — William Jackson. Rliode Island — Wm. G. Hammomi. I Conuecticnt — Thaddeu.s ^^>!;?, ! New York — Preston King. j New Jersey — H. Rl. Conger. • I Pennsylvania — Joseph Neide. i Ohio — S. V. Cha.se. .V/t7((Va;(— Isaac P. Chri.stiaiicv. I Wisconsin — Hans Crocker. ' Illinois— Uaac N. Arnold, .^fi.ua— William Miller. Indiana — Joseph L. Jarnigar.. Delaware — Jacob Pusey. Maryland — William Robinson. I Virginia — Geofge Craig. ■ District of Columbia— L. P. Noble., j The Committee retired to the Court HolIso, for ! the purpose of deliberating upon business to be j presented to the Convention — nominating perma- nent officer.s, &c. A committee of five, consisting of John R. St John, W. Larimer, jr., Dyre Tillinghast, Ralph Farn.'iworth, and John P. Ilogeboom, was ap- pointed to select and appropriate seats for the sev- eral State delegations. Tho Convention tiien took a recess until 3 o'clock. AFTiJRNOON SESSION. ^ When we arrived on the ground at 2 o'clock, an hour before the time appointed for the assem- bling of the Convention, wo found an immense assemblage who had pre-occupied the ground, fil- ling the places reserved for Reporters. Officers of the Convention and Delegates, so that it was im • pointed to draft resolutions, and recommend „ certain propositions for the consideration of the ' possible for any of them to get their seats. Alter Convention. The first thing for us to do is to | considerable delay the crowd was drawn off by unite. [Cheers.] He would read a resolution st-nding a gentleman to the other side of the Park FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. to address the crowd, and we among the rest of the favored ones, were able to get our seat. A great deal of trouble was experienced in ar- ranging the delegations from the different States, owing to the unwillingness of those who were not delegates to make room for them. Men seemed to think that because they were Free-soilers, and had "left home to come up here," they had a per- fect right to take possession of any position, place, or seat they might choose. It is a great pity that men who have no ideas of propriety should be permitted to attend a Conven- tion under any circumstances. A Mr. Cochrane, we believe, from New York, kicked up a great row by refusing to comply with the request of the Cominittee on Seats, to vacate the benches. This Mr. Cochrane, supported by some per- sons of a similar pertinaceous disposition, made himself particularly cbno.xious and ridiculous bv his obstinate stupidity. " We are the Conven- lion," said Mr. Cochrane, and his assinine abet- tors, but the Convention voted on the motion of a member, that "the seats should be vacated," and the disturbers, deservedly rebuked, withdrew. The Convention then proceeded to organize but the box on which the Chairman stood when addressing the meeting was gone. Lovejoy, of Ohio, had it, and was speaking from the top of Jt, and he would not give it up. Another box was obtained, and Mr. S. P. Chase, of Ohio, was appointed Chairman pro. tern, in the absence of Mr. Sawyer. Mr. Chase mounted the box and called the meeting to order amid such a din as never was heard. A scene of such noise and con- fusion would have completely annihilated Gen. Cass. The Chairman of the S"eat Committee was giving in liis report. About twentv gentlemen were speaking to all sorts of motions made and seconded by themselves. Cries of "gentlemen," '•sit down," "get off my toes," "who has my seat?" "Mr. Chairman," "silence," "order," "keep still," was all that could be heard. Finally, the Chairman of the Committee of Or- ganization came forward to report, when he informed the assembly that CHARLES FRAN- CIS ADAMS, of Mass., had been selected as President. The audience gave him six hearty cheers, and Mr. Auams came forv.-ard and bowed is acknowledgments. Hon. Pkesto.n Ki.ng, from the committee of one from each State, ou the permanent organization of the Convention, unanimously recommend CHALES F. ADAMS, of Mass., for President of the Convention. That there be one Vice President from each State represented in this Convention, and one from the District of Columbia, to be selected by the Delegates from the several States. That Charles B. Sedgwick, of N. Y.; C. V. Dj-er, of 111.; Thomas Bolton, of Ohio; Ralph Butler, Jr., of Maine; J. E. Snodgrass, of Mary- land; A. M. Johnson, of New Jersey; Franklin Tayler, of Penn., be Secretaries of the Conven- tion, Geo. Ratiihun of New Yofi<, and S. P. Chase of Ohio, v.ere appointed a committee to wait upon Mr. Adam*--, and nnnounce to him ^^is rff>i>o:ntment. Mr. Adams took his seat amid the vociferous and repeated cheers of the multitude. The following Vice Presidents were then nomi- nated by their respective State Delegations: Maine — William Bradbury, New Hampshire— Moses A. Cartland. Vermont — Lawrance Brainard. MnssachuscUs — John Mills. Ne2v Jersey — David L. Rogers. Pennsahania — E. D Gazzano. Ohio — Nicholas Spindle. Illinois — S. J. Lowe. Indiana — John W. Wright. Wisconsan — Byron Kilbourne. loica — William" Mitter. Michigaii— Robert S, Wilson. Marijland — Robert Gardner. I'irginia — George Craig. Rhode Island— \Ns.\ier R. Danforth. Delaware — A. H. Dixson. District Columbia— L. B. Noble. The delegation from New York not having agreed upon a nomination for Vice President, it was agreed to meet at 8 o'clock this evening for that purpose. FIRST DAY. EVENING SESSION. Mr. Ada.ms: Fellow Citizens, you will agree with me, I think, that the proceedings of this great body should be first commenced with prayer. — [Yes, yes.] I would then, invite you to listen to a prayer from the Rev. Mr. Tucker, of this city. .MR. TUCKER'S PRAYER. O God, our Heavenly Father, on this interest- ing occasion we would invoke thine e.«pecial bless- ing to rest upon this great multitude, assembled to deliberate upon subjects of momentous impor- tance to the present and future well-being of our beloved countn.-. Thou, O Lord, hast been our God, and our fathers' God. Thou hast watched over us with parental kindness and solicitude. — Thou hast had our country in thine especial keep- ing, from its earliest day to this auspicious hour. We bless Thee, our heavenly Father, that in thy providential government of the world, thou hast seen fit to reserve this land for an asylum of tlie oppressed in the latter days, and that here the afflicted and the down trodden of everj- nation and kindred and tongue and people under the whole heavens can find a country aud a home; a land of bibles, and of bible freedom. We rejoice, O Lord, thai in thy good providence such a great host has assembled here today, from almost every part of this great confederacy, to deliberate upon measures to wipe out that "dark spot, that foul stain upon our country's escutcheon, the enslave- j ment of a portion of our fellow-men, and to pro- claim liberty throughout all the land. O God, we give thanks unto Thee, that when our fathers were oppressed in their own country', the land of their childhood, beyond the great sea, thou didst open for them an asylum in this Wee- tern world: a land sung by poets; a land seen in the visions of the Seers long before the advent of thy Son; a land far towards th* setting sun, the FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. 7 El Dorado of Human Freedom, where man would I This g;ves me an assurance of the intelligence attain to his full stature, physically, mentally, and | and virtue of the people — which 1 never doubted oiorallv, and where he was to be' a perfect being | — and without any necessity for long reasoning ere he finished his pilgrimage below. Thou didst di- \ on the subject; v^itiiout the need of those eluci- rect the first vessels that approached these shores. | dations which are so often demanded in public Thou didst turn away the prov>' of everj^ Spanish [ affairs. No, when they heard the words of the ship thatthoumightestplantthislandwith theseed Wilmot proviso their instincts told ihem that of Republican and Religious Freedom. Thou didjst j Human Liberty was in danger, and the answer watch over our Colonies in their infancy. Thou | that they have given to it is, that they arc here. didst fio-ht their battles and win their victories. ; [Applause.] I have been told, fellow citizens, by O God, thou hast developed our resources. — | those who do not sympathise in this glorious Thou hast caur ed us to become great among the i movement, that the Wilmot proviso is, after all, nations of the earth, till now thou hast made us | nothing but an abstraction. [Laughter.] Well, the bright and morning star of the universal eman- j to a certain extent I am willing to admit that it is cipation of all men ever,' where; so that in this j an abstraction. I am willing to say what it is not. cur day thou, in thy mysterious providence, art ] It is not bread and butter. It is not roast beef and overturning the old' thrones of despotism, and re- j two dollars a day. [Laughter.] It is not a nice provision under government as a reward for party services. No, the Wilmot proviso rises above all these considerations. It is an abstraction to be- sure, and so was Magna Charta an abstraction. And so was the declaration of independence an abstraction. [Yes, yes. That's it. There you have 'em.] So is the idea of right and justice and the truth of God an abstraction. And it is God, to this end give the presiding officer of this j these abstractions that raise mankind above the Convention th it wisdom which cometh down i brutes that perish. [Yes, yes. That's the fact from abcve. We pray Thee that the mantle of i Go it.] It is these abstractions that raise a peo- ihe father may fall upon the son and as the former j pie and carry thein on to glory for ever. And, has been gathered to his fathers to rest, full of | fellow citizens, it is around these abstractions that honors and amidst the sighs and tears of a berea- i we now rally in order to place our Goven:nient en ved nation, may the latter rise up and v.-ith the ^ a proper basis which it has deserted. volutionising the governments of men, and cans mg tliem to turn their attention and their hopes to this Western world. And now O Lord, we pray thee to continue to us this parental regard and protection. Give us wisdom to enable us to dis- charge the great and responsible duties which shall coine betore us, in a manner that shall con- duce to our countrv's welfare and thy glory. O father's love of Freedom and his fearless advoca- cy of Truth, fulfil the condition and destiny his revered and lamented parent filled in the eyes and councils of his country. O Lord, grant every officer and member of this Fellow citizens, for my own part, I regard the Wilmot proviso as covering a great deal more ground probably than you may at first imagine. I regard the Wilmot proviso as, in substance, a struggle between right and wrong. As a contest Convention wisdom sufficient to guide them bar- j betv.een truth and falsehood, between the princi- mori'ouslv and profitably through all the business | pies of Liberty and the rule of Slaver;,-. [Good, which shall come before them. Take them then I good. Hurrah.] Now, felV.v citizens, is the into thine own keeping, guide their deliberations accepted time v/nen we all come together to note in such a manner as shall best subserve our coun- i what our ]>osition is and how far the government lT}''s weal and thy honor, and finally, when we i h^s drifted from the ancient landmarks which our shall )iave accomplished our duty and destiny on ; fathers set up. I'Jow is the accepted time when earth, bring us to our graves in peace, whence. in | -^yg aio taking a new observation of the national the morning of the resurrection, we shall be caught I fillip, and if we have found tliat she has drifted up to meet our God and King. from her course, we are to try to put her back This through .Tesus Christ our Lord. Arnen. again. [Applause.] The question now before As soon as the Rev. gentleman had finished : ^g jg one, which involves the proposition v^'hether hiS eloquent, but verj- long prayer for such an j ^e shall adhere to the solemn jirinciples of the occasion, Mr. Adams arose and addressed the j Declaration of Independence ; whether we shall Convention as follows : | deduce government from the consent of the gov- MR. .\DAMS .SPEECH. <■ erned ; and whether we shall make this govern- Fri.LOw Citizens : It is a matter of deep and ment a system which promotes justice or which heartfelt gratitude to me that I have been selected sanctions slavery in the nev,- territories of the as an unworthy instrument to preside over the deliberations of this great body. I would apolo- gize for my own unfitness were it not that I see in the multitude of speaking faces before mo, and feel in the mass of boating hearts around ine some guaranty that you will all contribute to make my labors light. West. [Yes, yes. that's the question.] Why, fellow citizens, this question rises above the mere consideration of common law. By natural law, by the lav*' of God no people are autliorised to sow the seeds of slaverv in a rising community any- v^he^-e ; and the Constitution of the United States never contemplated that we as a people siiould Fellow citizeiLs, vou have all assembled here j allow the creating of a system of injustice m any today out of pure devotion to a principle. That country v.-hich we may ever populate. Yet, it is principle, clothed as it has been in technical terms 1 a fact, fellow citizens, that these solemn principles which do not express the idea, has yet rallied to 1 which wo have supposed to have been established its support the multitudes that I see before me. ' for seventy years, are now called in question m FREE SOTL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO the high places of the Union. They have not only been called abstractions, but they "have been de- clared to be actually false. It is highly incumbent upon us, therefore, if we mean really to stand by (Tremendous and long continued applause.} Let your deliberations then proceed and may the Divine blessing rest upon the result, so that we , y maytdke one step forward to realize that great what our fathers told us; if we mean to sympa- I idea of our forefathers, the model of a Christian thise with the principles of Locke and stand by commonwealth. the martyrdom of Hampden and Sidney, it is no- Mr. Adams took his seat amidst the most ea- cessary to withstand the efforts of those who j thusiastic and long continued applause. would carrj' us back two hundred years and place j The Committee on Organization, &c submit- us under the tyranny of the principles advocated ted the following further report, which was unan- by the old English philosophers, Hobbes and other | imously adopted: writers of the times. I This Convention assembled in pursuance of a i-ellow citizens, I firmly believe the world is j recommendation of the State of Ohio held on the about to know, whether wo are the devoted sons of Liberty or whether we are going to give up the whole of this great Western continent to the rule of those who do not acknowledge our principles but denounce them. Fellow citizens, we are ob- liged, under a necessity which we cannot resist, 28th day of June last. That Convention recom- mended the appointment of six delegates at large for each State that should choose to be represent- ed, and three delegates from each Congressional District. Several States have followed thatrecommenda- to denounce the organizations of the old parlies as tlon as to the number of delegates while in other no longer worthy ofthe confidence of a free people. I States, County and District meetings have ap- (Applause.) They have met, and they have I pointed a much larger number than that proposed shown by their action that they have no system of i and in some a smaller number, policy, excepting that which consists in'fighting | The coiamittee appointed by the delegations of with each other in the endeavor to get place as j the .several States to confer upon the subjects of the prize of the struggle. (That's it, good, you j organization and representation, have had the sub- hit 'em there.) They are united, however, in ; ject under consideration, and beg leave to submit one thing, and that is to put down the principle of liberty which is rising in this continent. Fellow citizens, we know the result of these bodies, and now that we have seen and understand what it is that thpy are contending for, let us go forward and show our fellov,- citizens what a different spectacle is exhibited by those who. looking first upon a to the Convention the following rules to remedy, as far as practicable, the inequality which would arise from voting in mass, per "capita, or \>\ States. 1. Each State shall be entitled to six conferees to be composed of its delegates at large, if it have them in sufficient numbers, if not they shall be solemn principle, are agreed upon that, and then i appointed bv the delegates in attendance frcxm turning their shoulders to the wheel see how it I said State, shall be carried out. (Cheers.) And, fellow { 2. Each Congressional district of a State repre- citizens, we claim to be of those who, ahhough | sented, shall bo entitled to three conferees. The they may desire to command success, yet, do not | regular delegates of the districts shall be such coa- mean to forget that, in the event of success, they | ferees, if enough are in attendance. If not, the mean to carry their principles with thcin. (Grea't : number may be supplied by the delegates from applause.) : said state, from any persons attending from said But, fellow citizens, the eye.s of the whole : state, country are upon our action this day,and there are .3. The said conferees shall constitute a Com- niany ill-disposed per.-ions who are greedily look- j mittee of Conference, and shall have full power ing for some manifestation of digtraction, and dis- ' to sit during the sittings of the Convention, and «ensiou and division, v»hich shall succeed in de- : to entertain and decide finallv any question re- feating, as far as any human power can defeat it, ; fened by the Convention, or" any" question that the success of our movement. Looking at the shall be"originated in said Comm"iltee of Confer- results of their own Conventions, in which they | ence; and shall have full power on (he subject of have presented the mortifying spectacle of noth- ' representation. ing but division, they do really suppose that we, 4. Any question in the Convention shall be re- who come here, are in just the same position — ferred to"said Committee for its final action, upon (Laughter, they are decidedly verdant.) They the demand of one hundred members, do not understand the difference between theni and us yet. (No, no, they soon will though.)— yf'}--fc;<'H OF .(OSIILA K. GHHUNGS. OF They do not understand that they are fighting OHIO. only for expediency, and are expecting nothing . [y^'c ure not certain that we iiave done Mr. but place. (Ha, ha, ha. a good hit.) Ihu here Ciuiu.scs justice in the following report; we were have we come together with an anxious and an s-iirroundcd by a set of unmannerly fellows who earnest desire to mark out the way in which we continually interrupted us by questions, and some shall arrive at truth, and when once it shall have , even requested us to " pass up" papers and doc- been presented to us, not to quarrel, hut unite to- i ""isnt'* of various kinds to the officers of the gether in its support. (Great applause.) They t co"venlion. We hope that in future ail these fel- do not understand that we come here and say, | lows" mothers will keep their unmannerly ofl"- "set up your standard of Freedom and Truth. ' "^prhig at home. Rkportkr.] even-thing for the c-use and nothing for men."— Mr. Giiidi.ngs having been loudlv and repeated- FREE SOIL COiNVENTIOlV AT BUFFALO }y called for, caiue forward amidst the most deaf- ening applause aud spoke as follows: Friends, countr\rnen and feliov.- citizens : I know of no subliinor spectacle that could be pre- sented to the eye of the Patriot, Statesman, or lover of mankmd, than to see a people assembled in mighty Convention, for the the maintenance of their own unalienable rights: and when my Rev- erend friend here made such beautiful allusion to that venerable statesman, who has lately taken his departure from this to a brighter world, my heart involuntarily responded timen to the sentiment he expressed. 1 firmly believe, that could that "old man eloquent," that mighty and irresistible cham- pion of human rights from early youth to ex- treme age, have lived to see this day, he would have said like him of old, " Now, Lord, loj. thy servant depart in peace since mine eyes have seen thy salvation." [Great applause.] Fellow citizens, thai venerable statesman and patriot first called my attention to the usurpations of that power which now threatens to engulf your liberties. He has taken his departure from the scenes of political discord and strife, and it has been left to another generation to maintain the riglits which he labored during his wh.ole life to establish in perpetuity for the enjoyment of your- selves and your I'ffspring. That beautiful allu- sion, made in tlie i)rayer to which you listened to this morning, io the Pilgrim Fathers who were tempest tossed upon a wintery and storm-ridden sea, as tliey fled from j)olitical oppression at home, and sought to establish this ever living principle of man's unalienable rights upon the shores of Massachusetts, reminded me, that in that same year — yes, fellow citizens, in that same year that our Pilgrim Sires landed upon those inclement shores, a Dutch ship, freighted v.ith humanity made merchantable by the superior fraud and powers of piratical dealers in human tlesh and blood, landed upon our coast at Jamestovvu, in Virginia. Ye-^, the clement of slavery and de- gradation v.-as established in the same year that our Pilgrim Fathers establii-hed Human Liberty upon the wild New England shores. And these antagonistic principles have been ."spreading and widening, and ])ushingout, and bearing fruit from that day lo the i)resent. And while New Eng- land has been, with devotion to her country, her God, and to mankind, endeavoring to extend her principles of liberty. Southern States have been eagerly and enero-etically engaged in extending and perpetuating Human Degradation and Slave- ry. And that institution existed when it v/as first brought upon the soulhcrii shores of these Slates precisely as it is now sought to he established in Calilbrnia and New Mexico. It was established there by force of the physical and intellectual su- periority of the whites over the colored race. — fn violation of heaven's high decree, the white- man seized his fellow colored man and compelled him to submit to his will. That state of the de- graded African existed for yeans with no other law to sustain it than r.ow exists in New Mexico and California. He who reads the history of our country, and especially that portion of it which relates to the I introduction, eotablishment, and extension of the j heaven-defying institution of Slaver}', will un- j derstand the deep-laid schemes of southern States- ! men to establish Slavery in New Mexico by the j the entire absence of legislation upon the subject I Leave the slave-holder to convey his slaves there, I let him but once gain a foothold there and by force I of superior intelligence and power; bv the bowie- I knife, the scourge, the whip and the dread in- I struments of torture, he will establish slaverv- I there unless jirevented by the law. John C. Cclhoun is loo deep read a man, he lo ; too well versed in all the infernal measures of I fraud, force and diijilicity by which Slavery en - I circles its victims in its deadly folds, and enlar- ; ges its borders, and strengthens its power, to bo I induced by any means whatever to give his sup- I port to any movement that would in the least mi- ' litate against his darling institution; and I tell you ( that the late Compromise, as it has been called, : was a deep-laid sclieine of those whose invention ; never fails them, to entrap you into the supjtort of \ Slavery in Nev/ Mexico and California. Fellow-Citizens, I do rejoice today to see the ! (X'ople come up here from tiie various States of i this Union, north of Mason and Dixon's line, and ! thank God, some soutli of ii, [great applause] in j the spirit of devotion to maintain the self-evident I'ights of man for which oar forelathers bled dur- ing the revolution. [Applause.] 1 can only say to you fellow-citizens, that if you expect to be in- structed by my remarks today, you will be disap- i pointed. I see none before me but patriots. friends, j and philanthropists who wish to cheer me on in. my work. 1 know r;ot how to meet such. I have 'not been used toil. [Laughter and applause.] — i I tell you 1 miss my sword. [Renewed applause j and great merriment.] I know not how to meet j 50U today as friciids, for I have not been accus- i tomed to such, and v.'hiie I rejoice with joy un- I ntterable, I feel unprepared to give utterance Lo • the sentiments of my heart. My friends, J know I have Lelore ine here per- j sons who are members of all the political parties I [A voice, "who hare been friends of the {)arties."] Have been; I thank my friend for tlie w ords. I will write it down in my book. [Ha, ha, ha, cap- ital: give 'em jessio.] I say then I see before me men who hare lean members of all the political parties of the day. Men vvho have supported Clay and Jackson and Adams and Taylor per- haps. Men who have supported Cass. Of course no one thinks of siipjiorting him now. [No. No No.] Well 1 v/ili sjieak of him as of the other.^, one v.'ho has hci:ii. [Ha, ha, ha. Poor Cass. — His mother never slionld have allov.-fd him to stray from the maternal domicile.] I say fellow- citizens, that when I come here and meet men ready to carry into practical lil'c th.e princi])Ies of '76, I can extend the hand of "Fraternity" to them. I foel that J am meeting friends, patriot.-' who are willing to make sacrifice for the mainte- nance of those holy principles. [Applause.] Of Creneral Cass I will not speak. He has been a political opponent of mine, and is now. Of General Taylor I can only remark that I know not enoucrh of hini to suv anv thing in his favor or to .10 FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. cpeak evil of In in. 1 can only speak of his prin- ciples and those of the old Whig party. [Ha, ha, ba. A decided hit.] I say to you I now stand where I stood in '44. I wish to repeat what was then often and deliberately asserted to be the prin- ciples of the whig party. Aside from the Tarif, and other principles of the campaign, we know that non-extension of Slavery was the issue. — May God forgive you Locofocos for }our conduct then. I cannot do it. [Great laughter and ap- plause.] That was the issue on which we joined battle under our old beloved and gallant leader. — Would to God we had such a leader now. [Ap- plause.] Henry Clay laid it down in his letter at that time, that non-extension of Slaver}' was the ninth article in the whig creed. Do you remem- ber that, friends of General Taylor? [Yes, yes, we remember it.] Henrj- Clay re-asserted this principle. [A voice, "tell us something about Mat Van Buren."] I will attend to him by and by, v/hen I will do him justice. Henry Clay made that declaration, and is there any one here who denies it? [No, no.] Now you who support General Taylor, dare you come up to it? If you dare not, you have fled from the platform on which you then stood. Can a man make General Tay- lor assert what Henry Clay proclaimed in '44? — [No-o-o-O.] Henry Clay boldly put forth his sentiments, and his honesty and fairness brought his downfall. The slave pov/er wrote on his wall the prophecy, "Mene, Tekil, Upharsim." Thou art weighed in the balances and found wanting. Henry Clay was defeated in the Philadelphia Con- vention on occount of that declaration. He lies low, smitten down by the ruthless slave power, which has never spared any however exalted, whom it suspected of a willingness to recognize the principles embodied in the Declaration of In- dependence. [A voice once more, "tell us about Little Matty. He's the boy for our money.] — Well, gentlemen, you all know that I opposed Martin Van Buren with all my powers. I left no ^ne unturned in '44 to defeat his election. Mar- tin Van Buren rejected Texas in '37. She was then at war with Mexico. In '44 the slavehol- ders of Mississippi interrogated him upon this sub- ject, which with them, was the transcendent ques- tion of all others, and he declared his opposition to the Annexation of Texas, in '44. This is a mat- ter of truth and of history, and 1 declare it to be the brightest spot in his political life. There was in that act a perfect consistency, and a perfect ad- aptation to his present position as I understand it. You will understand that i am not an advocate of Martin Van Buren for the Presidency. He is not my choice, but if he shall be the fairlv selected candidate of this Convention, then, I say I shall be for him. [Enthusiastic applause.] If not, then I say I am against him. Whoever is put fortli, I will regard as my political brother, and I will sus- tain him as such. [Great applause.] Fellow-Citizens — If you will excuse me now, I will resume my remarks precisely at this point, at .some other time. [No, no. Goon, goon.] Af- ter considerable begging, Mr. Gii>1)IN(;s obtained leave to retire, when loud calls were made for Benjamin F. Butler and Mr. Culvercf Now York. Mr. Culver took the stand and addrc^jsed the au- dience as follows: MR. CULVERS SPEECH. Gkntlem£?< — I have lungs like a double bound, high pressure steam engine. [Ha, ha, ha.] I will make you all here just like a knife. [Ha, ha, ha.] Mr. Butler will speak after I get through. — It is always customary where I live to put the young steers first and let the old oxen come be- hind. [Ha, ha, ha, what a d — 1 of a fellow he is, go it Culver.] Fellow citizens, you have come up here from all parts of the country to signify your love of Liberty and haired of Oppression. I consider this the sublimest spectacle my eyes ever rested on. I attended at Tippecanoe in 1840. I thought I sav,- faces there. I thought no man could num- ber them, but they were nothing compared to this ocean of heads. [Laughter.] This immense concourse shows me that there is comething at the bottom of this matter at work. What is it that has brought little Rhode Island, that little State which sets out in the sea, up here today to strike hands with Iowa? What has brought Vir- ginia up here, that State of moonlight cotton bag abstractions? [Ha, ha, ha. He's one of 'em.] What lias brought Ohio here, our elder sister, too old to have children, although she has several thousands here today, who are alive and kicking? [Ha, ha, hoo.] Gentlemen, I am just like a Connecticut beer barrel, and have wanted vent tiie .whole day. [Great merriment.] What, gentlemen, is the one bond that has tied us toge- ther? Have you ever seen that gushing up in the old parties that links us together? [No, no.] What is that bond? Why, fe!lov» citizens, we have seen down at the South a principle growing up and strengthening for tifty years. We thought it would grow v/eaker, but it has been continually rising up and growing stronger and stronger till at last it threatens to overwhelm us all. But v.'e will not have our necks ground down, and this is what is rousing us up. Fellow citizens, what is the glorious issue now at stake? It is something tangible. We have talked heretofore of Banks, Sub-Treasuries, and Tarifs, but now we have got hold of something tangible. Have you not seen that the slavehol- ders have always fashioned our movements? — When they said bank, v.e had a bank. Even Calhoun could go for it then. If they said Tarif, we had a Tarif. And if they said no Tarif, the Tarif was gone in a twinkling. When the facto- ries were all going, and the factory girls making lots of money, aud our farmers making money, and everything going on prosperously here at the North, the slaveholders said we must stop this. Those Yanke'?s are going on too fast. They are becoming too rich and powerful, and they brushed away your prosperity as a housewife brushes a cobweb from the ceiling of a room. [That's a fact. Yes, yes.] Why can we not have our ri- vers and harbors improved? Because the South want the money to pay for a war down in Mexico, and to get slaves there. I have had a little ex- perience in this matter. I was one of the immor- tal " fourteen" that voted against the war. I FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. n voted against Texas when that base scheme was brought ill, and the previovs question called, so that one hundred young members were not allow- ed a word of debate. Three Democrats dien stood by my side, Bradford Wood, of Albany, Horace Wheaton and Preston King, who don't fear either fire or thunder. [Applause.] When I asked King why he opposed the annexation, he iaid his hand upon his heart, and said, I can never consent that the South shall acquire another inch of blave territory. [Groat applause.] A few days after I got the floor, and then I lashed them witii wliat I would have said on the day Texas was admitted. I had heard they were about to heat up the political furnace for the benefit of my three Democratic friends, and 1 told them that in old times three good men and true who would not bov« down lo th.e idols of their master, were cast into a furnace seven times heated, but that they did not get scorched half as badly as did they who ihrew them in. [Applause.] I wish to say a word about compromises, now I stand upon middle ground. I know all about anti-slavery. Now there is that portion of our party, and the Whig portion, and the Democratic portion, and we may not all think to set our stakes at the same notch. Now it is important that we start out on some good ground and go it stroig as thunon the Throne, and shall weigh all the actions of men — the question whether freedom shall be abolished in four or five hundred thousand square miles of free territory and plant the curse of human slavery in these square miles or not. How may I — how are the old democrats — I wish every democrat in the Union who has resolv- ed to go for Gen. Cass was hero, not that I could alter their determination, but I wish they were here to answer this question — how are we demo- crats, who profess to t;dte Thomas Jefierson for our guide — how are we to meet this question ? I will tell where I sought instruction to enable me to answer it. I went first to the Declaration of Independence, for that is the starting point. It wa.s formed by those who ple-dged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacied honors — and these pledges meant something in '76 — and I find it begins with this great foundation truth — that all men are born with certain right-s, among which arc life, libi-rty and the pursuit of happiness. And then 1 look to that other great charter of human liberty, as well as Divine fraedom — to the Bible — and I find tiial of one blood hath God created all the nations of the earth. [Great ajiplause.] How can any reasoning in '-18 from any ininit, however powerful or acute — for 1 am not a maji to disrespect John C. Calhoun, even for that mad act of Nullification, for the errors of a man of eiato and enjoy its hgh'.iiing action — e:ui any reasoning of Mr. Calhoun, or any of his imitators, 14 FREE FOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO or repeaters, or of his northern — what shall I call them ? [Toadies, doughfaces. Lickspittles.] Can aay of them convince me that the Declaration of Independence sets out with a falsehood and the Bible not true ? How absurd ! How ridiculous! Why, as well might the Southern Slaveholders attemp to repeat the miracle of Joshua and com- mand the sun to stand still in the heavens, or to roll back with their puny arms Niagara's mighty flood, as to stop the outworking of these princi- ples. These men do great injustice to themselves as well as to the great mass of the people of the South, to suppose that they can make any body of believe that these are not of the first of the truths in the political economy of our land. Then I passed to the Constitution of the United States. I am told that there are a great many compromises in that instrument, and so there are, for it was a work of compromise. Bet how was it made ? Did a body of people attempt to get togetiier at the close of a week of Julv, and attempt to patch up a compromise and act upon it in such hot haste that had it not been for the Magnetic Telegraph, which appears to have been providentially given us for the express purpose of defeating this compromise — they would have passed it before the people could have heard of their plot. Was tliat the way they made com- promises in that day ? No, it took about three years, perhaps four, of discussion in the Southern States, before they could get a convention of del- egates called together for the purpose of ascertain- ing how the articles of confederation could be a- mended. After the articles had been thus dis- cussed_before they were prepared to be submit to the convention, the convention itself was in session from May to September, and there were such men as Washington, Adams and Franklin, in that convention, and they spent several months in the deliberatson and then settled upon an in- strument containing certain compromises, which they submitted to the several States as an instru- ment of government. And it did not go into ef- fect till after it had been placed before the people and they spent nearly the whole of the next year in discussing it. It then came before the State conventions, and some of these conventions were three or four months in session, and it finally went into effect with only ten States. I now remind you of this, for I understand that our members of Congress are now hatching a new compromise. The Missouri compromise also was before the people several years, and it wont over from one Congress to another, so that the final bill, con- taining what is called the Missouri Compromise, was not passed till after an election had been held and the people thus had an opportunity, indirect- ly, to express their sentiments upon the question. And, therefore, I say to our national legislators, that before they attempt to pass another compro- mise, they will wait and let the people express their opinions next November, and enable every man to say whether or not it is Christianlike and becoming a free people to abolish Freedom in Mexico and California, and plant slavery there, and in the name of all that is right and just and true, if they would not make our name a hissing and a by word throughout the earth, let tliis Con- gress withhold their hands from the passage of such an act, and especially, let the House of Re- presentatives adhere to the position thev have ta- ken, and lay the bill on the table, not onlv by a majority of 15, but by three times 15. [Applause.] There is another point which I wish you to ob- serve. This compromise bill would have shuffled this matter off upon the Supreme Court. The Constitution says the Congress of the United States, not the Supreme Court, nor any other ju- dicial tribunal, however learned it may be, shall have power to make laws regulating territories. Well, now, here are three territories, Oregon, New Mexico and California. Weil, now, they won't give the people of Oregon a government. — Why? Because no part of it lies below 36 deg 40 min. No, it lies four or five degrees above and most of it in 42 deg. Why then? Why, because southern men say they won't vote for any Presi- dent of the United States, unless he is in favor of allowing Slavery south of 36 deg. 30 min. and therefore, although all Oregon lies north of 42 deg. they will not pass a law giving a government to Oregon unless, j^nri passu you will pass a law authorizing Slavery in the territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. These territories are not on the footing of the old territories, and when they put the question to us will you help abolish Freedom there and plant Slavery in its stead, we of the New York Democracy said no. We have never been blamed for not going far enough with you, but we have often been blamed for going too far ; and fellow citizens if you allow the federal government to take one step forward to abolish Freedom and establish Slavery in the territory acquired by un- righteous war, you become parties to the enorm- ity, and the guilt rests upon every soul that takes part in it. My old friend Thomas Ritchie says, that my mind must be overset, but it is one fortunate cir- cumstance of such an event that the man who is so overset thinks he is right, and is happy in the thought. [Applause.] And I declare to you that I never slept so soundly, nor enjoj-ed such an ap- petite, nor had more pleasant dreams than since I threw myself into this movement. (Applause. go it, d an ultra Whig.) Mr. Ritchie said it could not be that I was to address the Burnburners' meeting in the Park, because my relations to the party would not admit of it. (Laughter.) I hold office under the government which I got in the following way: Mr. Polk offered me a seat in the Cabinet, which I declined. A short time afterwards, Mr. Polk in conversation with a Sen- ator from New York remarked, that he had offered a seat in his Cabinet to a gentleman who had de- clined, as he preferred to follow his profession, and suggested that perhaps he would accept the appointment to an office which he held for a few years under Mr. Van Buren. I think I have a right to make this statement. The part I took in the Baltimore Convention demands that I should make it. (Yes, yes, goon.) Mr. Dix informed me of Mr. Polk's remark, and urged various rea- sons why I had better accept the appointment to the office I now hold. U. S. Attornev for the FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO i: Southern District of Nev/ York. I replied to Mr. Di.x that he might inform Mr. Polk that if he had not made other arrrng;cments, that if ho would not have to make any changes even of determination, that i would accept the appointment. And this is the way that I came into ofHce, and when I saw that article in the Washington Union concerning me, a free citizen of the free State of New York, I felt no wish to have been born in Virginia. (Ap- plause.) I could not hare spoken as calmly as I did on that occasion had I seen that article before I went to the meeting. Mr. Bright, of Indiana, heaven save the mark, the State of New York had the misfortune to be his birth place, said "if Mr. Polk dont turn you out of office there will be trouble." I saidthcy shall not have the pretence of neglect of official duties to turn me out, and therefore I will not go out of the state of New York till lam turned out of office, (I hope you will soon be turned out.) but every moment that 1 can spare I shall devote to this cause. (Applause.) Fellow citizens, the question now before us is a question of greater importance than any other that is now before the country or the v.-orld. The oppressed and down trodden of the old world look to this country for hiSmes, and if we allow slavery to be introduced into the territories of the South and West, these people can never find a home there. Free labor can not exist where slavery holds sway, and that you see that this question embraces the interests of myriads that are to come after us, on both sides of the Atlantic. And, fel- low citizens, of every kind, feeling the full im- portance of this question, I am with you to the victory. (Great applause.) After the conclusion of Mr. Butler's remarks, he said that after having listened to several speak- ers, the Convention would doubtless be glad of some variety. He understood that the Hutchin- son family were in the assembly, and he suggest- ed that they should be called upon for a song. — The announcement was received with enthusias- tic applause, and Mr. Jesse Hutchinson came for- ward and stated that he was the only member of the Hutchinson family in the city, but with the aid of some volunteers he would attempt to give the Convention a song. In company with three others, he then came forward, and sung a song, which was rapturously received, amid the repeated cheers and laughter of the whole audience: The Convention then adjourned until tomorrow morning at 9 o'clock. SECOND DAY. Thursday Morning. August 10. The meeting was called to order by the Presi- dent and its deliberations opened with the follow- ing prayer by the Rev. S. J. May. of Syracuse: Almighty God — the Father of the whole family of man — the Governor of the nations of the earth — the King of Kings and the Lord of Lords, we would reverently bow before thee as the High and Holy One to whom all praise and honor are due. We rejoice that the hearts of all men are in thy hands. We rejoice that we may not sv/erve from truth with impunity, nor oppress our fellow men without its being rebuked by Thee We confess before thee, who hath been the all-present witness of ai! that hastram-pired in the history of our country, our many sins. We confess tlie tremen • dous iniquity of holding thousands of beings created by Thee in bondage. We bless Thee, oh Father, that thy blessings yet remain with us. Wo rejoice before Thee this day that the heart of the nation is touched, the hearts of the people pricked, and the nation awakened with earnest feelings of con- trition for the past, and are doing works meet for repentance. Blessings to Thee, oh God, for the proceedings of this day, that Thou hast caused this vast multitude to come up here for the high and holy purpose for which it is called together — to deliberate upon the great question of human freedom. And to Thee, from whom cometh down all right and justice, we look that Thou may'st preside over, control and direct all the determina- tions of this Convention. May it ever battle in the right and proclaim the high and hoh' princi- ples upon which men are hereafter determined to act for the good of man, of our country and of the oppressed. And oh, may those who shall be call- ed to stand before the people as the representatives of these principles be true rnen, men who fear the Lord, to do right in all things. And oh may that feeling which has brought us together, may it in- crease in strength — in power — in might — influ- ence — until America shall become what we have long proclaimed her to be, the Asylum of the op- pressed of atl nations. May we accomplish all the high purposes of our Fathers, and lead those who are struggling in the old world, as a beacon to light and liberty indeed. Father, we attribute to Thee and thy dear Son, the feeling of freedom which is now rising up through the countr,". We thank Thee for the gift of Thy well beloved Son, and through Him would ascribe to Thee all hon- or, and praise, and gratitude forever. Amen. Mr. Tracy, of Connecticut, stated that in the appointment of the Committee on Resolutions his name was placed upon that Committee inetead of a gentleman belonging to the late Whig party And circumstances had since transpired, which caused him in self respect to decline. The declination of Mr. Tracy was accepted and Mr. J. G. E. Earned appointed in his place. Mr. Briggs, of Ohio, came to the stand at the call of the meeting. What, he inquired, has caused this great multitude to come up here from Maine to tiie banks of the Mississippi — from the far North down to the middle South. We have not come up here to singsongs of laudation to any victorious General. But it is the great principle of human freedom which has magnetized all hearts — which, growing, rising, expanding, and lighting up the old watch-fires of liberty through- out the whole North, and East and West, and we .shall, today, striko a blow u[>on the anvil of free- dom which shall reverberate th(? country over He had no preference for men. All this he would sacrifice — he had sacrificed — and was ready to meet all upon one common platform. We had not come up here to discuss the questions of a tar- if, of a hank, or any such things as these But 16 FREE SOIL CONVENTIOxN AT BUFFALO. to speak and to act for free soil — free speech — and free negroes, too. The fires are burning brightly in Ohio and throughout Indiana which will con- sume the la.st remnant of slavery, and bake the dough faces so hard that you could not cut them with a bowie knife. If there were any friends of Gen. Cass present he would advise them to retire to some cool shade and read his letter on internal 'mprovements to the Chicago Convention. And if there were any who proposed to vote for Gren. Taylor they should read all his letters, where he crosses and contradicts himself, and — "He wires in and wires out, And leaves a body still in doubt, Whether the snake that made the track. Is going Sontli or coming back." He did not care whether it was that Hale-storm in New Hampshire, which was to sweep over the country, or whether the mantle was to fall npon the "Son of New York," with v;hom he had bat- tied in many a well fought battle; he should go in for the nominations with all his heart; with alibis strength. And he should not object to its being the younger branch of the Van Buren stock, for he considered that a little better than the original. It had not degenerated, but had grown better, as it came down from father to son. Should it be any of these — or should it be an honored sou of Ohio, that state would riso up from lake to river, and greet the selection with 20,000 majo'rity. Or, could it be an honored son of one of the fathers of the Republic — a son of the venerable Adams — it 1 would create such a ieeling, such an enthusiastic uprising of the people that would shake the foun- dations of Slavery to its fall. The time had come when he rejoiced that they were to have the stated preaching of the political gospel. And when he heard the eloquent son of New York la.st evening, he hoped that this morn- ing would have brought a telegraphic despatch announcing the removal of Benjamin F. Butler, and wo would have nominated him for the Pre- sidency, and elected him too. Wo would have ehown Mr. Polk that there were some things which the people could do, of which he appeared to have little conception. [Mr. B. spoke at considerable length, in a very animated manner, during which ho was repeated- ly interrupted by the applaus^c of the audience. — But the similarity of the sentiments advanced to those of the preceding speakers, renders it unne- cessary to give his views at length.] Hiram Cdmi.vg, of Mass., next took the stand. He spoke of Massachusetts, and of her labors and sacrifices in the cau.sc of freedom, in times gone by, and her position in regard to the great ques- tion now in agitation before the country. He would state a single fact, a significant fact to show the public feeling in that state. In Worces- ter, out of the 1600 voters, 950 were upon the free soil pledge. At Lowell, which you know is ruled by her corporations, the mass wore uniting and concentrating, and he did not know but tiiat they would take cotton bags and all, and consecrate them to this free soil movement. We must have the principle fully and faithfully carried out by the nominees of this Conventiou. — And when that principle shall be laid down, the next step would be to select a man to carry them out. The next step which would undoubtedly be taken, would be to meet the efforts of the slave power to extend over territory now free, the nefa- rious system. And all the issues which now ap- pear to exist between the two old* parties, that were, is a struggle to see which shall be the hon- ored instruments in the hands of the slave power to strangle liberty in these territories which have recently come into the Union. In the recent discussion in the Senate of the United States, one man threw himself into the breach and for four days, battled alone with the en- tire Slave power, until others had time to load their pieces and come up to the rescue. The speeches which followed caused the slave advocates to re- coil from their position and propose a compromise. And how admirably contrived. Upon .the com- mittee which was to consumate this compromise, it was proposed to place four democrats and four whigs — so that the whigs could make no capital against the democrats — and the democrats no capi- tal against the whigs, but all their nicely balanced calculations failed. Mr. BiRKSniRE, of Virginia, came forward. — He would say that Virginia, at this moment, was alive witli barnburners. He had come here to have his say in what might be said here to-day. He came up with his hands untied — free to go for any man who should be nominated by this con- vention. He thought this was the greatest crowd he had ever seen. When he came to look upon the lake at Conneaut, and saw its upheaving waves — and when he seen upon the lake shore yonder, such a vast crowd; he was ravished. Ho came here with his credentials. He published an anti-slavery paper in Virginia called the Crisis. And he would say that there were barnburners in old Virginia, who were in favor of coming up to burn up these old barns, rats and all. [The speaiker frequently repeated fellow citizens, and Mason and Dickinson's line, which it is unnecessar)- to report. Mr. Jesse Hutchinson was then called for, and came forward and in company with othei-s, .«ung with much effect, a song. Oh ! what a mighty gathering, From the old Free States, Of the friends of freedom, And the tillers of Free .Soil. ' l/5t the people shout together, In old Butlalo; We're ihe friends of.freedom, And our moito is Free Soil. Oh ! the South begins to tremble, The old Slave States, For the friends of frrcdom, Arc g.ithering in the North. They will shake like old Belshazzar, In the old Slave States, For tlieir days are numbered. And 'tis written on the wall. Heaven bless the brave Barnburners. In tlie old Kmpire State. For their fires of freedom .Ire lighting up the land. FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. 1' OVi ] vre pity tlip olil Unnki^rs, 'S'es ! wo pity tlie old Hunkers, Poor broken-down old Hunkers, Ih the olil lOitipire ."Stiitc; They :ire uoiiiti up Sail Kiv er. And will never more return. And the old Whig Party's rotten, Yes, the old Whiu: I'arty's roiteii, All that's left is damaged eoiton, In the Free S'lates; But t!ie fires are burning. Freedom's fires are burning. And will soon clear up Free Soil. .tui-iGK Nye. He exhausted himself yesterday, and could not say much to-day. His ln'art over- flowed yesterday "with the proud and sublime spcc- '.acle jHTsented to his view, and the current that flowed in his veins, then, had not diminished, but had fjone on inrreasini:^ from hour to hour. Fel- low citizens. Were I not supported by the sustaining considerations that your feelinsrs are consonant witii my own, I should not feel able to address you. MassaehnseUs has been heard; Ohio has been heard; \'irtriaia has been heard; and for a mo- ment let the empire state be heard tbroujrh her ])oovest and most unworthy representative in this convention. He had been denounced as a disorjranizer of the democratic party, to which he had ever been proud to bfdong. And when the fev/ men as- sembled last fall at Herkimer — that tenth legion of democracy — they adopted a new system of mas- terly inactivity towards the candidates nominated by the conservatives of this state — who, to his cer- tain knowledfre, had never been heard of since, but were lost in the noise and confusion which surrounded them. But the scene is novv ehancred. That system of masterly inactivity had been thrown off, and a system of active operations adojjted. And when he looked around upon what remained of the old democratic party opposed to this movement, he felt in all the sincerity of his heart, to incpiirc with Ezekiel of old: "can these dry bones live?" From this little beixinninc, this work had gone forward, until 1;)(),0U0 — yea, 200,- DOfl of the democracy of this state, v/ere now ral- lied under this banner. With all deference to the o])inionsof the gentle- men from Massachusetts and Ohio, he contended that the barnburners of New York, were entitled to be considered as tlie pioneers in this great move- ment. It arose from the bosom of him who the gentleman from Ohio, had denominated a little better than his father. The great principles of free soil were first ])ut forth by .lohn Van Buren, with firmness and directness which brought down upon his devoted head, the denunciations of all the conservative press with which the State is cursed, and he was pursued, day after day — year after year, with all the furv, which conservatives know so well how to emjiloy. He remarked vesterday, and he repealed, that he cnme here iijjon this altar aiul undi^r this pavil- hon, to lav down all asperities towards individuals. There should be no looking bark in this matter — but forward — to the glorious future. Remember Lot's wife. There is no reason whv we should not harmonise. There is every reason whv we tt to retain a flock of wild geese, as to keep their nig- gers on the borders of the Rio Grande, and along the line not unaptly denominated by his friend from Virginia, Mason and Dirki,tsvn's line, and other flocks of wild geese would be on the wing. He thought the adclition of one ST,-ilabIe a mo^t appropriate one. And the remain-der of the "col- ored gentlemen" would chase yon back into the L'nion in a huny at the point of the bayonet. He would as soon think of the Madison County bcin"- dissolved by her paupers, as this Union by the slave holders of the south. [Mr. N. concluded with a very beautiful and ap- projiriate anathema against any one who woidd ;it- tem])t or countenance in any form or manner, a dissolution of the Ifnion]. The President said that as evidence of the strong interest which was manifested in the pro- ceedings of the convention, he had just had placed in his hands the following telegraphic communi- cation. Exhibit one issue — one front — one nominatioa — couran^e — enthusi;isin — anticipate victory. WILLIAM WILSON. " Pfistm of till' Church of Corrnanters. Cincinnati, lOth August. 18 FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. Mr. Heaulkt, of Pennsylvania, remarked that he merely wished to congratulato the vast assem- blage before him on the prospects and certainty of success. Pennsylvania was wakinjf up. Men talked of New York starting this movement, lie might speak of a Wilmot. Did he not start this movement? Wilmot was not here but his spirit and his principles are here, and they will triumph. Gentlemen might count on the co-operation of the old Keystone State. [Applause.] RoBKRT Wilson, of Michigan, next took the stand. He said, that lie hailed from the little Slate of Michigan — where the Baltimore Convention's nominee resides. There are some few of us — about 300 from that State among you. He should not take up a moment of time to satisfy the Con- vention that the cause was a good one. He came here to tell them that he was one of the instru- ments in the Baltimore Convention in 1844, who "was induced by the same power which nominat- ed Gen. Cass in 1848, to believe that if Mr. Van BuREN was nominated the parly would fail, and with the party would fail the great principles which were involved in the issue. He came here to atone for what he had there done — to atone for the wrong done to Martin Van Burkn. — (Immense applause.) When he was made to believe through the instrumentality — and he was about to tell what those means were — which in- duced the delegates of the north to abandon Mr. Van Buren. These were the means : Almost every Slave Slate preferred Mr. Van Buren to Lewis Cass — not that Martin Van Buren had deserted the principles of the party, but that if he were nominated, he would certainly be defeated — that they could not carry the soulli for him. It was the watchword of the two old political parties that we should breakup in a row — that a convention composed of such varied elements could not coalesce — could not agree upon any platform of common and harmonious action. This result, so devoutly wished by them, he was assured from the manifestations already witnessed •from this great multitude, that they would be dis- appointed. What man was best calculated to carry out the principles of this convention — (There was a pretty general response John P. Hale.) The speaker attempted to put in a word in favor of the radicals of the State, and tlicir candidate, but was inter- rupted by the cries of " no si>ecial pleading." He then asked, who would bring up a man who could assure the thirty-si.v votes of New York. Such an one he would welcome — would embrace — be he whom he might. In regard to .Michigan, he would say that al- though the nominee of the Baltimore Convention had nearly all of the democratic papers under itis control, yet among the people there was a feeling deep and strong, of opposition to the spirit which had forced upon the country a candidate subser- vient to slavoholding power. It was a feeling which would grow stronger and deeper, until November, when Gen. Cass would ln^ar a greater noise and confusion than prevented him from he- iivr of the rights of the non-slaveholders of all the Slates; and wbile we rejoic:' to know, that, a meas- ure wliich, while opening tbe door for the introiluc- tion of slavery mto territories now free, viould also have opened the door to litigation and strife among the future inhabitants thereof to the ruin of their lieiire nn 1 prosperity, was defeated in tbe House of Heoreseutalives. its passage, in liot-haste. by a ma- jority, embracing several Senators, who voted i.i o| en viola.iion of the known will of tlieir constitu- ents, .should warn the i'eople to see to it, tliat their r-.'presentatives lie not snlVered to betray tlicm. — There must b(! no more compromises with Slavery; if ma 'e they must, be repealed. Rtsoh-fd, 'I'bat we demand Freedom and estidi- lished Institutions for our bretbren in Oregon, now exposed to h: rdships, peril and massacre, by the reck- less ho>tility of the Slave pov.er to the eslablisb- nientof Free (Jlovcrnment for i'ree 'Cerriiorii^s, and not only fir them, tint for our new brelliren in Cala- fornia .'iiid N(nv Mexii-o. And Whereas, it is due, not only to this occa- sion, but to the whole people of the Uhnted States, that we should also declare ourselves on certain other (piestions of National policv, therefore Jiesolced, That we demand cheap postage for the people ; a retrenchment of the ex[)enses and patronage of tbe Federal Government; the abo- lition of all unnecessary ofiices and salaries ; and i the election by the people of all civil oflicers in tbe service of the Goveninient, so far as tbe same may be practicable. 20 FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. Pesolved, That River and Harbor Improve- ments, when dfrnanded by the safety and con- venience of commerce with foreijjii nations or among the several States, are objects of iiational concern, and that it is tlie duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide therefor. ResoirfAl, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration of the expenses tliey incur in ma- king settlements in the wilderness, which are usually fully etpial to their actual cost, and of the public benefits resulting therelVoni, of reasonable portions of the public lands under suitable limita- tions, is a wise and just measure of public polic)', which will promote, in various ways, the interests of all the States of this Union; and we therefore recommend it to the favorable consideration of the American People. Resolced, That the obligations of honor and patriotism require the earliest practicable payment of the national debt, and we are therefore in favor of such a tarif of duties as will raise revenue ad- equate to defray the necessary expenses of the Fed- eral Government and to pay annual instalments of our debt and the interest thereon. Kesolrcd, That we inscribe on our banner "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and PVee Men," and under it will light on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exer- tions. The PLATFonM w-as received with the greatest enthusiasm. Mr. Giddintrs, of Ohio, moved its unanimous adoption, which was carried with im- mense cheering. The convention then adjourned to 3 P. M, SECOND DAY. AFTERNOON SKSSION. Mr. GiDDiNGS was loudly called for and came forward and addressed the convention as follows: My friends and fellow citizens. I was remark- ing this morning on the circumstances of the Whig party in 1H44. I speak of that party be- cause 1 have a right to speak of it, and I give my friends to understand, that for ten years I have represented and enjoyed the confidence of the strovgest Whig district in the United States. I have been elected from it and have received the cordial approbation of my constituents. In '44 I was in favor of Ilcnry Clay, and I say to von who were Whigs then, we stand where we stood then, opposed to the extension of that insti- tution which has so long obstructed the prosperity of the country. We stand on that ground and because we stand there we refuse to go for Gen Taylor. In '44 Henry Clay wrote a letter, ex- pressly stating his position on the subject of slavery extension. History will hand it down to after time, that in that campaign he based his position upon just such a platform as this adopted here today. He explicitly denied the right of the Federal Government to interfere with slavery, and declared that its existence iiiiist depend npnn the power and avthoritij of the States in ichic.h it was situated. The supporters of Taylor cannot extort from him sucli a declaration as this of Henry Clav: I said that histor}' would hand down the noble position of HeniT Clay; the same History will carry down the truth, that the Whigs who support Taylor have deserted the principles they then pro- fessed. Now I will tell you another thing, 1 am not waiting for these Taylor men to make war upon me, I will make war upon them, (Cheers) and commence it. I will carry this war into Africa! I say that the record of truth will show that they have departed from their former faith, and that it is, because we maintain our former position, that they are against us now. The Whigs see now the importance of standing where their leader stood in '44. The same power that i)ut Henry Clay down in '48, put Martin Van Buren down in '44 — the slave power struck his name from the roll of candidates for the Presidency. I rejoice to say today that Van Buren dares to assert those principles for which he was then ostracised. The man whom 1 have opposed so long now occujiics the same ground tiiatlhave for years maintained. Fellow citizens, in the campaign of '4-4, on every stump in the country, the Whigs proclaimed their ojiposition to the war and to the admission of Texas. We jiointed the people to the blood of their fellow citizens fattening the soil and their bones bleaching upon the jilains of Mexico. We described the jnonrning and lamentation which would spread over the land for our lost sons and husbands and brothers, who would fall in this un- just wai-. When we came into Congress at the ensuing session, the question was put to us whether we would extend slaveiy ? Who deserted our principles tiien .' JVus it me ? (Loud responses — no, no I ! not you.) It was Southern Whigs — slaveholding Whigs. I say I do not wait for them to make war upon me — they voted for Texas and thev have abandoned their political faith and their opposition to the war, and 1 declare to those Whigs who are supporting Zachary Taylor, you have abandoned and deserted your principles of '44. True, yon stood In- your positions when you su])ported Henry Clay, but you are now upholding an extension of slavery, with its crimes and its inhumanity. But it is said by soirie that Taylor is opposed to the farther extension of slavery I — They say that a gentleman in Massachusetts (Abbot Lawrence) nas received a letter from the General to that etiect, that he is a Whig and is opposed to the extension of slavery. 1 will tel! you about another letter, written by Col. Boon to the Hon. Jacob 'J'hompson. member of Congress from Mississippi. 1 have the word of Mr. Thomp- son for saying, that Col, Boone's integrity was never doubted and never will be denied. He said to me that I was at full liberty to say that ho. Mr. Thompson, fully endorsed him as a man of truth and unsullied honor. It will he rememeered.that Col. Boone was one of a Committee of five deput- ed by the Legislature of Mississippi to invite Gen. Tayior to visit that body. The conversation de- tailed in the letter was had in the presence of that committee, two of whom were VVhigs. These Whigs having seen the letter in ])rint, have suf- fered it to pass as true and correct, ('ol. Boone j savs in the letter, that Gen. Taylor expressed him- I self in favor of the war and of prosecuting it until [ FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. 21 sve could obtain territorial indeiiinity. and that the South ouplit never 10 submit to the Wihiiotl'rovi.so. Do vou believe this? I know you will admit its cor- rectness. Wiiile Gen. Taylor nor liis VVhij); friends who were present and iieard the lemaiks, dare not deny its accuracy, you will give, credit to Col. Boone's statement. And if any Taylor men un- dertake to sav thai lie is opposed to tlie exlc nsion of slavery, just ask them to get Gen. Taylor's denial or the denial of his friends, ol the state- ments of this letter. Fellow citizens, I know that I am irespassing upon vonr time. (Cries of^'o on, go on.) 1 iiiid tliat mv Voice is again failing, and 1 shall be una- ble to follow out any connected train of remuiks. 1 am sorrv lo say there has been a geographical distinction between Whigs and Democrats from time immemorial. Southern Democrats have been o|iposedto Northern Democrats, and South- ern Wliigs to Northern Whigs. (Here Mr. G. was interrupted by a band of music as it passed tiirough the crowd.) I like that music — our friend Hutchinson has been giving us some that was cheering — but I do not hke one instrument there, the druiii. The drum is discordant in a moral warfare hke this. The friends of peace appeal to the heart and the reason — to tlie sober judrrment. Our appeals are to the cu.nscienci;. — The drum seems calculated for the field of hate- ful strife, the din of battle, the charge of the deadly conflict. We can fire the moral barn, wherein it is souglit to imprison our consciences, with other ai>pliances, as is emblematically exhib- ited ou the canvas before us. (Applause.) 1 only wish to say a word more. Fellow citi- zens, 1 feel that the consummation of our work draws nigh. ^Vben I heard the platform erected liere today, and when I look back upon what has been doae within a few years 1 feel inspirited and eucouraired — I feel that our labors have not been lost. The attention of mankind has been drawn to the question of slavery, to its encroachments \\\)ii\\ the rights of frkkmen as well as of others. — But, my friends, my voice is again broken. 1 am surprised at this, as it never failed until yes- terday. I again repeal the expression of my grat- ification at hearing and witnessing what 1 have heard and seen today. ^Vould to God 1 had the power to iransjiort the House of Representatives from ^Vashington to this scene to contemplate the moral sublimity of a mighty people risiug in the su[)i)ort of the rights of humanity. Could 1 do this — could they have been here today — there would be no "compr<-)mise" bill [tassed at this or any future session of Congress. Why, lellow citizens, it must be within your recollection that for declaring that Coiisrc!: "Let it no longer be said, then, that we must go for General Taylor, lest we have Slavery ex- tension under General Cass, ^^'e should have it under either, and should therefore su])port neither. There is 'a more excellent way.' It is, to be i/ni- ti: I — to cease the divisions which are holding ns in bondage to the slave power, and stand up in defence of our rights. "But can we be united? That is the great q\jes- tion. To effect the desired union, strong ties iiuist be surrendered and party aversions over- come. The dirficnliy of accomplishing this is not to he concealed. But is it unsurmountuhle? It .'ieems to me it is not. We are in presence of a very groat — a common danger. It is imminent, demanding immediate and united action. When the British, with mighty power, on lake and land, came u[)on ns in ll;^14, party stril'o was hushed and al! marched, shoulder to shoulder, to meet the common foe. But what, really, what was that danger compared with this? "Union — then Union — should be our watchword. The vital interests of freedom are ])ut at hazard, and the union that is doing it, I again repeat, must l)e met by union. Divided we have fallen, and divided we must forever fall, before^ the all- grasping, over-reaching, and never satisfied pow- er of Slavery. Our own interests, and the inter- ests of Inimanitv alike urge us, with :i voice of resistless entreaty, to \inite and ])ut forth our full strength against the daring allemjit to extend .and pro!onit;iiill- capt tub shape, are sported on this occasion. A lew have whiskers and mu.-tachios, but most of tlu ni are divested of these appcndaires. Coats thai look as if every tailor in the country had struck out a new and oriainal idea tbr himself, and wluch designate llio wearer"? imrticiilnr vieus with more expression than many of the owner's faces, may also be seen. \'n- inentionables, varying from t!ie liberal bag seat to liie scrimpy .^kin-tight,, \\ith Iciis both short and long- without, particular reference to the re(piirements of the wearer, h(dp, in connection wiih ilie neat, lidy and fashionahlo appareleil, to make up the variety.— Kvery man (if them has the v.einire of his eouiitry at heart, of course, and semis to inia-iiie heiiijif- particular individnal on wliom the entire rc.spo.-.ib:li- ly of the whole farce rests. When he had finished the "item," he remark- ed — I think there are men here who would en- counter a bufTalo without flinching, and lick him too. (Fla, ha, ha.) (The gentleman on whom we had depended to report Mr. Brigsrs' very racv speech, we found had left his post" and we are compelled to give hi.s speech entin:li//r:>M moii- onj. ) lie said that he cared not what kind of hat or coat a man had on if his head and heart were sound. (Ai)plaase.) As for himsii., of Buliulo, addressed the meeting as follow^: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens: — Allow me to state that i had not expected to address this great and patriotic assembly. This is the tirst time that I have ever had an opportunity to address such a midtitudc, and, as a young man, I must feel that diflidence which always attends a lirst at- tempt to address a meeting like this. But 1 trust in the intelligence and the patriotism of the Con- vention to excuse me if I shall not be able to edify or instruct them. We have adopted a platform, and 1 trust v.e are now ready to carry out its glori- ous i)rinci])les. What is the meaning of this vast assembly? Who of the Cass and Taylor factions would dare to say that this is not a Convention worthy of the character of the American people, and ready to carry out every plan and purjiose which the v.clfare of our country demands. We have been told by all parties that this is not the time for such a Convention as this. And wby have we been thus told? The South wants a lit- tle more plunder, and the obedience for a longer time of Northern dough-faces. [That's it — give 'em .Tesse.] This is our jdan and purpose — to give such nominations to the people, as shall ena- ble them to elevate and brighten, and edify the country and the government. (A])plause.) Let us then turn a deaf ear to all these insinuations atid protestations of our opponents, and uniting too'ether ujjon the great principles laid down in our platform — march forward, undismayed — turn- ing neither to the right hand or to the left — but keepiiifj our eye steadily fixed upon the great end which we have so much a( heart, {and vic- lorv shall crown our eflorts. ('(Ireat a|iplause.] The Chairman announced that Mr. Biun, of Mass., wished to sav a few words to the Conven- tion. (Cries of Jlird ! Bird, spread your wings ! Soar high.) Mr. Bmi) spoke as fellow:-.: Gentlemen, I had uot intended to make a speech. I am unexpect- edly placiul in a [)osition which I now occuiiy. I have onlv a few words to say, and that upon a point U[)0ii which 1 have been requested to speak to ths audience. They are matters of fact. A ellbrl is now making by the Taylor papers to prove that John y,uincy Adams spoke approvingly of the expected nomination of Gen. laylay, — (Louder — we can't hearyou)— and it was thought best to state a few facts iu relation to tliis matter, that they might reach the sooner, all portions of the Union, than they would by the means which are now being taken to place them before the peo- |dc of this country. No man. who knew Mr. Ad- ams, can suppose for one moment, that he could ever b.ave wished for the nomination of Gen. Taylor, unless it shoidd have been with a view to the" accomplishment of the very jiuriinse which it has brought about. It may be that that far-see- ing man anticipated in the first pla: e, the tiom- ination of Gen. Taylor, and, as a consequence of that nomination, 'the breaking up of both of the old (larties and the bringing about this union of good men and true cf all political parlies which we see here today. It may be that Mr. iVdams s]»oke as the geullt"men, who says he did — for they are men of honor — in such a manner that his words can be twisted into an approval of the sup- port of Gen. Taylor. But there are men in Mas- sachusetts who 'knew John Quincy Adams inti- niatelv, and they feel and know that that he never would have approved of the election of Gen. Tay- lor to the Presidency of the United States. (Cries of no, no, no.) The last uieeting that the " old man clotpient" ever attended, was a meeting of " conscience Whigs," in Boston, held at the ollice of his only son. And he ajqiroved of the ground taken bv them. And it is known that the elder Adams'approved most cordially the opposition which his son has beaded for the last six years against the slave power. It is hard, my friends, to prove a negative, but those who knew Mr. Adams intimately, cannot believe that that man who had been battling for seventeen years against the slave jiower — cannot believe that he could, under any circumstances, ap])rove of the nomin- ation of a man, who, if elected, will do more than any other living, to aid the encroachments of this power. I have nothing farther to say up- on this jioiiit, I only wish to assure our friends here, tlnil the facts iii relation to this matter will be ])ut right, and that whatever ])osthumous aid the Taylorites may expect to gel from Mr. yVdams thev will be disappointed. (Applause.) The audience here called loudly for Mr. Ad- ams, bill he begged to he excused, inasmuch as he felt so exhausted by the labors of the day, that he had no more voice left than wordd he neces>a- ry to perform the duties of his station. But he would introduce^ to the audience a gentleman from Oliio, who had made himself known to the coun- try by his course in the Mouse of Ileju-esenlalives upon' the s'ave (pieslion, who might, indeed, be almost cunsidi red the father of the Wilmot pro- viso, lie would introduce to them, Mr. Brin(.'k- erhoof. Mr. IhiiNCKKKHooF, came forward amidst great cheering, and in a voice, every tone of which smote upon the ear like a brick hat, said : Fki.i.ou- Cirr/.F.NS : I am not a very promising ! subject. (Ha, ha.) But I will make you one 26 FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. promise, and thnt is, that I will be brief. (Oh, no, ^ive us a good speech.) So that in case 1 should be tedious j'our tortures will not be protrac- ted. (Laurrhter and applause.) I will, on an- other condition, make you another promise, and that is, that you shall be tolerably still — or as the Paddy said, " if you cannot be aisv, be aisv as vou can be aisy," (Laughter) and I will make you hear, for 1 believe you can do it. (Ha, ha, what a devil of a voice.) When I was a small boy and went to school, I read the Testament. (Have you read it since, some one cried out.) And one of the questions there was what went ye out into the wilderness to see ? Let me slightly paraphrase the question and ask you, what come ye up here to see ? (To see Brinckcrhoof.) A man in soft raiment ? (No.) A reed shaken by the wind ? (No.) To see the mighty up turning of the great deep of public opinion — such as is stirring in the popular mind, such as the annals of this country give no account of. To see such a demonstration of pub- lic sentiment in favor of free speech and free soil as will make the advocates of slavery propao-and- ism tremble ? If you have, you will see it. You will see men by the side of David Wilmot, Hannibal Hamlin and others, under trials that made ns sick for a week, but who held on, still having faith like unto a grain of mustard seed, that you, after your noses had been held to the grindstone till they were ground completely otf, and the grinding had reached to your eyelids, that yon would be aroused to a sense of A'our responsi- bility and come to our aid. And now, thank God, j'ou have been aroused, and have come up to aid us in the struggle, and you will, I doubt not, reap the fruits of your doings. "What went ye out in- to the wilderness to see?" What came our ene- mies hero to see? They have prophesied dissen- sions and strife, they have said that this Conven- tion would be composed of such discordant ele- ments that they could ncre.r be united, and they have been sneaking around here, day after day, in the hopes of witnessing the fultilment of their prophecies. But they have been diappointed, and I glory in the torture they experience under it. — (Cheers.) We were not — I can now speak author- itatively — we were not such fools as to quarrel for the especial gratification of the Pnsiilentiid lin- kers, Thomas Ritchie & Co. (Laughter.) Wc were not so very near what one of the Presiden- tial candidates would be if a letter of his name were omitted (ha, ha, ha,) as to fall out by the way. We were not so much disposed to rejoice the hearts of that pattern of all that is spaniel-like — that ])rince of Ijltitherskitcs, (trrcat laughter,) Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York. I heard a Senator the other day, from a Western Stale, pre- tending to represent one of the States blessed by the ordinance of 1787, in a company of Southern men, say that he was ashamed of his native State — New York. I am a native of New York. What- ever I am I owe to her common schools, the pro- duct of her free soil, and I have never seen anv thing in her to be ashamed of, except that she gave birth to him. No, fellow citizens, we have not quarreled. We will not quarrel for the especial gratification of these men. The waters are moving this great multitude, which no man can number, which de- fies the powers of Arithmetic, and all the powers of the infernal world, and John C. Calhoun, to boot, (laughter,) cannot stop it. VA'e, the first martyrs in this modern Wilmot Proviso move- ment were the anticipators of this thing, and we rejoice over it, and rejoice in this compromise of personal and party interests. The people have got hold of it, and will carry it on. 1 mentioned the name of .lolin Calhoun. lam no admirer of him, nor of the Satanic system of political philos- ophy of which he is the exponent. But I do agree with him that tlie country is in the midst of a cri- sis — an important — a momentous crisis. And it is for you — the people — to decide the question — thrf most important ever submitted to the deliberations ol a free peojile since our own revolutionary era — whether or not the vast acquisitions which we have made upon the shores of the Pacific — the foundations of mighty empires — the home of un- born millions — which have been purchased, and cheaply, too, by all the blood and treasure Vv^hich have been expended for them — it is for you to de- cide whether they shall be the thcalie of free la- bor — the home of free mind — of enterprise — of progressive civilization — the land of com- mon schools — or whether they shall be cursed with manacled labor — where enterprise dies out of it- self — where the common school is impossible — where labor is dishonorable and therefore unpro- ductive — where the hot and burning feet of the slave scorch its plains and hill, into barreness. It is for you to decide this momentous question. — Shall it be decided in favor of freedom — man and humanity, or of slavery, injustice, op]>ression, vil- lany. (By the crowd, freedom, freelan--e.) 1? was not even thought of bv any one o! tliern. it was proposed by a member of the Ohio delegation. (Applause.) Massachnsetts did not seek this honor at the hands of the Con- veuiion, but she thouirht no less hi[,ddy of it, and she will sustain the act she would not have pro- posed. (Cln-ers) From this time forlli till vic- tory shall crown ou.r t.'tlbrts, the rallyintr crv of Massachusetts shall bcVrtN Pijukn vMiFiti-.r.-Soii., AiiAMs -\M( I^iuiiirry. (Enthusiastic cheers.) The HuTCHiNsoNS sung one of their melodions and spirit-stirring and soul-enlivening sono-s. h' the HuTHiNsoNs only possessed the power of ulji- qnity, and would attend everv Free soil gatherino- from now till Noveird)er, M.-iitin Van Bnren vvoidd be elected President of the United States to a cer- tainlv. At any rate, we would give our oiiponeiiu-i ./r.s.sj. A resolution of thanks to the Officers of the Convention was passed; also A resdlution of thanks to the inhabiiants of nntialo for their kindness and atteniiuu to mem- bers of the convention. Dunr.v Fif.i.h, Esq. of New-York, then read the followinir li'iier I'rom Mr.. Van JJiiken, wliich was receiveti wUh three cheers. LiNHKNWAi.i), Aug. 2, 1;MS. (iF.NTi kmi-.n;— It has occiiiTed to me that a direct c Jinimmir.iii.n of iny feeliiiL's upon ;, sin^ile p-.inf, ini.y. in (Hie (Vint. ser\ e to reinove einliarrassiueiit 111 your aril,, ri at lliiilalo. Vnn all know fnnn my 1. tier III the L'liea Ciinveiilinii. and the coiilldcnec yiiii ri|i.ise ill my sinrcrity, li,.,\\ [..really the proeeed- ]ncy III lliatlioiiy. in relaliun to niyself.vverc op])u.-ed 111 my earnest wishes. Some of yon have also bml opjHirtuiiitie.s to satisfy yonrselves, from personal uh- •t'rvaiiiin. of the sacrifices of feelings and inieresis. which i incurred in sulimiuinir my fiiinre action to its coiiUiil. j\oiie of yon need he assured of Ilieex- lilit ti) wliicli llicso feel«.L's ucre rdieved liy llie r'iii>eMiisi)ess Ilint in yielding ii, ihe dicision nf that liiuly. that the use of my iir:me was necessary to iTi- aiile the ever fjiitlWVil i)eniMcracy of Aevv Vnrk lo siislain ll'.i'iiiselvtN in the extraMnlmary pnsilidn iiitu wiiich llicy !i:id bci-n driven by ilic iij'justice of oili- ers. i availed myself of an njiiru nimiy to testify lo them my eiidnrinL' trralitiide I'nr the many favors 1 had received at tlieir hamls. 'I'he Convention, of which yon form a part. niav. if wisely conducted, he jirodnciive of more important consequences than any \\hieh has gone before it, save only tiia! w iiicli formed the feiieral C'onstilnlion. !n one i-espe,-; it will |,e wholly milikc any poliiieal Conveiilion whieli has been held ui the riiiled Mtiles since the present orL'ariizaiion of parties. It will, in a jrreat deixree. be composed of individuals. x\ ho have all their lives been arrayed on dilli'rent sides in polities, slate r.nd national and wiio slill differ in re- ■jard to niiist of the questions that have arisen in tlio adinihi-lration of the respeclive governments, but who feel t!iemsel\es called Upon, by considerations of the hiiihest import, to suspend riV.al .-iction open oiher silbjecls. and ip.ite llieir coiutMon elfnrls for the aceimiplislmieiit of a simile end— ibe ]ire\ em i.iii of tli(> inlrodiictiiiii of liiiman slav< ry into the cMeiisiv e territories of the I'nited States"now cxemiit from that trreat evil, and ubich are d"s!iiied, if pro)ier!y irealed. lobe speedily eiinverteil into a wilderness of free ininds. I need „<.l say how eordia 1 1 \ I eoneiir in the senlimenl which re;;ards ihis ijreai objeel ,as one saereii m ibe sitdit of iieaveii. the a<'complisli- lili'lit of u hJch is due to the memories of those ^Teat and jii~l men. loiii.r since, ue frii>I. made iierfeel in its eiarls. who laid the foundali'in-. of oiir L'nvern- ment. and inadc, as ihey fondly hoped, adeipi.iie jiro- visi.iii for ijs iierpetnity and f:\u-n-^s. .and indi-peosa- ble til the future honor and parainoimt welfare of mir I enlire confeder 'cy. I It may h.appen, in the eonrsr' of ih(> deliberations j of die Conveiilion, that you beeoine salislled ihat tile great end of your proeeedings can, in ymir opin- 32 FREE SOIL CONVENTION AT BUFFALO. inn, be best promotod by an abandonment of the Utica noinniaiion. VouwiU not. in t!iat ovent,uiint assurances of uiy uniform doi^irn, ni'ver again to hp a candidate for tlie Presidency, or for any oiher pub- lic 'ttirice; but you may apprehend lliat it mii^ht not be agreeable to me to be superseded in tlie nomina- tion, after what has tai .<^'' '^ .^.^ O'^' c '^• O .0 < V r^. ;^ -v %>' "^, ^^r,. -ft.' 1 a!*/!(3^ .<>> .'\ ,0' O ■/-'<■■ ■A ^ C ° " * " ' > V" o T- o. '•^.^'- ,■ 'j> ,.• O ,. V .V* ," 1 ■•':■. -J' .'J ,0- t; . ^ A ^ '- ^' < O . -.0 o. ■^. ■,- * " " v*? o. o, vv^' .0' ".!"•. o -^^D^ ,