t Copy c Class Book. Author Title Imprint 16—27179-1 GPC J CONSISTENCY / SX THE NORMAL METES AND BOUNDS 0/ (3«r T^epuSZfo. ]BWBh 'T. rilAKI.ES TOWN. W. VA. ^€:^ ^^ " Think well. One good thought, Known to be thine own, Is better than a thousand gleaned From fields by others sown." Selected. .o>t^ I write not for the sake of party, merely. God forbid that I should. I write for the sake of principle. However, if the party adapts itself to the principle, then I am found of the party. ,hern States to join the outli American Republics and remove our capital, our mod- ern Rome, to a modern Constantinople ; and what facilities there would be for the Northern States to join Canada and do the same thing. Shall we drift into policies to achieve al this vain elory, or shall we rather adhere to the patriotism of our forefathers, and preserve the nation, which they conceived for us, in sacred trust ? I am opposed to expansion ! and 1 would say it loudly ! • -u ij i I believe it was never intended that one nation should rule the earth ; and history corroborates the assertion. Nations, as well a.s human beings, were intended to have a normal size and a social spirit, and the greater the departure from these natural conditions, the greater will be dame nature s punish- ment for she is impartial. ( But we should remember, though, that nations are, naturally, only convenient dummies which have people to do their thinking for them.) Methinks, the normal size and the social spirit of nations is a sublime thought What man of 150 pounds of usefulness is it that would desire to take on 75 pounds more of corpulency and corruption, thus ieopordizing his health and pleasure ? So we should think for our Grand Dummy. I believe the normal metes and bounds of our country are fairly established ; and I mean without Hawaii,without Cuba, without Porto Rico.withoutthe Philippines. Upon the map of the world our country presents an appearance of neatness and location, and a location of which I am proud. I give my hand and my heart to the cause of anti-expansion, and in the language ot Henry H. Harri- .son's poetic prayer, I exclaim, "O Prince of Peace, make us content !" . . .,, "Very well " perhaps .some expansionist may say, nut > ou should not pull down your barn before you can build a better one What about the Philippines ?" To this I would reply we can build a better one ; and we are going to employ a master workman from the West to surperintend the work, it seems to me that no reasonable person would suppose that we should suddenly withdraw our army from the Philippines. But we can quit ourselves like men, high-minded men, and go to tha Aguinaldo band of patriots, with honest confessions, and teii them that, while a tew of us, chiefly the McKinley Adminis- tration regime, had intended to compel you to become a colo- nial dependency of the United States, a majority of us alter careful deliberating had decided that it was neither best tor you nor for ourselves to do so. We are duty bound, though to see that a government is adopted for you which shall sec re life liberty and the pursuit of happiness to all, and we mean that that government shall be entirely independent ot the I nited States Now. while we have had such regard lor you as to lO deliver you from the bonds of colonizing conspiracies, and while we are yet obliged to see that you adopt a just govern- ment, equally administered, and modeled after that of the United States, a goverment of yourselves, for yourselves, and by yourselves, we shall ask that government to pay our future expenses incurred in the pursuance of this course, and when this government shall have been put in perfect working order, we shall leave you an independent nation. Will you consent to these propositions and lay down your arms ? Methinks, I hear the assenting voice of the Aguinaldo con- stituency thundering in grateful tones across the Pacific, that sea of peace which only divides us, over the mountain barriers to the uttermost parts of our country, and echo wafting back to the Philippines our right good will, instead of a deceitful lust for blood and gold. We should need to make such a treaty as I have suggested very specific, and the Philippinos will assent to it. If they should not, then we would be justi- fied in shooting. But we shall not have to shoot. We shall need to restrict ourselves very conscientiously in the treaty, though, in order to gaurantee to the Philippinos that we are not trying to mislead them. The kind of government which we would put in operation, the maximum limit of expenses, and the length of time required to do the work should be stip- ulated in the treaty. This can all be done. I believe we would be justified in shooting if the Philippinos would not consent to such a treaty, because our position is such that we are morally bound to secure protection to the foreign residents of those islands, and the natives wdiich want enduring peace and freedom. There is no reason why we cannot graft ' upon them a better government than Spain has imposed upon them, and there is is no reason why they cannot pay us for it out of their resources. We would be justified in adopting this course toward the Philippinos, and we would secure its justification at the hands of any rational tribunal, terrestrial or celestial, which we should desire always to do in all our actions as a Christian nation. We would be justified in pursuing such a course and exact- ing from the Philippinos payment of our expenses in that course, for it is right, and it is the only way I see we can clear ourselves of iniquity in our relations with them. Such a course would deliver them from darkness and bondage into the light of liberty and civilization. But we would never be justified in asking them to pay our expen.ses, which we in- curred in conducting this iniquitous war against them, up to the time we propo.sed to them their independence ; for the die- r r tators of the McKinlej^ Adminstration have had wrong motives to lead them in their conduct of this war. Their motives have been to keep the Philippinos in bondage and subjection, and that, too, as a dependency of a civilized nation — a nation whose cherished declaration has always -been that, just governments derive their powers from the consent of the governed ; a nation which has alwaj^s stood for freedom and the equality of all men before the law ; a nation whose people with pride have always pointed their youth to the noble char- acter of Wm. Penn, which is portrayed in his conversation with King Charles concerning the American Indians, and in the history of his dealings with them ; a nation which, with great display of moral feeling, recently reached down to raise the Creoles of Cuba from bondage to freedom. Is such a nation as this now going to approve the course of the McKin- \ey dictators and make the Philippinos its bondsmen ? Shall we, as a father pitieth not his children, adopt a following of colonized dependencies, and, as a writer of the Baltimore American suggests, establish a colonial bureau in the war department, (yes, there is where it belongs,) under a less exciting: name ? Never ! Waft it on the rolling tide ! Never ! i '& " May our prayer for others be That every people shall be free." Why should we free the Cuban from the tyranny of another nation and make the Philippino our bondman ? Surely, such a cour.se would more nearly .satisfy bigotry and greed than manifest a benevolent spirit. Have we not been at as much expense in Cuba's behalf as we have in conducting the iniquitous war in the Philippines ? Have we not in a right- eous humor ( ? ) promised the Cubans an independent govern- ment. Why should not the Philippinos have an independent government also ? Why should we not ju.st as gratuitously cancel our expense account made in our relations with the Philippinos as to cancel the one made in behalf of Cuba, especially- since our misconduct and our attempt to oppress the.se poor people have made it .so great as it is ? Are not the Philippinos so capable of self government as are the Cubans ? Although Admiral Dewey nor any other American may not have promised the Philippinos their freedom, Aguinaldo reasoned well when, as the Philippine Commission states, he issued a proclamation inducing the Philippinos to expect to obtain their freedom through the good offices of the govern- ment of the United States. He thought he was ju.st as capable 12 ot enjoying life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as was the Cuban Creole. And why should he not ? By this very act he exhibited prudence and capabilities for statesmanship. He knew we declared war again.st vSpain for the freedom of the oppressed Cubans, who were similarly oppressed by Spain as was his kindred, only perhaps more severely for their greater resistance. The Philippine Commis.sion may well denounce the severe rigor and strict censorship of the vSpanish rule in the islands ; but it may not well remain tacitly indifferent as to the con- dition of the Americans there, and their censorship and con- duct toward the natives. I fear that if it were all exposed the better element of our population would be heard to wail, " Eli, Eli, lama Sabachthani:' " My God, why ha.st thou for- .saken me." Then, too, some of our " would be " Baal Priests, who have no higher estimate of religion than even the Phar- isaic, than that it consists in posing well in a good name before the people, may well pray repentently, " God be merci- ful to me, a sinner." People of different nations are not much unlike regarding their tendencies toward moral and immoral conduct, when the chief prevailing conditions are alike. When immoral conditions are rife, and even reigning, those who are not much morally inclined are going to drift with those conditions into immor- arlity . And they will be none the less apt to do so where King Greed is on the throne than anywhere else. Immorality in its various pha.ses is bound to be fostered by him. King Greed was chief of the Spanish rule in the Philippines, and under his tutilage do we see cruelty and immoralty in their varied forms looming up, and being protected by a censorship so strict as to practically prevent the whole civilized world from knowing anything about it, until that censorship gave way to American censorship ; and then, of course, it was all disclosed and wafted to the uttermost parts of the earth. And it is only the old accu.sation of the "kettle calling the pot black," in pantomine upon the world's stage, and any person with a sound mind that looks upon it, if disposed to be impartial, will agree that this is the correct interpretation of it. Yes, King Greed was on the throne in the Philippines under Span- ish censorship, and he is now on the throne there under American censorship, and will be so long as we continue to exploit our power there for the purpose of keeping the Phil- ippmos in bondage and annexing their dominion to our gov- ernment against their will. So long as he is on the throne there under the au.spices of any nation, he is going to foster 13 vice and immorality and screen it from the world by his cen- sorship. Why is American censorship any better than Spanish censorship if it is instituted for the same low degraded design — -the oppression and bondage of an already down-trodden people ? Surely a difference in their conscientiousness is hard to see. So long as King Greed rules our army in the Philippines, we had rather accept than doubt the greater part of the reports concerning immoral practices of many of our soldiers there. The soldiers of King Greed are apt to become a little greedy. He sets the example for them and promises them protection if they follow it ; for it is by extortion and excess that he expects to make his reign profitable. He must get his emissaries and soldiers to pattern after him if he would succeed. Admitting, then, that under the circumstances the soldier is likely to have a desire to satisfy greed, we must acknowledge that above all things else to be watched, save the devil and a greedy nation, is the man of greed. He will do almost any- thing that is immoral to gratify greed — the idol of his heart. And by so doing he will become so indifferent to nobility of action and purpose as to tolerate other immoral conditions which may not even have the slightest tendency to satisfy his greed. Having these precepts, then, we need not wonder what the future condition of affairs in the Philippines will be if we adopt a colonial policy and continue a system of ransacking and carpet-bagging there. We need not wonder at the reports we have already heard as to un.scrupulous conditions that obtain there. We need not wonder when we are told that sickness and death prevails among our soldiers as a result of disease contracted by their association with the natives. And in the light of the foregoing premises we need not be amazed or astonished when we learn that a few days ago the Secretary- of W^ar manifested his support to indecent customs, when he chartered a vessel at the expense of the government to trans- port a cargo of women, which he pleased to call wives a„d sweethearts of the soldiers, from New York to the Philip- pines. Who ever heard of such an act in the histor> of civil- ized warfare ? — Transporting a cargo of women and dumping them down in a soldier's camp, where we are told pestilences exist worse than are known to the direst places of prostitution and disgrace in this country ! Ay, truly, we must admit that the American soldier, even, lacks sound wisdom and discre- tion when he announces such invitation, whether it be by reason of his own fond affection and amiable moral intentions, 14 or as a base pretense. The soldier is said to be comparativeh^ idle in the Philippines ; and though the strictest military dis- cipline prevails, which we have reason to doubt, whenever idleness is enlisted under the banner cf greed it is likely to beget vice. The eye of reason penetrates the veil of Ameri- can censorship to portray the present conditions that prevail ; and to interpret the future, so long as King Greed is on the throne and the mere lust for blood and gold sways a domi- nating influence. If the Philippine soldiers and their so-called wives and sweethearts expect to ever come home again, the sooner we call them from that errand of prodigality and greed the better will we protect our people from the visitations of iniquity. Contra.st the life of a soldier or an officer who is sent on a mission of prodigality, bandige and gra^i, with the life of one whose mission is to foster prosperity, morality, liberty and enlightenment. Which one is it that will most likely deal with the people to whom he is sent with a feeling of fond anx- iety ? And which one is it that will act with a spirit of indif- ference regarding their moral and material prosperity ? Oh, had we not better, if only for the sake of the boys in blue, even, grant the Philippmo independance and lend him a help- ing hand amid his cries of " Excelsior," and his .struggles in trying to ascend the steeps of civilization ? I know that censorship may try to refute logical hypothe- ses, but it cannot do it. Dictative expansionists may say that we are painting the picture too dark. They may say that the object of a United States colonial sovereignty in the Philip- pines is not to gratify greed. They may say that the object of such sovereignty there is not to make that people our bond- men or an inferior national caste ; but I tell you this is not so, and they do not .speak the truth when they say it. If they do not make them our bondmen in any sense, or an inferior caste, which is bound to be treated with indifference by superiors as soon as the line is drawn, there is only one thing else which they can do with them, and that is to give that 10,000,000 Philippinos citizen.sliip, which would be a far greater crime committed against our national self-preserva- tion than to make them our eternal bondmen. The average Philippino is far inferior to the average Amer- ican citizen to-day, and that being the case, is it wise states- manship to make him a citizen ? Have we not about as much of the inferior element among us already as we can hope to even up morally, socially, physically, intellectually, and financiallv ; which we mu.st do would we attain to heights of i,S civilization not yet reached. We are compelled to do this and to carry this element which we already' have with us to a broader enlightenment, or we may well not attempt the jour-' ney as a republic ; for the republic may undergo transition before the desired goal is reached and assume an imperial state of being and then lag, It is a historically illustrated and corroborated fact that\vhen republics are found separating their people into castes they are retrograding and speedily drifting toward imperialism and aristocratic rule. Yes, it is unwise for a republic, which is the best form of government for the common people, to do anything which niay have a tendency to divide its people into castes. To the expansionists who would make the Philippino either our bondman or citizen, with a pretense of elevating him, I say, " Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam that is in thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote out of thy' brother's eve." If we would be living monuments to the honor of the republic we must stand solidly for the interests, the elevation, and the equality, as near as possible, of all the people, and especially the common people. I say regarding our own present conditions ft would not be wise to make the Philippino a citizen, as he is an inferior human to us ; and we dare not make him our bondman in any sense, by adopting a colonial policy, because of reesons al- ready stated and others which I shall presently elicit. But we do dare to grant him liberty and provide for him and the foreigners there a just and independent government, and also compel him to submit to that proposition. And I think that Aguinaldo and his constituency are fair and wise, enough to peaceably submit to that proposition. I believe that by adopt- ing that course the Philippinos would become imbued with well-founded hopes. They would look forward with expec- tation and desire for the elevation of their race. They would, if they have common sense, which we know they have, con- sider our nation as their friend, and they would be found in- cessantly and in multifarious ways knocking at our doors for help and entreating us to turn on the true sea)ch-liglit of civili- zation in such a manner that we could not refuse without det- riment to ourselves in a pecuniary .sencse, as well as in diso- bedience to the Divine injunction "Let your light so shiue before men that others seeing your good works may glorify your father which is in heaven." Then would we, as Wm. J. Bryan said, be sending sehool-teachers to the Philippines in- stead of soldiers. In this course lies the true solution of the Philippine problem. Ay, methinks we would soon hear them i6 seeking admission to our national union with right good will. The "little upstart" would now and then be found seeking protection from the blasts of the world, by trying to hide under the folds of Uncle Sam's coat ; and in a sense of co-op- eraiion and benevolence, in other woVds in the exercise of that "social spirit of nations," he may in accord with all right- eousness and self-preservation occasionally protect the little urchin, yet probably not every time could he do it without treading upon the rights of other national personages. In this direction even, he will need to exercise discretion. Well have sages said, " Wisdom is the principal thing; therefore get wisdom." Uncle Sam is a dummy, but he can get wise people to think for him yet. But let me say that the climax of my thought here is— and I would to Cxod'that I might be able to paint it in great bril- liancy on the skies clear around our celesLial dome, so that as long as the earth revolves every American citizen could read it as a precept and a warning worthy to be followed in this "trying hour." and in all future circumstances involving the question of expansion— It is this : Uncle Sam should never take that little thing under his coat to protect it with a view to adopting it into his family as an heir to his domain ; for if he does there will soon be a "fuss" in his family that vyill result in the bond of union being broken, the loss of family sympathy, and the creation of jealousies and enmities which will stand as enduring barriers to prevent the free exercise of that "righteous co-operation" and God-like "social spirit of nations." I claim we can never, with national prudence, admit the Philippinos, though that people's strength and physical beauty may range anywhere from what it is to that of Sampson, and though their wisdom may range anywhere from what it is to that of Solomon. May God protect our nation from admitting the Philippinos even when their will accords with such a proposition. The distinguished Air. John Sherman publicly announced just before the election this year that he is opposed to annexing the Philippines against their will. I now would know if he favors annexing them should their will accord with such action. Dare he say he does ? Dare any statesman say he does ? Show him to me ! I say he lacks wisdom or he is prompted to do so by some unrighteous and unpatriotic lust. What statesman would dare admit 10,000,000 inferior i^eople to citizenship in this country ? The question reminds me of the advice which ray mother has often given me about marry- ing, and it sounds too proverbial to even be original with her. 17 I have heard her say " Never marry until you can better yourself. " And I have found that this precept requires care- ful interpretation. When could I better myself ? was a great question. And it now looms up before Uncle Sam in rega-id to his espousal to Miss Philippine. CHAPTER 11. I do not wish to be understood as being opposed to mar- riage. But I say, Uncle Sam, you'd better watch. You poor old widower. You've got a family which is about as much as you can take care of. You'd better .stay at home and attend to your own business, and quit your courtin', if 3'ou are court- in', like an old fogy. ( There he comes now. I wonder if he has heard me. ) Uncle Sam, you seem troubled about something, It cannot be you are in love ? Here is a chair. Sit down. Perhaps a lit- tle rest may do you good, and, possibly I can say something to cheer you up and benefit you. You look so much worried, my good old man. You have so much to attend to and so many family cares devolving upon you. And it seems like your cares are becoming more numerous and varied ever}' day, too. Uncle Sam, do you think you could stand the pressure if your famil}' was twice as large as it is ? I know you have wonderful vigor, but I don't believe you could. You'd collapse. Uncle Sam, is the rumor that you are espoused to Miss Phil- ippine true ? Or is it only a jest ? You really do seem bofh- ered, but you don't look like a man in love, it seems to me. I can't think you're so old as to be getting childish — Really are you in love with Miss Philippine ^ If you are I don't want you to become insulted with me now, because I have always been devoted to you, and I am going to tell you for your own good, that if you are in love i8 with Miss Philippine I don't think you oit^ht to be. Because, Dear Uncle, I think you are getting too old to marry, and your circumstances won't justify it. Besides, if they would, I don't think that Miss Philippine is the girl for you. She is not adapted to you at all, and even if she were, don't you think she is too far away from home ? I think if you would do a little courtin' you might find somebody nearer home that would suit you better — but, pshaw. Uncle, talk about you courtin' and marryin' ! Nonsense ! I don't think it would be for your good for you to do any courtin', or to get married, at all. I have something in my little library which I read some- time ago that may help you to form a very wise decision. If you will tarry I will read it to you. Here is some of it. Tennyson says — Now, mind you, I do not mean to compare Miss Philippine to a savage, but I say, though, she deserves credit for what she is under the circumstances, she is inferior to you, and for that reason, among others, she is not adapted to you, I know you would not think of marrying a savage for her wealth if she were as rich as John Bright. But I think as Miss Philippine is your inferior, what Tennyson says here may be construed as having some bearing upon your case, if you are allured in any way by her sweet seducing charms. He savs here : " I, to herd with narrow foreheads, vacant of our glorious gains ; Like a beast with lower pleasures, like a beast withlower pains. " Mated with a squalid savage, what to me were sun or clime; I the heir of all the ages in the foremost files of time. " I that rather held it better men should perish one by one. Than that earth should stand at gaze, like Joshua's moon in Ajalon. '' Never, though niN- mortal summers to such 'length of years should come. As the many wintered crow that leads the clanging rookery home." 19 And then this wise old bard says over here, in another place : "The jingling of the guinea helps the hurt that honor feels, And the nations do but murmur, snarling at each other's heels. Uncle Sam, you'd better be careful. It seems to me I have heard you handling a good deal of money lately. Have you been taking it in or giving it out ? Have you been fingering any English guineas ? Do you think it is right to marry for money ? Can it be that a man who is as well fixed as yon are, and as wise as you are, would marry for money without any consideration for the things you marry with it ? My mother has often said " Beware of marrying for money " and I think it is a good exhortation. Uncle Sam, cheer up now old man and own to the corn. Would you think of trying to love and marry Miss Philippine, your inferior, because 077.ly think she has money ? What are you smiling about ? Your own folly ? Or at the thought of your relatives becoming so much agitated over a false rumor ? Yes, I am certain, it is only the thought of the agitation of your people over this false rumor that causes you to smile. I know you are not such an old fogy as to think of trying to love and marry Miss Philippine under the circumstances, and even when she hasn't exhibited the slightest inclination to such thoughts toward you, but has been trying to buffet you ever since the rumor was started. I know you have more sense than to mistake her little proffered co-operation for her deliverance from bond- age, for a tond love for you. Longfellow says, " who can tell what thoughts and visions fill the fiery brains of young men?" But I cannot be mistaken as to the thoughts that play upon your braincells in regard to this affair. You know full well that your marriage to Miss Philippine, your inferior, would probably cause mental degen- eration among the members of your family with whom she would as.sociate, and you are too wise to err in this matter. You are right wary of a decline of intelligence. You know, as ' Shakespeare says, "There was a time when it the brains were out the man would die." Wxiy Uncle Sam you seem to smile an approval of what I have .said. Here is your hat. Good morning, sir. 20 Well, the poor old man is gone. He seemed to enjo}' my little talk. He is a good old man, and I believe he thinks a good deal of me. I should certainly be very sorry to see him get into trouble about anything, much less a silly courtship, which a man in his circumstances shouldn't think about. ">C>c .CHAPTER III. I can not believe there is a statesman in the land, even a follower of President McKinley, or he himself^ who would think of making the Philippino a citizen, and granting him representation in our legislative halls, to-day. This being the case, let us now see what course would most probably be fol- lowed should we not place him on a footing of independence. There is only one other course to be taken and that is to adopt an iniquitous colonial policy ; and all will admit that the only advantage which can be gained thereby is a pecu- niary one, and that the extent of that pecuniary advantage is embraced in the extent of the assets of our oppression and tax- ation in one form or another above the liabilities incurred bj^ our various mutinous institutions. Oppression and taxation without representation, which Patrick Henry in the climax of all his sublime patriotic eloquence called tyranny, and taxation which President McKinley in a modern political campaign tirade would deceitfully or through ignorance make the peo- ple believe is ?z^/ tyranny. Well did Wm. J. Bryan say, "If we adopt a colonial polic}" ; if we pursue a course which excited the Revolution cf 177^^ we must muffle the tones of Old Liberty Bell, and speak in dusky whispers when we praise the patriotism of our forefathers." His words are like apples of gold in pictures of silver. Expansionists are not .saying much about the nature of the proclamation of Old Liberty Bell and our forefathers ju.st now ; and when they do they always evade the applicable truth, or put a perverse con- struction upon it ; something like, "Taxation without repre- sentation is not tyranny. " it we adopt a colonial policy in the Philippines the only purpose m it is to extort them of their wealth and thus insti- tute a system of drainage upon the essentials ot their vitality and subsistence. Now can we by these exactions and extor- tions better prepare them by force for citizenship t 1 say no ' no ! And we snould thank Providence that we can not • for It IS not best for us to have their citizenship. This being the case, then the question naturally arises: Siiall we act toward tnem witn intentions of making them citizens at some tuture date, wnen in all probability they will not be as well qualihed tor citizenship as they now are, or snail we act toward them with a view to making them our perpetual bondmen ^ God forbid tnat we should do either, it would be imposing injus- tice as great as the unjust taxation itself. And we would at sometime bring m the harvest of all this evil sowing ; for truly, '• Whatsoever a man soweth that shall he also reap." All history, in every instance, proclaims to us tnat bitter iruits have always been brought nome by every people who have attempted to enslave another m any way. And all history argues and decides that we cannot, by imposing a colonial policy ot extortion and excess upon the Philippino better prepare him tor citizenship. we snould remember that even the colonizing systems of iiuropean monarchies are far superior, and that most of tnem are tar more humane and fostering m their nature than any we could possibly devise tor the Philippines, vv^e should remember that it has been a vital principle m nearly all their colonizing plans to send settlers from among their own people and their own race, whom they had a paternal fondness tor, and Whom, m most instances have gone to subdue savage \vilds, and develop sparsely settled districts. Dare we attempt to bring such purposes of colonization down to a level with any policy we could devise lOr the Philippines .-' Contrast such systems with our purposes, to go out among our antipodes, to a territory more thickly settled than our Southern States would be, were the whole population of the Jnion crowded into them— to a territory witn 10,000,000 people thus tliickly settled, and of another race, whom we, as well behaved nunian beings, have no paternal fondness or natural attection for, save a brotherly love, which would begin to steadily decline as soon as the domineering process was instituted. The fra- ternnal love of any tvvo orothers, one of whoai is thought bv both to be accorded more liberty than the other, is going to 22 wane and even degenerate into jealosy which will cause trouble. Contrast the European systems of colonization insti- tuted for the purpose of finding homes for their dense popula- tions in sparsely settled districts, among savage wilds, with our system proposed for the Philippines, which is instituted for nothing in God's world but to gratify greed ; and then dare say, in the broad light of reason, that should we adopt this system we should ever criticise monarchical institutions. Think what a fallacy it is for a nation that has undeveloped resources within its domain to provide for the natural increase of population for the next 150 years to go to the opposite side of the globe and institute a cruel system of " taxation with- out representation " upon an already over-populated territory. Is it not the greatest manifestation of greed, hoggishness and nonsense every heard of ? Shame come upon the American voter who would support such a proposition ! Oh! I say, be wary, or the unrighteous exercise of your ballot ma}^ prove to be " the mark of the beast in the forehead or in the hand." Shall this government which has denounced taxation without represen- tation as tyranny, and which has always opposed the advance of monarchical institutions, nov/ institute a colonial policy which monarchies might well consider beneath their dignity ? If it should, it would by so doing nicely pantomime the life and fate of Capt. Wm. Kidd, who went out to capture sea pirates and in so doing became the greatest of them all. CHAPTER rV. It is ridiculous and traitorous to talk of colonizing the Phil- ippines with a view to preparing them for citizenship. And if we could do it, and should admit them to representative cit- izen.ship, I know of no other act that would better demonstrate to the world that our people were rapidly becoming incapaci- tated for self-government. Why, monarchies would cite such 23 an act with sneers whenever p^ CHAPTER vn. I am twenty-seven years of age to-day, and of that twent}^- seven years I have been in the school -room twenty-one 3'ears, the last ten of which I have been engaged in teaching. I have gradually imbibed a fond patriotism and an unselfish anxiety tor the future welfare of our people, and the boys and giris who have been under my tutilage, and tho.se like them throug^-iout our land. I think that my study of geography and his.ory and my efforts in ray teaching for others' sake has chiefly done this good work for me. T remember somethings y incidental to the involution of my mental attainments, what- ever they may be. I remember how my early knowledge of o-eograpiiy revolved itself in my mind. '^ I was direc.ed to the map of our Contiguous Domain, and was told that it was our country, and that happily, it was one of the grandest on the globe. Then it was explained to me ,why it was so great and grand, and naturally I began to love it • because of its location, its resources, the li tie scattering facts of history I had picked up— like the " hatchet story "— all this and because it was our country I loved it. The while before I knew about Alaska, whenever my eye caught sight of our map, and very often in my imaginations of it there would flash throughout my being a pleasant and almost indescribable feeling— satisfaction, comfort, consola- tion competencv and gratitude are words which may help to describe it. I thought our country was the grandest country on the globe, and had the prettiest map in the geography. I admired its shape, even the Peninsula of Florida and the little buttress at Minnesota. It was so neatly bounded on the north by Conada, on the east bv the Atlantic, on the south by Mex- ico and the Gulf, and on the west by the Pacific. Oh, I did love it ! ^ , , , Then one day I was told that Alaska was a part of the United States. It was hard for me to believe it. I know^ just how I felt. I wished it wasn't so. But later I was told that it was very valuable for its furs and fisheries, and its lumber and minerals, and it was yet thiniey settled, and owing to climate it would never contain a vary dense population ; and that for all these reasons we did well to get it.— Well, I sub- mitted. I had to adapt my mind to the decree. I tried to associate Alaska with the United States as well as I could ; and I did it without much effort, too. Whenever my mmd imaged the map of the United States, there was Alaska- there it hung away out there by itself with the southern extension as a handle pointing this way, as if saying, hold me " But I graduallv gained patience and resignation, am even thought it was better to have Alaska ; and that it would do very well for a back-yard if we did have to go to it m a °But oh, how dark and gloomy were my forebodings when I learned that w ewere about to secure Hawaii ? By this time i had gained some knowledge of general history. I knew that it was expan.sion that proved fatal to the great empires be- fore us and that without the instrumentality and torethought of wise statesman.ship, insatiate greed would, m this way, get 32 the best of us, too. My prayer was that we would not meddle with Hawaii. And I made a solemn vow, as did Lincoln when he saw the slaves sold at the block and driven off like cattle, that if I could ever use my influence to check this crime against the nation which our forefathers conceived in blood and tears for us, I would do it. CHAPTER VIII. It seems to me that our Republican friends are going to get their tariff and expansion ideas muddled. The two are incom- patible unless the}- eke in, in some way, the word "bondage" or "sectional discrimination." If they have free-trade with Hawaii, Cuba, Porte Rico, and the Philippines, as ve have between our states, that will be just that much free-trade, won't it? At least that is the way I view it. If they should have the whole world under Uncle Sam's coat I wonder which they would have, free-trade or sectional discrimination. I expect they would choose the latter ; and they would have a great muss of it, too, in a short while. From this line of thought, as also many others, any rea.son- able man wall conclude that we should appose expansicn if w^e would avoid trouble, preserve t/iis natio7i intact, and stand for the peace of the world. If a nation absorbs others about it, it will lose its identity, and this will cause patriotism to wane and sectional jealousy to arise. It fills my heart with grief to think that our expansionist friends are so unwise as to argue, that because we have profited by expansion in the past we will continue alwa5-s to profit by it ; that because Thomas Jefferson bought the terri- tory of Louisiana we should hold fast to the Philippines ; that because our forefathers acted wisely b}- exp indiiig our terri- torial limits, it would be wise to continue expansion. Crab- apples could not agonize my feelings more than such argument. I would that all men should agree that it is foolish and inexpedient for one nation to even attempt to legislate for the whole earth. I would that all men should agree that it was wise and expedient for our forefathers to expand the limits of our Contiguous Domain ; and that there must, therefore, be a consistent mean to our territorial limits. Then I would that the American voters should agree, and forever ,so decide with their ballots, that the consistent mean of the territorial limits over which our grand government should be exercised is embraced in our Contiguous Domain and Alaska. Then I would that our government should be .so nearly righteous that other governments might typify with profit. But let us discontinue the greedy ab.sorption process, and e.stabli.sh our national identity of continued being. Then with a normal .stature, mature and in good health, let us go about our hfe-work, throughout which we shall let our light .so shine before men that others, seeing our good works, may thereby glorify our Father which is in heaven. This is the'/r/zr spirit of patriotism, and in it can we turn upon the world the true search-light of civilization, which will shine so bright as to cause the demons of sin to seek their more secluded allot- ment. The immature corn is unfit for u.se, and the ear that expands until it bursts the .shuck, rots. Methniks, this is the text from which our expansionist forefathers would now^ preach to our greedy friends. Expansionists should remember that our past territorial expan.sion is quite different from the propo.sed colonial policy. VV'henever territories have been acquired in the pa.st they have been immediately placed upon a basis (^f freedom and .self-government. Their people have been as surely guaran- teed protection of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as have the people of any other .state in our l^nion. vSo .sure and well known is this guarantee to the territories that our citi- zens migrate from the states to them without the least doubt that they may thereby lose any of their liberties as citizens. Discrimination between any other state or section in our Union and the.se territories is strictly and plainly forbidden by our Federal Daw. And our laws also guarantee to these territories legislative powers in our government as soon as they are found to contain the required population. There can be no inequalities in Federal Taxition throughout the United States and the organized territories thereof. So reads the law. M Wculd (Hir expansionist friends have any inequalities between the Philippines and our States? If so, they are, through the instrumentality of King Greed, instituting bond- age and creating castes in our republic, which is treason. If they would not have discriminating taxation in the Philip- pines, or there execute predatory schemes of some kind, then, in the name of God and for the sake of humanity, I would ask : What are we fighting for ? I would ask : What advan- tage it would be to us to hoist our flag by force over the Phil- ippino, give him a seat in congress and grant the Malay race legislative powers in our government. We already have two races there represented, and many consider that a fact grievous to be borne. But we cannot, with justice, refuse to carry that fact since the two races are found under our flag. We can only profit by looking with compassion upon our weaker and down-trodden brother in either race, and by trying to elevate him. And this is quite enough for us to do at present. We should have no desire to place the Malay race under our flag, or to cause it to immigrate upon our people. Why not redeem the Philippino and equip him for compe- tency and independance, at a reasonable tee ? Think of it — to enforce our power over the Philippino for the purpose of extorsion, or to make him a citizen. It makes my heart sick. Well may the preacher say it is vanity. — Og CHAPTER IX. " What is a man profited if he gain the whole world and lose his owm soul?"— Matt. 16-26. What is a nation profited if it gain the whole world and then lose all, even that which it now hath ? What shall it profit the United States to continue expansion and get into trouble, which we would do if we should make our new possessions bond or free? If we will have a colonial policy of discrimination, then the American Geslers shall meet their oppressed on the field of battle, for so always to tyrants it shall be—" Sic Seinpei Tyrannise Or if instead of colonial discrimination we should choose diversities of representative citizenship, diversities of races under our flag, diversities of geographical and commer- cial conditions, then we shall also have diversities of civil strife. For so long as we have a variable climate in the world which nurtures variety in races, variety in human temperament, variety in occupations, variety in manners and customs of people ; and so long as man shall be easily led into sin by show- ing partiality and exhibiting his selfishness ; so long it was intended that one nation should not rule the earth or any greatly diversified part of it. History has illustrated this. Every nation that has adopted the continued expansion policy has been found to practice unjust discrimination, which, sooner or later, proved to be ruinous and fatal. If this policv were not practiced we would not notice the ushering in of new nations upon the world's history so fre- quently, and the ushering out of the old. We would not notice such irregularities and complexities in the boundaries and make-up of the countries of the old world to-day. The moun- tain barriers of History and Geography, which lie across every school-boy's line of march to the Valley of Educational Attainments, would not be so high and many of weaker cour- age would emigrate from the Plains of Ignorance, which are so noted for the production of that raw material called Mis- applied Brains, out of which Vice is manufactured and shipped throughout the world. Oh, may wise policies be adopted tor the countries of the New World, so that their boundaries may be established and always be pleasing to the eye, and their hi.storv a delight to study. . This infernal practice of governmental expansion and arti- ficial control and modification of trade causes more siii and misery and heartache than all things else combined. It is Chief of the Devil's Staff in the world. It is the Demon that has in all ages and in all climes, dared to venture out m the brilliant vitalizing sunlight and pure air, among our agricul- tural classes, and rob them of their vitality and happiness and leave them in povertv, distress and disease. It is the Demon that has congested the populations in great cities and driven the people to abodes amid the stench of foul alleys and the erases and smokes above the tenth story. It is the Denion which has done all this, and then stands " laughing m his .sleeve" at the modern scientist trying to determine the 36 cause of the advance of poverty, mortality, disease and crime. ■If this Demon were driven from the face of the earth, then every human being would get a much better allotment of pure air, sunlignt, wiiolesome food and all the bounties of art and ..aiure. Then would poverty and gourmandized aristocracy, disease and mortality and crime, gradually vanish from among us, and human life would roll on to good old ages of modem Methusellahs. Imagine, too, the enormous freight charge of useless ship- ping to these congested centers of manufacture and trade. It may do for the balance of tne world to go to the Porrid Zone lo iracie tor oianges, bat it would be unwise and inexpedient to carry all structural material there, because oranges grow there, and hav^; it there manufactured, and bring back the tinisned product. Could not more of our manufacturers profit by coming out of tne conge-sred populations, noise and toul air of the city to me country town nearer tneii raw material .-' Would it not be better to let tne common carriers do more useful carrying and less useless carrying.'' Would it not be better to let them carry more of tne tiniohed product and not so much raw material ? Common carriers are errand runners for the people and they deserve to be well paid for their work. But i tell you fellow laborers, farmers, and brother teachers, that it is a sign of a process of sap-sucKing and abnormal conditions to see the managers and employees of carrier companies so much more pro.sperous than other classes. — Did I say employees ? Yes, but I mean 2. false prosperity for them, at their expense as well as at the expense of other laborers. I mean that the total amount of money paid out to employees of common carriers is too much. Understand I don't mean that each employee is paid too much. I mean a majority of them are not paid enough, l^he nione>' is not rightly di.stributed. There are too many of the boys '• running extra " as they call it, making a few days in a month, enough to pay their board bill some- times, and lying idle the balance of the time. It seems to me it would be better for them to work regular or quit and get at something else, and let the fellow that is retained work more regular. It is a shame to see how the human race is being waipped around and deluded and misled by the money power. Would it not be better if less money were paid to the employ- ees and It were better distributed, and they had regular work at the same wages, or as nearly as possible, as they are 37 now getting ? Is it not a dangerous sign to see so many labor- ers begging their bread, you might say, from the common carriers, instead of earning a good living in their employment? And is it not more dangerous to see that they really do get this bread pieced out to them along the route by the carriers, when that bread does not belong to the carrier companies but to the people who s.arted them on their errand ? If these peo- ple should need to beg ( which they do not naturally ) why not let them beg that bread from the people who have earned it by their labor, and to wdiom it rightly belongs, instead of from these prodigal errand runners t And should w^e think, either, that this bread w'hich is dished oi t to honorable pau- pers by these erra id runners is nearly all that disa j^jears? I think it is not. Have I herein encompassed a thought that manufacturers, farmers, laborers, professionalists and voters, would do well to consider? If I have, I hope they may do so, and when there is the least doubt leave it, also, in favor of the prisoner at the bar— the health of the human race. What a horrible spectacle it is for a nation to practice expansive adhesion and assimilation, corrupting and decom- posing its being by sapping the life-blood from the surface capillaries to congested centers within until the skin is sallow and the heart is sick. Truly, nations as well as individuals should have a normal size and a social spirit. Hawaii, or Cuba, or Porto Rico, or the Philippines can only be cancerous modifications of the normal structure of our nation. I Wo^z I shall not De accused of haro^riag aay sectional prejudice against any part of our common country, for that does not rankle in my breast. I love our national heritage, and de.sire to see it only symmetrically developed in its en- tirety, to ever>- nook and corner of its boundary. 1 would only see it undergo normal metamorphoses, passing on from its present marvelous attainments to more sublime and greater usefulness in the world. I would have its every act and voli- tion conducive to the establishment of a character which might be approved by Omnipotent Justice as a model for the world. And I believe that our national heritage, through a righteous guidance of the poople would attain to a glory which would excite the admiration of the most sanguine. This country is so located, geographically and commercially, and endowed with such va.st resources, as to make it, if it con- siders and acts toward others w'.th good will and chari<^>-. the most glorious nation the world .shall ever have known. Of co'irse it would be im practicable, but if it were nece.ssa.-y. it coukl better exisc indepe.ident of trade and comuu..iication 3« with the outside world than any nation on the globe. I would see this nation attend to its own business and util- ize every part of its own estate, and not encroach upon its neighbors' farms, since a farmer can be a benefit to his neigh- bor without tresspassing. I believe, since it is happily a fact that the North and the South and the West are within our domain, that it is more conducive to the symmetrical develop- ment and utilization of the entire country to have, proportion- ately, more manufacturing done at the North, more cotton raised at the South, and more wheat raised in the West. But it does not follow that either section cannot be utilized in many other ways, or that there is any need of congesting pop- ulations in manufacturing and commercial centers. I think that if the people of our country consider their own interest as a nation, they will realize, also, that the nation can do more good for the people of the outside world, by neither espousing their governments, nor coveting their inheri- tance, nor encroaching upon their territory. I believe it is our duty, as a nation of power, influence and character, to assist our down-trodden brother throughout the world in every way we can, even though sometimes at our own expense; but by so doing it is neither necessary nor expedient for us to become espoused to them or covet their posses.sions. •' Do you slumber in your tent Christian Soldier, While the foe is spreading woe though the land ? Do you note his rising pov/er growing bolder every hour? Will he not our land devour while you stand." "Let us arise, all unite, Let us arise in our might, Let us arise speak for God and the right." 39 CHAPTER X. In order to protect themselves and other American states from the selfishness and greed of European nations, our peo- ple have adopted the precious Monroe Doctrine, which im- plies that any attempt by a European nation to gain dominion in America shall be considered by the ITnited States as an unfriendly act. I would suggest that in connection with this cherished Monroe Doctrine, and in order to protect themselves and others from the selfishness and greed of our own nation, that the people adopt the doctrine that any attempt by the rulers of this nation to extend our sovereignty beyond Alaska and our Contiguous Domain shall be considered as an unfriendly act. I would regard the establishment of this doctrine more im- portant to our national self-preservation than the establish- ment of the Monroe Doctrine. Yet, both are wholesome and beautiful, and deserve to be cherished by our peo])le, and handed down to the hearts of succeeding generations by his- torj^, and tradition. Show me a true Christian gentleman, and I will show yon a man who considers it more important to guard against his own selfishness than the selfishness of others. vShow me a good and truly enlightened nation, and I will show you a nation which considers it more important to guard again.st its own selfishness than the selfishness of other nations. We, as a nation, or as individuals, need to watch both our own selfish- ness and the selfishness of others. Trusting that God ma\- help our peo])le to see the impor- tance of this doctrine, I now submit this manuscript, as a work of supplication and thanks on this Thanksgiving Day, 1X99, with the poetic benediction of Henry H. Harrison: 40 No Empire— Save it be Thine Own ! God of our Fathers whose command Parted the waters from the land, And led our grandsires here— that we Might dwell in peace and liberty. Be with us in this trying hour. And save us from the Tempter's power ,- 1 Ruler of Battles ! who sustained The patriot armies ' till they gained Our freedom from the kings of earth, Who gave the great republic birth, Grant that the nation still may see The star of hope, of liberty ! Grant that this people still may lead The onward march Thou hast decreed, And may our glorious mission be- To lead mankind to libeity— Until the time appointed brings The coming of the King of Kings ! Son of the Morning ! who hast known How to refuse an earthly throne. Grant us, too, that grace to make that choice Ard heed not Satan's tempting voice. Or money-changers, who would sell And league us to the powers of hell ! Grant that th's land may know no throne. No empire— save it be Thine Own, No empire built with fire and sword, No empire scained with tears and blood, No empire o'er unwilling slaves, O'er ashes, bones and patriot graves ! Grant that the great republic's name May never bear the rob er's shame, Nor Yankee lust for blood ard gold Call down the doom of empires old ! Grant that the needless blood we shed Be not upon our children's head ! 41 () Prince of Peace! make ns content With our own boundless continent, Not sending armies o'er the waves To make far distant nations slaves ; And may our prayer for others be — That every people may be free ! Rebuke the hypocrites who claim To conquer others in Thy name, The blasphemy which would compel Th}- Gospel spread with shot and shell, The Baal priests who stay to teach And fill their pockets while they preach ! Lord God of Sabbaoth ! when we fight, Maj' it be only for the right, And not to plunder those who stand For freedom and their native land ! From blood and spoil make us forbear ! God of the Patriot ! hear our praj'er ! LIBRARY OF CONGRESS